THE LIBRARY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA RIVERSIDE Ex Libris C. K. OGDEN 4 THE LIFE ARTHUR DUKE OF WELLINGTON G. R. GLEIG, M.A.,F.R.G.S. ETC., ETC., CHAPLAIN-GENERAL TO THE FORCES, AND PREBENDARY OF ST PAUL'S THE PEOPLE'S EDITION He was a man, take him for all in all, We shall not look upon his like again LONDON LONGMANS, GREEN, READER, AND DYER 1865 OflloB.I'Z. I8h' b JOHN CHILDS AND SON, PRINTEBS. ADYEETISEMENT. In this revised edition of the Life of the Duke of "Wel- lington, I have kept two objects steadily in view : first, to paint the Duke himself exactly as he was ; and next, to meet the possible wishes of readers, and they are not few, to whom the minute details of military and political operations are not very attractive. To describe the career of the foremost Greneral of his age, without telling how he carried on war and achieved ^ great successes, is indeed impossible. And as little pos- ^ sible would it be to speak of a statesman and a politician, O^ leaving unnoticed the stream of public affairs, the course of which he contributed to guide, or by which he was carried :; along. But writing as I now do for others than professional ^ soldiers and statesmen, my endeavour has been so to handle ^^^hese points of history, as that as little as possible they shall ^ staud between my readers and the true subject of my narra- Q five, the Duke himself. It seems to me, having now aecom- \C) plished my task, that neither the continuity of the narrative, \ nor its value as a record of great public events, is damaged \S by the process. And I am willing to believe that on (\^ others the same impression will be produced. But how- ever this may be, one thing is certain, that by following no iv ADVERTISEMENT other coiirse could I hope to achieve the ends which I had set before me : namely, while lightening my story, to pro- duce a portrait of my hero, such as shall do full justice to his great qualities, Avithout seeking to hide or to explain away the weaknesses which he shared in common with his fellow- men. It will be seen that in following up these designs, I have made freer use than I formerly ventured to do of sources of private information that were open to me. Of the Duke's remarks upon men and things, many, which were originally given in substance only, are here set down as he de- livered them. Some of the peculiarities in his strongly- marked character are now for the first time brought forward ; and stories are told, which on former occasions might have fitted in but indifterezitly with graver matters then under discussion. I am confident that neither the most sensitive of the Duke's personal friends, nor the bitterest of his political enemies (if any such still survive), will see the smallest reason to be dissatisfied or ofiended at this change of plan. On the other hand, it appears to me that multi- tudes whom the record of his glory^ in wars and political contests long passed away, might repel, will be attracted by the new arrangement to their own great gain. "Wherefore " the People's Edition" of the Life of the Duke passes out of my hands without any misgivings or hesitation on my part; first, because I persuade myself that "the people" will certainly read it ; and, next, because I feel that there is not a man among them " so high, so low, so rich, so poor, but that he will be benefited by the exercise, if it only stimulate him to follow in all things, as the great Duke did before him, the guiding star of duty through life." CONTENTS. CHAP. PAGE I. HIS PEDIGREE AND EARLY LIFE . . . . - 1 II. AT HOME — IN INDIA — FALL OF SERIN GAPATAM . . 14 ni. CAMPAIGN AGAINST DHOONDIAH — IN CEYLON— THE MAH- RATTA WAR — RETURNS TO ENGLAND 26 IV. IN COMMAND AT HASTINGS — CHIEF SECRETARY FOR IRE- LAND — EXPEDITION TO COPENHAGEN . . . . 44 V. RETURN TO CIVIL EMPLOYMENT — BEGINNING OF THE PENIN- SULAR WAR. 61 VI. ROLI9A AND VIMEIRO — RETURNS HOME 72 VII. IN LONDON — IN DUBLIN — IN COMMAND OF A NEW ARMY . . 80 VIII. IN PORTUGAL . . . . . . . . . ^M IX. MOVES TOWARDS CUESTA — BATTLE OF TALAVERA . . 96 X. MOVES AGAINST SOULT — ACROSS THE TAGUS — IN LISBON — IN CADIZ — ACROSS THE TAGUS AGAIN 104 XI. OPENING OF THE CAMPAIGN — FALL OF CIUDAD RODRIGO AND ALMEIDA— BATTLE OF BUSACO, RETREAT TO THE LINES 112 •i CONTENTS. CHAP. PAGE XII. LINES OF TORRES VEDRAS .. .. .. ..123 XIII. MASSENA'S retreat — FUENTES D'HONORE 129 XIY. MARilONT SUCCEEDS MASSENA — LORD WELLINGTON FAILS TO TAKE BADAJOZ — HE TAKES CIUDAD-RODRIGO — IN- VESTS BADAJOZ AG/VIN 141 XV. SIEGE AND ASSAULT OF BADAJOZ — LORD WELLINGTON DURING THE ASSAULT 150 XVI. PREPARATIONS FOR THE CAMPAIGN OF 1812 . . 157 XVII. OPENING OF THE CAMPAIGN — SALAMANCA TAKEN — BATTLE OF S.ALAMANCA 166 XVIII. LORD WELLINGTON IN MADRID— SIEGE OF BURGOS— RE- TRK\T TO THE PORTUGUESE FRONTIER . . . . 1/3 XIX. WINTER QUARTERS — OPENING OF THE C.A:\IPAIGN OF 1813 —BATTLE OF VITTORIA 184 XX. SIEGE OF SAN SEBASTIAN — BATTLES OF THE PYRENEES . . 194 XXI. INVASION OF FRANCE — BATTLE OF THE NIVELLE . . . . 201 XXII. BATTLE OF THE NIVE— WINTER QUARTERS . . . . 209 XXIII. OPENING OF THE CAMPAIGN — BATTLE OF ORTHEZ . . 221 XXIV. ADVANCE TO TOULOUSE— BATTLE OF TOULOUSE — SORTIE FROM BATONNE— CESSATION OF HOSTILITIES . . 229 XXV. THE DUKE IN PARIS — AT MADRID— IN ENGLAND— RE- TURNS TO FRANCE 242 XX^^. CONGRESS OF VIENNA — RETURN OF NAPOLEON TO FRANCE 252 XXVII. DISPOSITIONS OF THE ALLIED ARMIES — BATTLES OF LIGNY AND QUATRE-BRAS — RETREAT OF THE ENGLISH TO WATERLOO — BATTLE OF W.\TERLOO — THE DUKE ON THE FIELD . . 258 XXVIII. F.\LL OF PARIS — ARMY OF OCCUP.\TION — ATTEMPTS ON THE duke's LIFE .. 271 CONTENTS. vii CHAP. PAGE XXIX. TROUBLESOME TIJIES— CATO STREET — QUEEN CAROLINE 290 XXX. THE DUKE IN THE CABINET— AT VERONA . . . . 295 XXXI. LORD LIVERPOOL'S ADMINISTRATION 305 XXXII. THE DUKE AND MR STEPHENSON — THE DUKE AT ST PETERSBURG 312 XXXIII. DEATH OF THE DUKE OF YORK — THE DUKE COM- MANDER-IN-CHIEF — DE.\TH OF LORD LIVERPOOL — INIR CANNING PRIME MINISTER 326 XXXIV. THE DUKE IN OPPOSITION — DEATH OF MR CANNING— THE DUKE A POLITICAL LEADER — THE GOVERNMENT — ITS DIFFICULTIES . . . . . . . . . . 334 SXXV. THE CATHOLIC QUESTION — DUEL WITH LORD WIN- CHELSEA . . 344 XXXVI. DEATH OF GEORGE IV. — STATE OF PARTIES — REVOLU- TION IN FRANCE — GENERAL ELECTION — DEATH OF MR HUSKISSON — THE DUKE RESIGNS . . . . 350 XXXVII. THE REFORM BILL — DISSOLUTION OF PARLIAMENT — THE duke's windows BROKEN — THE BILL THROWN OUT IN THE LORDS — RIOTS IN LONDON — THE DUKE'S life threatened at deal . . . . . . 358 xxxviii. the duke after the reform bill — ms great in- FLUENCE in the house OF LORDS— LORD MEL- BOURNE MINISTER — HIS DISMISSAL — SIR ROBERT peel's government — THE DUKE CHANCELLOR OF THE UNIVERSITY OF OXFORD 3/8 XXXIX. DEATH OF WILLIAM IV. — ACCESSION OF QUEEN VIC- TORIA — THE DUKE IN AND OUT OF PARLIAJMENT — THE duke's great AFFECTION FOR HER MAJESTY — HIS PROCEEDINGS AS COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF . . 387 XL. BREAK UP OF SIR ROBERT PEEL'S GOVERNMENT — CORRESPONDENCE WITH THE EARL OF DERBY . . 409 viii COXTEXTS. CHAP. PAGE XLI. THE DUKE IX PRIVATE LIFE — HIS PECULIARITIES — HIS FRIENDS— MR ARBUTHXOT— HIS HABITS — HIS ANXIETY ON THE SUBJECT OF NATIONAL DEFENCES — HIS LAST ILLNESS, DE.ATH, AND FUNERAL . . 423 XLII. THE DUKE AS A MAN, A SOLDIER, A STATESMAN — HIS PLAT- FULNESS — HIS KINDLINESS — HIS SELF-POSSESSION — HIS ■v^^sDOM . . 461 THE DUKE OF WELLINGTON. CHAPTER I. HIS PEDIGREE AND EARLY LIFE. Arthur, first Duke of "Wellington, was the fourth son of Garret, first Earl of Mornington, by the eldest daughter of Arthur Hill, Viscount Dungannon. He derived his descent from "Walter Colley, or Cowley, a Eutlandshire Esquire, who settled in the county of Kilkenny, during the reign of Henry VIII., and a descendant of whom, Eichard Colley, in the beginning of the ISth century, took the name of Wesley in consetjuence of his adoption by Garret "Wesley of AVest- meath, who had married his aunt and made him his heir. The first rather noticeable incident in the history of the great Duke occurs, therefore, so to speak, previously to his , birth. A Colley by right of lineage, he becomes a AVesleyby adoption, a name which is subsequently changed to "Welles- ley, though at what precise time, and for what special reason, there is nothing on record to show. Eichard Colley "^Vesley, after sitting for awhile in the Irish House of Commons, w'as raised to the peerage, and became Baron Mornington of the kingdom of Ireland. His eldest son. Garret, succeeded him in the title and in his estates, and was advanced in 1759 to the dignity of an Earldom. 1 2 HIS TIME AND PLACE OF BIRTH. But tins elevation in raulc brouglit witli i\; no addition to liis fortunes, which, on the contrary, he appears to have consider- ably redv\ced by electioneering and other extravagances. Garret, first Earl of Mornington, distinguished himself as a musician, and became the composer of many chants, anthems, and glees, which have been much admired. It is said of him also that he was a good deal addicted to political intrigue. This may or may not have been the case, but if it were, one thing is certain, that, so far as his own interest was concerned, he intrigued to little purpose ; for he died in 1781, leaving a widow with nine children, in what may fairly be described, looking to their social position, as very straightened cir- cumstances. The next curious circumstance which we are called upon to notice, in glancing over the career of the great Duke of Wellington, is this, that both the time and the place of his bii'th are hidden in obscurity. The register book of the parish of St Peter in Dublin Avould make it appear that he was baptized in that parish on the 30th of April, 1769. An old Dublin newspaper states as a fact that he was born in the Irish capital, on the 3rd of April, whereas the woman who nursed his mother through her confinement, always declared that his birth occurred on the 6th of March, at Dangan Castle, in the county of Westmeath. This latter assumption was formally taken up and afiirmed by a vote of the Irish House of Commons ; yet what avail even votes of Parliament when people are determined not to be con- trolled by them ? The late Duke's mother persistently asserted that her son Arthur was born on the 1st of May. The Duke himself kept the 1st of May as his birthday ; but neither mother nor son, as far as I have been able to disco- ver, ever decided the question of place between Dublin and Dangan. "\Ve are tlius tlu'own upon conjecture in reference to points whicli, though not perhaps of much importance in themselves, become important through their connection with one who was destined in after life to fiU. so wide a page in history. Nor must I forget, while upon this subject, to point out th.at the same year brought into the world the two most remarkable men of their age, whether as warriors AT SCHOOL IN CHELSEA. 3 or as politicians ; Napoleon Buonaparte, and Arthur, Duke of "Wellington. Pew tales, and none of them very important, are told of the childhood and early youth of the latter of these heroes. Childhood and early youth were stages in the Duke's existence of which he seldom spoke ; and never except ahruptly, and as it were by accident. But enough escaped him from time to time to show that he did not look back upon them with much pleasure. There is reason to believe that, from some cause or another, he was not a favour- ite with his mother till his great deeds in after life con- strained her to be proud of him. She seems to have taken it into her head that he was the dunce of the family, and to have treated him, if not harshly, with marked neglect ; and being herself a woman of great ability and strength of cha- racter, she gave the law in this as in other respects to her own household. "While the utmost pains were taken with the education of his brothers, Arthur was sent, being very young, to a preparatory school in Chelsea, where he learned little, and to which the only references which he was ever known to make were the reverse of flattering. "Where this school stood, and who was at the head of it, would have probably remained to the end of time unknown, had not the publication of a former edition of this work attracted the attention of a gentleman,/ whose father happened to be a fellow-pupil of the great Duke at the school in question. He kindly wrote to me on the subject, inclosing a communi- cation from his father, from which I learn that the school in question was kept by a Mr Brown, that it was not an expensive establishment, and that " Lord "Wellesley called upon Arthur Wesley one day, and gave him a shilling." A shil- ling tip to a schoolboy betokens no superabundance of this world's wealth in the donor, and the donor on the present occasion was Arthur's elder brother. Erom the Chelsea school, young "Wesley was transferred to Eton, where he remained only long enough to make his way into the remove. He was indifierently instructed when he arrived, and he never by such diligence as the case required succeeded in taking a good place among hia class- 1 * 4 AT ETOX. fellows. His habits, on the contrary, in school and oiit ot school, are stated to have been those of a dreamy, idle, and shy lad. The consequence was, that besides achieving no suc- cess as a scholar, he contracted few special intimacies among his contemporaries, and laid the foundation of no lasting friendships. His was indeed a solitary life ; a life of solitude in a crowd ; for he walked generally alone, often bathed alone, and seldom took part either in the cricket matches or the boat-races which were then, as they are now, in great vogue among Etonians. As was to be expected, after he attain- ed to eminence, attempts were occasionally made to connect these habits with an imagination so busy in devising schemes for the future as to leave the boy neither time nor inclina- tion to live, like other boys, in the present. And in corro- boration of this theory, a tradition still survives, that when he took his sons to Eton he showed them a tree, amid the branches of which he had laid out, as upon a map, the whole of his own military career. But this is a mere romance founded upon an entire misconception of the character of the man. It is in direct contradiction likewise to the history of his life, for we have good reason to believe that, had the choice of a profession been left to him, he would not have selected the army. It is therefore simply impossible that visions of military glory could have filled his mind to the exclusion of other and more pressing subjects, while as yet the career which he might be called upon to run was uncer- tain, and his own wishes pointed in a direction opposite to that on which in due time he entered. There seems some reason to believe that Arthur "Wesley, though dreamy and reserved, was, as a boy, of rather a com- bative disposition. He fought at least one battle at Eton, and had for his opponent Eobert, better known as Bobus Smith, the elder brother of the witty Canon of St Paul's. It happened one day, that while Smith was bathing in the Thames, young "Wesley passed by, and, child-like, threw a small stone or clod at the swimmer. A threat to come ashore and thrash him if the insult were repeated, led, as a matter of course, to its repetition ; and Smith, being as good as his word, scrambled up the bank and attacked the cul- IN BRUSSELS. 5 prit. The blov thus received was immediately retiu'ned, and a sharp contest ensued, which ended after a few rounds in favoTxr of him who on that occasion had certainly not the right upon his side. But "Wesley did not always come off victorious from such encounters. He was in the habit of spending some of his holidays v.'ith his maternal grandfather, Lord Dungannon, at Bryn- kinalt, in North Wales. Here he managed to establish both a friendship and a feud with a young blacksmith, from whom, though not till both had suffered severe punishment, he received on one occasion a sound thi-ashing. The victor in that fight, whose name was Hughes, and who died in 1849, at an advanced age, used to tell the story with extreme glee. He was very proud of having beaten the man before whom Napoleon and all his generals went down ; and never forgot to end his narrative by observing " that Master Wesley bore him not a pin's worth of ill-will for the beating, but made him his companion in many a wild ramble after the fight, just as he had done before." On the death of her husband, Lady Mornington removed to London, where she struggled for awhile to keep her place in society, upon a jointure which was by no means equal to the strain. The strain became however too great in the end, and she withdrew her son Arthur from Eton, and carrying him to Brussels, took up her abode, in 1784, at the house of a French Avocat, named Goubert. There accompanied them to Brussels a youth of about the same age with Arthur, John Armytage by name, the second son of a rich York- shire Baronet, between whom and Lord Mornington a friendship had subsisted for many years. It Avas an arrange- ment which, Avhether designedly or not, proved of mutual advantage both to Lady Mornington and John Armytage ; for the former received a handsome board with the son of her husband^s friend, and the latter enjoyed the prestige of Lady Mornington's protection. Arthur Wesley and John Armytage thus brought toge- ther, pursued their studies in a desultory way under the gentleman at whose house they lodged. They were neither of them much given to hard work, but they mixed in the 6 JACK. ARMTTAGE. gaieties of tlie place, and, if I may judge from Mr Armytage's MS. Journal, lived with each other on the best terms. " Arthur "Wesley," says the document in question, " was extremely fond of music, and played well upon the fiddle, but he never gave indication of any other species of talent. As far as my memory serves, there was no intention then of sending him into the army ; his own wishes, if he had any, were in favour of a civilian's life." Having touched upon the early acquaintance of these two men, it may not be amiss if I show in this place how it went off for a season, and how it came to be renewed. After residing for about a year at Brussels, Lady Mornington returned home, sending her son to the military school at Angers. John Armytage was at the same time ap^Dointed to a Cornetcy in the Blues, with which regiment he con- tinued to serve till marriage with an heiress enabled him to retire from the army and to settle as a country gentleman in or near Northampton. There he gave himself up to such pursuits as were in those days fashionable among men of his class. He hunted, shot, drove four-in-hand, and patronized the turf, being a regular attendant, among other meets, at Doncaster races. It happened one day in 1827, when he stood upon the Grand Stand beside the race-course, that a voice which struck him as not unfamiliar, exclaimed, " I'll be d — d if that isn't Jack Armytage." Jack immediately turned rouud, and found himself f;\ce to face with his old companion and fellow-student of other days. There was a cordial gripe of hands, followed by questions as to what each had been doing since they parted 42 years before. " You know pretty well what I've been about," said the Duke, " but how have you employed yourself all the while ?" " Well, sir," replied Mr Armytage, " while your Grace has been driving Buonaparte and his Marshals up and down, and all over France, Spain, Portugal, and Belgium, I have been driving four-in-hand almost every day from Northamp- ton to Barnct and back again.* Yours has been the more glorious career of the two, but mine I suspect has not been * lie uspd to meet the mail regularly in its course up and down, and handle the ribhons. AT AXGESS. 7 tlie least agreeable." The Duke laughed, and Tvent on to speak about Louis Goubert their tutor, adding this anecdote : " As I rode into Brussels the day after the battle of "Water- loo, I passed the old house, and recognized it, and pulling up, ascertained that the old man was still alive. I sent for him, and recalling myself to his recollection, shook hands with him, and assured him that for old acquaintance' sake he should be protected from all molestation." Mr Armytage, who never wearied of describing this little scene, died at Northampton, in 1861, at the advanced age of 92. It does not appear that the Duke and he ever met afterwards. They took leave of each other on the Grrand Stand at Doncaster, equally resolved to renew their intimacy elsewhere ; but their courses in life lay wide apart, and in politics they differed. How far this latter circumstance may have tended to keep them asunder, must be left to conjecture. All that is certainly known on the subject amounts to this, that their first and last greeting, subse- quently to their Brussels' intimacy of 1785, began and ended as has just been described. I should be glad, if I possessed the requisite information, to give some account of the Duke's manner of life while a pupil in the military school at Angers. If any memorials of him were ever established there, the avalanche of the first French E,evolution must have swept them all away. But none would appear to have been set up. His early friends, of whom not one now survives, used indeed to say that he made better use of his time at Angers than he had done either at Chelsea or Eton, and he himself stated that he formed some agreeable acquaintances in the neighbourhood, from whom he learned to speak French with the accent and precision of the days of the old monarchy. But here our materials for narrative fail us. We know nothing more than that he pursued his studies at Angers for about a year and a half or two years, and then returned home. Arthur Wesley entered the army on the 7th of March, 1787, on which day he was appointed to an ensigncy in the 41st Eegiment of foot. On the 25th of the following De- cember he became a Lieutenant. That he was then, and for 8 EAriD PROMOTIOX. some time continued to be, the shy and awkward lad, in Avhom the fair sex for the most part see little to admire, the following anecdote, which I give on the authority of the late Lady Aldborough, seems to prove. She is speak- ing of him after he became aide-de-camp to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland : — " We had a pic-nic near Dublin, and I took Wesley in my carriage, but he was so dull that I threw him over and brought back le beau Cradock (the first Lord Howden). All the other carriages having started, or being full, he had nothing for it but to return with the band. I reminded him of the incident in the height of his fame, adding, ' When I left you to go home with the fiddlers, I little thought you would ever play first fiddle yourself " Mr Wesley attained the rank of Captain on the 30th of June, 1791, and on the 30th of April, 1793, he was appoint- ed to the 33rd Eegiment of the line as Major. His subse- quent promotion was rapid, for on the 30th of September he obtained the lieutenant-colonelcy of his regiment. He then fell into the seniority groove, from which, in those days, no one could escape ; and spent in consequence half as many years in the rank of lieutenant-colonel as had been required to raise him to that rank from an ensigncy. Colonel in 1790, he became Major-general in 1802, and General with local rank in 1811. His last and final step to Field Marshal was taken in 1812, under circumstances which shall be more fully detailed when the proper time comes. Though Mr Wesley owed his rapid advancement partly to political influence and partly to money, and though it be. perfectly true that till he arrived at the command of a regi- ment no opportunity was afibrded him of earning distinction in the field, a very erroneous inference will be drawn if it be assumed that because he had been so successful, he was therefore an ignorant or even a careless regimental officer. The very reverse is the fact. He never neglected a duty, or went through with it as if it were irksome to him. He read a great deal, in a desultory Avay no doubt, but still to good ])urpose ; and he addicted himself from the outset to a habit which remained with him to the last, that of acquainting KEEPS FREE FROM DEBT. 9 himself in all manuer of odd ways with everything worthy of notice which passed around him. No exhibition of a new discovery, no display of ingenuity or skill, however absurdly applied, failed to number him among its investigators, and he was not only quick in calculating and drawing inferences, but took special delight in both practices. I have often heard him say that the power of rapid and correct calcula- tion was his forte, and that if circumstances had not made him what he was, he would probably have become distin- guished in public life as a financier. Mr Wesley still lacked a month or two of completing his 21st year when he took his seat in the Irish House of Com- mons for the family borough of Trim. He was then a cap- tain of cavalry and aide-de-camp to the Lord Lieutenant,* — a somewhat perilous position for a youth, who, with scarcely any other resources than his military pay, found himself thrown into the very vortex of a court famous for its gaiety and extravagance. It has been said that then for the first and only time in his long career he became involved in pecu- niary difficulties ; and stories are told of his being helped out of them by tradesmen, one of whom, a draper named Dillon, paid his bills. I must be permitted to doubt the truth of these stories, which are contradicted not only by the habits of well-ordered economy which distinguished him in after life, but by the whole tone and tenor of his convers- ation. I have repeatedly heard him discuss the subject of debt, which he denounced as discreditable in the extreme. His expression was, " It makes a slave of a man : I have often known what it was to be in want of money, but I never got into debt." It is not, therefore, very probable, had the Dublin stories been authentic, that the Duke with his tena- cious memory could have forgotten them. It is impossible to conceive that oue so rigidly adherent to truth in small * The Duke's first and least scrupulous patron was the Earl of "West- moreland. He was Lord Lieutenant of Ireland when Arthur "Wesley re- ceived his first commission, took the youth at once upon his staff, and heaped promotion upon him. Lord Westmoreland's court was remarkable for the low state of its morality, and the excess of its extravagance. That of Lord Camden, which came next, offered to it in both respects a striking contrast. 10 COMMANDS THE 33rd REGIMENT. matters as •well as iu great, wouLl, in this solitary instance, have stepped aside from it. Of his career as an Irish senator no record has been pre- served. He seems to have spoken but rarely, and never at any lengtli. His votes were of course given in support of the party to which lie belonged, but otherwise he entered very little into the business of the House. Neither can I dis- cover any traces of intimate or frequent correspondence with members of his own family. One incident, and only one, in his personal history at this period, deserves to be noticed. He became attached to Lady Catherine Pakenham, third daughter of Michael, Earl of Longford, a young lady pos- sessed of great personal charms, and a prodigious favourite at the vice-regal court. The means, however, to support a wife in the style to which the lady had been accustomed, were wanting, and Lord Longford objecting to the match, the young people separated, free indeed from all positive en- gagement, but with a tacit understanding that they would continue true to one another, and wait for better times. Captain Wesley was thus circumstanced when the British Grovernment determined to afford to Holland, against which the Prench armies were moving, the militaiy support which England was bound by treaty, in such an emergency, to supply. Anxious to see real service, he wrote to his brother. Lord Mornington, begging him to make interest for a majority in a battalion which was about to be formed out of the flanlc companies of different regiments of guards. The application was refused, and Captain AVesley continued to act as aide- de-camp in Dublin, till promoted into the 33rd of the line, of which regiment he took command on the 30th of Septem- ber, as lieutenant-colonel. Erom that day he devoted all the time which could be spared from his duties in Parliament, to improving the discipline of his battalion. He drew up for it a code of standing orders, which have been faithfully pre- served ever since. He looked narrowly into its interior economy, which he rendered as perfect as the customs of the British army would then permit, and he had ere long the satisfaction to find that by every general officer who inspect- ed it, the 33rd was pronounced to be the best drilled and IX THE LOW COUNTRIES. 11 most efficient regiment witliin tlie limits of the Irisli com- mand. So passed his time till towards the end of May, 1794, when the 33rd received orders to proceed to Cork, and em- bark for foreign service. Colonel Wesley resigned his seat in the Irish House of Commons, and put himself at the head of his regiment. A small force had already been collected for the purpose of making a descent upon the coast of Brit- tany ; but the misfortunes which about this time overtook the allied armies in the Netherlands, led to a change of plan, and Lord Moira, to whom the command of the expeditionary corps had been entrusted, was directed to proceed with it to the assistance of the Duke of York. With the fii'st divi- sion of that corps Colonel Wesley put to sea. He reached Ostend early in June, and Lord Moira arriving, a few days subsequently, with the main body of the troops, preparations were made to open the campaign. With Lord Moira's successful march from Ostend to Ma- lines I am not concerned. Colonel AVesley took no part in it. He was sent round by water with his own and other battalions to Antwerp : — upon which point not long after- wards the corps of the Duke of York and of the Prince of Orange fell back. Both had sustained reverses, the former at Oudeuarde, the latter at Fleurus ; and both were separ- ated from the Austrian army by the issues of the action at Montague de Per, near Louvaine. A retreat in opposite directions was thereupon commenced. The Prince of Orange retired with his force towards the Ehine, while the Duke of York marclied his own and the Dutch troops upon the Mouse, hoping from his position there to cover Holland. Never were grosser blunders committed, except by the Prencli Committee of Public Safety, which interfered to prevent Gre- nerals Pichegru and Jourdan from taking advantage of the opportunity which these false movements presented. Had the Allies known how to make war, they would have con- centrated after the aifair of Pleurus near Bi^ussels, and thence assumed the offensive. Had the councils of the Prench been raore wisely directed, they would have fallen with all their force upon each retreating corps separately, and destroyed 12 HIS FIEST ACTION. both in detail. The French, however, after wasting two months in inaction, broke up into two corps, and pushed back the Allied generals into the positions which they were sever- ally desirous of occupying. It was the month of July ; and in the lines covering Ant- werp, Colonel Wesley for the first time found himself in the presence of an enemy. No event of importance occurred, however, till the September following, when the Anglo- Dutch army quitted its position, and took the road to Hol- land. On the loth of the same month it was engaged in a serious affair with the right of the republican army. Anxi- ous to interpose between the Allies and the Meuse, the French had on the previous evening seized the village of Boxtel, from which the Duke of York directed General Aber- crombie, with two battalions of the guards, four of the line, a battery of artillery, and a couple of squadrons of horse, to dislodge them. The English, though they attacked with gal- lantry, sustained a repulse, and being closely pursued, would have probably been cut to pieces, had not Wesley, with ex- ceeding promptitude, deployed his battalion and checked the pursuers. The village was not retaken, but his judicious move arrested the ardour of the enemy, and the English were enabled to continue their retreat in good order, and without hea\y loss. Colonel Wesley's judgment and coolness attracted that day the notice of General Dundas, who seized the earliest opportunity, after the Duke of York resigned the command, to mark his sense of the young soldier's merits. In January, 1795, he was placed at the head of a brigade, consisting of three weak battalions, and directed to cover the further re- treat of the army. And a service of extreme difficulty, hard- ship, and suffering it proved to be. Driven from the Meuse across the Wahl, and from the Wahl across the Leek, the English, now separated from the Dutch, fought for existence, amid the depth of a winter unexampled in Europe for sever- ity. The rivers which at other seasons might have inter- posed some obstacles to the enemy were all frozen over. There was no commissariat ; the resources of the open coun- try were exhausted : the more populous towns, imbued with niS EXPERIENCE OF WAR. 13 republican opinions, had become decidedly hostile ; and fort- ress after fortress opened its gates, the Dutch garrisons going over to the invaders. Still, whenever the day of battle came, the English did their duty ; and again, in an affair near Meterin, between the "Wahl and the Leek, Colonel AYesley greatly distinguished himself. But the game was up. On the 2nd of December, 1794, the Duke of York gave over the command to the Hanoverian Greneral, Count Wal- moden, and before the end of the following January, Ams- terdam, Daventer, Caervorden, Sneppen, and Emden, were one by one evacuated. Nothing now remained except to embark the wreck of the army as soon as the breaking up of the frost would allow. And this, without the necessity of sub- mitting to the disgrace of a capitulation, was at length effected. Short and disastrous as his first campaign had been, it proved of unspeakable advantage to Colonel Wesley. If he found nothing to admire in the general management of affairs, the countless blunders which day by day were committed conveyed to him lessons and warnings which he neither over- looked nor forgot. There was divided command without talent enough anywhere to lessen the incoTiveniences inse- parable from it. There was total absence of forethought, of arrangement, of system. There were national jealousies and heartburnings innumerable. Sometimes one day, sometimes two, would elapse without a moi'sel of food being issued to the soldiers. The sick were left to recover or die, as the strength or weakness of their constitution might determine. Indeed the very wounded themselves received scarcely any attention. Shoes wore out, and were not replaced, though it was necessary to perform long marches amid melted snow and over frozen ground ; and as to time, no man, high or low, seemed to take the smallest account of it. " Ton can't conceive such a state of things," the Duke used to say long years afterwards. " If we happened to be at dinner and the wine was going round, it was considered wrong to interrupt us. I have seen a packet handed in from the Austrian head quarters, and thrown aside unopened, with a remark, That will keep till to-morrow morning. It has always been a marvel to me how any one of us escaped." 14 CHAPTER II. AT HOME IX IXDIA FALL OF SERIXGAPATAM. Colonel "Wesley lauded at Har-wicli from the Low Coun- tries in the early spring of 1795. He conducted his regiment to Warley in Essex, "where an encampment had been formed, and leaving it there, proceeded on a short visit to Ireland. He seems to have laboured at this time under considerable depression of spirits, and for some reason or another had become disgusted Avith his profession. This we learn from a letter addressed by him to Lord Camden, in Avhich he asks that nobleman, then at the head of the Irish Government, to find for him a situation either in the Board of Revenue or in the Treasury. But though he describes himself as acting on the occasion under the advice of Lord Mornington, the application met with no success. Some other candidate, probably supported by stronger political influence, obtained the prize ; and "Wesley was left to carve out for himself with his sword a name second to none in the military annals of his country. Colonel Wesley had enjoyed but a few months' repose, when he was directed to join an expedition fitted out for the reduction of the French settlements in the "West Indies. He embarked in Admiral Christian's fleet, Avhich a succession of heavy gales dispersed in the Channel, the transports allotted to convey him and his regiment being driven back to Spithead. So ended that enterprise. The regiment dis- embarked again and proceeded to Poole, But there was a call for its services elsewhere, and in the course of a few AD. 1707.] STATE OF BRITISH IXDIA. 15 months it embarked for India. Colonel "Wesley was suffer- ing at tlie time under a sharp attack of illness which con- fined him to his chamber ; he was unable therefore to accom- pany the regiment. But taking a passage in a fast-sailing frigate, he overtook the fleet still at anchor in Table Bay, and on the 17th of Feb., 1797, entered Fort William, at the 'head of his corps. The conditiou of British India, in 1797, was different in. every respect from British India in 18G4. At the former of these periods its right to be spoken of as an empire had indeed been established, but it was an empire made up of detached fragments, the largest of which comprised a popu- lation of perhaps 30 millions, the smallest of not more than half a million at the most. There were then, as there are now, three Presidencies, — Bengal, Madras, and Bombay. Bengal included the fertile provinces of Bengal, Bahar, and Orissa. The authority of Madi'as was recognized over a comparatively insignificant portion of the Carnatic ; Avhile Bombay gave the law only to the town and harbour of that name, and to a narrow strip of land running along the shores of the adjacent continent. Interspersed among these Presi- dencies and to a great extent surrounding them, were many native states ; Nepal, the country of the Seiks, the kingdom of Oude, the IMahratta principalities, including those of Holkar, Seindia, and the Peishwa ; the Deecan, of which the Nizam was at the head ; Bundeleund, Nagpore, Cuttack, Mysore, and Travancore. All these, originally portions of the great Mahometan Empire, or else, like the Mahrattas and the Seiks, tributaries to the Mogul, had in the course of the previous century and a half thrown off their allegiance, and, some without foreign aid, others with such assistance as the English and Erench factories could supply, succeeded in establishing their independence. During the progress of the wars which led to these results both English and Erench were constrained to assume a new attitude in the country. In- stead of traders, they became soldiers, and fought first for existence, and by and by for empire. They invariably took opposite sides in the native quarrels, and in due time stood forward as principals instead of accessories. After a length- 16 COLOXEL WELLESLET IX IXDIA. [1797 ened struggle the balance of fortune turned in favour of the English. They defeated their rivals at all points, placed their own candidates on vacant thrones, obtained from each fresh accessions to their territory, and ended in becoming, if not the paramount, at all events a leading power in India. And all this in defiance of constant prohibitions from home and asseverations from abroad, continually repeated, that their single object was to conquer a peace which should prove at once honourable and lasting. The amount of physical force employed to achieve these great ends cannot now be thought of except with astonish- ment. A few hundred Englishmen were all that applied their hands to lay the foundations of the Company's empire in the East ; and very few thousands, not more than three or four at the most, brought the work to a completion. They did so indeed by communicating to natives their own discipline, and in part at least their own spirit — and these they found, under their own guidance, equal to every emer- gency. But not the less true is it, that to effect so large a purpose, qualities were needed, and called into existence, such as are rarely to be met with in any other than the Anglo-Saxon race. From the chief of a factory to the pri- vate soldier who stood sentry at his gate, every Englishman in India accepted it as a principle that great things were ex- pected of him : and very few indeed, when the hour of diffi- culty arrived, disappointed the expectation. The consequence was that India became, what Mr Canning on a memorable occasion pronounced it to be, " a country fertile in heroes and statesmen." Eor every particular lad, whether he came as a writer or as a cadet, stepped at once on his arrival into a position more or less of responsibility, and knowing that he had only his own energies to depend upon, he brought them to bear at once, and either failed entirely or triumphed. I am far from supposing that Avherever Colonel AVellesley (for about this time the spelling of the name was changed) had been called upon to serve, his mind would not have awak- ened sooner or later from the half-lethargic state in which throughout his earlier years it may be said to have lain. He was already known in the arjny as an excellent regimental 1797.] CONSULTED BY THE GOVERXMEXT. 17 officer, and needed only a fiiir field to show that he was capable of higher things. But India, circmnstauced as it then was, undoubtedly presented to him opportunities for which, he might have vainly sought in any other part of the world. The best proof of this lies in the fact, that from the day of his arrival at Calcutta a complete change took place in the moral and intellectual nature of the man. The habits of quiet observation to which he had heretofore been addicted expanded suddenly into reasoning. The experience of war and its requirements which he had accumulated in the Ne- therlands seemed to act upon him with the force of inspira- tion, and his correspondence, happily preserved, becomes in consequence instructive as well as intei'esting in the highest degree. He had not been two months in the country before he was consulted by the Government on everything connected with the equipment and administration of the army. He was chosen within three months to command a force, which Sir John Shore ' proposed to employ in the reduction of Manilla ; a charge which, with rare generosity, he refused to accept till satisfied that the feelings of a meri- torious officer, senior to himself, had suffered no outrage. The enterprise came to nothing, because, while the troops were still on their way, the Grovernor-general changed his mii\d. But the pains which Colonel -Wellesley took to provide all things necessary to ensure success, and the care which he bestowed upon the health and comfort of his men, showed that already he understood the importance of attending to matters of detail, the neglect of which, almost more than disasters in the field, renders armies inefficient. Nor was it only in his own department properly so called that he took at once and for ever the start of his con- temporaries. The political relations of the Company with the surrounding states, the character of the people over whom their dominion was established, tlie position which the em- pire must assume in India, if it was to become permanent and prosperous, — all these demanded his attention, and he mastered them. His letters consequently exhibit a wonder- ful perception of the true state of things as they then existed, and a clear understanding of the dangers which threatened. 2 IS LORD MORXIXGTOX GOVERXOE-GEXERAL. [1797. Xor "was he content to study India from one point alone. He visited his old friend Lord Hobart, still Governor of Madras, though on the eve of making way for Lord Clive, and made himself master of the system which prevailed there, and of which he certainly does not speak in laudatory terms. The results of his experience in all these matters he communicated to Lord Morniugton, on whom the office of Governor-general had been pressed, urging him at the same time not to reject the proffered dignity. " I strongly advise you," writes Colonel Wellesley, " to come out. I am convinced that you will retain your health, nay, it is possible that its general state may be improved, and you will have the fiiirest opportunity of rendering material services to the public aud of doing yourself credit." Colonel "Welleslej^'s arguments prevailed, and on the 17th day of May, 1797, the brothers had the happiness to meet and embrace in the Government house at Calcutta. It would be an old story, often told before, were I in this place to tell how Lord Morniugton found himself driven to reverse the policy on which his immediate predecessors had acted. A too manifest determination to keep at peace is attributed by Orientals to weakness. And economy in the management of national affairs leads, when carried beyond wise limits, to extravagance. British India, when Lord Morniugton assumed the management of its policy, was in imminent danger both from without and from within. AVith- in, the army had melted away for lack of recruitment ; the arsenals were void and the treasury empty. "Without, the native governments, stirred by the assurance of support from France, plotted the overthrow of a power which they detest- ed and were beginning no longer to fear. Tippoo Sahib, the ruler of Mysore, was the ruling spirit in this combination. He had 50,000 good troops trained in European tactics, and officered by Frenchmen ; and only Avaited the arrival of promised reinforcements from Mauritius in order to sweep down upon ]Madras and destroy it. Meanwhile his agents were busy in the Deccan, and urgent with the Mahrattas to make common cause with him ; and even the sovereign of Oude and the far-off Seiks cauiiht the infection. Lord 1797.] IN MADEAS. 19 Mornin2;ton had not been many days in Calcutta ere the true nature of his position became apparent to him. He sa\\- that he must choose between two evils. Either he must anticipate the designs of his enemies by attacking them in detail, or meet them as he best could when they were in a condition to fall upon him in a body. Lord Mornington's voice, like that of Beelzebub in Milton's Satanic gathering, was for open war. Colonel Wellesley counselled peace ; indeed, it is a remarkable trait in the cha- racter of that great soldier that peace, and the moral as well as political wisdom of maintaining it, Avas always pre- sent to his mind. But the power of maintaining peace de- pended, in his estimation, on a nation's ability to go to war at a moment's notice, and hence, while he restrained his brother from breaking prematurely with Mysore, he advised that preparations should be made to meet every contingency. Lord Morningtou fell, though not without reluctance, into his brother's views. As it was on the side of Madras, how- ever, that danger more immediately threatened, he deter- mined to send Colonel "Wellesley thither, which he was the more disposed to do, that in the civil and military rulers of that presidency neither he nor his brother reposed much confidence. Yet even this step was taken in such a way as to spare the self-love of those whom it was intended to con- trol. Xo special office was conferred upon Colonel Welles- ley, such as might entitle him to interfere authoritatively with the proceedings of the Government. On the contrary, he embarked with his regiment on the Hoogly, and went round to Madras, as any other officer might have done, in command of a corps which was intended to reinforce the army in that quarter. Though he produced no commission entitling him to share in councils of state. Colonel Wellesley was naturally re- ceived both by Lord Clive and General Harris with the re- spect due to the brother of the Governor-general. He needed no more than this to accomplish all that the Governor-general expected from him. His sound jiidgment, clearly and mo- destly expressed, soon made itself felt on every question, and he became in a few days the moving spirit of the Go- 2* - 20 NEGOCIATIONS WITH TIPPOO. [1793. vernment in which he had no legal A^oice. But the Govern- ment, though assenting to his proposals, lacked vigour to enforce obedience to its own orders. He suggested that in Barahmal, a district conquered not long before from Hyder Ali, troops should be quietly assembled, and that a number of forts which lay on the line of march towards Seringapa- tam should be re])aired, and put in a defensible state. Above all, he recommended that means should be provided for ren- dering the war, if it came, an aggressive one, by collecting bullocks and conveyances for an army ; yet he continued at the same time to press upon his brother the wisdom of avoiding a rupture, if it were possible to do so. " Don't force Tippoo," he wrote, " into a corner ; make as little as possible of the French declaration from Mauritius, and take no notice of the handful of people whom he has received from that quarter. When he finds the French alliance so little profitable to him, he will probably get tired of it, and of his own accord resume habits into which we could not force him, except at great trouble and expense." Indeed, so much in earnest was he in his desire to keep the empire out of war, that he consented to go in person to the Court of Tippoo and persuade him to lay aside his jealousies. Tippoo, fortunately perhaps for Colonel Wellesley, refused to admit an English ambassador into his presence, and thus placed beyond a doubt the hostility of his intentions. So time passed. The English treasury was again full. Public credit revived, the army became once more efficient, and a plan of campaign, drawn up by Colonel Wellesley, was approved. It settled that the war when it came should be aggressive : it got rid, as a step preliminary to that issue, of the apprehended disaffection of the Nizam and of the Mah- rattas. The former, freed from the presence of his French officers, renewed his treaty of alliance with the English ; the latter, according to the customs of their nation, played fast and loose with both parties. It was at this juncture that by the death in a duel of a senior officer, Colonel Wellesley found himself appointed to the command of a division. He hurried off towards the Mysore frontier, to place himself at its head, and found, to his surprise and indignation, that the 1798] GEXEEAL HAEEIS. 21 preparatioDS "wLicli had been ordered months before were not so much as begun. The men were there and the guns, 1)ut not a beast of burden was available ; neither had any steps been taken to equip the forts which were to protect the communications of the army with its rear. Colonel A\"elles- ley made no public complaint of this ; he never did com- plain of events which were past remedy, but he set himself to make up, as far as circumstances would allow, for the negligence of which others had been guilty. In less than three weeks he equipped and stored the forts, laid up sup- plies of grain for his own and other divisions, and brought together 12,000 out of the 40,000 bullocks, which his ori- ginal memorandum had specified as necessary to render the army moveable. Such exertions had never before been heard of on that side of India, and Greneral Harris wrote of them privately to the Groveruor-general in terms of high commendation. But there the matter ended. Colonel AVelles- ley was not unnaturally hurt at the slight thus put upon him. " The General," he says in a letter to his brother, " expressed his approbation of what I had done, and adopted as his own all the orders and regulations I had made, and then said that he should mention his approbation publicly, only that he was afraid others w^ould be displeased and jealous. Now as there is nothing to be got in the army ex- cept credit, and as it is not always that the best intentions and endeavours to serve the public succeed, it is hard that when they do succeed they should not receive the approba- tion which it is acknowledged by all they deserve. I was much hurt about it at the time, but I don't care now, and shall certainly do everything to serve General Harris, and to support his name and authority." From this generous resolution Colonel Wellesley never departed. He had advised his brother, and the Governor- general acted on the advice, to transfer the seat of the Supreme Government from Port "William to Port St George, as soon as the occurrence of hostilities should become in- evitable. He now opposed Lord Mornington's further wish to repair to the camp or march with the army. " Tour presence in the camp," he says, " instead of giving confidence 22 HIS GENEROSITY. [1798. to the Greueral, would, in fact, deprive liim of the command. If I were in General Harris's situation, and you were to join the army, I should quit it. In my opinion, he is at present awkwardly situated, and he will require all the powers which can be given him to keep in order the officers who will be in this army. Your presence will diminish his pow- ers, at the same time that as it is impossible you can know anything of military matters, your presence will not answer this purpose." Nor did his loyalty to the officer under whom he served end there. He privately i-emonstrated against the assumed rights of the Military Board at Madras to dispense the patronage of the field force which General Harris command- ed. " I told Lord Clive all this," he says, in a letter to Lord IMornington, " and particularly stated to him the necessity of giving the General credit, at least, for the appointments, if he did not allow him to make them. It is impossible to make him too respectable, or to place him too high, if he is to be the head of the armj^ in the field. This want of respect- ability, which is to be attributed in a great measure to the General himself, is what I am most afraid of. However, I have lectured him well on the subject, and I have urged publicly to the army (in which I flatter myself I have some influence) the necessity of supporting him, whether he be right or wrong." It is impossible to over-estimate the true generosity of conduct like this. Ordinary men, circumstanced as Colonel AVellesley was, would have taken quite an opposite course. In proportion as the influence of the Commander-in-chief fell into the shade, his, as he well knew, would have become conspicuous ; especially in the event of the arrival of the Governor-general in camp, when all real power would have passed into his hands. But such considerations never weighed with him, either then or afterwards. Of the author- ity set over liim, be it what it might, he was only the servant, and he supported it, not because it was wise, or great, or pow- erful, but because it was his duty, as a subject of the Crown, to uphold the dignity of the Crovi'n's representative. We sliall see as we go on w itli his history that from this principle 1799.] REPULSED A]S'D WOUNDED. 23 of action, no considerations of gain or credit to himself could ever tempt hirn to swerve. The campaign against Tippoo and its results are matters of history. In the advance from Vellore to Seringapatam, Colonel Wellesley commanded the left column of the grand army, consisting of the 33rd regiment of foot, and 15,000 of the Nizam's troops. Other columns appi-oaehed the de- voted city from the Southern Carnatic and from Bombay. They united under the walls of the Mysorean capital on the 5th of April, 1799 ; though not till after a sharp affair at a place called Mallavelley, on the road. Tippoo marched out with the whole of his force, and fell there upon General Harris's army, which by a happy movement of Colonel Wel- lesley's colimm took the enemy in flank, and totally defeated him. And now the siege began, which, so far as the Duke's biographer is concerned, is memorable chiefly for this — that during one of the preliminary operations, Colonel Wellesley failed in a night attack, and received a slight wound on the knee. It was at one time, I believe, a favourite pastime with writers to make a great deal of that reverse. The Colonel was represented as losing not only his way, but his head ; and returning alone in a state of utter despondency to the tent of Greneral Harris. Never was superstructure of romance built up on so narrow a foundation. Colonel Wellesley in his correspondence with his brother describes the whole afiair, and thus he speaks : " On the night of the 5tli, we made an attack on the enemy's outposts, which, at least on my side, was not quite so successful as could have been wished. The fact is, that the night was very dark, that the enemy expected us, and were strongly posted in an almost impenetrable jungle. "We lost an ofiicer, killed, and nine men of the 33rd Avounded, and at last, as I could not find out the post which it was desirable I should occupy, I was obliged to desist from the attack, the enemy also having retired from the post. In the moriiing they re-occupied it, and we attacked it again at day -light, and carried it with ease, and with little loss. I got a slight touch on the knee, from which I have felt no inconvenience, and I have come to 24 SERINGAPATAM TAKEN. [1799. the determinatiou never to suffer an attack to be made by night upon an enemy who was prepared and strongly posted, and whose posts had not been reconnoitred by daylight." In the final assault and capture of the place, which occurred on the 4th of May, Colonel AYellesley appears not to have been actively engaged. He remained with his corps in observation, as the bulk of a besieging army under similar circumstances usually does. But he was soon called upon to perform a duty quite as arduous as the storming of a breach, and far more disagreeable. The troops who bore the brunt of the fray shook aside the restraints of disci- pline, and throughout the night of the 4th and during the vvhole of the succeeding day committed frightful atrocities. The town was set on fire in various places, and rapine and plunder prevailed. Colonel Wellesley was directed to carry his own regiment into the town and to restore order. " I came in," he wrote to his brother, " on the morning of the (Jth, and in the course of the da}^ I restored order among the troops." " Plunder is stopped," so he reported to Ge- neral Harris on the 7th, " the fires are all extinguished, and the inhabitants are retiring to their homes fast. I am now employed in burying the dead, which I hope will be completed this day, particularly if you send me all the Pioneers." Among the dead lay Tippoo himself. He had fallen, like a brave man, in the heat of the melee, and Colonel Wellesley, with equal nobleness and good policy, conferred upon him the rites of an honourable sepulture. The palace was, at the same time, saved from plunder; and even the pictures of Colonel Bailey's overthrow, which Tip- poo had caused to be painted, were carefully preserved. Indeed, from the hour at which he succeeded in restraining the violence of his own people. Colonel Wellesley laboured to restore confidence to the natives. The former of these objects he did not attain without the exercise of a stern authority. Gallows were erected in seven streets, and seven marauders soon dangled from them. But the latter came of its own accord. The people saw that there was both the will and the power to protect them, and forthwith resumed their ordinary 1799.] COMMAKDANT OF SEEIXGArATAM. 25 occupations. General Harris learned from all this that he had given temporary authority to one who well under- stood how to exercise it, and without any solicitations from any quarter he confirmed Colonel Wellesley as commandant of Seringapatam. Once more, I believe, occasion has repeat- edly been taken to throw censure, or what was intended for censure, on Colonel "Wellesley. He is described as owing this lucrative apj)ointmeut to the influence of the Grovernor- general, and as coming between more meritorious officers and the prize which they Jiad richly earned. There is not a shadow of truth in either assertion. Colonel Wellesley was appointed, not only without interference on the part of Lord Mornington, but absolutely without his knowledge. " You know," wrote the Governor-general to General Harris, when the arrangement was communicated to him, " whether you would be doing me a favour if you employed him (Colonel Wellesley) in any way that would be detrimental to the public service. But the opinion, or rather the know- ledge and experience, which I have of his observation, his judgment, and his character is such, that if you had not established him in Seringapatam, I should have done it by my own authority." So much for the charge of influence unduly exercised ; and next for the assumption that by placing Colonel Wel- lesley in comrnand at Seringapatam, General Harris put him in the way of amassing a fortune. After he had enjoyed the distinction and emoluments of office rather more than a month, he thus describes his position, iu a private letter to his brother :* " Since I went into the field, I have commanded an army with a large stafi" attached to me, which has not been unattended by a very great expense, especially latterly. About six weeks ago I was sent in here with a garrison, con- sisting of about half the army and a large staff", and I have not received one shilling more than I did in Fort St George. The consequence is, that I am ruined. I should be ashamed of doing any of the dirty things that I am told are done in some of the commands of the Carnatic ; but if Government do not consider my situation here, I shall be ruined for ever," * 14th Sept., 1799. 2fi CHAPTER III. CAMPAIGN AGAIXST DHOOXDIAH IN CEYLON THE MAHRATTA WAR RETURNS TO ENGLAND. From the montli of April, 1799, to December, 1800, Colo- nel Wellesley retained without a break the chief command in Seringapatam. So long as General Harris's army lingered near, his position was that of commandant of the fortress alone. AVhen the main body of the force returned to Ma- dras, he became civil as well as military superintendent of the district. It was a position which imposed upon him much responsibility and put no inconsiderable strain upon his energies. He had order to bring out of confusion, the authority of law and justice to re-establish ; bands of robbers to eradicate ; refractoiy chiefs to subdue. He accomplished all these objects as much by management as by force, and made himself at once respected and beloved by all classes of the people. A becoming addition to his pay and allowances relieved him at the same time from pecuniary anxieties, while £7000, his share of prize money, enabled him to repay to his brother sums advanced for tlie purchase of his promotion. This was a great weight taken from his mind, but sterner work was cut out for him. In the dungeons of Seringapatam there lay, at the period of its capture, a notable robber, by name Dhoondiah Waugh. He was one of those adventurers whom we meet with only in the East, who by courage and a certain amount of ability raise themselves suddenly to influence, and not unfrequently fall again as suddenly as they rose. Captured by Tippoo, lie had been reserved for a painful death, which he escaped by the bursting open of his prison-doors when Seringapatam 1800.] DHOOXDIAH WAUGH. 27 fell to the Englisli. He fled, and soon gathered round him some thousands of desperate men, chiefly the wreck of Tippoo's army. With these he ravaged the country in every direction, the numbers of his followers increasing in propor- tion to his success. Against that man, who assumed the title of King of the World, Colonel Wellesley found it necpssai'y to equip a force, and began at the head of it a campaign of the most extraordinary marches that had ever been performed in India. Dhoondiah's people, unencumbered with baggage, moved from place to place with great rapidity. Their intelligence also was excellent, and for a while they managed to elude their pursuers. But perseverance and skill overcame all obstacles in the end, and Colonel Wellesley came np with them and twice struck them hard. Both affairs were those of cavalry alone. The first occurred on the 29th of July close to the Malpurda river, through which Dhoondiah was driven with the loss of his artillery. The second took place near the village of Correahgall with much more decisive results. With 1200 horse. Colonel Wellesley charged and overthrew 5000 of the enemy, cutting his way through, dis- persing, and riding them down with great slaughter. Among the killed was Dhoondiah himself, and among the prisoners his son, a mere child, whom some troopers found concealed in a baggage wasfsron, and brouofht to their commander. Colonel Wellesley was greatly touched with the piteous condition of the boy, and not only received him kindly at the moment, but took him permanently under his protection. I have not been able to ascertain what ultimately became of that youth, but I know that his protector bestowed upon him a good education, and that before quitting India he made such arrangements as secured to the lad a fair start in life. The operations against Dhoondiah, besides being brilliant in themselves, were the more creditable to Colonel Wellesley that while they were yet in progress it was proposed to him to resign the government of Mysore, and to assume the command of a body of troops which the Grovernor-goneral thought of employing in the reduction of Batavia. To men 28 THE ISLE OF FRANCE THREATENED. [1800. of ordinary minds, such a sure prospect of acquiring both Avealth and reputation would have been irresistible, but now, as at all stages in his M'ondrous career, duty was with Colo- nel "Welleslev the great principle of action. Others might succeed in reducing Batavia, or they might fail ; it was cer- tain that if he interrupted his close pursuit of Dhoondiah for a day, the freebooter would escape. He preferred, there- fore, that his own interests should suffer, than that an object important to the Avell-being of the country should miscarry. Besides, the Mahrattas were beginning to be restless again, and he could not venture to break up his little army till he saw in what their movement should end. It ended for the present in a return to a state of quietude, and then, and only then, he declared himself ready for active service in any part of the world. The Isle of France offered at that time a tempting prize to English ambition. It was the last of the French colo- nies which had submitted to the new order of things, and though garrisoned by republican soldiers, the royalist feeling was understood to be still strong among the settlers. More than once, wistful eyes had been turned towards it from Calcutta, and at last Lord Mornington, trusting to co-opera- tion from the people, determined to invade it. He deter- mined also to emjDloy his brother in the enterprise, and addressed to him an official connuunication, of which the language, it must be confessed, is somewhat ambiguous. Colonel Wellesley accepted the despatch as conferring absolutely upon himself the conduct of the expedition. He did not therefore hesitate as to the course which it behoved him to follow ; but making over the administra- tion of affairs in Mysore to his friend Colonel Stevenson, set out without a moment's delay for Trincomalee in Cey- lon. It was there that the expedition had been directed to rendezvous, and such Avas the rapidity with Avhich Colonel Wellesley travelled, that though his orders reached him only on the 2nd of December, Christmas found him at his post, AVith characteristic diligence he set himself at once to col- lect stores for the use of the army, and to inform himself as well as he could of the military and political condition of 1801.] DISAPPOINTED AXD DISGUSTED. 29 the Island. But all ended for hiin in disappointment. Those were times in which the authority of Governors- pener&l, however absolute on shore, was not acknowledged three miles beyond the coast. The senior naval officer on the India station took orders only from home, and Admiral Renier, though willing to co-operate in an attack on Bata- via, refused point blank to act against the Isle of France. Towards Batavia, Lord Mornington therefore turned his attention. But Colonel Wellesley gained nothing from the change of plan. On the contrary, it was announced to him that another should be appointed to reap where he had sown. And yet again, when instructions from home divert- ed the armament towards Egypt, the place assigned to him was that of second to Greneral Baird. "We cannot greatly wonder if this fresh disappointment somewhat disturbed his equanimity. It was mortifying enough to be thwarted once, but to suffer this mortification twice, after so much time and attention bestowed upon the work of preparation, was more than be could bear. His letters of this date show unmistakeable signs of irritation. Not a Avord escapes him however to indicate that he slackened in his efforts to pro- mote the public service. His labours continued at Trinco- malee till the resources of the country were exhausted, and then on his own responsibility he carried the armament to Bombay, as being better able to supply its wants and nearer to the scene of intended operations. But further than this he resolved not to go. Colonel Wellesley was not free from the weaknesses which appertain to men in general, however marvellous might be his power to overcome them. He felt keenly enough the slight that had been put upon himself, but he felt still more the injustice which others had suffered. " I can easily get the better of my own disappointment," he says, " but how can I look in the face the officers who, from a desire to share my fortunes, gave up lucrative appoint- ments and must go with one whom none of them admires ? I declare that I can't think of the whole business with com- mon patience." These, however, were but the first outbursts of a not unnatural indignation. His feelins's soon calmed 30 A MAJOR-GENERAL. [ISOl. clown. Lord Mornington, conscious that he had acted some- what unfairly, proposed to reinstate him in his counnand at Mysore ; and Colonel Wellesley, whom a sharp attack of illness rendered incapable, had he been ever so much disposed, to follow the fortunes of General Baird, returned, as soon as he found himself able to travel, to Seringapatam. He arrived there on the 7th of May, 1801, and heard not long afterwards of his advancement to the rank of Major- General. It was an event which might have operated in- juriously to his fortunes, but that a vacancy occurred just at the moment on the staff of the Madras Presidency, and that, without any solicitation on his part, he was immedi- ately nominated to supply. This left him in continued charge of a province, which day by day became more the centre of important proceedings. But his satisfaction was somewhat damped by the tidings which arrived about the same time of the retirement of Mr Pitt from the head of the administration at home, and of the peace of Amiens nego- tiated under the auspices of his successor, Mr Addington. The truth is, that both the Wellesleys were in those days what the younger continued ever after to be, decided Tories. Both likewise regarded peace with France in the light of a mere suspension of hostilities, of which the consequences, however beneficial elsewhere, could not fail to prove incon- venient in India. But the consideration which weighed with them most was the loss of Mr Dundas from the Board of Control, where he had given to Lord Mornington's policy a consistent and liberal support. So keenly, indeed, did the Governor-general feel the delicacy of his new position, that he entertained serious thoughts of resigning the govern- ment. Partly, however, through his own sense of duty, partly in consequence of Colonel AVellesley's remonstrances, he resisted that inclination, and for some years more con- tinued to maintain the honour and advance the interests of his country in the high position to which he had been called. From May, 1801, to Xov. 1802, Colonel Wellesley's labours as administrator of the province of Mysore were chiefly pacific. He reformed abuses in all departments of the public service, 1S02.] IXDIA rXSETTLED. 31 military as ^vell as civil. He cleared jungles, constructed roads, and hunted down robber-bands wherever they made their appearance. But India was then in a state which prohibited all hope of permanent peace ; and before 1802 came to an end, the necessity of preparing for a new war became evident. Of the Mahrattas and their princes I have elsewhere spoken briefly. They were lords of a wide tract of country, which extended from sea to sea, between the island of Salsette and the mouths of the Ganges, overlapping the Company's territories, and stretching north- ward as far as the Sutlej. One chief, Dowlat Eao Scindia, whose authority was acknowledged furthest to the North, could bring into the field, besides swarms of irregulars, 80,000 disciplined infantry, 8000 cavalry, and 250 pieces of cannon. A deserter from the French marines, by name Perron, commanded this corps, and placed adventurers from almost all the countries of Europe at the head of his divisions and brigades. Anotlier Mahratta chief was Holkar, whose dominions interposed between those of Scindia and Bombay, and whose force consisted chiefly of cavalry, of which he could bring 80,000 into the field. A third was the Eajah of Berar or Nagpore, whose territory lay between the west- ern shore of the gulf of Bengal and the Nizam's frontier ; while the fourth, nominally the head of the confederation, was the Peishwa. This latter prince kept his court at Poonah, and was on terms of strict amity with the English ; a circumstance which gave little satisfaction to his brother chieftains, and led eventually to the rupture of which I am going to speak. Throughout the autumn and winter of 1802, Greneral Wellesley's attention was constantly fixed on the Mahrattas and their doings. So, indeed, was that of Lord Mornington, for Holkar and Scindia were evidently aspiring each to take the lead of the other, and afterwards consolidate in his own person a strong empire. The Peishwa threw his influence, such as it was, into Scindia's scale, whereupon Holkar declared war and marched against the allies. He defeated their combined armies near Poonah, on the 25th of Oct., ] 802, and immediately set up a new Peishwa. But the 32 TROOPS ASSEMBLE, [1803. legitimate Peishwa, Badje Eao by name, took slielter at Bombay, wbere preparations were made to lead bim back ill triumpb to his capital. It was not, however, according to the policy of those days to assist even an ally gratuitously. The Peishwa, in recompense of the assistance rendered, un- dertook to keep 6000 British troops permanently near his person, assigning to the Company territory enough to defray the costs of their maintenance ; and never again on his own account to make war, or to permit wars to be waged by any others of the Mahratta princes, except with the sanction of the English Government. Such, in brief outline, was the ti'eaty of Bassein, so important in its results to the gi'owth of British power in the East, with which, as is little to be wondered at, the whole of the Mahratta nation declared dis- satisfaction, and against which chief after chief loudly pro- tested. Indignation at the wrong put vipon their common nation- ality reconciled Holkar and Scindia, who entered at the same time into alliance with the Eajah of Berar. All these collected their troops ; and while Holkar with his disci- plined legions kept guard in the North, Scindia and the Berar liajah united their forces, and from a position which they took up at Bourampoor, threatened the JN^izam, the ally of the English, with all the miseries of war. Not one of these various movements escaped the observ- ation of General Wellesley. He appears indeed to have foreseen most of them before they occurred, and to have re- commended such an arrangement as the case required, whe- ther war, or the continuance of an uncertain peace, should result from them. An army of observation was assembled early in 1803 on the Toombudra, which could be crossed as circumstances might dictate, whetlier to repel an invasion of the Nizam's dominions, or to bring back Badje Kao to Poonah in peace. It is curious to observe how, in sending forward the corps which were to form this army. General Wellesley anticipates himself, so to speak, in the operations which he afterwards conducted on a larger scale. There is the same attention to details wliich manifests itself in his orders to the army of the Peuinsuki ; the same determination to maintain 1803.] HIS PLAN OF CAMPxVIGN, 33 discipline, and to protect the people throiigh whose fields and villages the troops were to march. The very pace at which men and guns are to move is specified, and not an article required for hospital or field equipment is overlooked. The consequence was a quiet and orderly movement, to which the natives offered no opposition ; and to the success of which the Mahrattas themselves contributed by bringing supplies into camp. I advise all military men who are desirous of mastering the science of their profession, to read with care the Duke's published despatches, voluminous though they be ; and to make no portion of them the subject of more careful study than those which show how under him operations were carried on in India. While thus guarding against danger on one side of India, General Wellesley was not regardless of what might befall in another. His, indeed, was a plan of campaign which embraced the whole field over which war might be expected to flow. He sent General Lake with 14,000 men from Bengal towards Delhi, while he himself with 23,000 provided for the safety .of the Deccan. With General Lake's oper- ations, successful as they were, I am not immediately con- cerned. They ended in the destruction of Holkar's power at the battle of Laswarree. And even of General Wellesley's brilliant exploits I must be content to describe rather the issues than the details. His first object was to form a junction with a corps of 7000 men, under protection of which the Peishwa was moving from Bombay to Poonah. This he could effect only by a rapid march through a country which ought to have been hostile, but which remained friendly, because of the care which was taken to prevent marauding, and to make the movement a gain rather than a loss to the inhabitants. He next made a dash to save Poonah itself, which the Governor, left by Holkar, was pre- paring to evacuate, though not till after he should have laid the town in ashes. I have often heard the Duke de- scribe this enterprise, which he did very clearly and with great animation. " We were within 40 miles of the place," he used to say, "Avhen this resolution of Holkar's Lieutenant was communicated to me. My troops had marched twenty miles 3 34 POOXAH SAVED. [1803. that clay under a burning sun, and the infantry could no more have gone five miles further than they could have flown. The cavalry, though not fresh, were less knocked up, so I got together 400 of the best mounted among them, and set off. We started after dark on the night of the 19th of March, and in the afternoon of the 20th Ave got close to the place. There was an awful uproar, and I expected to see the flames burst out, but nothiug of the kind occurred. Amrut Eao, — that was the Mahratta's name, — was too fright- ened to think of anj'^thing except providing for his own safety, and I had the satisfaction of finding, when I rode into the town, that he had gone off" with his garinson by one gate as we went in by another. We were too tired to follow, had it been Avorth while to do so, which it was not. Poonah was safe, and that Avas all I cared for." NotAvithstanding the reinstatement of the Peishwa in his capital, there was no war as yet between the English and the Mahrattas. The latter maintained, indeed, their threatening attitude on the Nizam's frontier, and marauders from their camp passed it occasionally to plunder. But this was a state of things which coidd not last. General AVellesley informed Scindia and Holkar that they must retire beyoud the Ner- budda, otherwise he should be obliged to attack them ; and they, with the cunning of their race, endeavoixred to evade the proposal without positiA'ely declining to accede to it. Delay, hoAvever, while it suited their ends, was exactly opposed to his. The Nizam Avas knoAvn to be dying, and a rencAval of the Avar betAveen England and France might any day be expected ; he therefore repeated his demand in more per- emptory terms, and was again put off". He had been pre- pared for this issue all along, and brought the negotiation to a close. " I have off"ered you peace," he wrote, " on tenns of equity, honourable to all parties ; you have chosen Avar, and are responsible for the consequences." General Wellesley, after the occupation of Poonah, had been obliged to look to the safety of many exposed points, and his force was, in consequence, broken up into several corps. Under his own immediate orders, at a place called Sangwer, upon the Seena, Avcre 8903 regular troops, with 1S03.] AHMEDXUGGUR STORMED. S5 5000 irregulars, partly Mahratta, partly Mysorean horse ; while Colonel Stevenson, with 7920 men, and 16,000 of the ]N^izam's people, was at Anrungabad, north of the Godavery. These, together, constituted the army of operations, properly so called, and were in observation of Scindia and the Eajah of Berar ; who had assembled.at Jalgong, in rear of the Ad- juntee Hills, not less than 38,000 horse, 14,000 disciplined infantry, 190 guns, and 500 rockets. The two English corps, though separated by a wide extent of country, yet worked together, and were strong enough to depend, while ma- noeuvring, each upon itself. In the event of the enemy being forced to fight a general action, it was desirable to engage him Avith both. With a view of bringing matters to this issue. General "Wellesley broke up from Sangwer on the 6th of August, and encamped the same night, amid torrents of rain, a few miles short of Ahmednuggur. It was a place of great re- puted strength, and important as lying on the line of his communications, and he determined to reduce it before pro- ceeding further. Indian forts are, for the most part, built near the summits of hills, having the towns or pettahs clustered round the bases ; and about each town is usually drawn a wall with towers or circular bastions at intervals. Before attacking the fort, the town must almost always be taken ; and General Wellesley having failed to persuade the Governor to sur- render, ordered the pettah of Ahmednuggur to be stormed. And here, for obvious reasons, I prefer telling the story of that operation in the words of the chief actor, rather than in my own. " We had the same storm of rain all the 7th which annoyed us on the 6th ; but the weather cleared dur- ing the night, and early on the morning of the 8th, I sum- moned the place. My proposals were rejected ; and having made the necessary arrangements beforehand, I let loose the storming party. As I was watching the progress of things, I saw an officer seize a ladder, plant it against the wall, and rush up alone. He was thrown down on reaching the summit, but jumped up at once, and reascended ; he was again thrown down, and again reascended, followed on this 3* 36 COLIN CAMPBELL. [1803. occasion by the men. There was a scuffle on the top of the wall, in which the officer had to cut his way through the de- fenders, and presently a whole crowd of British troops poured after him into the town. As soon as I got in, I made inquiries about him, and found that his name was Colin Campbell, and that he was wounded. I sought him out, and said a few words to him, with which he seemed greatly delighted. I liked his blunt, manly manner, and never lost sight of him afterwards. He became oneof my aides-de-camp, and is now, as you know, the Governor of Plymouth." Such a summary method of reducing the pettah struck the Governor with astonishment as well as dismay. He waited only till the English batteries began to fire, and then proposed to capitulate. It was of more importance to Gen- eral "Wellesley to save time than to destroy or make pri- soners of 1400 Mahrattas ; he therefore permitted the garri- son to march away, with its arms and baggage, and took quiet possession of the citadel. A little labour bestowed upon it rendered it an admirable place d'arvies ; which at once covered his own rear and overawed such of the princes of Southern India as might be inclined to make common cause Avith the enemy. This done, he renewed his march, and, heading the Mahrattas on one side, while Stevenson headed them on another, he at last forced them to concentrate with the apparent view of hazarding a battle. It was ascertained on the 24th of September, that the enemy were in position, and in great strength, near a village called Bokerdun, behind the Adjuntee Hills. General Wellesley himself was then at Budnapoor, where, in the course of the 2oth, Colonel Stevenson joined him, and it was arranged that they should move on the morrow in two columns — so as to come up with the enemy, through different passes, about the same time. It chanced however, while the British generals were arranging their plans, that the Mahrattas had changed their ground, and that they now oc- cupied a delta, formed by the confluence of the Kaitna and the Juah, having tlieir right on Bokerdun, and tlieir left on the village of Assaye. They were thus brought nearer by two or three uiiles to the site of the British camp than was 1S03.] POSITION OF ASSAYE. 87 supposed, increasing thereby the distance ^\hich it became necessary for Stevenson to compass, in the same proportion as Greueral Wellesley's march was shortened. The conse- quence -was that about two o'clock in the afternoon of the 26th, General "Wellesley found himself suddenly in presence of 50,000 men, secured on both sides by villages and rivers, and covered along their whole front by 128 pieces of cannon. His own corps consisted of something less than 8000, of which 1500 only were Europeans : and 17 guns, drawn by animals worn out with hard work, made up the whole of his train. Tor a moment, and only for a moment, he paused to consider whether it would be better to fall back, or to risk an action. In the former case, he was pretty sure to be followed and harassed at every step ; perhaps his baggage might be cut off, and the enemy would doubtless avail themselves of the cover of night to escape. In the latter he had the long odds, so far as numbers were concerned, against him, and a posi- tion of great strength, and not unskilfully taken up, to carry. On the whole, however, it appeared to him advisable rather to run all risks than to exhibit the faintest sign of timidity ; so he placed his baggage where he believed that it would be safe, and arranged his order of battle. To those who lived on terms of any intimacy with the Duke, there was nothing so agreeable as to get him, when in a communicative mood, on the subject of his campaigns. He expressed himself with such clearness and entire simplicity, that a child could understand, while a philosopher admired and became instructed by him. It seemed, likewise, as if his Indian wars, perhaps because they were the first in which he had an opportunity to control and direct large operations, had made the strongest impression on his me- mory. Of the battle of Assaye, he used to say that it was the hardest-fought affair that ever took place in India. " If the enemy had not neglected to guard a good ford on the Kaitna, I don't know how we could have got at him ; but once aware of his neglect, I took care that he should not liave time to remedy it. We passed the river in one column and then deployed. Unfortunately my first line, which had been directed to keep clear of Assaye, swayed to the right, 33 , THE BATTLE. [1803. and became exposed to a heavy fire of musketry in that direction. 'This obliged me to bring the second line sooner into action than I intended, and to employ the cavalry — the 19th Dragoons — early in the day, in order to save the 74th from being cut to pieces. But whatever mistakes my officers committed, they more than made up for by their bravery. I lost an enormous number of men : 170 officers were killed and wounded, and upwards of 2000 non-commis- sioned officers and privates ; but we carried all before us. We took their guns, which were in the first line, and were fired upon by the gunners afterwards, who threw themselves down, pretending to be dead, and then rose up again after our men had passed; but they paid dearly for the freak. The 19th cut them to pieces. Seindia's infantry behaved admirably. They were in support of his cannon, and we drove them off at the point of the bayonet. We pursued them as long as daylight lasted and the exhausted state of the men and horses would allow ; and slept on the field." While Greneral Wellesley Avas thus warmly engaged, Colonel Stevenson held his appointed course, and gained the further hiide of the hills, only to discover that the enemy were not where he expected to find them. The sound of firing reached him however, and acting on a rule which Grouchy, at a later period, is accused by his countrymen of having neglected, he brought up his right shoulder and marched towards it. He arrived on the field of battle just in time to see that the victory was complete, and to follow and inflict further damage on the fugitives. After which, by Colonel Wellesley's desire, he laid siege one after another to several strong forts, which covered the approaches to Berar in that direction. Meanwhile, Scindia and Ragogee Bunshi, confounded by their disaster at Assaye, endeavoured to open separate negotiations with General Wellesley, at the same time that they reinforced their army with every dis- posable man, and manoeuvred to interrupt these sieges. There was one fortress in particular, a place called Gawil- ghur, regarded by the natives with almost superstitious re- verence, the endeavour to save Avhich brought them once more into collision with Colonel Wellesley's army. This 1803.] BATTLE OF AEGAUM. 