Ml*
 
 JUDAISTIC CHRISTIANITY.
 
 JUDAISTIC CHRISTIANITY 
 
 A COURSE OF LECTURES 
 
 BY 
 
 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT D.D. 
 
 /<( 
 
 SOMETIME HULSEAN PROFESSOR AND LADY MARGARET'S READER 
 IN DIVINITY IN THE UNIVERSITY OF CAMBRIDGE. 
 
 amfcvtocje anil ?ionDon 
 
 MACMILLAN AND CO. 
 
 AND NEW YORK 
 
 1894 
 All rights reserved
 
 (ambri&ge : 
 
 PRINTED BY C. J. CLAY, M.A. & SONS, 
 AT THE UNIVERSITY PKESS.
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 DURING the last few years of Dr Hort's life he 
 regularly chose as one of the subjects for his 
 professorial lectures some special aspect of the 
 history of the Apostolic and post-Apostolic age. 
 In this way he traced at one time the various stages 
 in the emancipation of the Church from the trammels 
 of Judaism, and at another the gradual evolution 
 of the conception of an Universal Ecclesia and of 
 ecclesiastical organization. These lectures were not, 
 I believe, primarily designed for publication, but they 
 afforded a convenient opportunity for summarizing 
 and bringing to a focus the results of a lifetime 
 devoted to the patient and single-minded considera- 
 tion of these fundamental questions. This volume 
 contains the two courses which were devoted to the 
 first of these subjects. 
 
 When the end of the academic term brought the 
 first course to a conclusion far short of the goal which 
 he had originally contemplated, he had just reached 
 the discussion of the evidence to be derived from 
 the Epistle to the Romans. As he had recently 
 delivered a full course of lectures on the introduction 
 to that Epistle, he had no occasion to do more than 
 indicate the main conclusions at which he had arrived 
 with regard to it.
 
 vl PREFACE 
 
 The second course, after a careful recapitulation 
 of the points already discussed, carried the treatment 
 of the subject as far as the rise of Helxaism. Here 
 again he reached a topic which he had already 
 discussed in detail in a course of lectures on the 
 Clementine Recognitions, and a brief reference to 
 results already established sufficed, not indeed to fill 
 in the whole of the outline sketched in the opening 
 lecture of the first course, but at least to indicate 
 his conclusions on every point of primary importance 
 in relation to his main subject. 
 
 These lectures cover ground which has been for 
 the last fifty years the chosen battlefield of contro- 
 versialists. Yet they are not, at least in any partisan 
 sense, controversial. They are constructive. Their 
 object is simply to review the facts of the Apostolic 
 .history in relation to a single clearly defined issue, 
 and to restate them in the fresh light shed on them by 
 fifty years of free and fearless discussion. 
 
 Dr Hort had a genuine admiration for the genius 
 of F. C. Baur, from whom the whole discussion 
 started, and a generous appreciation of the debt 
 that modern theology owes him for leading the 
 way in the effort to interpret Christian documents 
 in the light of the historical situation out of which 
 they sprang. But he was very far from accepting 
 Baur's conclusions. His own judgement was formed 
 in each case independently after patient consideration 
 of the whole evidence, and with intimate knowledge
 
 PREFACE vii 
 
 of the whole course that discussion had taken both 
 in England and on the Continent. 
 
 His ultimate verdict, as these lectures shew, was 
 entirely in favour of the genuineness and the histori- 
 cal accuracy of all the leading Christian documents. 
 Accordingly, though he recognized frankly the force 
 of the objections urged against the generally received 
 tradition with regard to some of the New Testament 
 writings, and indicated with scrupulous accuracy the 
 different degrees of confidence with which he held 
 particular propositions, his reconstruction follows in 
 the main the lines with which Englishmen are tradi- 
 tionally familiar. What is unique in this reconstruc- 
 tion is the clearness with which he grasps the problem 
 set before the Gentile Church by its relation to the 
 Law, and his sympathetic insight into the parts 
 played by the Apostolic leaders during the period 
 of transition before the Old Order had finally given 
 place to the New. 
 
 It is enough in this connexion to call attention to 
 his analysis of the grounds of St Peter's conduct in 
 the famous altercation at Antioch (p. 77), to his 
 account of the incidents connected with St Paul's last 
 visit to Jerusalem (p. 105), and above all to his subtle 
 and masterly investigation of the character and sources 
 of the false teaching attacked in the Epistle to the 
 Colossians and in the Pastoral Epistles, questions on 
 which, at least in England, Bishop Lightfoot's conclu- 
 sions have perhaps too readily been accepted as final.
 
 Vlll 
 
 PREFACE 
 
 The views indicated in these Lectures (p. 115) 
 with regard to the enemies of the Cross of Christ at 
 Philippi, and to the date of the Pseudo-Clementine 
 literature (p. 202) must await their justification in 
 the publication of the lectures on the Introduction 
 to the Romans, and on the Clementine Recognitions. 
 