39 second battle was fought near the village of Argaum, on ground selected by the enemy themselves, because it was suitable for cavalry, in which they were strong. But neither the advantage of position, nor a vast superiority in numbers, availed against the skill and hardihood of the assailants. After a march of 26 miles under the rays of an Indian sun, Greueral Wellesley, with 18,000 men, of whom 4000 were irregulars, came upon 40,000 Mahrattas, and instantly at- tacked them. For a moment, and only for a moment, the issue of the sti-ife seemed doubtful. Three Sepoy battalions, which had behaved admirably at Assaye, were seized with a sudden panic, and began to move off, when General Wellesley himself rode up and rallied them. They turned round, fell upon their pursuers, and drove them from the field. Thirty- eight guns, many elephants and camels, with an enormous quantity of baggage, became the prize of the victor, and the light of a full moon enabled him to pursue with his cavalry, and to inflict heavy loss on the fugitives till a late hour of the night. The loss of this battle, with the surrender of Grawilghur, put an end to the Mahratta war in Central India. Scindia and Eagogee Bunsla felt that further resistance would be useless, and after a good deal of chicane and equivocation, they threw themselves on the mercy of the conqueror. The terms imposed upon them were severe. Territory was ceded to the Company, yielding a revenue of two millions, and measur- ing about 2400 square miles of surface extent, which in- cluded Delhi, Grwalior, Grohud, Baroach, Ahmednuggur, and other important towns. It was stipulated also that neither chief should hereafter receive into his service Europeans of any nation except with the consent of the Grovernor-general, — Scindia agreeing to co-operate with the English and com- pelling Holkar to accept similar terms. This treaty of peace, as well as the conduct of the war, was altogether the work of Greneral Wellesley. He had ar- ranged the entire plan of operations before they began, and received plenary power from Lord Mornington to act Iti every emergency as his own judgment miglit siiggest. In after-years he used often, when one or two confidential 40 THE BRINJAREIES. [1803. friends got about him, to speak in glowing terms of the gen- erous confidence witli which his brother treated him. And when the conversation took that turn it was not difficult to lead him on into details which were highly inter- esting. For example, he would say, referring to the subsist- ence of his troops during the campaign, " that he greatly preferred depending upon Brinjarries to the difficulty and labour of transporting grain. The Brinjarries are native grain-dealers. They traverse the face of the country in large bodies, and besides being able to defend themselves against marauders, they enjoy a sort of immunity from mo- lestation in passing through states which have any govern- ment at all. Pay them well, and you may almost always depend upon them. I never found them fail me. If I had endeavoured in that war to carry about with me stores of grain suflicient for the consumption of the sepoys and the animals, I should have done nothing. It was difficult enough to transport my ammunition, and supplies of meat and rum and bread for the Europeans." " The Mahrattas were capital marchers, were they not ? " " Tes ; but except when they set out on a mere predatory excursion, I always managed to come up Avith them. Mah- rattas cannot live upon air more than other people, and the Brinjarries would not trust them. Besides, they always encumbered themselves sooner or later Avith plunder, and then we had them." " Was the country settled immediately on the conclusion of peace ? " " Not at all. The country was never settled, except in those districts over which Ave extended our authority. Even the Nizam, our ally, was always ready to play us a trick. He refused to shelter my Avouuded after the battle of Assaye, till I compelled him to do so. And Avhen Scindia and Ragogee Bunsla could no longer hold out the promise of plunder to their people, most of them deserted, and set up as free-booters on their OAvn account. There Avas one band, in particular, under a very daring leader, Avhicli gave us a good deal of trouble. The fellow broke into the Deccau, defeated the Nizam's troops, and Avas growing formidable, 1803.] RIVERS CROSSED. 41 wheu I set out in search of him. I was suffering at the time from boils, a not uncommon complaint, by the by, in India, and riding "nas disagreeable, but I got upon my horse, and after a march of sixty miles ascertained that he had managed to put a river between him and me, which the guides assured me was impassable. We pushed on across a large plain, and presently saw the river, which certainly had no bridges upon it, and looked very much as if it were too deep for fording. I noticed, however, that two villages stood directly opposite to one another, looking like a single village with a stream running through, and I said to myself, ' These people Avould not have built in this man- ner unless there were some means of communication from side to side.' I made no halt, therefore, and found, sure enough, that a very good ford allowed the inhabitants of one village to visit their neighbours in the other A'illage at all hours of the day. We crossed by that ford, greatly to the disgust of our guides, Avho intended the robbers to get away, and overtaking the marauders we attacked and dis- persed them, taking all their guns and baggage. I knew that, without guns, and broken up as they were, they would be cut to pieces in detail by the armed villagers, and it Avas so." " The rivers must have puzzled you at times, for you probably did not carry pontoons with you." " No, we had no pontoons in those days. We crossed the rivers either by fords, or, when these failed us, by bridges resting upon inflated skins. In fact, we made Avar pretty much as Alexander the Grreat seems to have done, and as all men must do in such a country as India then Avas. My heaviest siege-guns were tAvelve-pounders, and I often found them so inconvenient to carry that they were left behind." It Avas thus that the Duke used to speak of his own oper- ations against the Mahrattas and of his Indian Avars gener- ally. His estimate of the policy which brought about these wars never varied. He held that Lord Morxington was in every case forced into the hostilities in which he engaged. Hesitation on his part in taking the initiative Avould have 42 QUITS INDIA. [1805. encouraged the native powers to combine ; and the contest, which was inevitable sooner or later, Avould have been not only more expensive, but in its issue perhaps more doubtful. These were not the views taken at the time by the Court of Directors. In a succession of despatches they expressed themselves so angrily about orders disobeyed and dividends absorbed, that General Wellesley,whom Lord Moruington con- sulted on the subject, advised his brother to resign. As to Greneral Wellesley himself, he had by this time begun to look for something more than an Indian career, of which the effects Avere telling upon his constitution. He applied therefore, in the autumn of 1801, for leave to return to Europe, and not doubting that the request would be acceded to, he repaired to Calcutta in order to take leave of the Governor- general. Lord Mornington, however, had not acted upon his brother's advice. The support afforded him by the King's ministers, though less vigorous than he had a right to expect, sufficed to make him indifferent to the censure of his masters in Leadenhall-street ; and having made up his mind to remain a little longer at the head of the Indian Government, he did what he could to dissuade his brother from leaving him. So far he prevailed that General Wel- lesley returned to Seringapatam, of which he continued to administer the affairs till the beginning of 1805. Beyond that date, however, no considerations Avere strong enough to keep him in the country. On the first of February he renewed his application to the ]Madras Government ; on the 13th he arrived at Fort St George, packed and ready for the voyage ; on the IGth he took possession of a cabin in H. M.S. Trident, and India saw him no more. He did not de- part, however, till he had secured from many quarters marks of the esteem and respect in which the Indian coumiunity held him. The native inhabitants of Seringapatam sent him an address, in which these remarkable expressions occur : " You are entitled to our gratitude for the tranquillity, security, and prosperity which Ave have enjoyed under your beneficent administration. "We address our prayers to the God of all castes and of all nations, that he will grant you health, glory, and good fortune." The people of Ma- 1S0.5.] TOKENS OF RESPECT. 43 dras gave him a magnificent farewell banquet, causing his portrait to be placed among those of the chief benefactors of the province. From the English settlers in Calcutta, he received a valuable sword, and from the officers of the army of the Deccau, a gold epergne, bearing this inscription, " Battle of Assaye, 26th Sept., 1803." Nor, as it appeared, had either his or his brother's claims to share in such honours as the Crown can bestow, been overlooked. Before quitting Madras Greneral Wellesley was gratified by learn- ing that the honour of the Bath had been conferred upon himself; and that his brother was advanced a step in the Peerage, being created Marquis Wellesley. 44 CHAPTEE IV. IN COMMAND AT HASTINGS CHIEF SECRETARY FOR IRELAND EXPEDITION TO COPENHAGEN. After a tedious but not disagreeable passage of exactly six calendar months, Sir Arthur AVellesley arrived at Portsmouth. He had spent one month out of the six at St Helena, of which he speaks in his correspondence as beautiful and salubrious ; a fact worth noting when we bear in mind the use to which the island was subsequently turned. His leisure hours on board of ship he seems to have amused by drawing up papers on various subjects of public importance. Two of these at least are interesting at the present day, because they relate, one to the agriculture of India, another to the employment of African troops in the East, and of Sepoys in the "West Indies. This interchange of force, which was a good deal thought of at the period, he unhesitatingly condemned, assigning reasons which it is impossible to question. But other subjects employed his thoughts at the same time. He heard at St Helena of the abrupt removal of Lord Wellesley from power and the appointment of Lord Cornwallis to suc- ceed him ; and remembering that Mr Addington was no longer at the head of the administration, he was not more annoyed at the iingracious proceeding than perplexed how to account for it. Like a wise man, however, he abstained from discussing the grievance, except in confidential commu- nications with his brother; and laid himself out to ascertain quietly through what influence it had occurred, before he should take any decided steps to vindicate Lord "Wcllesley's reputation. 180.5.] MARQUIS OF BUCKIXGnAJI. 45 Lord Castlereagh was at that time President of the Board of Control. On him Sir Arthur waited immediately on his arrival in London, and learned, scarcely to his surprise, that great efforts had been made in many quarters to create in the minds of the King's ministers a prejudice against his brother. It appeared, also, that these efforts had not been entirely unsuccessful, for Lord Castlereagh, an old friend of the Wellesleys, expressed disapproval of the Governor-gen- eral's wars, and still more of his treaties, and es^^ecially of the treaty of Bassein. Sir Arthur set himself to remove so false an impression, and to a great extent he succeeded. But Lord "Wellesley had many enemies, and, as the event proved, they were both powerful and vindictive. At that moment, however, the AVliigs suddenly became his friends. They had given him no support while sharing with Mr Addington the honours and responsibilities of office, but being now in opposition themselves, they did their best to separate him entirely from Mr Pitt. In the 4th volume of the Duke's supplementary Indian Despatches, there is a letter which gives a curious account of a visit paid by the writer to the Mar- quis of Buckingham at Stowe, as w'ell as of an interview with Lord Bathurst at Cirencester. Lord Buckingham, a follower of Mr Pox, presses upon Lord Wellesley the wis- dom of throwing in his lot with the Whigs. " It is the best political game of the day, looking to the difference of the ages of the King and of the Prince of Wales." Lord Bathurst, a member of Mr Pitt's cabinet, reasons differently ; and while expressing a hope that his old friend would return to former habits of thbiking and acting, advises him " to take no decided part in politics immediately on his arrival, nor till his Indian question should have been settled." Of this course Sir Arthur heartily approved, and Lord Welles- ley, as is well known, adopted and profited by it. The same letter sjDeaks of a ride with Mr Pitt himself from Wimbledon Common to London. " We rode very slowly," Sir Arthur says, " and I had a full opportunity of discussing with him and explaining all the points in our late system in India to which objections had been made, which were likely to make any impression upon him." He then aUudes to 46 COURT OF DIRECTORS. [1805. Lord Wellesley's natural desire to have a Parliamentary inquiry into his conduct, and expresses himself well pleased with the manner in which Mr Pitt listened to the sugges- tion. " I have seen INIr Pitt several times since," he adds ; " he has always been very civil to me, and has mentioned you in the most affectionate terms." Sir Arthur's next point was to obtain a hearing from the Court of Directors, to whom, on Lord Castlereagh's sug- gestion, he volunteered to pay his respects in person. They declined to see him, but invited him, as they coidd scarcely avoid doing, to one of their great Wednesday dinners. " jMy pi'oposal to wait upon them on my arrival," he says, " the chairman recommended that I should withdraw, be- cause it had no precedent. The real reason, however, for which they refused to receive me was, that they were appre- hensive, lest by any mark of personal attention to me they should afford ground for a belief that they approved of any of the measures in the transaction of which I had been con- cerned." The Directors of the East India Company are no longer the influential body which they Avere, when Sir Arthur Wellesley was refused the honour of a special inter- view with the Chairs ; but a retrospect of their behaviour to those who served them best in seasons of difficulty and danger does not impress us with any exalted idea of the fitness of a mercantile corpoi'ation to administer the afiairs of a great Empire. It was during this season of inaction, when Cheltenham Avas Sir Arthur's head-quarters, and he passed to and fro between that town and other places as business or pleasure required, that for the first and last time in their lives, the greatest Admiral and the greatest General whom England has ever produced met and conversed. " I had an engage- ment with Lord Bathurst," the Duke used to say, " and found in his waiting-room a gentleman who had lost an eye and an arm. We entered into conversation, neither of us being at all aware of who the other might be, and I was struck with the clearness and decision of his language, and guessed from the topics which he selected that he must be a seaman. lie was called in first and had his interview ; I followed, 1S05.] LORD NELSON. 47 and after settling our business, Lord Bathurst asked me whether I knew who it was that preceded me. I answered no, but that I was pretty sure from his manner of expressing himself that he was no common man. ' You are quite right,' was the answer ; ' and let me add that he expressed exactly the same opinion of you. That Avas Lord Nelson.' He was then making his preparations for going on board the Victory, and counted on fighting the great battle in which he died." Being upon the subject of Sir Arthur's meetings with the illustrious men of that age, I may as well give his own account of a somewhat remarkable scene in which he and Mr Pitt were actors, and which I am happily able to do in the words of Mr Pitt's best biographer. " The Duke," says Lord Stanhope, " spoke of Mr Pitt, lamenting his early death. ' I did not think,' said the Duke, 'that he would have died so soon. He died in January, 1806, and I met him at Lord Camden's in Kent, and I think that he did not seem ill, in the November pre- vious. He was extremely lively and in good spirits. It is true he was by way of being an invalid at that time. A great deal was always said about his taking his rides, for he used then to ride 18 or 20 miles every day, and great pains were taken to send forward his luncheon, bottled porter, I think, and getting him a beef-steak or mutton-chop ready at some place fixed before-hand. That place was always mentioned to the party ; so that those kept at home in the morning might join the ride there if they pleased. On coming home from these rides they used to put on dry clothes, and to hold a cabinet, for all the party were members of the cabi- net, except me, and I think the Duke of Montrose. At dinner Mr Pitt drank little wine ; but it was at that time the fashion to siip, and he then took a great deal of port wine and water. " ' In the same month I also met Mr Pitt at the Lord Mayor's dinner ; he did not seem ill. On that occasion I remember he returned thanks in one of the best and neatest speeches I ever heard in my life. It was in a very few words. The Lord Mayor had proposed his health as one 48 MR PITT. [1806. wlio had been the saviour of EDgland, and would be the saviour of the rest of Europe. Mr Pitt then got up, dis- claimed the compliment as applied to himself, and added, ' Eugland has saved herself by her exertions, and the rest of Europe will be saved by her example ; ' that was all ; he was scarcely up two minutes, yet nothing could be more perfect. " ' I remember another curious thing at that dinner. Erskiue was there. Now Mr Pitt had always over Erskine a great ascendancy, the ascendancy of terror. Sometimes in the House of Commons he could keep Erskiue in check by merely putting out his hand, or making a note. At this dinner, Erskine's health having been drunk, and Erskine rising to return thanks, Pitt held up his finger, and said to him across the table, ' Erskine, remember that they are drink- ing your health as a distinguished Colonel of Volunteers.' Erskine, who had intended, as we heard, to go off upon Rights of Juries, the State Trials, and other political points, was quite put out : he was awed like a school-boy at school, and in his speech kept strictly within the limits enjoined him.' " Thus the Duke used to speak of the " Pilot that weather- ed the storm." He did not add, Avhat the first Lord Sid- mouth told me, that Pitt entertained the highest admiration of Sir Arthur Wellesley then, and used to say that he found him quite unlike all other military men with Av]]om he had ever conversed. ** He never made a difficulty, or hid his ignorance in vague generalities. If I put a question to him, he answered it distinctly ; if I wanted an explanation, he gave it clearly ; if I desired an opinion, I got from him one supported by reasons that were always sound. He was a very remarkable man." Sir Arthur returned from India, as he himself informs us, certainly not rich, but master of a modest competency. That indifference to the service, however, which ten years previously had induced him to think of quitting it, was at an end, and he now received with satisfaction an announce- ment from the Duke of York tliat he might expect shortly to be employed. The promise Avas in due time fulfilled, and he found himself in command of a brigade of Infantry which 1806.] SEAT IX PARLIAMENT OFFERED. 49 was quartered in and about Hastings. Had he looked upon this as a slight rather than as a favour, no one could have been surprised. The descent was striking enough from the management of great armies in the field, to the routine duty of drilling and inspecting two or three battalions at a home station. But Sir Arthur never for a moment took so unworthy a view of the matter, — " I have eaten the King's salt," was his reply to some who remarked on the arrange- ment, " and consider myself bound to go where I am sent, and to do as I am ordered." Brighter prospects, however, soon dawned upon him. By the death of Mr Pitt, followed Avithin a few months by that of Mr Eox, new combinations for the government of the country became necessary, and a body of statesmen holding different opinions on many points of more or less importance, came into office, with Lord Grren- ville as their head. Now Lord Grrenville, an old friend of Lord Wellesley, had been no consenting party to the attacks upon his administration of the aifairs of India ; and believing that Sir Arthur would be better able than anybody else to defend his brother in Parliament, he proposed to him to stand for the borough of Rye, in which the Grovernment interest was paramount. The whole proceeding was from first to last highly creditable to both parties. Lord Gren- ville knew that on general questions Sir Arthur Wellesley Avould be little disposed to support the administration. He avoided throwing out the faintest insinuation that such sup- port was expected, but, assigning his reasons for making the proposal, made it on its own merits. Sir Arthur, on the other hand, with equal frankness declined to avail himself of the ofier till his political friends should be consulted, and writing to Lord Castlereagh on the subject, received a reply which I cannot deny myself the pleasure of inserting. " St James' Square, "Wednesday evening. " Mt dear "Wellesley, " I lose no time in replying to your letter, which I received just as I was sitting down to dinner. As far as I can venture, as an old and very sincere friend, to express an 4 50 SEAT ACCEPTED. [1807. opinion, I tbink you cannot permit yourself for a moment to hesitate in accepting Lord Grenville's proposal. Tour presence in the House may be of the utmost service to your brother, and you must feel that this consideration is and ought to be conclusive. I am sure, whatever may have occurred to associate Lord Grrcnville with other connections in the Government, that Mr Pitt's friends, so far as their sentiments can be permitted to weigh on such a point, will be unanimously of opinion that circumstanced as Lord Wel- lesley is at present, both with respect to the Government and the active steps taken to arraign his public conduct, your first and only consideration must be the protection of his character and services from unjust aspersions, which your intimate knowledge of the details of his Indian ad- ministration must qualify you above any other individual to do." Whatever hesitation Sir Arthur may have previously experienced, vanished on the receipt of this letter. He stood for Eye on the Government interest, was elected, and took his seat ; and had the satisfaction of knowing that his straightforward statements of what his brother had done contributed mainly to the Parliamentary acquittal, which saved to Lord AVellesley his good name, though it robbed him of the bulk of his fortune. The fate of the coalition cabinet of " all the talents," as it was called, is well known. The attempt to foi-ce upon George III. measures to which he was hostile, led within the year to the resignation of Lord Grenville and liis col- leagues ; and a new administration, pledged to an opposite policy, came into office. Of that administration the Duke of Portland became the head. The Duke of Kichmond was nominated to the Lieutenancy of Ireland, and Sir Arthur AV^ellesley was appointed to serve under him as Chief Se- cretary. The state of Ireland both social and political was at that time very deplorable. Shut out from the administration of the affairs of their own country, the Roman Catholic gentry were agitating for the repeal of the disabilities under which 1807.] STATE OF IRELAND. 51 they laboured. The E.onian Catholic clergy, having special objects of their own to serve, gave them in this agitation but a divided support, while the great body of the people, still suffering from the effects of the rebellions of 1798 and 1803, stood in some degree apart from both. Meanwhile the habits of both high and low were become alike demoralized and vicious. The upper classes took no thought of the lower, except to wring from them the utmost possible amount of rent ; which they squandered upon a hospitality as rude as it was lavish, residt- ing in a majority of cases in ruin to themselves and to their families. The example thus set was not lost upon the lower orders. Idle and improvident, they aspired to nothing bet- ter than to keep soul and body together, by agriculture car- ried on in its rudest form, and eked out by universal mendi- cancy. And all were alike untruthful, corrupt, and selfish. Jobbing was the rule in every station of life ; integrity, and respect for principle, the exception. On the yeomanry and peasantry of a nation so circumstanced, no reliance could be placed, for they were disaffected almost to a man ; and to a section only of the gentry could the Government look for support. But support, especially support in Parliament, was not to be secured except as a matter of bargain. Noble- men and gentlemen commanding votes in their respective counties or boroughs, sold them to the best bidder ; some- times for a single session, sometimes for a whole Parliament ; sometimes for a series of years. And as the party in power was generally in a condition to offer a better price than the party in opposition, the Government of the day, whether it were Whig or Tory, derived no small share of its political strength from the Irish constituencies. To the Chief Secretary was committed, among other im- portant trusts, the care of managing what were called the political influences of Ireland. This had been done time out of mind, Avith just so much of disguise as to render the corruption over which the veil was assumed to be thrown, doubly hideous. JSTow of hypocrisy in this or in any other case Sir Arthur was incapable. Taking office as a subordi- nate member of the Government, he took it with all its re- sponsibilities, and he acquitted himself of these responsibili- 4 * 52 HIS VIEWS THEREON. [1807. ties in civil life exactly as he would have done had they been connected with operations in the field. What concern had he with men's meannesses except to make use of them ? As to calling; jobs by any other than their proper names, or pretending; to appeal to patriotism, when the point really to be touched was self-interest, sucli a course of proceeding lay quite apart from his idiosyncrasies. He never went about the bush in asking for parliamentary support. His negotia- tions were all open and above-board. Places, pensions, ad- vancement in rank, sums of money, were promised in exchange for seats ; and deaneries and bishoprics, equally with clerk- ships of customs and tide-waiters' places, balanced on one side votes in the Houses of Lords and Commons on the other. I have often heard him speak of the political system of that period, and always in the same terms. " It is not very easily defended on abstract grounds, but in this, as in everything else connected with the management of human afliLxirs, we must look rather to results than to matters of detail. You condemn the Government for bribing the Irish gentlemen, and the Irish gentlemen for accepting bribes. I am not going to defend the Irish, or any other gentlemen who accept bribes. That is their concern, not mine. But if the object sought be the best possible Government, and if that Government cannot be obtained except through the venality of individuals, you surely won't blame those who turn even the moral weaknesses of individuals to good accoimt ? " " Perhaps not ; but can that be the best possible govern- ment which rests upon the moral obliquity of a whole na- tion ? " " In the first place, I deny that the whole nation is or ever was corrupt, though a portion of its more influential classes may have l)een so. Per one member who was re- turned through what you call corruption to the United Parliament in J 807, ten took their seats the honest advocates of the opinions which they held. And if the Government, let it be composed of what party it might, was able to pur- chase the support of that tenth, by what you call corrup- tion, it was surely justified in securing such support, rather than allow these members to go over to the opposition." 1807.] INFLUENCE IN GOVERNING. 53 " But can you justify this practice of buying and selling seats in the legislature at all r " " Now you are opening up the whole question of consti- tutional government. If you mean to ask whether I, as an individual, could bring myself to barter political influence for private gain, or whether I hold in any respect those who do so, my answer is, that no consideration on earth would induce me to make such exchange, and that I heartily despise a venal politician, to whatever party in the state he may belong. But my feeling in this matter ought not to turn me aside from the consideration of this great fact : under a constitutional monarchy we have to choose one of two things, but we cannot have both. Either we may so manage our political influences as that the wealth and intelligence of the country shall preponderate in the legislature, in which case property will be protected, at the same time that the freest course is opened to industry and talent, — or we may throw this influence into the hands of the needy and the ignorant, Avith the certain prospect before us of a scramble, sooner or later. Now I am one of those who believe that no nation ever has thriven, or ever will thrive, under a scramble. And, therefore, since I cannot command a majority in favour of order, except by influence, I am willing to use influence, even though the particular manner of using it may go against the grain." " Of course, you allude more particularly to close bo- roughs ? " " No, I do not. Close boroughs are generally less open to be swayed by mercenary considerations than larger con- stituencies. Some of them belong to great noblemen, whose general views are either in agreement with those of the Go- vernment, whatever it may be, or opposed to them. These great noblemen are not to be bought by ofiers of place for themselves or their dependents ; and still less by bribes in money. Others are in the hands of gentlemen who repre- sent colonial and other special interests, which they will never sacrifice for personal considerations. It is in counties, and in what are called open boroughs, that the influence of Government tells the most, particidarly in Ireland, where, in 54 INTERNAL ADMINISTRATION. [1807. my day at least, almost every man of mark in the state had his price." It was thus that in after-life the Duke of Wellington ixsed to speak of the political system which prevailed in Ireland during his tenure of office as Chief Secretary. He defended it only on the ground of its fitness for the circumstances which had called it into existence. He never made a secret of the scorn with which he thought of the jobbers who had profited by it ; nor is there in all his published correspond- ence a line whicli, if fairly read, goes to prove that his opin- ions were different in 1807 from what we know them to have been in 1831. On the contrary, there occur, from time to time, expressions which show that he sometimes found it a hard matter to conceal from his correspondents what he really thought both of them and their applications. Jobbing and dealing with jobbers, now to conciliate, now to reprove, though it occupied a considerable portion of Sir Arthur's time, did not engross it quite. The care of main- taining the internal tranquillity of the country devolved iipon him ; and he was much consulted as to the best means of re- sisting invasion from abroad. The former of these objects he endeavoured to accomplish by tlie establishment of an effect- ive police : the model of that which at a subsequent period Sir Robert Peel introduced into both Ireland and England. Against the latter he guarded by selecting positions which should cover the approaches to Dublin from the coast ; and by arranging for the rajjid conveyance of troops to any point which might be threatened. But he did much more than this. He set his face against all displays of party-feeling, and declined to sanction either the commemoration by yeomanry corps of victories gained over the rebels, or the presentation to the Lord-Lieutenant of political addresses by the clergy. On the other hand, he never hesitated to require perfect obe- dience to the laws, from rich as well as from poor, from land- lords not less than from tenants. An agitation was got up by certain noblemen and gentlemen against the payment of tithes; he denounced it as both unjust and un])atriotic, and put it down. On tlie other liand, he advocated tlie introduction of an educational system into the countiy whicli should enable the 1807.] HIS IRISH CORRESPONDEXCE. 55 children of Protestants and Eoman Cafholics to read tlie same books and sit in tlie same classes. He was favourable, also, to a State provision for the Eomish bishops and clergy, on conditions to which at that time the Romish hierarchy would have . gratefully assented. "Our policy in Ireland should be," he wrote on the 18th of Nov., 1807, " to en- deavour to obliterate, as far as the law will allow us, the distinction between Protestants and Catholics; and that we ought to avoid anything which could induce either sect to recollect or believe that its interests are separate or distinct from those of others." This with other and similar expressions, which occur more than once in his Irish correspondence, would seem to imply that already the conviction was maturing itself in his mind that penal and even disqualifying laws, on account of reli- gious opinion, are a mistake. At all events, I have myself more than once heard him express regret that Mr Pitt's scheme for the Union of Great Britain and Ireland had not been carried into effect as it was originally concocted. It is fan* to add, however, that as the discussion proceeded he generally qualified that opinion. " Ireland was then, as it is now, the greatest political puzzle the world ever saw. The more justly and kindly you treat the people, the more difficult it seems to manage them. Indeed the results of our own experience scarcely authorize us in assuming, that emancipation, if it had been sooner granted, would have worked better than it does now. But that does not aflect my argument, that the failure of Pitt's plan was a great misfortune. We had the Pope with us and against the French Republic in 1800 ; and the Irish priests were mostly of the old school. If the State had paid them, they would have been true to the State, I believe ; for they got little out of the people, and had nothing to expect but extirpation from the French. However I am arguing according to supposi- tion only, and may be mistaken." " Did you approve then of the exercise by the Crown of a veto on all ecclesiastical appointments made by the Pope." " I did not think much about it in those days. The Romish party themselves proposed it, perhaps because they 56 BIRTH OF A SON. [1807. knew it would be rejected. My duty was to obey, and to see that others obeyed the laws. It rested with the Grovernment and the legislature to change or to retain them. But this I did think then, and think now, that Government ought to do what is just towards the governed, let the consequences be what they may." Sir Arthur was thus employed when an event occurred in his family which could not fail to interest him deeply, I allude to the birth of his eldest son, the present Duke of AYellington. For on the 10th of April, 1806, he had mar- ried the same Lady Catherine Pakenham, to whom when a captain of cavalry he became attached, and on the 7th of February, 1S07, she presented him with his first-born. We know that in the latter years of his life the Duke's fondness for children was great. There is every reason to believe that this amiable feeling was quite as strong in youth, and we need not therefore draw unfairly upon the imagination if we assume that he hailed the birth of this child with all a father's tenderness. Be this however as it may, the state of Europe was then such as to leave him little leisure for the indulgence of domestic sympathies. Before the boy was five mouths old, duty called him again into the field, under circumstances which are better understood now than they seem to have been both here and on the Continent a few years ago. The treaty of Tilsit, which brought the war between France and Eussia to a close, included certain secret articles, ac- cording to which the Hulers of the two states were to divide Em'ope between them. To Alexander of Eussia the empire of the East was to be given, the empire of the West was to fall to the share of Napoleon. One obstacle alone presented itself to the accomplishment of that purpose ; Eugland ruled the waves, and till she should be reduced to a state of helplessness, all other combinations must fail. It was accordingly settled that towards the subjugation of England, France and Eussia should put out their whole strength, and that the other powers, and especially the naval powers, should be constrained to co-operate with them. JS'ow there were three of these powers, and only three, Den- 1807.] ARMAMENT PREPARED. 57 inark, Sweden, and Portugal, wliicli maintained at that time friendly relations with England ; and these, it was settled, should be required, by force or fraud, not only to close their ports against English commerce, but to employ their fleets in covering a great enterprise for the invasion of England itself. It happened that there was assembled at Sheerness and other harbours along the east coast, a large fleet and a con- siderable army, Avith which it had been intended to sup- port Hussia and Prussia, while yet at war with Prance. Delays occurred however in the departure of the expedition which defeated its purpose ; and now the Grovernment de- termined to employ this force upon an enterprise which no- thing short of the necessity of the case could justify. The Danish fleet was a powerful one, Danish seamen are excel- lent, it was essential to the very existence of England that these should be prevented from passing into the service of Prance. But there was only one mode by which that danger could be averted, viz. by prevailing upon Denmark to transfer her ships to Grreat Britain, on the distinct understanding that they should be restored to her in an efficient state, as soon as hostilities between England and Prance came to an end. To make this proposal, however, without having at hand the means of enforcing compliance, was felt to be use- less. So the troops received orders to embark, and the fleet to prepare for sea, only a few persons, of whom Sir Arthur Wellesley was one, being made acquainted with the destination of the armament. Sir Arthur no sooner became aAvare of what was in pro- gress, than he applied to be appointed to a command. His application was not Avell received by the Government. They had found him eminently useful as a civil administrator, and urged him to abide at his post. This to a man not rich was a strong temptation, for the salary of the Chief Secretary of Ireland amounted in those days to £8000 a year. But neither the reasonings of his colleagues nor the suggestions of prudence diverted Sir Arthur from his purpose. " As I am determined," he wrote to Lord Castlereagh on the 7th of June, " not to give up the military profession, and as I know 53 PRESSES TO BE EMrLOYED. [1807. that I can be of no service in it unless I have the confidence and esteem of the officers and soldiers of the army, I must shape my course in such a manner as to avoid the imputa- tion of preferring lucrative civil employment to active ser- vice in the field." In the same spirit, and about the same time, he expressed himself to the Duke of Richmond. " I accepted my office in Ireland solely on the condition that it should not preclude me from such service when an opportu- nity should offer ; and I am convinced that though you may feel some inconvenience from my temporary absence, suppos- ing that it is intended I should return to you, or from the loss of the assistance of an old friend, supposing that it is not, you would be the last man to desire or to wish that I should do anything with which I should not be satisfied myself ; and I acknowledge that I should not be satisfied if I allowed any opportunity of service to pass by without offering myself." There was no resisting such arguments as these ; and the Government gave way: but they yielded only on one condition, — that Sir Arthur should retain his Chief-secretaryship, a sub- stitute discharging the duties of the office during his absence ; and that on his return, should he be able to return within three months, he would put himself once more in harness. AYell pleased to carry his point on any terms, Sir Arthur could not possibly object to these ; so he handed over his office with its details to the gentleman appointed to receive it, and quitted Dublin for a season. It is the province of history to tell how and with what measure of success the Copenhagen expedition was conducted. The plan of operations appears not to have quite satisfied Sir Arthur AVellesley, who was anxious to save the Danish capital from the horrors of a bombardment. His proposal however to staiwe out the Island, by cutting oft' its communica- tions with the main-land, was rejected ; and the troops dis- embarking, the siege began. AV^hile the rest of the army was so employed. Sir Arthur, with the division of which he was at the head, moved into the interior ; and on the 29th of August, engaged and defeated a considerable force near the little town of Kioge. Fifteen hundred prisoners and ten pieces of cannon were the fruits of this victory, 1807.] VICTORY AT KEOGE. 59 which effectually hindered the population from lising, and placed the whole Island at the mercy of the invaders. And rigidly and strictly was discipline preserved by them. Wherever he went Sir Arthur placed guards over the houses ; and hindered, as far as it was possible so to do, all plunder and brigandage. Once, and only once, marauders got the start of him ; but the misfortune served only the more to bring his noble qualities into light. " Upon my march from Kioge," he wrote to the Countess of Holstein, " towards this part of the country, I heard with the greatest concern that a detachment of British troops, which had pursued the enemy on the side of Valve Slot Eye, had committed excesses in the convent, from which your Hoyal Highness and your servants had suffei'ed. I cannot suffi- ciently express my concern at the occurrence of this event, respecting which I find that your servants had already had some communication with the officers of the regiment to which the men belong who have been guilty of these ex- cesses. The zealous desire of these officers to remove the disgrace which these offences have brought upon their regi- ment has anticipated my wishes, and they last night sent me all the articles which had been taken from your Highness's servants, of which they gave the officers a list. I now send those articles, and entreat your Highness to pardon those excesses, in consideration of the ignorance of the soldiers that your Highness resided at Valve Slot Rye, and of the circumstances by which they were produced. Those soldiers were engaged in the pursuit of a defeated enemy, who made some attempt to rally, and fired from the houses and build- ings in your Highness's neighbourhood." We are not surprised to find an officer, who, at the head of an invading force, could thus act, receiving from people of the country such communications as the following : — • " Thullargshoim, 4th Sept., 1807. " Sir, " It is an obligation to me to thank you, most sin- cerely and of my heart, for the protection you have given me in these days your troops have laid in my neighbourhood. 60 COUXTESS OF HOLSTEIN. [ISOr I can never forget it ; I sliall still remember it ; and I beg you most humbly that you never will withdraw me this pro- tection so long your troops are staying here ; it will still be a comfort to me and family, in letting us live in rest and se- curity. I cannot finish this without giving the best testi- mony to the people that you have given me to guard. They have always behaved there as people belonging to a great and genei'ous nation. " Most humbly, &c., " ToNNEGEN." The Countess of Holstein writes still more gratefully : " Lethrobourg, Sept. 5th, 1807. " In presenting to Mons. le Chevalier de Wellesley my ac- knowledgments I take the libertj' of offering some fruit, only regretting that it is not more worthy of his acceptance. " A Lieutenant Rila, of the dragoons, has just arrived in search of the Chevalier, that he might pray him to set at liberty certain prisoners. Not finding his Excellency here, he has charged me to become a suitor for these unfortunate men in his room ; and I send their names in the hope that, looking to the noble and benevolent character of the Cheva- lier de Wellcsley, I shall not ask in vain. With sentiments of the most distinguished regard, I subscribe myself " S. C. E. COMTESSE DE HoLSTEIX." f.l CHAPTER T. RETURK TO CIVIL EMPLOYMENT BEGINNING OF THE PENINSULAR WAR. Such was Major-general Sir Arthur "Wellesley command- ing a division in Lord Cathcart's army ; the same strict disciplinarian as when warring on his own account in the Carnatic, the same that we afterwards find him when freeing the nations of the Peninsula, pursuing the in- vaders into their own country, and marching upon Paris. "Wherever his influence extended, the troops were imder rigid control. Stuhhorn and resolute in the day of battle, they were gentle in their bearing towards the peaceful inha- bitants, who not unfrequently came to them for protection against the outrages of stragglers from their own armies. It will be long before Denmark can forget, she has by this time, I doubt not, forgiven, the wrong which a stern neces- sity compelled England to put upon her. But as often as, in her history, the proceedings of 1807 are referred to, the name of Arthur Wellesley will be mentioned, not only with respect, as that of a gallant and successful soldier, but with gratitude and veneration, because he was a just and generous man. One of the last acts of Sir Arthur in this brief campaign was to obtain leave for the prisoners whom he had taken at the battle of Keoge to return on parole to their own homes. He waited after this to conduct the negotiations for the surrender of the fleet, and then lamenting the outrages teat followed, the destruction of the dockyards and the burn- 62 PROJECTS OF WAR IN SOUTH AMERICA. [1807. ing down of a considerable portion of the city, he took his passage in the frigate which carried the despatches, and returned home. He reached London on the 10th of September, and resumed at once, from his house in Harley Street, the duties of Cliief Secretary for Ireland. Among his letters I find one addressed, on the 1st of October, to the Duke of Eich- mond, in which reasons are assigned why the city and county of Limerick should not be brought under the opera- tion of the Insurrection Act ; and on the 14th he is in Dub- lin, deep in Irish affairs. Indeed it is impossible to discover Irom what he has left on record, that during these three months of active warfare his thoughts were ever diverted for a moment from the channel of civil administration. But so it was with him under all circumstances. There never lived a man who more entirely than he possessed the facidty of abstracting his attention from one subject and applying it to another. Indeed it seemed as if in that capacious mind there were room enough for any number of arguments at the same time, each of which, as occasion required, could be brought forward, or thrust into the back-ground, without sustaining by the process any damage in logical distinctness. Among other matters referred to him for consideration at this time, was a project entertained by the Cabinet of avenging the disaster of Buenos Ayres by the conquest of Spanish America. As was his custom on all important occasions, he handled the subject in elaborate minutes, of which not fewer than 14 remain among his papers. The first is dated in N'ovember, 1806, the last in June, 1808. They are very remarkable documents, evincing not only a thorough knowledge of the art of war, but showing that before he began to write, he had mastered the geography of the pro- posed seat of operations, and was thoroughly acquainted with its resources, civil as well as military. Had his plans been carried into effect, there is no telling Avhat changes might have been brought about in the condition of the new world. But before any decided steps could be taken in that direction, a wider field of enterprise presented itself on Avhich 1S08.] SPAIN IN INSUEEECTION. 63 lie entered, and out of which he came, as a politician and a military commander, the foremost man in Europe. The story has been elsewhere told at length of the out- rages and wrongs which drove the Spanish and Portuguese people into a war of extermination with France. I am not going to repeat that story now, my purpose being sufficient- ly served when I state, that just as the preparations of the British Grovernment were complete, and the South American expedition was about to sail, tidings arrived from the Pen- insula which caused an immediate abandonment of the enterprise. One French army had traversed the districts which lie between the Bidassoa and the Douro, and was marching upon Lisbon. Another, after occupying Madrid, and removing Charles the 6th and his family to Bayonne, had proclaimed Joseph Buonaparte King of Spain. Span- iards and Portuguese, but particularly Spaniards, ran every- where to arms, in order to vindicate the honour of their country, and England was invited by delegates from various provinces to help the people in the contest in which they had embarked. It has been said that so long before as 1805, when the capitulation of 'Ulm was communicated to him, Mr Pitt, entertaining at AValmer Castle a party of statesmen and military officers, of whom Sir Arthur Wel- lesley was one, foretold this outbreak. " Our last hope of resistance to Buonaparte is gone," exclaimed one of the guests. "By no means," was Pitt's reply, "we shall have another European coalition against him before long, and Spain will take the lead in it." Then observing that the remark fell dead upon those around him, he went on to say, " I tell you that Spain is the first continental nation which will involve him in a war of partisans. Her nobles are de- based and her Government wretched, but the people still retain their sense of honour and their sobi'iety. Buona- parte will endeavour to tread out these feelings, because they are incompatible with his designs, and I look to that attempt for kindling the sort of war which will not cease till he is destroyed." Whether this prediction was really vittered or not, the case fell out exactly as here described. It was not the 64 STATE OF PORTUGAL. [1808. Spanish Government which opposed itself to France, nor the high spirit of the Spanish nobles -which supplied the place of a government. The Spanish people rose of their own accord, finding leaders where they could, and rushed into that war of partisans for which the nature of their country eminently fitted them. The Portuguese followed the example, and both appealed to England for support. The appeal was not made in vain. Every Spaniard and Portuguese, who presented himself as an emissary of the revolt, was well received by the English Government ; and arms, ammunitioji, clothing, and even money, were lavished upon men, of whom very many took care that these good things should not pass out of their hands again except with profit to themselves. Nor was this heedless extrava- gance considered to be unwise either in or out of the British Pai'liament. The spectacle of a nation rising in its might took captive the imaginations of all classes of Englishmen. "Whatever the Minister proposed in aid of the Spanish malcontents, was assented to with acclamation. Indeed, the Duke of Portland and his colleagiies were found fault with only because they did not go as far as the nation desired in sustaining a cause so glorious. The condition of Portugal at this moment, though bad enough, was probably considered by the mere politician to be less desperate than tliat of Spain. The King, before he emigrated with his family to Brazil, had pi-ovided for the administration of aftairs during his absence. Certain grandees of the kingdom, including Count Souza and the Bishop of Oporto, were appointed Regents, and every act performed by the Regency was to be regarded as emanating from the Crown. No provision of the sort was made or could be made in Spain. It was only after he reached Bayonne that Ferdinand VII. became aware of the destiny which awaited him ; and the formal deed of abdication which he executed there, transferred to Joseph Buonaparte whatever right of government the retiring monarch could convey. AV^hcn Spain rose therefore against the intruder, she rose against the only Government then in existence ; and her people accepted, what indeed came alone within their reach, 1808.] THE JUNTAS. 65 the STvay of sucli persons as by social positiou or energy of character seemed justified in taking the lead in a great emergency. Spain was, in former times, a constitutional country. Each province had its Junta or deliberative body, elected like the members of our own House of Commons, to repre- sent the people in Parliament. When the Bourbons came, they set aside these ancient usages, and now nothing but the tradition of them remained. Tradition however, in such a crisis, is of inestimable value, and the absence of a court was atoned for, as if instinctively, by calling into operation these dormant legislative bodies. Juntas arose, no one could tell how, in every province. Arragon, Castile, Catalonia, Es- tremadura, Galicia, Andalusia, eacb had its own, which issued decrees in full assurance that they would be respected and obeyed by all, except the adherents of the usurper. It was with these Juntas that the English Government com- municated in Spain, as they did with the Eegency in Portu- gal. And till a closer experience proved how little they could be trusted, the English Government reposed in their wisdom and patriotism unbounded confidence. The force intended for the conquest of Spanish America was assembled at this time in Cork. The ships were in the harbour ready to receive the men, and Sir Arthur Wellesley was nominated to the command. But so novel an aspect of aff"air3 in Europe induced the Government to pause before proceeding further with the enterprise ; and Sir Arthur was invited to come over, and give them the benefit of his advice. "When he arrived in London, he found the Ministers unde- cided whether it woiild be judicious to land a British soldier in the Peninsula at all. They had been assured by the representatives of the Spanish Juntas that Spain stood in no need of men ; that there were Spaniards enough, provided arms and ammunition were supplied them, to drive the in- vaders beyond the Pyrenees. This was a comfortable doctrine, to which the Cabinet lent a willing ear, but Sir Arthur protested against it. He spoke from his own ex- perience in India of the hopelessness of opposing undisci- plined levies to regular troops, and so far prevailed, that it 5 66 MR JOHN WILSON CROKER. [1808. was settled to attempt with the corps already collected in Ireland, a diversion in favour of the Peninsular patriots. It was impossible to avoid offering the command of that corps to Sir Arthur, but the offer was clogged with conditions, which rendered the acceptance inconvenient if not disagree- able. They insisted on retaining his services in Ireland, and that he should again discharge the duties of his office by deputy. That they intended and desired him to refuse the command, there can be little doubt ; but he was too much in earnest to be deterred by trifles. In less than four- and-twenty hours the whole was settled. It was during this visit to London that the tete-a-tete conversation occurred, between Sir Arthur and Mr John Wilson Croker, of which the latter gives an account in the Quarterly Eeview. They had become acquainted in Dublin, where Mr Croker's talents and success at the bar won for him admittance into the best society ; and there the founda- tions were laid of an intimacy which ceased only on Mr Croker's death. Sir Arthur had invited him to dine in Harley- street. He was the only guest, and after the ladies had withdrawn, Mr Croker observing that his host was silent, asked him what he was thinking about. Sir Arthur replied, " To tell you the truth, I was thinking of the French whom I am going to fight. I have never seen them since the campaign in Flanders, when they were already capital soldiers, and a dozen years of successes must have made them still better ; they have beaten all the world, and are supposed to be invincible. They have besides, it seems, a new system, which has out-manoeuvred and overwhelmed all the armies of Europe ; but no matter, my die is cast. They may overwhelm, but I don't think they will out-manoeuvre me. In the first place, I am not afraid of them, as every- body else seems to be ; and, secondly, if what I hear of their system of manoeuvring be true, I think it a false one against troops steady enough, as I hope mine are, to receive them with the bayonet. I suspect that half the continental armies were more than half beaten before the battle began. I, at least, will not be frightened beforehand." I have no doubt whatever that this reported conversation 1808.] FRENCH AND ENGLISH TACTICS, 67 is substantially correct. I suspect, however, that Mr Croker's memory Avas a little at fault in regard to details, for the phraseology is not the Duke's, and the inferences to "which it leads would be unsound. The Duke knew better than most men that the only difference then between French and English tactics was this, that W'hereas the French at- tacked in column, the English always attacked in line ; and that the real resistance to an attack by troops waiting for their adversaries in line comes from tlie volume of fire with Avhich the column is received. All armies, French as well as English, Russian, German, and Italian, defend a position in line, provided the assailants give them time to deploy. Eut the English alone have hitherto attacked in line, though I believe that the armies of other nations are beginning in this respect to follow their example. The flourish about receiving the French with the bayonet, and the steadiness required to do so, was not, I will venture to say. Sir Arthur "Wellesley's, but Mr Croker's flourish. Having settled his business in London, and received his final letter of instructions, Sir Arthur Wellesley set off for Cork, where his small and ill-appointed corps had already been embarked. It consisted on paper of lOlG officers and non-commissioned oflicers, 229 drummers and trumpeters, 9505 rank and file, and 215 troop horses. There were 12 pieces of cannon attached to that corps, not one of them horsed. The cavalry, effective and non-effective, counted only 346 sabres, and one ofiicer of engineers with 11 arti- ficers made up the sum of trained workmen at the General's disposal. The staff which attended him consisted of high- spirited young gentlemen not one of whom had any ex- perience of war ; he had neither a commissariat nor a medical establishment to trust to ; and a veteran battalion, while it seemed to swell his numbers, served rather to weaken than to strengthen his hands. Hence, after making necessary deductions, he found that the utmost force which he could hope to bring into line would hardly exceed 8000 men. " It certainly was a shabby enough start," he used to say in after-years, " but it was quite of a piece with our military policy at the time. The Government trusted me, 5* 68 SAILS FROM CORK. [1803. I believe, as much as it trusted anybody, but it had no great faith even in me, as yet, and dreaded nothing so much as throwing a large army ashore on the Continent under the command of a British officer. I must admit, however, that the men were admirable, and admirably drilled. All that they wanted was experience, and that they got by degrees." Having seen his troops on board, and fixed a rendezvous with the Commodore, Sir Arthur Wellesley, leaving the fleet behind, set off in the Crocodile frigate for Corunna. He had been desired to communicate with the Junta of Galicia under the persuasion that the French had already sustained a defeat, and that little more was necessary to insure the independence of Spain than that the passes of the Pyrenees should be occupied. But on his arrival at Corunna he found that, with vast enthusiasm of speech, there was no vigour of action iu the ruling body. His proffered assistance ia men was declined ; so after landing stores and money for the use of the patriots, he put to sea again. He rejoined the fleet at Cape Finisterre, where he held a brief confer- ence with the Admiral, Sir Pulteney Malcolm, after Avhich he again took the lead, and found in Mondego Bay, on the coast of Portugal, what appeared to him a convenient place of disembarkation. The British Government, when it sent out this handful of men from Cork, had formed no specific plans of its own ; it could not therefore give to the leader of the expedition any specific instructions. But certain contingencies were as- sumed as of possible occurrence, and certain eventualities coincident with these contingencies were suggested. Be- yond this the Cabinet had not • ventured to go, and Sir Arthur felt on quitting Cape Finisterre that he possessed, what above all things he most desired, entire liberty of action. The Crocodile's anchor was scarcely over the side in Mon- dego Bay, ere this pleasant delusion vanished. Fresh letters of instruction greeted him, wherein he was informed that His Majesty's Government had enlarged its views, and that the force under his command was to be considered as the mere advanced guard of a larger army. From various quarters, 1808.] IN MOXDEGO BAY. 69 from Gribi'altar, from Sweden, from England, fresh troops were coming, -n-hich, when united, would make up 30,000 men. In this army Sir iVrthur AVellesley was to serve as the junior of six generals of division. Lieutenant-Gener- al Sir Hugh Dalrymple, Grovernor of Gibraltar, was to command in chief. Lieutenant-General Sir Harry Burrard was to be second in command; and Lieutenant- Generals Sir John Moore, the Hon. Alexander Hope, Mackenzie Fra- ser, and Lord Paget, were all, in command of their respective divisions, to take precedence of Sir Arthur AVellesley. It is not to be supposed that such a communication could be at all agreeable to him who was the object of it. He took it, however, Avith perfect good humour, as he took every an- nouncement of the will of the Government which he served ; and wovild not allow it to interfere with the arrangements which he had already made. " All that I can say on the subject," he wrote in reply to Lord Castlereagh, " is that whether I am to command the army or not, or even to quit it, I shall do my best to insure success, and you may depend upon it that I shall not hurry the operations, or commence them one moment sooner than they ought to be commenced, in order that I may acquire the credit of success." Among other contingencies touched upon in the original letter of instructions, was a carrpaign in Portugal, of which the river Tagus might be the base. It was essential in his opinion to the success of that campaign, that as soon as possible a landing should be effected, and he waited only the coming in of the fleet to commence that opei-ation. The fleet arrived on the last day of July, and the disembarkation began on the first of August. But the means of effecting that difficult pui'pose were most inadequate, and a succession of heavy gales had left such a surf upon the shore, that the ordinary ship's boats ran great risk of being staved, as one by one they plunged into it. Pive days were thus consumed in doing that which, had proper equipments been provided, ought to have been done in one. But the evil was in a great degree compensated by the unexpected arrival, on the 6th, of General Spencer, with a reinforcement of three or four thousand men. On the 7th, therefore, Avhen he passed 70 TROOPS LANDED. [1808. his army in review, Sir Arthur found that 12,000 excellent infantry were at his disposal, and that his cavalry and artil- lery, though few in number, were, in all that affected the equipment and physique of the men, excellent. An army, to be effective, must, however, consist of more than men. Horses are needed to drag guns ; mules or waggons to transport stores ; cattle to supply fresh meat ; and means of transport for tents and necessary baggage. All these Sir Arthur AVellesley found himself obliged to procure through the instrumentality of a staff to which work of this kind was entirely new. He had, indeed, on his passage to IMondego called at Oporto, and arranged there with tlie Bishop for a small supply of what was most urgently needed. But he learned at the same time that effective co- operation from the Portuguese themselves was out of the question. Of regular troops there were said to be about 8000, under General don Bernardo Prere, at Lyria. Bands of peasants, the Bishop stated, were gathering round that nucleus ; but " the peasants," Sir Arthur writes in a letter to Lord Castlereagh, " have, I believe, no arms, but pikes, and those called regular infantry arc composed of individuals belonging to the different corps of the Portuguese army." Prom a force so constituted, little support could be expect- ed, and little was giveii. General Prere, after a good deal of consultation and discussion, lent Sir Arthur 1400 of his infantry and 250 of his cavalry, and stood apart with the re- sidue to protect, as he stated, the communications of the English with the coast, after their advance should have begun. There were at this time, it was calculated, about 20,000 Prench troops in Portugal. In point of fact, there were many more, because the embarkation returns made out some weeks subsequently, showed, that upwards of 26,000 had survived the casualties of the campaign. Of these, five or six thousand were in Alentejo, under General Loison. Pive thousand more, under General De la Bordc, watched the English from the hills of Cintra ; and the rest, after affording garrisons to Almeida and to the forts upon the Tagua, were with Junot himself in Lisbon. It was the obvious policy of 1808.] ADVANCED SENTEIES IX VIEW. 71 the English Greneral to strike at the nearest of these corps, before it could be joined by the rest : it was equally the policy of General De la Borde to avoid an action, keeping the invaders at the same time in check. The former sought to gain his end by marching along the coast, instead of advanc- ing, as he was expected to do, direct upon Cintra ; the lat- ter, who was moving upon Lyria, intending to form a junction there with Loison, found himself thwarted, and halted at Eo- li^a. These events occurred during the 9th and 10th, for the morning of the 9th had dawned before Sir Arthur was in a condition to quit his bivouac ; and at two places, called Alco- ba9a and Obidos, the advanced sentries of the hostile armies came for the first time in view. The Prench felt that they were not strong enough to hold both posts ; they retired, therefore, in the night between the 13th and 14th from Alcoba9a, and on the 15th made their first acquaintance with the ring of English rifles. Two companies from the 95th Rifle Brigade and the 60th were directed to dislodge the enemy from Obidos, and the following are the terms in which Sir Arthur describes the manner in which they did their work. " We had yesterday," his letter is dated the 16th, " a little affair of advanced posts, brought on by the over-eagerness of the riflemen in pursuit of an enemy's picquet, in which we lost Lieutenant Bunbury of the 95th killed, and Pakenham slightly wounded ; and some men of the 95th and 60th. The troops behaved remarkably well, but not with great prudence." 72 CHAPTER VI. ROLI9A AND YIMEIRO RETURNS HOME. The ring of English rifles and Erencli musketry, in and about Obidos, Tvill long be remembered as the opening of a stern drama which occupied the attention of Europe unin- termittingly during six long years. There followed on the 17th the battle of Eolica, which, considered with reference to the numbers engaged, deserves to be spoken of as a mere affair ; but which, because of the obstinate valour displayed on both sides, and the moral effect produced by it, holds a conspicuous place in the history of the war in the Penin- sula. General De la Borde occupied on that occasion an elevated plateau, of which the confoi-mation Avas such that it could be turned only by a circuitous march, while its ap- proaches in front were through two steep and narrow defiles. He held it with 5000 infantry, 500 cavalry, and 5 guns, and was attacked by 13,700 infantry, 650 cavalry, and 12 guils. De la Borde fought for two objects ; first, in the hope that before the English could dislodge him, General Loison, of whose approach he was aware, would come up ; and next, failing tlia", contingency, in the confident expectation that, after inflicting severe loss upon the assailants, he should himself be able to get away comparatively unharmed. There is no rule in the art of war which condemned these expect- ations, yet they came to nothing. Sir Arthur set aside the first by attacking in front, instead of waiting for the com- pk^tion of his flank movements ; and he dissipated the last by the vigour with which the attack was pushed. Though 1808.] BATTLE OF ROLigA. 73 unable to bring more than 4000 infantry at a time into ac- tion, be carried all before bim. Tbe Frencb offered a stout resistance ; tbey bad been taugbt to despise tbe Englisb as soldiers, and waited for tbem till tbe bayonets well nigb crossed. But in spite of tbeir bravery and tbe skill of tbeir leader, wbo, wounded early in tbe day, never quitted bis saddle, tbey were driven from one alignment after anotber, and finally retreated under cover of tbeir cavalry, leaving 600 killed and wounded, and tbree of tbeir guns, upon tbe field. Of tbe Englisbmen wbo took part in tbe battle of E-oli9a few now survive, and tbese saw, in after-years, many a sterner encounter ; yet tbe impression made upon tbem by wbat passed on tbat memorable l7tb of August, never grew faint. It is as vivid at tbe moment of my writing, as wbeu the sbouts of tbe combatants rang more tban balf a century ago in tbeir ears. Tbis is not to be wondered at. Putting aside tbe Brigadiers and a few otber officers of rank, not a man in that little army bad ever before come under fire ; while all, without exception, witnessed then, for tbe first time, bow tbeir chief bore himself in tbe hour of danger. He is described by such as bad the best means of observation, to have been calm, self-possessed, and cheerful tbrougbout, Tbe 16tb was devoted to such preparations as tbe eve of a battle required. He personally reconnoitred tbe enemy's position ; personally explained to eacb leader of a column wbat be was expected to do ; showed the points on which tbey were all severally to move, and satisfied himself that his orders were un'derstood. He dined at bis usual hour, and chatted with tbe gentlemen of bis staif, and the guests invited to meet tbem, as if nothing extraordinary were going to happen ; and when tbe morrow came be was early in the saddle, shaved and dressed with tbe utmost regard to neatness. And here I may as well observe in passing tbat such was bis unvarying custom. At whatever hour he rose, however tbe coming day was to be spent, be allowed nothing to interfere with this minute attention to his toilet, which, free from the most distant approach to foppishness, early got for bim the sobri- quet of the Beau. His greetings to all wbo encountered bim, as he rode along tbe line, were kindly and cheerful, 74 SIR ARTHUR IX THE BATTLE. [1808. He spoke a few words to Fergusson and Bowes, who com- manded the columns appointed to turn the enemy's right and left, and again pointed out the exact spots, on reaching which they were to change their line of march. This done he waited till they were seen to make the turn, and then his skirmishers ran out. While these drove in the French pickets, he himself rode behind the supports, and by and by, when the proper moment came, said in a quiet tone to one of his staff, " Now you may tell Crawford and Nightingale to go on." From the spot where these words were uttered, he surveyed the whole field, and dealt out reinforcements to the troops which were struggling in the defiles, as a skilful dealer distributes his cards at a game of whist. And finally, when he saw the plateau crowned, he put spurs to his horse, galloped to the summit, and made such fresh dispositions aa the circumstances required. The perfect coolness with which all this was done, his unfailing good humour, the apparent indifference with which he regarded mistakes, taking care however to correct them, inspired all who were at hand to witness his proceedings, with admiration. It may be truly said that on that day the ofiicers and men of the British army gave him their entire confidence, and we know that they never afterwards withdrew it, even partially. The bat- tle of Eoli9a lasted a long time. It might be six or seven in the morning when the English began to move ; it was three or four in the afternoon before the firing ceased. The men, enfeebled by confinement on board of ship, were quite knocked up, and the Artillery horses, all in wretched condi- tion, could with difficulty drag the guns. As to the cavalry, it never struck a blow. The nature of the country, rugged and broken, kept horsemen in the rear, till the plateau was won ; and when they arrived on the table-land, they found themselves inferior in every respect to the French, No pursuit was therefore attempted, but on the ground which they had won the troops lay down and slept. It is necessary to bear in mind that Sir Arthur laboured at this time under great disadvantages. He had ceased to be the commander-in-chief of an army, and had become the mere leader of an advanced guard. As such he had done 1808.] AT VIMEIRO. 75 more than most men would have attempted. jS'ot satisfied with making good his own landing, he had fought a success- ful battle, and ensured thereby a safe debarkation for tlie corps which were to follow. Tidings of the approach of several of these had already reached him. G-eneral Anstru- ther with 3000 or 4000 men was in the Tagus. Sir John Moore with 10,000 was reported to be in the offing, and Lieutenant- General Sir Harry Burrard might from hour to hour be expected. If all this intelligence, important as it was, had been kept back for four-and-twenty hours, Sir Ar- thur would have marched on the 18th to Torres Vedras, and cut off the communication of De la Borde ana Loison with Lisbon. Under existing circumstances he felt himself constrained to desist from an operation which, however it might have redounded to his own honour, could not fail more or less to embarrass those, to whom the management of the campaign had been entrusted. He contented himself there- fore with putting upon paper his own views of what ought to be done, and led his corps to Yimeiro, that it might be at hand to protect the disembarkation of Anstruther's brigade, and to receive Sir Harry Burrard when he should arrive. Sir Arthur proposed that while the main body of the army, now raised by the arrival of Anstruther to 17,000 men, marched by the coast road, round Torres Vedras to Mafra, Sir John Moore should land at the mouth of the Mondego, and push direct for Santarem. He showed that this double movement would at once turn the enemy's position in front of Lisbon, and cut them off from the only line of retreat upon the road to Elvas. Nor, as he personally explained to Sir Harry Burrard, whom he visited on the 20th on board the frigate, would the operation be attended by any of the inconveniences incident under common circumstances to movements on double lines. Without Sir John Moore Sir Harry was superior to anything that Junot could hope to bring against him. There was no good reason, therefore, why he should hesitate to act on the offensive, particularly when he had it in his power to place a strong corps in the enemy's rear. But to such reasoning Sir Harry was deaf. He did not come to run any risks. He considered a flank Ye THE BATTLE. [1808. marcli by a narrow coast road to be dangerous, and preferred waiting for Sir John Moore, whom he had directed to steer for the Tagus. Except when specially called upon so to do, Sir Arthur never entered into arguments with his superiors ; he returned, therefore, to the camj) at A^imeiro and cancelled the order which had already been issued for moving at day- light on the morrow. Sir Arthur went to bed not entirely pleased, and had slept some hours when a troop serjeant-major of the 21st Light Dragoons was brought by an aide-de-camp to his bed- side. The man was a German. His name was Landsheit, and the reader who is curious to know more about him will find his story told at length in a volume entitled " The Huz- zar." Landsheit spoke English but imperfectly, and seemed to Sir Arthur to be a good deal agitated, an imputation which the gallant veteran put from him ever after with high dis- dain. But agitated or calm, he reported, that patrolling to the front he had encountered a French scouting party, and had reason to believe that the enemy were coming on to the attack, Eor this, as for every other emergency, Sir Arthur was prepared. His position, though not in a military point of view strong, was sufficiently so to give him confidence, and his outposts were all so placed that surprise Avas im- possible. He dismissed Landsheit, therefore, with a kindly word, laid his head upon the pillow again, and went to sleep. He was up before dawn, and had all his people under arms. In less than an hour the battle began. How the enemy came on and were repulsed, with what skill Sir Arthur handled his troops in this his first defensive action, and how anxious he was to follow up the victory, these matters are told at length elsewhere. But power had at this time departed from him. Sir Harry Burrard reached the ground while the battle was still raging, and stopped the pursuit, which would have converted the retreat into a rout. The enemy were in consequence enabled to reunite on strong grouu([ at Torres A'^edras, while the English stood still. On the 22nd, however, Sir Harry consented to move, and just then a second commander-in-chief arrived to super- sede him. Sir Hugh Dalrymple became now the mo\ing ISOS.] HIS LETTER TO LORD CASTLEREAGII. 77 spirit in the camp, and the camp at once acknowledged hia influence. On the 23rd Greneral Kellerman came in from the liead-quarters of the French army, with proposals to conclude an armistice as a step preliminary to capitula- tion. The following are the terms in which Sir Arthur speaks of these proceedings. His letter is addressed to Lord Castlereagh : — " 23rd April, 1S08. " My dear Lord, " Ton will have heard that one of the consequences of our victory of the 21st has been an agreement to suspend hostilities between the French and us, preparatory to the negotiation of a convention for the evacuation of Portugal by the French. Although my name is affixed to this instru- ment I beg that you will not believe tliat I negotiated it, that I approve of it, or that I had any hand in wording it. It was negotiated by the Greneral himself in my presence and that of Sir Harry Burrard ; and after it had been drawn out by Kellerman himself, Sir Hugh Dalrymple desired me to sign it. I object to its verbiage ; I object to an indefinite suspension of hostilities ; it ought to have been for 48 hours only. As it is now, the French will have 48 hours to pre- pare for their defence, after Sir Hugh will put an end to the suspension. " I approve of allowing the French to evacviate Portugal, more particularly as it appears to be deemed impossible to move Sir John Moore's corps upon Santarem, so as to cut off the retreat of the French towards Elvas. They could establish themselves in Elvas, Fort La Lippe, Almeida, and Peniche, which places we should be obliged either to blockade or attack regularly in the worst season of the year in Portugal, viz. the months of September and October ; and the advance of the army into Spain would be delayed until after that period. It is more for the advantage of the general cause to have 30,000 Englishmen in Spain and 10,000 or 12,000 additional Frenchmen on the northern frontier of Spain, than to have the Frenchmen in Portugal, and the Englishmen employed in the blockade or siege of strong places. If they are to be allowed to evacuate it 78 SIR HUGH DALRYMrLE. [1808. must be with their property, but I should have wished to adopt some mode of making the French generals disgorge the Church plate which they have stolen." Such was the part, and the only part, played by Sir Ar- thur Wellesley in transactions which were felt in England to have robbed the victorious army of the legitimate fruits of its valour. It went against the grain with him to affix his signature even to the document which suspended hostilities. Indeed his remark to friends who met him, as he returned from executing that task, showed how little he had been satisfied with it. " "What are we to do next ? Hunt red- legged partridges, I suppose ; " an occupation to which the young officers addicted themselves, the birds abounding in the neighbourhood. But further than this he declined to go. Indeed he was neither present when the Commissioners signed the convention, nor did he become acquainted with its contents till the whole were ratified. His manner, more- over, though always respectful, became thenceforth distant towards Sir Hugh Dalrymple, who was sharp-sighted enough to understand that his subordinate, while obeying every order, entertained no great respect for the source whence it emanated. Sir Hugh accordingly endeavoured to get rid of Sir Arthur, by proposing that he should travel to Madrid, and arrange there a plan of combined operations with the Spanish authorities. That proposal, of which he distrusted the sincerity. Sir Arthur contrived to evade, taking care, how- ever, to submit copies of the correspondence to Lord Castle- reagh ; and the result was that to Lord William Bentinck, and not to him, the Spanish mission was assigned. From that day the tone and temper of the British camp un- derwent a change. Everywhere, from generals commanding divisions down to private sentinels, there was a sense of morti- fication and well nigh of anger, which, had the command con- tinued to rest where it then was, must have produced the worst consequences. Sir Hugh Dalrymple was personally unpopular, for which his mode of maintaining discipline sufficiently ac- counted. He was habitually harsh, stern, and uncivil, both to officers and men. But over and above this, there were 1808.] EETURNS HOME. 79 causes of offence of a graver character and more deeply seated. He had been thrust by court favour into the posi- tion which he held, after something like a specific promise given to Sir John Moore, that to him the command of the army should be entrusted. This produced, as vras natural, great indignation on the part of Moore's friends, and of dis- quiet to Moore himself, "who had more than one confidential conference with Sir Arthur upon the subject, and seems to have been dissuaded by him from applying to be recalled. The consequence was the total loss of harmony in a body, which, till the arrival of the new commander-in-chief, had deserved all the praises which Sir Arthur Wellesley bestowed upon it. On one point, however, there was no difference of opinion. The victor of Eoli9a and Vimeiro was held in the greatest admiration and respect ; and of this a public mani- festation was made as soon as it became known that he was about to quit the camp. The officers commanding corps, and the field-ofiicers of the army, agreed to present an ad- dress to Sir Arthur, with a request that he would accept at their hands a piece of plate. This was done on the 18th September, through the medium of Colonel Kemmis, the oldest field-oflacer among them, and accepted by Sir Arthur with all the frankness which formed part of his nature. In two days afterwards, having led hig division into Lisbon, and seen the last of Junot's force on board of ship, he himself quitted the seat of war and returned home. 80 CHAPTEE YII. IN LONDON IN DUBLIN IN COMMAND OF A NEW ARMY. Sir Arthur landed at Plymoutli on the 4tli of October, liis departure from Portugal having been precipitated by the death of Mr Grant, the gentleman who, during his absence, had undertaken to discharge the current business of the Secretary's office in Ireland. He wrote immediately to the Duke of Richmond, who was still Lord-Lieutenant, and an- nounced his intention of presenting himself in Dublin with- out delay ; but found it impossible to carry that design into effect. For the public mind of England was in a state of the highest excitement and indignation, on account of the abortive conclusion, as it was called, of the campaign in Portugal. The Convention of Cintra was stigmatized, not as impolitic only, but iniquitous ; and all who were believed to have taken any part in its management were denounced as traitors. Among others Sir Arthur Wellesley came in for no small share of blame. Dalrymple had managed to convey an impression, that it was entirely by "Welleslcy's advice that he had been guided in the matter, and Welles- ley's signature attached to the preliminary treaty was ac- cepted, by the newspapers and the people, as conclusive tes- timony to the truth of the statement. One word from Sir Arthur in public would have turned the tide and thrown the obloquy upon others ; but with rare self-denial he refused to speak or to write it. Still he found it necessary in defence of his own character to remain some days in London, and lie did not hesitate in his private correspondence to assign ISOS] MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM. 81 his reasons for so doing. Subjoined is a specimen of the temper in which this correspondence was carried on. To the Marquis of Buckingham, " London, 11th Oct., 1808. " My dear Lord, " I assure you that I am most sensible of the friend- ship and kindness of Lord Temple and yourself, of which I hope to prove myself worthy. My situation is a very awk- ward one, and I can relieve myself from it only by the result of an inquiry. " I am accused of being the adviser of persons over whom I had no control and who refused to follow my advice, and am made responsible for the acts of others. The real share Avhich I have had in the transactions, — which, in my opinion, have deservedly incurred the displeasure of the public, — cannot be known till they will be inquired into ; and in the mean time Sir Hugh Dalrymple has left the Grovernment and the public so completely in the dark respecting the military expediency of allowing the French to evacuate Portugal, that that part of the question, which is the only one in which I am involved, is as little understood as the rest. I know of no immediate remedy for these difficulties of my situation, excepting patience and temper, and I thank God that the undeserved abuse which has been heaped upon me has not altered the latter. " In respect to the conduct of my case, I have determined that I will publish nothing, nor will authorize the public- ation of anything by others. This forbearance is particularly incumbent upon me, as the whole subject must be inquired into. I have also determined that I will not involve others in scrapes because they differed in opinion with me pre- viously to the 22nd of August, notwithstanding that differ- ence of opinion and the alteration of system were the cause of the military expediency of allowing the French to with- draw from Portugal. I am afraid that I shall experience some difficulty in carrying this intention into execution, be- 6 82 LETTER TO SIR JOIIX MOORE. [1838. cause the truth must come out ; but I will endeavour not to bring others (viz. Sir Harry Burrard) into a scrape, not ouly out of regard to him, but because I think it fatal to the public service to expose officers to the treatment which I have received, and to punishment for acting upon their own military opinions, which opinions they may fairly entertain, I have also determined to stand singly. There is nothing in common between Sir Hugh Dalrymple aud me, or between the Grovernment aud me, if the Government are supposed to be involved in the question, and I shall act accordingly. " I now enclose your Lordship the copy of a letter, &c." Meanwhile, not less thoughtful of others than of himself, he waited upon Lord Castlereagh, and informed him, both as to the feelings of Sir John Moore and the estimation in Avhich that officer was held by the army in Portugal. The following letter to Sir John sufficiently explains the result of the interview : — To Lieut. -General Sir Jolui Moore, K.B. " London, Sth Oct., 1808. " My dear General, " I arrived in London on Thursday, and I yesterday took an opportunity of mentioning to Lord Castlereagh what I told you I should, notwithstanding that I found, upon my arrival in England, that the object I had in view in conversing with you upon this subject at all had been accomplished by your appointment to command the army. I told Lord Castlereagh that you thought that Government had not treated you well, and that you had considered it incumbent upon you to express your sentiments upon that treatment ; but that after you had done so, you had thought no more of the matter, and that it would be found that you would serve as cordially and as zealously in any situation in which you might be employed as if nothing of the kind had ever passed. " Lord Castlereagh said tliat ho had never entertained any doubt upon this subject ; and that after he had commu- 1808.] AITOIXTED TO SERVE UNDER MOORE. 83 nicated to you the sentiments of the King's Government \ipon what had passed, his only wish respecting you had been to employ you in the manner in which you were most likely to be useful to the country. " I find that by the distribution I am placed under your command, than which nothing can be more satisfactory to me. I will go to Coruria immediately, where I hope to find you. " You'll have seen by the newspapers that the late trans- actions in Portugal have made a stronger sensation here than it was imagined they would, and I liave had what I think more than my share of the blame. I suppose that there must be an inquiry into the transactions ; and till that takes place, I shall leave the public to find out the truth ia the best way they can, and shall not adopt any illegitimate mode of setting them right. In the mean time the abuse of the news-writers of London will not deprive me of my tem- per or my spirits, or of the zeal with which I will forward every wish of yours. " Ever, &c., " Aethur Wellesley. " Since writing the above I find that it will be necessary that I should wait in England till Sir Hugh Dalrymple will return, and it will be known at what time the inquiry will be made into the late transactions in Portugal on which I am to be examined. I will join you, however, the moment I am set at liberty, for which I long most anxiously. " I send a duplicate of this letter to Coruria." It appears from this letter that Sir Arthur had accepted a command in the army to the head of which Sir John Moore was to be elevated. The following shows that he had not forgotten another ofiicer, to whose merits he more than once testified. It conveys, besides, such a true picture of the entire disinterestedness of the writer, that I cannot refuse to give it a place in these pages. 84 GENERAL SPEXCER. [1808. To Viscount CastlereagTi. " Loudon, llth Oct., 1808. " My dear CastlereaCtH, " After I saw you on Saturday I spoke to Colonel Gordon, and he agreed entirely in opinion with me, that it ■was expedient to recommend General Spencer to the King at an early period for some mark of his Mnjesty's favour, and he promised to speak to the Duke of York upon the subject. " I have always been of opinion that I should not be able to convince the public of the goodness of my motives for signing the armistice ; and the late discussions in Mid- dlesex and elsewhere, and the paragraphs in the newspapers, which after all rule everything in this country, tend to con- vince me that it is determined that I shall not have the benefit of an acquittal, and that the news-writers and the orators of the day are determined to listen to nothing in my justification. I am, therefore, quite certain that the Govern- ment will not be able to recommend me for any mark of the King's favour to which they might otherwise think me en- titled. If this turns out to be true, the Ministers will be obliged to recommend that a mark of the King's favour should be conferred on General Spencer, and not on me, although both were employed on the same service, and this after an inquiry will have been held in which my con- duct will have been investigated. They will be obliged to adopt this line, notwithstanding that I hope they will be convinced of the propriety of my conduct, and the goodness of my motives in every instance ; or they must determine not to confer upon General Spencer those marks of the King's favour which his services undoubtedly merit. " I have no doubt of the alternative which the Ministers will be inclined to adopt. I am convinced that Spencer bimself will urge them not to think of him if tlie King's favour cannot be extended to me, and thus he will lose what he so well deserves. I am convinced tlnit this will be the result of any further delay. " I wish, therefore, that you would immediately rccom- 1808.] RETURNS TO IRELAND. 85 mend Spencer for what you think he ought to have. There can be no doubt of his merit on every ground ; and nobody can with reason complain that an injustice is done to me, because even my most sanguine friends cannot think that I am in a situation to receive any mark of his Majesty's favour. " I wish you would turn this subject over in your mind, and you will discover that great difficulties will be avoided by adopting immediately the measure which I most earnestly recommend. " Believe me, &c., " Arthur "Wellesley. " P. S. It is said that Spencer would not like to accept any mark of the King's favour at present, but I am con- vinced that I shall be able to prevail with him." Having brought his affairs to this point, Sir Arthur de- parted for Ireland, where, indifferent to the wrong which was done him by the English people, he resumed the course of his civil duties. There he remained till the beginning of November, when the assembling at Chelsea Hospital of the Court to inquire into the circumstances of the late cam- paign, and of the convention in which it resulted, recalled him to London. In common with Sir Hugh Dali'ymple and Sir Harry Burrard, he appeared before the Court, where each gave his own statement, and supported it by his own line of argument. There is no reason now to conceal or disguise the fact, that the conclusions at which the Court arrived were all pretty well arranged beforehand. Sir Arthur, still treating with the utmost possible delicacy of- ficers who were not by any means so delicate towards him, proved his own case. The Court listened with partial ears to the statements of Sir Hugh and Sir Harry ; and the final issue was a declaration, that nobody was to blame ; that all which could have been reasonably expected under the circumstances, had been done, so that further proceedings in the case were not necessary. Absurd as the decision was, Sir Arthur made no protest against it ; but went back to 86 THANKED BY PARLIAMENT. [180S Ireland, and busied himself as before in such affairs as came iisuaUy under the cognizance of chief secretaries in those days of Protestant ascendancy and government by influence. Time passed, and early in January, 1809, Parliament met. One of the first acts of both Houses was to pass a vote of thanks to Sir Arthur "Wellesley and the army which had served under him ; a measure which pleased him, not alone because his own good name was thereby vindicated, but because the impediments were removed which had hereto- fore stood between his friend G-eneral Spencer and the honours for which he had recommended him. But business of a graver nature soon followed. Sir John Moore's cam- paign had ended unsuccessfully. The Spanish armies, with Avhich he proposed to co-operate, were dispersed, and the bat- tle of Coruna, while it saved the honour of the British arms, cost the life of the brave officer who commanded. The victors reached their ships in safety, and withdrew from the Gralician coasts. For a moment a conviction of the hope- lessness of the struggle took possession of the English mind. But tlie heart of the nation was still resolute, and the Cabinet decided to make one effort more for the liberties of Europe in the Spanish Peninsula. It was natural enough that the British G-overnment should make Spain, rather than Portugal, the first object of their care. Spain was the larger and more populous country of the two, and it had been impressed upon their minds by Sir John Moore, and indeed by all wliom they had heretofore consulted, that to defend Portugal after Spain should have been overrun was impos- sible. Lord Castlereagh therefore proposed to the Junta of Seville, which had by this time assumed the functions of Supreme G-overnment, that Cadiz should become the base of operations for a British army ; and then, and not till then, he bethought him of consulting Sir Arthur Wellesley. On the 7th of March he received in reply a memorandum, which not only answered every question proposed, but took a view of the case so masterly and comprehensive as to leave no single point connected with it untouched. Sir Arthur begins that remarkable paper in these words. "I have always been of opinion that Portugal might be defended, whatever might 1S09.] HIS VIEWS OX THE DEFENCE OF TORTUGAL. 87 Lave been the result of the contest in Spain, and that in the mean time the measures adopted for the defence of Portugal would be highly useful to the Spaniards in their contest with the French." He then goes on to justify this assertion, and to explain that in Portugal, with its feeble Government and docile population, a native ai'my could be ofBcered by Englishmen, which being intermixed with English troops, would soon be rendered capable of facing the best of the Continental armies. It was thus that at every new stage in his career the Grreat Duke was accustomed to turn to account the experience which the past had given him. He had evidently in his mind when he offered this suggestion the native army of India and its capabilities, and often in after- years he used to compare that army with his Portuguese levies, giving however a marked prefei'ence to the latter. But he did not, in the memorandum of which I am now speaking, confine himself to matters of detail. He described ISTapoleon's political system as one of terror, which must crumble to pieces if once effectually checked ; and he ex- pressed a belief that in Portugal, if wisely dealt with, the first decided check Avould be given to that system. Sir Arthur's minute was read in Cabinet, and produced a strong eftect, and the refusal of the Spaniards to receive a British garrison into Cadiz arriving not long afterwards. Sir Arthur's views were unanimously adopted. There remained then but one course for the Government to follow. Sir Arthur was requested to assume the command of the army, which it was determined to employ in the Peninsula, and he did so without a moment's hesitation. Before his own Government arrived at these conclusions, the command of the Portuguese army had been pressed upon Sir Arthur by the Portuguese Government, and de- clined. He easily prevailed, however, to get that important trust committed to General — afterwards Lord — Viscount Beresford, an officer of whom he entertained a high opinion ; and who, on account of his knowledge of the Portuguese language, was well fitted to act with Portuguese troops. But the arrangement interfered in no respect with the larger plan on which the English Government had determined. 88 PREPARES TO TAKE THE FIELD. [1809. England was henceforward to become a principal in the war which impended. She was to take into her pay, to discipline and equip, a certain number of Portuguese troops, and the whole military resources of the kingdom were to be placed in return at the disposal of the English General. Sir Arthur "NVellesley had nothing more to desire. He resigned at once and for ever his seat in the House of Commons, and the office which he had so long and usefully held in Ireland, and turned his attention to the great work which was cut out for him. For everything which he considered necessary to the equipment and efficiency of an army in the Held he apjilied in writing. No single article, from a battalion of Infantry to a pair of shoes, was forgotten. Suits of clothing, stands of arms, sets of accoutrements for the Portuguese levies, horses, guns, muskets, ammunition, intrenching tools, Ijorse-shoes, nails, hammers, all were distinctly specified. If either at the outset or at any subsequent stage in the cam- paign the army of which he was at the head suffered from the lack of anything, the fault never rested with him. This unceasing attention to details, this care for all possible wants before they occurred, forms one of the most remarkable features in the character of the great Duke of AVellingfon as a General. Another of his peculiarities as a Man deserves notice. He seems never to have been so engrossed by any particular subject, as to be incapacitated from discussing others with as much clearness as if each had touched the very point to which his attention was mainly directed. At this moment, for example, when other minds than his own would have been filled with the coming war and the preparations for it, we find him corresponding in his usual style, now with the Duke of Richmond on Irish aflairs, now with inventors on the subject of their inventions, now with the President of the Board of Control upon Indian sub- jects, and largely with his private friends and acquaintances about the common gossip and business of life. In some of these letters there is an elasticity and even playfulness of tone which shows that, however grave the responsibility which he was about to assume, it by no means weighed hin\ down. And this is the mor3 remarkable that the condition 1809.] COXDITION OF PORTUGAL. 89 of Portugal, political as well as military, was at that time as little promising as can well be conceived. The departure of the Prench had left the country without a Government. Army there was none, in any proper sense of the term ; for the few battalions which existed were without discipline, without military spirit, without even arms ; and the mobs of Lisbon and Oporto, stirred up by the brothers Souza and the Bishop,, clamoured against the English as having betrayed them, and insulted English officers as they walked the streets. There ia no knowing to what extent this feeling might have been car- ried, had not General Cradock, whom Moore had left iu command, threatened to withdraw his troops altogether. This brought men a little to their senses ; the Regency be- gan to act again, and a levy en masse was ordered. Beresford proceeded to place himself at its head, and did his best to introduce discipline into the ranks. It was to a country so circumstanced, and with a force at his disposal of less than 16,000 men on the spot, and promised reinforcements amount- ing to barely 8000 more, that Sir Arthur Wellesley made ready to proceed ; nowise distrustful that, if a little time were aftbrded him, he should be able to make successful head against the whole strength of the French Empire. so CHAPTER Till. IX PORTUGAL. On the IBtli of April, 1809, Sir Arthur Wellesley took ship at Portsmouth, and on the 22nd, after a tempestuous aud uncomfortable voyage, he arrived in the Tagiis. His reception by the people and authorities of Lisbon was en- thusiastic in the extreme. Pear, jealousy, suspicion, ill-will, seemed to disperse before him, and all classes, high and low, crowded to greet and assure him of their confidence. He did not allow the popular enthusiasm to grow cold. With consummate tact he got the Regency together, and prevailed upon them to pass whatever resolutions were proposed, and then he set himself in right good earnest to the task which he had undertaken. Two Prench corps at this time threatened Lisbon from opposite sides of the Tagus. Soult, with 20,000 men, or thereabouts, was in Oporto — having his outposts advanced as far as the right bank of the Youga. Victor, with 28,000, lay at Merida in Estremadura. There was nothing in the field to oppose to either of them, except the remains of cer- tain Spanish armies, every one of which had sustained a de- feat, and was therefore demoralized as well as undisciplined. But the practised eye of Sir Arthur was not slow to dis- cover that the distance between these two Prench corps was too great to enable them mutually to support one another. He resolved, therefore, to strike at them in detail ; and after well considering the subject he made iip his mind to sacrifice military to political considerations, and to begin with Soult. The promised reinfor^-cm^'nts from Engh^nd arrived by 1809.] OrEXS THE CAMrAIGX. 91 degrees, and Sir Arthur at the end of a week was able to bring into line about 35,000 men. Of these 15,000 were Portuguese, of whom 9000 with 13,000 English and 3000 German troops he directed to assemble at Coimbra. The remainder he so posted as that they should be able to im- pede, if they could not stop, the advance of Victor, in the event of his endeavouring to pass the Tagus. The various brigades and corps followed the routes which were pointed out to them, and on the 2nd of May he himself arrived at Coimbra. On the 3rd he passed his army in review ; on the 4th it was distributed into eight brigades of Infautry and one of Cavalry ; and on the Gth the advance began. How entirely the French were Avithout partisans at that time in Portugal is shown by the fact that not a rumour of this concentration reached them, though Soult had his out- posts within three easy marches of the point where the con- centration took place. It is not my intention to describe in detail the campaign of the Douro, or any other campaign in the famous Penin- sular war. My present purpose is rather with the great man who led the allied armies than with the armies themselves ; of which therefore I shall endeavour to speak more as of the instruments with which he executed his purposes than as agents in the execution of these purposes. And adhering to this resolve it will content me to state that the Youga was crossed by the English on the morning of the 10th ; that in the course of the same day an affair occurred with the enemy's posts, and that the enemy, leaving three guns behind and a few men killed and wounded, hastily retreated. They crossed the Douro on a bridge of boats which was im- mediately removed, and so placing a broad river between them and the English, they took shelter in Oporto, and be- lieved themselves safe. During the progress of this advance, Sir Arthur seemed to do everything and to be everywhere. He personally di- rected the movements of the columns, regulating the very pace at which men and horse should travel ; and gave by these means to all under his orders, from generals of brigade to the members of his personal staff, their first 92 AFFAIR OX THE YOUGA. [1809. distinct lesson in the art of war. Once by over-precipita- tion on the part of the officer -who led, his advanced guard failed to surprise a body of Fi'ench troops which lay care- lessly among some villages about eight miles in rear of the Youga. The circumstance was provoking enough, but Sir Arthur kept his temper. He contented himself with send- ing for the officer and explaining, " that courage is an ad- mirable quality, but that discretion and judgment are quite as necessar}"", particularly in the leader of an advanced guard." On the other hand he was always prompt to observe, and to commend military talent and judicious enterprise, by whom- soever exhibited. Take the following as an example. With a view to cut off the retreat of Soult upon Braga, Sir Arthur had detached Greneral Beresford with his Por- tuguese towards Lamego, giving him orders to cross the Douro there, and to seize and hold the bridge at Amarante. Beresford was further directed to collect as many boats as he could find, and to send them down the stream for the use of the main army. For it had not escaped the calcula- tions of Sir Arthur that the enemy would certainly remove their pontoon bridge, and that probably nothing available for the transport of men and guns would be found on his side of the water. And so it fell out. AVhen the leading corps of the British army arrived in sight of Oporto, the last link of the bridge was swinging round, and neither skilf nor boat of any kind could be seen, except drawn up and made fast along the far-off bank of the river. The left bank of the Douro consists of a series of heights, with one called the Serra dominating over all the rest. Op- posite to the Serra on the other side was a large building, called the Seminary, which with its gardens and outbuild- ings Sir Arthur was well pleased to find that the French had not taken the trouble to occupy. It was exactly the sort of place in which to make an effective lodgment, and he looked at it with longing eyes. But no boats appeared descending the stream, and though he ran up 20 guns and planted them so as to command the Seminary and its approaches, he could attempt nothing further. He placed his men, there- fore, under cover, and sat down to cliat, as was his custom, 1800.] CAPTATX WATERS. 93 ■with the gentlemen of his staff. There was one among these, Captain Waters, -n-hose readiness of resource, often tested afterwards, found there for the first time a field on which to work. Waters suddenly darted otf from the throng, and for half an hour or more nothing was seen of him. But presently the tall reeds which overshadow the margin of the Douro, and, where the banks are low, run a good way inland, began to shake, and by and by a little skiff with six men on board, shot out into the deep. One of these men was Waters. He had observed the skiff con- cealed among the reeds and stuck fast in the mud, and after vainly struggling single-handed to set it free, had run off in search of help. By great good luck a sturdy Ecclesiastic, the prior of the Convent of Amarante, met him, and he, entering heartily into the design, was not slow in finding four peasants to co-operate with them. They all returned to the place where the skiff lay, and the oars happening to be on board, they soon got her afloat and pushed off. " By Gr — ," exclaimed Sir Arthur, " Waters has done the job." And so he had. While the Greneral and those about him watched the result with great eagerness, Waters and his crew struck out like men. They made for a point where, just above the Seminary, three barges lay ; and undoing the lashings they made them fast to their own boat, and pulled across again. The results are well known. A handful of men passed the river in these barges — the Seminary was oc- cupied before the alarm was given, and when the enemy endeavoured to retake it, the fire from the guns on the op- posite bank swept them away. The inhabitants of Oporto threw themselves into the game, and scores of boats shot across the river and were at once laden. Sir Arthur never forgot the services of Waters on that day. He obtained for him deserved promotion, and employed him afterwards in many a perilous and important service, out of which he always came triumphant. The passage of the Douro was one of those brilliant affairs whicli only men of genius, as well as hardihood, think of at- tempting. It succeeded mainly because success was be- lieved to be impossible. It led to the expulsion of the 94 SOULT ESCAPES. [1809. enemy from the city, and tlieir painful flight across the mountains of Tras os Montes in Galicia, with the loss of all their guns and baggage, and of 6000 men killed, wounded, and taken. The pursuit, which had been vigorously pressed till fatigue and privation began to tell upon the pursuers, was at length abandoned. " If an army," wrote Sir Arthur to Lord Castlereagh describing the operation, " throws away all its cannon, equipments, and baggage, and everything which can strengthen it and enable it to act as a body, and aban- dons all those who are entitled to its protection, but add to its weight and impede its progress, it must be able to march through roads by which it cannot be followed with any pros- pect of being overtaken by an army which has not made the same sacrifices." This is true — and it was only by making these enormous sacrifices that Soult and his army escaped. Tet Sir Arthur did not come ofl^ scatheless. Not more than 300 English soldiers fell by sword and bullet in the course of the campaign ; but when he returned on the 21st to Oporto, Sir Arthur found that 4000 were down from sickness, and that among such as still kept their places in the ranks, many were shoeless, and not a few in rags. So severe is the strain of even a successful operation, if it be conducted rapidly, on the morale and equipment of an army. Having thus cleared Portugal on one side, Sir Arthur turned his attention to the dangers which threatened else- where, and made such preparations as he could for marching against Victor. His idea was to strike first at a Trench division which lay at Alcantara, higher up the Douro. But General Lepice, who commanded in that quarter, prudently retreated, and a mixed English and Portuguese force was sent to guard the bridge which there spans the river. Back, therefore, in the direction of Coimbra and Abrantes, Sir Arthur moved. His movements, however, Avere not as they had been in advancing, rapid and contimious. Means of transport failed him. The Portuguese Grovernment was supine in supplying them, and the support which he receiv- ed from England came in slowly and by driblets. He was thus constrained to halt at Abrantes many precious days. These were not days of idleness or rest to him. His cor- 1S09.] niS CORRESrOXDEXCE. 95 respondeiice had become enormous. It was carried on with Ministers of State, with the Grovernors of provinces ; with his own and the general officers of the Spanish and Portu- guese annies ; with commissaries, doctors, purveyors, and private friends ; and it embraced every topic connected with the history of the times, from the policy of great empires down to the feeding of private sentinels. Those portions of it which have been considered worthy of publication fill, for this single year, three large and closely printed octavo volumes ; so untiring w"as that great man's industry, so well regulated his disposition of time. 96 CHAPTEE IX. MOVES TOWARDS CUESTA BATTLE OF TALATERA. There were at this time in the Spanish Peninsula 250,000 French troops ; all admirably eqiiipped, in the high- est state of discipline, and commanded by the foremost of Napoleon's Generals. They were, of course, a good deal scattered, for the area was wide, and the insurrection threatened everywhere. But Avithin a radius of 100 miles, taking Madrid as a centre, 100,000 at least lay, by divi- sions, each within reasonable distance from all the rest. Joseph himself was in Madrid with GOOO or 8000. Sebas- tian! was at Toledo with 12,000 ; Mortier, with 18,000, lay at Villa Castin ; Victor was at Cassares with 28,000. Mean- while Soult, having refitted at Lugo, was as far in advance again ns Salamanca, where the coming in of IN^ey's corps raised his eftectives to upwards of 30,000. On the other side, if we except the English army now reduced to 20,000 fit for duty, and to a certain extent the Portuguese, of whom about 17,000 had profited by English instruction, there was nothing to oppose to this well-disciplined array save bodies of half-armed and untrained Spaniards, under the command of officers ignorant of the first principles of the art of war. Sir Arthur was in Abrantes with 18,000 excellent troops, Oeneral Mackenzie held Alcantara with 8000, of whom 2000 only were English. IMarshal Bereslbrd was at Al- meida with 15,000 Portuguese. There were assembled in the hill country of Estremadura about 4000 Partisans under Sir Robert "Wilson ; 12.000 Spaniards under the Duke del 1S09.J PLAN OF CAMPAIGN. 97 Parque lay in and about Ciudad Eodrigo, 26,000 vrere ■with Venegas among the mountains of Toledo, and 40,000, with old G-eneral Cuesta at their head, occupied a position half way between Medellin and Cassares. Sir Robert AV^ilson's Partisans consisted chiefly of Portuguese smugglers, indi- yidually brave and hardy but lawless and without discipline, while the Spanish armies of Cuesta, Venegas, and del Parque were but the remains of those levies which Napoleon and his generals had defeated, reinforced by peasants untrained, and many of them without arms. Sir Arthur bad not yet come into personal contact with Spanish armies and their leaders. He had heard enough of their proceedings during the campaign of 1808, to pre- vent his counting much upon them, but he could not be- lieve that they were so utterly worthless aa experience proved them to be. He entered, therefore, readily into negotiations with Cuesta, and arranged with him a plan of which the following are the outlines. While Sir Arthur and Cuesta, uniting their forces, were to advance by Al- niaraz and Placentia upon Madrid, Venegas, pushing forward from La Manca towards Aranjuez, was to interpose between Victor and Sebastiani. Meanwhile Sir Eobert Wilson was to seize the Escurial, threatening thereby Joseph's com- munications with the North. At the same time Beresford and the Duke del Parque were to occupy the attention of the French corps which lay at Salamanca ; and finally, the valley of the Tagus was to be rendered safe by detaching two Spanish brigades from Cuesta's army to the passes of Banos and Porales, in support of which, without interfer- ing with their proper objects, both Beresford and Wilson could manoeuvre. Nothing could be more perfect than this plan. It was approved in all its details by Greneral Cuesta, who urged Sir Arthur to immediate action, and assured him of ample sup- plies as well as of abundant means of transport, as soon as the English should enter Spain. The English did enter Spain, and there their difficulties began. There were no supplies for them, no means of transport, scarcely the pre- tence of friendly feeling among the inhabitants. More than 7 98 EEVIEW OF SPANISH TROOPS. [1809. once indeed Sir Arthur hesitated whether he should not abandon the enterprise, so disgusted was he with the culp- able negligence of his colleague, and so indignant with the indifference of the Spanish nation to the sufferings of his troops. It was not, however, in his nature to break an en- gagement once contracted. He pushed on, therefore, and on the 20th of July found himself at Oropesa in personal communication with Cuesta. Then the illusion, if any had hitherto rested upon his mind, vanished altogether. The Spanish army was drawn up that he might see it, and the review took place partly by torch-light ; it satisfied Sir Arthur, that however good the materials might be, they were as yet a mere shapeless mass. " I am sure I don't know what we are to do with these people," was his remark to Colonel Murray, as they rode back to their own lines ; "put them behind stone walls, and I daresay they would defend them, but to manoeuvre with such a rabble under fire, is impossible. I am afraid we shall find them an en- cumbrance rather than otherwise." If Sir Arthur was disgusted with the temper of the Spanish people, and with the military appearance of the Spanish troops, he found little to console him under the disappointment in the mental, and even the physical, quali- ties of the Spanish generals. Some, like Cuesta, were old men, so decrepit in person as to be incapable without assist- ance of getting upon horseback. Others, like Venegas, had received no early training in the profession of arms, and all, without exception, were proud, boastful, slow, without forethought, and apparently ignorant of the value of time. There is good reason to believe that Sir Arthur, if he could have done so without compromising his own and his coun- try's honour, would have abandoned all thought of co-oper- ating with allies so little to be depended upon. Not feeling himself justified in taking this decided step, he made up his mind to go forward cautiously, and to avoid being drawn by Spanish presumption into scrapes from which Spanish valour would certainly not deliver him. The arrival of the English army at Oropesa gave the signal to Victor to retire. He fell back throug]\ Traxillo 1809.] AT TALAVERA. 99 upon Almaraz, crossed the Tagus there, and made no halt till he reached a somewhat indifterent position, about two miles on the further side of Talavera de la Eeyna. Sir Arthur and Greneral Cuesta followed, and passed the night of the 22nd of July in Talavera itself. They had thus achieved the main purpose of their junction, for the enemy was before them inferior in point of numbers, and so near as to leave to them the option of a battle. But no argument could prevail with Cuesta to make this option. Without as- signing any reason, he refused to co-operate with Sir Arthur in attacking Victor on the 23rd, and on the morning of the 24th the French were gone. Now then the Spanish Greneral was seized with an irrejjressible desire to act. He urged an immediate pursuit, and when Sir Arthur quietly observed that no good could arise, because the opportunity of striking an effective blow had passed from them, his indignation boiled over. He would go forward alone ; he would himself overwhelm the fugitives and deliver Madrid ; and forward alone he went. Sir Arthur, finding remonstrance useless, threw two divisions of infantry and some cavalry across the Alberche in order to keep open Cuesta's communications with himself, and then sat down to wait the event of which he seems never for a moment to have been doubtful. While these things were going on, Venegas, instead of pushing, as he ought to have done, upon Aranjuez, loitered at La Manca, and the two Spanish brigades which were due in the passes of Banos and Porales, never made their appear- ance. The former of these blunders enabled Joseph and Sebastiani to unite their forces with those of Victor. The latter exposed the position at Talavera to be turned in the rear. Of both mishaps Sir Arthur remained for two days ignorant, but on the 26th the sudden appearance of Cuesta's people, running and riding in hot haste towards the Al- berche, warned him that evil had befallen. Cuesta, it appeared, marching straight to Alcabon, was there turned upon and defeated by Victor ; and now brought intelligence that at least 50,000 French troops might be expected at any moment to fall upon the allies. Sir Arthur's plan of campaign was completely defeated. 100 THE CASA DE SELINAS. [1809 He had counted much more than he ever did at any subse- quent period on Spanish co-operation, and it failed him. Had he been free to consult his own judgment as a soldier, he would have doubtless separated the English army from that of Cuesta, and fallen back the same day, without risk- ing a battle, into Portugal. But it was necessary to prove to the Spanish nation that Eagland was in earnest, and to satisfy the English people that their allies had not been abandoned in the hour of need. Nothing doubting there- fore that his rear at all events was safe, and confident in the stubborn courage of his own men, he determined to accept a battle on the ground where he stood. And it was, in a military point of view, very defensible. It extended for about two miles across a plain, having the town of Talavera on one flank, and the mountain-ranges which close in the valley of the Tagus on the other. And it embraced here and there a knoll, or eminence, and a good deal of wood with banks and hollow roads and walled gardens, especially in the direction of Talavera. Sir Arthur so arranged his troops that the English held the centre and left where the ground was the most open, and the Spaniards, of whom Cuesta in his humiliation entreated him to take the com- mand, were massed among the gardens and enclosures in front of the town. A little way in advance of Talavex'a, not far from the river Alberche, stands the Casa de Selinas, a fine old chateau surrounded by extensive woods. Through these woods several roads passed, and among them Sir Ar- thur left an English division in observation, with about 10,000 Spaniards spread along the margin of the stream. Anticipating the approach of the enemy, and desirous of observing the order of their march. Sir Arthur proceeded on the 27th to the Casa. He was accompanied by the ofiicers of his staft' and a few orderlies only ; and all, except the or- derlies, dismounting in the court yard, left their horses there, and ascended to the roof It was not long before the Erench made their appearance advancing in magnificent array, and by and by the heads of columns began to disap- pear among the woods. But the woods being filled with Spanish soldiers, no danger was apprehended ; especially as 1809.] THE FRENCH ADVANCE. 101 not a single musket-shot spoke of a collision between them and the enemy. The whole was a delusion. The Spaniards, demoralized by their d^efeat a few days previously, fled at the first appearance of the enemy, and Sir Arthur and his stafi" suddenly beheld with astonishment clouds of French skirmishers hastening round the chateau. There was not a moment to be lost. "Without uttering a word, the group turned, ran hastily down-stairs^ jumped into their saddles, and put spurs to their horses. A second surprise now ap- peared to take place, for the French, alarmed by the clatter of horses' feet behind them, opened to the right and left, and the English General, his staff", and orderlies galloped through. Fortunately some English infantry were not far off". A smart skirmish ensued, amid the tumult of which Sir Arthur returned unhurt to his position at Talavera. " It was an awkward predicament enough," the Duke used to say, " but we had but one way out of it. We did not pick our steps, you may depend upon it, in running down-stairs. The orderlies had behaved with perfect steadiness. They took no notice of what was passing outside, but sat upon their horses, holding ours. We were soon in the saddle, and then there was a general dash through the gateway, and high time it was. If the French had been cool, they might have taken us all ; but the apparition of a body of horsemen in their rear seemed to frighten them ; they opened out to the right and left, and we dashed through. Before they re- covered their senses we were safe enough, though not, as you may suppose, in the best humour with theYaloroses, who had played us so shabby a trick." In taking up his ground for the expected battle. Sir Ar- thur had stationed General Hill's division on his extreme left, placing it upon an eminence between which and the mountains ran a narrow valley, everywhere commanded by the English guns. The better to strengthen his centre, a redoubt had been begun, but it was still incomplete when the approach of the enemy became known. He contented himself therefore with placing behind it a division of English infantry, with a brigade of English cavalry and some Spanish horsemen in support. Mackenzie's troops were intended, as 102 BATTLE BEGINS. [1809. they came in, to prolong the line to the right, and Camp- bell's division touched the Spaniards, and the enclosures which they held. The combined armies showed a total strength of 44,000 infantry, 10,000 cavalry, and 100 guns. But of this infantry and cavalry 19,000 only were English, the rest being Cuesta's undisciplined and ill-armed rabble. On the other hand, Victor, Sebastian!, and Joseph were at the head of 43,000 infantry, 7000 cavalry, and 90 guns, all well appointed, well drilled ; homogeneous, and unaccustomed to defeat. The odds were terribly against the Allies. Driving Mackenzie's troops before him, Victor arrived, about two in the afternoon, in sight of the English position. He made no delay in attacking. The two French divisions which had been engaged at the Casa de Salinas took ground to the right and fell upon Hill with great fury. Eor a moment tliey seemed to prevail. Two Grerman battalions, which formed part of this division, yielded to the shock, and the enemy crowned the summit of the hill. But they did not stand there long. General Sherbrook, whose division communicated by the left with that of Hill, wheeled round one of his brigades, which charged the French in flank and overthrew them. It was to no purpose that Victor repeat- edly reinforced such of his troops as were engaged. Though renewing the attack moi'e than once, and arriving more than once within a few yards of the summit, the French never reached it again, but after a fierce combat waged far into the night, were driven at tlie point of the bayonet back into the plain. Both hosts slept that night upon their arms. The French, well supplied, eat and drank before they lay down ; the Spaniards likewise fared well ; the English were starving. Throughout the two previous days no rations had been issued to them, except a handful of flour per man, so grossly for- getful of the engagements under which they had come were their Spanish allies. They were up, however, and in line long before dawn on the 2Sth, and just as the morning broke the battle was renewed. It raged furiously till noon, when a pause in the firing occurred, of which the troops on both sides took advantage to drink out of a rivulet which flowed between their positions. Meanwhile their leadex'S busied 1809.] CLOSE OF THE BATTLE. lOS themselves in re-arranging their respective lines, and exam- ining the dispositions of the enemy. And hei-e an incident befell, which deserves notice, as testifying to the extraordin- ary coolness and self-possession of Sir Arthur Wellesley. He Avas seated on the brow of an eminence whence the whole field of battle could be surveyed, when Colonel Donkin, the commander of a brigade which communicated directly with the Spaniards, rode up. He handed a letter to Sir Arthur, at the same time announcing that he had himself received it from the Due del Albuquerque, and intimating that he was not unacquainted with its contents. They were of the most startling kind, for they announced that Cuesta was about to pass over to the enemy. Sir Arthur read the letter, put it into his pocket, and said in a calm, clear tone : " Very well, Colonel ; you may go back to yoiir brigade ! " 'No more passed ; no more was ever heard of the business. "WTiether Sir Arthur gave any credence to the story, does not appear, but he acted as if it had been entirely devoid of truth. A rare instance of self-possession and self-confidence, look- ing, not alone to the nature of the intelligence conveyed, but to the source from whence it came. About two o'clock the Prench renewed the attack, and till six the conflict was severe. At every point the assail- ants were repulsed, and again victors and vanquished rested upon their arms. But a sad accident befell. The dry grass and shrubs with which the plain was covered, caught fire, and many wounded men, unable to crawl to a place of safety, perished amid the conflagration. 104 CHAPTER X. MOVES AGAINST SOULT ACROSS THE TAGUS IN LISBON — IN CADIZ ACROSS THE TAGUS AGAIN. Sir Arthur laad won a great battle, but his circumstances were scarcely improved by it. Upwards of 6000 British troops had been placed liors de comiat ; and though the loss of the enemy was still more severe, and though 3000 magni- ficent British infantry arrived in his camp just as the firing ceased, he could not venture, associated as he was with the Spaniards, to follow up his success. Joseph and Victor were thus enabled to retire immolested from the field, the former pushing off for Madrid, which Sir Robert Wilson was reported to have threatened, the latter halting upon the left bank of the Alberche. Hence the armies which had fought on the 27th and 28th, continued to face one another on the 30th, and so remained till rumours came in, wliich led to a change of dispositions on the part of the English General. I have elsewhere described the plan of campaign that was drawn up by Sir Arthur and accepted by the Spaniards. It broke down in every part. Venegas loitered by the way. Cuesta left the pass of Banos unguarded. Sir Eobert "Wil- son failed to effect all that he had promised, and neither supplies nor means of transport were forthcoming. The evil consequences were made apparent first in the paralysis which fell upon the victors of Talavera, and next in the execution of certain movements by the enemy, which, had they been a little more prompt, might have led to serious results. Mar- 1809.] TUENS UPON SOTJLT. 105 shal Soult, after refitting at Lugo, advanced, as we have seen, to Salamanca. There the junction of Ney's corps, of which Mortier was in temporary command, put him at the head of 35,000 men, whom he moved leisurely, and with needles.s precaution, through the unguarded pass of Banos into the valley of the Tagus. On the evening of the 2nd of August, Sir Arthur heard of this movement. He held a conference with Cuesta, in which, after receiving the Spaniard's lame excuse for neglecting to occupy the pass, it was arranged that Cuesta should remain in Talavera to guard the wounded, while Sir Arthur with his English troops countermarched to engage Soult. All this was done under the persuasion that Soult's force was, as the Spaniards represented it to be, barely 14,000 or 15,000 strong. Por an encounter with 35,000, Sir Arthur was not prepared, particularly under circumstances which might at any moment bring Victor and Joseph upon his back. Sir Arthur set out upon his bold enterprise on the morn- ing of the 3rd. He reached Oropesa the same day, and there, for the first time, heard the truth respecting the enemy's strength. He was in a terrible scrape, and he knew it. If Soult could only secure the bridge over the Tagus at Almaraz, and Victor were to fall upon the Spaniards, and disperse them, his own chances of covering Lisbon, or even of saving the troops of which he was at the head, would be small indeed. If on the other hand he could get before Soult, break down the bridge and guard the fords, his retreat by Arzobispo into Estremadura, and through Estremadura into Portugal might be made good. It was an occasion which called for all the promptitude to decide, and the vigour of action, of which he was the master — and he did not fall be- low it. Though not unaware that Soult's advanced guard was considerably nearer than his own to the point in question, and that while the French followed a well-made road, the English would be obliged to scramble through rugged moun- tain-passes, he directed General Craufurd with the light division to push for Almaraz, while he himself with the rest of the army turned round, and moved upon Arzobispo. Craufurd and his division did their work admirably. They 106 OVER THE TAGUS. [1809. passed the mountains, came do^vn upon Almaraz, crossed the river, and completed the destruction of the bridge, just as the leading files of Mortier's cavalry appeared in sight. On that side at least the safety of the British army was secured. Leaving them there, I return to Sir Arthur, who was pursuing his march towards Arzobispo, when he suddenly encountered the whole of Cuesta's troops, hurrying to over- take him. A somewhat stormy interview took place between the two chiefs. Sir Arthur charged Cuesta with again vio- lating his pledges — Cuesta assured Sir Arthur that anxiety, lest the English should be overmatched in their combat with Soult, had alone indiiced him to quit Talavera. They parted in anger. Sir Arthur would not staj to fight in a position where victory itself could bring no benefit to the cause. Cuesta declared that he would accept battle from Soult, single-handed. But an interval of 24; hours, in which the English made good their progress across the Tagus, sufficed to bring the old man to his senses. He also began, a little too late, his retreat in the same direction, and though he succeeded in getting the mass of his people over, it was by sacrificing his rear-guard, on which Soult fell, and from which he took 30 pieces of cannon. While the Spaniards were thus mismanaging their affairs, Sir Arthur pursued his own coxirse. He made for Deleytosa, where, during the 7th, 8th, and 9th, the scattered portions of his army re-assembled ; and on the 11th he established his head-quarters at Jaraicejo, on the great road through Estremadura towards Badajoz and Lisbon. There he re- mained nine days, giving time for the Spaniards to come again into communication with him from Deleytosa ; and occupying a line, which, with the bridges of Almaraz and Arzobispo broken, and the fords well guarded, was, for pur- poses of defence, excellent. For his eye was now fixed steadily on Portugal. He expected that the enemy, massing their force, would leave a single corps to protect Madrid, and march with the rest upon Lisbon ; in which case he detennined to resume the offensive, and to fight a battle at all hazards. Eortimately for him, and perhaps for Europe, the march upon Lisbon which Soult suggested, was not 1S09.] NATURE OF THE CAMPAIGN. 107 undertaken by King Joseph. Apparently satisfied with re- moving an immediate danger from himself, he broke ixp his army into portions ; and Sir Arthur was, in consequence, enabled to fall back at his leisure upon Badajoz, in the villages round about which he placed his wearied troops. Among all his campaigns perhaps there is not one in which, more remarkably than in this of Talavera, Sir Arthur Wellesley exhibited the several features of his grand mili- tary character ; his prudence, not to call it deliberation, in preparing ; his clear perception of the end to which his operations ought to be directed ; his steady, rather than energetic, movements, in bringing them to a head ; his skill in the selection of a defensive position ; his wisdom in pro- viding, as far as circumstances would allow, against contin- gencies ; and the fortitude and energy with which, having got into a scrape, he managed to set himself free from it and to save his army. The delay at Abrantes was pro- tracted to an extent which he himself deeply deplored. It prevented, beyond all doubt, the execution of the plan on which his heart was originally set. It enabled Victor to escape beyond the Tagus, and threw him back upon his re- sources. But Sir Arthur was not to blame for this. Indif- ferently sxxpplied when he began his march against Soult, he found himself, after the campaign of the Douro, all but destitute. His men were naked and shoeless ; he lacked horses, mules, and carriages ; he was without money, and his hospitals were crowded with sick. So ill indeed was he supported that supplies which ought to have reached him from Lisbon in a few days, did not come up for a fortnight. He heard also of reinforcements both of cavaby and infantry in the river, yet week after week passed by and they failed to make their appearance. At last he was compelled to move without them, trusting to the promises of the Span- iards for rations, which he had no means of carrying for himself. A less cautious commander would have probably made this move earlier ; and it is possible that, without suffering more, he might have succeeded by a march up the right bank of the Tagus, in placing Victor between two fires. But this, looking to the sort of force with which he was 108 EEMARKS. [1809. about to co-operate, is by no means certain. Cuesta's army, as Sir Arthur soon discovered, was little better than a rabble. It could neither advance nor retire, except with precipitation ; it was incapable of executing the simplest manoeuvre in an enemy's presence. Had Cuesta brought it close to Victor's rear, and Victor turned upon it, the dis- persion of the Spaniards would have been certain. And thus Sir Arthur must have found himself, with less than 20,000 men, in the air. Still there is no denying that his halt at Abrantes was too much prolonged, and that oppor- tunities escaped him, in consequence, which never came again. But granting this, we grant all that in the campaign of Talavera can be asked for as a fault. His progress after- wards was as rapid as circumstances would allow ; and his arrangements were excellent. Had the battle which he was anxious to fight been fought on the 2ord, Cuesta would have been in Madrid two days afterwards. And failing this, Wellesley's determination not to go beyond the position of Talavera was most judicious. Of his conduct during the trying days of the 26th and 27th it is unnecessary to speak. Cool, calm, self-possessed, he inspired everybody round him witb perfect confidence, insomuch that among the troops, left as they were by the Spaniards to starve, not a murmur was heard. And finally, if in facing round upon Soult he exhibited more of courage than of prudence, let it never be forgotten, not only that Soult got into his rear, through the misconduct of those who ought to have barred the way against him, but that, in order to cloak their own blunders, some of tbese, in their reports to head-quarters, greatly un- derstated the strength of the corps which had threaded the defile of Banos. As soon as he knew the truth Sir Arthur's ptroceedings were as vigorous as wisely conceived. It was a master's hand which pushed Craufurd through the mountains on Almaraz. It was the inspiration of genius which led to the oblique march upon Arzobispo, the descent by the left bank of the river and the occupation of Deleytosa and Jaraicejo. And when we further bear in mind, that the Spanish army was not only of no use, but a positive bindrance to hiiu all the while, that the inhabitants as he 809.] HIS FORETHOUGHT. 109 passed along hid their provisions, and drove away their animals, we find ourselves at a loss which to admire the most, — the endurance of the men so circumstanced who kept together, in a state well nigh of starvation, or the skill and energy of their leader, who brought them out of such a complication of difficulties without losing a gun or leaving a single straggler behind. The position which Sir Arthur had taken up near Badajoz enabled him to watch two points, both of the greatest im- portance. He was there upon one of the great roads to Lisbon which passes through Estremadura, and he could easily cross the Tagus and place himself on the other, should the enemy make his approach by the left bank of the river. At the same time he covered Cadiz, in which the central Junta, driven out of Madrid and Seville, had taken refuge. He retained that position therefore throughout the re- mainder of the summer, notwithstanding the malaria which infects the valley of the Gruadiana, and the large amount of sickness, which partly on that account, partly as the natural result of over-exertion, fell upon his army. He availed him- self likewise of his proximity to Lisbon and to Cadiz, and set off, as soon as the approach of winter freed him from the immediate apprehension of being molested, to visit both cities. The ostensible business which carried him to Lisbon was to confer with the English Minister, and to press foi'ward the recruitment and better organization of the Portuguese le- vies. His real object was to select some position, the fortifica- tion of which might render the Portuguese capital secure ; or, if the worst came, would enable the British army to withdraw unmolested from Portugal. Eor the state of Europe had painfully aflfected the minds of public men at home, and even he, resolute as he was, could not regard it with indifier- ence. While therefore, in reply to questions addressed to hiin from London, he continued to assure the Minister that the game was still alive in the Peninsula, he considered it necessary to provide against every possible contingency, and to make such arrangements as should at once strengthen his hold upon the country, and enable him at any moment to quit it without loss or dishonour. It was under such circumstances, no LINES BEGUN AT TORRES VEDRAS. [1809. and with a view to the accomplishment of such objects, that the famous lines of Torres Vedras were marked out. And though the work went forward many months, Portuguese peasants executing what English engineers designed, so well was the secret kept, that neither in the French army nor in the English did any rumour get afloat that arrange- ments of the sort Avere in progress. Having settled this point to his own satisfaction, he returned to head-quarters, and after an interval of two days departed for Cadiz. Hitherto his brother. Lord "Wellesley, had been accredited to the Spanish Grovernment. He was now, in consequence of certain changes in the English ad- ministration, about to take charge of the Foreign Ofiice at home, and the political views of the brothers being generally in accord, both felt that a personal interview would be de- sirable. They met accordingly, and the public service bene- fited for awhile by what then passed between them. Nor was it with Lord Wellesley alone that Sir Arthur held con- fidential communication. The members of the Spanish G-overnment waited upon him singly and in a body, and received, with apparent respect, the advice which he ofl"ered ; and the advice which he oifered was indeed worthy of all acceptation. He cautioned them against entertaining schemes of aggressive warfare. He pointed out that troops so imperfectly disciplined as theirs were unfit for the opera- tions into which they were hurried, and could never be ren- dered efficient till time was taken to organize and drill them in positions comparatively safe. The chiefs of the Spanish Grovernment appeared to be struck with the reason- ableness of all his suggestions. They conferred on him the rank of Captain- General in the Spanish army. They feted him in public and in private, and applauded to the echo the speech delivered in good Spanisli, wherein he acknowledged the vote of thanks passed in his favour by the Junta. But they did not cast dust in his eyes for a moment. " You'll see what comes of all this," he observed to Lord Eitzroy Somerset, as they came away together from the meeting, — " these people will continue to believe that they are superior to the French ; they will persist in fighting great battles as 1809.] IN BEIRA. Ill they have "heretofore done, and one after another their armies will be destroyed." It was at this time that Sir Arthur's brilliant services received their first public recognition at the hands of the Sovereign. He was raised to the British Peerage as Viscount Wellington of "Wellington in Somersetshire. But the gra- tification thence arising was a good deal dimmed by the tidings of disaster which soon afterwards came in. The Spanish Grovernment, which applauded while he spoke of defensive warfare, entered immediately on his departure from Cadiz on an ofi"ensive campaign. An attempt was made to reconquer Madrid, which ended in the defeat and dispersion of all the Spanish corps engaged in it. The consequence was that the whole course of the Tagus became uncovered, and Lisbon lay open to an attack against which he was un- able from his position on the Gruadiana to protect it. He broke up without hesitation and crossed the Tagus at Abrantes. There he stationed General Hill to observe the roads through Alemtejo, and to afibrd some show of protec- tion to Badajoz ; while he himself took post in Beira, hav- ing his loft in Guarda, and his right in Viseu. ^Finally, the light division was thrown forward under Craufurd into the valley of the Coa, with orders to watch the course of the river, but to avoid unnecessary risks 5 on no account to be drawn into a battle, and to fall back when seriously threatened. 112 CHAPTER XI. OPENING OF THE CAMPAIGN FALL OF CIUDAD RODRIGO AND ALMEIDA BATTLE OF BUSACO, RETREAT TO THE LINES. In order to convey something like a correct idea of the nature of the struggle in which Lord Wellington was engaged, it will be necessary to interrupt for a moment the flow of my narrative, and to describe in few words how the belligerents stood in regard to the numbers and dispositions of the corps gathered under their respective standards. The Spaniards, beaten everywhere, and re-assembling only to be dispersed again, could not show a muster-roll of more than 70,000 men in the whole. Twelve thousand were at Medellin in Estremadura, under the Due del Albuquerque ; 24,000, the remains of Ayerzago's corps, had come to- gether at La Carolina ; 20,000, or thereabouts, fugitives from del Parque's action on the Tormes, were at St Martin de Trebejo, among the mountains of Sierre de Gaeta ; and 6000 or 8000 with General Mahy, at Astorga and Villa Eranca. Ciudad Eodrigo and Badajoz both contained ade- quate garrisons, and commanding the great roads through Estremadura and Beira, were, in the existing aspect of affairs, of the first importance. But these several Spanish corps, besides that they lay wide apart, had all, with the ex- ception of Albuquerque's, suffered recent defeats. They were all in consequence too much demoralized to be depended upon for active operations, either offensive or defensive. Meanwhile the Portuguese army was fallen into a state well nigh of inefficiency. The campaign of the previous summer 1810.] STRENGTH OF HOSTILE AEMIES. 113 had shalien its disoipliue ; the men were in rags, and their equipments terribly out of gear. About 15,000 of them who had latterly been in observation near Ciudad-Eodrigo, suffered so much from the refusal of the Spanish authorities to afford supplies, that it was found necessary to withdraw and send them to the rear. Hence the only force on which reliance could be placed was the British army, of which not more than 16,700 infantry and 2800 cavalry were really effective. "With these, as has just been explained. Lord Wellington posted himself with his right in G-uarda, and his left towards the Douro. His advanced guard lay in the valley of the Coa, and General Hill, with an infantry division 4400 strong, re- mained at Abrantes, on the Tagus. Looking next to the French, we find that they were in a condition to open the campaign with five well-appointed and highly- disciplined army-corps, not including Joseph's guard and the reserve. Soult, with 12,000 men, lay at Talavera, Sebastiani,Victor, Mortier, the Guards, and the reserve, were disposed about Madrid, and along the Tagus. They num- bered in all about 65,000 men, and were, so to speak, in Lord Wellington's immediate front. But in addition to these, Ney was in Old Castile, with 32,000 men ; Augereau in Catalonia, with 30,000 ; while Junot, with 27,000 more, was on his march through France towards the Pp-enees. He reached and crossed the mountains in January, 1810. Here were odds enough against the British General, but more remains to be told. The campaign of Wagram had ended the Avar between France and Austria. Napoleon's marriage with the Archduchess seemed to secure him against further molestation on the side of Germany, and he was free at any moment to throw the whole military power of the empire into Spain. The British Grovernment, on the other hand, had paralysed itself, and destroyed the finest army that ever quitted the English shores, amid the marches of Walcheren. Had the 40,000 men which composed that army been sent, as common sense might have suggested, to reinforce Lord Wellington, not the campaign of Talavera alone, but the war of which it was an episode, might have taken quite a different turn. But common sense entered lU LORD WELLINGTOX AND THE MINISTRY. [1810. little in those days into the military policy of Great Britain, Distrusting themselves, and harassed by an active opposi- tion, the King's ministers were with difficulty dissuaded from abandoning the Peninsular contest altogether ; indeed it was only the firmness of Lord Wellington which saved his country from that disgrace. To their inquiries, repeated over and over again, whether he believed it possible to main- tain himself in Portugal, now that Spain was virtually con- quered, his answers were on every occasion the same. " Give me such support as you can afford ; men, guns, stores, and above all, money. Leave a fleet of transports in the Tagus to guard against the worst, and I will undertake to make my footing good ; and if I can't do this, depend upon it that I will, when the proper time comes, bring off the army without loss and without discredit." The Duke's despatches are before the world, and all who read may understand how entirely upon him rested the bur- den of maintaining this most arduous struggle. And the struggle, be it remembered, was for a far higher issue than the mere deliverance of the Spanish Peninsula. It was the last effort of Europe to make head against a tyranny before which, up to that moment, principalities and powers had gone down ; and the ebbs and flows which occurred in it, were felt in every town and village throughout the civilized world. A thousand questions arose out of it which Lord Wellington alone was assumed to be capable of answering, and to him appeals were continually made, by all who, for what- ever reason, were interested in its results. Had he not been the most methodical, as well as the most industrious, of men, he never could have faced the amount of labour which each new day brought with it. But one of his great qualifi- cations for command, perhaps not the least telling of the whole, was his rare skill in husbanding time. It may be truly said of him, when at the head of an army, that he never wasted an hour. He rose early, wrote letters and despatches till breakfast-time ; saw the heads of departments then, and arranged with them the details of the day ; then returning to his bed-room continued his general correspond- ence till two in the afternoon. Unless very hard pressed 1810.] HIS HABITS. 115 ■with business, he would then get upon horseback, and ride to the outposts, or wherever else he conceived that his pre- sence might be necessary. At sis he dined — almost always with guests more or less numerous round him ; and at nine, or thereabouts, usually withdrew again to his own room. There he continued at his desk till midnight, discussing all that variety of topics which gives its peculiar interest to his public correspondence ; and having done this, he slept. For he possessed the invaluable faculty of throwing off at plea- sure anxieties and cares ; and at any hour in the day or night, in any attitude, and in any situation, he could sleep when he pleased. Lord "Wellington's constitution was excellent, and he never overtaxed it by excesses. Temperate, rather than ab- stemious, both in eating and drinking, he had his wits always about him ; and without apparent inconvenience could go as many as four-and-twenty hours at a time without tasting food. He knew, however, that such was not the case with men in general, and about no point was he more particular than that his troops should be regularly fed, and their food so dressed as to be at once nutritious and palatable. One of liis orders of the day directs that vegetables should be pro- vided for the men wherever that was possible, and that the biscuits served out to them instead of bread should be boiled with their meat. I shall take occasion to show by and by how, later in the war, he diversified this life of mental toil with field sports. Affairs had not as yet become so settled as to admit of that species of relaxation, but it was a principle with him to keep both body and mind up to their proper mark ; and on that account he never omitted to give to each a due measure, both of the relaxation and of the exercise which it required. For the same reason he encouraged among his officers every pursuit which had a tendency to hinder them from becoming indolent. The only restriction which he laid upon shooting was, that gentlemen, fond of the sport, should be careful to pursue it as they would have done had they been in England. They were on no account to invade preserves without first obtaining the leave of the proprietor. They were as little as 116 CAMPAIGN OPENS. [1810. possible to injure fences. When the fashion came in of get- ting up plays and acting them, he gave to it every encour- agement, and how he dealt -with balls, the reader -nill learn in due time. All this, it will be observed, befell at times and seasons of comparative repose. "When the armies were in the field, marching and fighting gave occupation enough to others, and kept him more continually in the saddle ; yet even then his industry never relaxed ; his correspondence was enormous. So passed the winter of 1809-10. Early in the spring the Prench began to move. The bulk of their force they threw into Andalusia ; Joseph, Victor, Mortier, and Sebastiani, aU taking part in that expedition. 'Ney, with Junot close at hand to support him, faced Lord Wellington, while Soult, from his cantonments at Talavera, threatened Estremadura. It was the object of the march into Andalusia to surprise Cadiz, and had the enemy used proper diligence, they would have probably efieeted that object ; but after dispei'sing the Spauisla corps under Ayerzaga, they loitered by the way and so gave time for the Due del Albuquerque to throw a por- tion of his army into Cadiz. Meanwhile Ney made such demonstrations as decided Lord AVellington not to risk any- thing in order to arrest Joseph in his movement. It might be of some importance to the Spaniards to keep the enemy at a distance from the place where their Government carried on its deliberations ; but Lord Wellington was fighting the battle, not of Spain, but of Europe, and his only chance of fighting it successfully depended upon his being able to retain his hold upon Lisbon. He paid no attention, there- fore, to Albuquerque and Ayerzaga's applications for support, but pressing forward the works at Torres Vedras, and em- ploying upon them every peasant who could wield a spade or a pickaxe, he stood upon the defensive at Beira, waiting till the storm in his own immediate front should burst. It was a maxim of the 1st Napoleon that war should sup- port itself. Acting upon that principle, French armies everywhere, more especially in Spain and Portugal, took with them into the field only such a stock of provisions as each man was able to carry about with him for his own use. The ISIO.] HIS PLAN OF DEFENCE. 117 practice had undoubtedly this to recommend it, that troops so little encumbered could move with extraordinary rapidity. It had, however, its disadvantages too, and upon the whole tliese were found generally to overbalance their opposites. Unless the march happened to be triumphant throughout, and the communications of the army with its rear were kept open, the men had nothing to depend upon after their cook- ed provisions were consumed, except such supplies as the country might afford. These sooner or later failed, and serious privations necessarily followed. Lord Wellington was fully alive to these facts, and upon them he grounded in the main his system of defence. He exacted from the Portuguese Government a promise that in the event of his being obliged to retire, the whole country between Beira and Torres Vedi'as should be laid waste. The retreat he undertook to conduct so leisurely that time would be afforded for execut- ing that stern purpose. But the purpose itself was on no account to be evaded, the work of desolation must be com- plete. Not a head of cattle, not a grain of corn, not a mor- sel of food nor a flask of wine, must anywhere be left for the enemy to profit by. Every mill, likewise, was to be burned down, and every house emptied of its contents. Meanwhile he could so arrange that the enemy should find it as difficult to communicate with their rear, as to go forward ; and Por- tugal would be saved, not more by the resistance offered in the field than by the impossibility of living where all means of subsistence were taken away. Nothing short of what he owed to Portugal and to Europe could have induced Lord "WelLiugton to fall upon this terrible device. It would have been unnatural had either the Portuguese Government or the Portuguese people acceded to it willingly. The latter contemplated with dismay the loss of all which seemed to make life valuable to them ; the former urged the command- er of their armies to keep the war, if possible, from falling into so hideous a course ; and well-disposed was he to act upon the suggestion as long as it was possible so to do. By sending General Hill towards Badajoz, he frustrated the designs of Soult, who had moved from Talavera against that place, and by and by, when Ney took the field, threaten- 118 MARSHAL MASSEXA, [1810 ing Ciudad-Kodrigo, lie pushed Craufurd and the light division across the Coa, and restrained him. But Napoleon, though kept at home by the attractions of his Austrian bride, did not entirely forget the Peninsula and its requirements. He sent Massena,' by far the ablest of his marshals, to assume the command of what was called the army of Portugal, and both sides soon felt and acknowledged the vigour of the band Avhich had undertaken the direction of affairs. It is said of Massena that he accepted the command with reluct- ance. He had acquired in the Italian wars a great name, which must now be jeopardized ; for he dreaded alike the impracticable tempers of his brother marshals, and the renown of Lord Wellington. But he could not decline so important a trust, and he came. The army of Portugal when IMassena assumed the com- mand consisted of the corps of Ney and Junot, numbering between them 57,000 effective men. Its head-quarters were established and a large magazine formed at Salamanca in the month of May, and on the 1st of June it broke up, and moved forward to invest Ciudad-Bodrigo. Great alarm was felt for the safety of that place ; and anxiety expressed both by the Spanish and Portuguese Governments, that Lord AVel- lington should risk a general action in order to prevent the siege. But Lord Wellington knew better than all the world besides what he could and what he ought to do. Calmly, iiud with the dignity which became his position, he refused to be diverted from his own purposes. He wrote, indeed, to General Mahey, urging him to harass from Galicia the ene- my's communications, but he wrote in vain ; and he himself advanced as far as Almeida, whence he continued, after the place had been attacked, to throw supplies across the river into Ciudad-Rodrigo. But further than this he would not go. " I should be neglectful of my duty to the King, to the Prince Eegent, and to the common cause, if I could per- mit myself to be influenced by public clamour, or by fear, so as to modify the system of operations which I have adopted after mature deliberation, and which daily experience proves to be the only one which can bring the matter to a successful issue." The writer of this letter looked far be- 1810.] LOED WELLINGTON'S FIRMNESS. 119 yond the objects Avhich engrossed tlie attention of other men. They thought of things present, he of distant results ; they dreaded the loss of a town and the momentary forfeiture of prestige, he considered how most surely a great war might be carried on and brought to a successful issue. There is but one parallel in history to firmness like this, a thousand times more rare than the sort of courage w^hich prompts men to face personal danger without flinching. " If you be a great General," said Sylla to Marius, " come and fight me." " If you be a great Greneral," said Marius to Sylla, " compel me to fight you." Massena was too much master of his art not to desire what Lord Wellington declined to afi'ord. He tried every possible expedient to tempt the English army into an aggressive movement, and then, failing to accomplish that end, he pressed the siege. His first parallel was opened in the night between the 15th and 16th of June, and on the 11th of July the place surrendered. Meanwhile Greneral Mortier, who commanded a corps of Soult's army at Merida, moved towards the Tagus, and was followed by Hill. The two, marching upon parallel lines, crossed the river almost at the same time, and on the 18th faced one another in Lower Beira ; while in Upper Beira the main armies stood like pieces on a chess-board, waiting till the minds of the players should be made up in regard to their game. The fall of Ciudad-Eodrigo inflicted a severe wound on Spanish pride, and vehemently the English General was blamed for it. He cared little for censure which he knew to be undeserved, but adverse events began to multiply upon him and to try his temper. General Craufurd, who lay with a single division in advance of the Coa, suff"ered himself to be drawn into a battle, and with difiiculty escaped across the river. He handled his men well in the face of tremendous odds, but his combat was a mistake, and might have been attended with fatal consequences. Then followed the forward movement of the whole French army, before which Lord Wellington retired, and by and by Al- meida was invested. Lord "Wellington had taken great pains to strengthen and supply the place. Portuguese troops 120 LOSS OF ALMEIDA. [1810. formed the garrison, with an English officer at their head, and he (Cohjuel Cox), equally with his chief, counted on be- ing able to hold out for many weeks. But both had de- ceived themselves. On the 15th of August the trenches were opened, on the 2Gth a shell exploded a powder maga- zine, and on the 2Sth the garrison mutinied, and insisted upon opening the gates. And so 5000 unwounded men laid down their arms without striking a blow. The loss of Almeida under such circumstances was a catastrophe on which Lord Wellington had never counted. It seriously deranged his plans, for he had determined to attack Massena while busy with the siege, and if he could not save the place, at all events to carry off the garrison. Massena, on the contrary, gained by his conquest what he was already beginning to need, a supply of provisions, and an excellent base of future operations. It can hardly be said that he made the most of these advantages, for, carried away as it would seem with the desire to possess himself of the English depots at Coimbra also, he crossed the Mon- dego at Celerico, and took the road to Viseu. Meanwhile Lord Wellington, retiring upon Alva, there gathered in all his detachments, and anticipating his pursuers, marched into the position of Busaco. It is a range of precipitous heights, intersected here and there with valleys, through one of whicli runs the road from Viseu to Coimbra, and it extends from right to left about four English miles, having a convent on one flank and a village on the other. There he determined to make a stand. His own troops were beginning to murmur because their G-eneral appeared to distrust them, and the Portuguese G-overnment had but imperfectly fulfilled his wish in making a desert of the country in his rear. Now it was to this more than to success in the field that he trusted for saving Portugal, and it was of the utmost con- sequence that the work of devastation should be done by the Portuguese themselves. For these two reasons, there- fore, in order to raise the spirits of his own men, and to gain a day or two in which the Portuguese authorities might perform what they had undertaken to do, he resolved ISIO.] BUSACO. 121 to accept a battle, should Massena, as lie fully expected, commit the mistake of delivering one. When all were assembled, including Hill's corps, and a Portuguese division which had guarded the passes of the Tagus, Lord Wellington was able to bring into line about 50,000 men. Massena, reinforced by Mortier, had under his orders rather more than 70,000, and if Napoleon's directions had been followed, Soult, with 30,000 more, would have been by this time through Estremadura, threatening Lisbon from the left of the Tagus. But Soult, affecting to consider the reduction of Cadiz as his proper work, paid no heed to Napoleon's instructions, and escaped thereby the mortifi- cation of serving under a rival whom he hated. Seventy thousand against 50,000 were, however, long odds, and Mas- sena, looking at the composition of the two hosts, counted upon them as more than enough to render victory secure. Accordingly after some delay, which told in Lord Welling- ton's favour, he launched his masses on the 27th against the English position. His order of battle was not good. He attacked in two heavy columns so arranged that they were unable to support one another ; and each, before it found time to deploy, was crushed by the fire of the English line. The results seem never for a moment to have been doubtful. The Erench were beaten at all points, and slept that night at the foot of a ridge, in attempting to carry which they had lost between 4000 and 5000 men. Lord Wellington fought this battle, not unaware that the ground on which he had planted himself could be turned by the left. The same idea appears to have presented itself to Massena's mind after the battle had begun, and the report of a cavalry patrol assured him next day that he could pass safely through a defile on his right into the great Lisbon road, midway between Coimbra and Oporto. He made arrangements to take advantage of the circumstance ; aiad as soon as darkness closed in on the 28th, struck into the defile. The movement would have cost the enemy dear had Lord Wellington's orders been properly obeyed. Eor he had instructed Colonel Trant to block the mouth of the 122 TlUXrS MISTAKE. [1810. defile ^vith a body of Portuguese Militia. But Trant, misled by false intelligence, had deviated from his instructions, and fjiiled to arrive within sight of his proper post till after the head of the French column had taken possession of it. The blunder might have led to serious results had a less far- seeing Greneral been compromised by it. But in the pre- sent instance no great harm arose. A glance over the ground where the enemy had bivouacked on the 28th showed Lord Wellington, on the morning of the 29th, how the case stood, and without a moment's delay or hesitation, he put his army in full march to the rear. There was no hurry, no confusion, no dismay, yet the scene was through- out as melancholy as it was striking. In front of Lord Wellington's columns the great mass of the population moved, carrying with them such goods as they were able to transport, and destrojdng the rest. Men, women, and chil- dren were there with cattle and sheep urged onwards at their utmost speed, till the country in rear of the troops, when they looked back upon it, became as it were a desert. On the 8th of October, having been little pressed and seldom engaged except with his cavalry, Lord Wellington entered the lines. 123 CHAPTER XII. LIXES OP TORRES VEDRAS. The force which Lord TVeilington carried with him into the lines amounted to 50,000 men. The arrival not long afterwards of 5000 English, and as many Spanish infantry, raised it to 60,000, a considerable army, doubtless, had it been trustworthy in all its parts ; yet, even in that case, by 110 means too large, for the position which it was called upon to hold. But the Portuguese were still far inferior to what they afterwards became, and on Romana's Spaniards, the wreck of a beaten host, little reliance coidd be placed. Massena followed close with 55,000, all that remained of the 70,000 with which he had opened the campaign. His aston- ishment, when he beheld the formidable chain of works which barred his onward progress, it would be difficult to describe. Till that moment he had never heard that works of any sort were begun. He expected that before evacu- ating the country Lord AVellington would risk another bat- tle, and assuming that the battle would be fought upon a fair field, he entertained no misgivings as to the result. The apparition, therefore, of a redoubt on every height, of streams dammed and abbatis laid down, struck him with dismay. Perhaps, indeed, if he had not suffered so severely in the battle of Busaco, the lines as they were at that moment might have been held in less respect ; for they were very far indeed from being what in the course of the winter they became. But the memory of recent disaster was too fresh to permit of his incurring out of hand the risk of a similar calamity. So he 12-1 IX THE LINES. [1810. halted, put his troops into position, reconnoitred, and threw away his only chance of success. From that date up to the middle of November the two armies continued to face one another. The English, supplied from the fleet, fared upon the whole well ; the Prench soon began to experience the terrible effects of Lord AYelling- ton's policy. Carrying no stores with them, they ate up in a day or two all the provisions that could be found in the neighbourhood of the camp, and were di'iven to collect sup- plies from a distance. Whole battalions were employed in that demoralizing service, with, however, but indifterent suc- cess. Then the horses began to die for lack of forage, and the men, ill fed and worse clothed, crowded the hospitals. Meanwhile swarms of partisans gathered in their rear. Their convoys were attacked, their foraging parties harassed, their communications with Spain interrupted, till their brave and skilful chief was forced in the end to acknowledge that the anticipations of evil which had haunted him when first approaching the enterprise, were more than realized. Though the English army enjoyed all this while as much repose as is consistent with service in the field, it may be doubted whether their leader was ever exposed to greater annoyance from the vacillations of his own Grovern- ment, and the exceeding short-sightedness, not to use a stronger term, of the Governments of the two Peninsular nations. In London, and indeed throughout England gen- erally, the gloomiest anticipations were formed. Nobody could believe that a handful of men, forced into a corner within 20 miles of Lisbon, would be able many days to hold its ground against the united strength of the French Empire ; for the Emperor had at that moment no other war upon his hands, and it was difiicult to believe that any exertion would be considered too great for the expulsion of the English from Portugal. Indeed so deeply were the British ministers impressed with this belief, that Lord Liverpool, then Secre- tary of State for "War and the Colonies, wrote to say, that " the re-embarkation of the army would probably begin about September." The Portuguese Government, on the other hand, became clamorous for the resumption of offensive 1810.J MISCOXDUCT OF THE GOTERXMENT?. 125 operations. They denounced the retreat to Torres Yedras as an act of treason, and found the people whose houses had been burned and their property destroyed, willing enough to believe that protection from the English was as intoler- able as submission to the Prench. Lord Wellington's cor- respondence shows how severely the weakness of the Eng- lish and the wickedness of the Portuguese Cabinets tried him. Eor not the least curious incident in a series of mis- takes was this, that the same minister who spoke of a speedy retreat from the Continent pressed the British General to lessen the expenses of the war, by sending home the transports without which retreat would be impossible. If the Portuguese Eegencyhad gone no further than to heap censure on his plan of campaign, Lord Wellington could have afforded to treat their arrogance with contempt ; but when he found that with a view to embarrass him, the Portuguese troops were starved, he considered it necessary to speak out. He wrote to Brazil, complaining to the King of the miscon- duct of his representatives, and threatened the Eegency with withdrawing from the country unless they treated him better. As to the Spanish Government, he had long learned that reasoning and remonstrance were alike unavailing in that quarter. Undisciplined mobs were still thrust into situa- tions where they were powerless to effect anything, till by and by Spanish armies, properly so called, ceased to exist. Certainly Lord AYellington's prospects were at this time, in all men's eyes except his own, desperate. He himself never lost heart. " With the sea open to me," he used to write, " and tonnage enough in the Tagus, I can never be in much danger. Every day that we can manage to hold our own in this country, is an immense gain to us, and a great loss to the enemy, for Europe won't bear the oppression with which it is treated for ever, and the first serious check which Buonaparte meets with, will give the signal for a general rising against him. It is not very generous of the Minis- ters to throw the responsibility of continuing the war upon me ; that is what the Government ought to bear, whose ser- vant I am ; but I don't care, I am ready to take it, as they will have it so, and have no fear about the result." 