 My work as editor has been simple. The lectures 
 were written out in full before they were delivered, 
 and they are printed here substantially as they stand 
 in the manuscript. It proved unnecessary to print the 
 recapitulation with which the second course began, but 
 a few amplifications have been introduced from it into 
 the text of the original lectures. I am responsible for 
 all the divisions and subdivisions introduced into the 
 text, for the titles of the separate 'lectures', and for 
 the marginal analysis. I have verified the references, 
 and have for the convenience of the reader printed at 
 full length in the Appendix any that were not likely 
 to be readily accessible. 
 
 My best thanks are due to the Rev. J. B. Mayor 
 for kind advice and criticism during the passage of 
 the work through the Press, and to Mr F. G. Masters, 
 Scholar of Corpus Christi College, for help in the 
 revision of the proof-sheets and for the compilation 
 of the Index. 
 
 J. O. F. MURRAY. 
 
 EMMANUEL COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE, 
 St Luke's Day, 1894.
 
 CONTENTS. 
 I. 
 
 INTRODUCTORY LECTURE. 
 
 The subject defined. Its importance in view of the Tubingen 
 hypothesis. Divisions of subject. Books for English Students. 
 
 pp. i 12. 
 
 II. 
 
 CHRIST AND THE LAW. 
 
 The Sermon on the Mount. The Golden Rule. The Great Com- 
 mandment. Christ and the Baptist. Christ and the Scribes. The 
 House of Israel. Summary. , pp. 13 38. 
 
 III. 
 
 THE EARLY CHURCH AT JERUSALEM. 
 
 Its worldwide commission. The Day of Pentecost. Manner of 
 life in the earliest days. The growth of the community. Who were 
 the Hellenists? St Stephen. The Gospel in Samaria. The conver- 
 sion of St Paul. Cornelius. Converts at Antioch. . pp. 39 60.
 
 CONTENTS 
 
 IV. 
 
 THE CHURCH OF ANTIOCH. 
 
 Relations with Jerusalem. St Paul's first Missionary Journey. 
 "Behold we turn to the Gentiles." The Conference at Jerusalem. St 
 Paul and the Three. The decision of the Conference. Its purpose 
 and influence. St Peter at Antioch. No antagonism in principle with 
 St Paul. The attitude of St James. The results of the contro- 
 versy pp- 6183. 
 
 V. 
 
 THE INDEPENDENT ACTIVITY OF ST PAUL. 
 
 The circumcision of Timothy. St Paul's advance into Europe. 
 The Epistles to the Thessalonians. From Corinth to Ephesus. St 
 Paul at Ephesus. I. Corinthians and the 'Cephas' party. II. Corinth- 
 ians. The Epistle to the Galatians. The Epistle to the Romans. 
 
 PP- 84103. 
 
 VI. 
 
 ST PAUL AT JERUSALEM AND THE EPISTLES OF THE 
 ROMAN CAPTIVITY. 
 
 From Corinth to Jerusalem. Reception at Jerusalem. St Paul in 
 the Temple. His arrest and defence. St Paul at Rome. Attitude of 
 the Jews and of the Christian Church towards him. Results of his 
 imprisonment. The Epistle to the Philippians. The Epistles to the 
 'Ephesians' and to the Colossians. The Colossian Heresy Ethical, 
 not Theosophic. Its relation to the doctrine of the Person of Christ. 
 Contrast with the Judaism of Palestine, and of Rome. Supposed con- 
 nexion with Essenism. Possibility of Greek influence. 
 
 pp. 104 119.
 
 CONTENTS xi 
 
 VII. 
 
 THE PASTORAL EPISTLES. 
 
 Their genuineness. Weiss on the teaching condemned in the 
 Epistles. No specifically Gnostic terms. 'Genealogies.' 'Question- 
 ings.' 'Profane Babblings.' 'Oppositions.' 'Knowledge falsely so 
 called.' Jewish Gnosis not Gnostic. Traces of Dualism. Practical 
 not speculative. Possibly Judaic. .... pp. 130 146. 
 
 VIII. 
 
 JAMES, i PETER, HEBREWS, APOCALYPSE. 
 
 The Epistle of St James. Date and Authorship. Recipients. 
 Characteristics of Teaching. Traditions of Asceticism. The First 
 Epistle of St Peter. His relation to Gentiles. The Epistle to the 
 Hebrews. Its Address. Dangers to faith in Palestine. The transitori- 
 ness of the Law. The Apocalypse. Harmony of St John and St 
 Paul pp. 147163. 
 
 IX. 
 
 THE CHURCH OF JERUSALEM FROM TITUS TO HADRIAN. 
 
 Hegesippus. Was he a Judaizer? Certainly a Palestinian. His 
 reception at Rome conclusive as to his own position. Extracts from 
 his work in Eusebius. The election of Symeon. List of the Bishops 
 of the Circumcision. The migration to Pella in 66 A.D. Ariston of 
 Pella. Subsequent history of the Church at Jerusalem. 
 
 pp. 164180. 
 
 X. 
 
 THE JUDAIZERS OF THE IGNATIAN EPISTLES. 
 
 Distinct from Docetse. Polemic confined to Epistles to Magnesians 
 and Philadelphians. Judaism of Pharisaic type. Docetism not neces- 
 sarily Gnostic. ..,,,,,. pp. 181 187.
 
 xii CONTENTS 
 
 XI. 
 