126 WANT OF MONEY. [1810 Perhaps the greatest inconvenience which Lord Welling- ton suftered at that time, arose from his "want of money. Nations Avhioh wage war as England does, and let us hope that she will never be induced to change her system, expect that their troops will pay for all that they require, even in an enemy's country ; and the rule ia doubly binding when they operate among friendly people. But the English Grovernment is apt to forget that there is no possibility of adhering to this system, if the military chest be empt)-. " I do not," wrote Lord Wellington to Lord Liverpool, " receive one sixth part of the money which is required to keep so great a machine in motion." " I cannot get on unless more money is sent." " I am in debt to every- body, and cannot command the commonest necessaries, un- less I follow the example of the enemy, and take what I require with the strong hand." But this manner of pro- ceeding, besides being entirely opposed to his own sense of right, would have proved to him, as it did to the French, a source of the gravest inconvenience. He therefore set him- self to remedy the evil as well as he could ; and by establish- ing a sort of paper currency, and encouraging American ships to bring corn into the Tagus, he managed to keep his army, and even the inhabitants of Lisbon, supplied at a time when, but for his exertions, they must have equally starved. Another subject gave a good deal of annoyance to Lord "Wellington at this time. The Spanish colonies in South America had long desired to open a direct trade with Eng- land, and English merchants, indifferent as they are apt to be to other considerations than those of their own interests, encouraged the colonists in that disposition. By little and little, an illicit free trade led to colonial revolt, and then the question between Spain and England became complicated. Lord Wellington's views of the case were as just as they were liberal. He deprecated at such a moment the tacit sanction which his own G-overnment had given to what the laws of the Spanish monarchy foi-barle, while he resisted the demand of the Spanish Kegency, that England should co-operate with them in putting down the insurrection. " AVhatever," he says, "may be the relations which are ultimately established between ISIO.] WILL XOT EXPOSE HIS TROOPS. 127 Spain and lier colonies, the general result must be to dimin- ish, if not to extinguish, the foreign commerce of the Penin- sula, a circumstance from which it is certain that Grreat Britain alone can profit. Neither can it be doubted that the colonies may separate from the mother country at any moment they please. It will be an act of madness, there- fore, in Spain, if she seek to hinder that separation by force, and it will be equally foolish in England to second, or even to encourage, such an attempt. The latter, however, may, by her influence and advice, prevent matters from arriving at this extremity, but she should attempt nothing more than to dissuade Spain from having recourse to violence." In dealing with these questions, and others which arose out of them, such as the national antipathy between the Portuguese and the Spaniards, and the impatience of his own Government for action in some shape or another. Lord Wellington's mind was kept continually on the stretch. More than once he seems to have arrived at the conclusion that, in order to stop the mouths of the opposition at home, and of his enemies in Portugal, it would become necessary to assume the offensive. His better judgment, however, prevailed, and he abstained from risking a battle. His reasoning, as expressed in various letters to the Government at home, was this : — " I have no doubt, as matters stand at present, that I am strong enough to beat the French. But by exposing my troops, at this inclement season, to the rains for even three days and nights, I am sure to bring sickness among them. My gain will be that by defeating Massena and Soult I shall free both the northern provinces and Andalusia from the presence of the French, But this it is probable that I shall effect in the common course of events, without risking the loss of a battle, which woidd compromise us altogether. Besides, looking to what oc- curred after the last campaign, I do not see that our condi- tion will be materially bettered by the evacuation of these provinces. "WTien Castile and the north of Spain were freed from French troops, they did not raise a man or strike a blow for the common cause. If all this be true, our in- terests do not require that we should fight the French army, 128 BIDES HIS TIME. [1810. ■which Tve should certaiuly not be able to drive out of the Peninsula ; but that we should give as much occupation as possible to the largest portion of that army, and leave oflen- sive operations to be carried on by the guerillas. So long as the French do not threaten our means of subsistence, or the resources of the Portuguese Government, or anything else which affects our security, it is a matter of indifference to us whether they remain iu Spain or Portugal. I believe, indeed, looking to the increased difficulties which they ex- perience in subsisting themselves in the latter country and keeping open their communications, that it is of advantage to us that they should remain where they are. Their num- bers diminish from day to day ; they do us no harm ; we are nearer to our supplies than we have ever yet been ; and all the north of Spain is open to the operations of the guerillas." The soundness of this reasoning could not be called in ques- tion, and there was additional ground for remaining on the defensive in the considerations, first, that the Portuguese troops were as yet imperfectly disciplined, and, next, that his attack, if made at all, must be made without artillery. For the enemy's position was, in this respect, as good as his own. Both were alike inaccessible to guns ; while victory itself would have carried the conquerors only into a country utterly exhausted. The single contingency, indeed, which Lord Wellington in his lines had reason to dread, was the junction of Soult with Massena ; and even in that case he believed himself strong enough to keep both at bay. He therefore restrained the ardour of his men, wrote cheerfully to his own Government, compelled the Portuguese Eegency to observe at least the appearance of moderation, and bided his time. 129 CHAPTER XIII. MASSENA's retreat FUENTBS d'ONORE. Massena had borne up with, wonderful patience against the difficulties of his situation for more than two months. He held on amid sickness and want, in the hope either that Soult would come to his assistance from Andalusia, or that Foy, whom he had sent to Paris with information for the Emperor, would return and bring with him fresh instruc- tions. Neither event befell, and yielding to a necessity which could no longer be resisted, he changed his ground. He could not, indeed, venture as yet to abandon the enter- prise upon which he had been thrust. He had no longer the faintest hope of succeeding, but a retreat into Spain Avithout positive orders from Napoleon was a step which he was reluctant to take. He contented himself, therefore, with falling back to Santarem ; and throwing a bridge over the Zezere at Punhete, re -opened his communications with Almeida and Ciudad-Eodrigo. This he managed to eifect about the middle of November, though not without incurring great hazard, for his troops were led of necessity through various defiles, amid the entanglement of which a contest would have been very disastrous. But Lord Wel- lington, seeing the enemy in the toils, abstained from attack- ing him. He had, after mature deliberation, formed his own plan, and the prospect of an immediate and partial success was insufficient to draw him away from it. Wherefore, fol- lowing Massena at a respectful distance, and satisfying him- self that it was the enemy's intention to linger on where they halted, he fell back again and resumed his old position. 9 130 MASSEXA'S DIFFICULTIES. [1810 So passed the winter of ISIO. Lord AVellingtou -would risk nothing, Massena could attempt nothing. The former continued to strengthen his lines, and threw up a new chain of works on the further side of the Tagus. The latter- de- voted all his time and energies to provide common neces- saries for the troops of which he was at the head. By and by, on the 5th of February, Greneral Foy re-entered the camp with intelligence that no help was to be expected from Prance. Misunderstandings had arisen between Napoleon and the Emperor of Russia, and Napoleon was already pre- paring for that march into the North of Europe which he soon afterwards began. Here, then, was the fulfilment of Lord Wellington's prophecy, often repeated, yet nowhere believed. It was the continued resistance of the Peninsular nations Avhich encouraged Alexander to withstand the de- mands of Napoleon ; it was from the camp fires of the Eng- lish army, as it lay through that long winter on the hills of Torres Yedras, that the torch was carried which set Northern Europe in a flame. Had Lord Wellington been less firm than he was, the feeble Grovernment which he served would have withdrawn him from the Peninsula ; and with the final abandonment of their cause by the English the resist- ance of the Peninsular nations would have ceased. There would have been no Russian war in that case, nor, as far as human sagacity can discover, any chance of freedom for contin- ental Europe during the lifetime of the Prench Emperor. Cut oft" by this information from all hope of support else- where, Massena derived small comfort from the assurance that Soult, Drouet, and Dorsenne, had received peremptory orders to concentrate round him. He knew too well the tempers of his brother Marshals to expect hearty co-opera- tion from them, and he was right. Soult refused to marcli upon Abrantes. He yielded, indeed, so far to the Avill of Ids master as to convert the siege of Cadiz into a blockade, and to carry 15,000, instead of 30,000, men into Estremadura. And there he loitered to disperse the bands of Ballasteros and Mendizabel ; to reduce Merida and 01iven9a, and to lay siege to Eadnjoz. But he never brought a man into commu- nication with Massena, nor ever intended so to do. Drouet 1810.] MASSENA IN KETREAT. 131 and Dorsenne in like manner came np slowly, and brought; BO supplies with them. Joseph alone marched briskly upon Alcantara, but no good arose out of the movement. Long before the feasibility of Napoleon's plan could be tested, Massena's powers of endurance gave way, and that retreat began of which it is not too much to say that it decided the issues of the great war in the Peninsula. I must leave the historian to describe in detad how this retreat was con- ducted. It began on the evening of the 4th of March, and continued without a pause till the 16th. So far as military skill was concerned it was admirably managed. The Duke often spoke of it afterwards, as fully bearing out the great re- putation which Massena had acquired elsewhere. " I could never catch him napping. Wherever I least desired him to be, there he surely was, and he chose his ground so well that it always cost time, which in such cases is invaluable, to dislodge him. He made excellent use of his cavalry too, in which he was strong, and once employed a portion of it — the only occasion, by the way, in which I ever saw the dragoon put to his legitimate use — as infantry. But the dismounted dragoons made a poor fight of it. They tried to keep a wooded hill not far from Alcoba9a, and a few com- panies of the Bifle Brigade,. the old 95th, you know, soon drove them away. I never had much idea of the dragoon while w^e had him in our own service, and after the exhibi- tion which he made of himself at Alcoba9a, I certainly should not like to see him re-introduced among us." It was not till the 6th, when he cautiously entered San- tarem, that Lord Wellington became convinced that Mas- sena was in full retreat. As soon as that fact became plain to him, he despatched a messenger to Badajoz, urging the Governor to hold out to the last extremity, and assur- ing him of speedy relief. And a stout column, under the or- ders of Marshal Beresford, crossed the Tagus on the 8th, and marched towards the beleaguered town. But Don Jose de Imar, the Governor of Badajoz, proved to be a traitor. On the 10th tidings reached him from Elvas that Beresford was at hand, and on the 11th, before a practicable breach had been effected, he opened his gates. This cruel act proved, 132 ATROCITIES BY FRENCH SOLDIERS. [1811 both in its immediate and more remote consequences, extreme- ly inconvenient to Lord Wellington. It exposed Marshal Beresford to great danger, which he escaped only through Soult'a mistake, in breaking up the besieging army prema- turely ; it cost many valuable lives later in the season to re- pair the mischief which had been done. Lord Wellington, however, as he knew nothing of the treason while it was hatching, so he did not permit the news of its consumma- tion to interfere with his arrangements. He continued the pursuit of Massena, fighting him at Pombal, at Eedinha, and again at Fonz d'Arunce, where on the 16th he was compelled, through fiiilure of stores of every kind, to halt till his sup- plies could overtake him. If the French behaved gallantly as soldiers during this retreat, their conduct as men cannot be sufficiently repro- bated. It seemed, indeed, as if from the date of their en- trance into Portugal, they had ceased to think as well as to act like human beings. No doubt the devastation of the country through which they advanced astonished and en- raged them, and for excesses committed when driven to seek for food at the point of the bayonet, some faint excuse may be urged ; but their wanton outrages in every town and village, their brutal conduct to the women, their slaughter of men and even of infants, stand without a parallel in the records of crime. Not content with plun- der, arson, murder, they seemed to take a savage delight in leaving traces of their guilt behind. The very wells they poisoned by casting into them the bodies of the slain, and into many ovens which our men opened in search of bread, they found tliat dead bodies had been thrust. Lord Wellington's compulsory halt, which lasted several days, enabled Massena to get his broken masses into some- thing like order. He took up a position on the further side of the Guarda mountains, whence he had it in his power either to connect himself with Joseph by moving towards Alcantara, or to continue his retreat upon Ciudad-Rodrigo. He was thus circumstanced when, on the 20th, the English threading the passes of the hiUs showed themselves in full march to attack him. He did not await the onset. Tiie ISll] THREATENS ALMEIDA AND CIUDAD-RODEIGO. 133 Coa was in liis rear, he crossed it, and at Sabugal was brought to action. Through some mismanagement on the part of the English he contrived to slip away, and to escape, with the loss of the whole of his artillery, first to Ciudad- Eodrigo, and by and by to Salamanca. "With Almeida and Ciudad-Eodrigo both in the enemy's hands, the position of the English army on the Portuguese frontier was no longer what it used to be. Badajoz, likewise, instead of protecting, menaced them from the side of Estre- madura. Indeed Lord Wellington felt that, before anything further could be done, he must recover these places, let the cost of life be what it might. With regard to Almeida, and even to Ciudad-Eodrigo, he had good hope. The first was known to be so ill supplied, that a fortnight's blockade would suffice to reduce it ; the last, it was understood, had been pretty well emptied of provisions by Massena's troops, as they swept through it. Lord Wellington, therefore, ef- fected the investment of Almeida with one division, and with the rest of the army crossed the Coa, and threatened Ciudad-Eodrigo. Massena, however, had been too much on the alert to leave these places at the enemy's mercy. His first act after reaching Salamanca, was to send supplies to Ciudad-Eodrigo, which arrived on the very day that the English passed the Coa. A halt was accordingly ordered, and for a brief space the Erench and English armies rested from their labours. There was rest for others, there was none for Lord Wel- lington. Unsatisfactory tidings came in from the further side of the Tagus. Beresford, after defeating a Erench di- vision at Campo Major, had been drawn into a false position on the Guadiana, and was in danger. On the 14th of April Lord Wellington mounted his horse at Villa Eor- mosa. He arrived at Beresford's head-quarters on the l7th ; on the 18th he put the corps in march towards Badajoz ; and on the 20th he was at Elvas taking account of the re- sources which it could furnish. The 22nd saw him, in com- pany with Beresford, closely reconnoitring the fortress, and arranging a plan of siege ; and on the 25th he was back again on the frontiers of Castile, where his presence was 134 MASSEXA MOVES FORWARD. [1811. sorely needed. G-enerally speaking Lord "Wellington's in- telligence proved better than that of the French throughout the war. At this particular juncture the enemy seems to have had many spies in the English camp, and the departure of Lord Welling-ton, as well as the route which he had taken, were immediately communicated to Marshal Massena. He believed that an opportunity was afforded of relieving Al- meida, and he hastened to take advantage of it. The rapid- ity with which the French refitted after every disaster, de- serves the highest praise. Soult, escaping from Oporto, was in a condition to take the field again within a fortnight, and Massena had already collected at Salamanca, men, horses, and guns, which rendered him superior to the English in cavalry by three to one, and in infantry by not less than two to one. If, with such odds in his favour, he could bring the English to action, especially during the absence of their great chief, there seemed no reason to doubt that he should overthrow them. And whether overthrowing them or not, he should certainly be able to revictual Almeida, and put it out of danger. But Massena had not reckoned upon the rapidity with which Lord Wellington travelled. A succession of heavy rains, likewise, swelled the rivers, and rendered the roads all but impassable. It was the 30th of April, there- fore, before he could reach Ciudad-Eodrigo, and only on the 2nd of May the Aqueda was crossed. It was too late. Lord Wellington, with 28,142 infantry, and 1631 cavalry, took post upon some strong ground, having the Dos Casos with its steep banks in its front, and the Tormes with its banks equally steep in his rear. His left rested on Port Conception, his right upon the boggy woods of Pozzo Bello. Massena saw that the convoy which he was conducting could not possibly be introduced into Almeida without a struggle. He did not decline the challenge. On the 3rd he attacked the village of Euentc^ d'Honore, an advanced work, so to speak, in the English centre, and failing to carry it, threw himself, on the 5th, with great fuiy upon the boggy wood, A desperate conflict ensued. The English, borne back by superior numbers, changed their whole order of battle, and repelled over and over again every effort to 1811.] ALMEIDA EVACUATED. 135 break tlirougli them. Night put an end to the firing, and it was spent by the English in throwing up field-works. Hence, when the morning of the 6th broke, Massena shrank from renewing the contest. He felt that the purpose of his forward movement had been defeated. The provisions which he was escorting for the benefit of the garrison of Almeida his own people had consumed, and the means of procuring more, even for present use, were wanting. He contented him- self, tlierefore, with getting instructions conveyed to General Brennier, who commanded in the beleaguered fortress, to fight his way out of it, after destroying the works ; and then marched away, recrossing the Aqueda, and returning to his old quarters at Salamanca. Greneral Brennier duly received Marshal Massena's in- structions, and acted upon them skilfully and bravely. He liad before him a good ofiicer too ; but General Campbell's pickets appear to have been less on the alert than became them, for about midnight on the 16th, the enemy broke through them, and pushed rapidly for the Aqueda. At the same time a loud explosion announced that the fortifications of Almeida were blown up, and a scene of something like confusion followed. The blockading troops turned out, and foUoAved the enemy, skirmishing with their rear. They could not succeed, however, in bringing them to a stand, and by and by 1400 French infantry passed the river at the Barca del Puerca, and were safe with the 2nd Prench corps, which lay on the opposite side to receive them. It was not, however, in Beira alone that hostilities went forward briskly at this time. Marshal Beresford, it will be recollected, had been left by Lord "Wellington in Estrema^ dura to overawe Soult and to besiege Badajoz. Blake and Castanos lay at Val Verde, having under their orders about 17,000 ill-armed and undisciplined Spaniards. "With these Beresford communicated, and having completed his invest- ment between the 4th and the 8th of May, he began to arm his batteries. They were indifferently supplied, aud worse served, for the guns were few in number, and recruits, chiefly Portuguese, worked them. The siege made, therefore, but little progress, and by aud by the advance of Soult at the 136 SIEGE OF BADAJOZ RAISED. [ISll. head of 20,000 men caused it to be suspended. The guns were removed to a place of safety ; troops enough were left in the trenches to maintain the blockade, and Beresford, with the rest, marched out to meet the enemy. lie was joined on the 15th at Albuera, by Blake and CastaHos, and early next morning was attacked by Soult. Little generalship was displayed on either side. The Spaniards soon aban- doned the high ground on which they had been placed ; the English and Portuguese were in the greatest jeopardy, when the arrival of the Fusilier brigade, which came up at a critical moment from Badajoz, saved the day. These brave men, charging in an echelon of lines, overwhelmed the enemy with their fire, who after repeatedly attempting, but in vain, to deploy, abandoned the field. It was dark when the battle ended, and French and English slept where they had fought, but when morning dawned the French had disappeared. Fifteen hundred English infantry, all that remained out of 7000, stood victorious on the heights which they had won. Among all his campaigns there was not one about which the Duke, when led on to discuss it, spoke with greater ani- mation than this. Not that he ever said much about his own difficulties, so far as these were occasioned by the neg- lect of the Government which he served. To the last day of his life, indeed, he seemed to treat matters of this soi't as if they had been state secrets ; for whenever his friends alluded by chance to the short-comings of ministers, he in- variably turned the subject, and that with a degree of tact as well as generosity which was very remarkable. For ex- ample, it happened one day at Walmer Castle, that a gen- tleman present referred indignantly to the Walcheren expe- dition, regretting that the fine army wasted upon it had not been sent to the North of Poi'tugal. " So you think," was the Duke's answer, " but how should I have been able to feed them ? I had difficulty enough in feeding the small force already there, what should I have done if it had been trebled ? " In the same spirit he would either set aside or account for the perverse doings of the Portuguese Regency. " Tliey could not see things in the same light that I did; they were naturally looking to the salvation of their own 1811.] THE DUKE'S GENEROSITY. 137 country ; I had to provide for the continuance of a great war ; and the Portuguese are not constitutionally a very energetic people. Yet their infantry became good, they were quite equal to our sepoys, and, like the sepoys, fought best when mixed with English troops, and commanded by English officers." Even for the Spaniards he had always a kind word to say. " What could you expect from men without discipline, or what of a nation without a Government ? Thoughts were at one time entertained of trying to do with them what we had done with the Portuguese, but the plan was impracticable from the first. Had the Regency listened to the proposal, which they never did, the pride of a great nation Avould have rebelled against it. I made the experi- ment of enlisting some of them, and intermixing them in the ranks with our men, but that failed too. They could not endure the restraints of our discipline, and deserted on the first oppoi'tunity. What the Spanish armies wanted was officers. The men were active, sober, patient, and brave, but they never became such soldiers as could be trusted by themselves. ToAvards the end of the war they improved a good deal, but in ISll they were quite worthless." " Was not Eomana a good officer ? " " Well, Eomana might have been a good officer if he had had health, but he was in a rapid decline when he brought tho wreck of his army into the lines, and died soon after- wards." " You had a high opinion of Massena, had you not ? " " Certainly, he was by far the ablest of Buonaparte's Marshals that I had anything to do with. He made mis- takes, as all men are liable to do, particularly in his pursuit of me from Guinaldo ; but his dispositions in front of the lines were admirable, and his retreat was a masterpiece. His great blunder was in facing me so long as he did. He might have seen from the first that he could not touch me, not even if he had got Soult and Joseph to co-operate with him. " The only real danger to me was from the sea ; and I have often Avondered that Buonaparte did not make a desperate 138 HIS TALK. [1811. effort to gain the command of the estuary of the Tagus. There were, to be sure, nine chances to one against his suc- ceeding. But the game which he played was worth risking even these odds to win. If by a sudden burst he coukl have got possession of the Tagus, and kept it for a week, we must have starved. However, I had pretty well provided against that also. AVe had heavy batteries which com- manded the roadstead ; and Belem and the other forts were well armed." " The French must have suffered fearfully at that time." " I can't conceive how they existed at all. They never carried supplies with them beyond the four or five days' provisions with which each man was provided. And the country for miles round was a desert. At least, so we thought. But the Portuguese had not executed the work so effectually as they ought to have done. They tried to hide cattle and grain in the woods ; and these the Prench foragers found out. I remember one day seeing rather an amusing affair. A French foraging party had succeeded in finding some bullocks, and one was sent to the front to be divided among a battalion, which held the outposts opposite a hill on which I happened to be standing. I don't know how it came about, but just as the butcher was about to slaughter the animal, it broke loose, and came tearing towards our pickets. Our men turned out, cheering the beast, while the French shouted and pursued. At last the animal got fairly within our line of sentries, and then there rose a loud laugh on one side and a bitter groan on the other. It seemed, however, as if our men had greatly pitied the French ; for though they killed the bullock and held up its quarters derisively for a while, the matter ended by their handing over half the beast to the French. It was a very amusing scene." Speaking of the retreat itself, he gave great credit to Colonel "Waters for the daring and skill with which he made himself master of the enemy's designs. " He used to go off and hide himself behind rocks, or wherever else he found he could command a view, and count the numbers of their columns on the march. He almost always succeeded, and 1811.] COLONEL "WATERS. 139 the informatlou which he brought back to me, whether im- portant or not, was always such as I knew could be depend- ed upon. He got taken one day when so occupied, and his friends begged me to send him clothes and money under a flag of truce, for they were all very sorry for him. But I would not do it. I was sure that we should have him back again before long, and I told them so. And sure enough so we did. As we were following Massena after the affair at Sabugal, who should come galloping up the road but Waters, ^yith his head bare, and his coat covered with flour. His story was this. The French offered him his parole, which he refused : they sent him into Ciudad- Eodrigo, where he happened to have a good many acquaint- ances, and where he spent a day or two not disagreeably. By and by an order came to send him to France, and he began liis journey escorted by some horsemen. As he had made himself very agreeable to the French Generals, they allowed him to retain his own horse ; which, however, he was to deliver to the commandant when he got to Bayonne. Waters seemed quite reconciled to his fate, but watched his oppor- tunity, and on the second day, when the escort had begun to grow careless, he suddenly wheeled round, struck spurs into his horse, and shot off. They galloped after him, but he soon distanced them, and was beginning to congratulate himself on being safe, when the head of a French column marching to the rear, showed itself. He struck off across the country in the direction of a mill, which stood on the top of a hill. A word to the miller was enough. Waters dismounted ; the miller hid him under his sacks ; the horse was concealed in a thicket hard by. The French troopers, who arrived shortly after, were assured that the fugitive had taken a road through the wood, and must by this time be miles away. In that mill AYaters remained covered up by sacks till the whole French army past ; and so he rejoined us." It was thus that in the evening of his days the great Duke used to converse about the wars which he had waged, and the important events in which he had taken part. Tou were never baulked if you sought for information on any 140 THE DUKE'S ANECDOTES. [1811. subject, so long as his keen sense of honour permitted him to speak out. And plans of campaign and the tactics of battle were often fully discussed. But he was always most charming when he descended to little anecdotes such as this, which no one ever told better, or seemed more highly to relish, than liimself. 141 CHAPTER XIY. MAEMONT SUCCEEDS MASSENA LORD WELLINGTON FAILS TO TAKE BADAJOZ HE TAKES CIUDAD-RODRIGO — INVESTS BADAJOZ AGAIN. The failure of his attempt to drive the English into the sea proved fatal to Marshal Massena. He was recalled by orders from Paris, and Marshal Marmont replaced hini. But Marmont made no immediate movement to the front, and Lord Wellington took advantage of the circumstance to execute a purpose which for some time past he had medi- tated. Leaving the rest of the army in Beira, under Sir Brent Spencer, he set off with two divisions, the 3rd and the 7th, to assume the direction of affairs in Spanish Estremadura. On the l7th of May he was at Elvas, whence he directed Marshal Beresford to follow cautiously in Soult's footsteps, and to keep him at a distance while he himself pressed the siege of Badajoz. He had very little time at his disposal, and he knew it. On the 16th of May Gleneral Drouet, with 19 battalions, was reported to have begun his march from Castile, and Lord "Wellington calculated that he would be able about the 8th of June to come into communication with Soult. Soult would then, without doubt, advance to relieve Badajoz, and the army of Portugal might be expected to co-operate in the movement. This left little margin for an enterprise so dar- ing as the reduction of a strong place well garrisoned ; more especially at a time when the resources at the disposal of the besiegers were shamefullv deficient. It was of the greatest U2 BADAJOZ ATTACKED AGAIN. [1811. consequence, liowever, that Badajoz should be recovered, and on the 25th of May ground Avas broken before it. On the 2nd of June the batteries opened, and on the 6th an assault was hazarded. It failed ; was renewed on the 9th, and failed again. Lord "Wellington felt that for a time at least the game went against him. Already Marmont was in the field. He had compelled Sir Brent Spencer to withdraw beyond the Coa, and thrown supplies into Ciudad-Eodrigo, after which he made a deflection to the left, and marched through the pass of Banos towards Placentia. Soult, at the same time, quitting his strong position at Llerena, inclined towards Marmont, and pushed forward his advanced posts as far as Los Santos. Not one of these movements escaped Lord Wellington's notice : they brought the enemy too near and in too great strength to permit a prolongation of the siege ; so he converted it into a blockade, and set out with every disposable man. to join Beresford. Lord AVellington took post on the 15th of June at Al- buera, Avith 35,268 men, of whom 8000 were Spaniards and 17,785 Portuguese. Marmont's head-quarters were then at Merida ; those of Soult at Zafora. They communicated one with another by patrols ; and had under their joint orders not fewer than 67,000 excellent troops, of whom 7000 were cavalry. "Why they should have lain apart throughout five whole days, when a single concentric march might have brought them together, has never been explained. Was it that they already stood so much in awe of their indefatigable adversary, that they feared to ofler him their flank, though only for a single day ? Or did the old leaven of jealousy work, impelling them to postpone, to considerations of per- sonal vanity, the interests of the cause which they were bound to uphold ? Be this as it may, they lost an opportunity which never presented itself again. Loi'd Wellington put a bold face on what was really a dangerous position, till Sir Brent Spencer, who had moved along a line parallel v.ith Marmont, began to arrive. His leading division came in on the 20th, and on the 2ith the whole of the Anglo-Portu- guese army was in force at Albuera. Though still inferior to the enemy in numbers, and even 1511.] TUEXS TOWARDS CIUDAD-RODPJGO. 143 more so in the composition of his army, for his English infantry amounted to less than 25,000, and his cavalry to little more than 3000, Lord "Wellington hesitated AThether he should not take the initiative. A moment's reflection showed him, however, that success in a great battle would he too dearly purchased. The French could not at that season of the year retain their hold for any length of time on Estremadura, and their expulsion a few days earlier would not be worth the loss of life which must result from it. He continued therefore to retain his defensive attitude till the 15th of July, when the French Marshals, no longer able to find subsistence for their men, broke up. Soult re- tired into Andalusia, Marmont recrossed the Tagus, placing his army in cantonments between Talavera and Placentia. And then rose the question, AVhat should Lord "Wellington do ? If he resumed the attack upon Badajoz, he might succeed in taking the place, though at the risk of having Portugal invaded from the north. If he abandoned that enterprise for the present, it was quite possible, so at least he believed, that either by blockade or by siege operations he might make himself master of Ciudad-Eodrigo. On the whole he preferred taking the latter course, for reasons which he has himself left on record. " From the inform- ation I had received, I believed that the strength of the northern army Avas less than that of the south, and that the Armee de Portugal which was destined to oppose us, on whatever point we should direct our operations, was not likely to be so thoroughly supported in the north as in the south. In this supposition I was mistaken. The army of the north, even before the reinforcements arrived, was stronger than in the south : but it must be observed that there is nothing so difficult as to obtain information of the enemy's numbers in Spain. There is but little communi- cation between one town and another ; and although the most accurate account of numbers which have passed through one town can always be obtained, no information can be ob- tained of what is passing in the next. To this add that the disposition of the Spaniards natui-ally leads them to exagger- ate the strength and success of themselves and their friends, 144 LOED WELLIXGTOX'S DIFFICULTIES. [ISll. and to despise that of the enemy ; and it will not be matter of surprise that we should have been so often misinformed regarding the enemy's numbers." Lord Wellington refers in this memorandum to one point on which he had been misinformed. He was not aware when he broke up from Albuera, that Napoleon had begun to pour strong reinforcements into Spain. It seemed indeed as if Massena's failure had convinced him, in part, of the danger of leaving the Spanish war behind, while he himself entered upon hostilities with Russia ; and he made a great effort to break the strength of the former before the latter should fairly begin. Bat not in this respect alone had Lord Wellington been misinformed. He was not aware that Marmont on his march towards Estremadura had thrown ample supplies into Ciudad-Rodrigo, and that the garrison of that place, which was described as incapable of living be- yond the 20th of August, was provided for a longer defence. When therefore he arrived on his own ground beyond the Coa, and re-established the blockade, he found that many diffi- culties were to be encountered on which he had not reckoned. Ciudad-Eodrigo, if reduced at all, must be reduced by pro- cess of siege, and Marmont was at hand to interrupt the operation with 60,000 men. Now all that Lord Wellington could bring into the field, including a body of guerillas under Don Julian de Sanchez, scarcely amounted to 40,000. It was impossible under such circumstances to attempt any- thing brilliant, and even the maintenance of the blockade put too great a strain upon his energies. The English lay spread over a vast extent of country, guarding the principal approaches to the city. There were intervals in their line, through one of which Marmont pressed a column, and Ciudad-Eodrigo was re-victualled for eight months. Nor Avas this all. Twice again before the campaign came to a close his superiority in numbers enabled Marmont to take Lord Wellington at a disadvantage. The latter had directed his scattered divisions to concentrate if seriously threatened by a march to the rear of Gruinaldo. But time was required to effect this, and in order to gain time, he himself took post with only two infantry brigades, and 800 horsemen on 1811.] KEEPS MARMONT AT BAY. 145 the heights of Elbodon. Had Marmont attacked him there, as he might have done, -with an entire infantry division and 80 squadrons, there is no knowing what the results miglit have been. But Marmont contented himself with launching his cavalry at the English, who received them in squares ; and in squares, when the proper time came, they moved steadily to the rear. Thus the position of Guinaldo was reached. And here, again, fortune held out her hand to Marmont, which he refused to grasp. Some of Lord Wellington's di- visions had a wide space to traverse ; one, the light division, lost its w'ay. There were but 14,000 men in position, of whom 2500 were cavalry, when Marmont began to show himself. In the course of the same afternoon, and during the night, 50,000 French troops got together, and at day- break on the 26th of Sept., Lord Wellington saw the full extent of his danger. It was in such situations as this that his great character came out. He could not quit the ground, because it was the point of assembly for the whole army. He never thought of quitting it, but chatted and laughed with all who approached him, and kept everybody in the best spirits, and on the alert. As hour after hour stole away, however, his anxiety lost itself in astonishment that Marmont should thus leave him unmolested. At last his own people began to come in, and between the evening of the 26th and the early part of the 27th the concentration of his force was complete. He immediately shifted his ground to a stronger position midway between the Aqueda and the Coa, while Marmont, sensible that he had lost his chance, and perceiving that his men were beginning to suffer from scarcity, fell back by the road which he had so fruit- lessly traversed, and returned to his old. cantonments. Before this short and busy series of operations began, while as yet, indeed, Lord Wellington lay at Albuera, intelli- gence came in of the arrival in the Tagus of an effective siege-train from England. It was an equipment of which he had sorely felt the need in his recent attempt upon Badajoz ; and being now bent upon the reduction of Ciudad-Eodrigo, he directed the train to be sent round to Oporto. To hide this purpose he desired that the store ships should sail in 10 143 niS OPIXIOX OF XAVAL OFFICERS. [1811 the direction of Cadiz, and that smaller vessels, following them out to sea, should take the guns on board, and steer back to the mouth of the Douro. All this was accomplished easily enough, and Ciudad-Eodrigo was placed in a state of blockade, but then his difficulties began. As tar as Lamega there was water carriage for the guns, but between Lamega and Almeida the roads were mere mountain-paths, and the only draught-animals available were oxen. A gun-brig had accompanied the small craft to Oporto, and in the toilsome operations which followed the officers and crew did excellent service ; indeed, but for the assistance rendered by them, the siege-train never could have reached Almeida. The Duke often adverted in after-years to the obligations under which they laid him. " But it was always so," he used to add, " I never found naval men at a loss. Tell them to do anything that is not impossible, and depend upon it they will do it." " You thiuk them superior in these respects to the officers of the army ? " "I did not say that." So he always guarded himself against appearing to censure one class of persons while praising another. " I did not say that, but their man- ner of life creates in them a self-reliance, which you seldom find in men of other professions. They are not to be taken by surprise." Sickness prevailed to a great extent at this time in the English army. Heavy rains fall during the autumn in Por- tugal, aud the dregs of the Walcheren fever hung about the constitutions of many of the men. Forage likewise failed, and the horses of the cavalry and artillery died by scores. A general of ordinary capacity would have been content under such circumstances to put his troops into quarters and nurse them there ; but Lord Wellington had other objects in view. He was anxious to attack in succession Ciudad-llodrigo and Badajoz, and the intelligence which he received encouraged him to strike the blow at once. And here I may observe, that for his knowledge of the enemy's movements. Lord Wellington was not dependent entirely upon the reports of the natives. Among his own officers there Avere several who served him well, especially two lieutenant-colonels bearing the same name — Colquhoun Grant — yet noways related to each other. Both 1811.] CIUD/vD-RODPJGO STORMED. 147 were ready linguists, and possessed a peculiar aptitude for in- sinuating themselves into the confidence of others ; yet one was simply a spy, the other a most enterprising chief of a distinct intelligence department. Of the latter I shall have occasion to speak by and by ; of the former it may sufiice to observe, that when he put on a disguise, the closest scru- tiny failed to detect the English gentleman. The story of that officer's adventures, if detailed at length, would read like a romance. He went about from place to place, round the flanks, into the rear, and through the cantonments of the French army, making himself master of many of their secrets, and rarely failing to transmit the results of his inquiries to Lord Wellington. It was through him that at this time Lord "Wellington heard of the departure of 60,000 French troops from Spain, into Grermany, among whom were 15,000 of the elite of Marmont's corps, with 10,000 from the corps of Dorsenne, which kept the province of Grallicia in order, and had its head-quarters in Eargos. The knowledge of this fact, followed as it was by informa- tion that Marmont had been instructed to establish himself at Valladolid, determined Lord Wellington not to defer his daring enterprise. He had already prepared in Almeida materials for one siege ; he now gave orders that materials for another should be quietly got ready at Elvas. Mean- while G-eneral Hill, who kept post with 1-5,000 men at Pontalegre, was instructed to create alarm in Andalusia, by making a demonstration in the direction of Seville, and then he himself took the field. It was in the depth of a winter unusually severe, on the 7th of January, 1812, that, amid frost and snow, he crossed the Aqeuda, and closely in- vested Ciudad-Eodrigo. The ground was rocky, and the cold intense, but the men worked well, and one after another two important outposts, a lunette and a fortified convent, were carried by assault. The breaching batteries then opened upon the body of the place, and on the 16th the garrison was simimoned. On the 19th, a refusal to surrender having been returned, two breaches were stormed. The assault took place at night, and the resistance was stern, but it was sternly overcome. Two Grenerals, Craufui'd and Mackinnon, 148 EADAJOZ ATTACKED. [1812. fell at the head of their divisions, and in the course of the siege 178 regimental officers, with 818 men, were killed and Avounded. The town likewise caught fire in many places, and suffered the horrors of a sack ; but when morning dawned, it was everywhere in possession of the English, and 1500 French troops, all that remained of the garrison, laid down their arms. So sudden and unlooked-for a conclusion to this siege took the French a little by surprise. Marmont, indeed, never heard till the 15th that Ciudad-Eodrigo was in danger, and on the 21st, while as yet the concentration of his divi- sions was incomplete, he leai-ned at a place called Fuente de Sancho, that the town had fallen. He refused at first to credit the tidings, and then, furious with himself and with everybody else, more especially with Napoleon, whom he blamed for the catastrophe, he marched oft' to Salamanca, which he began immediately to fortify. Salamanca was, and still is, a city of colleges and convents, of which three in particular stood then at the angles, so to speak, of a triangle. These he strengthened, and connecting them Avith a curtain, and covering the whole with outworks and a ditch, he made Salamanca, what Kodrigo had ceased to be, his place cVarmes on that frontier of Portugal. Success in the first of his great undertakings only stimu- lated Lord Wellington to enter upon the second. As soon as he had ascertained that the valley of the Tagus was clear, he put his columns in motion, and passed without a halt from the Aqueda to the Gruadiana. It was one of the most daring and arduous marches upon record. His flank was presented to the enemy throughout, and a succession of furious winds and heavy rains rendered difficult at times the act of locomotion, both to man and horse. The troops held their way, however, and reached the Guadiana time enough to throw a bridge across the river on the 16th of March. On the l7th, Badajoz was invested; that very night ground was broken, and one after another the outworks were breached and taken. For there was no time to con- duct this siege, any more than that of liodrigo, by regular approaches. Two armies, each as numerous as his own, 1812.] BADAJOZ BESIEGED. 149 looked on, so to speak, at what he was about. If he failed to master the place before either of them came to its relief, he could not hope to master it at all, and time seemed to him under the circumstances more important than any other consideration. Nobody who understands what he is speaking or writing about, will ever uphold the Duke's sieges in the Peninsula as models of the application of science to the art of war. They were undertaken with means which any General ex- cept himself would have pronounced inadequate, and they succeeded under circumstances which ought to have ren- dered success impossible. Ciudad-Rodrigo, with 40,000 of the best troops in the world within four marches of it, fell after only twelve days' open trenches. Nineteen days were required to breach Badajoz in two places. Yet neither Soult nor Marmont interfered to prevent the catastrophe. Soult, indeed, was busy with his own siege of Cadiz. Making no progress, he still professed to regard conquest there as far more important than conquest anywhere else ; and he suspended his operations only on the 8th, when a hurried message announced to him that the defence of Badajoz could not be much longer maintained. He marched upon Llereua, with 24s000 men, expecting to find Marmont there with 30,000 ready to co-operate wiili him. But Marmont had not arrived, and, worse still, Badajoz was taken. 160 CHAPTEE XY. SIEGE AND ASSAULT OF BADAJOZ LORD 'WELLINGTON DURING THE ASSAULT. Before I describe how tlie capture of Badajoz came to pass, it may be well to state briefly what Marmont was doing, and why he took that particular line of action on which my reader and I are going to follow him. It was !N"apoleon's custom to conduct the greater oper- ations of all his wars from his own head-quarters, wherever these might be. The mind of a giant alone could entertain such an idea ; yet the giant in this instance, though usually correct in principle, often blundered, because it was impos- sible for him to provide against change of circumstances. His explicit order it was which compelled Marmont, against his will, to fall back upon A^alladolid, and thus open the way for Lord "Wellington's reduction of Ciudad-Eodrigo. In the end of February, 1812, fresh instructions reached Marmont, which Napoleon drew up subseqiiently to the fall of Ciudad-Eodrigo. These contemplated the step which Lord AVellington had actually taken, and ran thus ; " Place your troops so that in four marches they may concentrate at Salamanca. If "Wellington move towards Badajoz, do not interfere with him, but march straight upon Almeida, push your parties as far as Coimbra, and you will soon bring him back again. "Write at the same time to the Duke of Dal- matia, and request him to carry into effect the orders which I have given him, to advance with 20,000 men on the Gua- diana, and thus compel Hill, who has only 15,000, to remain 1812.] PREPARATIONS FOR THE ASSAULT. 151 on the Tagus. Do not think, M. le Marechal, of going to- wards the south, but penetrate at once into Portugal, if "Wellington has committed the mistake of crossing to the right bank of the Tagus." Nothing could be more judicious than the plan thus pro- posed ; the difficulty was to get it promptly and judiciously executed. Disgusted with what he considered to be the mischievous consequences of the Emperor's interference on a previous occasion, Marmont wasted time in criticising which he ought to have sj^ent in action. He might have been at Ciudad-Rodrigo on the 15th, while the breaches were still open ; he did not reach it till the 30th, after they had been closed. Not having a battering-train at his disposal, he could only mask both that place and Almeida, and pass on. As to Soult, he paid, as we have just seen, no regard at first to the Emperor's orders ; and when he did move, he moved in the expectation that Marmont would join him at Llerena. Meanwhile Lord "Wellington had pushed his operations so vigorously against Badajoz, that on the oth of April two breaches were pronounced practicable, and on the Oth ar- rangements were made for delivering the assault. On the evening of that day, when darkness set in, 18,000 English and Portuguese troops filed into the trenches. They were divided into three main columns of attack with a reserve. One column in two divisions was to threaten an outwork and a bastion ; another was to escalade the cas- tle, of which the walls were lofty and untouched ; the third was to throw itself simultaneously upon the two breaches. Meanwhile the guards of the trenches were to force their way into a commanding ravelin, while a Portu- guese brigade, which kept up the investment on the right of the Guadiana, was to alarm, or it might be to attack, certain works, which covered the town on that side of the river. Finally the crest of the glacis was lined with skirmishers, whose duty it was, when the proper time came, to keep down the fire of the defenders ; and the cavalry stood by their horses in rear of the camp ready to mount and act, as cir- cumstances might require. It will be seen by this hurried description that no pre- lo2 LORD WELLIXGTOX AXD THE ASSAULT. [1812. caution was omitted to eusure success in an enterprise, which, by all engaged in it, was felt to be desperate. Through the breaches the assailants hoped to make good their entrance into the town. Tet there was not one of the many false attacks which might not be converted into a real one, and several in the course of the night be- came real. Lord Wellington took up his own station on an eminence facing the main breach, whence his eye could embrace the whole circle of fire, and from which orders could be sent to any point where they might appear to be needed. There was perfect silence everywhere ; in the trenches, along the crest of the glacis, in the devoted town, throughout the besiegers' camp. At last the clocks in the city were heard to strike ten, and then three pieces of cannon spoke out. They gave the signal which for more than an hour had been anxiously expected, and the struggle began. I am not going to tell how the various attacks were con- ducted, how led, how met, and with what results termin- ating. My business is with Lord TVellington, beside whom, as he stood, surrounded by his staff, the reader and I will place ourselves. He gazed first upon a sharp skirmish- ing fire, which opened near him, and then, being directed from the glacis towards the breaches, widened till it seemed to en- velope the Avhole place. Immediately afterwards could be beard the hum of columns in motion, followed by the sound of men leaping by sections down into the ditch ; and then a sudden tumult in the town itself, while voices, which rose over the noise of the musketry, exclaimed in clear and articu- late tones — •" They come, they come." A moment's pause, and suddenly before the breaches broke out a perfect illu- mination — blue lights, rockets, combustibles of every kind, being hurled over the parapets and down the slopes into the ditch ; the blaze from which made manifest two long narrow scarlet threads, the heads of which were already well up into the breaches, while the rear still crowded forward from the mouth of the trenches. And now came the wild- est tumult of war ; guns from either flank vomited forth grape and canister upon the assailants ; shells gleamed like 1812.] THE ASSAULT. 153 fire-flies for an instant, then flashed out and exploded, while a roll of musketry, which seemed never to grow slack, kept all the summits of the breaches in a blaze. Moments such as these prolong themselves into hours, and hours into ages. The storming parties made no way ; they were in the breaches, they touched the very summits, but there they stopped. JVIultitudes came rolling down dead or wounded, only that their places might be taken by others ; but not a man either turned to flee, or forced himself over the obsta- cles, be they what they might, which barred his progress. All this Lord Wellington beheld, standing, as I have just stated, upon an eminence close to the main breach. At first a numerous staft' surrounded him, but one by one these were sent away, till only the Prince of Orange and Lord March remained beside their chief. Both were very young men, and one, Lord March, held a torch, the light from which fell strong on Lord "Wellington's countenance. At this moment Dr, afterwards Sir James, McG-regor and Dr Forbes approached. "His Lordship," says Sir James, "was so in- tent on what was going on, that I believe he did not ob- serve us. Soon after our arrival, an officer came up with an imfavourable t-eport of the assault, announcing that Colonel McLeod and several officers were killed, with heaps of men who choked the approach to the breach. At the place where we stood we were within hearing of the voices of the assailants and the assailed, and it was now painful to notice that the voices of our countrymen had grown fainter, while the French cry of ' Avancez, etrillons ces Anglais,'' became stronger. Another officer came up with still more unfavourable reports, that no progress was being made, for almost all the officers were killed, and none left to lead on the men, of whom a great many had fallen. " At this moment I cast my eyes on the countenance of Lord "Wellington, lit up by the glare of the torch held by Lord March, I never shall forget it to the last moment of my existence, and I could even now sketch it. The jaw had fallen, the face was of unusual length, while the torch- light gave his countenance a lurid aspect ; but still the ex- pression of the face was firm. Suddenly turning to me and 154 BADAJOZ TAKEX. [1812. putting his hand on my arm, he said, ' Go over immediately to Picton, and tell him he must try if he cannot succeed on the castle.' I replied, ' My Lord, I have not my horse ■with me, but I will walk as fast as I can, and I think I can find the way ; I know part of the road is swampy.' ' No, no,' he replied, ' I beg your pardon, I thought it was De Lancey.' I repeated my oifer, saying I was sure I could find the way, but he said, ' No.' " Another officer arrived, asking loudly, ' Where is Lord "Wellington ? ' He came to announce that Picton was in the castle. He was desired instantly to go to the breach, and to request the stormers to renew their efforts, an- nouncing what had befallen ; and immediately Lord Welling- ton called for his own horse, and followed by the Prince and Lord March, rode to the breach." I can add nothing to the graphic power of this descrip- tion, and therefore content myself with saying that the fall of the castle led to the captm'e of the town, and that the Governor, after keeping his hold of a detached work through- out the night, surrendered at discretion on the dawn of the following morning. Neither need I repeat in detail the well- known story of the outrages that followed. No place was ever taken by assault, or probably ever Avill be so taken, without these horrors attending. Let us draw a veil over them, therefore, and be relieved by stating that a stern but necessary discipline at last prevailed, and that before the close of the second day order was restored. When all was over, Dr McGrregor went as usual to make his report of the sick and wounded. He found Lord Wel- lington in the act of concluding his despatch, and ended his own statement with the expression of a hope that his Lordship was satisfied with the conduct of the medical ofiicers. " Perfectly," was the answer, " I saw with my own eyes that their exertions were superhuman." " My Lord, nothing will do more good, or more encourage them, than if you say 'so in your despatches." Lord AVellington looked up, and said abruptly, " Is that usual ? I have finished my despatch; but," after a moment's pause," I will add something about the doctors." Something was added, and " the doc- 1812.] AFTER THE SIEGE. Uo tors," for tlie first time in English military history, found themselves, after the capture of Badajoz, honourably men- tioned in public despatches. It was a just tribute to their valuable services, often rendered under fire, and the good custom then established has never since fallen into abey- ance. A more desperate service was never performed in war than this capture of Badajoz by assault. The garrison, strong in numbers, and still more formidable on account of its com- position, was admirably handled throughout the siege ; and everything which skill and resolution could devise was ap- plied to avert the catastrophe. The breaches were not only retrenched, but across them at the summit were drawn strong iron chains, bristling with bayonets and naked sword- blades. No man succeeded in forcing his way through that barrier ; for behind it stood men who knocked on the head all who endeavoured to grasp the chain ; and the attempt to bear it back by sheer strength only caused the cruel deaths of such as took part in it. But if the defence was skilful and brave, not less brave and skilful were the measures adopted to subdue it. Danger threatened the defenders from so many points at once, that those accounted the least assailable were partially neglected, and through them the besiegers made their way. When morning dawned, therefore, the breaches had become empty, and over them, mad with excitement, rushed the survivors from the late contest. The loss to Lord Wellington in this siege was very great. It amounted to 72 ofiicers, 51 sergeants, and 912 rank and file killed ; 306 ofiicers, 216 sergeants, and 3787 rank and file wounded. One sergeant and 68 rank and file were missing, of whom several were known to have deserted, though only one of them fell into the hands of the victors. In spite of these casualties, however, and notwithstanding the shake which such enterprises, terminate as they may, always give to discipline. Lord Wellington thought seriously of follow- ing up his success by marching direct against Soult. In- deed, nothing but the misconduct of the Spaniards, who neglected the work which he had assigned them, and left Ciudad-Rodrigo unvictualled, with its breaches partially open. 1.56 THE CAMPAIGN EXDS. [1S12. prevented his carrying that purpose into effect. " It would have been very desirable," he wrote to Lord Liverpool, " if I could have struck a severe blow at Marshal Soult before he could receive reinforcements ; but, on the other hand, as the Spaniards have neglected to provision Ciudad-Eodrigo (menaced by the Duke of Eagusa) it is absolutely necessary that I should return to the frontier of Castile." In terms even more forcible he expresses himself, when writing from Badajoz to Lord Wellesley : " If Ciudad-Eodrigo had been provisioned, as I had a right to expect, there was nothing to prevent me from marching to Seville, at the head of 40,000 men, the moment the siege of Badajoz was concluded." The force of circumstances being thus too strong, like a prudent man he yielded to them. Leaving a sufficient body of troops to cover the parties whom he employed in repairing Badajoz, and a Portuguese brigade to hold the place, till re- lieved by a Spanish garrison, he marched back with the rest of the army to Beira. The rumour of that movement sufficed to divert Marshal Marmont from thoughts of conquest, which, indeed, seem never to have been very decided with him. He drew back out of Portugal to his old quarters in and about Salamanca ; and the British army re-establishing itself where it had rested ere the sieges began, this brilliant winter campaign came on the 25th of April to an end. 167 CHAPTER XVI. PREPARATIONS FOR THE CAMPAIGN OF 1S12. Between the 25tli of April and the 13tli of June no important operations were entered upon by the Trench and English armies. Both required rest ; and both were glad, during the continuance of the heavy rains which fall at that season and flood the rivers, to remain quietly in their can- tonments. The English lay partly in Beira and along the frontiers of Castile, partly to the left of the Tagus, between that river and the Guadiana. It was there that Sir How- land Hill, Avith his head-quarters at Merida, kept watch ; at once protecting the Spaniards while they restored the forti- fication of Badajoz, and alarming Soult for the safety of Andalusia. Lord AVellington, on the other side of the Tagus, busied himself in providing against the wants of the hour, and making complete his preparations against the future. " That future," G-eneral Jomini says, " oifered him a free choice of three courses. He might advance against Soult on his right, or debouch by the centre on Madrid, or operate on his left against Marmont." Lord Wellington himself appears never to have contemplated a march upon Madrid as a primary movement. And his correspondence shows that after well weighing the subject he came to the conclusion that Marmont ought in the first instance to com- mand his attention. It was while thus taking breath, so to speak, after exhaust- ing labour, that Lord AVellington, on the 26th of May, wrote to Lord Liverpool, now First Lord of the Treasury, one of the 1-58 LETTEE TO LORD LIVERPOOL. [1812. most remarkable letters Avticli is to be found iu bis published correspondence. It explains not only all that had been done in tbe previous campaign, but all -wliicb the writer pro- posed to do in the next ; and without seeking to disguise his own inferiority in many respects to the enemy, breathes a con- fident spirit as to the issues of the coming struggle. " I pur- pose," he says, " as soon as ever the magazines of the army are brought forward, which work is now in progress (the troops continuing in dispersed cantonments for that purpose), to move forward into Castile, and to endeavour, if possible, to bring Marmout to a general action. I think I can make these movements with safety, excepting always the risk of a general action. I am of opinion, also, that I shall have the advantage in this action, and this is the period of all others when such a movement should be tried. Tour Lordship will have observed that General Hill's recent operations give great security to our right. The enemy have, in truth, now no good communication across the Tagus, excepting the bridge of Toledo.* * * It is not very probable, therefore, that we should be turned by our right ; and if reinforcements should be drawn from the north to press upon our left, we shall always have our retreat open, either by Ciudad-Eodrigo or by the valley of the Tagus." Two points touched upon in this extract require to be ex- plained. With a view to shorten the distance from his own base, Lord AVellingtou caused the channels both of the Tagus and of the Douro to be deepened, so that the one became navigable as high as Melpica, near Alcantara, the other to Bacca de Alba. He repaired the bridge likewise at Alcan- tara, rendering thereby easy and direct his communications with Hill ; and he established at Ca9eres a large depot of provisions. These were the works in which his scattered divisions employed themselves ; but Hill had a more dashing enterprise entrusted to him, and it was the only one which for 50 days broke what may be called the uncovenanted truce between the belligerents. The enemy had placed a bridge of boats upon the Tagus at Almaraz, of which they were extremely jealous. It afforded tlie only means of direct com- munication between Soult and Marmont, and was on that 1812.] HILL'S EXPLOIT. 159 account a special eye-sore to Lord "Wellington. He deter- mined to destroy it, and directed Sir Eo\sland Hill to eflect that object. A rapid night-march brought Hill with 6000 men in front of the French tete de pont, at a moment when no danger was apprehended. He carried the work by esca- lade, turned next upon the forts which commanded the bridge, and took them all. The bridge, with an immense accumulation of stores lying near it, was immediately burnt, and Hill was in full swing towards his cantonments in Me- rida, before Foy, D'Armagnac, and Drouet, all of whom clus- tered, so to speak, round the scene of action, became aware of what was going on. It may well read like a tale twice told, when I say that all this while Lord Wellington was engaged in a voluminous, and for the most part unsatisfactory, correspondence with the Spanish and Portuguese authorities, and with the Eng- lish Government. The latter continued to starve him in men and stores, and above all in money, though he warned them that the paper currency which had heretofore kept him afloat, would cease to be of value as soon as he passed the Portuguese frontier. The two former either evaded his re- quisitions or acted in opposition to them. The Spanish Cortes indeed evinced manifest tokens that the burden of the war was becoming intolerable, for while they despatch- ed every eftective battalion and batterj^ to South America, they opened a correspondence with King Joseph. As to the Portuguese Eegency, its members no longer took the trouble to disguise the personal antipathy which they en- tertained towards Lord Wellington. It seemed as if, in their eagerness to thwart and annoy him, they were prepared to sacrifice the country itself. They neither filled up the vacancies which war had occasioned in the ranks, nor kept their skeleton regiments fed or clothed, or even sufficiently armed. As usual, Lord Wellington reasoned with them, expostulated, and threatened. As usual, too, he prevailed, and then he took a survey of the entire theatre of the Avar, which presented to his gaze the following features. He found, when all was reckoned up, that in April, 1812, he had under his orders a force of 56,000 British and Portu- 160 RELATIVE STRENGTH OF TUE ARMIES. [1812. guese troops. Of these, 15,000 were with Hill in Estrema- dura, 5000 detached at Cadiz and elsewhere, and 36,000, of Avhom 3500 were good cavalry, so placed that in two marches they could all be assembled in and about Fuente Guinaldo. A small Spanish corps, numbering about 3500 men, having Don Julien de Sanches and the Conde d'Espani at its head, was likewise at his disposal : the whole constituting the largest and most effective army which he had yet commanded. He urged tlie English Government to help him, by throwing 10,000 of the troops which they kept shut up in Sicily upon the coast of Calabria, and a promise was given that by the first week in June this should be done. That promise, only partially fulfilled so far as the numbers of English troops were concerned, was not kept at all in the matter of time. The Sicilian expedition never reached Spain till the evil had be- fallen which its presence was intended to avert ; and the consequence was that a campaign, brilliantly begun, ended, as I shall have occasion presently to show, in something like failure. So matters stood on Lord "\t\^ellington's side. His strength for active operations was all told, for the Spanish armies were quite broken up, and the Portuguese militia, however capable of annoying the enemy's convoys, could not be em- ployed in the business of a campaign. Looking at the other side we find, that though the Eussian war was begun, an enormous superiority of force still rested with the enemy. Marmont lay in and about Salamanca with 52,000 men ; Cafferelli kept open the communication between France and Burgos with 32,000; Joseph was in Madrid with 22,000; Soult in Andalusia with 56,000; and Suchet, for whom Lord AVel- lington was anxious to find employment in his own province, held Calabria with 60,000. Over the whole of this large force, Napoleon had at length conferred upon Joseph abso- lute authority. But Joseph's military abilities Avere held in small repute by his marshals, and one and all they exhibited a settled determination to bring themselves as little as possi- ble within the reach of his influence. Lord Wellington therefore calculated that by cutting in between Marmont and Joseph, he might be able to dispose of both separately ; 1812.] HIS DISPOSAL OF THE DAY. 161 wliile Suclaet, having his hands full with the Anglo-Sicilian expedition, would hardly care to abandon his own province in order to bring succour to the King. As to Soult, Lord Wellington knew his man. With Hill in his rear and Cadiz before him, the Duke of Dalmatia was little likely to relin- quish his own purposes. And so the way seemed open for that course of action on which, when the proper time came, the English General entered. Thus much for his plans in the mass : now a word or two illustrative of his manner of doing business. There never lived a more rigid economist of time than Arthur Duke of Wellington. While commanding armies in the field, he rose seldom later, often earlier, than six in the morning. If nothing called for special attention abroad, he then sat down to his desk, and continued to read and answer letters and despatches till nine or ten. Immediately after breakfast he received the Heads of Departments, one by one, the Adjutant- General, the Quarter-Master- General, the Chief of the Medical Stafi", the Commissary- General, and the Head of the Intelligence Department. If they had papers for him to read or to sign, it was expected that, besides being written in legible hands, these should all be very clearly expressed. If they bad suggestions to make or points to argue, all must be done di viva voce. He never made notes himself of subjects requiring discussion ; he was intolerant of notes if others produced them. After dismiss- ing these gentlemen, he usually mounted his horse and rode sometimes to the outposts, sometimes to one or other of the more distant divisions, as circumstances seemed to require. If he got home in time to devote an hour or two to writing, he resumed his place at his desk. For all his more import- ant epistolary communications were written in his own hand. Matters of mere detail, such as orders and replies to of&cial notes, his secretaries or their clerks drew up from memoranda with which he supplied them. But his corx'espondence with Ministers of State and with the Governments of Spain and Portugal was entirely autograph. At six he dined, never alone, nor with the members of his personal staff exclusively about him. Everybody in the 11 162 HIS DIXXEE PAETIES. [1812. most remote degree recommended to his notice, every oiEcer of rank, passing througli and leaving bis name at head-quar- ters, was sure to receive an invitation ; and making fair allowance for the measure of restraint wluch seems to be unavoidable at the tables of royalty and commanders-in- chief, the conversation was, for the most part, both interest- ing and lively. The Duke himself spoke out upon all sub- jects with an absence of reserve which sometimes surprised his guests. Whether the matters under discussion were foreign or domestic politics, he took his own view of each particular case, and stated it broadly. He was rich in anec- dotes, most of them taking a ludicrous turn, and without any apparent effort put the company very much at their ease. About nine o'clock he would order coffee, which was accepted as a signal for breaking up, and then he withdrew again to his own room, where he resumed his correspond- ence and carried it far into the night. I have specified the Head of the Intelligence Department as one of those who used to attend at Lord Wellington's daily levees. The Duke had taken infinite pains to organ- ize and arrange that department, and placed at the head of it one of the most remarkable men in the army. Colonel Colquhoun Grrant, a relative of the late Sir James McGrre- gor, possessed the talent of acquiring languages to a marvel- lous degree. He spoke Spanish, Portuguese, and French with a facility and correctness to which Englishmen rarely attain, and with the use of the language he put on the manner and well-nigh the appearance of Spaniard, Portu- guese, or Frenchman, as the case might be. Observant, pliable, apparently frank, yet withal close and circumspect, he won. the confidence of all whom he was desirous of search- ing out, and being true to his word, he never threw away a useful confidence which he had once acquired. He had emissaries everywhere ; in all the towns and villages in or about which French troops were quartered, and if common rumour might be trusted, some even at the head-quarters of the French armies themselves. With not a few of these he used to hold personal communication, passing round for that purpose, and sometimes even through the French camps. How 1812.] COLOXEL COLQUHOU:\' GRAXT. 163 he contrived so long to escape detection it is hard to sav, for he never in these excursions hiid aside his English uniform, though he managed to conceal it from the vulgar gaze by a cloak or a blue pellisse thrown over it. In this respect he differed from another Colquhoun G-rant, also a Colonel, and also a collector of intelligence, to v^hom I have else- where alluded, and who coming nearer to the character of a mere spy, was at once less trusted and less esteemed than his namesake, by Lord AYellington. The adventures of the head of the Intelligence Depart- ment, if related at length, would read like a romance. I shall content myself with briefly alluding to them. Ventur- ing rather too far in front of the advanced sentries, one day, he was taken by the enemy, and carried before Marmont, then on the frontiers of Portugal. There was great rejoic- ing in the French army when he confessed himself to be Colquhoun Grant. The name was .well known at head- quarters, and Marmont, mistaking him for the other Col- quiioun Grant, exclaimed, when he made his appearance, " It is well for you, sir, that you wear that bit of red rag ; but for that, I should have hanged you on the spot." The treatment he received was at first harsh, and being hopeless of making his escape, he agreed to give his parole. He was then sent, still under charge of a guard, to Salamanca, where Dr Curtis, late B. C. Archbishop of Tuam, and at that time head of one of the colleges in the city, found him out. Dr Curtis's visits to a prisoner so much dreaded gave great of- fence to Marmont, who met the worthy Canon's excuses by reminding him that Grant was neither an Irishman nor a Eoman Catholic. But Dr Curtis was not to be deterred, either by threats or blandishments, from doing his duty, and stoutly denied that Grant had any secrets to be betrayed. Lord Wellington was much grieved at the loss of Col- quhoun Grant, and the more so, that day by day the prisoner contrived to send him scraps of important information. These, written upon small rolls of paper, were carried in the ears of priests and peasants to the English head-quarters. " What an extraordinaiy fellow that cousin of yours is," said Lord Wellington one day to Sir James McGregor; "I wish 164 A PRISOXER. [1812. he had not given his parole, for I had promised large rewards to the Guerilla chiefs if they could bring him back, and we should have had him before now." " But I thought, sir, that you had ai*rauged for his ex- change ? " " So I had, and here is Marmont's answer." The answer was as compliant and civil as could be. It promised all that Lord Wellington required, and expressed the gratification which the writer experienced in being able to oblige so illustrious a Greneral. " I suppose you believe all that ? " said Lord Wellington ; " now look at this." Thereupon he handed Sir James a copy of the Moniteur, containing a de- spatch from Marshal Marmont to the War Minister, which was entirely occupied with an account of Grrant's capture, and of the extreme delight of the writer at the circumstance. " He is a most dangerous fellow," the despatch went on to say, " of whom I shall ;aot lose sight till he is safe in France, and there you must be equally vigilant in watching him." The despatch bore exactly the same date as the letter«'to Lord Wellington. Grrant was sent under escort to Bayonne, where he arrived safely. Por a moment the escort left him alone in the square of the city, and Grrant availed himself of the oppor- tunity by taking his seat in a diligence which was just about to start for Paris. He entered the French capital as an American, and made his way at once to the shop of a Scotch jeweller named McPherson, who had lived through all the horrors of the French Revolution, and now drove a thriving trade. McPherson procured for him an Ameri- can passport, under the protection of which he spent several weeks in Paris, never omitting all the while to communicate with bis old chief. At last the suspicions of the police were awakened, and under the protection of a fresh Ameri- can passport, he travelled to the coast. But his funds were now failing, and as a last resource he threw himself on the generosity of a retired French General, the son of a Scottish exile, and on the mother's side not distantly related to him- self. The Frenchman behaved well on the occasion. He gave the fugitive shelter, and supplied him with money, 1812.] HIS ESCAPE. 165 which enabled him to secure the services of two French boatmen. Not even now, however, were his perils at an end. The boat had scarcely cleared Calais harbour in order to reach an English cruiser, which lay a few miles off, when a coast-guard cutter bore down upon it ; and the boatmen had barely time to make Grraut stand upright against the mast and to wrap him round with the sail which they suddenly took in. The cutter passed on, and they held their course towards the frigate. But not the least curious part of the story, as G-rant used to tell it, is this, — the unfortunate boat- men were carried to England, where orders were given to treat them as prisoners of war. "With some difficulty, and after considerable delay, Grrant succeeded in getting these orders cancelled ; and the poor reward of 100 guineas which he had promised to his liberators, was not wrung out of the English treasury except after an acrimonious and protracted correspondence. 166 CHAPTER XYII. OPENING OF THE CAMPAIGN SALAMANCA TAKEN BATTLE OF SALAMANCA. Having settled his plan of campaign, and completed all his preliminary arrangements, Lord "Wellington, as soon as the rain ceased, broke up from his cantonments. He passed the Agueda on the 13th of June, and on the 17th reached the Tormes. This he crossed by two fords, above and be- low Salamanca, and after driving away some cavalry, and occupying the town, which the same evening was illuminated in his honour, he proceeded to invest the fortified convents. His Spanish correspondjents had misled him in regard to these convents. They described them as enclosed by a wall, so inartistically constructed, that a few rounds from a field battery would knock it down, and Lord Wellington, to whom time was of the utmost value, attacked it with his light artillery. After expending as much ammunition as he could spare, and finding that no progress was made, he sent back to Almeida for a fresh supply, and for a battering train. Meanwhile Marmont, who had quitted Salamanca as the English army approached, succeeded, by great exertion, in calling his scattered divisions together. He advanced on the 20th with 25,000 good troops, and on the 23rd 10,000 more overtook him. A series of movements followed, with some sharp affairs of cavalry and a little infantry skirmish- ing. Both armies threw corps across the Tormes ; one seek- ing to communicate with the convents, the other to prevent it J till by and by the English battering train came up from 1812.] COXVEXTS TAKEN. 167 Almeida, and the siege began in earnest. On the 27th, one of the convents was breached and another in flames. The commandant requested two hours to arrange terms of capi- tulation. Lord Wellington allowed him five minutes. The five minutes passed without an answer, and the convents were stormed and taken. The fall of these convents warned Marshal Marmont that he had no longer any business where he was. He wrote to Joseph and Cafiarelli begging them earnestly to come to his support, and began immediately to retire. His retrograde movement was made in the night, between the 28th and 29th of June. He took the direction of the Douro, and moved by the two roads which conduct to Tordesillas and Toro. Lord Wellington followed. But again his spies brought him false intelligence, and he just missed striking a heavy blow at the enemy while in the act of crossing the Douro. "With the river between them, the two armies halted and faced one another. Both were willing to receive, neither desired to deliver a battle. Por finding that with numbers so evenly balanced, the chances were against him who should take the initiative, each Greneral had his own reasons for desiring to postpone the crisis. Mar- mont waited for Caifarelli and Joseph. Lord Wellington expected that, through mere lack of provisions, Marmont would be obliged, before many days passed, to shift his groxmd. Besides, he learned at this time that the co-opera- tion from Sicily, on which he had counted, was not forth- coming. The English Grovernment, as if on purpose to show that it was incapable of beiiig taught, even by experi- ence, had suddenly changed the direction of the Sicilian army. It was sent not to Catalonia but to the north of Italy, thus uncovering, so to speak. Lord Wellington's flank and deranging thereby his whole plan of campaign. A victory over Marmont would under the circumstances be of little real value to him. It might add lustre to his per- sonal renown, and produce a moral eflect elsewhere, but no advantage could be taken of it upon the spot, because a further advance into the heart of Spain would only expose him to be beset by overwhelming nimibers. He contented 168 MAX(EUVRES. [1812. himself therefore with abiding M-here he was and waiting the course of events. Well nigh a fortnight so passed. Marmont and Lord "Wellington faced each other, the Douro flowing between. Sir Rowland Hill kept a steady eye upon Soult from his head-quarters at Merida. Joseph, troubled by many rmnours, and the exploits of Gruerilla bands, stood fast in ]\Iadrid. Suchet clung to Catalonia, while Caffarelli was restrained at Burgos by exaggerated accounts of the strength of Castanos's army then engaged in the siege of Astorga. At last how- ever, in consequence, as subsequently came ou.t, of peremp- tory orders from Madrid, Marmont assumed the offensive. On the evening of the 16th two Prench divisions crossed the Douro at Toro. After remaining in sight of the Eng- lish all day, they withdrew again in the night, and march- ing rapidly towards Tordesillas, were there with the rest of the army carried over the river. An aff'air of cavalry fol- lowed, in which the enemy had the advantage, and their march was continued towards the Guarena. It was Mar- mont's object to throw himself between Lord Wellington and Ciudad-Eodrigo, and he well nigh succeeded. Indeed, for several days such a succession of movements took place as put the two armies on their mettle, without either offer- ing to the other the opportunity which both desired of striking home, at an advantage. Marmont moved all this while towards a ford on the Grua- rena, over which the castle of Alba de Tormes dominates. It was a point about which Lord Wellington was not anxious, because he had himself placed in the castle a Spanish garrison, strong enough to meet and repel a coup-de-maiu. But in this he deceived himself. The garrison, without any commimi- eation made to him, had been withdrawn, and Marmont gained his end. Lord Wellington, seeing that an advantage had been gained for which he could not account, put his columns in mo- tion to counteract it, and throughout the whole of the 20th the two armies marched in parallel lines, within easy cannon-shot of each otlier. There was a race between them for the village of Cantalpino, wliich lies at the foot of a commanding emi- nence. The French, having got tlie start, won the race, and 1812., THE ARMIES IN TRESENCE. 