 CERINTHUS, 'BARNABAS,' JUSTIN MARTYR. 
 
 Date of Cerinthus. His doctrine. A Judai/ing Christian at last. 
 The Epistle of ' Barnabas' 1 . No sympathy with Jewish thought. 
 Justin Martyr. Hellenizing rather than Judaizing. . pp. 188 193. 
 
 XII. 
 
 PALESTINIAN EBIONITES. 
 
 The Dialogue with Trypho. No evidence in Justin of division into 
 sects. History of the names Ebionite and Nazaraean Not connoting 
 distinct communities. Origin of Ebionism. Essene Ebionism a later 
 development. pp. 194 202. 
 
 APPENDIX pp. 203 214. 
 
 INDEX pp. 215 222.
 
 INTRODUCTORY LECTURE. 
 
 THE subject on which I propose to lecture this The Sub- 
 Term is the History of Judaistic Christianity in course 
 the Apostolic and following Ages. The phrase 
 'Judaistic Christianity' is more ambiguous than 
 might be wished ; but it is difficult to find another 
 more precise. To prevent any misunderstanding as 
 to the sense in which I propose to use it, it will 
 be well to begin with explaining what are the senses 
 which might not unnaturally be attributed to this 
 phrase, but which lie outside the purpose of these 
 lectures. 
 
 First, by Judaistic Christianity I do not mean Christian- 
 
 ity iiot ^ftf" 
 
 such Christianity as is Judaistic in tone and spirit daistic in 
 only. The whole course of Church History is full * l 
 of beliefs, practices, institutions, and the like, which 
 rest on misconceptions of the true nature of the 
 Gospel dispensation, and are in effect a falling back 
 
 H. J. C. V^ I
 
 2 INTRODUCTORY LECTURE 
 
 after the coming of Christ to a state of things 
 which His coming was intended to supersede, a 
 return, as St Paul would have said, to the weak 
 and beggarly elements. Such a Christianity how- 
 ever, though strictly analogous to the Judaistic 
 Christianity of the apostolic age, is not itself strictly, 
 i.e. historically, Judaistic. It has its origin in per- 
 manent tendencies of human nature, not chiefly or 
 directly in imitation of Judaism, though it may 
 borrow this or that detail from Jewish precedent. 
 nor by Again, by Judaistic Christianity I do not mean 
 
 mtswej suc k ass i m ii a tj ons to Judaism on the part of Chris- 
 tians as arise from a recognition of the authority 
 of the Old Testament unaccompanied by a clear 
 perception of the true relation of the Old Testament 
 to the New. A couple of comprehensive examples 
 from different ages may be given of such assimila- 
 tions resting on a crude and mechanical use of 
 Scripture. Of this character is the eclectic appro- 
 priation of Levitical laws for the regulation of the 
 customs of Christians, and eventually for the 
 positive legislation of churches. This process began 
 in the third century, and went forward with great 
 activity after the Empire had become Christian ; 
 and we are still surrounded by its results. This 
 was one of the elements of the mediaeval system 
 least touched by the Reformation, the obvious reason 
 being that the leading Reformers had themselves but 
 an imperfect sense of the progress within Scripture,
 
 INTRODUCTORY LECTURE 3 
 
 and of the different kinds of instruction which are 
 provided for us in its several parts in accordance 
 with God's own dispensation of times and seasons 
 as expounded by the apostles. Thus we come to 
 the second example of which I spoke, the appeal 
 by the Puritans to the Jewish law and to Jewish 
 precedents on such points as sabbath observance and 
 the treatment of idolatry and idolaters. This was 
 in fact a natural application of the general appeal 
 of the Reformers from custom and tradition to 
 Scripture, when that treatment of all Scripture as 
 in the same sense and the same manner authori- 
 tative, was carried out consistently. This whole 
 subject deserves much fuller investigation than it 
 has ever received, more especially as regards the 
 early ages of the Church; and its interest is by 
 no means of a merely antiquarian nature. But, 
 important as it is, it does not lie within the 
 limits of Judaistic Christianity in the proper sense 
 of the term. The authority so claimed was not 
 claimed for Jewish privilege in any sense of the 
 word, but simply for what was assumed to be 
 absolutely Divine, and therefore of perpetual va- 
 lidity. Moreover, as far as our information goes, 
 there was no historical continuity between that 
 Christianity which as a whole was Judaistic in 
 origin and in principle, and that crude adoption of 
 laws recorded in the Old Testament on the part 
 of Christians which began in the third century. 
 