169 bivouacked for the night on the high grounds of Aldea Rubea, while Lord "Wellington fell back to the position at San Christoval from which he had covered the siege of the fortified convents of Salamanca, Thus far the advantage in the campaign of marches rested with Marshal Marmont. He had command of the Tormes river, and could push on to interpose between Lord Wellington and his communications, or he could fight a battle, or remain in comparative security where he was till Caffarelli should join him from Burgos. Lord Wellington's only course was to fall back at once upon Ciudad-Eodrigo ; and with excellent judgment he resolved to do so, leaving Salamanca to its fate. It was necessary to let General Castaiios know what was proposed, so Lord Wellington wrote to him. The mes- senger fell into the enemy's hands, and Marmont became aware of Lord Wellington's intentions. He immediately crossed the Tormes at a ford between Huerta and Alba de Tormes, and between Salamanca and the latter place. This was on the 21st, and on the same day the English passed the bridge at Salamanca. The two armies thus came into presence the same afternoon. At midnight information reached Lord Wellington that Caffarelli's troops were beginning to arrive. He made arrange- ments for a rapid march upon Ciudad-Eodrigo, but he delayed beginning that march till long after dawn on the 22nd, in the hope that Marmont, from over anxiety and undue confidence, might commit some blunder. It is in such situations as this that military genius of the highest order finds its pro- per field of action. A great General calculates on the temperament of his adversary quite as much as upon, the strength of battalions and the positions which they occupy ; and Lord Wellington had seen enough of Marmont to arrive at the conclusion that, skilful as he had shown himself in handling troops, he was not unlikely to be run away with. No great while elapsed ere Lord Wellington's anticipations were fulfilled. Seeing the English stiU before him, Mar- mont made a dash to anticipate them in their designs. There were two hills, called the Arepiles, on the plateau 170 BATTLE. [1812. about Tvliicli the hostile armies ^ve^e ranged, one of which crossed in some measure the French line of march. Lord Wellington detached a Portuguese brigade to seize that hill ; but the movements of the French were more rapid than those of the Portuguese, and after a brief contest the former crowned the height. A battery of guns was immediately run up, and jNIannont, believing that he had blocked the great road to Ciudad-Eodrigo, proceeded to make the most of the advantage which he had won. On two hills, each commanding a full view of the field of operations, the English and French Grenerals had taken post. How Marmont conducted himself and what he said or did I am not informed, but Lord Wellington looked round with a clear and unembarrassed gaze, and issued, in his usually quiet tone of voice, such orders as were necessary. While the troops on both sides shifted their ground as if on a field-day, he and his staiF sat down to breakfast. Ifot one of Marmont's objects seems to have been mistaken by Lord Wellington. He saw that already the French order of bat- tle was too difluse, and he anticipated from what was going on that it woidd soon be interrupted altogether. He was correct in that conjecture. About three in the afternoon two divisions, one of infantry and one of cavalry, which formed the left of the French line, began suddenly to step out. They moved in the direction of some high ground, and of a village which lay about half a league in advance of them, and were far on their way towards it before troops from the centre arrived to fill the void. The blot was seen and hit on the instant. General Pakenham, with his in- fantry division supported by two batteries and a brigade of cavalry, was launched upon the rear of the French left. Cole and Leith, having Clinton and Hope in reserve, threw themselves upon the head of the centre, and Pack's Portuguese rushed at the hill, from which in the early part of the day the enemy had driven them off. A fierce battle ensued, of which the issues were not for a moment doubtful. Marmont, galloping to bring up support, was struck by a round shot and carried off the field. General Tho- niiers, on whom the command devolved, received a wound at 1S12.] EESULTS OF THE BATTLE. 171 the same time, -which disabled him. Bonnet, the next in point of seniority, fell likewise ; and before General Clausel could arrive at the extreme right, all was confusion. It was well for Clausel and the wreck of his army that the force which held the hill against which the Portuguese were sent fought so stoutly. They were powerful in artillery, and repulsed the assailants more than once ; indeed, it was not till Lord Wellington brought up the 6th British division that the enemy gave way. Time was thus afforded, of which Clausel made good use, to organize a strong rear-guard, under cover of which he drew off his fugitives, and restored some order among them. But, after all, the French owed their escape from total destruction to the closing in of night. It was dusk before Lord Wellington, after mastering the hill, could fall upon the French rear- guard, and quite dark ere the wood under cover of which the enemy fought could be cleared. Even under such circumstances, however, escape would have been impossible but for the evacuation of Alba de Tormes by the Spaniards, of which Lord Wellington was still kept in ignorance. While therefore he pressed forward, expecting to find the enemy crowded about the ford at Huerta, they stole away by the road which leads to Alba, and were across the Tormes before the fact became known, all except a rear-guard of infantry and cavalry, which was charged and cut to pieces by Bock's brigade of heavy Ger- man di'agoons. The battle of Salamanca was by far the most decisive which had been fought since the commencement of the war. There were engaged, on the side of the English, 46,400 men, of whom 3500 were Spaniards. The enemy brought into the field 43,000 of all arms, so that in point of mere numbers. Lord AVellington was superior to Marmont. But when we look to the composition of their respective armies, this ad- vantage, not very great in itself, sinks into nothing. The killed and wounded amounted to 6000, or thereabouts, on the part of the French, and to 5220 on the part of the allies. The English found at the close of the day 74 men missing, the Portuguese 184. The number of prisoners taken from the enemy amounted to between 6000 and 7000. Of the 172 HIS HO^'OL'RS. [1812. 3500 Spaniards in ttie field, only two were killed and four wounded ; a pretty sure index of the amount of service which they had been able to render. The rout was complete ; and its consequences were felt and acknowledged all over Europe. Napoleon heard of it on his march to Moscow, and accepted it as an omen of evil. It encouraged the Eussians to make fresh sacrifices, and called up in Germany dreams of approach- ing deliverance. It put a stop, also, to those negotiations with JosejDh which members of the Spanish Cortes were car- rying on, and it knit the English and Portuguese armies into one. To Lord "Wellington himself it brought an acciunula- tion of honours from all the Grovernnients which he served. Created an Earl after the capture of Badajoz, he was now advanced by the Prince Eegent to the dignity of a Mar- quis. Spain gave him the Dukedom of Ciudad-Eodrigo, a Knighthood of the Golden Eleece, and the rank of General- issimo of her armies : while Portugal conferred upon him the Marquisate of Torres Vedras, together with a palace in Lisbon. These dignities and marks of popular favour he received neither with unbecoming elevation nor with afiected indifference. They added nothing to his real greatness, and he knew it ; but they testified to the gratitude of the coun- tries which he served, and on that account he prized them. 173 CHAPTER XVIII. LORD WELLINGTON IN MADRID SIEGE OF BURGOS — RETREAT TO THE PORTUGUESE FRONTIER. Two courses were now open to the Marquis. Either he might follow the wreck of Marmont's army, driving that and CaiFarelli's corps beyond the Pyrenees, or he might turn round upon Joseph, and, with or without a fresh battle, deliver Madrid. He chose the latter alternative, partly be- cause a long march to the North would endanger his com- munications ; which Joseph, Soult, and Suchet were all in a condition to threaten ; partly because he persuaded himself that if anything could re-awaken the old spirit of Spain, the thought that the capital was wrested from the invader would do so. He contented himself therefore with seeing Clause! across the Douro, and with placing a Spanish corps in Yal- ladolid ; while one of his own divisions, with two brigades of cavalry, observed the course of the river. He then faced about to meet Joseph, who had for some days been upon the march, hoping to join Marmont before he came into collision with the English. Joseph heard of Lord "Wellington's ap- proach in good time. He declined to measui'e swords with him, and, covered by his cavalry, in which he was strong, retreated through the passes of the mountains to Madrid. There he waited only to collect his enormous baggage and retinue, and then fell back leisurely towards the Tagus. Lord Wellington has been blamed by military critics, first, for quitting Clausel as soon as he did, and next for allowing Joseph, encumbered with booty, to escape across the Tagus. l"-i IN MADRID. [1812. The censure, as applied to the former of these proceedings, appears to me to be unjust I cannot quite see my way to a satisfactory vindication of Lord Wellington's policy in the second instance. Had he left Madrid on one side and pur- sued Joseph he must have overtaken and destroyed him. But the greatest generals who ever lived have sometimes erred, and Lord Wellington, were he now among us to plead his own cause, would probably be able to show that not his policy but our judgment upon it is in fault. Lord Wellington entered Madrid on the 12th of August. The reception awarded to him was enthusiastic in the ex- treme. At Strathfieldsay there is a painting which describes this scene pretty nearly as it occurred, — the great com- mander, on horseback, with only one English officer, the late Lord Eaglan, in his train ; while Spaniards of all ranks and conditions, grandees, hidalgos, priests, soldiers, citizens, are crowding round him and ladies clinging to his stirrup-leathers in a state of the highest excitement. Carpets cover the pavements, and rich tapestry floats from every lattice, while windows, balconies, and the very tops of the houses, are alive with human forms. It was indeed the welcome of an ancient capital to its deliverer, of which the expression was con- tinued after night-fall by illuminations, and carried on through successive days by fetes, carousals, and theatrical represent- ations. There is an old Moorish castle called the Eetiro, which dominates over Madrid. It was begirt at this time with a triple waU, and a Trench garrison held it; a most unwise arrangement on the part of King Joseph, though not, per- haps, greatly to be wondered at, seeing that the place was full of military stores. Before the Eetiro, the British army im- mediately sat down, and in 24 hours the castle, with its de- fenders and stores, surrendered. And then came a pause, for which I confess myself unable to account. Lord Wel- lington's correspondence throws no more light upon the subject than this, that he himself, having achieved a great moral triumph, could not see, in the wretched state into which Spain had fallen, how it was to be turn- ed to account, i'or J 7 days, therefore, he gave his troops 1812.] THE SPAXIARDS SUPINE. 175 rest, hoping against hope that the Spaniards would do something, and vainly urging the Grovernment to concert with him a plan of operations, and adhere to it. The result is best shown in the subjoined extract of a letter addressed by him, on the 23rd of August, to his brother : " What can be done for this lost nation ? As for raising men or sup- plies, or taking any other measure to enable them to carry on the war, that is out of the question. Indeed, there is nobody to excite them to exertion, or to take advantage of the enthusiasm of the people, or of their enmity against the French. Even the guerillas are getting quietly into the large towns and amusing themselves, or collecting plunder of a better and more valuable description ; and nobody looks forward to the exertions to be made, either to improve or to secure our advantage." If Lord Wellington was baffled on one hand by the supineness of Spain, the French Marshals began to suffer on the other from the continual di-aughts which Napoleon made upon them for reinforcements to his army in the North. Day by day heavy detachments took the road to France, till by and by, after providing garrisons for forti- fied places, they could not reckon on being able to bring into the field more than 120,000 or 130,000 men. To meet these Lord Wellington had under his own immediate orders at Madrid about 45,000, of whom 15,000 were Spaniards, while General Hill, with 14,000 or 15,000 more, was in Es- tremadura, keeping Soult in check. One division of infantry, perhaps 5000 strong, with two brigades of cavalry, say 2000, were on the Douro ; and now, at length, the arrival of the expedition from Sicily was reported. But besides that the strength of that corps never exceeded 6000 men, the oflicer in command (Greneral Maitland) committed the twofold mis- take of landing at a wrong place, and entering upon his work in a spirit of despondency. Lord Wellington made haste to apply, as far as circumstances would allow, a cor- rection to both grievances. He caused the troops to re-em- bark, and go round to the theatre of their operations ; and he assured Greneral Maitland that whatever the issues of the enterprise might be, he himself was prepared to assume 176 HIS PROJECTS. [1812. the entire responsibility. But the loss of two precious weeks could not be atoned for, and the consequences in due course developed themselves. We gather from Lord Wellington's correspondence, that the idea of dislodging the enemy from Andalusia presented itself strongly at this time to his mind. It appears certain that if the force from Sicily had been punctual in its arrival, he would have invaded that province. He even directed General Cook, who was in command at Gibraltar, to keep the enemy before Cadiz on the alert, and as early as the 16th of August he began to make preparations for marching through the Sierra Morena. It is equally clear that Mar- shal Soult, the ablest of Napoleon's Generals then in Spain, contemplated the probability of such an enterprise with dis- may. Joseph, on the other hand, was bent on recovering Ma- drid. He commanded Soult to raise the siege of Cadiz, and to move towards Valencia, in order to join him. Suchet received similar orders, and, though not without reluctance, obeyed them, so that by the 25th of August three French corps were in march to form a junction. Meanwhile the beaten army of Portugal had rallied, and being reinforced by Cafiarelli, returned upon its steps. The Spaniards were driven out of Valladolid, and strong French patrols of cavalry crossing the Douro, occasioned much anxiety, up to the gates of Salamanca. Before he could strike at Soult, Lord' Wellington saw that it would be necessary to chase these intruders away, in order to render secure the transit by Salamanca, Ciudad-Eodrigo, and Almeida, which still con- stituted, and must for some time continue to constitute, the real line of his communication with Lisbon. He therefore told off two divisions for the protection of Madrid, and de- siring Hill to press Drouet hard in Estremadura, he set off with the rest of the army towards the North. There befell during Lord Wellington's stay in Madrid one or two events, which, illustrating as they do the character of the man, seem to demand at least passing notice. He found that he was already the subject of Spanish song ; and now at the request of the municipal authorities he consented to sit to a Spanish artist. The songs had been composed 1812.] SITS TO A PAINTER. 177 chiefly by Senor Morette, a musician of considerable emi- nence, who resided in Cadiz. They were extravagantly laudatory in terms, but the music was good ; and nothing seemed to please the gallant Marquis more than to sit and listen to them. Indeed, he not unfrequently called for them, reminding his fellow-guests of some warrior chief in ages long past, to whom the enumeration of his own glorious deeds by the bard who followed his standard, was the most grateful tribute that could be paid. It would seem, however, that our modern chief was not always in the same good hu- mour. Dr McGregor had remained behind after the battle of Salamanca to provide for the wants of the sick and Avounded, which he did zealously. He arrived in Madrid some time after the first burst of exultation had subsided, and proceeding to make his report to the commander of the forces, found him sitting to the artist who had been selected to paint his portrait. The Marquis listened in silence till McGrregor began to describe how he had ordered up purvey- ors and commissariat officers from the rear with supplies, and then the suppressed volcano burst out. The Marquis sprang to his feet, and demanded in an angry tone what right Dr McGregor had to do that. The Doctor's assurance that nothing else could have saved many valuable lives seemed to make no impression upon his auditor. Neither was the Marquis mollified by a reference which McGregor with doubtful discretion made to the outcry which had been raised in England when the wounded were abandoned after the battle of Talavera. " I shall be glad to know," exclaimed the angry Marquis, "who commands this army, you or I. I establish one route, one line of communication, and you establish another, and order the commissariat and supplies to move by that ! As long as you live. Sir, never do so again; never do anything without my orders." "But, my Lord, the case was urgent : there was no time to get your orders." " That don't signify. Never act again, without orders, be the consequences what they may." So spoke the great man in his anger : unreasonably, as angry men always do; yet such fits never lasted long with him, and on the present occasion he soon showed, in his 12 178 GOES TO MEET THE ENEMY. [1813. own peculiar waj, that he was conscious of his error. He sat down ; and almost before the painter could resume his task, said to McGrregor in a tone more than usually kind, " Come and dine with me to-day. You'll meet the G-uerilla chief. El Medico ; who knows but you may get something out of him, in your own profession, worth remembering ?" Let me not quit this subject without observing that the Spanish portrait, though well begun, was never finished. The artist, delighted with the expulsion of the French from Madrid, worked at it for a while enthusiastically. But so much were he and his employers disgusted by the subse- quent evacuation of the city, that they refused to go on with it. In its unfinished state it now hangs in the hall at Strathfieldsay. In pursuance of the plan which he had carefully matured, Lord Wellington quitted Madrid ; and, gathering up Greneral Clinton's division and his cavalry posts as he went along, he arrived on the 7th of September at YaUadolid. The French quitted the place when they heard of his approach. They fell back in excellent order, and after a few marches halted and offered him battle. This he evaded, rather than declined. He was in hourly expectation of being joined by the army of Galicia, of which the estimated strength was 20,000 men ; and comparatively worthless as Spanish soldiers were, 20,000 of them could effect something. The French, on the other hand, appeared nowise bent upon forcing on a collision. Not being attacked, they retired, and thus from day to day both parties marched till they arrived within a few miles of Burgos. There the French halted, and took up a position which seemed to cover that place just as the army of Galicia, 11,300 strong, arrived in Lord Wellington's lines. There was no further reason why he should hesitate to strike. He made arrangements therefore for fighting a battle on the l7th, but the dawn of day disclosed the fact that the enemy were gone. They had seen the fires of the Spanish troops during the night, and immediately retreated. Lord AVellington followed, and soon found himself with the river Arlanza in his front ; the fords over which, as well as the 1812.] BURGOS ATTACKED. 179 roads leading up to them, lay under tlie guns of tlie castle. It took some hours to surmount this first difficulty, and greater forthwith presented themselves. He could not afford to leave Burgos in his rear ; he had no siege-train at hand, nor any other means wherewith to approach the place in regular form. He determined, therefore, after a close reconnaissance, to trust to the valour of his troops, and to risk an assault. Everything was done which under such circumstances courage and skill could effect, but to no purpose. Having no corps of practical engineers to help him, he drove mines, which exploded either too soon or uselessly. The fire of his field guns made little impression, and every attempt to carry the main work by escalade failed. The siege began on the 18th of September, and on the 18th of October the last assault was delivered, in which not fewer than 274 officers and men fell, raising the total loss during the month to 1565. Lord Wellington had drawn the cord tight, well-nigh to breaking. In his front lay Greneral Souham, at the head of what had formerly been Marmont's and Caflarelli's armies, which in point of numbers thus united equalled, if they did not surpass, his own army. Tidings came in from Greneral Hill, that Joseph, Soult, and Suchet were united, and that with an enormous force they were in full march upon Madrid. Now Hill was too weak to risk a battle with any prospect of success, and defeat would have uncovered at once the line of Lord Wellington's communications. But to protect that line, and at the same time to draw back in the direction of the main army, appeared to be impossible. Lord Wel- lington so circumstanced had no power of choice. He de- sired Hill to abandon the line of the Tagus, and to march upon the Adaja, where he promised to meet him. This done, he himself waited only till night set in, and then began his movement to the rear. There was but one bridge over the Arlanza, and upon that the guns of the castle looked down. To get horses and carriages across in the stillness of the night without attracting attention seemed no easy matter. He gave orders that horsemen should ride in loose order, and at a walk. He wrapped the wheels of 180 EETREAT BEGU:S". [1S12 his guns and carriages in straw, and enjoined perfect silence in the ranks. For a time all went well, and a considerable por- tion of the army got across uimoticed ; but by and by a body of Spanish horsemen chose to dash across the bridge at a gallop, and the noise which they made roused the sleeping garrison. A fire was immediately opened upon the bridge, and all who subsequently traversed it, did so subject to the crash from time to time of round shot among them. It is not difficult to write all this, it is easy to read it when written, but to get everything ready for such a start at such a time and under such circumstances taxed even Lord Wellington's energies to the uttermost. His sick and wounded always gave him great anxiety, and never more so than at the present moment. The thought of leaving them behind was terrible. Let the truth however be told, for no man ever lived who could better aftbrd to be described as he was. The failure before Burgos fretted him. He was dissatisfied with himself and with everybody else, and spoke harshly to all .who approached him. Dr McGrregor, among others, came in for his own share of sharp words, which the Highland pride of the chief of the medical staff" bore with difficulty. This was early in the day pre- ceding the commencement of the retreat, and McGregor returned to his own quarters, sick and sulky. By and by a message came that Lord Wellington desired to see him that evening ; but the Doctor was still in high dudgeon, and feeling really unwell, he made the most of his malady, and refused to attend. At an early hour next morning, however, he proceeded to Lord AVellington's house, and found that about three o'clock the Marquis had mounted his horse, and ridden off" to the front. McGregor followed. The English army was under arms, in the expectation, as it appeared, of being attacked ; and Lord Wellington stood on a hill with a numerous staff about Lim, searching the French lines with his telescope. No sooner was McGregor's name pronounced, than the Marquis put up his telescope, and taking the Doctor by the arm, led him out of the crowd. What followed can best be told in the words of one of the actors in the scene. He 1812.] RETREAT CONTINUED. ISl said, " "We can't keep Madrid. Hill is overpo-wered, and marching to join nie ; and I must be off this very night. But what is to become of the sick and wounded ? I fear they are very numerous, and there are many wounded who can't be moved. What do you propose to do ?" I replied, " I was happy to> inform him that our sick and wounded were not numerous ; that seeing how his mind was occupied with the siege, I had taken it upon me to get carts from the commissariat, and to employ them and the mules which brought up provisions in removing the sick and wounded to Talladolid." " Very Avell indeed," was his reply; " but how many have Ave in Burgos ?" '• Xot more than 60, and these mostly too bad to move." "Admirable. I shall be off to- night. Let nobody know this from you, and make your own arrangements." Did the Marquis remember, then, what had passed be- tween him and Doctor INIcGrregor, Avhen they discussed at Madrid a question somewhat similar ; or was he, like all really great men, able and williug to contradict himself when an occasion arose which demanded that sacrifice ? The retreat from Burgos to the Portuguese frontier was one of those operations which try to the uttermost both the skill of the commander and the endurance of the men. The commander had to provide not for his own safety alone, but for that of two corps besides which were approaching him from opposite quarters; the men, marching and halting at uncertain intervals, suffered severely from fiitigue, from exposure, aud from want of provisions. Constant vigilance was necessary in the rear, constant circumspection everywhere. A halt for two nights and a day upon some strong ground above the Carrion, enabled the brigade of Guards to come up from Corunua; and now Hill, with his corps iu full march from Madrid, must be approached as near as was compatible with keeping open the communication with Ciudad Eodrigo. The point of junction originally settled was Euedo, a little town standing about midway between the rivers Adaja and Douro. And towards it Hill, after burning his pontoons and heavy baggage, made his way. He threaded the passes of the Guadiana witli Soult at his heels. But he was yet a few miles on the farther 182 THE EXEMY BAFFLED. [1812. side of the Adaja when a courier from Lord "Wellington met him with instructions to turn oiF towards Alba on the Tormes. Then began a series of movements which, involving, as they did, the passage of deep rivers, and the attack and de- fence of bridges, and the attempts on one side to seize, and on the other to protect, roads and passes ®f vital importance, well deserve to be followed in detail by all students of the art of war. For the purposes of the general reader it may suffice to say, that at every turn the enemy were baffled ; that Souham, often striving, never succeeded in placing himself by Lord A\^elliugton's left upon the line of his communica- tions ; that Soult could not cut in between Lord Wellington and General Hill ; and that on the same ground, where a few months previously Marmont had been defeated, Wellington and Hill, united,' oftered battle with 6i,000 against 90,000 men. But the enemy declined the challenge. Joseph, Soult, Jourdan, Souham, were all in Lord Wellington's front, and to Soult appears to have been entrusted the responsibility of di- recting their combined operations. He adhered to what had been the original plan of campaign, persisting in the attempt to get between the English and their base. He entii'ely failed. Lord Wellington, after standing under arms till two o'clock in the afternoon of the 15th of November, took advantage of a fog, and moving rapidly, headed the column which Soult had sent to his own left. From that hour the English were masters of the situation. It rested with them either to halt and fight, or to continue their retreat as they might prefer, and Lord Wellington, for obvious reasons, chose the latter alternative. A great feat had been performed. The army was extri- cated from a situation of extraordinary peril and difficulty, without the loss of a gun, and with comparatively few casual- ties. It suiFered, indeed, in discipline, as retiring armies always do ; and the seeds of disease were sown. Through- out the 16th, l7th, and 18th, cold rains fell continually. These, besides soaking the men through and through, swelled every stream, and rendered the roads, which wound chiefly through a forest of oak-trees, well nigh impassable. More- over the commissariat quite broke down, and hungry soldiers 1S12.] SAFE OYER THE AGUEDA. 183 cannot always be restrained from committing irregularities. The woods happened to be full of swine, and the men kept up a tantalizing fire of musketry upon the animals, as often as they showed themselves. This was the more inconveni- ent that the enemy pressed upon the rear of the columns, and it was not always possible to determine whether or not a serious engagement had taken place. On the whole, how- ever, the retreat was conducted, if not in perfect order, cer- tainly without serious loss. As often as the French advance came up with the English rear, it was driven back ; indeed, but for the unfortunate capture of Sir Edward Paget, Lord Wellington's second in command, Avho, being short-sighted, and crippled by the loss of his right arm, was unable to escape from a body of French cavalry on which he fell, there would have been no cause to speak of the movement as, in any sense of the term, disastrous. At last, on the 19th, the Agueda was gained, and the army began to pass. In the course of the 20th the whole of the divisions were across, and by and by the pleasant order was given to go into canton- ments between that river and the Coa. There was nothing to stay that arrangement. The enemy, like the English, had outmarched their supplies, and grew slack in the pursuit. They finally established themselves below Valladolid and Toledo, while Lord Wellington, sending Hill towards the Tagus, that he might occupy Coria, Palen- cia, and Bejar, placed his people under cover, and fixed his own head-quarters at Frenada. 184 CHAPTEE XIX. WINTER QUARTERS OPENING OF THE CAMPAIGN OP 1S13 BATTLE OP VITTORIA. Tidings of tlie failure before Burgos and of the retreat to tlie Portuguese frontier spread far and wide. They startled the allied powers in the north of Europe. They re-awakened the fears and the hostility to the war of the English opposi- tion in both Houses of Parliament. They frightened a timid administration in London ; and induced the disaf- fected in the Spanish Cortes to renew their intrigues with Joseph. Lord Wellington carried off his own mortification with excellent skill. He wrote and spoke of past events as mere accidents in a great struggle ; and generously took upon himself faults which might have been chai'ged upon others. His arguments had their weight with all reason- able people ; but that which best served his purpose and the purpose of the home Government, was the destruction of the Prench army in Russia, and the return of Napoleon, at this critical moment, alone and a fugitive to Paris. Now then, at last, a belief began to be entertained that the power of Prance was not irresistible ; and the predictions of their own hero, long treated as the outpoui"ings of enthusiasm, were remembered with respect by the English people. As to himself, he saw that a crisis in affairs was .come ; and he did his best to take advantage of it. He vigorously applied himself to improve the equipment of his army. A baggage and pontoon train were organized. Tents were issued for the shelter of his men, and improved cooking utensils were 1813.] VISITS CADIZ. 185 served out to tliem. Fiually in tlie depth of winter lie made a journey to Cadiz, and once more came face to face with the Spanish Government. His reception was even more enthusiastic and apparently more cordial than it had been on a former occasion. Every suggestion which he made w^as assented to at once. Spanish armies were no longer to act independently ; the whole being consolidated into three corps, were to be fed and otherwise provided for at the expense of Spain, but to take their orders only from Lord Wellington. Liberal of promises, the Spanish Grovern- ment, as usual, violated every pledge when the moment of action came. " I am sorry to inform you," wrote Lord AVelliugton, within a month of returning to Frenada, " that my intentions are entirely thwarted by the Government, which has broken all its engagements entered into with me, and ratified in its letter of the 1st of January." The conclusion of the whole matter was, that however will- ing he might be to employ Spanish troops, and to assign to them their proper part in a war in which they ought to have been principals, he was forced to arrange his plans for the next campaign as if no such bodies as Spanish armies had been in existence. The reader of Napier's history of this memorable war may not be unapt to imagine that the six years over which it extended, were years of unremitting toil and suffering and danger to all who lived through them. Of toil and suffering, and danger too, the troops had from time to time enough ; but every season of repose, and especially the winter, brought great enjoyment in its train, into which no one entered more heartily than Lord "Wellington himself. I shall take occa- sion, by and by, to show how he encouraged field sports among his ofiicers, and how he himself shared in them. For the present we will confine our attention to in-door gaieties, to the balls which went forward, and the theatrical perform- ances, of which two may be described as fair specimens of many. If Lord Wellington favoured one of the divisions of his army more than the rest, it was the Light Division. Trained imder Sir John Moore at Hythe, and brought by Craufurd 1S6 THEATRICALS. [1S13. to perfection in the field, the regiments composing it were models of all that good infantry ought to be ; the men well drilled, well disciplined, excellent marchers, and vigilant at the outposts : the officers punctiliously attentive to the minutest details of duty, yet full withal of life and spirits. Among other accomplishments several of these young men possessed a decided talent for acting, and this winter they brought it into play. The division was quartered in Gral- lego, a small town distant about a league from Frenada. There they found a half-ruined chapel, which, I am sorry to say, they fitted up as a theatre. It is fair to add, however, that the priest offered no objection, and that the people of the town were delighted at the arrangement. The scenes were painted by officers ; dresses and decorations provided ; and twice or thrice a week, " His Majesty's servants " represented to crowded and applauding audiences the pieces most in vogue in that day. It was Lord "VVelliugton's cus- tom to ride over, and be present from time to time at these performances. Nor were balls and other pleasantries want- ing. A few English ladies had followed their husbands into the field, who, with such Spanish or Portuguese belles as could be looked up, supplied partners to the minority. The majority danced^ as a celebrated Presbyterian divine has suggested that all gentlemen should do, with one another. At these entertainments, likewise. Lord Wellington was a frequent guest, and heartily he appeared to enjoy the fun. The great festival of all was, however, one which deserves to be more accurately described. Instructions reached Lord "Wellington early in January, 1813, to invest General Cole with the ensignia of the Bath, and he readily assented, on the suggestion of his younger friends, to make the ceremony as imposing and interesting as possible. The officers of the Liglit Division were called into counsel, and a plan of operations was arranged. It was settled that the investi- ture should take place in Ciudad-Eodrigo, and that the ceremony should be followed by a gi-and dinner and a ball. Now Ciudad-K-odrigo happened to be still in a very dilapi- dated condition. The Hotel de Villc existed, but it was stripped of furniture ; and of the better class of private 1813.] PUBLIC DIXXER AND BALL. 187 houses, all Lad been plundered, and not a few were in ruins. The ingenuity of the managing committee succeeded in overcoming these difficulties. In the palace of San Ilde- fonso, standing not far oif, which had by a sort of miracle escaped the fury of the spoiler, rich damask hangings were found. Some of these were removed to the large room in the Hotel de Yille, and so arranged as to give to that apart- ment the aspect of a brilliantly-appointed tent. Into another room chairs, tables, and couches were conveyed, borrowed, like the curtains, from the palace of San Ildefonso. From Almeida, 25 miles off, glass and crockery were brought up. Lord Wellington lent his plate, as did every one who had a spoon or fork to offer, and the better to provide against accidents, it was arranged that the necessary preparations for the feast should go forward in Lord Wellington's kitchen at Frenada. Interested and amused with the zeal of his young men. Lord Wellington put himself into their hands. His cooks laboured from early dawn, his plate was packed and sent off, and at three o'clock in the afternoon of a clear frosty winter's day, he moiinted his horse, en grand tenue, with all his orders glittering on his breast. He had 17 miles to ride, and accomplished the distance in two hours. At half past five the investiture took place, at six the in- vited guests sat down to dinner, the ball began about nine, and the brilliancy of the scene when Lord Wellington en- tered, struck him with undisguised astonishment. Every person present seemed to be in the highest possible glee. The band of the 52nd discoursed eloquent music. About 40 ladies distributed among 200 gentlemen or more, found their dancing powers taxed severely. The Marquis thre^v himself into the humours of the occasion like a school-boy ; he danced almost every dance, and narrowly escaped a some- what ludicrous catastrophe. The wine both at dinner and supper had circulated freely, and about two in the morning a number of Spanish officers, roused by its effects into enthusiasm, insisted upon carrying Lord Wellington round the room in a chair. He suggested that they should begin with the person of highest rank pre- sent, and named the Prince of Orange. The Prince was 183 CHAIRING MEMBERS. [1813. immediately seized, and General Yandeleur, coming up with a view to remonstrate, was seized in like manner. Each was placed in an arm-chair, and hoisted on the shoulders of four bearers. The inevitable consequences soon followed. The bearers had not taken many steps before they with their burtliens came down, and amid the shouts of laughter that followed. Lord Wellington made his escape. He mounted his horse, and under the light of a full moon, rode back to his quarters at Frenada. It was thus that more than fifty years ago, under the greatest captain whom England has ever produced, Eugli.sh soldiers intermixed gaiety with the work of war, and that Lord AYelliugton himself put his cares aside, in order to promote their amusements, and to take part in them. And indeed, at this stage in the contest, his cares, though ha- rassing enough, Avere become light in comparison with those of the enemy. Joseph, the intrusive King, felt daj' by day that his power was passing from him. Napoleon, while in- vesting him with supreme military command, deprived the boon of half its value by withdrawing corps after corps of Erench troops from the Peninsula. And the directions which he gave for disposing what remained in defensive warfare, proved, when the attempt was made to act upon ttiem, impracticable. The result was a complete reversal of circumstances between the Erench and English commanders. Lord Wellington knew that his hour was come, and made ready to loosen, once and for ever, the grasp Avhich he had so long held upon Portugal. He was at this time at the head of 87,000 effective troops, of whom 40,000 were English, 27,000 Portuguese, and 20,000 Spaniards. These he kept in hand for his grand swoop, and tliey were supported at various points by other armed bodies, which, including the English in Catalonia and the garrisons in Gibraltar and Cadiz, raised the total strength of the . allies to about 200,000 men. The Erench, on the other hand, still showed a muster-roll of 230,000*on paper, but of these, including the reserves at Bayonne, not more than 107,000 were with their colours ; and from week to week, as the pressure in the Xorth became more severe, even that 1813.] JOSEPH BEniXD THE EBRO. 189 Bumber suffered diminution. About 110,000 were in Lord "Wellington's immediate front, scattered loosely between Madrid and Pampeluna ; the rest were either with Marshal Suchet in A'alencia and Catalonia, or so disposed in fortified posts as to keep open the communications with France. They all suffered from what was then a radical defect in the French military system, for they lived from hand to mouth. His knowledge of these facts, and of the scattered order in which the enemy lay, enabled Lord Wellington, before opening the campaign, to harass and distract them by va- rious feints, and to fix their attention on all the lines, ex- cept that which he intended to follow. This done, he waited only till the rains of the early summer ceased, and then, when the rivers were reduced to the lowest level, he bore down upon their communications with France. In all his wars Lord Wellington never performed an ex- ploit more brilliant than this long march from the Agueda to the Ebro. Over and over again the enemy endeavoured to stop him. They showed themselves in force on strong positions which crossed his path. But on each occasion he ap- peared to sweep them aside ; for they never waited to give battle. Once, and only once, near Yalladolid, Joseph seem- ed disposed to try the issues of a conflict. He had 55,000 men in hand, with a niimerous cavalry ; and his information respecting the English represented them as not greatly su- perior to himself. But out-manoeuvred and circumvented, he abandoned that design, and after a little hesitation gave up also the line of the Pesuerga river. He describes him- self in his correspondence as more than half-disposed to retire at this time into !N"avarre. This course might have protracted the struggle, because in Navarre Suchet could have joined him. But the thought of leaving open the great road into France by Bayonne frightened him, and he perse- vered in keeping to the eastern provinces. So likewise the recollection of what Burgos had effected in the last campaign invited him to halt there. But he resisted this temptation also, and causing the citadel to be blown up, went on his way till he had placed the Ebro between him and his pur- suers. 190 OYER THE EBRO. [1813. Lord Wellington had anticipated some resistance at Bur- gos, and came prepared for it ; but an explosion, heard while the heads of his columns were yet a good way off, told its own tale. The place was in ruins. He would have passed it by without a halt, but that the troops had outmarched their supplies, and it was necessary to pause for a day or two, in order that the commissariat mules might overtake them. They came in due time, and then onwards, and still onwards, the tide of war rolled. At last the heads of the columns touched the right bank of the Ebro, where all persons, both in the English and in the French army, anticipated a pause, — but there was no pause. Over the rough channel of that rolling river the pursuers broke, and Joseph, driven like a stag to bay, turned to defend himself. Anticipating no such issue, Joseph, as soon as he gained the farther bank of the Ebro, had scattered his troops wher- ever the means of subsistence appeared to be most abundant. The burst of the English across that barrier took him by surprise ; and his marches to concentrate again were as fatiguing to the men as they proved perplexing to the Grener- als of division. With great difficulty he got into position on the night of the 19th, and stood with the little river Zadora in his front, on a line which measured from La Puebla de Arganzon on the left, to Yittoria and the village of Gamara Major on the right, not less than two leagues and a half. But this was not all. His line ran in a direction parallel with the road through Vittoria to Bayonne. His enormous baggage was all accumulated in Vittoria itself ; and such was the rugged nature of the country round about, that his cavalry, in which the main portion of his strength lay, proved useless to him. All these defects of arrangement became apparent to Lord Wellington in the course of the re- connaissance which he made on the 20th, and with the early dawn of the 21st he came down upon them. Lord Wellington's plan of battle was masterly. He threw the left of his army on the enemy's right, engaging at the same time both the left and the centre, and driving back the division which held Gamara, made himself master of the great road from Vittoria to Bayonne. Now along that 1813.] BATTLE OF VITTORIA. 191 road the whole of Joseph's divisions, if unable to hold their ground, must necessarily march, and they did so march from Puebla downwards, only to encounter obstacles, which proved fatal to an orderly retreat. Vittoria itself, choked up with wagons and baggage-animals, could not be entered. The fugitives made a detour, and endeavoured to go round the town, but there the left of the English army met them, and so in the end they all turned away, rushing pele-mele along the Pampeluna road. It was the most complete rout that had been witnessed since the w^ar began. Nineteen hundred prisoners, 151 pieces of cannon, the military chest, and much of the plunder of Spain, fell into the hands of the victors. Indeed, Joseph himself narrowly escaped capture ; for being pursued by some English Huzzars, he had barely time to get out of his carriage, mount a trooper's horse, and gallop away. The amount of fatigue which Lord Wellington went through during the progress of these operations, only a con- stitution cast, like his, in a mould of iron, could have en- dured. Erom the hour when he crossed the Douro till the battle of Vittoria came to an end, he was in the saddle day by day, from early dawn till dark. His meals he eat by the way-side, as they were brought up to him, and many hours^of each night he spent in writing. He seemed to watch and to direct every movement of every corps in his army. AYhen- ever a height presented itself whence an extensive view might be expected, he made for it, and he was up at the fords of all the rivers often before his men began to try them. It was remarked of him also, that not at any former period had his good humour been more entirely sustained. No mistake escaped him, no blunder passed unreproved ; but reproof itself was administered rather as a duty than to in- dulge temper. Even his treatment of Captain Eamsay, one of the bravest and most efficient artillery officers in the army, though severe, was just. Captain Eamsay had been placed by Lord Wellington himself, during the progress of the bat- tle of Vittoria, in a position from which he was enjoined on no account to remove, except by orders of the Commander- in-Chief. It was a spot, to all appearance, out of the range 192 CAPTAIN RAMSAY. [1813. of the contest, and Ramsay, as brave men under sucli circum- stances are prone to do, chafed over his ouni inaction. By and by things seemed to go hard with a portion of the Eng- lish line, whereupon a general of division rode up to Earn- say and asked in an excited tone, " What he was doing there?" "Nothing," was the reply; "the Marquis placed me here, and here I suppose I must remain." " The Mar- quis could not mean you to remain idle here, when your guns are so much wanted elsewhere ; follow me." Unfortun- ately for himself, Eamsay obeyed. He galloped off, entered into action, and did good service ; but the Prench were not long afterwards turned at Vittoria and fled along the Pam- peluua road. The direction of their retreat was communicated to Lord Wellington, with these words in addition, " and we've nothing up to stop them ! " " Nothing up ! " ex- claimed the Marquis, " what has become of Eamsay and his guns ? I placed him exactly where I knew the enemy would defile, is he not there ? " The whole story was told to the Marquis exactly as it befell, but he refused to be paci- fied. Eamsay was not put in arrest, nor tried by a court- martial ; his j)fist brilliant and useful career averted that calamity ; but the command of the battery was taken from him, and he was sent home. He never got over the blow. Being restored to his command in 1815, he went Avith his guns to Belgium, and fell in the crowning victory at A\^ater- loo. Being on the subject of Lord Wellington's general bear- ing throughout the progress of this campaign, I may as well describe wliat occurred between him and the chief of his medi- cal staff, before the campaign began. On the day before the army broke up, Dr McGregor waited upon the Marquis to explain the arrangements which he had made for the care of the sick and wounded. The Marquis listened attentively, and when the Doctor came to an end, objected to certain details and suggested others. Dr McGregor returned to his quarters, thinking no more about the matter. But that same night, just before retiring to bed, he received a letter in the Marquis's hand-writing, which covered two folio sheets, and stated in full Lord Wellington's reasons for all that he had 1813.] HIS REASONABLENESS. 193 suggested ! And tlaat at a time wlien the mind of the "writer must have been engrossed -n-ith a thousand other subjects, some of them perhaps more important than even this. Such, however, was the Duke. He liked to carry men's judgment with him. He was not content, even when his will was law, to give orders without making clear their reasonableness. And this it was, without doubt, which, added to his promp- titude and decision, won for him the entire confidence of all who served under him. IS 194 CHAPTEE XX. SIEGE OP SAN SEBASTIAN BATTLES OF THE PYRENEES. The battle of Yittoria maj be said to have relieved the north and west of the Spanish Peninsula from the presence of the invader. Clausel, who was moving up the Ebro, heard of the disaster while yet two days' march from Joseph, and retreated into Prance. Poy, who was coming from Prance, halted near Tolosa ; and collecting as many fugitives as he could, endeavoured there to make a stand. But Sir Thomas Grraham with the left column of the allied army fell upon him, and drove him away. There remained now only three garrisons to deal with, that of San Sebastian at the mouth of the Urumea ; that of Pampekma, south-eastward in a gorge of the mountains ; and that of Santona, midway between Pas- sages and the Bidassoa. The reduction of San Sebastian aa speedily as possible was felt to be expedient ; because Lord Wellington had already established his communications with England, through Santander, Passages, and other harbours on the west coast ; and to leave the enemy in possession of a stronghold whence these harbours could be even partially commanded would have been unwise. About Pampeluna and Santona he Avas less anxious. He contented himself, there- fore, with putting both in a state of bloclcade ; while he directed Sir Thomas Graham with one English division, and some corps of Portuguese and Spanish troo2)s, to press the siege of San Sebastian. In order to protect these operations it was necessary to observe the enemy, who, recently placed under the command 1813.] AMONG THE PYRENEES. 195 of Marshal Soult, were in position on the Freucli side of the Bidassoa. Now the distance between San Sebastian and Pampeluna cannot be less than 60 English miles. The two places are separated from each other by the Pyrenees, almost all the great valleys of which rnn north and south, with steep and often impassable ridges intervening, and very few lateral glens coming in from east to west. It was a country difficult to guard, and Lord "Wellington did his best with it. He spread his troops by divisions, and here and there by brigades, among the heads of the great valleys, and trusted to the vigilance of his officers and the bravery of his men to do the rest. Neither failed in the hour of need ; yet the season of watchfulness was to him one of great anxiety, because the separate divisions and brigades could come to the support of one another only by routes circuit- ous and beset with danger. He had however no alterna- tive. He did not consider it prudent to leave two strong fortresses in his rear, and was, moreover, far from desirous of precipitating an invasion of France. His correspondence with the English Government on that subject is indeed very interesting. It shows that this master of the art of war was still the advocate of peace ; and that the pressure ap- plied to force him into a rash enterprise was resisted till the course of events justified its wisdom. And then he yielded. Sir Thomas Graham pushed on the siege of San Sebastian with all the means at his disposal. The outworks were carried, the main wall breached, and at midnight on the 25th of July the assault was delivered. It failed, and most of the ammu- nition being expended, as well as a good many guns and mor- tars disabled, a pause became necessary. Meanwhile Marshal Soult had not been idle, and on the same day which wit- nessed the repulse of the English stormers at San Sebastian, he began a series of daring movements with a view to relieve both that place and Pampeluna. After skilfully threatening the English left, he drew off" towards their right, and fell upon it with great fury. Lord "Wellington had established his head-quarters in Lazaca, where he was within reach of San Sebastian, yet at a point from which he could hold the 196 THE ENGLISH ATTACKED. [1813. varioiis portions of the covering army well in hand. He received intelligence of Soult's advance about one in the morning, sprang out of bed, and ordered his horse. Whilst the groom was bringing it round he "wrote an order for the centre of the army to move towards the right, and the left to follow the centre ; and the better to guard against the risk of mishaps, he specified the valley of Lanz as the route which the troops were to follow. This done, he mount- ed, and set-oiF about two o'clock in the direction of Bis- caret and Olaque, where the threatened divisions were quar- tered. The way Avas rough, and the ride fatiguing ; and the divi- sions (the 3rd and 4th), attacked by superior numbers, had begun ere he reached them to give ground. He became in consequence anxious about the safety of other corps ; and on the 27th rode forward as far as Saxiroren to reconnoitre. As soon as he entered the village, he saw Clausel's division in full march along the brow of the hill from Zabaldica. It became manifest to him at the same instant, that the valley of Lanz was no longer a safe line of communication for his own troops ; and equally so, that unless stopped in time, they would find themselves cut in half by the advancing column. He was quite alone, except that Lord Fitzroy Somerset rode with him. They had neither orderlies nor servants in attendance ; so throwing his bridle to Lord Fitzroy, Lord Wellington leaped from his horse, and on the parapet of the bridge -wrote with a pencil the necessary orders. With this scrap of paper Lord Fitzroy galloped to the rear ; while Lord Wellington, waiting till the enemy's advance had well nigh reached the further end of the bridge, sprang into the saddle and rode away. He had a range of steep heights before him, which he crossed ; over the valley at the further side uprose another ridge, which he ascended, and being re- cognized as he approached the summit by a Portuguese bat- talion, the men raised a cry of satisfaction. It was at once caught up by the 8rd and 4th divisions, which stood under arms not far off, and they, delighted, as in moments of dan- ger the troops always were, to find their commander near them, rent the air with their shouts. Soult heard the 1813.] BATTLE. 197 tumult, and perfectly imderstood what it meant. Almost involuntarily he stopped the march of his troops ; and as- cending a hill opposite to that on which Lord Wellington stood, the two Generals gazed at one another. The delay of an hour or two was all that Lord "Welling- ton desired. His orders despatched by Lord Pitzroy Somer- set had changed the line of march for the 6th division, which, instead of pushing through the Lanz valley, turned aside, and came in, by a wide detour, on the interval which separ- ated Hill from the right of the army. Had Soult attacked on the 27th he would have had only two divisions with Mo- rillo's Spaniards to deal with. On the 28th three divisions were in line. The reason which he himself assigns for the delay is, that he expected every moment to be joined by D'Erlon. But D'Erlon was still absent on the 28th, when he did strike the blow. The French, superior in numbers, behaved with the utmost gallantry ; the Allies, admirably posted, met and repelled every attack. Lines and columns were continually intermixed ; indeed. Lord "Wellington de- scribes the encounter as " bludgeon work." At last the struggle ended, leaving each party in possession, pretty nearly, of the ground which it occupied ere the battle began. And both armies slept beside their dead. The dawn of the 29th found the hostile lines under arms, but no fighting took place. It was not Lord Wellington's policy to provoke a battle, and Soult held back from forcing it on. They were equally looking for reinforcements. Those for Lord Wellington ari'ived first, and in greater com- parative strength. He had 30,000 Anglo-Portuguese in hand before the sun Avent down ; whereas, on the pre- vious day, he had carried less than 16,000 into action. An hour or two later, D'Erlon arrived with 18,000 for Soult. These, added to 18,000 — the remains of the 20,000 who had fought on the previous day — still left him numerically superior to his opponent. But the French were by this time a good deal demoralized by constant reverses, and their leader began to be in fear that provisions would fail him. He determined, therefore, to extricate himself from the dif- fiu-ulties of his situation, while at the same time he should 198 FRENCH RETREAT, [If 13. make an effort to raise the siege of San Sebastian. "With this view he left a division to screen the movement, and turned with the rest upon Hill. It was a bold but danger- ous stroke. It presented the flank of the French army on its march to Lord AVellington, who was neither slow to di- vine the cause of the proceeding nor backward in taking advantage of it. All the divisions were put in motion, and through every valley which bore upon the route of the French columns, fierce attacks were made. There was hard fighting, which went entirely against the French. Foy, with 8000 men, was separated from the main body. Reille and Clausel, very roughly handled, gave way ; while Soult himself, driven out of Sauroren, retreated upon San Esteban by the gorge of Donna Maria. But even this expedieut had been surmised, and Hill, uniting to himself Morillo's Spaniards, pushed through gorges and defiles, and headed the column. And now occurred one of those accidents which lead so often in war to great failures as well as to great successes. Lord Wellington had so timed the move- ments of his corps, that he was on the point of surrounding Soult with the mass of his army, when three wretched stragglers, looking for plunder in the glen into which the enemy had been crowded, fell into the hands of a patrol. They were carried before Soult, told him whence they came, and made him for the first time aware that the English were all round him, except on one narrow opening ; and that even this would in the course of a few hours be stopped. He lost no time in breaking through. In liaste, and some confu- sion, his troops threaded the interval, leaving all their bag- gage behind. The guns he had previously sent away by Eoncesvalles and St Jean Pied-de-Port. From that date up to the 2nd of August, all the defiles of the Pyrenees rang with a continual fire of musketry. The French in full retreat, the English in hot pursuit, scaled ci'ags, plunged down ravines, and passed torrents. The loss to the fugitives was enormous. It amounted, throughout tlie operations, to 15,000 men ; while on the side of the Allies, 7300 were returned as killed, wounded, and missinnf. IS13.J SAN SEBASTIAN TAKEN. 199 Having thus crippled Soult, Lord "Wellington resumed the siege of San Sebastian, the details of which he committed, as before, to Sir Thomas Graham. The arrival from England of a fresh battering-train and a large supply of ammunition greatly facilitated this operation. The trenches had not been filled in, and the batteries were soon re-armed, so that on the 26th of August a heavy fire was once more opened iipon the place. Before it old walls and recently constructed defences came down, and on the 31st the assault was de- livered. A terrible combat ensued in the breaches, over the parapets, through the streets of the town, amid blazing houses and under the tumult of a thunder-storm. But this time the assailants prevailed, and the Governor, retreating to the castle which overhangs the city, held out there for a few days longer, and then surrendered. While the assault was going on, a column of French troops, having passed the Bidassoa near Iruu, and by fords higher up the stream, endeavoured to force their way through the allied lines. Their main attack was directed against some Spanish troops which occupied the heights of San Martial ; but the advantages of position were so entirely with the Spaniards, that after some hours spent in the hope- less endeavour to clamber up precipices and pass througli thick woods, the French abandoned the enterprise, and with- drew again across the Bidassoa. There occurred however dur- ing the combat aji incident which deserves notice, because of the light which it throws upon the Duke's healthy principle of action. He had always spoken in his public despatches more favourably of the Spanish troops than they deserved, and he did so for two reasons. First, he considered himself bound to spare as much as possible the pride which enters so largely into the national character of the Spaniard, and next he believed, that to raise men generally in the scale of moral worth, judicious encouragement goes further than indiscriminate censure. On the present occasion the features of the country which the Spaniards had been appointed to hold were familiar to him. He knew that it was next to impossible for the enemy to dislodge them by fair fighting ; yet scarcely was the battle begun when the Spanish Generals 200 HEIGHTS OF SAX MARTIAL. [1813. sent, as usual, to entreat tliat English troops would come to their support. The Duke took the bearers of this message apart, reasoned with them, and pointed out that if he were to act on this suggestion, an opportunity would be lost to their countrymen of acquiring a good name, such as might never occur again. " I can easily send you English troops ; and if I see that you are hard pressed, they shall be forthcoming. But you hold ground which women might keep against giants. Go back, and tell General Freyre that I won't do him the injustice to prevent his coming out of the affair of this day as a conqueror." The Spanish officers rode back to the heights. The first English division stood to its arms in the valley below, and by and by the 85th regiment coming up from San Sebastian took ground also in support. But not one Eng- lish soldier fired a musket that day. The Spaniards had all the fighting to themselves, and the 31st of August became in consequence to them one of the most glorious days in their military history. 201 CHAPTEE XXI. INVASION OP FRANCE BATTLE OP THE NIVELLE. There occurred, during an interval in these marches and battles, a little incident, whicli was a good deal spoken about at the time, and seems therefore to demand notice here. Lord Wellington, after directing a Spanish column to move \ip a glen towards a specific point, looked at his watch, and observed to those about him that it would take the men so much time to perform the journey. He added that he was tired, and dismounting from his horse, wrapped himself in his cloak, and went to sleep. A crowd of officers stood round him, and among others some Spanish Generals, whose astonishment at the coolness of their chief was expressed in audible whispers. Tor the very crisis of the struggle was impending, and the French being in greater strength upon the spot, seemed to have the ball at their foot. Now, among the ofiicers of the head-quarters' stafi", there were several who had never approved the passage of the Ebro. These began to speak their minds freely, and one, the bravest of the brave, the gallant Colonel Gordon, exclaimed, " I always thought it would come to this. I was sure we should make a mess of it, if we got entangled among the Pyrenees, and now see if my words don't come true." Lord AV^elliugton happened to awake just as Gordon thus unburdened his conscience. He sat up, and without addressing himself to any one in particular, extended his right hand open, and said, as he closed it, " I have them all in my hand, just like that." Not another word was spoken. The Spaniards had 202 morosALS FEo:\r the xorth. [isis. reached the top of the glen ; Lord "Wellington and his attend- ants remounted their horses, and the battle was renewed. And now honours began to shower upon him afresh, and so did sources of anxiety. The Prince Kegent sent him a Field-Marshal's baton, in exchange, as he stated in an auto- graph letter, for that of Marshal Jourdan. But the same post which brought this communication brought likewise a proposal from the so^'ereigns of Eussia, Austria, and Prussia, that Lord AVellington should hand over his Peninsular army to somebody else, and come and put himself at the head of their troops. His answer was in keeping with his charac- ter for simplicity and truth. If the Prince Regent gave the order, he should obey. But he would never willingly withdraw from a scene where everybody trusted him, and place himself in a situation in which it was more than pro- bable that others could do as well as he. In the same wise spirit he put aside the request of these sovereigns, backed as it was by the entreaties of his own Grovernment, to precipitate an invasion of Prance. " My future oper- ations," he wrote in reply, " will depend a good deal upon what passes in the North of Europe ; and if operations should recommence there, upon the strength and nature of the reinforcements which the enemy shall get in our front." For at the very time when he was urged to go forward, the northern powers had agreed to an armistice, and were carry- ing on negotiations with Napoleon. " Consider," he says in a private letter to Lord William Bentinck, " what they want me to do. To invade Prance where everybody is a soldier, where the whole population is armed and organized under persons not, as in other countries, inexperienced in arms, but men who in the coiirse of the last 25 years, in which Prance has been engaged with all Europe, must, the majority of them at least, have served somewhere." But this was not all. The army of which he was at the head, though superior to what it had been a year or two pre- viously, was still unfit in all its parts to be depended upon. By judiciously intermixing inferior with superior troops he rendered the whole pliable. But this was not done, except at the cost of inconveniences which would be aggravated a 1813.] SOURCES OF ANXIETY. 203 thousand-fold the moment he passed the frontier. For then the Spaniards, whom their own Grovernment habitually neg- lected while at home, would be left to starve, or thrown on the British commissariat. He well describes this state of things in a letter to Lord William Bentinck, dated from Lazaca on the 9th of August : " The system," he says, " is not perfect ; but what is perfect with such instruments and such defective means ? It would be much more easy and convenient for me, and for the British army, to join all the Spaniards into one corps, all the British into another, and all the Portuguese into a third. That would be the most simple arrangement ; but one fine moi'ning I should find both Spaniards and Portuguese surprised and defeated, and the British would cut but a poor figure alone." One more source of anxiety presented itself at this time, which deserves, at least, passing notice. Napoleon, it was rumoured, had opened a negotiation for a separate peace with Spain, and undertook to restore Ferdinand, on condi- tion that all the country between the Pyrenees and the Ebro should be annexed to Prance. There was reason to believe that Ferdinand, in his abject anxiety to reign, was willing to accede to these terms ; and a party in the Cortes seemed not to be averse to them. Lord Wellington wrote strongly against the arrangement, both to his brother at Cadiz, and to the Grovernment at home. But the project seemed to have been, at least, premature. The time was not yet come for Napoleon to concede even so much, for the sake of peace ; though a constant whisper of treason, falling in with so many overt acts of ill-will, could not but occasion anxiety at head-quarters. All these doubts, and many more which I need not stop to particularize, weighed upon the mind of the English G-eneral, and rendered him less anxious than he might have otherwise been to push the war for the present beyond the Spanish border. But the tide had set in strong against the recent masters of tlie Continent, and Lord Wellington acknoAvledged its influence. War was renewed in the North of Europe, and in the South the English, after fortifying the mouths of the passes which they were about to leave behind, crossed the Bidassoa. 204 EATTLE OF THE NIYELLE. [ISIS. Meanwhile Soult's position on the further bank of that stream "was strong, but like all positions in mountain-coun- tries, it had its weak points. He regarded it, therefore, as a mere line of resistance, and carefully fortified two other lines, one in front of the Nivelle, the other along the A dour and about Bayonne. On the 7th of October he was attacked and driven back upon his second line. Pampeluna, however, still held out, and the news from Dresden proved unsatis- factory ; two circumstances which operated in restraining Lord Wellington from going forward. He halted, there- fore, on the ground which he had won, and for well-nigh a month the war languished. By and by, however, came tidings of the battle of Leipsic, and of the retreat of Napo- leon across the Khine. The surrender of Pampeluna fol- lowed soon afterwards, and early in November preparations were made for trying once more the fortune of battle. The weather had been wet and blustering duriiag the latter days of October and the beginning of November. All the lanes and by-paths in the department of the Lower Pyrenees were rendered thereby impassable, so that some portion at least of the delay, which thoughtless men won- dered at. was owing to the impossibility of moving guns and even men through a sea of mud. At last the storm ceased, and an hour before dawn on the 10th the troops stood to their arms. The position which Lord "Wellington was about to attack resembled in some of its features his own famous lines of Torres Vedras. It consisted of a series of redoubts and open works extending from the sea on one flank, well-nigh to the river Nive on the other. The ground thus protected being on the left undulating rather than hilly, rose towards the right into lofty eminences, each of which commanded the valleys on either side, and was strongly fortified. The weakest point of all was in the centre, where the village of Sarre protruded beyond the proper line, standing however so awkwardly towards the adjacent hills that it could not be left unguarded. Lord AV^elliugton saw where the chink in his adversary's armour lay, and thrust at it. His plan of operations was this. He aimed at breaking through the 1813.] UROGXE CAREIED. 2Co Prencla centre, iu which if he could succeed, he shoukl be able to march upon Bayonne and interpose himself between that city and one if not both of the separated portions of the beaten army. But in order to accomplish this, it was necessary to engage the enemy's attention at all points along tlieir line. He attacked, therefore, in four separate columns. Hill on the extreme right, with the 2nd and 6th divisions, Hamilton's Portuguese brigade, Murillo's Span- iards, and a due proportion of artillery, was directed to move against Clausel's position in rear of Ainhoe. Beres- ford, with the 3rd, 4th, and 7th divisions, fell upon the re- doubts in front of Sarre, and upon Sarre itself; while Alten, with the light division, and Longa's Spaniards, attacked the little Rhune, and co-operated with Griron in assaulting the heights behind Sarre. These several movements were supported by a body of cavalry, under Sir Stapleton Cotton, and by four batteries of cannon, as well as by Freyre's Span- iards, who, advancing from Mandale towards Ascain, would be able to hold in check any reinforcements which might endeavour to make their way from the right to the centre. Finally, Sir John Hope, who had succeeded Sir Thomas Graham in command of the left column, was to drive in the posts in front of the Lower Nivelle, to carry the redoubts above Urogne, to establish himself on the heights facing Siboure, and to act from thence as circumstances might di- rect. His force consisted of the 1st and 5th divisions, of the brigades of Wilson, Bradford, and Aylmer, of Vande- leur's light dragoons, the 12th and 16th, and of the heavy Grerman cavalry. In spite of narrow defiles and broken roads, the attacks thus skilfully arranged, succeeded in every quarter. On the right, and in the centre, redoubts and entrenchments were carried with little comparative loss. On the left, Urogne being entered at the double, a continued skirmish was kept up throughout the day, in the meadows beyond, and along the base of the hills which look down upon them. Tet so much more serious than had been anticipated were the ob- stacles presented by the face of the country, that daylight failed before full advantao:e coidd be taken of the successes 206 SOULT EETREATS. [1813 thus achieved. Soult, on the other hand, was not slow in perceiving that liis lines had ceased to be tenable. He withdrew from such of the works as he still held when darkness set in, and before day-break on the 11th, was across the Nivelle, with his right on the sea at Bidard, and his left at St Barbe. The battle of the Nivelle cost the Allies, in killed, wounded, and missing, 2091; officers and men. The loss to the French was much more severe ; it amounted to 42G5, in- cluding 1400 prisoners. They left, besides, in the hands of the victors, fifty-one pieces of cannon, six ammunition wag- gons, and all their magazines at St Jean de Luz and Espalette. Yet their retreat was conducted in excellent order. They broke down the bridges on the Nivelle, and their rear made a show of receiving a second action at Bi- dard. But the advance of the Allies was too formidable for them. As soon as light came in, Hope moved from Urogne, and passed the Nivelle by a ford, above the broken bridge at St Jean de Luz. Beresford and Hill threatened the enemy simultaneously in the centre and on the right. Soult again shifted his ground. He fell back towards Bayonne, in the entrenched camp before which he established himself, having one post at Anglette, on the great Madrid road, and others to the right and left of it, from the Adour to the Nive. Before he crossed the Bidassoa, Lord "Wellington had, in general orders, cautioned his troops against offering violence to the persons and property of the French people. It was the only answer which he condescended to make to a shower of proclamations, which, coming from the other side, threatened the Allies with war to the knife in the event of their polluting the soil of France with their presence. Lord Wellington's announcement, unlike that of Marshal Soult, was something more than a mere bit of gasconnade. He meant what he said ; and during the progress of the battle of the Nivelle itself, found an opportunity of show- ing how entirely he was in earnest. It happened that in riding from one rising ground to another, he encountered in a valley a French peasant, whom, with a flock of twenty or 1813.] THE FEEXCH SHEPHERD. 207 thirty sheep, a troop of English cavalry had arrested. " What are you doing with that man ? " he demanded of the officer commanding the troop. " I have stopped him from driving his sheep into Bayonne, my Lord." " And who told you to do so ?" Then turning to the peasant, he said in French, " You want to drive your sheep to Bayonne. I can't at present give you an escort up to the gates, but I can send you as far as your own people." " Tou will be good enough, sir," he continued, addressing himself to the officer, " to see this man and his sheep safe through our lines, and take care that no harm befalls him." The peasant was therefore conducted to the utmost verge of the English line of skirmishers, and there set adi'ift. Whether he fared as well among the French soldiers, I never heard ; but it is pleasant to be able to record half a century after the event that not even the excitement of a battle in its progress caused the English Greneral or his troops to forget what was due to the claims of humanity. The weather, which had continued fine throughout the 10th, broke again on the 11th, and for several days the rain fell in torrents. Lord Wellington found himself constrained in consequence to halt, and by and by, as the only chance of preserving the health of his troops, to distribute them among the towns and villages near. His anxiety under these eii'- cumstances to save the people of the country from outrage, and to induce them to live in their own houses with the men whom he quartered upon them, was extreme. He in- vited aU local magistrates to come to him, and assured them of protection. He caused hand-bills to be printed, and posted in the streets and against cottage walls, charging the inhabitants to arrest and bring before the nearest general officer any persons from whom they might suifer wrong ; and he hanged upon the spot several soldiers, both English and Portuguese, who were taken in the act of ma- rauding. With English and Portuguese this wise severity produced the desired effect. They understood the motives of their chief, and submitted to a discipline which was as politic as it was merciful. Not so the Spaniards. They asserted their right to do in Prance what Prench armies 208 THE FREXCn PEOPLE PROTECTED. [1813. had done in Spain ; and their Generals had the folly to re- monstrate against the measures taken to restrain them. " I did not come into France," wrote Lord "Wellington to General Fi'eyre, " to plunder. I have not been the means of killing and Avounding thousands of officers and soldiers in order that the survivors should pillage the French. On the contrary, it is my duty, and the duty of us all, to prevent pillage, particularly if we wish that oixr armies should sub- sist upon the resources of the country." Lord AVellington's expostulations failing to have any effect upon the Spanish officers, he at once dispensed with their services. The whole Spanish army, amounting to 20,000 men at least, was sent back across the Bidassoa. It was a strong measure, but he had well weighed the consequences before adopting it. " I must tell your Lordship," he wrote to Lord Bathurst on the 21st of November, " that our suc- cess and everything depends upon our moderation and jus- tice, and upon the good conduct and discipline of our troops. Hitherto these have behaved well, and there appears a new spirit among the officers, which I hope will continue, to keep the troops in order. But I despair of the Spaniards. They are in so miserable a state that it is really hardly fair to expect that they will refrain from plundering a beautiful country into which they enter as conquerors, particularly adverting to the miseries which their own country has suf- fered from the invaders. I cannot, therefore, venture to bring them back into France unless I can feed and pay them. If I could but bring forward 20,000 good Spaniards paid and fed, I should have Bayonne. If I could bring forward 40,000, I don't know where I should stop. Now I have both the 20,000 and the 40,000 at my command upon this frontier, but I cannot venture to bring forward any for want of means of paying and supplying them." This was the last of his proceedings in 1813, for a time. The bad weather continued intermittingly. A temporary halt Avas converted into an enduring pause ; and the troops, conceiving that they had entered into winter quartei's, began to make themselves at home. 209 CHAPTER XXII. BATTLE OP THE NIVE WINTER QUARTERS. Before I endeavour to give some account of life as it went ou in winter quarters fifty years ago, it may not be amiss if, in as few words as possible, I tell the story liere of tbe military operations which broke in upon the repose of the troops a month subsequently to the battle of Nivelle. Constrained, as I have just shown, by a continuance of bad weather, Lord Wellington had quartered his people over a long line of country, measuring perhaps nine or ten miles from left to right, almost on the spots where each corps and division had halted. Head-quarters with the Guards were Avell disposed of in St Jean de Luz. The 5th division, with Lord Aylmer's brigade, filled all the hamlets and villages between that town and Bidard. The light division lay to the right of these in Arcanguez ; and others succeeded, wending further and further to the right till they touched the river Nive. Thus all the country south as well as north of the Adour, which was remarkably fertile and rich in corn and cattle, remained, as far as the right bank of the Nive, in the hands of the enemy ; who were able, likewise, to communicate through that district with certain posts which they still held in rear of the English right among the Lower Pyrenees. Now such a state of things was not agreeable to Lord Wellington, and on the 9th of December he moved out to put an end to it. While his right crossed the Nive, and closed upon the entrenched camp and the Adour, his centre and left made demonstrations, of which U 210 BATTLE. [1813. the sole object was to distract the enemy's attention, and to hinder them from falling on Hill with overwhelming num- bers while cumbered with the passage of the Nive. The afiair of the 9th of December was nowhere serious. The enemy fell back, skirmishing, as the English advanced, and long before dark all was accomplished which Lord AVellington had in view. Hill, with the right column, 16,000 strong, commanded the rich country between the Adour and the Nive, and the other columns returned to sleep in their old quarters. But Soult was far from being satisfied with what had occurred, and finding his opponent astride of a deep river, he endeavoured to strike him in de- tail. With this view he carried the great bulk of his peo- ple in the night of the 9th from that portion of the en- trenched camp which faced Hill, and early in the morning of the 10th fell with extreme violence upon the left of the English army. The whole of that day, throughout the 11th, and again on the 12th, the battle raged. It was fought partly upon a plateau which intervenes between the sea and Arcanguez, partly along the ridges and slopes in which that plateau ends, and partly in and about the village of Arcan- guez. The troops on both sides slept night after niglit upon their arms, so near the one line to the other, that the voices of men conversing round a Ereuch camp fii'e, and sometimes their words, could be overheard and understood by men sitting round their camp fire in the English lines. The Erench fought well, but they made no progress. The ground which they gained on the morning of the 10th was wrested from them in the afternoon of the same day ; and they never again recovered it. The English did not advance beyond their own plateau, because their battle was entirely a defensive one ; and so, when the enemy, finding themselves foiled in their design, withdrew after dark on the 12th, and hurried off to attack Sir liowland Hill, no attempt was made to push forward and surprise that portion of the entrenched camp which lay near Anglette. The attack upon Sir Rowland Hill failed as signally as the attack upon Sir John Hope, and a loss to the assailants of 10,000 men, in 1813.] LORD WELLINGTON AND SOULT. 211 killed and •wounded and prisoners, was all tliat Sonlt took by his motion. It was during the progress of this action that there occurred that meeting, so to speak, between Lord "Welling- ton and Marshal Soult, of which in another work I have made mention. There lay to the English right of a wood which screened the plateau of Biaritz, a narrow valley, with steep but low hills on either side. One of these ridges was held by French troops, while along the summit of the other, but thrown back so as to leave room for the enemy, should they take courage to ascend, stood the 85th regiment in line. The skirmishers on both sides were engaged in the narrow glen between ; and the main bodies rested on their arms. About noon, or a little later, a group of horsemen suddenly arrived on the French ridge. There could be no doubt as to their quality. It was a general officer of high rank, with a numerous staff, who halted opposite to the 85th, well-nigh within long musket range, and immediately dismounted. He was a large man, and lame ; and he leaned his telescope on the saddle, and closely examined the English position. While the attention of the officers of the 85th was turned towards the group, a clatter of horses' hoofs arose behind them ; and Lord "Wellington, also numerously attended, rode up. His glass was instantly pointed towards the opposite group, and he exclaimed aloud, " That's Soult, I recollect him perfectly. I saw him before at Sauroren." For three minutes, more or less, the two chiefs seemed to watch one another ; then first one and then another French oiHcer, and finally the whole caval- cade, put their horses in motion, and went away at a sharp pace in the direction of the English right. " That's it, is it ? " cried Lord "Wellington ; and then addressing himself to the 85th, he said, " Now, lads, you must keep your ground ; there's nothing behind you ; " after which he faced about, and set off at a gallop, in the same direction which the French officers had taken. Nor were the results of these reconnais- sances slow to appear. A furious fire of musketry and cannon told that Arcanguez was assailed. A wild hurrah, from the op- posite ridge, served as a prelude to a rush, and in ten minutes 212 HIS CHEERFUL GREETING. [1813. the battle raged again witli extreme violence. But no great while elapsed ere the woods in rear of both English posts were seen to glitter with the flash of a winter's sun on the bayonets of troops arriving. Soult's object was defeated, and the dead and wounded marked where they lay the route by which his troops had come on, and had again retreated. I saw Lord AVellington again on the morning of the 13th, after the French finally withdrew from the combat. He was riding leisurely, from the right to the left of his o^vn line, and stopped for a moment to converse with Colonel Thornton as he passed. All crowded round to listen, and as he was in excellent spirits, he greeted everybody very courteously. " They got an awful licking," were his words ; " I don't think I ever saw so many dead crowded into such a narrow space. Hdl must have disposed of 5000 of them, at the least." And then he rode away. For two or three days longer, in order, no doubt, to make all secure, the troops remained in line of battle. They then broke up, and filed ofi", division by division, brigade by bri- gade, and regiment by regiment, to such cantonments as had been prepared for them. The outposts were taken by bat- talions in succession, one of each brigade relieving the other at intervals of three days. These, except the pickets, slept under canvas three nights, and on the morning of the 4th day made over the tents and their responsibility to their success- ors. It is not, however, of them nor of the adventures which befeU them that I need speak. My business lies rather with what went on in the rear of the outposts, where Lord Wel- lington and the head-quarters of the army had established themselves. St Jean de Liiz is, or rather was half a century ago, a town of perhaps 10,000 or 12,000 inliabitants ; with its Mairie, its Hotel de Ville, its churches, its theatre, its square, or place d'armes, and its streets, some more, some less imposing, ac- cording to the style of the houses which lined it. The river Nivelle runs through the town, ending in a harbour and a quay, and is spanned by a bridge, which the French in their retreat had broken down, but which the English engineers speedily repaired. Almost all the inhabitants fled 1813.] LOED WELLINGTON'S STAFF. 