 i 2
 
 4 INTRODUCTORY LECTURE 
 
 nor by de- Thirdly, we may put aside that sense of the 
 . term "Judaistic Christianity" according to which 
 nearly all Christianity may be loosely and inac- 
 curately called Judaistic ; as indeed it may with 
 more propriety be called Judaic, though that too 
 is not a happy designation. In this sense the 
 term can be legitimately used by none but by 
 those to whom the ideal Christianity is what is 
 called Christianity without Judaism. In ancient 
 times this conception of Christianity was carried 
 out deliberately and consistently by Marcion and 
 his school, and by no others. Unconsciously and 
 inconsistently it has had a tolerably widespread 
 influence, both in ancient and in modern times. 
 The power by which, humanly speaking, it has 
 been chiefly restrained from the earliest days to 
 the present has been the inheritance of the ancient 
 Scriptures. Endlessly misinterpreted and misused 
 as the Old Testament has been in all ages, its 
 mere presence at the head of the sacred book 
 of the Church has remained throughout a priceless 
 safeguard against the tendency to falsify Chris- 
 tianity by detaching it from the history of the 
 Divine office of the earlier Israel. From that 
 erroneous point of view Judaism and Christianity 
 are two distinct religions ; and in so far as Chris- 
 tianity retains elements derived from its prede- 
 cessor it might consistently be called Judaistic. 
 According to the apostles on the other hand the
 
 INTRODUCTORY LECTURE 5 
 
 faith of Christians is but the ripening and perfection 
 of the faith of the Old Covenant, and the Church 
 or assembly of Christians is but the expansion of 
 the original Israel of God, constituted by faith in 
 Him who was Israel's Messiah. 
 
 Briefly then we are not now concerned either but by 
 with such Christianity as is Judaistic in spirit 
 only, or secondly with such Christianity as arises 
 from a misuse S of the Old Testament due to a ordinance* 
 neglect of the order of God's Providence, or thirdly 
 with the main' stream of Christianity as resting on 
 the basis of God's dealings with His ancient people. 
 The only Christianity which can properly be called 
 Judaistic is that which falls back to the Jewish 
 point of view, belonging naturally to the time before 
 Christ came, and still practically maintained by 
 those Jews of subsequent ages who are not merely 
 unbelieving members of a caste. It ascribes per- 
 petuity to the Jewish Law, with more or less 
 modification ; thus confounding the conditions Provi- 
 dentially imposed for a time on the people of God 
 when it was only a single nation, the people inhabit- 
 ing Palestine, confounding these Providential con- 
 ditions with God's government of His people after 
 its national limits were broken down and it had 
 become universal. Judaistic Christianity, in this 
 the true sense of the term, might with at least 
 equal propriety be called Christian Judaism. Its 
 position is not fundamentally or generically different
 
 6 INTRODUCTORY LECTURE 
 
 from that of Mahometanism, though Jesus, not 
 Mahomet, is its last great prophet. 
 
 Judaistic Christianity, thus defined, is a difficult 
 '" subject on account of the scantiness of the evidence 
 
 still extant, but at the same time it is not of over- 
 whelming extent. For the most part its existence is 
 confined to the first ages of the Church ; nor do I 
 propose to say anything of such limited and ob- 
 scure forms of it as have appeared in later ages. 
 My wish is simply to give some account of one 
 great and interesting element in early Church 
 history, a natural product of the circumstances of 
 the Apostolic Age, living on for some generations, 
 and that probably not without times of revival, 
 but becoming more and more evidently a futile 
 anachronism as the main body of the Church grew 
 up into a stately tree in the eyes of all men : and at 
 length dying naturally away. 
 
 hit of sfe- The subject would indeed be not only more 
 "stmuin'z extensive but very much more important, if Juda- 
 toM' istic Christianity had really in the first and second 
 
 Tubingen J J 
 
 hypothesis centuries included all the Christianity which twenty 
 or thirty years ago was so described by a great 
 critical school on the Continent. If what is known 
 as the Tubingen theory were true, the Christianity 
 of the Twelve remained always Judaistic, and so 
 also all that Christianity of the Apostolic Age 
 which was governed by their influence. It was 
 further a part of this theory that the Roman
 
 INTRODUCTORY LECTURE 7 
 
 Church of the second century was Judaistic in 
 doctrine and custom, and that to this source is to 
 be traced that organisation of the several churches, 
 and ultimately of the Church at large, which grew 
 up in the latter part of the second and in the third 
 centuries. To discuss this theory in detail and 
 with reference to all the grounds on which it has 
 been made to rest would evidently carry us much 
 too far away from our proper subject. But it will 
 be worth our while to give some little attention to 
 the supposed indications of a powerful Judaistic 
 leaven in Christian writings other than those 
 which came really from a Judaistic source. The 
 reason for so doing is not strictly speaking a 
 controversial one. The theory itself, though it 
 has by no means lost all its indirect influence, 
 finds much less acceptance on the Continent than 
 it did a few years ago, and the few eminent men 
 who still profess to uphold it have now come to 
 clog it with so many reservations that its direct 
 force is virtually lost. But it is difficult to under- 
 stand rightly much of the biblical and historical 
 criticism with which every one must come in 
 contact who makes a serious study of Apostolic 
 and early Christianity, unless we have some know- 
 ledge of the more important suppositions which 
 have within present memory affected the interpre- 
 tation of books and events, and of the grounds on 
 which such suppositions have rested. Moreover
 
 8 INTRODUCTORY LECTURE 
 
 the evidence alleged for this supposed extension 
 of a Judaistic type of Christianity is interesting 
 in itself, and an examination of it affords useful 
 illustration of some important elements of ancient 
 Christianity. 
 
 Tke tueef The central part of our subject is that which 
 S 00 ^ reason is Dest known the conflict of 
 
 ing with Judaistic Christianity with St Paul. The evidence 
 
 the Gospels J 
 
 for it lies in St Paul's own Epistles, and partly also 
 in the Acts. To understand the nature of this 
 conflict and the circumstances which led up to it, 
 we must go back to that rudimentary state of the 
 Church, so to speak, in the years immediately 
 following the Ascension, when the brotherhood 
 around the Apostles was confined to Jerusalem. 
 This however is not enough. If we were to stop 
 here, we should gain not merely a very imperfect 
 but a very ill-proportioned view of the antecedents 
 out of which the Christianity of the middle period 
 of the Apostolic Age arose, and the antagonisms 
 which it included. In other words, we must go 
 back to the Gospels themselves, and endeavour to 
 gather from them what evidence we can respecting 
 our Lord's own attitude towards the institutions of 
 the Jewish people. 
 
 Divisions To keep exact chronological order throughout 
 
 fttt " will hardly be possible consistently with clearness 
 
 in the treatment of the subject. But at the out- 
 
 set there is every reason why we should not
 
 INTRODUCTORY LECTURE g 
 
 depart from it. The first stage then in the history 
 will be constituted by what may be briefly 
 called " Christ and the Law." Then will follow 
 the relations of the Church to Judaism before 
 the appearance of Stephen, St Stephen himself and 
 the movement associated with his name, and the 
 relations of the Church to Judaism between his 
 death and the mission of Barnabas to Antioch 
 described in Acts xi. 22 26. The Conference at 
 Jerusalem which followed what is called St Paul's 
 First Missionary Journey, and which is reported in 
 Acts xv. i 29, will occupy us next ; and then the 
 Judaizers in antagonism to St Paul stimulated by 
 the results of his missionary labours; together with 
 the other traces which the New Testament affords 
 of Judaistic Christianity of a similar type. This 
 will probably be the most convenient place for 
 considering those books of the New Testament 
 which have been wrongly regarded as having a 
 Judaistic character. To complete our subject in 
 so far as it comes within the limits of the New 
 Testament it will then be well to examine those 
 speculative forms of Judaistic Christianity which are 
 condemned within its pages, that is, for the most 
 part the doctrines of this class against which parts 
 of the Epistle to the Colossians and of the Pastoral 
 Epistles are directed. Returning to the main stream, 
 if we may so call it, we shall naturally be led to the 
 Fall of Jerusalem, and to the chief effects which it
 
 io INTRODUCTORY LECTURE 
 
 produced on Jewish Christians, not passing over 
 altogether its effect on other Christians ; and with 
 this subject we may take what is known of immedi- 
 ately subsequent events in Palestine, so far as they 
 have a bearing on Christianity. Launched on the 
 second century, we have to deal with what some 
 of the Fathers called Ebionism, taking account 
 (to begin with) of the extant ancient authorities 
 respecting it. Next will come what is known of the 
 simpler forms of Judaistic Christianity of that period, 
 and of its literature ; and then by way of appendix 
 the principal Christian books which have been 
 wrongly called Judaistic, and other historical phe- 
 nomena which have received attention in the same 
 connexion. After the simpler forms of Judaistic 
 Christianity will come, as in the case of the 
 Apostolic Age, the speculative systems of doctrine 
 which were in some sense Jewish or at least 
 Samaritan, and in some sense Christian, chiefly as 
 connected with the names of Cerinthus and Simon 
 Magus or the Simonians. Then, and not till then, 
 it will be time to give some brief account of the 
 remarkable Judaistic revival called Helxaism, and 
 of the still partially preserved Clementine literature 
 to which it gave birth, and the Essenism from 
 which in part it sprang. After that there will 
 be little to detain us till we reach such evidence 
 respecting the Jewish Christianity of the latter part 
 of the Fourth Century and of the early part of the
 
 INTRODUCTORY LECTURE n 
 
 Fifth as can be gathered from the ecclesiastical 
 writers of that time. It is from them too that 
 most of our extant evidence comes on the subject 
 of the Gospels used by Jewish Christians of various 
 types; and perhaps we shall find no better oppor- 
 tunity for trying to gather up the principal results 
 to be obtained on this subject than this late stage 
 of the history. 
 
 In the matter of books recommendation is not easy. Books for 
 They are innumerable, and also sadly few. The book 
 which on the whole has done most in the way of point- 
 ing towards a true understanding of the First and 
 Second Centuries, in spite of many drawbacks, is the 
 second edition of Ritschl's Entstehung der altkatholi- 
 schen Kirche published in 1857. It has not been trans- 
 lated. We are fortunate in having his work carried 
 on in England with thorough independence and great 
 improvements by Bp. Lightfoot in wellknown essays 
 in his edition of the Epistles of St Paul. The only 
 comprehensive book accessible in English which it 
 seems worth while to mention is the translation of 
 Lechler's Apostolic and Post-Apostolic Times (2 vols., 
 i6s., Clark). In German an important and very 
 suggestive, but as regards the N.T. unsatisfactory, 
 book by one of the ablest of Ritschl's younger 
 disciples is Vol. I. of Harnack's Dogmengeschichte. 
 The same may be said of Weizsacker's Apostolisches 
 Zeitalter published within the last year (1887). It is 
 also always instructive to read Ewald's History of the
 