213 when the English first entered ; but the fame of Lord "Wel- lington's justice soon got abroad, and long before the 9th of December, not a few, including the Mayor and municipality, had returned. Nothing could be more satisfactory than the terms on which those functionaries and the people in general lived with the invaders. Not only was no violence offered to them, but the Mayor was a frequent guest at Lord "Wel- lington's table ; and the civil government of the town was carried on in his name, and according to the laws which he was accustomed to administer. Three English Generals, besides Lord Wellington, occu- pied houses in St Jean de Luz. Sir John Hope, command- ing the left column, who had been severely wounded in the battle of the Nive, was one of those, and the G-enerals commanding the 1st and 5th divisions were the other two. All dispensed their hospitalities freely ; but the Marquis's parties were, as may be supposed, the most sought after. In the first place, he kept by far the best table. It had not been always so ; indeed, during the earlier campaigns, the Duke seemed to be indifierent to this matter, almost to a fault ; but latterly he took a different view of things. Not fewer than three cooks attended him ; one a Frenchman, one an Englishman, one a Spaniard ; and among them they certainly contrived to turn out dinners of which no connois- seur need have been ashamed. In the next place, his staff", whatever their merits as soldiers might have been, consisted of gentlemen, who lived with one another on the most af- fectionate terms, and were well-bred and kind to all who approached them. They had many school-boy tricks ; among others, that of giving nick-names, at which nobody took offence. " Where is Slender Billy ? " said Lord Eitzroy Somerset one day, looking round the table, and apparently missing somebody. " Here I am, Eitzroy," replied the Prince of Orange, "what do you want?" And so it was with Lord March, so with Lord Eitzroy, so with the Duke himself, though in this last instance it must be confessed the soubriquet was never applied, except in the absence of the object of it. Yet even when the Duke was present, these young men seldom scrupled to say and do whatever occurred 214 HIS PARTIES. [1813. to them : unless indeed a point of duty were concerned, and then he tolerated nothing out of the straight line of obedi- ence. No doubt, conversation at the table of the Commander of the forces laboured, like conversation at the table of the Sovereign, under some restraints. All vrho sat there, that is to say, ordinary guests, waited till the cue was given, and were then content for the most part to follow, not to origin- ate, discussion. Lord "Wellington himself, on the contrary, seemed to give free utterance to whatever thought happened to pass through his mind. Whether home politics, or the affairs of Europe, or the state and prospects of his own army took his attention, out came his opinions with as much freedom as if he were discussing a stage-play or events in history. " We were often amazed to hear you speak so freely, espe- cially when the Mayor of Biaritz, or that other mysterious person, happened to be of the party." " Oh, you took them for spies, I siippose, and thought that I ought to be very guarded before them. But why should I ? It was a matter of indifference to me what they saw or heard. I got a good deal of information out of them which was useful to me. I didn't care what information they car- ried back to Soult, because I knew it would be of no use to him." " Tou think, then, that they were double spies ? " " I am not quite prepared to say that of the Biaritz man, but about the other I never entertained a doubt. I knew that he was in Soult's pay as well as in mine. But I took care to let him know that I had it always in my power to test the intelligence which he brought me ; and he soon ceased to bring any that was not true. The fact is, that spies abound in every camp. I was aware of many in mine, but as to hanging them, that never entered into my head. If I could not manage at all times to render their tittle- tattle worthless to the enemy, I should have been unfit to command an army." I have spoken of Lord Wellington's hunting days. His dress, when he took the field, was that of the Salisbury Hunt, viz., a sky-blue coat, black cap, and buckskin breeches. 1813.] ST JEAN DE LUZ. 215 On ordinary occasions he wore a common blue frock, and from four to six in the afternoon might be seen so arrayed, and with a round hat on his head, taking his exer- cise on what was the mall, or fashionable promenade, the quay. For thither, as regularly as men now ride or drive or walk of an afternoon in Hyde Park, Generals, staff- officers, and officers of regiments — with as many ladies, English and Prench and Spanish, as the town contained, would repair ; to inhale the sea-breezes when the weather was fine, and to greet one another as they passed and re-passed in groups. Nor was the quay without points of interest independ- ently of that which it derived from the uses to which it was now turned. Day by day vessels came in laden with arti- cles of luxury, such as tea, sugar, wine, and hams from Eng- land, as well as with barley and hay for the horses, and, when the need was great, with clothing for the men. As these arrived, sometimes singly, sometimes in little squadrons, they were guided to their berths by pilots, till in the end the little harbour became completely crammed ; and room for fresh arrivals could be made only by sending to sea, at short notice, all which had discharged their cargoes. The people of the place used to speak in admiration of this enormous increase to their commerce. While their own countrymen occupied the town, not a mast, except that of a chasse-maree, or coasting schooner, ever entered the port. Now it was crowded. But if they gained in this respect, they suffered undeniable loss in another. Their streets, which used to swarm with gay uniforms, now echoed to the tramp of long strings of mules, laden with stores, and driven by Spanish muleteers, not always very scrupulous in treat- ing foot-passengers with decency ; or else droves of bullocks, going on to slaughter, thronged them ; or carts, or waggons, or guns, splashed through them. As to the shops, compara- tively few were re-opened ; and of these not one presented at the windows specimens of articles which might tempt to acts of plunder. The truth is that the French tradespeople, unlike the French peasants, never could bring themselves to trust, absolutely, to the honour of the invaders. As many 216 THE MAYOR'S BALL. [1813 as returned to their homes, were bound to feel secure, so far as their persons were concerned ; but they did not care to open a traffic, except in liquors and other articles such as soldiers were likely to purchase and consume on the spot. Lord Wellington was anxious to conciliate the people by contributing to their amusements as well as by protecting their persons. With this view he caused the bands of regi- ments within reach, to play from time to time in the Champs de Mars, and he encouraged his young men to get up balls. There was considerable difficulty at first in ac- complishing the latter object. On consulting with the Mayor it was found that very few ladies, and not many respectable shopkeepers' daughters, could be produced, and of English ladies only six were forthcoming. Now it would not do for the Commander of the forces to throw open his own salons, and the result to be a failure. The Mayor, therefore, undertook to play the part of host, and a dollar a-piece was charged as the price of admission, for gentlemen only. I cannot say that the success was great. About 30 elderly, and half as many young French ladies, made their appearance, each escorted by her maid, who carried a lantern before her ; and our six fair country-women chimed in, though not very cordially. Of gentlemen, all arrayed in brilliant uniforms, not fewer than 200 were present ; and among the rest the Marquis himself. The music was good, and the dancing indifferent. Only one out of the six Euglishwomeu would or could waltz, and cotillions and country-dances flagged for lack of partners. One French beau volunteered a hornpipe, through which he got wdth great dexterity. Of the English beaux, the great bulk stood apart or drank freely, and then began to romp. Lord Wellington did not dance, and re- tired soon after midnight. On the whole the Mayor's ball was pronounced to be a failure. Though the Mayor's ball did not succeed, the ball as an institution was far from passing into disrepute. Others followed, which though less select, perhaps, so far as the ladies were concerned, went off better. Theatricals were also attempted, but they lacked the spirit of those at Gui- ualdo and Frenada ; for the Light Division were the great 1813.] HIS LABOTJE. 217 actors of the army, and they lay at a distance from St Jean de Luz. On the whole, however, the winter passed very agree- ably. Yet to Lord "Wellington it was a season of ceaseless labour. If he but omitted for a single day to carry on his correspondence, letters accumulated to such an extent as would have deterred any other man from facing them. If, as more than once happened, he was detained from home for two or three days in succession, the arrears became frightful. On one of these occasions, after some movements on the part of the IVench had called him suddenly away, and kept him three days with Lord Hill, the Judge Advocate- General entered his room with a bundle of papers, and saw him seated in front of a table covered with immense piles of un- opened letters, " What have you got ? " demanded the Marquis, looking up. " Only some cases for your Lordship to consider, and a few sentences to confirm." " Take them away," cried the Marquis, raising his hand, and bringing it before his eyes, " Take them away, and put them where you will, only don't expect me to look at them now." It was in the course of this winter that the Bourbons and their partisans began to entertain hopes of that restor- ation which ultimately took place. The first of the emigres who showed himself at head-quarters was the Comte de Grammont — a gentleman in manners and appearance, and the representative of a long line of lauded proprietors in this part of the country. Everybody treated him with respect, and he was a constant guest at Lord "Wellington's table. By and by came the Due d'Angouleme, not openly avowed, but under an assumed name, and it is fair to add that neither by his manners nor by his appearance was he so suc- cessful in conciliating public opinion as the Comte de Gram- mont. A short, rather mean-looking man, with a strongly- marked Bourbon cast of countenance, and endless grimaces, as he entered or quitted a room, he often put the gravity of Lord Wellington's stafi" and guests sorely to the test. It was the fashion in the Marquis's household to call all the strangers who came to head-quarters. Tigers ; and the Due d'Angouleme got at once the soubriquet of "the Eoyal Tiger." 218 THE BOURBONS. [1813. The Due d'Angouleme added by his presence not a little to Lord Wellington's embarrassments. There was, in point of fact, no Bourbon party in the Basque provinces of Prance, in those days. All men were sick of the empire, with its desolating wars and cruel taxation, but the Bourbons were as much forgotten, except by a few old people, as if they had never reigned. It was not easy to convince them or their followers of that fact, far less to reconcile them to the possible conclusion of a peace which should not provide for their return to power. Now, Lord AVellington, though always courteous and delicate before the Due d'Angouleme, would never consent to have it appear that he was fighting for the restoration of an exiled family. He contemplated to the last the probability of coming to terms with Napo- leon ; and in his correspondence with the Government at home, spoke of the arrangement as in itself not to be con- demned. " K we can persuade Buonaparte to be moderate, he is perhaps the best ruler of France that we could get." The Due d'Angouleme, on the other hand, urged an imme- diate proclamation of Louis the XVIII. ; and because of his opposition to so wild a scheme, both now and at a subsequent period, the Duke incurred, and never afterwards lost, the personal dislike of the whole Bourbon family. "While the Boui'bons thus advocated a policy purely self- ish, the English Government, on the suggestion of the Em- peror of Russia, proposed to Lord Wellington a choice of plans, either to transfer himself and the British portion of his army to the Netherlands, leaving the war in the South to be carried on by the Spaniards and Portuguese ; or, if that were considered unadvisable, to push forward in the depth of winter, and operate thereby a strong diversion in favour of the Allies. His answer would be imperfectly given except in his own words. Writing on the 21st of December, 1813, to Lord Bathurst, he says, " In military operations there are some things which cannot be done : one of these is, to move troops in this country during, or immediately after, a violent fall of rain. I believe I shall lose many more men than I shall ever replace by putting my troops in camp in this bad weather j but I should be guilty of a use- 1813.] LETTER TO LOED BATHIJRST. 219 less waste of men, if I were to attempt an operation during the violent falls of rain which we have here. Our operations, then, must necessarily be slow ; but they shall not be dis- contuiued. In regard to the scene of the operations of the army, it is a question for the Grovernment, and not for me. By having kept in the field about 30,000 men in the Penin- sula, the British Government have now, for five years, given employment to 200,000 French troops, of the best Napoleon had, as it is ridiculous to suppose that either the Spaniards or Portuguese could have resisted for a moment if the British force had been withdrawn. The enemy now employed against us cannot be less than 100,000 men ; indeed more including garrisons, and I see in the French newspapers, that orders have been given for the formation at Bourdeaux of an army of reserve of 100,000 men. Is there any one weak enough to suppose that one third of the numbers first mentioned would be employed against the Spaniards and Portuguese, if we were withdrawn ? The other observation which I have to submit is, that in a war in which every day oifers a crisis, the results of which may afiect the world for ' ages, the change of the scene of the operations of the British army would put that army entirely hors de comhat for four months at least, even if the new scene were Holland ; and they would not then be such a machine as this army is. Your Lordship, however, very reasonably asks what objects we propose to ourselves here, which are to induce Napoleon to make peace ? I am now in a commanding situation on the most vulnerable frontier of France, probably the only vulnerable frontier. If I could put 20,000 Spaniards into the field, which I could do if I had money, and was pro- perly supported by the fleet, I must have the only fortress there is on this frontier, if it can be called a fortress, and that m. a very short space of time. If I could put 40,000 Spaniards into the field, I should probably have my posts on the Garonne. Does any man suppose that Napoleon would not feel an army in such a position, more than he would feel 30,000 or 40,000 British troops, laying siege to one of his fortresses in Holland ? If it be only the re- sources of men and money of which he will be deprived, and 220 CONVINCES THE GOVERNMENT. [1813. the reputation he will lose by our being in this position, it will do ten times more to procure peace than ten armies on the side of Flanders." Arguments such as these, put with the force of Lord Wellington's high authority, could not be controverted. The English Grovernment left liim to move when he judged that the proper time had come. It abandoned also the wild scheme of transferring him and his troops to Flanders ; but it overlooked his indirect entreaty for means to bring forward an eftective Spanish army, and it weakened him by sending to Holland Sir Thomas Graham with a force which would have been far better employed under his immediate orders. The eftects of this mistaken policy were felt in the ensuing campaign, of which I shall now proceed to give a brief outline. 221 CHAPTER XXIII. OPENING OF THE CAMPAIGN— BATTLE OF ORTHEZ. In front of Lord Wellington's winter quarters lay a country intersected by many deep and tortuous rivers, of which the soil was rich and the lanes deep, and the roads, except where one great paved causeway ran, ill made, and in rainy weather all but impassable. Towards the sea it is flat, and much overgrown with wood ; inland those rises and falls abound, which almost everywhere seem to merge a mountain district into the champaign. It was protected at this time along the Lower Adour by Bayonne, and the entrenched camp, which lay round it ; while higher up, the features of the landscape were sucli as to offer, at almost every mile, good defencible positions. But its strength, in a military point of view, lay mainly in this, that no invader would dare to penetrate far beyond the Adour, leaving the entrenched camp to threaten his commu- nications — while to threaten the camp and the army in the field at the same time, would require a greater numerical force than was supposed to be at Lord "Wellington's dis- posal. Por all these difficulties the English GTeneral was prepared : he caused a fleet of coasters to be got together, some in Pas- sages, some at St Jean de Luz, with planking and tackle sufiicient to bridge the Adour at a spot nine miles below Bayonne, while at the same time he brought up his pontoon train by the great road and parked it between St Jean de Luz and Bidard. His cavalry and heavy guns, which 222 BATTLE OF ORTHEZ. [1814. for convenience of forage had passed the winter in the val- ley of the Bidassoa, were called in, and on the 14th of February, 1814, just as the young herbage was beginning to make its appearance, he put his columns in motion. His first advances were directed against the enemy's left. His own left meanwhile made a demonstration, but halted, as if checked by the aspect of the entrenched camp at Anglette. The consequence was that Soult, seeing no measures in pro- gress for crossing the Adour in that direction, believed his right to be safe, and drew off his troops, except about 12,000 men, to meet and restrain the English on his left. Of the marches and partial encounters which took place upon and be- low the many streams Avhich rise in the Pyrenees, and flow into the Adour, I must leave the general historian to tell. They were at once trying and deeply interesting to such aa took part in them ; and they led to the concentration of two corps of almost equal strength on either bank of the Grave de Pan where it flows in front of Orthez. Soult carried into that position about 40,000 men, whom he placed along a range of heights, with St Bois on his left and Orthez on his right. Lord Wellington faced him, with a force somewhat su- perior in cavalry and guns, but in infantry rather inferior. And on the 28th the battle was fought. It was long and obstinately contested — appearing at one time to go so much against the English, that Soult wrote a despatch from the field preparing the French Minister of War for tidings of a victory. But Lord Wellington suddenly changed his order of battle, and attacking a point which was supposed to be out of reach of danger, broke through the enemy's line, and doubled it up. The French retired at first in good order, carrying their artillery with them — but from all sides the victors poured in, and the retreat became little better than a rout. Six pieces of cannon, with many piisoners, remained in the hands of the victors. AVhile these things were going on upon the English right, Sir John Hope with the left of the army, manoeuvred to keep the garrison of Bayonne, and of the entrenched camp, from interrupting the great work which he had in hand. The fleet of coasters put to sea, and after much delay, occasioned 1814.] TnE ADOUR BEIDGED. 223 by a succession of adverse gales, they passed the bar at tbe mouth of the Adour, and began to take their proper stations. Meanwhile above 600 men were thrown across in rafts, Avhile a battery of eighteen-pounders drove onshore a flotilla of smaller craft, and forced a corvette, which kept guard beside the town, to move up tlie stream, and seek shelter under the guns of the citadel. And then followed that series of operations which placed Bayonne in a state of siege, while it opened a com- munication between St Jean de Luz and the right bank of the Adour. Thus Lord "Wellington's army became of neces- sity divided. About 20,000, including two corps of Span- iards, remained with Sir John Hope, while the residue, not now exceeding 60,000 at the most, closed up in pursuit of Soult, till circumstances again led to their further subdivi- sion. Driven from his strong position near Orthez, Soult direct- ed the retreat of his army upon St Sever. This, though a difficult, was a wise proceeding ; for the road to Bordeaux, which was more open to him, could not have been held — Lord Wellington following sharply. In this case the only resource left for Soult would have been a march into the Llandes ; where, if he escaped destruction from the enemy's superior cavalry, he maist have been entirely cut ofi" from communicating with Suchet, or receiving reinforcements from the interior. On the other hand, by taking the road to St Sever, he brought himself at the close of every march nearer to the army of Catalonia ; and he had already, with commendable forethought, prepared another fortified field of battle at Toulouse. Fortune so far favoured him, likewise, that the rains, which had ceased for a while, set in again heavily, amid the pelting of which Lord Wellington followed him as far as Sault-JN^availle. There, in consequence of the failure of light, the English halted ; and, next day, continued the pursuit in three distinct columns. The centre, marching upon St Sever, crossed the Adour, unopposed. The left made for Mount de Marsan, where it took possession of a large magazine of provisions. Hill, with the right, overtook Clausel at Aire, and immediately attacked him. It was a sharp encounter ; but it ended in the overthrow of the 224 A GEEAT TACTICIAN. [1814. FreBch, who retreated across the Adoiir, abandoning the town. With this passage of arms, the pursuit came to an end. All the bridges on all the rivers in front were broken down. The rivers themselves rose to flood ; and the roads, and especially the by-paths, became difficult for the passage of guns, and quite impracticable for the pontoon train. Lord Wellington was thus reduced to a state of comparative in- activity, of which Soidt availed himself, with his usual ability, to restore order in his ranks, and to gather in as many con- scripts as could be collected from the districts round him. It is impossible to contemplate the course of these events, taking into account the nature of the country, and the ex- tent of space over which military operations were spread, without being struck with the consummate ability which Lord Wellington, as a tactician, exhibited throughout. In sixteen days, he had effected the passage of five great and many smaller rivers. He had forced the enemy to abandon two tetes-de-pont, and numerous works of less im- portance. He had fought with success one great and two minor battles ; taken six pieces of cannon, and five thousand prisoners. He had seized the magazines at Dax, Aire, and Mont de Marsan ; thro-w-n a bridge over the mouth of the Adour ; and besides investing St Jean Pied-de-Port, and other lesser fortresses, now in his rear, he had placed Bay- onne, the bulwark of Prance on this side, in a state of siege. Pinally, he had compelled Soult to uncover Bordeaux, and retreat from the Adour before effecting a junction with the army of Catalonia. His force was, in the aggregate, doubt- less superior to that which Soult could now oppose to him. But on no occasion, when the armies met, either collectively or in detachments, was the scale more than turned, and that very lightly, on either side. By this time, however, the French arm.y laboured under that depression of moral cour- age to which all troops become subject after frequent defeats. Physically brave, Prenchmen cannot cease to be. To the last they fought stoutly, when face to face with the English. But they fought, or believed that they fought, the losing game ; and on that account, as much as through the superior gallantry of their assailants, they lost it. Besides, they 1814.] HIS PEUDENCE. 225 were out-geueraled on every occasion, and on every occasion expected to be out-generaled. While Soult vras considering the use to which he might best turn some temporary advan- tage, Lord "Wellington, as in the battle of Orthez, changed his plan ; and by a fresh attack, where no attack was antici- pated, converted defeat into victory. Unfriendly critics blame Lord Wellington for losing time in his pursuit of the enemy, whom he had beaten. But critics, whether friendly or the reverse, overlook the fact that Lord Wellington sought at this time, not to make a mere inroad into France, but firmly to establish himself there. It was necessary, therefore, that he should render his presence, and that of his army, as little as possible offensive to the people. Hence, to move without his supplies, and thus be driven to subsist by requisitions, was an extremity to which he would never consent to be reduced. Besides, he had great political ob- jects before him ; and these he believed that he would most effectually subserve by adopting that course which after ex- perience proved to have been, even in a purely military point of view, the most judicious. The south of France was greatly agitated at this time. Weary of the war, and of the miseries which it brought upon them, the people had become weary, also, of the exist- ing government. But they were by no means at one in de- siring the restoration of the old family, though the old family had its partisans. It was necessary that Lord Wel- lington should deal tenderly by these feelings ; neither ab- solutely rejecting the advances of the Bourbon party, nor absolutely declaring for a revolution which might never take effect. He steered his course with as much of wisdom as of firmness. In Bordeaux, for example, loyalty to the Bour- bons was said to be almost universal. He determined to give it a chance, by marching thither a corps, which, if it ef- fected no other purpose, might open for him the Lower Graronne. To Marshal Beresford, however, whom he em- ployed on this service, he gave strict orders not on any account to provoke a revolution. Should the authorities of their own accord proclaim Louis XVIII. , he was to offer no hindrance to the arrangement ; but he was to avoid the very 15 226 THE BOURBOXS DISSATISFIED. [1814. appearance of suggesting, or even of officially supporting it. Bordeaux, like every other town and district occupied by the allied troops, must, so long as hostilities continued, be governed by magistrates deriving their authority from the commander of the invading army. At the same time open hostility to the government of Napoleon was to be proclaim- ed, and magistrates and people equally assured, that what- ever domestic arrangements Prance might prefer, would be accepted by the Allies, provided they brought peace to Europe. Tlais policy, though, in point of fact, more favourable to their pretensions than one of open partisanship, proved the reverse of satisfactory to the Bourbon princes. The Due d'Angoideme protested against it, and demanded, as repre- senting the king, his uncle, authority to unfurl the white flag, and to administer the affairs of the conquered country. He was respectfully, but firmly reminded, that, till the Allied Sovereigns should cease to treat Napoleon as the ruler of Trance, the General of their armies could not presume to recognise any other ruler. At the same time the Due was not discouraged fi'om gathering his adherents about him ; and arrangements were made for supplying them with arms, should arms be required. Meanwhile, however, everything was done which prudence and humanity dictated, to establish between the invaders and the invaded the best understand- ing. "With English and Portuguese regiments strict disci- pline prevailed. Brigandage was unknown, and for individual acts of . outrage, when they occurred, severe retribution was exacted. For example, having called upon the people, by proclamation, to protect themselves. Lord Wellington ap- plauded certain peasants, who, in resisting an attempt to plunder their village, shot one British soldier, and brought another to head-quarters. The latter Lord Wellington executed on the spot. Indeed, he went further ; for on one occasion he sent home, in disgrace, an officer of rank, because he had permitted his men to destroy the communal archives of a small town. The consequence was, that the English soon became honoured guests in the houses of French fami- lies, and that the Portuguese were, at least, not disliked. It was more difficult to deal with the Spaniards. They soon 1814.] HIS WISE POLICY. 227 returned to their old habits, which threatened at one moment to bring about very serious results. " Maintain," wrote Lord Wellington to General Freyre, " the strictest discipline, with- out which we are lost." And again, writing to Morillo, he expresses himself thus : " I have lost 20,000 men in this cam- paign ; but it was not in order that Greneral Morillo, or any- body else, should come in and plunder the French peasantry ; as long as I command I will not permit it ; if they wish to plunder they must find another chief. It is a matter of perfect indifference to me whether I command a large army or a small one ; bu.t whether great or small, it must obey me, and above all, it must not plunder." It is curious to observe how entirely this line of policy, with all the results arising out of it, was Lord Wellington's policy, and his only. The northern powers condemned it ; the Bourbons clamoured against it ; and his own Grovernment urged him to modify it, in order that France might, at all events, be divided against itself. He never approved of the procedure, but he so far yielded to the pressure from without as to issue, about this time, two proclamations, inviting the French people to declare against Napoleon. " Come," he said, in one of these, " and rally under the banner of your legitimate prince : " in the other, after contrasting the rival dynasties and their principles of action, he promises, in the event of a return to legitimacy, " No more tyranny, no more war, no more conscriptions, no more vexatious imposts." And the proclamations were not without eifect. Men re- ceived them as an appeal which was the more deserving of attention, because it came to them from one who had render- ed himself respected, almost beloved, by the equity and gen- tleness of his own proceedings. Indeed, it is not going too far to say, that the revolution in public opinion, which began at this time to become perceptible in the South of France, turned much less upon the prestige of a dethroned royalty than upon the wisdom and moderation of the English General. We find this truth not obscurely indicated in a letter written at the time from Bayonne. " The wise conduct of the English General, and the excellent discipline which he maintains among his troops, do us more harm than the loss 228 SOULT'S FIDELITY. [1814. of battles. All the peasantry desire to place themselves under his protection." In the same spirit Soult expressed him- self when complaining of the frequent desertions of his soldiers, and the impossibility of effecting a general rising against the invader. " I shall not be surprised," he vrrote to the Minister of "VVar, " to see the inhabitants of these dis- tricts soon taking up arms against us." M. Brialmont has well described the state of things in the following words : — " "With an energy and a patriotism which were too rai'e at that period, Soult made incredible elforts to re-establish public opinion ; and called upon the French to defend at least the soil of their country against foreign armies. ' Let us show ourselves Frenchmen,' he cried, ' and die with arms in our hands, rather than survive our dishonour.' Vain hope ! the Government of Napoleon, like other tyrannies, had enervated men's character, and substituted for true patriotism a species of national vanity, which could be grati- fied only by the prestige of victory. At the first reverse the feeling evaporated, and the French people, amid the clouds of smoke which obscured the soil of Europe, saw only their own blood uselessly shed, their families wasted away, their goods taken from them, their happiness destroyed. How- ever legitimate might be these subjects of regret, whatever amount of blame might attach to Napoleon, it is still impos- sible not to admire the heroic bands, the slaves of duty and honour, who, up to the last moment, gathered round the tricoloured flag. Entire devotion to a cause, even if it be unjust, inspires greater respect than defection, sanctioned, though it be, by important considerations of state." 229 CHAPTEE XXIV. ADVANCE TO TOULOUSE BATTLE OF TOULOUSE SORTIE FROM BATONNE CESSATION OF HOSTILITIES. Having extricated his army from the danger which threat- ened it, Soult halted between Maubeurguet and Eubastein, ia a position which enabled him to cover Tarbes, and to watch the development of his adversary's designs. The English, he persuaded himself, must of necessity move, either upon Bordeaux or Toulouse. If they took the former route, he, as his letters show, was prepared to throw himself upon their rear ; if the latter, then he hoped that he should be able seriously to disturb their left. He seems never to have contemplated the probability of their attempting both objects at the same time ; he, therefore, took no steps to prevent it. Yet such was Lord Wellington's plan. "Weakening himself to the extent of 12,000 English and Portuguese troops, he detached Beresford on the 8th with the 4th and 7th divi- sions, and Vivian's light dragoons, to take possession of Bor- deaux, while with the remainder, consisting of the 2nd, 3rd, 6th, and light divisions, and the bulk of the cavalry, he him- self stood fast at Aire, ready to take advantage of any false move into which his adversary might be hurried. And here there befell one of those contingencies which are not very frequent in war, but on which, when they do occur, the success of campaigns almost always turns. Their sources of intelligence failed both Lord Wellington and Soult. Each received exaggerated reports of the strength of the other ; each believed what he heard, and was guided by it. Lord 230 BORDEAUX TAKEN. [1814. "Wellingtou, convinced that Suchet had joined Soult, ab- stained from molesting him in Beresford's absence ; Soult, unacquainted with the fact of Beresford's march, was con- tent to maintain a purely defensive attitude. At last, hovr- ever, on the 12th Soult took the initiative. Orders had reached him from Paris to move upon Pau, so that his left might rest upon the Pyrenees ; and he now pushed forward between Aire and Garlin, hoping to strike a blow against one or other of the somewhat scattered divisions of the Allies. But Lord Wellington was not to be surprised. His troops closed rapidly in, and for three days the hostile armies faced one another. On the 16th, however, Soult heard of the capture of Bordeaux by Beresford, and labour- ing under the impression that his adversary had been strongly reinforced (though, in truth, the only troops which joined him were Freyre's corps of 8000 Spaniards, and they came up on the 13th and 14th), he became alarmed for his own communications, and retreated before dawn by St Gaudens towards Toulouse. While these things were going on along the course of the Upper Adour, Marshal Beresford effected his purpose at Bordeaux. The Prench garrison retired as he approached, and the magistracy and people received him with open arms. It was to no purpose that, acting on Lord Wellington's in- structions, he advised the authorities to pause before com- mitting themselves ; the loyalty of the mayor could not be restrained, and Louis the Eighteenth was proclaimed, amid the wildest rejoicing. The forts which commanded the na- vigation of the river still, however, held out, and the means at Beresford's disposal were not, upon investigation, con- sidered adequate to the reduction of the most important of them. But the only inconvenience arising out of this circumstance was, that the estuary of the Garonne could not, as yet, be used as a harbour for the British fleet ; an arrangement for which, till the army should be more ad- vanced, there was no very urgent necessity. Satisfied with what had been done, and believing that one infantry division, with a few squadrons of horse, would suf- fice to maintain order in Bordeaux, Lord Wellington direct- ISU.] HIS DIFFICULTIES. 231 ed Marshal Beresford to return witla the rest to his old po- sition on the Adour. He had previously instructed General Clinton in Catalonia, to break up his force altogether, and to send to him, through the valley of the Ebro, 4000 of the best of his infantry. JS'either this detachment, however, nor others, which were on the move by sea and land, from Lis- bon and from England, arrived in time to take part in the operations which he meditated. Soult had retired on the 16th ; Beresford came in late on the l7th ; and at an early hour on tlie 18th the advance began. It was Lord Wellington's object to throw himself, by a rapid march, into the valley of the Adour, and to bar against the French the great road leading from Tarbes to St Grau- dens and Toulouse. Soult had anticipated the danger, and now occupied not only Tarbes itself, but Vic-de-Bigorre, a small town distant from Tarbes about three leagues. "With the corps which held that place, the English advanced guard became engaged on the 19th, and forced it to retire. Next day, the Allies, moving as they had heretofore doue, in two columns, had a second affair at and around Tarbes, where the left, under Hill, found itself confronted by d'Erlon's, Clausel's, and Eeille's divisions. The Allies were again suc- cessful, but the enemy escaped, because the pursuers, en- cumbered with their bridge-train, and a long array of bag- gage animals, were unable to cut in upon the fugitives at Trie, and to head them in the plains of Muret. Indeed, herein lay the great hindrance to Lord "Wellington through- out the whole of his campaign in the south of Erance. The innumerable rivei's with which the country is intersected were all passable at will by the defending army. So long as they ran in Soult's rear the bridges remained; but the moment Soult crossed, he broke the bridges down ; thus in- terposing between him and his pursuers obstacles which would have proved insurmountable, had not Lord "Welling- ton carried with him the necessary appliances for repairing them. And so with respect to supplies of forage and pro- visions. Moving through a country where, for political reasons, it was essential to conciliate, and, as much as pos- sible, to spare the inhabitants, his commissariat mides were, 232 SOULT IN TOULOUSE. [1814. to the leader of tlie allied troops, as necessary as liis guns. The enemy, on the other hand, divested themselves of all impediments. They compelled each district as they arrived in it to feed them, and they pressed, without scruple, cattle and horses for draft, as often as they v^ere required. Hence they could not well fail to out-march their pursuers, and to choose from time to time their points of resistance. The consequence was that Soult arrived in Toulouse three whole days before Lord Wellington ; an interval of the greatest possible importance to him, and which he did not fail, with his usual sagacity, to turn to good account. The selection of Toulouse as the point on which he should retire, indicated both talent and resolution on the part of Soult. It gave him the command of several lines of oper- ation ; such as by Carcassonne towards Suchet, or by Alby upon Lyons, while it placed him in the best possible attitude for watching the schemes of the Legitimatists, and main- taining the authority of the existing Government. Covered on three sides by the canal of Languedoe, and on the fourth by the Garonne, the town itself was surrounded within these barriers by an old wall, which, having towers at intervals, was capable of oftering serioiis resistance, except to heavy artillery. Soult displayed great engineering skill in im- proving these defences. He converted the canal, from the point where it falls into the Garonne as far up as the bridge of Demoiselles, into an outer line. This line protected the Carcassonne road, by which a junction between himself and Suchet could be eifected, whether the latter should decide on operating a diversion in his favour from Catalonia, or that both should retire upon Beziers. The canal of Languedoe lay, for a considerable space, within musket-shot of the towu wall. It could everywhere be swept by cannon. But further to the north-east, be- tween it and the river Ers, runs a range of heights, called Mount Have. These Soult fortified by throw^ing up, at convenient distances, five redoubts, and connecting them with retrenchments. On the south-west side, with the Ga- ronne flowing between, stood the faubourg of St Cyprien, which, like the town, was defended by an old waU, and 1814.] POSITION OP TOULOUSE. 233 served all the purposes of a tete-de-pont. Thus was con- structed an entrenched camp of the most formidable kind, of which Toulouse itself may be described as the citadel, every avenue of approach being covered by field-works, and pro- tected by a numerous artillery. From this position, which he not unnaturally regarded as impregnable, Soult wrote to Suchet, imploring him to forget everything, except the condition of their country, and to come to his support. It was the last appeal, and it met with no response. Suchet pleading that he had not 3000 men disposable, though, in point of fact, he could muster 13,000, refused to give up his separate command, and Soult was left with his own army and the division of Greneral Paris to wage such a war as he could. Tet, even unas- sisted from Catalonia, he cannot be said to have stood at great disadvantage towards his adversary. His position was excellent. The muster-rolls of his army show that he had 39,160 combatants under arms, and that his artillery amounted to 80 pieces. Lord Wellington, on the other hand, was able to bring against him only 45,000 infantry, of whom 15,000 were Spaniards, with 6000 cavalry and 64 guns. Whatever the English Greneral might gain, there- fore, by mere excess of numbers, he more than lost, partly in the composition of his infantry, partly in the difficulties of the ground on which he was about to operate. It was, in every point of view, a fair fight, the assailants having, indeed, a harder part to play in it than the defenders. Lord Wellington moving slowly, as the state of the roads compelled him to do, arrived on the 26th in sight of Tou- louse. The enemy drew in their outposts on his approach, and took post behind the Graronne and the Lers. It was the first intention of the English Greneral to pass the Garonne above the town, and thereby to interpose between Soult and Montauban. Indeed, Sir Eowland Hill's corps was ac- tually thrown across in the night, just above the junction of the Ariege with the Garonne, and directed to march upon Cintegabelle, where there was a bridge upon the latter stream. But the melting of the snow in the mountains, together with the heavy rains of the past week, had so filled 234 BATTLE OF TOULOUSE. [1814- tlie marshes wliicli lie between the Garonne and the Ari^ge that to move even infantry through them, far more cavalry and guns, proved impossible. Hill was, in consequence, re- called, and another point of attack chosen. It was nearer to the towTi, though still on the left of the enemy's position, at a place called Portet. There, however, on trying them, the pontoons proved to be of insufl&cient span ; and Soult, warned by the attempt, threw up works to avert the danger. Nothing now remained, except to assault the heights be- tween the Ers and the canal, and as a preliminary step, to force the passage of the Garonne below the town. I must refer the curious in such matters to the larger edition of this work, for a detail of the manoeuvres which preceded and led up to the battle of Toulouse. They were executed in spite of the hindrances which ceaseless rains and roads well-nigh impassable offer to the movement of troops. But determination and perseverance overcame them all, and on tlie 10th of April the fight began. It was maintained on both sides with greater obstinacy than any other which had occurred since the opening of the war. Confident in the strength of their position, and well supported by the fire of a superior artillery, the French disputed every inch of ground, and when the evening closed were still in possession of the town, and of the line of the canal. But the redoubts w-hich commanded the town had fallen, and Soult knew that his game was lost. On the other hand the English had ex- pended the whole of their great-gun ammunition, and till sup- plies could be brought up from the rear, an operation which required time, they were not in a state to renew an offen- sive battle. Favoured by this circumstance, Soult was able in the course of the 11th to send away such baggage as could be inoved without attracting attention, and the same night he withdrew by the only road which lay open to him, leaving, besides his wounded, all his heavy cannon and stores, with a considerable depot of small arms, to become the prey of the conquerors. Lord "Wellington fought the battle of Toulouse upon a plan whicli as much as possible guarded the inhabitants from becoming more than spectators of the horrors of war. 1814.] CLOSE OF THE WAR. 235 Not a shot or shell from an English gun fell within the town. And now his arrangements were made for investing the place, so as to compel the French army either to come out and fight, or else to lay down its arms. His troops, in- deed, had begun to move towards the single carriage road of which they were not already masters, when daybreak on the 12th made the fact apparent, that Soult and his people were gone. Not a picket guard stood to their arms, not a sentry showed himself, and presently, while men yet wondei'ed what the cause of such unlooked-for silence might be, the silence was broken by the pealing of bells in the city. Sud- denly upon every tower and housetop visible a white flag was seen to wave, and by and by the air rang with the shouts of people rejoicing. Toulouse, freed from the pre- sence of Napoleon's garrison, declared for Louis the 18th, and'the British troops were greeted as they drew near, not as enemies, but as deliverers. AVith the battle of Toulouse the great Peninsular War may be said to have come to an end. At Bayonne, indeed, four days later, a profitless encounter took place, the garri- son making a sortie, by which they gained nothing, and some valuable lives on both sides were sacrificed. And in the Tipper Graronne and on the borders of Catalonia, Soult and Suchet hesitated before they could bring themselves to believe the truth ; but Lord Wellington's firmness and the preparations which he made to resume hostilities overcame their scruples. They sent in their adhesion to the new order of things, and thex'e was peace everywhere. In describing these operations I have referred as yet only to the public acts of the great mover in them, and to the consequences of these acts. Let us not bring this chap< ter to a close without detailing one or two incidents which seem to me to throw a good deal of light upon the character of the Duke of Wellington as a man as well as an officer. The idea of bridging the estuary of the Adour with Chasse Marees and Schooners sent in from the sea, was entirely his own. The engineer ofiicers whom he consulted on the sub- ject condemned it. And even Admiral Penrose and his gal- lant captains pronounced the scheme hazardous to a degree. 2;i6 HIS PROMPTITUDE. [1814. " If you get the vessels over the Bar," demanded the foi'mer, " -whence are we to procure planking ? " " Haven't you just got from England a quantity of timber, saAved, and ready for laying platforms ? " " Certainly," was the answer, " but that we shall require for our batteries." " jSTonsense, take the platform timber for the bridge, we must have the bridge before we can begin the siege of Bayonne." " And what are we to do afterwards ? " " There's plenty of pine- wood near Bayonne ; you can cut and saw that, and till it is ready the guns must be worked on the sand." And sure enough to the purposes of the bridge the new platforms were applied, without any hindrance or mischief arising in the course of future operations. Lord Wellington's conduct on this occasion reminds me of the promptitude and decision with which, at the siege of Ciudad-Rodrigo, he applied a sudden remedy to a pressing want. It was necessary, in order to break ground for the trenches, to brusque a lunette, which crowned the great Teso hill. There were no ladders at hand wherewith to escalade, and the engineers told him so, and asked for time. " How much time do you want ? " " If we had the wood, a few hours would suffice, but we have nothing of which to make either side pieces or rounds !" " What are those carts that I see there ? there seem to be some hundreds of them." " They are the country carts on which the spare ammunition was brought up from Almeida." " Very well, take them, Tou see that you have the side pieces ready made to yoin* hand in the beams and shafts, the rounds you can easily make out of the boarding." The fitness of the project was acknowledged as soon as expressed, and. that same niglit the lunette was car- ried by means of ladders improvised out of a few bullock-carts. With respect to Admiral Penrose and his brother officers, they argued reasonably enough, that the Bar alone presented an obstacle which was not to be surmounted in all weathers, and that, granting it to be surmounted, an enemy in pos- session of one bank of a river must be very remiss indeed if he failed to render the anchorage too hot for such craft as were about to approach it. " I have no fear," was Lord Wellington's answer, " but that your fellows will carry the 18U.] HIS PEESOXAL ACTIVITY. 237 craft over the Bar, and depend upon it 111 take care that nothing hurts them afterwards." And so it was. A bat- talion of guards seized the right bank, while a field-battery of 18-pounders held the left, and the craft took up their sta- tions, and the bridge was constructed without the slightest damage done, except by the accidents of navigation. Lord AVellington's personal activity, especially at the opening of this campaign, astonished even the members of his staif, who knew him best. He rode over and over again from one extremity of his line to another, as much as 60 or 70 miles, and back again, with scarcely a halt. He ate his meals more than once by the way-side, and not unfrequeutly fasted from dawn till late at night. His aversion to the pomp and circumstance in which the generals of other armies delight, he sometimes carried to a fault. His famous ride, for example, from Gracis to the site of the bridge of boats on the Adour, carried him through a country which was by no means safe, yet he performed it without an escort. Lord Fitzroy alone attending him. Indeed, escorts he entirely rejected except when engaged in the act of re- connoitring close to the enemy's position. More than once he had, in consequence, a narrow escape for his life. AVhen the enemy were falling back from the Gave d' Oleron to Orthez, he shot ahead of his own advanced guard, and made for a hill, whence he conceived that he should command a full view of their line of march. Colonel Gordon, Lord Fitzroy, and several other officers were with him, but no escort. Gordon happened to be well mounted, and rode a little ahead of the rest, by which means he gained the brow of the hill while Lord Wellington was yet a yard or two from the summit. Eight in his teeth came a party of French cavalry whom he had just time to escape by wheeling round and galloping back. Down came the troopers upon Gordon, and away went Lord Wellington and his staff, their swords out, but trusting more to the speed of their horses than to their right arms. And by the speed of their horses alone they escaped. On the other hand, this habit of passing from point to point well-nigh like a private person, gave him opportunities 238 THE POXTOOX BRIDGE. [1814. of seeing witli his own eyes what might have been hidden from him had he approached the point of vision in a crowd. He was extremely anxious about his pontoon bridge during the days of preparation Avhich led up to the battle of Toulouse. And perhaps his anxiety on that head was not the less keen, that in consequence of some changes of con- struction proposed by himself, the pontoons did not appear to possess the same amount of flotation which had previously belonged to them. Twice the bridge was carried away ; once, when tried, it proved too short for the span of the river, and once it sank with the weight of a heavy gun. Of the point where these attempts had been made the French became naturally jealous, and more than one working and covering party was driven off by a heavy fire from the other side. Lord Wellington became impatient, and down he went, absolutely alone, to reconnoitre. He had justly calculated the chances. A French sentry immediately fired, but missed him, whereupon a French ofiicer, seeing only one man, and not observing about him anything to indicate that he was of superior rank, ran down to the river-side and apologized for the outrage in words which the Duke often repeated afterwards with great glee, " Pardon, Monsieur, c'est unnoveau." The kindness was acknowledged, and the two entered into conversation, which Lord Wellington kept up till he had seen and comprehended all that he was desir- ous of looking into. He then raised his hat and went away, to turn the knowledge which he had thus acquired to ex- cellent account. The bridge being at length laid, and two divisions, under Beresford, sent across, a fresh came on in the night, and to save the pontoons from being carried away, the engineers were obliged to remove some of them. This rendered the passage impracticable for horses, and not very safe for men; indeed it was only one by one that individuals could cross at all. Lord Wellington, bent upon reconnoitring Soult's inner line, passed the bridge when it was in this state. He went on foot and he went alone. A troop horse was furn- ished to him on the other side, and he thus took a survey of the enemy's position. ISU.] HIS ENTEAXCE INTO TOCLOUSE. 239 " "Was not Beresford in great danger then, and you also, Duke ? " " No, there Tvas no danger. Soult ought to have attacked ns, I allow, but we were in a condition to put our back to the river, and he could not have done us any harm." Those who saw the Duke pass, as I have just described, were not of that opinion at the moment, and their satisfac- tion was proportionately great, when he returned the same evening, and they heard him tell over his own dinner-table how the troop-horse had carried him. The style of his arrival in Toulouse itself, on the morning of the 12th, when the retreat of Soult's army became known, was entirely in keeping with all that went before. While the Maire and municipal body, followed by an enormous crowd, waited at one gate to receive him with all due honour, Lord "VTellington rode round to another, with a single aide- de-camp in his train, and entered unnoticed. He made for the Hotel de Ville, nobody knowing or caring to ask who he was ; and there, by and by, the authorities found him. Then it became necessary that he should show himself, and he stood upon the balcony and bowed to the crowd. The same day he gave a dinner, to which many general officers and all the leading gentlemen of the city were invited. "Wliile the com- pany sat at table. Colonel Cooke arrived from Paris, bring- ing with him the astounding intelligence of Napoleon's ab- dication. Lord AYellington immediately rose, and glass in hand, proposed the health of Louis XVIII. The shout with which the company received the toast, was soon taken up out of doors, and ran from street to street. Yet it was scarcely so loud, and certainly for less cordial than the greet- ing which attended the nest toast, of which General Alava was the proposer — " Lord "WeUington, Liberador di Es- pagna." Every person in the room sprung to his feet ; some stood on chairs, several upon the table, and there followed in quick succession, uttered in Portuguese and in French, " Liberador de Portugal," " Le Liberateur de la France," " Le Libera- teur de I'Europe." Probably on no occasion during his long and varied life, was Lord Wellington so much over- 240 GREAT EXCITEMENT. [1814. come ; and no wonder. Men sliook each other by the hand, or rushed into each other's arms, shrieking, laughing, — some of them weeping from excitement. So tremendous was the revulsion, from a state of chronic war to a state of peace, so unbounded their admiration of the man, whom they regarded as the chief instrument in bringing it about. As to Lord Wellington, he rose to return thanks, but could not utter a word. He looked round at the company with tears in his eyes, and calling for coffee, sat down again. A performance at the theatre followed the dinner, the piece selected being " Coeur de Lion," and after the play there came a ball. It was given by Lord Wellington at the house which had been assigned to him, and went off, as may be imagined, with great spirit. And so, from day to day, feasting and rejoicing took the place of warlike preparations. But this is not all. Hostilities having ceased, it was not perhaps unnatural that the inhabitants of a conquered country should endeavour to conciliate the victors by treating them well. But in the present instance, the inhabitants of the invaded country had never, except in very isolated cases, treated the invaders otherwise than well. The rear of the British army, and its followers, were just as safe in the south of France as they had ever been in Spain. It more than once occurred that the sick, the wounded, the commissariat stores, and the mi- litary chest were left without a guard in some town removed by three or four leagues from the nearest English division. Yet no attempt was made to rob them, far less to massacre the helpless soldiers and servants, or to carry off the booty. How different this from the condition of the French army in Portugal and Spain ! Yet both facts are easily accounted for. The strictest discipline prevailed in one army ; the loosest moral in the other. No British officer or soldier ever took from a French civilian an ai'ticle of any kind without paying for it. No French officer or soldier ever thought of paying for anything which a Spaniard or Portuguese civilian might own, of which he stood in need. In the south of France women and children passed to and fro through the English lines unmolested, and were treated by the officers 1814.] LORD WELLINGTON'S HOUNDS. 241 and men, when quartered upon tliem, witla the utmost kind- ness and respect. How the wretched inhabitants of Spain, and still more of Portugal, fared, when Junot and Massena and Marmont and Soult were their masters, it is not neces- sary to say. Indeed, so confident was Lord "Wellington in the good-will of the people, whom his justice and the excel- lent conduct of his troops had conciliated, that he caused his hounds to travel in the rear of the army, and had more than one day's hunting in the intervals of battles. They were regularly kennelled in Toulouse, where many a Prench gen- tleman saw for the first time — himself vai nly striving to keep pace with the field — what English fox-hunting was. 16 242 CHAPTER XXV. THE DUKE IN PARIS AT MADRID IN ENGLAND RETURNS TO FRANCE. Of the course of events whicli preceded, elsewhere, tlie first abdication of Napoleon, and the return of the princes of the house of Bourbon to France, I am not required to give an account. They have taken their place in the history of Europe, of which they cover one of the most interesting pages. They were scarcely complete, so far as the restora- tion of Louis XVIII. could complete them, ere Lord Wel- lington was urgently requested to transfer himself to Paris. The Allied Sovereigns were there, in delicate and difiicult circumstances, and they desired to take counsel with the conqueror of the Peninsula. This invitation reached Lord "Wellington through Viscount Castlereagh, who represented the Prince Regent at the Congress ; and who in conveying it, announced to his correspondent, that he had been select- ed by the English Government for the important post of ambassador at the court of the Tuileries. It was not an appointment which Lord Wellington would have sought. He had been long absent from home ; and would have re- joiced had he been allowed a little time to superintend the education of his sons, and to arrange his private affairs. Personal considerations, however, weighed with him in the present instance, as little as they usually did, when placed in the scale against public duty. He accepted the charge which the Grovernment laid upon him, and made the neces« sary preparations for entering upon his new duties. 1814.] THE ARMY BROKEN UP. 243 To break Tip the fine army which he had so long com- manded, and bid farewell to troops who had served him so faithfully, was no agreeable task to a man of his tempera- ment. He was proud of both officers and men, and in spite of the sternness which characterized many of his general orders, they were personally attached to him. But he habit- ually concealed his feelings ; and now sent back his Portu- giiese and Spanish regiments to their respective countries, with as much apparent indifference, as if he had been put- ting them into winter quarters. The English were broken up in the same spirit ; the infantry and artillery marching to their transports ; some to Passages, others to Bordeaux. The cavalry he moved to the Pas de Calais, whence the voyage to England was short. Meanwhile he found himself in a position of something like antagonism with the Due d'Angouleme. Anticipating the course of events, that prince had ventured to modify by proclamation the existing cus- toms levied in the south of Prance ; and was not without difficulty brought to understand that neither law nor policy justified the proceeding. Lord Wellington's firmness pre- vailed, and the obnoxious proclamation was withdrawn ; though the act of interference with the Divine right of kings could never afterwards be atoned for. After putting these matters in train. Lord Wellington, on the 1st of May, quitted Toulouse. He reached Paris on the 4th, the journey having been remarkable for only one occurrence, of which I have often heard him speak. He had never seen Soult, except through his telescope, first from the hill above Sauroren, and again during the battles near Bedart. Their carriages stopped to change horses at the same post-house, on the night of the 2nd, Soult being then on his way from Paris, Wellington towards it. But Lord Wellington was asleep when the incident occurred, and only heard of it from Lord Pitzroy Somerset at a latter stage in the journey. Lord Wellington reached Paris on the morning of the 4th of May. He proceeded, immediately after calling upon Lord Castlereagh, to pay his respects to the Allied Sove- reigns, with whom, as well as with the Prench Government, 244 IN PARIS. [1814. he entered at once into confidential communication. They were anxious about many matters, but none gave them greater uneasiness than the general condition of Spanish afiairs. These seemed to the congress to be in absolute confusion. 'Now to no living man was Spain and the cha- racter of her people more intimately known than to Lord "Wellington. He was, therefore, better able than any otlier to advise concerning them. Tet advice, however sound, offered from a distance, was not likely to carry much weight with it, under existing circumstances. Lord Wellington therefore proposed, and the Allies gladly acceded to the proposal, that he should undertake a journey to Madi-id ; and there, upon the spot, exercise such influence as he pos- sessed, in bringing the King and the contending factions among the people, to understand the true nature of their relative positions. The case was this : The government of Spaia during the late struggle, if go- vernment it deserves to be called, first by Juntas, and lat- terly by a Cortes and a Regency, had never been cordially approved of by Ferdinand. He pledged himself, it is true, to maintain whenever he should be restored to the throne, the privileges of the Cortes ; but he probably never intended to keep his word ; he certainly broke it as soon as he found himself strong enough to do so. The priesthood and the peasantry were generally with him ; of the nobles, perhaps, a majority took the same side ; but a large portion of the army desired free institutions ; as did almost all the trading classes, with the professional and middle orders of society. The King found it necessary, therefore, during his journey to Madrid, to temporize. But he no sooner reached the capital, and saw himself surrounded by crowds of flatterers, than he threw aside all disguise. A violent reactionary policy began. The Cortes was dissolved ; all its previous acts of liberalism were reversed ; the chiefs of the liberal party were imprisoned or driven into exile, and old abuses in Church and State were restored. The populace shouted and threw up their caps ; the nation was dismayed ; and civil war — a curse everywhere, but in Spain a more terrible curse than anywhere else — seemed on the eve of breaking 1814.] CREATED A DUKE, 245 out. Now, if there was one prospect more hideous than another to the chiefs of the confederacy, which had put down the revolutionary spirit in France, it was the reappearance of that spirit elsewhere, whatever form it might assume ; and Lord Wellington was charged by every means in his power to stop, if possible, the King and people of Spain from coming to blows. He had arrived in Paris on the 4th of May, and on the 10th was ready to quit it again. It was a brief interval, yet it brought him two pieces of gratifying intelligence. The Prince Regent had raised him to the dignity of a duke- dom, and Parliament had voted, for the maintenance of the title, a sum of half a million, to be laid out in the purchase of a landed estate. He acknowledged, as became him, these munificent recognitions of services past, and departed on his joiu'ney to add to their numbers. He succeeded in staying the outbreak of a military revolt, which had been fully ma- tured. The third and fourth Spanish armies, which he saw at Torbes and Mondragon, were on the point of declaring for the Cortes ; when the appeal of their old commander to their loyalty as soldiers, restrained them. Bat matters had proceeded too far to leave any hope of permanent good. The Duke arrived in Madrid on the 24th of May, and was in constant and intimate communication with the King and his ministers, up to the 8th of June. The tone of his cor- respondence, never very sanguine, became more and more desponding as days passed. " Those to whom I have talked," he writes on the 25th of May, " who pretend and ought to know, say that his Majesty will certainly perform the promise made in his decree of the 4th of May, and will give a free constitution to Spain." " I told him" (the Due de San Carlos)', he says on the 1st of June, " that he must expect the King's measures to be attacked and abused in all parts of the world, particularly in England, and that till some steps were taken to prove that the King was inclined to govern the country on liberal principles, and that neces- sity alone had occasioned the violent measures which had attended the revolution, he could not expect much counte- nance i^ England. Nothing, however, has as yet been done, 246 EETURNS HOME. [1814. and I hear that nine more persons were imprisioned the night before last." Finally, just before quitting Madrid, after having expressed his views fully on all the questions of home and colonial administration, and on the reorganiza- tion of the army, he writes thus : — " I think there will be no civil war at present." Beyond this his expectations did not go, and even thus far they were by no means either settled or expansive. The British army, or a considerable portion of it, still lin- gered at Toulouse ; and in the neighbourhood of Bordeaux a large camp was formed. He saw both sections of the force on his way back to Paris, and took leave of them in a general order. It contrasts, in a remarkable degree, with similar essays from the pen of his great rival ; but it went home, in its simplicity, to the hearts of British soldiers. This done, he pursued his journey ; and after a few days spent in Paris, crossed the Channel, and took the road to London. He had not set foot in England since his embarkation at Ports- mouth in 1809. He had quitted the country a man gener- ally looked up to, surrounded by the halo of Indian vic- toi'ies, a Lieutenant- Greneral, and a Knight of the Bath. He now returned laden with all the honours which a great soldier can acquire ; a Pield Marshal in each of the princi- pal armies of Europe, a Portuguese magnate, a Spanish grandee, and an English duke. His reception by his own countrymen was enthusiastic in the extreme. With diffi- culty he made his way through the crowds which thi'onged the pier at Dover, and clustered round him up to the door of his hotel ; and when, travelling post, he reached West- minster Bridge, the people took the horses from his carriage, and dragijed him throu";h the streets. He was thus con- veyed to Hamilton Place, where the Duchess then resided — the crowd lifting him in their arms when he desired to alight, and scarcely leaving him after the hall door had been opened. Little business was done in London that day, so mad were the inhabitants with joy at the return of him whom they then regarded as the preserver, not of England only, but of Europe. The reader will perfectly understand that the Duke's stay 1814.] IN ENGLAXD. 247 in England, whlcli did not exceed six weeks, was one con- tinued succession of triumphs. In spite of the presence of the Allied Sovereigns and their suites, he was the observed of all observers. The University of Oxford conferred upon him its highest academical honour, the degree of Doctor of Laws. The Lord Mayor and all the corporate bodies of London feasted, and elected him to be a member of their several guUds. The Commons of England stood uncovered while the Speaker conveyed to him, in an address of con- summate eloquence, their thanks. And the Lords received him into their august body as baron, viscount, earl, marquis, and duke, by accumulation. There is not in history a parallel instance of an English subject on whose head have been showered so many tokens of royal and of national gratitude, all bestowed, so to speak, in one day. To say that the Duke of Wellington did not feel such distinction, would be to charge him with a nature less than human. He was overwhelmed, not with the sense of his own merits, but of the nation's gratitude ; and showed by his manner of receiving each fresh mark of respect, as it came, — calm, col- lected, modest, and, therefore, dignified, — that the least prominent feature in the picture thus presented to his view was himself. So passed the time till the beginning of August, when the Duke of Wellington set out again for the continent. He was about to represent the British Grovernment at the Court of the Tuileries ; but other duties devolved upon him at the same time, and these he discharged as he went. Bel- gium and Holland, after having been annexed to the French empire, were separated from it again. Instead, however, of restoring the former to Austria, the Congress of Sovereigns determined to erect the two into one kingdom, which might, they persuaded themselves, become, after a while, a barrier on the north to French ambition. But the old frontier fort- resses of Belgium had ceased to exist. The few that sur- vived the reforming propensities of the Emperor Joseph, Napoleon had dismantled ; and it was now to be determined whether, and to what extent, they should be restored. The Duke carefully surveyed the entire line from. Liege, along the 248 RETURNS TO PARIS. [1814. IMeuse and the Sambre, to Namur and Charleroi, and thence by Mons and Tournay to the sea. He recommended that most of the fortresses which guard it should be put in a state of defence ; and he selected, in rear of them, positions ■vrhere, in the event of another war, armies might assemble. It is worthy of notice that among the positions so marked out was that of "Waterloo, on which, within less than a year, the fate of Europe was to be determined. But he did more for the Low Countries than this. A strong party in Eng- land, supported by the highest naval authorities, were urgent for the destruction of Antwerp ; on the plea that Antwerp, in the hands of the French, must become, with its works entire, a standing menace to London. The Duke set himself against the adoption of views at once so illiberal and so short-sighted ; and his reasoning prevailed, much to the ad- vantage of the Low Countries, and still more to the honour of his own nation and Government. The Duke reached Paris on the 22nd of August, and re- mained there about five months. It was an interval devoted rather to endless details than to the arrangement of great plans, or the confirmation of great principles. He had the battle of the abolition of the slave trade to fight ; and he fought it as gallantly as circumstances would allow. Ques- tions of compensation for private property destroyed during the war came continually before him, and were weighed and discussed with exemplary patience. But his correspondence with the Home Government shows clearly enough that other and graver thoughts were not absent from his mind. He saw, with regret, the growing unpopularity of the Bourbons, and the cause of it. He deprecated their conduct, both to the army and to the people, without, however, attributing either to the French army or the French people virtues which did not belong to them. And already he began to speculate on a probable outbreak. " I believe the truth to be," he says to Lord Bathurst, on the 17th of December, 1814, " that the people of this country are so completely ruined by the revolution, and they are now suffering so se- verely from the want of the plunder of the world, that they cannot go on without it ; and they cannot endure the pros- 1814.] HIS LIFE IX PAEIS. 249 pect of a peaceable government. If this is the case, we should take care how we suffer the grand alliance to break up ; and we ought to look to our alliance with the powers of the Peninsula as our sheet anchor." Of the private life of the Duke of Wellington all this while few records remain. He appears to have been joined by the Duchess soon after his arrival in Paris, and occupy- ing the Hotel de Borghese in the Eue Fauburg St Honore, dispensed there a liberal hospitality. By tliis process many acquaintances were formed, and some friendships which lasted till the close of his life ; among the latter of which none de- serves to be more specially noticed than his intimacy with the Eight Hon. Charles Arbuthnot. That gentleman, who had formerly represented England at the Ottoman Court, and held oifice, at a later period, as Chief Commissioner of Woods and Forests, visited Paris in 1814, with his young and accomplished wife. It would be difficult to conceive a greater contrast than was presented by the gentle — I might almost say, the effeminate — manner and turn of mind which characterized one of these gentlemen, to the frank, open, and manly temperament of the other. Tet such was the attach- ment which matured itself between them that, in after years, when both had become widowers, they lived together till Mr Arbuthnot died, at a very advanced age, in the apartments at Apsley House which the Duke had made over to him. The Duke's personal habits while representing his Sov- ereign at the Court of the Tuileries differed little from what they had been when, at the head of a great army, he conduct- ed a great and difficult war. He was still an early riser, still dressed with care and simplicity ; was still industrious as a man of business, and lively and affable in general society. His own hounds he had disposed of in England, — they would have been an encumbrance to an ambassador in a foreign country, — but he hunted occasionally with those of the King of France, and seemed to enjoy the sport. It was different from that to which he had been accustomed, for a deer ge- nerally constituted the quarry ; the quarry coming to grief when the run grew slack, by a bullet from the gun of a witty keeper, who always assigned the credit of the shot to the 250 THE DUKE'S HORSES. [1814. Due d'Angouleme. For the Due assumed the right of giv- ing the coup de grace, and the keeper, knowing what a wretched shot his Eoyal Highness was, fired at the same time, exclaiming as the animal fell, " Monsieur tire a mer- veille." On one of these occasions, but only once, out of compli- ment to French Royalty, the Duke made his appearance at the corner of the cover arrayed in a gold- laced coat, and jack boots, with a cocked hat on his head, and a couteau de chasse at his side. This was at Eambouillet, but as he could not be persuaded to cumber his horse with a velvet saddle and heavy . French trappings, so quaint a figure astride upon a common English hunting-saddle, presented a very comical appearance. Neither the Duke himself, nor any Englishman that day present, could keep his gravity. The Duke never put on the disguise again. And here I may mention that the Duke's horses were in those days excellent. He paid large prices for them, and treated them well, yet he was liberal to excess in lending them to such of his young men as could not very well afibrd to mount themselves. He sometimes suffered for this liberality, as the following anecdote will show. The Duke got from England a remarkably fine horse, to which, as it was purchased from a dealer so called, he gave the name of Elmore. He had never ridden the animal, but proposed to do so on a certain occasion, when the Royal hounds were to meet at Versailles. A press of business prevented his fulfilling that intention, and it so happened that Lord William Lennox, being the aide-de-camp in waiting, ought to have remained at home with his chief. The Duke, how- ever, was aware of the young man's passion for hunting, and as Lord William was one of those whom he was in the habit of mounting, he felt doubly reluctant to interfere with the day's sport. When Lord William appeared at the breakfast table, therefore, booted and spurred, the Duke first alarmed him by saying, " No hunting to-day, William, I must write despatches," and then seeing the lad's coun- tenance fall, added with a smile, " But you need not stay, I can do without youj and, by the by, you may as well ride 1814.] ELMORE. 251 Elmore, only take care of him, because I mean to ride him myself next week." Delighted to be set free, and especially gratified by the nature of the mount, Lord William set olF, and went through the day's sport much admired by the field, and greatly to his own satisfoction. But returning quietly in the evening to- wards Paris, Elmore stepped upon some rotten ground, and his rider became immediately aware that the horse was in- jured. Indeed Lord "William was obliged to dismount and lead the animal the rest of the way. Terrified as well as grieved, the boy said nothing about the accident, hoping that it might turn out after all to be a trifle, and that a little skilful treatment would in a day or two bring every- thing right. But it was not so to be. Elmore's case proved to be a bad one, and at the end of a week, when the Duke required him, the secret could no longer be kept. " Well," said the Duke after Lord William had stammered out his confession, " that's rather a bore. Accidents will happen to be sure, and this can't be helped, but it won't do to have all my horses lamed ; so for the future you must confine your- self to the bay mare and the brown gelding, and if you lame these, then you must mount yourself." 252 CHAPTEE XXVI. CONGRESS OF VIENNA RETURN OP NAPOLEON TO FRANCE. History has recorded how all this -while a Congress of Sovereigns and their Ministers sat in Vienna, to readjust some, and explain others, of the articles which had been agreed to in the Treaty of Paris. Lord Castlereagh, then minister for Foreign Affairs, represented England at that Congress, till the meeting of Parliament recalled him in January, 1815, to London. The Duke was thereupon re- quired to take his place, and found, on arriving in the Aus- trian capital, that no very good spirit prevailed among the Allies. They had held together tolerably well so long as a common danger threatened, but now having achieved a victory, they quarrelled over the division of the spoil. Be- fore angry words led, however, to blows, tidings of the escape of Napoleon from Elba reached them, and the tempers of the most irritable calmed down in a moment. It was from the Duke of Wellington that the Allied Sovereigns received the first intimation of that event. A grande cliasse in the park near Schonbriin had been arranged, and on the morning of the 7th of April, princes and statesmen mounted and set out. The Duke, when his horse was brought round from the stable, desired it to be taken back again. He had re- ceived letters which must be answered immediately, and could not therefore go with the rest. His letters were im- portant indeed. They came from Lord Burghersh, and announced that the great State Prisoner was at large, and that he was expected from hour to hour to land at 181 5.] NAPOLEON'S RETURN. 253 jS^aples, where Murat was ready to receive liim. jVapoleon, as is well kBOwn, played for a larger stake. He landed at Frijus, and made at once for Paris. Before liim all op- position went down, and in less than three weeks he was dictating proclamations from the Tiiileries, and the Bour- bons were once more exiles in a foreign land. How the Allies bore themselves nnder the circumstances, Avhat manifestoes they issued, and what preparations they made, it is not my business to show. I have to speak of the Duke and of the part that he played in the great oper- ations which followed, and that, too, rather as one who would suggest general ideas than as the chronicler of par- ticular events. He began by being the great adviser on military subjects of those around him. He drew out for them a plan of campaign, specified the number of troops which could be advantageously brought forward on various points, and explained the order and object of their move- ments. His own sphere of action was already settled. He was to proceed, with as little delay as possible, to the Low Countries, where the nucleus of a British army kept guard, and there to assume the command of as many troops as England, and the Kingdom of the United IS'etherlands, could bring together. The Duke quitted Vienna on the 29th of March. There were no railroads in those days, and travelling by post, the most expeditious mode then known, appears to us, who have Avell-nigh forgotten how it was conducted, to have been tedi- ous in the extreme. He entei*ed his carriage with only two young men in attendance. Colonel Premantle and Lord William Lennox ; and scarcely alighted till he reached i'rankfort, which was done on the 2nd of April. There a few hours were given to sleep, after which the journey was resumed. Night and day the horses were kept at their best speed, the travellers eating their meals as they passed along, and on the 8th of April Brussels was entered. From that day forth up to the beginning of June the Duke worked as he had often worked before, to remedy blunders for which he was not responsible, and to overtake time which others had allowed to get away from them. He 2.34 IX BELGIUM. [1815. worked, too, under disadvantages as grave as tlae worst of those to which in earlier years use had reconciled him. The British troops actually in the Netherlands did not ex- ceed 10,000 men. They consisted chiefly of second battal- ions, the remains of that corps wliich in 1814 had suff"ered so severely at Bergen-op-Zoom, and were scattered in garri- sons through the frontier fortresses, while the Prince of Orange organized a Dutch-Belgian army in their rear. Now the Dutch-Belgians, however individually brave, were as yet very imperfectly drilled. It was more than suspected likewise that of the Belgians at least some were by no means well- afiected. Neither were his prospects at all encouraging when he cast his eyes across the Channel, for almost all his old Peninsular regiments were either in America or still at sea on their way home. " I cannot help thinking," he wrote on the 6th of April to Lord Bathurst, " that we are not in a condition to main- tain our military character in Europe. It appears to me that you have not taken in England a clear view of your situation, that you do not think war certain, and that a great efibrt must be made, if it is hoped that it shall be short. Tou have not called out the militia, or announced such an intention in your message to Parliament, by which measure your troops of the line in Ireland and elsewhere might become disposable ; and how we are to make out 150,000 men, or even the 60,000 of the defensive part of the Treaty of Chumont, appears not to have been considered. If you coxild let me have 40,000 good British infantry, be- sides those you insist upon having in garrisons, the propor- tion settled by treaty you are to furnish of cavalry, that is to say, the eighth of 150,000 men, including in both the old German legion and 150 pieces of British field artillery, fully horsed, I should be satisfied, and take my chance for the rest, and engage that we should play our part in the game. But as it is, we are in a bad way." The 40,000 good British infantry never made their appear- ance, nor were either the 15,000 British cavalry or the 150 pieces of well-horsed British field artillery supplied. But Europe was ransacked for mercenary troops, who were found 1815.] THE HOSTILE ARMIES. 255 on their arrival to be for the most part either recruits or mere militia. His force upon paper, all included, was raised to 105,000 men, of whom 12,402, were cavalry with 156 guns. Out of these, however, 26,700 were required to garrison the principal fortresses, leaving only 78,300, inclu- sive of sick and other non-effectives, for the field. And it will be seen by and by that when the day of battle came these 78,300 had dwindled to less than 70,000. He had, however, on his left a stout Prussian army to co-operate with him. To the 30,000 men with which she first took posses- sion of her Ehenish Provinces, Prussia added, on the re-ap- pearance of jN^apoleon, as many as raised her strength in that quarter to 108,000 men, and the ablest of her generals, the gal- lant veteran Field Marshal Prince Bliicher, assumed the command. Between him and the Duke the best under- standing prevailed, and both so posted their troops, that while all the approaches from Prance to Brussels were guarded, the commimications between Belgium and Germany on the one hand, and Brussels and the sea on the other, were kept open. The state of Brussels itself, while the clouds of war thus gathered round it, was curious enough. It became a place of resort, not only to the families of British oflB.cers em- ployed with the army in the Netherlands, but to many English ladies and gentlemen to whom residence in a con- tinental city was then a novelty, and who brought with them to their temporary home all the habits of London fashionable life. Dinners, soirees, balls, theatrical perform- ances, were events of nightly occurrence, which no one more promoted, or seemed more heartily to enjoy, than the Duke. Por he was in Planders, as he had been in Portugal, and Spain, and the south of Prance, an extraordinary economist of time. !No point of business, great or small, ever suffered neglect, yet he seemed always to have leisure for social in- tercourse, and mixed in it freely. AYhile the Allies were thus mustering their strength, and preparing for a second inroad into Prance, Napoleon, with an energy unparalleled in the history of the world, called forth the might of Prance to resist the invasion. He found 256 NAPOLEON'S TEEPAEATIONS. [1815. on his arrival in the Tuileries, 150,000 men under arms ; in tbe course of little more than t^yo mouths he raised the strength of the army to 400,000. All the avenues of approach to tlie capital, from the Pyrenees on one side to the passes of the Jura on the other, were observed ; and the principal fortresses guarding the roads which led from them, armed and garrisoned chiefly with National Guards. His foundries and manufactories of small arms were kept at work day and night. Not that he omitted to appeal to the Sovereigns of Europe in the cause of peace. His letters, especially that addressed to the Prince Regent of England, were master- pieces of eloquence ; yet, having no confidence in the result, he never for a moment intermitted his efforts to meet the storm when it should come. The consequence was, that by the end of May he had, as I have just stated, 400,000 men with their standards, whom he calculated on being able to increase in October to 700,000. But how protract the con- test till October came ? Only by striking rapidly at AVel- lington and Bliicher ; by defeating them in detail, and over- running the Netherlands. It was a bold game to play, yet not entirely desperate. The Belgians were understood to be dissatified with the annexation of their country to Holland ; many of them remembered with regret that they had once been Erench citizens ; not a few, it was understood, were willing to become French citizens again. It appeared, there- fore, to him, that were the English and Prussian armies out of the way, the Netherlands might be reannexed to the Em- pire, and with the resources of these countries added to those of France, he entertained little doubt that he should be able to make head, not unsuccessfully, against an alliance so ill- assorted as he believed that of the other powers to be. The tenor of the Duke's correspondence shows that he was not kept in the dark in regard to Napoleon's determin- ation. So early as the 9th of May, he wrote to the Due de Berri in these words : " I have reason to believe that the enemy's force, now assembled at Valenciennes and Maubeugc, is much greater than has been represented to your Royal Highness, and I should not be surprised if we were attacked." And on the 7th of June his instructions to the Grovernors 1S15.] IXSTRUCTIOXS TO GOVERNORS. 