 12 INTRODUCTORY LECTURE 
 
 Jewish People, i.e. for our purpose Vols. VI. and VII. 
 translated by J. Frederick Smith. An invaluable 
 book of reference for all kinds of illustrative facts on 
 the Jewish side of the history is Schiirer's History of 
 the Jewish People in the time of our Lord. [Of this 
 T. and T. Clark have now published a complete 
 translation. A translation of Weizsacker has also 
 just appeared, and the translation of Harnack's 
 Grundriss published by Hodder and Stoughton 
 under the title of The History of Dogma may give 
 English readers an outline of the contents of the 
 more elaborate work to which allusion is made in 
 the text]
 
 LECTURE II. 
 
 CHRIST AND THE LAW. 
 
 WE begin with the foundation of the early relations 
 of Christians and their faith and practices to Judaism 
 as laid in the relations of their Lord and Head to the 
 Law. For our purpose it will not be necessary to 
 examine all the passages of the Gospels which have a 
 direct or indirect bearing on this subject ; or again to 
 consider every detail and every attendant difficulty in 
 those passages which will come before us. It will be 
 enough to consider the most salient points in so far as 
 they throw light on the subsequent history. 
 
 At the outset we may pass over with a bare 
 mention those events bringing our Lord in contact 
 with the Jewish Law, in which others than Himself 
 were the agents. They are the Circumcision, the Lk ii 
 Presentation in the Temple, the keeping the Passover 
 at Jerusalem when He was twelve years old : all 
 three related by St Luke, and by him alone.
 
 14 CHRIST AND THE LA W 
 
 T/ie authority of the Law. 
 
 Tke Sfr. It will be best to begin with that portion of our 
 *Mount tht Lord's teaching which deals the most explicitly with 
 
 this subject 1 , the second section of the Sermon on the 
 
 Mount as given by St Matthew. 
 Theprin- " Think not that I came to destroy the law or the 
 
 prophets: I came not to destroy, but to fulfil. For 
 
 relation to verily I say unto you, Till heaven and earth pass 
 
 the Ltnv 
 
 Mtv 17-20 away, one jot or one tittle shall in no wise pass away 
 from the law, till all things be accomplished. Whoso- 
 ever therefore shall break one of these least command- 
 ments, and shall teach men so, shall be called least in 
 the kingdom of heaven : but whosoever shall do and 
 teach them, he shall be called great in the kingdom of 
 heaven. For I say unto you, that except your right- 
 eousness shall exceed the righteousness of the scribes 
 and Pharisees, ye shall in no wise enter into the 
 kingdom of heaven." 
 
 is not an- The opening words suggest the motive from 
 which these verses take their start "Think not" 
 (repeated somewhat similarly in Matt. x. 34) was 
 not likely to have been said unless there was some 
 real probability that without the warning the disciples 
 might think as they are here bidden not to think. It 
 was easy to misunderstand the true purpose of the 
 new prophet who had appeared going about Galilee, 
 teaching in the synagogues, proclaiming the Gospel 
 
 1 Cf. Ewald, Die drei erst en Evangelien, pp 263 f. See Appendix.
 
 CHRIST AND THE LAW 15 
 
 of the kingdom, and healing all manner of sickness 
 and infirmity. Signs of His coming antagonism to 
 Scribes and Pharisees, the jealous guardians of the 
 Law, had possibly already appeared. At all events 
 the tone and drift of His teaching was manifestly 
 unlike theirs. Thus it was not unnatural to assume 
 hastily that it was a purpose of His mission simply to 
 break down restraints, to lift from men's shoulders 
 the duties which they felt as burdens. The Law was 
 full of commandments which claimed to be obeyed. 
 The Prophets were full of rebukes of transgressors, 
 and warnings of coming doom. Might not the mild 
 new Rabbi be welcomed as one come to break down 
 the Law and the Prophets, and so lead the way to 
 easier and less exacting ways of life ? 
 
 This- is the delusion which our Lord set Himself but fulfil- 
 ls crush. The Gospel of the kingdom was not m> 
 Gospel of indulgence. "Think not that I came to 
 destroy the Law or the Prophets (to pull them down, 
 undo them: both these shades of meaning meet in 
 Karakva-aC) : I came not to destroy but to fulfil." 
 These last two verbs are doubtless absolute: not as 
 regards Law and Prophets only, but as regards all 
 things, not destruction but fulfilment was His charac- 
 teristic work. But this was especially true for the 
 Law and the Prophets. About the word "fulfil" 
 (TrXyptaaat) there is a certain ambiguity. But we may 
 safely neglect the meaning which perhaps comes first 
 to mind, that of personal obedience or performance,
 
 16 CHRIST AND THE LA W 
 
 as we speak of the fulfilment of an injunction. The 
 true meaning answers much more exactly to that 
 destroying or undoing to which it is here formally 
 opposed. It is to bring to fulness or completion, 
 involving therefore a progress : it is not to keep a 
 thing as it was. In the same sense, with reference to 
 
 Rom xiii 8, the same subject, St Paul says 6 yap dyairwv TOV 
 erepov vopov TreTrXijpw/cev, and 7r\r)pa>iJ,a ovv VO/JLOV 
 
 Gal v 14 77 arfdirrj ; and again 6 yap Trds VO/AOS ev evl \6ya> 
 ev ra> 'AyaTrijcreis TOV > rr\'r)o~tov trov a><? 
 What kind of bringing to fulness or com- 
 pletion was meant would appear shortly after. 
 
 of an eter- The next verse goes back behind Christ's own 
 
 naipurpose p resen t purpose to the eternal purpose of His Father. 
 It would have been monstrous that He should have 
 set Himself to destroy or undo that which was 
 destined to live as long as heaven and earth. " For 
 
 Mt v 1 8 verily I say unto you, Till heaven and earth pass 
 away, one jot or one tittle shall in no wise pass 
 away till all be come to pass." The precise force of 
 these last words (eco? av iravra yewrjTat) is not quite 
 clear : they probably mean " till all has come to pass 
 that is involved in the purpose of the Law", cf. the 
 
 Lk xvi 17 form given to the saying in St Luke " It is easier for 
 heaven and earth to pass away, than for one tittle of 
 the law to fall." 
 
 TkeTeach- Next our Lord warns His disciples "Whosoever 
 therefore shall loose one of these least command- 
 
 Mt v I9 ments, and shall teach men so, shall be called least in
 
 CHRIST AND THE LAW 17 
 
 the kingdom of heaven : but whosoever shall do and 
 teach them, he shall be called great in the kingdom 
 of heaven." Avar) probably does not mean 'break' 
 here, if indeed it ever does, but rather ' loose', i.e. relax, 
 weaken and dissolve the hold which a commandment 
 has on men's consciences and wills. Of course per- 
 sonal violation of a commandment would be one way of 
 loosing. While KaraXva-at stands for what might have 
 been the powerful and decisive purpose of a prophet 
 or reformer, \va-y stands for the lesser acts of disciples 
 tending in the same direction. In many ways the 
 commandments might be weakened by more or less 
 indirect disparagement through word or deed, and 
 then there might come also the deliberate teaching 
 ("and teach men so"). He who does this was to be 
 called least in the kingdom of heaven. This cannot 
 mean exclusion from the kingdom of heaven ; and so 
 the only reasonable inference is that such disparage- 
 ment of a commandment might be compatible with 
 general loyalty to the Law ; that is, that it might find 
 some seeming justification in the true meaning of 
 Christ's teaching; though only the disciple who did 
 perfect homage in both act and word was to be called 
 great in the kingdom of heaven. Then came the 
 tremendous warning which winds up these intro- 
 ductory verses, " For I say unto you that except your Mt v 20 
 righteousness shall exceed the righteousness of the 
 Scribes and Pharisees, ye shall in no wise enter into 
 the kingdom of heaven". That is, the Gospel calls 
 
 H. j. c. 2.
 
 1 8 CHRIST AND THE LAW 
 
 not for less righteousness, but for more righteousness 
 than was practised by the professed devotees of the 
 Law. Not, that is, that it heaps on more precepts, 
 making itself a Law of multiplied and minuter 
 enactments, but that it demands another order of 
 righteousness, as it were penetrating deeper and 
 rising higher. 
 
 ' Fulfil- Then come instances by which the more abounding 
 
 "illustrated righteousness of the Gospel is illustrated. " Ye have 
 
 Mtvai ff. heard that it was said to them of old time" is the 
 
 usual formula which introduces some precept of the 
 
 Law, with or without modification or addition supplied 
 
 by tradition. In each case a new teaching "But I 
 
 say unto you" is set up over against the ancient 
 
 teaching. These examples and the introductory 
 
 verses explain each other, as they were evidently 
 
 meant to do. What was said to them of old time 
 
 was not to be destroyed but fulfilled. It remained 
 
 binding within its own limits, but it was to be filled 
 
 out and deepened by a new spirit, the prohibition of 
 
 murder for instance being fulfilled by the prohibition 
 
 of anger against a brother. What is here implied is 
 
 that behind the Law in its original form there lay a 
 
 Divine purpose for the Law, and that the fulfilment of 
 
 the Law, in this pregnant sense of the word fulfilment, 
 
 was an accomplishment of that Divine purpose. 
 
 after the The last of the six examples in particular carries 
 
 the Father us up to God Himself. The very commandment to 
 
 Mtv 43-48 love one's neighbour is here set forth as needing to
 
 CHRIST AND THE LAW 19 
 
 be fulfilled by a more comprehensive love, including 
 even enemies, after the likeness of the Father in 
 heaven, Who maketh His sun to rise on the evil and 
 the good. The concluding verse of this example, 
 rising naturally out of that reference to the Father's 
 impartial grace, makes also a deeply instructive con- 
 clusion to the whole of this section on the Law. 
 "Ye therefore shall be perfect, as your heavenly 
 Father is perfect." Not only is the true foundation 
 indicated for the truer and more perfect type of love 
 which is our Lord's immediate subject here ; but the 
 principle is set forth which gives the Gospel right- 
 eousness its pre-eminence as compared with the 
 righteousness prescribed of old time. From what 
 God commands it rises to what God is: His own \ 
 
 perfection, so far as human faculties can behold it, is 
 the standard and the power of human perfection. 
 This is the fulfilment of the Law. 
 