2o7 of the Belgium fortresses began thus : " As soon as the enemy shall have entered the territories of the Low Coun- tries, the under-named places ought to be put in a state of siege." To say that the General, thus aliA^e to all that passed ■within the enemy's lines, was taken by surprise, when the enemy made his advance, is to contradict reason and common sense. It was the Duke's design, deliberately formed, not to move a man, till the plans of his opponent should develope themselves. He might hesitate, to the last, to accept it as a settled matter, that Napoleon would begin the war by in- vading Belgium. His letter to the Emperor of Austria, written on the 15th of June, which suggests a policy for the adoption of the Allies after they should have entered France, makes no allusion whatever to any probable attack upon himself; and on the 12th of May, he wrote to Sir Henry Wellesley, as if such a measure could scarcely be attempted. But not the less certain is it, that to a blow delivered where it was not expected to fall, he never laid himself open. It would have been foreign to his nature to overlook, or treat lightly, any possible contingency of war. He was the most perfect chess-playei', in this respect, that ever handled men. 17 258 CHAPTEE XXVIL DISPOSITIONS OF THE ALLIED ARMIES BATTLES OF LIGNT AND QUATRE-BRAS — RETREAT OF THE ENGLISH TO WATERLOO BATTLE OF WATERLOO THE DUKE ON THE FIELD. It was now the 15tli of June. The Prussian army lay along the left bank of the Sambre. Greneral Ziethen's corps held the rij^jht, communieatino: from Charleroi with the left of the English, while General Bulow at Liege, stood on the extreme left. Between these two points were the corps of Pirch and Thielman, the former at Namur, the latter at Ciney. It Avas arranged that, in case of attack in this direc- tion, a general movement should be made towards the right ; and a position taken up between Grosselies and Eleurus ; while the Duke, inclining to his left, was to come into com- munication with Bliicher, by the Quatre-Bras road. If, on the other hand, the attack should fall on the English, Eng- lish and Prussians were to concentrate at Waterloo, the country round which the Duke had carefully surveyed. The roads from the Erench frontier to Brussels, by the valley of the Sambre and the IMeuse, having been broken up, the Duke arrived at the conclusion that through the approaches by the valleys of the Scheldt and the Deuder, the storm when it came would burst. He paid particular attention, there- fore, to the defences of Ghent, and kept, to the last moment, a strong corps in observation at Hall, under Prince Eerdi- nand of the ^Netherlands. The 15th passed at Brussels in perfect quiet. Intelli- gence came in from Charleroi, at seven that morning, that 1815.J HOSTILITIES BEGUX. 259 the fires of numerous bivouacs Tvere seen the previous night to blaze up suddenly, and that in the morning the outposts at Lobbes and Thuin had been attacked. But no further tidings followed, and the Duke naturally assumed that this was a feint to cover some serious operations elsewhere. Except therefore by issuing orders that all his divisions should be ready to march at a moment's notice, he took no special notice of the circumstance. There was to be a ball on the night of the 15th, at the lodgings of the Duchess of Richmond ; and the Prince of Oi'ange came in from Braine-le-Comte to dine with the Duke, and to be present at it. He arrived about three in the afternoon, and reported, that the Prussians had been warm- ly engaged in and about Charleroi. It was the first in- timation of that important fact which the Duke had re- ceived, and while he yet hesitated whether to accept it as authentic, General Miifiling, the Prussian Commissioner at the English head-quarters, entered and confirmed the state- ment. An orderly dragoon, it appeared, whom General Ziethen had early sent ofl:' to announce to the Duke the commencement of hostilities, had lost his way ; and but for the delivery of despatches from Prince Bliicher to General Muffling, it is impossible to guess when the true state of the case might have been made known. Calm, and even gentle, whenever dangers gathered round him, the Duke imjjressed upon his guests the necessity of keeping what they knew to tliemselves. He advised them also to go, as they had j)reviously iutended, to the Duchess's ball, and himself made ready to accompany them. Before sitting down to dinner, however, he drew up orders, clear, distinct, and explicit, for the march of the three distant divisions of the army to the left. " They moved that even- ing and in the uight, each division, and portion of a divi- sion, separately ; the whole being protected on the march by the defensive works constructed at the difierent points referred to, and by their garrisons."* These orders, issued between four and five in the after- noon, dii'ected only the outlying divisions of the two advanced * Memoraudum in the Duke's haudwriting. 17 * 260 THE RESERVE IN MOTIOX. [1815. corps, commanded respectively by the Prince of Orange and Lord Hill, to shift their ground. All the rest were instructed to assemble and to be in readiness. At ten the same night, however, the enemy's movements had sufficient- ly disclosed his intention ; and the whole army, with the exception of the reserve, was put in motion. It marched by various roads upon Quatre-Bras. Meanwhile in Brussels itself no signs of agitation or alarm Avere manifested. The reserve stood to their arms after night-fall in the park, and the salons of the Duchess of Richmond echoed to the sounds of music and dancing. Gayest among the gay, the Duke was there, remaining till past midnight, when he quietly withdrew, changed his dress, and mounted his horse. Then might be heard in the streets the tramp of columns, the clatter of horses' hoofs, and the roll of artillery. The re- serve was in motion ; and one by one the officers, who had shared in the festivities of the night, stole away. They hurried off each to his own corps, and were in action a few hours subsequently, many of them in their ball dresses. There occurred at that ball an incident, trifling in itself, but which, because it indicated the Duke's entire perception of Avhat was about to happen, seems to demand notice. After wishing the Duchess good-night, he approached the Duke of Hichmond, and said in a low voice, " Have you a good map of the country in the house ? " An answer was given in the affirmative, whereupon the two gentlemen adjourned to the Duke of Eichmond's bed-room, and there the map was pro- duced. The Duke of Wellington examined it and said, " Buonaparte has gained a day's march on me, I have ar- ranged to meet him at Quatre-Bras. If I am not able to stop him there, I will fight him here" making at tlie same time a mark with his thumb-nail at AVaterloo. No more passed between them. The Duke of Richmond returned to his guests, and the Duke of "Wellington rode off to carry into execution the simple plan thus set fortli. I have told clsewliere, and otlier historians liavc told also, how Napoleon concentrated 120,000 men in front of Charleroi, hoping before the Allies could cover them to seize the two strategic points of Quatre-Bras and Sombruffe. In 1815.] ACTION AT QUATRE-BRAS. 261 this lie failed tlirougli tlie loss of a day upon the march, which enabled the Prince of Orange to occupy the former post, while Bliicher succeeded in collecting 80,000 men, and placing them so as to secure the latter. The force under the command of the Prince of Orange was, however, very small, scarcely exceeding 6000 men. Had he been attacked with vigour early on the 16th his post must have been car- ried. Bat Napoleon's attention was directed mainly towards the Prussians, on whom he fell with great fury, leaving Ney with 17,000 men and 38 guns to dispose of the Prince of Orange. The Prussians, as is well known, sustained a de- feat. Routed they were not, for they withdrew after night- fall in good order, but they had decidedly the worst of the battle. Meanwhile the Prince of Orange with difficulty maintained himself till reinforcements arrived. There was a hard day's fighting with varied success, which extended into the night ; but by this time the Anglo-Belgian divi- sions were got well together, and they remained masters of the field, and of some ground in advance of it. All this the general historian will tell more at length ; let me speak rather of the Duke of AVellington, and of his sayings and doings while great events were in progress. Setting out from Brussels at a very early hou.r on the 16th, he reached Quatre-Bras about noon, and found that the Prince of Orange's corps had already been engaged, though not seriously. The pickets were driven in, and the enemy seemed to be collecting in masses for a more deter- mined onset. Having suggested a few changes in the dis- position of the troops, the Duke rode over to confer with Bliicher. He found the Prussian army ranged along the outer brow of a series of heights, which extended from St Amand to SombrofFe, and in front of which, in the valley be- low, ran the Ligny rivulet. The Duke was not satisfied with what he saw, and being appealed to, assigned his reasons, though in terms, as was usual with him, calculated to spare rather than to wound the feelings of his colleague. " Are you not very much exposed here ? I should have placed my men on the other side of the ridge, and kept them shel- tered from the enemy's artillery tiU they were needed." 262 RETREAT OF THE RRUSSIAXS. [1815. " My men," replied Bliicher, " like to see the enemy with ■n-hom they are going to fight." The Duke said no more, but while cantering back to Quatre-Bras, observed to those about him, " If Buonaparte be Avhat I suppose he is, the Prussians will get a d — d good licking to-day." The conse- quence of this impression was a slight change of plan, settled between the chiefs before they parted ; and an agree- ment that they should henceforth communicate by the Namur road, the English standing fast at Quatre-Bras throughout the day. The Prussians retired, as has been said, without confusion after nightfoll. They took the road to Wavre. It was a route which Napoleon never expected them to follow, and hence G-rouchy, whom he sent in pursuit, took at first a wrong direction. Meanwhile the English, after successfully resisting every attack, lay down on the ground where they had fought. The Duke slept beside his men, though not till by the light of the bivouac fire he had skimmed through a whole bundle of English newspapers which reached him soon after dark. He was in excellent spirits, and chatted freely about the gossip of London. Through his glass he had been able to watch the progress of the battle of Ligny, and had seen the famous cavalry charge in which Bliicher was unhorsed. But the tm-n which things took appeared to create in him not the slightest uneasiness. " Well, Alava," he exclaimed, as his faithful S})anish follower approached, " were you at the Duchess of liichmond's ball last night ? " General Alava has left it upon record that this brief address fell upon his ear like music. He too had seen the defeat of the Prussians, and fearing that matters looked black, was a little at a loss how to approach the Duke. But the moment the Duke spoke his confidence returned. And here let me notice, that General Alava, having been attached to the Duke's head-quarters when the British army broke up from the lines at Torres Vedras, never qiiitted liim afterwards. I have met him often at Walmer Castle, and believed, from his manner, that he was prepared to follow the Duke's for- tunes to the end of his days. But he was then in exile as a Constitutionalist. By and by, when the revolution occurred, 1815.] THE DUKE IN BIYOUAC. 263 vliicli set aside the Salic law in Spain, General Alava attach- ed himself to the party of the Queen, and running into ultra-liberalism, broke with the Duke at the period of our own Heform Bill, not, as the Duke's friends alleged, in the most becoming manner. The Duke used to say of him " that he was the only man living who had taken part in the greatest naval as well as the greatest military action of modern times;" for Alava served in the Sanctissima Trinidada at Trafalgar against the English, and rode beside the Duke at the battle of Waterloo against the French. Alava's confidence was not misplaced, for the Duke had made arrangements in his own mind to meet every possible contingency. He received throughout the night more than one report of what the Prussians were doing ; and at early dawn on the 27th sent a cavalry patrol to reconnoitre. After a brief absence, the patrol returned with tidings that not a Prussian was anywhere to be seen. But the Duke distrusted the correctness of the statement, and calling to him Colonel Gordon, his aide-de-camp, desired him to take a strong escort, and not to come back till he had found out something. Colonel Gordon executed his commission well, and finding General Ziethen still upon the ground (for Ziethen's corps formed the rear-guard of the Prussian army), learned from him exactly by what route Bliicher was retir- ing. " Tell the Duke of AVellington," said Ziethen, " that if he will hold to our agreement, and accept a battle at Mont St Jean, he shall not long be left to fight alone." Instructed on these points, the Duke remained at Quatre- Bras till three o'clock in the afternoon, giving Bliicher thereby ample time to perfect his arrangements. Why he was not assailed early in the day by the whole Prench army has never been explained. At last, however, the enemy began to advance in force, whereupon the Duke drew off"; and with consummate skill and in perfect order marched vipon the position of Waterloo. His cavalry, which covered this move- ment, was more than once engaged with the enemy, pai'ticu- larly on the further side of Genappes, where the Prench suffered severely ; but except thus, and by occasional dis- charges of artillery, no attempt was made to hurry or im- 2G4 MORNING OF THE 18tii OF JUNE. [1815. pede his retreat. Under a furious storm of rain and thun- der the British troops took up their ground, and slept throucrhout the night between the 17th and 18th of June where on the morrow not a few of them were destined to sleep the sleep that knows no waking. The Duke estab- lished his head-quarters in the village of Waterloo. He ate a hearty dinner, or rather supper, and went early to bed. At two in the morning of the 18th he was up, and after shaving and dressing with his usual care, sat down to his desk, with a couple of candles burning beside him. He wrote cheerfully to Sir Charles Stuart, then minister at Brus- sels : " Pray keep the English quiet if you can. Let them all prepare to retire, but neither be in a hurry or a fright, as all will yet turn out well/' He communicated his wishes to the Due de Berri at Ghent, concluding his letter in these remarkable words : " I hope, and indeed have every reason to believe, that all will turn oiit well." And he gave orders to the Grovernor of Antwerp to consider that fortress in a state of siege ; but at the same time to give free admission, not alone to the royal family of France, but to the families of Englishmen, or of men of any other nation who might consider it judicious to flee from Brussels. This done, he breakfasted, mounted his horse, and rode out to see that his troops were in their proper places. It did not appear from his manner at the moment — his subsequent conversa- tion never showed — that he entertained graver apprehen- sions of the issues of the coming battle than of any other in which he had been previously engaged. Yet the spec- tacle on which his eye fell, when he gained the crest of his own position, was, to say the least, an imposing one. Spread over a range of heights, facing his own, with the chateau of Belle Alliance conspicuous in the midst, lay 71,9-17 French troops, all men of one nation, all accustomed to war, and all imbued with the fullest confidence in the skill and fortune of their commander. Of these, 15,765 were superb cavalry, and 246 guns supported them. As yet, how- ever, they presented the appearance of an army still in bivouac. And hour after hour stole on, greatly to the Duke's surprise, without producing any visible index of 1815.] BATTLE. 265 change. But about ten o'clock the drums and trumpets spoke out ; and promptly, but with perfect deliberation, columns of attack were formed. There was no mistaking the object of this formation. Clouds of skirmishers soon ran out, and the battle began. I am not going to tell here what I have told already over and over again, how the battle of Waterloo was fought. It was a stern meeting between 71,947 brave men on one side, all homogeneous and confident in their leader, and 67,G55 on the other ; the latter a motley host made up of Belgians, Dutchmen, Brunswickers, Hanoverians, the troops of Nas- sau, and though last, not least, of 22,000 British soldiers. The brunt of the action fell, as was to be expected, on the English and the gallant German Legion. The English held Hougoumont throughout the clay ; the Germans lost the farm-house of La Haye, though not till after a desperate resistance and the expenditure of all their ammunition. In the line, which extended from Hougoumont to Brain- r Alcad, the various nations were much intermixed ; but while the English, the Germans, and the Dutch kept their ground, the others for the most part gave way, and were not without difficulty rallied in a second line, which never came imder fire. The battle was a defensive one on the side of the Anglo-Belgians all day long. The Duke fought to keep Napoleon at bay, till Bliicher should be able to join in the melee. Napoleon strove to break through and disperse the English, before time was given for the Prussians to come up. He threw his columns, now of infantry, now of cavalry, now of cavalry and infantry combined, on the right, on the centre, and partially on the left of the English position. He poured upon the position and the troops which held it, the sus- tained fire of 246 guns, to which from the side of the Allies 156 guns replied. But he gained no advantage. Twice his horsemen crowned the ridge and rode about infantry squares "which they never succeeded in breaking, and twice the charge of the English cavalry drove them back. The slaughter on both sides was terrific, but the final issues of the battle seem never to have been doubtful. The personal bearing of the Duke was throughout the 266 THE DUKE IN THE FIELD. [1815 day the admiration of ali who witnessed it. He came upon the ground about seven in the morning, and never once dis- mounted from his horse till after dark. He was on no sin- gle occasion, as it seemed, in a hurry, yet always prompt to apply a remedy to whatever mistake or failure occurred. In arranging his troops for the struggle he put into the park and enclosures about Hougoumont the same Nassau battalions which had come over from the French in Decem- ber, 1814. The chateau itself was filled with guardsmen. " I placed the Nassau battalions there," he used to say in after years, " because having often encountered us before, and knowing what we were worth, I took it for granted that they would behave as well beside us as they used to do when opposed to us. I soon found out my mistake. Like the rest of the continental troojJs, they had learned to believe Napoleon irresistible, and no sooner saw the enemy bear- ing down upon them than they began to waver. It was this which induced me at the last moment to withdraw them, and to supply their place with a battalion of the Guards." It has often been stated — and Captain G-ronow in his amusing volume repeats the statement — that in the course of the battle the Duke took shelter from the enemy's cavalry within one or more of the English squares. The Duke always denied that he had been driven to this extrem- ity. He moved about as occasion required from point to point, but his principal station was near a tree on the brow of the hill which overhangs Hougoumont and La Haye, and whence a clear view of the whole field of battle could be ob- tained. The tree was riddled with shot, and once the fire di- rected towards it came so heavily, that several officers re- monstrated with him for continuing to expose himself as he did. On that occasion he moved a little on one side, and the fire grew slack. "Whether Napoleon had seen him, and directed this heavy fire to be turned upon him, I do not know. The contingency is by no means impossible, for such appears to have been his usual practice. Indeed it was thus that at the battle of Dresden, when the Emperor of Russia, surrounded by a numerous staiT, attracted his atten- tion, he became the direct means of killing Moreau. He 1815.] HIS COXSIDERATIOX. 267 was standing beside a couple of guns wlaen the group at- tracted his attention, and himself desired the officer in charge to " throw a shot or two into the covey." The first shot took no efiect, but Moreau, riding up to speak to the Em- peror just as the second gun was pointed, and the Emperor reining back at the same time, the ball struck Moreau's horse, killing the animal, and carrying off both legs of the rider. Napoleon rejoiced at the occurrence. The Duke's view of matters was very different. " There's Buonaparte, sir," exclaimed an artillery oflScer whose guns the Duke had approached, " I think I can reach him, may I fire ? " " No, no," replied the Duke, " Grenerals commanding armies have something else to do than to shoot at one another." The casualties among the Duke's personal staff on the day of Waterloo proved very great. One after another they were borne from the field either killed or desperately wounded, till he was left without a single staff-ofi[icer to carry a mes- sage. There chanced, however, to be near him a brave young Swiss gentleman — a Count de Salis — who had chosen to fol- low the Duke that day to the field. The Duke turned to him, and apologizing for the act, requested him to be the bearer of an order to Sir James Kempt. The order was carried through a storm of fire, and punctually obeyed. Another story of the same sort I have heard, but only since the Duke's death. I cannot therefore vouch for its authenti- city, but it comes within the range of more than probability, and I may as well relate it. The Duke was quite alone, and a portion of his cavalry, too eager in pursuit, was in imminent danger. He looked round for an aide-de-camp whom he might send with orders to bring up some support, but the only mounted person near was a gentleman in plain clothes. " "Would you be afraid to ride to the front ? " asked the Duke, calmly. " Ton see that group of horsemen there," pointing towards a brigade of cavalry which was halted. " I want them to move on. Would you object to carry my message ? " " No, your Grace," was the answer, " provided you will make a written note of what you want, because I might mistake, not being 268 HIS PROCEEDING IX THE BATTLE. [I8I0. of your Grace's trade." " True, true," answered the Duke, with a smile, and then taking a piece of paper out of his pocket, he wrote upon it with a pencil, and gave it to the civilian. The civilian galloped off. The Duke saw him pass through a line of heavy fire and reach the cavalry brigade, which moved as he had wished it to do ; but he saw his mes- senger no more. The natural conclusion was that the poor fellow had been killed, and probably the Duke never thought of him again. But several years afterwards, having occasion to enter a shop in the city, he saw behind the counter a face which appeared to be familiar to him. After looking for a while at the individual, he said, " Surely I have seen you before. Tou are not the man who carrried a message for me at Waterloo, are you?" "I am, indeed, your Grace." " And why the devil didn't you come back, that I might have thanked you, and given you in my despatches the praise that you deserved ? " " To tell your Grace the truth, I had had enough of it. I felt that I had no business there, and did not quite know wliere to find you again. Nor was I at all anxious to ride a second time through that shower of bullets. So having escaped unhurt, I turned my horse's head towards Brussels, and got back to England as fast as I could." If all this really passed, the Duke must have been both interested and amused by it, but as I never heard him ad- vert to the circumstance, I give the anecdote on no better authority than that which gave it to me. Among others whom he encountered on the field were tbe Duke of Eichmond, and his son. Lord William Lennox. The latter, poor fellow, had met with an accident before the campaign opened, and was rendered therefore incaj^able of discharging his duties as aide-de-camp. The former, an old and gallant soldier, could not be within hearing of a cannon- ade, yet resist the temptation of getting into it. Upon both the Duke of Wellington, when he met them, looked grave. " William, you ought to be in bed. Duke, you have no business here." The Duke of Richmond and his sick son acknowledged the justice of the rej)roof, aiul re- turned to Brussels. The Duke had received during: the night of the 17th 1815.] OVERTHEOW OF THE FRENCH. 269 several communications from Blucber. He expected the arrival of the Prussians, therefore, some hours before they made their appearance, and not unnaturally turned his glass more than once in the direction whence they were to come. Except, however, some cavalry which showed itself at day- break on the 18th upon the ground in front of Ohain and therefore past the defile which separated the two armies, none appeared till late in the day. Still the Duke's confi- dence never forsook him. The French had delivered their last and fiercest attack. It was met and thrown back in all quarters, and the confusion which prevailed in the ranks of the beaten army showed that the day was lost to them. Whether the Duke, if no Prussians had been near, would have assumed the ofl"ensive just then is uncertain. But at the critical moment Bulow's corps entered into the battle, and a heavy firing in the direction of Planchenois indicated how the battle was going. Then the word was passed along the brow of the English heights to close the ranks of regi- ments and advance. Then down the slope swept infantry and cavalry, while from the high ground behind the artillery continued to fire, and the last touch was given, by British and Pi'ussian troops meeting upon the field, to the most complete and decisive victory which the world ever saw. I cannot better close this chapter than by transcribing from the Duke's memoranda, which the reader will find at length in the larger edition of this work, the following sen- tences. " The allied armies communicated with each other throughout the night of the 17th of June, and the cavalry of General Bulow's Prussian corps of Marshal Prince Bliicher's army was on the ground in front of Ohain, through the defile between the positions of the two armies, at daybreak on the morning of the 18th. Thus, then, it appears that after the affairs at Ligny and Quatre-Bras the two allied armies were collected, each on its own ground, in the presence of the enemy, having a short and not diflicult communication between them ; each of them in presence of the enemy, and between the enemy and Brussels ; all their communications with England, Holland, and Germany, and 270 THE DUKE'S MEMORANDUM. [1815. all the important political interests committed to their charp;e, being secure." •' The first thing heard of the operations of Marshal Bliicher's army was a report, brought from the left of the army under the Duke of AVellington, at about six o'clock in the evening, that at that moment the smoke of the fire of artillery could be perceived at a great distance beyond the right of the enemy's army, "which firing was supposed at that time to be at Planchenois. " The report of the battle, made at the time by the Duke of Wellington to the British and Allied Governments of Europe, has long been before the public. In that report he does full justice to the exertions made by his colleague, the Prussian commander-in-chief, and by the general ofl&cers and troops, to aid and support liim, and to the effectual aid which they gave him. He states no details, excepting that the battle was terminated by an attack which he determined to make upon the enemy's position, in whicli he does not report that any Prussian troops joined, because, in point of fact, none were in that part of the field of battle. He states, however, that the enemy's troops retired from the last at- tack upon his position in great confusion, and that the march of General Bulow's corps by Prishermont upon Planchenois and La Belle Alliance, had begun to take effect ; and as he could perceive the fire of his cannon, and as Marshal Prince Bliicher, with a corps of his army, had touched the left of our line by Ohain, he determined upon the attack, which succeeded in every point." I 271 CHAPTER XXVIII. fall of paris army of occupation attempts on the duke's life. It was late in tlie eveniBg when the grand advance of the English line took place. Darkness was settling fast over the field of battle, and still the firing continued. The Erench, broken and dispersed, either threw away their arms and fled, or fought for dear life in groups against pur- suers, some of whom gave no quarter. Conspicuous in front of his o'vvn line rode the Duke, and when the enemy broke at last and fled, he mixed, as night closed in, with the skirmishers, and could not be restrained. " Ton have no business here, sir," said one of his followers. " We are getting into enclosed ground, and your life is too valuable to be thrown away." " Never mind," replied the Duke, " let them fire away. The battle's won ; my life is of no consequence now." Thus indifferent to the thousand risks which surrounded him, he pushed on, and drew bridle only when he and Bliicher met at the Maison du Eoi. Here it was arranged that the Prussians, who had fallen in upon the same road with the English, should continue the p\ir- suit. Eor though the Duke made arrangements to support them with part of his troops, these proved to be so com- pletely exhausted by the fatigues of battle, that they could not go on. A halt was therefore ordered midway between Eossomme and GenapjDes. Erom that point the Duke rode slowly home, in clear moonlight, and alone. Scarcely one of his old companions 272 AFTER THE BATTLE. [181-5. through the war of the Peninsula remained to cheer him with his congratulations. Colonel De Lancy, his Quarter- master-General, had received a mortal wound; Major- General Barnes, his Adjutant- General, was wounded also ; Lieutenant-Colonel Fitzroy Somerset, his faithful and at- tached Military Secretary, had lost an arm, and been carried to Brussels. Of his aides-de-camp, two. Colonel the Hon- ourable Alexander Gordon and Lieutenant-Colonel Can- ning, were both struck down. The latter died on the spot ; the former only survived to learn from the chief whom he had long served and dearly loved, that the battle was won. Indeed the losses that day to England, and to the best blood of England, were terrible. Lord Uxbridge, struck by one of the last shots fired, suffered the amputation of a limb. Picton, the hero of a hundred fights, went whither his glory could not follow him. But it would be vain to attempt to particularize, one by one, the brave who purchased with their blood that day a renown which can never perish. The authentic lists of killed and wounded showed a grand total, on the side of the Allies, of 23,185. Out of this enormous multitude the English alone lost 11,678 ; the JN^etherlanders, 3178 ; the Brunswickers, 687 ; the troops of Nassau, 643 ; the Prussians, 6999. The loss of the French is not quite so easily determined. According to Colonel Charras it amounted to 31,000 or 32,000. Napoleon reckons it at 23,000 only ; of these 7000 Avere prisoners. If we include the casualties which befell in the pursuit, it was probably 40,000 at the least. The Duke reached his head-quarters at "Waterloo about ten o'clock at night. He had ridden the same horse all day, yet such was the spirit of the animal, that on his master dismounting, he kicked out in play, and well-nigh struck the Duke. The Duke entered, and found his dinner pre- pared with as much regularity as if the cook had expected him home from a review. He eat little, and eat in silence : indeed grief for the fallen, and anxious thoughts about their relatives, quite broke him down. " I cannot express to you," he wrote to Lord Aberdeen, " the regret and sorrow with which I look round me, and contemplate the loss which I A 181.5.] THE DUKE'S GPJEF FOR TEE FALLEN. 27.3 have sustained, particularly in your brother. The glory re- sulting from such actions, so dearly bought, is no consola- tion to me ; and I cannot suggest it as any to you and to his friends." In the same spirit he expressed himself when communicating Avith the Duke of Beaufort. " You are aware how useful your brother has always been to me, and liow much I shall feel the want of his assistance, and what a regard and aifection I feel for him, and you will readily be- lieve how much concerned I am for his misfortune. Indeed, the losses I have sustained have quite broke me down, and I have no feeling for the advantages I have acquired." The Duke retired to bed, worn out with fatigue and ex- citement. He slept till an hour which was late for him, that is to say, at seven next morning Dr Hume arrived to make his report, and found that his chief was not yet stir- ring. Having waited till eight, Dr Hume took it upon him to knock at the bed-room door, and being desired to enter he did so. The Duke sat up in his bed. He was undressed, but had neither washed nor shaved over-night. His face was therefore black with the dust and powder of the great battle, and in that plight he desired the chief of his medical staff to make his report. Dr Hume read on ; but becoming himself deeply affected, he stopped as if to di'aw breath, and looked up. The tears were running from the Duke's eyes, making furrows and channels for them- selves through the grime upon his cheek. " Go on," he said, " go on, for Grod's sake, go on. Let me hear it all. This is terrible." Dr Hume finished his paper, and with- drew, leaving his great chief in an agony of distress. In less than an hour the great Duke was in his business room giving directions about the future movements of the army, as if nothing extraordinary had happened ; and long before noon he was on his way, at a sharp pace, tow^ards Brussels. I pass by all that immediately followed, as described wnth sufficient minuteness in the larger edition of this Biography. The proclamation that was issued ere the march to Paris began — the march itself — with all its attendant circum- stances — the fall of the fortresses, One by one, with or 18 274 IN TARIS. [1815. without some show of resistance, and the surrender of the I'rench capital upon capitulation,- — these things are recorded where all who are curious in such details can easily find them. So also is the narrative of Napoleon's attemjited escape and of his reception on board the British ship of ■war Bellerophon. So also the tale of Bliicher's steru deal- ings with the Parisians ; and of the skill and tact with which the Duke softened him into a policy of forbearance. I may observe, however, in passing, that while these things went on, and for some time afterwards, when the Allied Sovereigns and their suites swarmed in Paris, it was to the Duke that the Parisians looked as their great protector, whose praise could not be sufficiently in their mouths. But a change came by degrees over the spirit of their dream. The Allies began to demand back for their respective coun- tries the spoil which in the composition of 1814 they had unwisely permitted to remain with the spoiler. The Duke was appealed to by the French Grovernment to protect the Louvre, and to hinder works of art from being removed ; and on his refusal to commit such a gross act of injustice, popular feeling turned against him. The truth is, that all the flattery heaped upon him when he saved the Bridge of Jena and the Austerlitz Column from destruction was mere lip-service. The marshals hated him ; so did the King, and in a very intensified degree so did the other members of the Royal family. They could not forgive or forget the fact that in humbling Prance he had acted like an honest man. And thus it came to pass that as soon as he ceased to be their tool they turned upon him. He was pronounced far more to blame for the plunder of Paris than anybody else. After signing the capitulation he now openly and ostentatiously broke through its conditions. He consented to the plunder of the galleries and museums, which he had undertaken to protect. No good Prenchman could hereafter remain on terms of common acquaintance with such a man ; no good Prenchman did. One day, to his great surprise, he received a note from the Due Duras, declining in a very curt mamier to dine with him. The Duke was surprised, inquired into, 1815.J THE FRENCH MARSHALS. 275 and ascertained the true state of the case, and returned the following answer : — " M. le Due, " I have had the honour to receive your letter, without date, in which you return to me a note which you consider to be an invitation to dinner ' in a somewhat royal style.' In reply, I beg of you to believe that the note was not in- tended for you, and I offer you a thousand excuses for its having been mis-sent. It does not contain an invitation to dinner in a royal or any other style, but merely a promise to dine with some one on the 28th. That some one is the Due d'Otrante ; and I very much regret that my secretary should have mistaken your name for that of the individual who wrote to me, proposing that I should dine with him. Such is the true history of this invitation to dinner' in a somewhat royal style.' I send you herewith the note of invitation which you desire to have." The conduct of the Due Duras was silly. It was the act of a pettish man, prompt to take offence where no offence could be intended ; but it had its political meaning too. Another outrage might have led to graver consequences, but that the Duke treated it with contempt. He was in the frequent habit of attending the King's levees ; and on such occasions usually found himself beset with civilities. About this time he went as usual, and observed that one marshal after another held aloof from him. At last, as if a common feeling actuated them, they all turned about and walked away. The KJing saw, and though not himself free from the contagion, affected to consider this a strong measure, for he approached the Duke, and began to make some excuses for it. " Don't distress yourself. Sire," observed the Duke quietly, " it is not the first time they have turned their backs on me." It was a sharp stroke of wit, which, when repeated, obtained great favour even with the French. The marshals, among others, felt its force. There might be little increase of cordiality among them ; but they took good care never again to turn their backs upon the Duke when they saw him approaching. Neither the French court nor the French people ever 276 COLONEL LABEDOYEEE AND MARSHAL XEY. [1815. cordially forgave tlie part which the Duke felt himself forced to play in these transactions, and there occurred, not long afterwards, events which increased four-fold the feeling of personal hostility towards him among the people and with the French army. Soon after the arrival of the King, and the settlement of a constitutional government, a proclamation of amnesty to all who had taken part in the late rebellion was issued. From that amnesty certain individuals were excepted by name ; and among the rest. Colonel Labedoyere and Marshal ^ej. The first, it will be remembered, had set the example of defection, by going over with his regiment to Xapoleon. The last, after undertaking to bring back the invader in a cage, had joined him with the corps of which he was at the head. Both of these gentlemen were in Paris when the capitulation was signed ; and both, had they remained in it, would have had a right, so far as the English and Prussian Grenerals were concerned, to claim under it exemption from arrest. Both, however, apparently convinced that from the Bourbons they had no mercy to expect, fled from Paris before the allied troops entered. They were both provided with money by Fouche, at that moment the head of the Provisional Government, and might have escaped, had they chosen, into Switzerland, and been safe. They were believed to be safe beyond the frontier, when, on the 24th of July, the decree was published which specially excluded them from the amnesty. It Avas counter-signed by Fouche, the very person who, on the Gth, had sent them away with money in their pockets. The deed was never intended to signify more than the King's determination to draw a line between the crowd and the leaders in the late defection. But Labedoyere committed the folly of appear- ing in Paris, after he had been proscribed ; and being re- cognized, was, of course, imprisoned, tried, and executed. Ney was scarcely more wise, and equally unfortunate. Al'ter arriving within a stage of the Swiss frontier, he turned back, and took up his residence at his own house in the country. He had been there some months, no one in Paris caring to inquire about him, when an over-zealous local 1815.] THE DUKE UNJUSTLY BLAMED. 277 magistrate arrested him, and made a report of wliat he had done. The French Grovernment was annoyed, but could act only in one way. He was sent to Paris ; and after con- siderable delay, put upon his trial, found guilty, and con- demned to be shot. It is a remarkable fact that neither at the time of his outlawry, nor after his arrest in the country, was any appeal made by him, or by the members of his family, to the Duke of Wellington, or to the treaty of capi- tulation which he had signed. As soon, howeyer, as the trial came on, the Duke was importuned to interfere ; and as far as it was jDOSsible for him, in his priyate capacity, and circumstanced as he then was in his relations with the French Groyernment, he did interfere. But when the friends of Ney went farther, and demanded that the 12th article of the treaty of capitulation should be applied to his case, the Duke refused to admit the justice of the claim. He pointed out that the capitulation was a military conyention, and nothing more, entered into between the commanders of two hostile armies ; that it neither was, nor could be, binding on the Allied Soyereigns, and still less upon the King of France. Besides, Marshal Ney, by fleeing from Paris before the Allies entered, had excluded himself from the priyileges, Ayhateyer these may be, which the article in question con- ferred. But this was not aU. Sir Cliarles, afterwards Lord Stuart de Eothsay, now represented England at the Court of France. If the English Groyernment had felt itself at liberty to interfere, such interference would haye taken place throiigh him. The Duke was the commander-in-chief of the English army, not the English ambassador. Besides, the position in which he stood towards the French Groyern- ment and the French people in consequence of his straight- forward proceedings in the matter of the museums, rendered it impossible for him to ask as a personal fayour what he could not demand as a right. For one or other of two results must haye followed. Either the Groyernment would haye refused to spare Ney, in which case the unpopularity of the execution must haye been deepened ; or else sparing Ney they would haye been charged with yielding to an enemy what they refused to the French people. The results 278 ARMY OF OCCUPATIOX. [1815. are well known. Ney died as lie had lived, a brave man ; and of the Duke it was said that he had permitted the execution because he was envious of the military reputation of one whom he had often defeated in the field. It is well known that among the continental sovereigns a general wish at that time prevailed to dismember France. It is equally well known that to the Duke of AVellington alone, and to his influence with the English Grovernment, it was owing that so iniquitous and unwise a policy was aban- doned. On the other hand, both the Duke and the British Government acknowledged the justice of making France pay, at least in part, the expenses of the war. A certain amount, to be disbvirsed in annual subsidies, was fixed upon, and it was settled that till this debt should be liquidated, and some certainty of quiet under the existing regime estab- lished, an army of occupation should continue to hold the country. The strength of the army was fixed at 150,000 men, of whom England was to furnish 50,000, the rest of Europe 100,000, and the command of the whole was by universal consent conferred upon the Duke of Wellington. The Duke so disposed his force that Paris was left to the King, and Ei-auce to her own people. The army of occu- pation held all the principal frontier fortresses, with easy communication between its several divisions. He himself took possession of the Chateau of St Martin, about 16 miles from Cambray ; because the country was favourable for field sports, which were forthwith resumed. He had a house, likewise, in Paris, where he spent a good deal of his time in the elucidation and settlement of accounts, and in rendering, when applied to, clear and valuable advice on all the political questions which came up. With respect to the accounts it may suffice to observe that they related to the claims and counter-claims which the French and the Allied Grovernments brought against each other. Special commissioners had been named to examine these claims. They worked accordiiig to rule, and drew their salaries ; but the settlement appeared as remote as ever, when the Duke was requested to take the matter in hand. In three months all was made clear. The French ministers themselves were 1815.] HATED BY THE COURT AND PEOPLE. 279 forced to admit that his decisions were just ; and they threw themselves on the consideration of the conquerors, which, at his suggestion, was extended to them. Strange to say, all this only tended to aggravate his unpopularity. He was hated on account of his integrity. He was disliked because he could afford to be generous. He was the only man in Europe who could neither be cajoled nor frightened. The great benefactor to France, when she stood most in need of a benefactor, he received as his reward the unmitigated hos- tility of all classes. The King alone understood his value to the cause of order, and respected, if he did not personally love, the man. But almost every other Frenchman, except pei'haps Talleyrand, probably for this reason, hated him with all his heart. But the Duke was hated elsewhere than in France. There were scattered all through Europe at this time, knots of repviblicans, whom recent events had driven into exile ; and who made common cause with the discontented, wher- ever they settled themselves, and got up or encouraged the growth of secret societies. Belgium became the head-quar- ters of this revolutionary body ; for Belgium was one of the capitals of a constitutional state which guarded, with almost excessive tenderness, the liberties of individuals, and laid itself open, in consequence, to the hostility of its more despotic neighbours. The grand idea which seemed ever present to the minds of the leaders of this party, was how to get the army of occupation removed from France. They persuaded themselves that if this were done, a new re- volution might soon be brought about ; and the conduct of the French Court, if not of the King, gave consider- able show of plausibility to the argument. For the Covu^t had gradually weeded out of the ministry whatever liberal statesmen had originally belonged to it. Fouche was sent into honourable banishment, Talleyrand was dis- graced ; the Duke de Richelieu, an ultra-royalist, guided the helm of state, under severe pressure from the King's brothers and the ladies of the family. Numerous joroscrip- tions of suspected persons folloAved ; and it Avas generally understood that an attemjit would be made to recover the 280 FIRST ATTEMn OX HIS LIFE. [1816. estates wliicli the first Ecvolution liad coufiscated. The llcjniblicaus believed, or professed to believe, that the Duke of Wclliugton was favourable to tliis poliej. They estab- lished newspaj^ers, iu which they openly charged him with conspiring against the liberties of France ; and spoke of him as a public enemy whom it would be lawful to destroy, as men destroy wolves. Tet all this while he was incurring the bitter hostility of the Eoyalists, in consequence of the remonstrances which he made to the King against the reac- tionary policy of his ministers. Extremes meet in politics as in religion. Eoyalists and Ivepublicans equally abhorred the man who opposed himself Avith the same honesty of purpose to the devices of both ; and both endeavoured to get rid of him by the same means. The Duke gave a ball at his hotel in theEue Champs-Elysees, on the 2.jth of June, 1816. It was just after he had been with the King, and warned him of the mischief which his brothers and their friends were doing. Angry as they were, the Princes could not refuse to be present at the ball. But they retired early, leaving the rooms still crowded with guests, Avhen an alarm Avas given that the house was on fire. It appeared, upon inquiry, that iu a cellar, of which the Avindow opened to the street, a barrel of oil had been placed ; bhavings also had been scattei'cd on the floor, in Avhich some bottles filled with gunpowder were mixed, and the shavings Avere on fire Avhen the discovery AA'as made. A few minutes later, and the Avhole house must have been in a blaze. The Duke paid very little . attention to the occurrence. If he did not himself believe, others certainly did, that the oil, and gunpowder, and shavings, had been placed AA^here they Avere found, for his destruction ; and suspicion, not unnaturally, fell upon the heads of the party Avith Avhich he Avas then at enmity. Of the source iu Avhich the second attempt on his life originated, there could be no doubt. The Republicans, or Bonapartists (for they Avere now united), gradually Avrought themselves up to a state of rabid excite- ment. They received great encouragement from the Empe- ror Alexander of Eussia, Avho, raised to the throne under appalling circumstances and married to an amiable princess, 1 1816.] THE HOLY ALLIANCE. 281 with whose tastes his own could never agree, fell, as years grew upon him, into a morbid state. He sought relief from his own despondency in devising schemes for the moral regeneration of mankind. It was in one of these fits of philanthropy that his project of the Holy Alliance origin- ated, which, though long misunderstood, is now known to have been as harmless as it was imj^racticable. It aimed at connecting the princes of Europe in a chain of brotherhood ; binding them to govern their respective countries upon Christian principles, and inviting them to acknowledge, as their common head, Jesus Christ. His, too, was the idea, that the aftairs of the world might be managed by meetings, at fixed jjeriods, of kings and their ministers, while to the peoples as much of liberty was given as should be compat- ible with the maintenance of order and the due authority of patriarchal government. The policy of the Ultra-Eoyal- ists in France was peculiarly distasteful to a prince so dis- posed ; and he took every oj^portunity of condemning and endeavouring to counteract it. Hence, though the most absolute sovereign in Europe, he became the centre towards which all the discontented spirits of all nations gravitated ; and listening to their complaints, and exj^ressiug sympathy with them, he created the persuasion, that from him, at least, no opposition to the restoration of a golden age would be off"ered. The Prince of Orange was married to the Czar's daughter. He was not on good terms with his own father, and felt sore at the treatment which he had received from England in the matter of the Princess Charlotte of AVales. Partly, perhaps, for these reasons, partly because he entertained profound respect for the Emj)eror, the Prince took the same line in politics ; and protected, if he did not associate with, the chiefs of the republican refugees in Belgium. Now, the Duke of "Wellington, while he averted from the Low Countries the threatened violence of Prussia, was urgent uj^on the Government to rid the country of these fomenters of mischief. He became, in consequence, a special object of their detestation ; and writing in their newspapers against him, they wrote at the same time 2S2 niS UNrOPULARITY IN FRANCE. [1816. what gave pleasure to men of all shades of opinion in Prance. The Duke paid a short visit to England in 1816. On his return to the Continent he found that an angry spirit was fermenting between the French people and his troops. Insults were offered, and assassinations attempted, against both officers and men ; and it was necessary to interfere Avith a strong hand to stop the evil. This he did, increas- ing thereby the bitterness of the grudge which was borne him. But the climax of his unpopularity was reached when it came out that an application made by the French Government and supported by Eussia, to reduce the army of occupation by 30,000 men, had, through his influence, been rejected. The circumstance befell at a time when, the crops having failed, the pressure of a foreign army could Bot but be severely felt by the people ; and on the plea of relieving the people the proposition Avas brought forward. But the Duke's superior sagacity showed him that unless the Allies Avere prepared to relieve France entirely from the obligations which they had imposed upon her, it Avas exactly at such a time that good policy required their hold upon the country to be firm. The army, it was demon- strated, had not been too strong to effect that purpose. Weaken it by 30,000 men, and bread-riots, AA'hich Avcre pretty sure to occur, might groAV into insurrection. But insuri-ection, if it once gained head, would end in war ; and Avar, besides involving Europe in difficulties and expense, must lead to a third conquest of France, Avith all the evils attendant on it. The Duke's reasoning prevailed. No troops Avere Avithdrawn at that time, and the French Grovernment loudly complained, AA'hile the republican press pronounced him to be the enemy of the human race. The Duke, though he resisted the measure in question Avheu first proposed, Avithdrow his opposition some months later. There was no famine in the land, and the pcojile Avere, or seemed to be, as little discontented as usual. Ac- cordingly, in April, 1817, 30,000 allied troops quitted France, which experienced, in consequeiu^e, a considerable diminution of the burthens to which the Treatv of 1815 had A 1817.] POLICY OF RUSSIA. 283 subjected her. But tlie Duke's popularity was not thereby restored. On the contrary, events occurred, almost imme- diately afterwards, which brought down upon him, most unfairly, a very storm of public odium. Russia had, at this time, a policy of her own. She w^as exceedingly anxious to conciliate France ; and her representative in Paris in- trigued with the French Groverument for getting rid of the army of occupation altogether. It seems difficult to believe that either he or his master could entertain any serious expectation of effecting that object. The Treaty of Paris had fixed the limits of the occupation at five years, of which two were not yet expired, and of the conditions to be fulfilled by France many were still in abeyance. But Russia gained something — or her representative persuaded himself that she did — when the rumour got abroad that such a proposition had, by him, been brought forward, though he had not succeeded in obtaining for it the ap- proval of his colleagues. Whatever went wrong at home or abroad, the Eepubli- cans laid to the door of the Duke and of the Bourbons. The failure of the Russian scheme supplied them with an admir- able topic ; and they made their own iise of it. In August, 1817, a jilacard was posted on the walls of Dunkirk which called upon the people to rise and free themselves at once from the Bourbons and their foreign supporters. Of this placard a copy was sent to the Duke, who transmitted it to Sir Charles Stuart ; but he wrote at the same time, and advised that no public notice should be taken of it. " I don't purpose," he added. " to make any personal communi- cation of this paper to the principal officers of the army of occupation, as it appears very unnecessary to create what I think a groundless alarm. We are all sufficiently on our guard — not against assassination, certainly, and I don't see how we could be so — but against surprise. A few strag- gling officers or soldiers might be murdered in their can- tonments in the winter, certainly ; but nothing could pre- vent our collecting, if necessary ; and tlien, I confess, I don't see what could injure us." The Duke divided his time a good deal between Valen- 284 SECOND ATTEMrX OX HIS LIFE. [1818. cieuues, where the head-quarters of the allied army was stationed, and Paris, to which he made frequent visits, in order to advise and assist at the deliberations of the coun- cil of ministers. In these deliberations all the affairs of the world Avere discussed. Austria and Spain were at variance about certain Italian principalities. They ac- cepted, on the Duke's suggestion, a compromise, and their differences ceased. Spain and Portugal, likewise at strife, were reconciled ; and an attempt was made, without suc- cess, to mediate between Spain and her revolted colonies. It was while he occupied himself in these laudable efforts, that the Duke narrowly escaj^ed the second attempt upon his life. He occupied a house in the Champs Elysees, the same from which, in 1848, Le Grange fired upon the troops the pistol-shot which may be said to have begun the revo- lution of that year. The entrance to it was under a covered passage, the gate of which stood square towards the street ; presenting a somewhat awkward means of ap- jiroach, except to a skilful driver. It happened that on the 11th of Pebruary, 1818, the Duke dined with Sir Charles Stuart. He retired from the party about half-past twelve o'clock, and drove straight home. The night was dark, and the streets were not lighted, as they are now, with gas ; but by oil lamps, one of which hung in the court- yard of the house. The light which it shed discovered a man who darted across the street in front of the carriage, and took up his station within the gateway ; and the coacli- man, suspicious that all could not be right, flogged his horses and drove ra2)idly. jSTo sooner Avas the carriage well under the arch, than a pistol was fired, but without effect. The Duke heard the report, looked out, and saw the person who had discharged it turn and run away. Be- fore the horses could be stopped, and a pursuit undertaken, he disappeared in the darkness : he was safe for the night. The police was at once communicated with, and an active search ibr the assassin began. It was known that a knot of suspected persons had arrived a few days previously from Brussels, and among the rest a person named Cantillon, formerly a non-commissioned officer in the Imperial army. 1818.] THE ASSASSIN ACQUITTED. 28.5 Upon him suspicion fell, and being arrested and shown to the Duke's servants they immediately identified him. lie was committed to prison, and an assurance given that no means would be omitted of discovering his accomplices and bringing them likewise to justice. There is nothing to show that the French Government desired to push its in- quiries in that direction very vigorously. Cantillon was understood to be an agent of the society which had its chief seat in Brussels, which had repeatedly, in its publications, recommended the use of the dagger, and with which a con- fidential aide-de-camp of the Prince of Orange was known to be connected. A peremptory demand for the arrest of these persons coidd scarcely, under the circumstances, have been evaded. But the French Government, by what mo- tive actuated I cannot pretend to say, made no such de- mand. The consequence was that all who lay open to sus- picion wisely fled ; and Cantillon was left alone to answer for the attempted murder. Cantillon was in due time brought to trial, and in the teeth of evidence which, anywhere except in the Paris of 1S18, would have proved his guilt, was acquitted. I might here close my account of this discreditable affair, did not the truth of history demand that its sequel, both immediate and more remote, should be placed on record. The news of the attempted assassination no sooner got abroad than every member of the royal family of France waited upon the Duke, with one remarkable exception. Louis Philippe, Duke of Orleans, paid him no visit of cougratulation ; but, by and by, after he ascended the throne, bestowed upon Cantillon the place of gamekeeper at Fontainebleau. IN'or were either N^apoleon I. or Napoleon III. unmindful of the patriot. The former, by a codicil to his will, executed at St Helena, and proved in Doctors' Commons, bequeathed to CantiUon, in approval of the act, a legacy of 10,000 francs, which the latter, a quarter of a century afterwards, paid, with all the interest accruing thereon, to his represent- atives. There was, however, a person on whom these occurrences wrought with terrible effect. The Prince of Orange felt 286 THE miXCE OF ORAXGE. [1813. overwhelmed witli grief and shame. He -wrote to the Duke, entreating him to believe that he neither was, nor ever could have been, a party to such proceedings. His asso- ciations with the Eepublicans had never, he protested, been more than a sentiment, of which he now acknowledged the weakness. As may well be imagined, the Duke entertained no suspicion of the complicity of his old aide-de-camp in the crime of assassination, and he hastened to reassure him on that head. He even promised to visit him, in order to convince the world that a perfect understanding still sub- sisted between them, and suggested that an excellent op- portunity was aiforded of becoming reconciled to the King his father. It does not appear that the Prince of Orange and the Duke of Wellington met, either at Cambray or at Zoestdyke, on that occasion ; but the Duke was soon after- wards gratified by hearing that the reconciliation which he had advised had been effected, and that the Prince ceased to entertain any more unnatural leanings towards idtra- liberalism. It will be seen from these details that the time of the Duke, while he remained at the head of the army in France, was much more given to the management of civil than of military aflairs. For the exercise of his talents as a general no scope, indeed, was afforded. Broils here and there oc- curred — personal quarrels between the French and the foreign troops, or between the foreign troops and the in- habitants. But no attempt at an armed rising occurred, nor was occasion given, so much as once, to concentrate in order to suppress it. Occasional reviews, some of them on a large scale, with the steady maintenance of discipline in quarters, alone called for the exercise of his soldierly abilities. For the exceeding regularity with which supplies came in, and the systematic manner in which accounts were kept and settled, soon obviated the necessity of mediating between the troops and the country people. There followed upon this a far more kindly spirit than had at first been manifested on either side. Private quarrels grew rare. British and German ofiicers began to mix in a friendly manner in civic and rural fetes. Conspirators grew weary 1818.] HIS HOSPITALITIES. 287 of conspiring. The French people became reconciled to their Government — the Government seemed more and more to trust the people. Even the adjustment of claims ap- peared to be acquiesced in, and the terms of the treaty of 1815 were either fulfilled or put in the way of fulfilment. What need could there be for a continued occupation of the French soil by foreign bayonets ? The Duke conceived that there was no need. In the congress which met in the winter of 1818 at Aix-la-Chapelle, he delivered in a written memorandum to that effect, and it was immediately acted upon. The army of occupation broke up. The Duke voluntarily relinquished a post of great political importance and large emolument, which a word of remonstrance would have secured to him for two years longer, and France was left to her own resources, with every prospect of becoming again a great and prosperous nation. All this while the Duke's life in private differed little from what we have seen that it was, when carrying on the war in Portugal and Spain, and in the country between the Bidassoa and the Garonne. His hospitalities might be on a larger scale, his guests were undoubtedly more varied, but whomsoever he received at his table his manners continued to be as simple and as kind as in former years. He was waited upon as a matter of course by every stranger of note who from any part of the world found his way to Paris. His English visitors included Sir "Walter, then Mr, Scott, Moore, Eogers, Siddons, John Kemble, Madame Catalani, all of whom partook of his generous fare, and were charmed with his conversation. But although the Duke himself was invariably kind and considerate, the young gentlemen composing his household aj^pear sometimes to have disapproved of the company which he kept. Like children spoiled by too much indulgence, they ventured more than once to make this sentiment known by retiring from the salon before the party broke up, and leaving him to enter- tain his friends single-handed. Good-natured as he was, that measure proved rather too strong even for the Duke. So one day the aides-de-camp were a good deal startled by receiving each a copy of a written circular which required 288 HIS STAFF. [1818. the atteuclauce of tlie whole body upon their chief at 10 o'clock next morning, arrayed in full-dress uniform. Now it so happened that among these boys there were several who had never taken the trouble to provide themselves with fuU-di'ess uniforms. They had their frocks, which they put on when following the Duke to reviews, and they always dressed, as indeed he did liimself, in plain clothes, to receive his jjarties at home. Grrcat, therefore, was the consternation of the conclave, and vast the exertions made to beg or bor- row the necessary habiliments in which to meet their chief. At last the dreaded moment came, and the Duke, looking somewhat sternly round, spoke his mind. He had been surprised and indignant that the gentlemen of his staff should show themselves inattentive to his guests. It was their duty to serve him as well in the domestic circle as elsewhere, and he expected that for the future they would conduct themselves as they knew that he wished them to do. The young men looked very foolish, but took, as they were bound to do, his reproof in good part, and it is fair to add, that from that day forth no one, not even the most sensi- tive individual who had the honour of sitting at the Duke's table, found reason to consider himself slighted by the meui- bers of the Duke's family. Though cured of behaving rudely, these lads were by no means cured of playing practical jokes upon all persons, high and low, who seemed to present fair butts to their wit. Among others, they tried to get Sir Sidney Smith into a scrape, and but for the Duke they would have succeeded. The gallant Admiral, as is well known, though one of the bravest, was one of the vainest men of the age. He was in Paris, and received an invitation to a ball Avliich the Duke was about to give ; and he received more. A letter reached him the same day, professing to come from the Sublime Porte, in which it was announced that in consideration of his eminent services at Acre, the Sultan had been pleused to confer upon him the order of tlie Key. By and by a box arrived, containing a key carefully wrapped up in gilded paper, and having a broad ribbon attached. The key hap- pened to be very rusty, and the circumstance was accounted 1818.] SIR SIDNEY SMITH. 289 for by a statement in writing, that the box had unfortunately been wetted with sea water in its passage from Constanti- nople. The gallant Admiral received the present, as it was antici- pated that he Avould ; and being desirous of obtaining some other authority than his own for wearing the order, he pro- ceeded to the Duke's house and asked his advice. The Duke saw at once into the whole matter ; and a sore trial it was to a man endowed with a keen sense of the ridiculous, to keep his gravity. But he put a restraint upon his feel- ings, pretended to be exceedingly angry, and advised Sir Sidney not to wear the key. He was convulsed with laugh- ter when he met the culprits at dinner, and often told the story afterwards with admirable humour. The Duke had his hunting days at and near Cambray, as re- gularly as he used to have them on the banks of tlie Agueda. The meets were well attended, and often led to excellent sport. He gave every encouragement likewise to the thea- trical performances Avhich were got up in Cambray itself, chiefly under the management of Mr Commissioner !Fon- blanque, then an officer in the 21st Fusiliers. But all this came to an end in due time. The army of occupation broke up as I have stated ; the Duke took leave of it in a valedictory addi^ess, and never again assumed the direction of troops in the immediate presence of an enemy. 19 290 CIIAPTEE XXIX. TROUBLESOME TIMES CATO STREET QUEEN CAROLINE. AYe turn a page in the biography of this great man, and find ourselves called upon to follow him through long years spent in the struggles of party, and amid the anxieties and disajjpointments of political life. There are those among the most ardent of his admirers who conceive, that for his own sake, if not for the sake of the country, it would have been well had that course been avoid- ed. His habits, they assert, were formed out of England, and in a condition of things essentially un-English. He had undergone no training worthy of the name in the House of Commons, and never could have found leisure to study, as they require to be studied, the laws and constitution of his country. Perhaps this is in the main true. But how was it possible for the Duke of Wellington, so long the referee to the King's ministers in questions of foreign policy, to withdraw into private life while yet in the vigour of his days ? That the Duke should have become a party politician may be a subject of regret. Able men, entertaining the same views with himself, thought so when he first fell into that category. They considered the position unworthy of one who for a quarter of a century had stood far above party and its claims. But the great question to be answered is, could the thing be avoided ? I think not. A ministry so feeble as that of which Lord Liverpool was the head threw itself for support upon the prestige of the Duke's great name. They gave him no time to consider what course d 1818.] IN THE CABINET. 291 would be best, either for himself or for the country, but in- veigled him, if I may so express myself, into the Cabinet, under the pretext of securing to it the best opinion which Europe could supply on military subjects. He was still commander-in-chief of the army of occupation, when the Master-generalship of the Ordnance was pressed upon him, in a manner which, as they well knew, precluded the possi- bility of refusal. And so, on his return home, he found himself wrapped round in a net from which he never after- wards broke away ; and from which, use having reconciled him to the position, he never perhaps desired to break away, till disappointment and the increasing infirmities of age warned him that his day of labour was done. The interval between 1818 and 1820 is one on which no lover of his country now looks back except with regret. It was a season of change from war with its profuse expendi- ture to peace, bringing not plenty, but forced public economy in its train ; and in the manipulation of that in- terval all parties in the state, Tories and Whigs, the friends of Government and its enemies, committed grievous blunders. The people entirely uneducated, and goaded on by want, and by the harangues of demagogues, plotted and schemed for the overthrow of the monarchy, and were re- strained from carrying their designs into execution only by measures of the harshest repression. Columns of regular troops traversed the manufiicturing and mining districts to disperse nightly drillings and over-awe disaffection. And mobs, being charged by yeomanry cavalry, offered resistance, and were cut down. It would not be fair to try by the standard of our own times and ideas the proceedings either of rulers or of subjects 40 years ago. The statesmen of that day had been eye-witnesses, so to speak, of the first French Revolution, and were too much afraid of the recurrence of its atrocities to shrink from any measures, however stern, Avhich promised to avert th^em. The masses, never having heard of the term " moral power," and being ignorant how to exercise the thing itself, thought only amid their sufferings, real or imaginary, of appealing to brute force. Hence the struggle between order and confusion, rudely 19 * 292 DEATH OF GEOEGE III. [1818. conducted ou botli sides, and leading to the enactments of laws siicli as no Parliament in these days could be per- snaded to pass, nor any magistrates to carry into eftect. Why should I go, even shortly, over ground which has so little to attract ? Eather let me content myself Avith say- ing, that the Duke, as was natural, adopted the views of his colleagues throughout these years of trouble ; that whether agreeing with them or dissenting from them while points were discussed in the Cabinet, he stood by them manfully when they came to a decision ; and that he gave them the benefit of his counsel, in so marshalling and directing the military force at their disposal, that no serious risings any- where took place, and very few lives Avere sacrificed. The troubles of 1818 and 1819 were incident mainly to commercial depression. AVith increasing prosperity in the manufacturing districts came a respite from such troubles. But the people had been too carefully taught to connect their own suff'erings with abuses in the machinery of the Government to be reconciled, in prosperity, to the constitu- tion as it was ; and the Prince Eegent was personally odious to them. The death of George III. brought this latter feeling strongly to light. George III. died on the 28th of December, 1820 ; George TV. was immediately proclaimed ; and in less than three Aveeks dangers threatened the state from two very different (}uarters. It was discovered that for some time back a band of desperate men had met nightly in a garret in Cato Street, and that they were plotting the assassination of the King and of all the members of his Cabinet. At first they made a distribution of the bloody Avork, each conspirator under- taking to make aAvay Avith a particular victim ; and this cir- cumstance it is Avhich induces me to dAvcll at all i;pon the insane project. Por the Duke had a narroAV escape. " It came out upon the examination," said the Duke, teUing the story at Walmcr Castle, " that; I Avas to be taken care of by Mr Ings. Mr Ings, it seems, had watched me often, but never caught me alone, till one afteriioon in the begin- ning of February he suav me leave the Ordnance OlHce. He crossed the street and Avalked after me, intending, when 1820.] THE CATO-STREET CONSPIRACY. 293 I got into the Green Park, to stab me from behind. But before reaching St James's Palace, a gentleman with only- one arm met me, and turning round, walked with me through the Park to Apsley House. Mr Ings was afraid, in the circumstances, to go on with his job, and I escaped. And all this I quite believe, for I recollect meeting Lord Pitzroy Somerset that day ; and just as we resumed our Avalk, I saw a suspicious-looking person pass us and go up St James's Street." " And what about the conspiracy itself, Duke ? " " You all know how it went on, and by what process it was stopped. I proposed a difterent plan, but my col- leagues did not like it. We were masters, by this time, of all their secrets, and knew that they intended to break in vipon us at a Cabinet dinner at Lord Harrowby's, and put us all to death. My proposal was to get a body of police quietly into the house, to send our despatch-boxes there, each containing a brace of pistols, and to let them come. I thouglit it the readiest way of catching them in a trap, with- out creating alarm elsewhere. My colleagues, however, were of a different opinion, and perhaps they were right." The other peril, if a peril it deserves to be called, arose immediately out of the domestic differences between Greorge IV. and Queen Caroline. Time has long since settled the merits of that quarrel. A profligate and selfish Prince, pre- vented by circumstances from ridding himself by legitimate means of a profligate and violent Princess, endeavoured by means which were not legitimate to crush her ; and his ministers, weakly lending themselves to his humours, stretched the law to the verge of injustice, and failed. The Duke's part in that wretched drama was a subordinate one. He met the Queen's Attorney-General, Mr, now Lord, Brougham, and proposed terms of a comj)romise, which were rejected ; and he drew round London the cordon of troops, which were to put down violence, should serious violence be attempted. But disapproving, as he did, the whole of the King's proceedings, he held as much as pos- sible aloof from discussing them. An expression dropped in the course of debate in the House of Lords, brought 294 A SLIP OF THE TONGUE. [1820. down upon liim, it is true, a sudden burst of obloquy. Tlie Queen was of course the idol of the mob ; many petitions came in, in her favour, and among the rest, one from Hampshire, containing 9000 signatures. Now the Duke had recently been appointed to the Lieutenancy of Hamp- shire, and it was charged against him by an opposition peer, that he discountenanced the getting up of a county petition. His answer, though very characteristic, was not perhaps very prudent. After showing that the House was already in possession of a petition numerously and respect- ably signed, he added, that he did not see what purpose could be served after that, by going through the farce of a county meeting. It Avas by mistakes like this, trifling in themselves, yet offering a ready handle to the ill-disposed, that the Duke sometimes sliowed his lack of training in what may be called Parliamentary tactics. The words Avere much commented upon at the time, and were often afterwards recalled, to prove either that the speaker did not Icnow what the rights of the people were, or else know- ing held them in entire disrespect. J 295 CHAPTER XXX. THE DUKE IN THE CABINET AT VERONA. The larger edition of this work lias told how the ques- tions of Parliamentary reform and free trade assumed about this time a tangible shape ; and how the claims of Roman Catholics to be admitted to the rights of citizenship, inde- pendently of religious opinion, acquired day by day an in- creasing number of advocates. What the Duke's real sentiments were in 1821 regard- ing Parliamentary reform and Catholic emancipation, it would perhaps be difficult to determine. He did not leave the Cabinet when Lord John Russell's proposal was re- sisted ; and the franchise forfeited at Grampouud was trans- ferred not to Leeds, but to Yorkshire. Neither did he vote in the Cabinet, or in the House of Lords, with those of his colleagues who approved of the entire removal of Roman Catholic disabilities. But on the other hand, as he declined a proposal to assume the chief direction of affairs in Ireland, with a view to put down sedition there, and to maintain the supremacy of the laws as they stood, so on the subject of gradually extending the franchise to large towns, he never uttered a word to show that he disapproved of the project. Putting these two circumstances together, and looking to the tone of his correspondence in earlier years, the fair inference is that his mind was by no means made up on either point. With respect to free trade the case is difterent. He opposed the abolition of the Com- pany's monopoly in China, for reasons which were rather 296 IN PARIS. [1822. political tHan commercial, and every successive year seemed only more and more to confirm his predilections in favour, of protection to British agriculture. It must be admitted, however, that up to 1822, and beyond it, the Duke appears scarcely to have bestowed much attention upon questions purely fiscal. His politics were still those of the Foreign Office, and he became in consequence a frequent medium of communication between his own and Continental Grovern- ments. He was not indeed present at the Congress of Trappau. The English Government was little desirous of taking part in that conclave, which met to consider how the revolutionary spirit could best be put down in Europe. Eor the revolutionary spirit was charged with having brought about in Spain and Portugal, that impatience under absolute rule which soon extended into Italy, and which, like most feelings long pent up and suddenly triumphant, be- came the cause in both countries of many abuses. By and by, however, when Louis XVIII. was assembling an army on the Spanish frontier, the Duke took advantage of an official visit to the fortresses in the Netherlands, and passed on to Paris. He had there some interesting conversation with the French King and his ministers, and prevailed so far as to induce the King to make a statement of the minimum of his demands. " If you can get the Spaniards to accept their constitution as a gift from the Crown, instead of forcing it upon the Crown as the will of the people, we may come to terms. Neither shall we withdi'aw our ambassador from Madrid as the other powers threaten to do." This was something ; time at least was gained by it, and the rea- son of the concession M. Gruizot has assigned. " Louis XVIII.," he says in his political reminiscences, " placed en- tire confidence in the judgment and friendly feeling of the Duke of AVellington." Yet Louis the XVIII. did not let the Duke go without giving utterance to words of which the meaning was pretty obvious. " Louis XIV.," he said, levelled the Pyrenees ; I shall not allow them to be raised again. He placed my family on the throne of Spain, I can- not let them fall. The other sovereigns have not the same duties to fulfil. My ambassador ought not to quit Madrid I 1822.] HIS INFLUENCE WITH THE KING. 297 until tte day when 100,000 Prenclimen are on their march to replace him." The Duke's visit to Paris at this time was followed by au incident which is interesting only so far as it furnished him, in after life, with an opportunity of telling a story to which his peculiar manner of expressing himself gave remarkable zest. Greorge IV., after a brief sojourn among his Irish subjects, proceeded to Hanover ; and passing through Brus- sels was there met by the Duke, who conducted him over the Field of Waterloo. The Duke explained to the King all the movements in the battle, and pointed out to him the spots where men of note had fallen on both sides. " His Majesty took it very coolly," he used to say ; " he never asked me a single question, nor said one word, until I showed him where Lord Anglesea's leg was buried, and then he burst into tears." Though holding an inferior place in the Cabinet, and ex- hibiting little desire to take the lead in its deliberations, the Duke's influence with the King was by this time very great. It was for him or for Lord Castlereagh, not for Lord Liverpool, that his Majesty, when he had any important communication to make, usually sent ; and on most subjects, particularly on those aff'ecting the Foreign relations of the country, the Duke and Lord Castlereagh thought alike. The time was come, however, when circumstances were about to force the Duke into a more prominent place as a politician. The Session of 1822 appeared to have overtaxed Lord Cas- tlereagh's powers of mind. The internal condition of the British Empire troubled him, as did the state of Continental Europe, and indeed of the world at large. He had agreed to attend a Congress at Vienna in the autumn, at which many important subjects should be discussed. But as the moment approached for setting out upon the journey, his courage failed him. At last the whole country was horri- fied by learning that he had destroyed himself in his house at Eoot's Cray. No man felt the shock of that blow more severely than the Duke. He seems to have been apprehen- sive for some time back that a catastrophe of the kind was possible, for he warned Lord Castlereagh's medical adviser 298 MR CANNING. [1822 to be upon his guard, and tried to soothe the anxieties of his friend, by proposing to become himself Lord Castle- rea; GRAYING. [1852. you •would like to possess it.' The offer was at once and gladly accepted ; upon which he rang the bell, and desired the butler to take the engraving out of the frame, and to bring it to him next morning, that he might inscribe his name at the bottom. Everything was done as the Duke directed. The engraving was taken from the frame ; the Duke subscribed it with his name ; it was then carefully packed, and probably hangs at this hour in one of the apart- ments of the palace at Mecklenburg." Two incidents marked the progress of this little affair, of sufficient importance, as it seems to me, to justify the mi- nuteness with which I have detailed it. The first is, that when the engraving was brought to the Duke in the morn- ing, in order that he might subscribe it, he did what he was never known on any previous occasion to have done ; he tried the pen which was put into his hand before making use of it. The next, that though he wrote by that night's post to his publisher in London, for a fac-simile of the en- graving, wherewith to fill the vacant frame, his order was not executed. The fact is, that the engraving which he had given away was what is called a proof engraving, of which no stock remained on hand. Great pains were taken to seek for a copy in various directions, but without success ; and now among the effigies of other lords warden that of the Duke hangs in the dining-room at Walmer Castle, not a proof, but a common engraving, which did not reach its place till the day after the great original had ceased to take interest in sublunary affairs. On the 28th, a little before noon, the G-rand Duke and Duchess took their departure, the Duke driving the latter to Dover in a pony carriage. He returned after seeing them on board the packet, and spent the evening alone. He never from that day received any more guests at his table ; indeed, up to the 8th of September, he remained, with liis domestics, the sole occupant of the Castle. Daily, however, he might be seen riding or walking about, and once he went as far as Folkestone. It was to visit Mr Croker, who had removed thither in search of that health which was never to be restored to him again ; and the 1852.] HIS LAST LETTER ARRIVES. 455 Duke's movements being dependent on tlie return of the train to Dover, they spent some hours together. Mr Croker, ill as he was, made a note of the conversation which passed between them, and sent copies of it to several of the Duke's friends. It related almost entirely to times gone by, and to persons long removed fi^om the scene of life. It was ftdl of interest, of course, to the pair who joined in it ; and as evincing the clearness of the Duke's mind when turned to such subjects, the members of his own family, and the few individuals without that circle, to whom names and dates of more than sixty years' standing are familiar, cannot fail to value such a record. But the general reader would scarcely care to have it brought before him, and if it were so brought would probably not understand it. On the 8th of September, the Duke's solitude was broken in upon by the arrival of his second son, Lord Charles Wellesley, accompanied by Lady Charles and their children. This was a great delight to the Duke ; for, inde- pendently of his attachment to the parents, he wa^ exceed- ingly fond of his grandchildren, and often made them his companions in the strolls which he took through the grounds, or to and fro along the terrace-walk, which runs between the Castle and the sea. In other respects, he pur- sued his usual course, devoting a portion of each morning to his private correspondence, while the evenings were spent chiefly in reading. One out of the many letters written by him at this time, contains a sentence which is at least re- markable ; and which, if the mind of the reader be prone to superstition, may even appear to have been ominous. On the 12th of September he wrote thus : — " I had a letter this morning from a madman, who announces that he is a messenger from the Lord, and will deliver his message to me to-morrow morning : we shall see." Who the writer was has never been ascertained, but the message from the Lord was already on its way. The Duke took more than his usual amount of exercise on the 13th, and ate a good dinner with much relish. Wine he had long given up, but he drank his iced water,' as his custom was, and retired to bed, apparently in excellent 456 HIS ILLNESS. [1852. health, about half-past eleven o'clock. He was always an early riser, and his valet went at six in the morning of the 14th to call him. He appeared, however, to be sleeping heavily ; and the servant, finding that he did not awake, though the fire was stirred, and the fire-irons clashed toge- ther, thought that it would be a pity to disturb his master, and withdrew again. Soon afterwards one of the maids met him, and said she was afraid that the Duke was ill, for she thought that she had heard him groan. The valet repaired at once to his master's chamber, and opening the shutters, said, " It is getting quite late, your Grace ; it is past seven o'clock." " Is it ? " replied the Duke in his usual tone of voice. " Do you know where the apothecary lives ? " " Yes, your Grace." " Then send and let him know that I should like to see him. I don't feel quite well, and I will lie still till he comes." This was such an admission as the Duke had never been known under similar circumstances to make, and it created proportionable alarm. A messenger was accordingly de- spatched on horseback for Mr Hulke, of Deal, who soon arrived, and was introduced into the Duke's apartment. Mr Hulke examined his patient, looking at the tongue and feeling the pulse ; and having pronounced that there was no ground for apprehension, advised that he should take a cup of tea, and remain quiet. He prescribed no medicine, be- cause he considered that none was required ; for the Duke's stomach seemed to have relieved itself during the night, and rest was all that appeared necessary to restore him. Mr Hulke, therefore, took his leave, and a cup of tea was given to the Duke as soon as it could be got ready. It operated upon him, after a brief interval, like an emetic, and he became very restless and uneasy. By this time the whole houseliold \Aas disturbed, and Lord and Lady Charles came into the bed-room, whither also Captain AYatts soon followed. They all saw that this was no passing fit of in- disposition, and at once sent off fresh messengers in search both of Mr Hulke and of Dr M' Arthur. The former after a brief interval arrived ; the latter, who happened to be from home, did not come till later. An emetic was given, . 852.] EXPIRES. 457 ■whicli, however, produced no amelioration of the symptoms, but the reA'erse ; and then calomel, which it appeared had never failed before in relieving such attacks, was adminis- tered. Probably neither calomel nor any other remedy, no matter when applied, would have been of the smallest avail. The Duke's hour was come ; and though, with the determin- ation of purpose which belonged to his nature, he seemed to put it from him, the summons had gone forth which admits of no baffling. His anxious attendants perceiving that he breathed with increased difficulty, and appeared otherwise to suffer, lifted him out of bed, and placed him in an easy-chair. Nothing was gained by that change of position ; he never rallied. The strong will kept death at bay till towards seven o'clock in the evening ; but physical power was wanting to repel him altogether. A fit came on, similar in every respect to the worst of those to which he had formerly been subject, and after a few convulsive strug- gles he ceased to breathe. Yet so calm and tranquil was his departure ; so little was he changed, even in appear- ance, that not till a mirror had been held up before his face, could those by whom he was surrounded tell that life Avas extinct. The alarming nature of the attack under which the Duke Avas suffering no sooner became apparent, than telegraphic despatches were sent off to London for Dr Ferguson and Dr Hume. Both, unfortunately, happened to be in Scotland ; and, after considerable delay, Dr Williams was requested to go down to Walmer. He took the first train which stai'ted, but could not reach the Castle tUl all was over. He found but the mortal remains of his illustrious patient laid out upon the little camp bed, in which while living he usually slept ; and a household plunged in the very depths of sorrow and consternation. The Marquis of Douro, the Duke's eldest son, chanced to be abroad at the time of his father's death. He was imme- diately informed by telegraph of the calamity which had be- fallen, and travelling post, he arrived at the Castle on the 17th. "We draw a veil over all that followed. He, himself, had often been heard to say, " Where the tree falls, there let 458 LIES IX STATE. [1852. it lie," and had his words been fulfilled, he would have rested now in a humble grave in the churchyard of Walmer. But public feeling would not have it so. The great Duke had been the property of the nation while he lived, and the nation claimed the right of disposing of his remains now that he was dead. It was determined that a public funeral should mark the sense of the people's reverence for his memory and of their grief for his loss. But time was needed to mature and complete the necessary preparations, and the body, being enclosed in a shell, was therefore left for a while under proper care in the Castle. A guard of honour, com- posed of a portion of his own rifle regiment, did duty over it. The Castle flag was hoisted daily half-mast high, and on the 9th and 10th of November the inhabitants of Deal and Walmer and its vicinity were admitted to take their last look at his remains, as they lay there in state. Upwards of 9000 persons availed themselves of this privilege, and all, without exception, evinced unmistakable proofs of reverence, many of deep emotion. At six in the evening of the 10th, Lord Douro, the pre- sent Duke, arrived, accompanied by Lord Arthur Hay, and by a gentleman from the Lord Chamberlain's ofiice, who had been directed to superintend the removal of the body from Walmer to London. It was placed upon a hearse, and conveyed by torchlight to the railway station, a guard of the Rifle Brigade attending it, and the batteries at Walmer and Deal Castle firing minute guns. Sandown Cas- tle took up the melancholy salute as the train, with its sacred burden, swept by ; and, about half-past twelve, the hearse, with its attendants, reached the Bricklayers' Arms. Here a squadron of the 2nd Life Guards was in waiting to receive them, and once more, by the dim light of torches, the melancholy cortege passed on. INLany a Anndow was thrown up, that men might gaze on the cavalcade as it moved through the streets ; and few, whom the unaccus- tomed tramp of horses had roused from their slumbers, slept again that night, except with spirits saddened and subdued. The procession reached Chelsea about tliree in the morning, 1852.] IN CHELSEA HOSPITAL. 459 •uheu the coffin containmg the body was carried into the hall of the Eoyal Military Hospital. That noble apartment, as well as the chapel, had been previonsly hnng with black, and was now lighted only by waxen tapers, placed here and there in silver sconces. The coffin rested upon an elevated platform at the end of the hall, over which was suspended a cloud-like canopy or veil. Life Gruardsmen with arms reversed lined the apartment like statues, while beside the body sat six chief mourners. The coffin itself was covered with red velvet, and at the foot stood a table, on which all the decorations of the deceased were laid out. Thither, day by day, in a constant stream, crowds of men, women, and children repaired, all dressed in deep mourning, that they might pay their last tribute of respect to him who could no longer acknowledge it. The first of these visitors was her Majesty the Queen, accompanied by the youthful branches of her family. But so deeply was she affected that she never got beyond the centre of the hall, where her feelings quite overcame her, and whence she was led, weep- ing bitterly, to her carriage. The public funeral took place on the 18th of November, and was attended by the Prince Consort, and all the chief officers of state. The military arrangements necessary for it had previously been completed ; and with a view, it is presumed, to give consistency to the whole affair, the body was removed by torchlight a little before midnight on the l7th, under an escort of cavalry, to the Horse Guards. There, in the room which had often witnessed his atten- tion to the affairs of that army which was now to furnish his chief mourners, all that remained of the Duke rested till dawn. And then the solemn ceremony began. From St Paul's Cathedral, down Fleet Street, along the Strand, by Charing Cross and Pall Mall, to St James's Park, troops lined both sides of the streets ; while in the Park itself columns of infantry, cavalry, and artillery were formed, ready to fall into their proper places after the march began. How it was conducted, with what respectful interest watch- ed by high and low, how solemn the notes of the bands, as one after another they took up and poured out the " Dead 430 IX THE GRAVE. [1852. March iu Saul," how grand, yet how touching the scene in the interior of St Paul's, within which were gathered almost all that survived of his companions in arms, it is not neces- sary for me to describe. The representatives of all the great Powers of Europe, Austi'ia alone excepted,* were there to do him honour. The rank, talent, station, and beauty of G-reat Britain joined in the solemn requiem where^vith the funeral service closed. And as if it had been decreed that to the very last everything connected with him should have a character of its own, the elements themselves combined as it were to do him honour. The weather had been boisterous for some days previously, and the early morning of the 18th itself set in with wind and rain. But scarcely was the funeral procession arranged ere the clouds broke, and the sky shone out blue and clear upon the car and its attendants. It was but a respite, so to speak, in the war of nature ; for the doors of St Paul's had not long been shut ere the storm burst forth again, and in rain and wind the day closed which witnessed the funeral of the great Duke. Again, the mind which is prone to superstition will find food on which to ruminate. He who had conquered, and, for well-nigh forty years, pre- served the peace of Europe, was gone ; and there followed his removal from among us the war in the Crimea, with all the unsatisfactory results to which it has led. * Austria vras at tWs time offended by the treatment given to one of her generals by a mob of draymen. She could not be made to understand that every respectable person in the kingdom lamented the outrage, but that there was no remedy for it except by due course of law. 461 CHAPTER XLII. THE DUKE AS A MAN, A SOLDIER, A STATESMAN HIS PLAT- FULNESS HIS KINDLINESS HIS SELF-POSSESSION HIS WISDOM. If there be any Englisli reader who, after a perusal of this narrative, finds it difficult to arrive at a just apprecia- tion of the great man whose career has been therein set down, the circumstance must be attributed to one of two causes. Either he has little accustomed himself to draw inferences from events as they pass before him, or I have very imperfectly accomplished the task which I ventured to set to myself. For the character of the Duke of Welling- ton was, perhaps, more completely free from disguise than that of any other man, whether of ancient or modern times, who has filled so large a space in the world's history. The great leading principle of his moral being was — duty. In private life he was truth itself. As a public man, he had but one object in view, viz., to benefit, to the utmost of his ability and skiU, the state, whose servant he was. Of per- sonal ambition, in the vulgar acceptation of that term, the Duke knew nothing. The desire of winning applause, or of advancing himself to places of honour and power, seems never, from first to last, to have moved him. There are no stories extant of a boyish ambition in him to become the leader of his companions in their sports and pastimes. He never taught them how to construct castles of snow, nor led them to the attack or defence of such castles when con- structed. His career at school is so completely without 4«2 HIS CHARACTER. note, that liacl not Robert Smith recorded the circumstance of a bout at fisticuffs between the future deliverer of Europe and himself, the biographer of the Duke of "Wellington ■u'ould have been absolutely without a tale to tell of all that his hero may have said or done at Chelsea, at Eton, and at Angers. And so it is with his life as a subaltern, a captain, a major, and an aide-de-camp to the Lord-lieutenant of Ireland. It is a mere vacant space on the paper which is soon to be filled with the record of exploits such as struck the world with wonder ; — a sure proof that the same sim- plicity of character which distinguished the man in after- vears belonged to him in youth ; and that content to do his duty, and to enjoy existence in his own peculiar way, he never made an effort to push himself out of his place, or to attract, in so doing, the gaze or admiration of the multitude. The powers which all this Avhile lay dormant came at once into play as soon as an adequate appeal was made to his sense of duty. He seems to have been almost the only officer of rank in the army of the Duke of York in Elan- ders who did not treat the requirements of the campaign as secondary to his own personal wants and humours. AVhat- ever Colonel Wellesley was directed to do, he did energeti- cally and punctually. Everybody else seemed to regard time as something not to be accounted of. The rearguard which covered the retreat beyond the Wahl was always where it ought to be to a moment. Other divisions rarely found their proper places, or found them too late. I have often heard him criticise that campaign, and always in the same terms. It was the best school to which an ofiicer could be sent, who had sufficient discrimination to observe blunders and the effects of tljem, and wit enough to take warning from what ho saw. Colonel AV^ellesloy obtained, as he deserved, great praise for his conduct in the Low Countries ; yet so little was ])er8onal ambition or vanity stirred by it, that he made an effort, as we have seen, immediately on his return to Eng- land, to retire from the service. Happily for England, for Europe, and for himself, it proved unsuccessful ; and India HIS CHAR..CTEE. 4G3 soon afterwards opened to him a field well suited both to his temperament and his genius. With what assiduity he applied himself there to questions, the solution of which might enable him to be of use to the Government and to the people, but which had certainly no direct connection with his own success in his j)rofession ! With w^hat untiring zeal he worked that others might benefit by his labours, — as in preparing for the Mysore campaign, and making all the arrangements necessary for the expedition to Egypt ! And how ready he was, on every occasion, to do justice to merits far inferior to his own, while his own were system- atically passed over! I do not mean to insinuate that all this failed, or could fail, to bear fruit in due season. Devotion to duty, if it be accompanied with talent, generally leads, even under our system, to advancement. But advancement, for the sake of the personal advantages which result from it, is not the end of a great man's ambition. In proportion as he achieves it, he becomes conscious of a wider sphere of usefulness, and is sensible that his responsibility increases with the increase of his power. This was, to a remarkable extent, the effect of his early promotion upon General Wel- lesley. Each new step upwards on the ladder only placed him in a situation which, more than that from which he had ascended, supplied him with motives for fresh exertion ; and that befell in his case, which befalls in the cases of all men similarly circumstanced. Wherever placed, he com- manded the entire confidence, not only of the Government Avhich employed, but of the men and officers who served iiuder him. There are now lying before me two letters, written in 1802, by a young ofilcer in the Company's ser- vice to his relatives at home. They describe the move- ments of two corps, which at two separate times went out under Colonel Wellesley's orders, on special service from Seringapatam ; and each contains this remarkable expres- sion : — " Everything goes well, because Colonel Wellesley is in command. Whatever he undertakes he does admirably. Perhaps it was scarcely fair to employ him, rather than General ; but we are all delighted to have him at our head ; he makes us so confident and so comfortable." 46^ HIS CHARACTER. Tlie Duke's Indian correspondence, now before the world, sliows that in every situation he paid strict regard to the principle of duty, and to that alone. When collecting grain in the Deccan, he puts from him the opportunity of which others took advantage to enrich themselves. He gains so little by his command at Seringapatam, that the necessary hospitalities incident to it threaten him with ruin. His patronage is never exercised except for the advancement of the public good, and in reward of meritorious services performed by individuals. Colonel Close asks him to provide for the son of an old officer who was the friend of both. He acknowledges the claim so far as it is admissible, but ex- jjlaius that he, and such as he, are bound to look, not to the ties of personal regard, but to the higher requirements of the public service. An oifer is made to him of separate command, which he could not accept without outraging the feelings and doing injustice to the merits of a senior of- ficer. He points out where the injustice lies, and, professing himself ready to do whatever may be required, suggests that the wrong in question ought not to be committed. And this at a time when his pecuniary affairs are in such confusion that he is obliged to his brother for the means of purchasing his steps ; and is glad on the receipt of prize- money, because it enables him to repay the debt. On his return home from India, where he had led large armies in the field, and administered the aftairs of pro- vinces equal in extent to many European kingdoms, he is ap- pointed to the command of a brigade of infantry in Sussex. He goes through his routine duties zealously. Not a word of complaint or murmur escapes him ; and when taunted, good-humouredly, with the change in his condition, he i-eplies, " I have eaten the King's salt, and whatever he desires me to do that becomes my duty." His Irish Administration has, indeed, been described by some writers as disfigiired by the grossest jobbery. Is this fair ? Is this candid? Certainly Sir Arthur AYellcsley jobbed ; but let us not forget that in those days Government was avowedly carried on by influence ; and that influence, especially in I I HIS CHARACTER. 465 Ireland, meant pensions, places, and hard cash. It is evi- dent, however, from his manner of dispensing these argu- ments, that Sir Arthur Wellesley put its right value on the morality of such as were convinced by them. He despised his instruments even when he made use of them. But he never imagined, placed as he was in a subordinate situation, that the duty of purifying the political atmosj^here had devolved upon him. He was, perhaps, the most open, and therefore the most honest, trafficker in Parliamentary support that ever bartered place or pension for votes. He never affect- ed to believe in the principles of his correspondents. He knew them to be venal, and he bribed them because it was his duty to the Grovernment which he served so to do. It is impossible to imagine an ordeal more trying than that to which the character of Arthur Duke of Wellington has been subjected. AH his secrets are before the world. Colonel Grurwood's collection of Despatches, as they were called, gave us such an insight into the mind of the writer as had never before been obtained into the inner being of any public man. The supplementary volumes published by the present Duke strip off the last rag of covering which clung to it. And the result is more and more to raise this extra- ordinary man in our estimation. The same spirit of integrity, the same devotion to duty, which were his pole-stars when rising into greatness, guided him to the end of his career. Whether he be in the field or in the senate, whether he strive to control the action of foreign Grovernments or to guide the counsels of the legislature at home, he seeks the attainment of one object, and seeks it honestly. He will not arrive at an end justifiable in itself, by means which cannot be justified. He will never do evil that good may come. He rejects with indignation the use of the dagger when ofi'ered to rid him of Dhoondiah ; and he will give no countenance to Colonel D'Argenton's proposal to excite a mutiny in Soult's army. His great ground of quarrel with the Portuguese Hegency is, that they are never true to their engagements ; and that in their own persons they re- fuse to set the example of that obedience to law and right 30 466 niS CHAEACTER. wliich tliey exact, or profess to exact, from tlie peasantry. He condemns the Spanish Juntas and the Cortes, even while he obeys them, because they are more intent on pro- moting the views of party than on directing the energies of the country against the common enemy. And so it is at home. Believing that the will of the nation can be consti- tutionally expressed only through the two Houses of Par- liament, he will give no countenance to the formation of loyal societies out of doors, even at a time when, between political unions on one side and repeal associations on the other, the power both of the Legislature and of the Crown seems to him on the eve of dissolution. Nor was the case otherwise in matters of less prominent importance. He has trusts imposed upon him, and in no instance will he use them except for the public good. The freemen of Sand- wicli, Dover, and the other Cinque Ports, may vote as they please. He will neither give place to the supporters of his own policy, nor refuse it to such as oppose him, except upon the ground of personal fitness. He declines to put into the Trinity House an individual of whom he knows nothing, though the applicant employs a prelate to beg for him, and avers that he had been instrumental in saving the Duke's life. He discountenances a proposal to damage or throw out a bill which is most distasteful to himself, because the means suggested appear to be dishonest. Whatever partook, or seemed to partake, of the crooked or disingenuous, was abhorrent to his nature ; nor would any considerations of probable gain even to the country induce him to take part in it. Indeed, he goes further. More than one public man of acknowledged ability and weight in the House of which he was a member, made proposals to the Duke which, in his estimation, amounted to a breach of faith witli their colleagues. He dechned to receive such proposals, and preferred the imminent liazard of defeat to the prospect of success, by no means an obscure one, through the help of those whom " he could not trust." Foreign writers are prone to compare the Duke of Wel- lington as a military commander with Napoleon, and to give, as is not perhaps unnatural in their case, the preference I HIS CHAEACTER. 467 to the latter. I dissent from this judgment, as indeed I do from any endeavour to draw a parallel between men who neither in their moral nor in their intellectual organization had anything in common. Contrasted they may be — ^to compare them is impossible. Napoleon could not serve. He never undertook a trust in a subordinate situation which he did not divert to purposes of his own aggrandize- ment, lie never, when advanced to the pinnacle of power, entered into an engagement which he was not prepared, when it suited his own interests, to violate. The Duke was the most perfect servant of his King and country that the world ever saw. He flourished, no doubt, in a condition of society which presented insuperable obstacles to the accom- plishment of ambitious projects, had he been unwise enough to entertain them. But there is proof in almost every line which he has written, in almost every word which he spoke, that, be the condition of society what it might, the one great object of his life would have been to secure the ascendency of law and order, and to preserve the throne and the constitution of the country unharmed. Wor can you place your finger upon a single engagement into which the Duke ever entered, whether in private life as a member of society, or in public Hfe as a general or a statesman, the terms of which were not rigidly fulfilled, however serious to himself the inconveniences might be. But this is not all. An attempted parallel between two men whose lots were cast in moulds so essentially unlike fails at every turn. One, falling upon a season of anarchy and confusion, raised himself by the force of his own genius to supreme power ; the other, born into a constitutional and well-regulated state, aimed only at serving his country, and served it faithfully. One, master of the greatest em- pire which the world has ever seen, wielded its enormous resources at pleasure ; filled up his ranks by a process of unlimited conscription, and repaired the disaster of to-day by the victory of to-morrow. The other, acting under the control of a Government parsimonious yet extravagant, feeble and vacillating, because dependent for its existence on the popular will, could not reckon from one day to an- 30 ♦ 468 HIS CHARACTER. other on being supported in any enterprise. To him victory itself was pregnant with danger ; a single defeat would have been ruin ; because battles, however they may terminate, cannot be fought without some loss ; and the losses of au army which is recruited by voluntary enlistment are hard to supply. If, indeed, you seek to bring these two men into comparison, you must do so by considering what each did with the means at his disposal, till you arrive at au epoch when they are fairly pitted against each other in the field, and one goes down. Even then, however, your comparison will be incomplete, and the inference drawn from it imper- fect. Let them stand apart, therefore, each in his own niche within the temple of fame which, they helped to rear one for the other, while you look back into history in search of leaders of armies with whom they may more appro^^riately and severally be brought into parallelism. And here to the mind of the scholar will occur at once the names of two warriors, each a world's wonder in his day, whose position, whose genius, and, subject to obvious exceptions, the very detail of whose careers correspond with marvellous exactitude to those of Napoleon and our own Wellington. Alexander the Macedonian was indeed born to a throne, and died a victor, lamenting that there were no more worlds to conquer. But Alexander's glory was achieved, and his victories won, in every instance, over armies far less perfectly organized than his own, and over generals immea- surably his inferiors. Alexander's tactics were bold, often rash, always aggressive, and his obstinacy was as strong as his arrogance was extravagant. The resources of each new state, as he overran it, were applied by him to purposes of further conquest, and if he escaped the destruction with which he seemed to be threatened in Bactria, it was be- cause his troops refused to follow him further, and he was compelled, sorely against his will, to yield to their remon- strances. Napoleon established his military reputation in contests with such leaders as Melas, Mack, and the Duke of Bruns- wick. He brought against armies drilled in the formal pre- NAPOLEON AND ALEXANDER. 469 cision of Prederick's school new tactics, wliict had their rise rather in the necessities of the great French Revolu- tion than in the genius of him who was its creature. His most memorable battles, likewise, were fought with numbers scarcely exceeding those with which Alexander forced the passage of the Granicus. It was only after he had annexed Holland, Belgium, and Italy, that he brought into the field such hosts as dictated peace to Austria in the palace of Schonbrunn, and perished through lack of forethought on the march from the Vistula to Moscow. Finally, he gave the law to continental Europe for ten years, because Europe was constrained to enslave itself, and he died at last defeated and in exile, only because self-worship had be- come the ruling passion of his nature. Might not Alexander have fallen as Napoleon fell had circumstances induced him to turn his arms against the Romans, or had there been in the far East a people prepared to make the sacrifice which Russia made, when she committed her ancient capital to the flames, in order that the invaders might not find shelter within its walls ? Turn now to the careers of Hannibal and of Wellington, and observe in how many particulars these testify to the presence in each of the same temper, the same forethought, the same indomitable will, the same extraordinary genius for political not less than for military afiairs, the same postponement of self and the claims of self to public duty. Both established their reputation as brilliant soldiers while serving against troops inferior to their own, and under the direction of kinsmen, not the least of whose merits it was that they knew how to make use of them. "WTiat Hannibal had been in Spain, when Asdrubal, his brother-in- law commanded there, Wellington became in India during the governor-generalship of his brother Lord Mornington. The former, though subordinate in rank, led the Cartha- ginians in the field as often as any enterprise requiring more than common skill and conduct was determined upon ; and by ]iis successes enabled Asdrubal to extend the limits of the Carthaginian empire to the Iberus. The latter, while yet a colonel, pacified Mysore, and defeated Dhoondiah ; 470 "WELLINGTON AND HANNIBAL. and being one of the youngest major-generals in tlie coun- try, gained the battle of Assaye, and brought the great Mahratta confederation to the feet of the East India Com- pany. It may be accounted an accident that, with so many centuries between, these two great men should have equally assumed, for the first time, the chief command of armies in the Spanish Peninsula ; yet out of that circumstance, whether accidental or not, events arose which bring their cha- racters more and more into parallelism. Hannibal and Wel- lington were both citizens of free states, of states governed by popular or aristocratic assemblies, in which party and its claims were at least as much attended to as the requirements of the public good. Both served Powers which were rather naval than military, w^hich were more ambitious of wealth, more covetous of influence, than bent upon the extension of their territorial limits. The highest ambition of Car- thage was to become the first maritime nation of the Old World, and having accomplished that end, she made use of her navy to push her commerce everywhere. Powerful at sea, she was comparatively weak on shore, not through any lack of courage in her inhabitants, but because her military Bystem was radically viiisound, and she was too fi'ee and too wealthy to endure a better. Wliat foDowed ? As soon as Hannibal found himself in independent command, he was glad to borrow from the Eomans all that was best in their system, and to apply it, as far as circumstances would per- mit, to his own army ; just as Wellington learned many useful lessons from the French, and w'ould have learned more, but that the nature of the Government under which he served prevented him. Again, Carthage, with professions of peace continually upon her lips, was continually engaged in war, into which the cupidity of her merchants, rather than the ambition of her Government, usually hurried her. And the mercan- tile element prevailing over the military in her coun- cils, she starved, both in men and means, almost every foreign expedition wliich she sent out. So also it was, and, to a certain extent, continues to be, with England. Her fleets, manned by the press-gang, swept the ocean during I THEIR SPECIALITIES. 471 tbe war of the Prencli Revolution ; lier armies, raised by- voluntary enlistment, were wasted upon enterprises as pro- fitless as they were discursive. When Hannibal broke with the Eomans, by undertaking the siege of Saguntum, his force consisted of perhaps 80,000 men, of whom less than one half were drawn from Africa. The remainder consisted of Spaniards and, as we should now call them, Portuguese (Vaccjei, Olcades, Vet- tones, and others), whom he drilled in the Carthaginian tactics, and officered, in the higher ranks at least, with Car- thaginian leaders. If inferior in some respects to the best of his Carthaginian legions, these became, under such man- agement, excellent troops, and supplied the place of the reinforcements which his own Groverument was either unable or unwilling to send him. If Wellington had not found in Portugal facilities for recruitment, he could have neither held his ground within the lines of Torres Vedras, nor made his famous march from the Tagus to the Ebro. Again, the appliances which are indispensable towards carrying on war, such as money, stores, provisions, means of transport, Hannibal was obliged to create for himself. The supplies furnished to him from Africa, besides arriving in driblets, were always inadequate. Had not his adminis- trative abilities been of the first order, he never could have begun his march towards Italy. Wellington's case, in its leading features, was very much the same. The most seri- ous of the difficulties with which he had to contend, were occasioned by the negligence or short-sightedness of his own Government. He might have starved, he certainly would have become immovable, but that he created for him- self a commissariat, a mint, a foreign trade in corn, maga- zines, and, above all, a system of transport which never failed him. Even in their special excellences as commanders of troops, there is a striking similarity between the two men. Both were quick in establishing channels of intelligence, by means of which they became acquainted with all the enemy's movements. Both excelled in one of the most difficult operations of war, the passage of rivers. Wellington on 472 CONTRASTED AND COMPARED. the Douro and the Adour is but the counterpart of Han- nibal on the Ehone and the Po ; each crossed where the enemy least expected him, and by means which were as eflective as they were hazardous. We may place them side by side also in the care which they took of their troops, and in their forethought which provided that the baggage necessary to this end should never be far in the rear. They equally saved their people from exposure to every uncalled- for hardship ; they equally kept them, as far as possible, well clothed, well fed, and above all, well shod. To the superficial observer, it may appear that, so far as dash and enterprise are concerned, Hannibal leaves "Wel- lington far behind ; and the fragmentary account which has reached us of the passage of the Alps, and of the brilliant campaigns which followed, may serve to give weight to this opinion. But two points deserve consideration here. First, Is that an enterprise worthy of a great general which separ- ates him from his base of operations, leaving him no altern- ative between complete success and total destruction ? and next, did Hannibal, when he invaded Italy, commit tliis grievous error, exposing himself thereby to an amount of risk which there was nothing in the state of his own or the enemy's preparations to justify ? The former of these ques- tions will be answered in the negative, by all who under- stand what wise enterprise is. The second cannot receive a reply in the affirmative, except at the expense of Hannibal's military reputation, which no competent judge will venture to assail. The truth is, that Hannibal's inroad into Italy was quite as safe, or he believed it to be so, as Wellington's early attempts to penetrate from Portugal into Spain ; first, when, side by side with Cuesta, he fought the battle of Tal- avera ; and again, when after the battle of Salamanca, he made his entry into Madrid. He undertook both operations, trusting to the assurances of the Spaniards that they would supply the wants of liis army, and operate, at least, a diver- sion in his favour. It was thus that Hannibal acted 2000 yeai-s before Wellington was born. Prom the Ebro to the A.lps he conquered, and took military possession ; and he crossed THEIR STRENGTH OF VILL. 473 the Alps tliemselves because he had reason to believe that the Gauls who dwelt beyond them would join him to a man. Neither were his communications with his immediate rear entirely broken, even after Hanno had been defeated ; Avhile the sea was always open to him, by means of which rein- forcements and supplies could at any time reach him from Carthage. Hannibal and Wellington were equally deceived in their expectations. Both, after gaining great battles, were forced to withdraw : the one to defend Carthage, which he failed in doing ; the other to save Portugal, and to gather strength for a third and more successful effort in Spain. "We might pursue this parallel further, by showing how closely these great men resembled each other in the moder- ation which they exhibited when carrying all before them, in their unfailing courage and determination, when to human appearance their cause was become desperate. Hannibal in Italy maintained among his troops the same strict discipline which Wellington maintained in the south of France ; and both secured thereby the good-will of the people to whom they came as conquerors. The defeat of Asdrubal, terrible as it was, no more broke the courage of Hannibal than Wellington's resolution was shaken when tidings of the battle of Wagram reached him. Finally, both were the devoted servants of their country, and of its constitution, though both suffered from the inaptitude of the latter to a state of war. Marked differences the in- quirer will doubtless find in the tempers of the men as well as in the careers of the generals. But these seem to be the results of the different circumstances under which they were placed. All that belonged, properly speaking, to themselves, their quickness to observe, their powers of calculation, their coolness, forethought, self-possession, jus- tice, their fertility in resources, their exceeding strength of will, were essentially the same. Had Hannibal been thrown into Wellington's age and circumstances, he would have done, in all probability, much as AVellington did ; had Welliugton filled Hannibal's place in history, the name 474 COMPARED WITH MARLBOROUGH. would have been changed, but the exploits of the Cartha- ginian commander would have come down to us very little varied from what we now find them. In estimating the character of the Duke of "Wellington as a soldier, it has not been unusual, both in England and elsewhere, to draw between him and John Duke of Marl- borough a parallel generally to the advantage of the lat- ter. According to our view of the case, the materials for such a parallel are as scanty as the conclusion adverse to the Duke of Wellington is unjust. In this they doubtless resembled one another, that both understood how to handle troops ; that both were careful of the health and general comforts of their men, and that both paid great attention to details. But so far they only fall into the groove along which great commanders have run since the world began ; for no man can long command an army at all who is care- less of the health and comforts of his men, and inattentive to matters of detail. When we look closer into the subject, however, it will be seen that there is not much similarity in the conditions under which Marlborougb and Wellington respectively made war ; and hence that the similitudes which are discoverable in the two careers affect particular operations rather than the genius of the men who directed them. The Duke of Marlborough, for example, assiimed the command of an allied army in the Netherlands, after having studied his profession under Turenne and William III. ; the latter an unsuccessful, but not therefore an incapable, officer. The Duke of Wellington's masters in the art of war were the Duke of York and Lord Harris, brave men both, but cer- tainly not to be spoken of in the same breath Avith Turenne or William III. The Duke of Marlborough found himself at the head of Dutch, Austrian, and Sardinian troops, — all of them in as high a state of discipline as his own, and at least as well appointed. He had as his coadjutor Prince Eugene, a general scarcely inferior to himself in skill and capacity, and he carried on his operations against such officers as Tallard and Villars, the Duke of Burgundy, A^illeroy, and Boufflers. The Duke of Wellington M'as forced to construct fof BOTH FERTILE IN EESOURCES. 475 himself a Portuguese contingent, and having raised it to the highest state of perfection of which it seems to have been capable, used to say, that when led by British officers it was equal to the Sepoys. As to the Spanish armies, they were sometimes rather an encumbrance to him than the re- Terse ; they could never, to the end of the war, be entirely depended upon. With respect, again, to his own lieu- tenants, the most that can be said is, that several among them possessed a fair share of ability ; whereas his oppon- ents were, Soult, Massena, Marmont, Victor, and finally Napoleon. Again, Marlborough, when supplies were want- ing, made his requisitions upon states which, being under the management of regular Governments, were always able, and generally willing, to furnish whatever might be re- quired. Wellington, on the other hand, was di'iven to create his own resources, and to provide his OAvn means both of collecting and paying for them. Marlborough, sup- ported by the Queen, and backed hj the undivided influ- ence of the devolution Grovernment, had at his command the whole military resources of Great Britain. There were then no colonies in all parts of the world to protect ; no In- dia to guard, no Mediterranean fortresses to garrison. Wellington found it necessaiy to sustain the courage of a feeble Cabinet, which, in the face of popular clamour and a strong parliamentary opposition, was afraid to put forth the strength of the empire, even though in withholding it they exposed both their general and his army to destruction. "No doubt the field deputies were a source of great annoy- ance to Marlborough, from which, however, he succeeded at last in delivering himself ; but the Portuguese Regency, and the Juntas and Cortes of Spain, hung like a mill-stone round the neck of Wellington, from the opening to the close of the struggle. I might go further, and refer to the tone which pervades the correspondence of these two men, the one always keeping in view self-aggrandizement, and the interests of party, the other taking no serious thought of anything except the public service, and the best means of promoting it. But this is not necessary ; Marlborough and Wellington were both great men, — great in politics, per- 476 BOTH DIPLOMATISTS. Haps greater iu -war ; but except that neither of them ever sustained a defeat, there is little ^vhich, to him who ex- amines their respective courses -with attention, will serve to place them in any degree of parallelism one towards the other. And this naturally leads to a consideration of the calls which were made \ipon them for the management, not of combined armies alone, but of Courts and Cabinets, of which the views were often as narrow as they were discordant. The task imposed u2:)on Marlborough in this respect was heav}^ enough. He had to excite the States- General, al- ways indolent and greedy, to self-denial and activity, while he kept up the sinking courage of the emperor, and restrained the impetuosity of the House of Savoy. He succeeded, as he invariably did, in diplomacy, by dint of great penetra- tion into the characters of others, by winning manners, and the hearty suj)port of Godolphiu and the Duchess Sarah at home. But success enabled him only to lay upon others a responsibility which he could not himself undertake. He never found it necessary, first to create the resources of the states with which he was in communication, and then to wield them. How it fared Avith Wellington in these re- spects in India, iu the Spanish Peninsula, and in France, I need not here stop to point out. The place to be allotted to the Duke of Wellington as a leading statesman under a constitutional Government will be determined, as a matter of course, according to the opin- ions entertained by those who sit in judgment upon him, on certain great constitutional questions. That he was a !Royalist in every sense of the term, all who came in con- tact with him understood. The Government of the empire was for him the King's Government ; the peace of the realm was the King's peace ; the army, the navy, the magistracy, the Parliament itself were the King's. The throne was the fountain, not of honour only, but of all the rights and privileges Avhich the people enjoyed. Yet the throne, as he regarded it, was as much hemmed in by law, and even by custom, as the humblest of the lieges. And so it came to pass that, Eoyalist as he was, no man stood up HIS DEVOTION TO THE THRONE. 477 more stoutly for the people and their rights than the Duke of Wellington. Like the best of the cavaliers in the time of the first Charles, it was for the Crown, as the greatest institution in the country, that he was prepared to risk everything. Hence, if the King's ministers proposed mea- sures which he believed to be mischievous or unsafe, he op- posed them. Hence, too, if the Sovereign expressed wishes, a compliance with which would tend in his opinion to bring the Crown into disrepute, he resisted such wishes. Had his advice been taken, the country might have escaped much, if not all, the scandal of Queen Caroline's trial. He overruled George IV. in other caprices, equally with that calculated to add to his unpopularity. While prepared at all hazards to deliver William IV. out of his difficulties, he did not hesitate to point out to his Majesty where he had gone wrong. And even towards Queen Victoria, for whom he would have cheerfully laid down his life, he took on one memorable occasion an attitude somewhat savouring of harshness. He joined the opposition to the grant proposed by Lord Melbourne for Prince Albert on his marriage, and cut it down from £50,000 to £30,000 a year. However un- palatable at the moment tliis act might be, neither the Sovereign nor the people could mistake his motive, and both the Sovereign and the people gave him in return in- creased esteem and reverence. Eor many years after he became a minister, the Duke's place in the Cabinet was a subordinate one. His own tenure of office as head of an Administration was brief. Tet he contrived in that interval to pass a measure from grappling with which all previous Governments had shrunk. His Catholic Kelief Bill would have been more satisfactory had he been able to carry it in its original form. But with all the imperfections which others ingrafted upon it, who will speak of it as a blunder ? That the Tories of 1S29 blundered in breaking off from his guidance, there are j^ro- bably few survivors of that gallant but headstrong band who will now deny. But surely the blame of subsequent misfortunes, if misfortunes we are to consider them, rests, not with him who got rid of an insuperable obstacle to all 478 HIS MOTIVES AS A POLITICIAX. Grovernment, but with liis angry followers, who, to gratify a spirit of revenge, placed him iu a minoi'ity in the House of Commons, and insured the accession of the Whigs to office. The Duke's policy and system of management on the two great questions of Parliamentary reform and free-trade in. corn, are, and will remain to the end of time, fair subjects of discussion. That he exaggerated the amount of danger to be apprehended from both measures, may be true. Experi- ence, as far as it has yet instructed us, seems to indicate as much ; but believing, as he did, that Lord Grey's bill, if passed into law, would sap the foundations of the monarchy, and that the means adopted by the minister to pass it into law were even more pregnant with danger than the bill itself, w^e cannot, understanding his nature, and taking pro- per measure of his principles, blame him for having resisted it at every stage. Of his subsequent conduct when in op- position, and his perfect disinterestedness after the Con- servatives returned to powder, there cannot be two opinions. And if he seemed to desert his party when Sir Robert Peel gave up the Corn Laws, let it not be forgotten that he went with Sir Eobert for the party's sake. It was in the hope of keeping power in the hands of Conservative statesmen that he sacrificed the most fondly cherished of all his political opinions. All this, however, only brings us back to the point from which we started in 1826. "Was it possible for a man, already so great as the Duke of Wellington, to descend into the arena of party politics, without subtracting from his greatness. Add to it he could not, and therefore be the re- sults of the experiment what they may, both to the country and to himself, this at least is certain, that in making it he yielded to no suggestion of merely selfish ambition. Of the Duke as an orator enough has already been said to convey a tolerably accurate impression to the mind of a careful reader. He had been many years a regular attend- ant in the House of Lords, before he ever thought of ad- dressing it, except when some appeal was made directly to himself, and then he spoke briefly. He became all at once its leader, not in council only and by the force of his strong IN THE HOUSE OF LORDS. 479 understanding, but in debate. His speeches, like bis letters, are plain, straightforward, and to the purpose. His argu- ments were from time to time well sustained, and even inge- nious ; as in his censure of Earl Grrey for dissolving Parlia- ment in 1831, and in the view which he took of the effect of the laws against Eoman Catholics upon the constitution properly so called. His articulation, never very clear, became in latter years difficult, and sometimes painful. He would make long pauses when speaking, repeat himself, and occasionally employ terms which amounted to exaggeration. But in every instance what he said had in it a large measure of good sense, and was invariably listened to, both in the House of Lords and elsewhere, with respect. The attention which the Duke commanded for himself, he never failed to give to others. There he sat, with his hat drawn over his brows, and his hand up to his ear, listening to one noble lord after another, as if each had an argument to advance which might possibly change his own views of the point under discussion. And when otherwise unable to catch the substance of what was said, he would move as close to the speaker as the customs of the House allowed, and stand till the speech came to a close. Of the Duke's personal peculiarities, both physical and mental, enough, it may be thought, has been said elsewhere, yet my portrait would scarcely be complete were I to omit all notice of them in this place. Nature had endowed him with a robust frame and an iron constitution. In height he measured about 5 feet 9 inches, — I speak, of course, of what he was in the vigour of his days, for latterly old age had shrunk and bowed his frame, and given him the habit of stooping. His shoulders were broad, his chest well devel- oped, his arms long, and his hands and feet in excellent pro- portion. His eyes were of a dark violet blue, or grey, and his sight was so penetrating, that even to the last he could dis- tinguish objects at an immense distance. The general ex- pression of his countenance when silent or pre-occupied, was grave ; but his smile had a charm about it which, when once seen, could never be forgotten. A forehead not very high, but broad and square, eyebrows straight and prominent, a 480 HIS PERSONAL APPEARANCE. long face, a E-oman nose, a broad under jaw, witli a chin strongly marked, gave him a striking resemblance to more than one of the heroes of antiquity, especially to Julius Caesar. His hair, which was originally a clear brown, had become white as silver before he died, but to the last there "w^as no baldness, even at the temples. If you met him in a crowd or upon the street, and were entirely ignorant that he was a great man, you would be impelled by some secret impulse to fix your eye upon him, and to turn round and look after him when he had passed. I saw him for the first time as he crossed the line of march during a military operation in Spain. Only three mounted officers attended him, and he was simply dressed in a grey frock, a cocked hat covered with oil-skin, and grey trowsers ; but instinctively he was recognized as the commander of the forces, and the impres- sion then made upon the mind of a boy, never in after-life passed away. The military costume of the Duke on active service was singularly plain, though becoming, and very peculiar. On state occasions he wore the full dress of his rank, with all his orders and decorations ; but in the field his garb was either a blue or a grey frock — blue when fighting was not expected; grey, if a battle were in preparation or in progress. Over this, that he might be more easily recognized from afar, he often threw a short white cloak, which is still in existence, and may be seen in a glass case at Apsley House. His cocked hat was very low, rising but little above the croum of the head, and he rarely surmounted it with a plume. The boots known as " Wellingtons " were of his own in- vention, and outside the trowsers he used often to wear mud-guards of strong leather, which overlapped and were fastened with straps and buckles. His sword was a light steel-mounted sabre, which he suspended from his waist by a black belt. He never wore a sash except en grande tenue. His morning dress, as a civilian, was scrupulously neat and clean, but varied very little, and that only with the change of seasons. In summer he might be recognized, on foot or on horseback, by his low-crowned narrow-brimmed hat, his white cravat fastened with a silver buckle behind ; 1 HIS ATTIRE. 481 Bis blue froclv, wliite Tvaistcoat, and -n-liite trowsers. In winter there were the same hat, neckcloth, and frock, with a waistcoat blue, sometimes red, and blue trowsers. He never wore a great coat, but in severe weather threw a short cloak or cape over his shoulders, made of blue cloth, with a white lining. His evening attire, except when he was in mourning, consisted of a blue coat with metal buttons, a white cravat and waistcoat, black breeches, and silk stock- ings, or tight black pantaloons. On these occasions he wore the order of the Grarter under the left knee, with the Golden rieece suspended round his neck, the blue or other ribbon, and a star. When at Walmer, he often dressed for dinner in the uniform of the Cinque Ports, viz., a blue coat with scarlet collar and cuifs, and blue trowsers with a red stripe down the outer seam. Though a bold rider and a fearless driver, it cannot be said that tlie Duke was either skilful in equitation or an ex- pert wdiip. His seat when mounted was loose, and latterly not very graceful. He spared no expense in furnishing his stables, but somehow or another his horses were rarely without a fault. The truth, I believe, was, that besides being but an indifferent judge of the animal at the outset, he became so much attached to it when he had ridden it for a while, that he continued to use it after any other man would have exchanged it for another. Of the sort of car- riage in which he used to be conveyed to and from the Horse G-uards, I have already spoken. In the country, be- fore he ceased to be his own charioteer, he was in the habit of driving sometimes a curricle, sometimes, when his house was full of guests, a sort of clmr-a-hanc. Being deaf in the left ear, he sat always on the left side of the box, and his driving was like that of Jehu the son of Nimshi, furious. It happened that on one occasion I, being in another carriage behind him, endeavoured to follow close through the narrow uneven lanes which connect Barfriston with Walmer. It was a vain effort ; he was soon out of sight. Arriving by and by at the Castle gate, I was met by LordClanwiIliam,Avho had been the Duke's companion in the curricle. " The Duke gets along," was the remark, " he soon left me behind." 31 482 niS MANNER OF LIFE. " There is no doubt of that," -nas the answer ; " I thought more than once that he would have left me behind too." The Duke's manner of life was plain, regular, and method- ical. He mixed, indeed, freely in the society of London during the season, for eA'erybody desired to have him, and he went everywhere — not in search of personal gratification to himself, but because he knew that others would be grati- fied by his presence. Indeed he felt, and to his more inti- mate friends often complained, of the burden which society was to him, though in this, as in graver matters, his own ease was invariably postponed to what he held to be a duty. Elsewhere than in London, his habits were simple, I had al- most said severe. The rooms most plainly furnished in Strathfieldsaye and Walmer Castle were those which he per- sonally occujiied. He slept at Strathfieldsaye upon a sofa, at Walmer upon a small iron bedstead, which might have served him, and was commonly, though erroneously, supposed to have done so, throughout his wars in the Peninsula. Both couches were without posts or curtains, or hangings of any kind ; and the bedding consisted of a hair mattress, a blanket, and an eider-down quilt. At "NYalmer, his bed-room served him as a private sitting-room also. It was situated within one of the bastions of the Castle, and, besides his couch, contained a few chairs, two tables, and a bookcase so placed that he could take down a volume from it at pleasure while in bed, and a chest of drawers. The Bible, the Pray- er-book, a copy of Jeremy Taylor's Holy Living and Dying, and Caesar's Commentaries, lay within his reach, and judg- ing from the marks of use which are upon them, must have been much read and often consulted. The Duke was most exact and particular in his corre- spondence. Ko letter, even the most eccentric, remained unanswered. "When, indeed, numbers of persons took to Avriting to him for the mere purpose of obtaining his auto- graph, he so couched his replies as to meet the peculiarities of each case. There was much originality in these answers. Some ran thus : " P.M. the Duke of "Wellington regrets that it is not in his power, &c., &c. He is one of the few per- sons in this country who don't meddle with matters with HIS CHARACTERISTIC RERLIES. 483 wliicli they have no concern." Others took this turn : — " F.M. the Duke of Wellington can give no opinion upon a matter of which he knows nothing." In 1845, when the Queen paid him a visit at Strathfield- saye, the newspaper reporters applied to him, according to the custom of the country, to be admitted into the house, in order that they might give an account of what was passing there. The Duke wrote to them in these terms : — •" P.M. the Dulve of "Wellington presents his compliments to Mr , and begs to say that he does not see what his house at Strathfieldsaye has to do with the public press." A gentleman of Belfast wrote to him the following let- ter : — " May it please your Grace, I have taken the liberty of requesting your opinion — "Was Napoleon guilty or not of the murder of his pi'isoners at Jaffa ? and if there is any military law or circumstance that would justify the deed ? " The following was the Duke's answer : — " P.M. the Duke of "Wellington presents his compliments to Mr H. ; he has also received Mr H.'s letter, and begs leave to inform him, that he is not the historian of the wars of the French Eepublic in Egypt and Syria." A great number of authors applied to the Duke to sub- scribe to their works. His answer was always the same. " P.M. the Duke of Wellington begs to decline to give his name as a subscriber to the book in question. If he learns that it is a good book he may become a purchaser." Equally characteristic were the Duke's letters, whether of courtesy or of kindness. The author of the Subaltern, whose work obtained, perhaps, a greater measure of success than it deserved, was informed by some of his friends that it had attracted the attention of the Duke of Wellington, and the suggestion was made to him that he also should apply for leave to dedicate a new edition to the Duke. He re- ceived by return of post the following answer : — " London, 9th November, 182G. " Dear Sir, " I have this day received your letter of the 7th inst., and I beg to assure you that you have been correctly in- 4S4 ALWAYS COURTEOUS. formed that I had read your work with the greatest interest, aud that I admired the simplicity and truth with Avhich you had related the various events which you had witnessed ; the scenes in which you had been an actor, and the circum- stances of the life which you had led as an officer of the 85th regiment, in the army in the Peninsula and the south of France. " I should be happy to have an opportunity of testifying my sense of the merits of your work by consenting to the dedication to me of the second edition, only that I have long been under the necessity of declining to give a formal con- sent to receive the dedication of any work. " I conceive that by such consent I give a sort of tacit guarantee of the contents of the work so dedicated. I know that I should be considered to have placed myself in that situation by some who might not, perhaps, approve of those contents. Prom what I have above stated, you will see that I could have no objection to stand in the situation described, in relation to your work ; and I must admit that it would be better to draw a distinction between good and meritorious works and others, aud to give my sanction, so far as to con- sent to receive the compliment of their dedication gives such sanction, to the first and not to the last. But then there comes another difficulty. Before I give such sanction I must peruse the work proposed to be dedicated to me ; and I must confess that I have neither time nor inclination to wade through the hundreds, I might almost say thousands, of volumes ofiered to my protection, in order to see whether their contents are such as that I can venture to become a species of guarantee for their truth, their fitness, &c., &c. I have there- fore taken the idlest and the shortest way of getting out of this difficulty, by declining to give a formal consent to receive the dedication of any work. This mode of pro- ceeding frequently gives me great pain; but in no instance has it given more than on this occasion, as you will perceive by the trouble which I give you to peruse, and myself to write, these reasons for declining to give a formal consent to accept the compliment which you have been so kind as to propose to me. HIS GENERAL VIEWS. 485 " If, however, you think proper to dedicate your second edition to me, you are perfectly at liberty to do so ; and you. cannot express in too strong terms my approbation and admiration of your interesting work. " I have the honour to be, dear Sir, " Tours most faithfully, " Wellington. " I was informed when I lauded at Dover in April of the change of your line of life and circumstances, by one of your former brother officers." The individual to whom this letter was addressed derived from it, as may be supposed, the highest gratification ; and the kindness which it manifested personally to himself ceased only with the life of the illustrious writer. The Duke's correspondence during the agitation of Lord Grrey's Eeform Bill was, as we have seen, immense. If printed in detail it would fill volumes ; but a few specimens, merely to show upon what principle he acted, both as a pub- lic man and as an individual, may be with perfect propriety inserted here. At a moment when the public mind was at the height of its agitation, I took the liberty of expressing by letter a wish that certain concessions should be made. The follow- ing is the Duke's reply : — " London, 11th April, 1831. " I have received your letters of the 8th and 9th. It is curious enough that I, who have been the greatest re- former on earth, should be held up as an enemy to all reform. This assertion is neither more or less than one of the lying cries of the day. " K by reform is meant Parliamentary reform, or a change in the mode or system of representation, what I have said is, that I have never heard of a plan that was safe and prac- ticable that w^ould give satisfaction, and that while I was in office I should oppose myself to reform in Parliament. This was in answer to Lord Grrey on the first day of the session, I am still of the same opinion. I think that Parliament has done its duty : that constituted as Parliament is, having 483 ON EEFORM OF TARLIAMEXT. iu it as a member every man noted iu the country for his fortune, his talents, his science, his industry, or his influ- ence ; the first men of all professions, in all brandies of trade and manufacture, connected with our colonies and set- tlements abroad, and representing, as it does, all the states of the United Kingdom, the government of the country is still a task almost more than human. To conduct the Government would be impossible, if by reform the House of Commons should be brought to a greater degree under popular influence. Yet let those who wish for reform reflect for a moment where we should all stand if we were to lose for a day the protection of Government. " That is the ground upon which I stand Avith respect to the question of reform in genei'al. I have more experience iu the government of this country than any man now alive, as well as in foreign countries. I have no borough influ- ence to lose, and I hate the whole concern too much to think of endeavouring to gain any. Ask the gentlemen of the Cinque Ports whether I have ever troubled any of them. " On the other hand, I know that I should be the idol of the country if I could pretend to alter my opinion and alter my course. And I know that I exclude myself from poli- tical power by persevering in the course which I have taken. But nothing shall induce me to utter a word, either iu pub- lic or in private, that I don't believe to be true. If it is God's will that this great country should be destroyed, and that mankind should be deprived of this last asylum of peace and happiness, be it so ; but, as long as I can raise my voice, I will do so against the infatuated madness of the day. " In respect to details, it has always appeared to me that the first step upon this subject was the most important. A\"e talk of unrepresented great towns ! These are towns which have all the benefit of being governed by the system of the British Constitution without the evil of elections. Look at Scotland. Does Scotland suff"er because it has not the benefit of riotous elections ? I think that reform in Scotland would be, and I am certain would be thought, a ox THE USE OF CLOSE BOROUGHS. 4S7 grievance by many in that country. I can answer for there being many respectable men in Manchester, and I believe there are some in Birmingham and Leeds, who are adverse to change. " But how is this change to be made ? Either by adding to the number of representatives in Parliament from England, or by disfranchising wliat are called the rotten boroughs ! The first cannot be done without a departtire from the basis and a breach of the Acts of Union. And, mind, a serious departure and breach of these Acts, inasmuch as the limits of the extension could not be less than from fifteen to twenty towns. The last would be, in my opinion, a viola- tion of the first and most important principle of the Con- stitution, for no valid reason, and upon no ground whatever excepting a popular cry, and an apprehension of the con- sequences of resisting it. But this is not all. I confess that I see in thirty members for rotten boroughs thirty men, I don't care of Avhat party, who would preserve the state of property as it is ; who would maintain by their votes the Church of England, its possessions, its churches and univer- sities, all our great institutions and corporations, the union with Scotland and Ireland, the connection of the country with its foreign colonies and possessions, the national honour abroad and its good faith with the King's subjects at home. I see men at the back of the Government to enable it to protect individuals and their property against the injustice of the times, which would sacrifice all rights and all property to a description of plunder called general convenience and utility. I think it is the presence of this description of men in Par- liament with the country gentlemen, and the great mer- chants, bankers, and manufacturers, which constitutes the great diff'erence between the House of Commons and those assemblies abroad called ' Chambers of Deputies.' It is by means of the representatives of the close corporations that the great pi-oprietors of the country participate in political power. I don't tliink that we could spare thirty or forty of these representatives, or change them with advantage for thirty or forty members elected for the great towns by any new system. I am certain that the country w^ould be in- 488 OX THE USE OF CLOSE EOHOUGHS. jured by depriving meu of great property of political povrer, besides the injury done to it by exposing tlie House of Commons to a greater degree of popular influence. " You will observe that I have now considered only the smallest of all reforms — a reform which would satisfy nobody. Yet it cannot be adopted without a serious departure from principle (principle in the maintenance of which the smallest as well as the greatest of us is interested), and by running all the risks of those misfortunes which all wish to avoid. " I tell you that we must not risk our great institutions and large properties, personal as well as real. If Ave do there is not a man of this generation, so young, so old, so rich, so poor, so bold, so timid, as that he will not feel the consec_[uences of this rashness. This opinion is founded not on reasoning only, but on experience, and I shall never cease to declare it." Everybody at that time had some suggestion to make ; and having, among others, consulted the Duke on the pro- priety of forming constitutional societies, I received the following answer : — " I quite concur in all that you suggest as stejDS to be taken, with the exception of the formation of societies. "We must never forget the Eoman Catholic Association in Ireland, in its various modifications and forms. There is nothing so easy as to give a society a constitutional title, and to hold out for it the most beneficent objects, and then to turn it to the most mischievous purposes. Those who have not had to deal with these mischievous societies, are not aware, as we ' hacks ' are, of all that can be done with them. I don't think that I could belong to one that had the most innocent views and objects." In 1834 Lord John Russell did me the unexpected favour to present me to the chaplaincy of Chelsea Hospital. As the ofter of the appointment came entirely unsolicited, and as there was no accord at that time between Lord John's policy of Parliamentary reform and the views which I was known to entertain, the circumstance natm-ally excited somu niS ADVICE. 4S9 surprise ; and tlie same post wbich. conveyed to his lordship my acknowledgments, carried a letter to the Duke, stating how the case stood, and venturing to ask advice. I re- ceived, with the least delay possible, the following an- swer : — " Strathfieldsaye, 12th February, 1834. " I was in to^Ti yesterday ; and am just now returned, and have received your note. " I don't think that it will be disagreeable to you, or will do any harm, to tell you what I know of your appointment. " Lord John inquired about you from Lord Fitzroy Somerset, who told him that he would apply to me about you. The object of the inquiry was to know whether you were a party-writer. " I desired Lord Fitzroy to tell Lord John that you, as most other good clergymen of the Church of England, were a zealous Conservative politician ; but that I did not be- lieve you had ever been a party-writer ; that when I was in office I was anxious to promote you in the Church * * * * * and that I had earnestly urged you, by all means in your power, to avoid party-discussions ; that I never heard of your having engaged in them ; and that I firmly believed you had not. " I learned no more upon the subject till I received your letter. " You see that the advice that I gave you was judicious ; and that you are in the enjoyment of the advantage result- ing from it. " I shall be very sorry to lose your society at Walmer Castle, but I hope that 1 shall see you in London." One more specimen, in rather a diiferent style, and I pass on to other matters. In 1836, a Bill was brought in to effect certain changes in the constitution of the Scotch universities. It was greatly disliked by the High Church party in both king- doms ; and one of these, hoping to engage the Duke's op- position to it, called his attention to its assumed defects. The following was the Duke's answer : — 490 niS PATIENT INDUSTRY. " London, 12tli June, 1S36. " The question of the Scotch universities has not escaped my attention. Care is taken that nothing should. Neither has it escaped nie that this Bill is founded on the report of a commission, appointed, I believe, by Sir Eobert Peel in 1828. We cannot blow hot one day and cold another on such subjects : at least I cannot. Moreover, I know that I should have nobody to support me on that subject." Of the Duke's habits of patient industry it may well appear superfluous to speak. We have seen how in India, in the Spanish peninsula, and in France, hours which others would have devoted to necessary repose were spent by him in toil. And as if all this had not been sufficient to tax his energies fully, he seems to have made copies of many of his own letters, and to have arranged and docketed them all. This, indeed, was a practice which he appears very early to have begun, as if there had been present with him from the outset a conviction that his name would sooner or later become historical, and that means ought to be at hand of connecting it only with the truths of history. And he never abandoned the habit to the end. Boxes of his papers, chronologically arranged, stood in their proper order at Apsley House when he died, and stand there still. When re-examined and re-sorted, a process to which the filial piety of his son is now subjecting them, they will account, in a great degree, for the manner in which every day of the Duke's long life was spent. A volume might be filled with anecdotes illustrative of various traits in the Duke's character, — his perfect self-pos- session in moments of difficulty and danger, his kindly dis- position, his wit, and severe wisdom. Of his self-possession on the field of battle I have given in the course of this narrative several examples. Many more might be added did the occasion require ; for no event in war appeared to take him by surprise, no blunder on the part of his subordinates discomposed him. He was equally calm and collected on other occasions less in unison, as might be assumed, Avilh his professional habits. He never HIS CALMNESS. 491 Aveut to sea "without encountering a storm ; he neA'er in the wildest hurricane exhibited the smallest token of alarm. At the opening of the Liverpool and INIanchester Eailway, — an experiment, as was believed, full of peril, — he put himself with child-like docility into the hands of the engineers, and kept his seat, as they requested him to do, till the accident to Mr Huskisson stopped the train. He was the first to reach the wounded man, and to speak words of comfort to him. In- deed he would have put a stop to the pageant, had it not been explained to him that great public inconvenience would have been the consequence. We have seen how he bore himself when threatened with assassination on the King's highway, and mobbed and assaulted iu the streets of Lon- don, and as he was then, so he invariably appeared amid the bitterest struggles and perplexities of political life. The Duke's wit was sometimes caustic enough, but never ill-natured. A gentleman, not remarkable for always saying the right thing at the right moment, happened to dine in his company one day, and during a pause in the conversation, asked abruptly, " Duke, weren't you surprised at "Water- loo?" " No," was the answer, delivered with a smile, " but I am now." When Sir De Lacy Evans' operations were going on near St Sebastian, the question was put, " What will all this produce ?" " Probably, replied the Duke, " two volumes in octavo." In 1815, the Commissioners for the provisional Grovernment in Prance announced to him gravely that the Empire was at an end. " I knew that a year ago." A Colonial Bishop having remonstrated with the Secretary of State because military guards were not turned out and instructed to salute him, the minister sent the letter to the Duke, who returned it with this remark upon the margin : " The only attention which soldiers are to pay to the Eishop must be to his sermons." Sometimes the Duke's mots hit harder than he intended them to do. The late Sir William Allen used to tell with great glee, that being sent for to receive the price of his picture of the Battle of Waterloo, he found the Duke counting over whole piles of bank notes. Sir William, anxious to save the Duke's time, ventured to observe that a cheque upon his Grace's banker would serve 492 HIS GENEROSITY. the purpose quite as well as notes. "WHiereupon tlie Duke, not over aud above delighted with the interruption, looked up and said, " Do you think I am going to let Coutts' people know what a d — d fool I've been ? " A cavalry regiment being suddenly ordered to the Cape, one of the ofiicers, not remarkable for zeal in the performance of his du- ties, applied for leave to exchange. The memorandum was this : " He must sail or sell." Of his kindly disposition, the following are manifestations. An old gentleman of the name of Eobertson desired one day particularly to see him. He was admitted to an audience, and stated that he did not expect to live long, but could not die in peace without seeing the Duke, and that he had tra- velled from Scotland for that single purpose. Touched with the old man's manner, the Duke not only expressed his own gratification, but begged ]\Ir Hobertson to stay and dine wuth him. " Many thanks," replied the old Scot, " I can't do that. I have seen your Grrace, and have now nothing more in this world to wish for : " and so withdrew. He was walking one day in the streets of a manufacturing town, when an operative accosted, and desired permission to shake hands with, him. " Certainly," replied the Duke ; " I am always happy to shake hands with an honest man." He never met, in his rides and walks among the lanes near Walraer or Strathfieldsaye, any poor man who claimed to have served under him without giving him a sovereign. He used to laugh at himself for doing so, and acknowledged that it was ten to one against the object of his bounty de- serving it ; but nothing would induce him to omit the prac- tice. But perhaps the most touching testimony to his gentle- ness is that Avhich Mr Eichard Oastler, the great and honest mob orator, has placed on record. Describing an interview to which the Duke admitted him, and his own embarrass- ment when he found himself closeted with the hero of the age, Mr Oastler continues: " On that space" (a space free from papers on the sofa), " at the bidding of the Duke, I sat. His Grace standing before ine said, ' "Well, Mr Oastler, what is it you wish to say to me ? ' I observed, ' It is very HIS ArnopjSMs. 403 strange that I should sit while the Duke of TVellingtou stands, and in Apsley House too.' ' Oh,' said his Grace, ' if you think so, and if it will please you better, I'll sit.' So saying, he took a seat on an easy-chair, between the sofa and the fire-place. I was then desired to proceed. Being strangely affected with a reception so very different from that anticipated, I expressed my surprise, and craved the Duke's indulgence. Placing his right hand on my right shoulder, his Grrace said, ' We shall never get on if you are embarrassed. Forget that you are here ; fancy yourself talking with one of your neighbours at Eixby, and proceed." It is not wortli while to transcribe more of what passed between them ; but the result must be given in Mr Oastler's words. " In a short time I returned to Huddersfield, met thousands of people at an out-door assembly, and told them all that the Duke of "Wellington had told me. Oh how they cheered ! " The Duke's wisdom, like that of other wise men, was shown more in his life than in his conversation ; yet certain sayings of his have passed into aphorisms, and Avill never be forgotten while the English language exists. Here are a few of them : — " A great country ought never to make little wars. " Be discreet in all things, and so render it unnecessary to be mysterious about any. " The history of a battle is like the history of a ball. " Animosity among nations ought to cease when hostili- ties come to an end. " He is most to blame who breaks the law, no matter what the provocation may be under which he acts. " One country has no right to interfere in the internal affairs of another. Non-intervention is the law, intervention is only the exception." The Duke dined one day in Paris witli M. Cambaceres, one of the most renowned gourmets of France. The host having pressed a rechercJie dish upon the Duke, asked eager- ly, when the plate ^ras cleared, how he had liked it. " It 494 XEVER SERIOUSLY WOUNDED. was excellent," replied the Duke ; " but to tell you the truth, I don't care much -what I eat." " Good heavens ! " ex- claimed Cambaceres, " don't care what you eat ! "VThy then did you come here ? " It is a remarkable fact in this great man's history, that though always ready, often too ready, to expose himself in action, he never received a wound which left a scar behind. At Seringapatam, as his Indian correspondence shows, a bullet tore the cloth of his over-alls and grazed his knee. Again at Orthes, a spent ball struck him so sharply as to iinhorse him. On this latter occasion, he was watching the progress of the battle, — General Alava sitting on horseback near him, — when a musket-ball struck the Spaniard severely on that part of the person, any injury done to which is the occasion more frequently of mirth than of commiseration. The Duke, as was to be expected, laughed at Alava, but had not long enjoyed his joke, when another ball, after hitting the guard of his own sword glanced off, and gave him such a bloAv as caused him to spring from his saddle and fall to the ground. He got up, rubbed the part, laughed again, but rather more faintly, remounted, and went throiigh the action ; but for several daj'S afterwards he was unable to ride, and suffered great pain. It is almost more singular that he who carried on war in so many parts of the world should never have lost a gun to the enemy. " Eeturning with him one day from the liunting-field," says Lord Ellesmere, " I asked him whether he could form any calculation of the number of guns he had taken in the course of his career." " No," he replied, " not with any accuracy ; somewhere about 3000, I should guess. At Oporto, after the passage of the Douro, I took the en- tire siege-train of the enemy ; at Vittoria and "Waterloo I took every gun they had in the field. "What, however, is more extraordinary is, I don't think I ever lost a gun in my life. After the battle of Salamanca," he went on to explain, " three of my guns attached to some Portuguese cavalry were captured in a trifling affair near Madrid, but they were recovered the next day. In the Pyrenees, Lord Hill FELLOE' OF THE EOTAL SOCIETY. 495 found liimself obliged to throw eight or nine guns over a jDrecipice ; but those also were recovered, and never fell into the enemy's hands at all." Though pretending to no eminence either in scholarship or science, the Duke entertained the greatest respect for both. On two separate occasions he expressed a desire to be elected a Fellow of the Eoyal Society. At first his mean- ing appears scarcely to have been understood, but the wish being repeated, the Eoyal Society at once, and with pe- culiar satisfaction, received him among its Fellows. He was proposed by the late Marquis of Northampton, and se- conded by Sir Robert Harry Inglis ; and he seems to have been better pleased with this distinction, than with many others conferred upon him by the Sovereigns and peoples whom he had served. Again we find him brought into con- trast with ZSTapoleon, in a matter where, at first sight, it might appear that there was only parallelism. " I knew what I ■was about," said the French Emperor, " when I caused my- self to be elected member of the Institute. Our soldiers follow me, not because I am brave, but because they believe me to be a man of genius and well read." The Duke's eye for a country was, as may be imagined, singularly accurate. He could take in at a glance all the features of any landscape through which he rode. And which was, perhaps, more remarkable, he seemed intuitively to divine the lie of a district beyond the limits to which his gaze extended. This was shown upon one occasion in ra- ther a curious way. He was going to visit a friend in Eutlandshire, and find- ing that Mr Croker had received an invitation to the same house, he oiTered him a seat in his carriage. The offer was accepted, and the two travellers, after exhausting other topics, began to amuse themselves by guessing at the nature of the country which lay on the farther side of various rano-es of hill and down, as they approached them. The Duke's guesses proved on all occasions to be so correct, that Mr Croker at last demanded the reason. " The reason ? " re- plied the Duke. " AYhy what have I been doing for the greater part of my life, except that which we are doing now, — - 49C HIS TEXACIOUS MEMORY. trying to maue out from what I saw the shape of tlie country which I could not see ?" Strange to say, however, the same man, whose faculties enabled him thus to draw inferences almost always correct in regard to great matters, was remarkable for his blunders in small matters of the same sort. The Duke was noted for losing his way not only when riding back after recon- noissances before the enemy, but when returning home from the hunting-field near Stratiifieldsaye. Of the great tenacity of the Duke's memory notice has been taken elsewhere. It never forsook him to the last. In 1843, when the terror of the Seikh invasion was at its height, he was requested by the Government of the day to draw up a plan for the defence of India. This paper or memorandum he read " with great emphasis " to Lord Ellesmere, who says, " It embraced all three Presidencies, and was full of geographical details. It had been written, as he told me, without reference either to a map or a gazet- teer." It was soon after this, that when called upon to name three officers, one of whom might be selected to go out as Lord Grough's successor in command of the army, he wrote, " Sir Charles Napier, Sir Charles Napier, Sir Charles Napier." I must bring these anecdotes to an end. Hundreds more, equally characteristic, are doubtless in circulation, every one of which deserves its own place here ; but already the limits at my command are passed, the subject remaining still unexhausted. If told in detail, they could scarcely add to the measure of admiration in which, by all who know how to value real greatness, the memory of the Duke of "Wellington is beld. He was the grandest, because the truest man, whom modern times have produced. He was the wisest and most loyal subject that ever served and sup- ported the Eaglish throne. THE END. JOHN GUILDS AND SON, PEJXTEKS. DATE DUE 0CT2( ' IQRft L GAYLORD PRINTED IN U.S.A. UNIVERSITY OF CA RIVERSIDE, LIBRARY 3 1210 01970 4376