 Here then we have the principle of Christ's relation The appu- 
 to the Law. Some of the difficulties connected with the frinci- 
 its application and some instances of its application^ 
 will next come before us. 
 
 Before we leave the Sermon on the Mount it is The Gold- 
 well to notice one verse in its later part, which is in en 
 effect an application of the principle already laid 
 down. The section which begins "Judge not that ye Mtviii-ia 
 be not judged", after travelling over various ground, 
 the connexion of the parts of which we need not 
 now discuss, ends with the broad commandment 
 
 2 2
 
 20 CHRIST AND THE LA W 
 
 "All things therefore whatsoever ye would that 
 men should do unto you, even so do ye also unto 
 them, for this is the Law and the Prophets." The 
 verse contains two parts, the precept and the reason 
 given for it. The precept without the reason occurs 
 again with slightly modified language in Luke vi. 31, 
 there too as part of the Sermon on the Mount but in 
 a somewhat different connexion, the preceding verse 
 answering to Matthew v. 42. A negative precept 
 answering to this, but differing essentially in being 
 only negative, a prohibition of evil doing, not a 
 positive principle of well doing, seems to have been 
 already current among the Jews at least from the 
 time when Tobit was written, and indeed among the 
 Greeks ; and in this form was added by the Western 
 
 Ac xv 70, text to the letter from the Jewish Conference to the 
 29 
 
 Gentile converts. Nay, it is attributed to the R. 
 
 Hillel 1 , who lived just before the Christian era, in a 
 form which includes an idea corresponding to the 
 reason given in the second clause. "A foreigner came 
 to Shammai to be converted provided that he could 
 be taught the whole Thorah whilst he stood on one 
 foot." Shammai beat him away, and he went to 
 Hillel, who said "What is hateful to thyself do 
 not to thy fellow : this is the whole Thorah, and 
 the rest is commentary: go, study." Our Lord's 
 words, addressed not to an impatient would-be 
 proselyte, but to His own Jewish disciples, were 
 1 Cf. C. Taylor in Pirqe Aboth L 16 n. 33.
 
 CHRIST AND THE LAW 21 
 
 doubtless intended not merely to teach the precept 
 but to teach it as a fulfilment of the Law and the 
 Prophets, not as at once superseding them. In this 
 connexion notice the double phrase " Law and 
 Prophets." The two are taken together as together 
 making up the inherited Divine instrument of teach- 
 ing and guidance, whereas before they were divided 
 by 'or', and thus each separately received from 
 Christ its own sanction. He was no champion of 
 the Law against the Prophets, or of the Prophets 
 against the Law. The ground on which He declared 
 Himself their fulfiller was common to both alike. 
 
 Once more, at a later period of the Ministry, when The Great 
 
 Cominand- 
 
 our Lord, in answer to the lawyer s question as to a men t 
 first or great commandment in the Law (to which we 
 shall have to return presently for another purpose), 
 named the love of God and the love of neighbour, He 
 added, " On these two commandments the whole Law Mt xxii 40 
 hangeth and the Prophets." The question had been 
 on the Law, and to that the answer was primarily ad- 
 dressed, but the Prophets were significantly added after- 
 wards. Here the word o\o<? carries us a step beyond 
 the former conclusion, and that in two ways. Doing to 
 others as we would have them do to us is after all no 
 more than a rule of conduct, the Golden Rule, as it is 
 sometimes called. But love of neighbour goes deeper, 
 to a principle below the rule, to a permanent attitude 
 of mind. And again this comprehensive statement \ 
 is made not of love of neighbour alone but of that I
 
 22 CHRIST AND THE LA W 
 
 and love of God conjointly. Here then we find laid 
 down in all its completeness that fulfilling of the Law 
 and the Prophets of which Christ spoke at the outset 
 
 John tJie Baptist. 
 
 Next we may take some of our Lord's language 
 Relation- respecting John the Baptist. His relation to John is 
 a ver y P eculiar one - In the New Testament John 
 
 nexionand occupies a much more prominent place than he does 
 in our ordinary thoughts about the Gospel history. 
 We must not linger over the Baptism, or the witness 
 Jn i 30 f. of John recorded in the opening chapter of the Fourth 
 Gospel, or his other testimony given on the occasion 
 Jniii 72-30 of the dispute of his disciples with a Jew about puri- 
 fication. But we must not forget the double aspect 
 which our Lord's relation to John presents through- 
 out these records : the close connexion on the one hand, 
 not of kinship only but of office, in which our Lord is 
 in some sense a receiver at the hands of John, and on 
 the other hand the deep line of demarcation, not of 
 nature or of office only, but, as growing out of these, 
 of the periods or dispensations to which they respec- 
 tively belong ; the one the end of the past, the Other 
 the Beginning of the future. 
 
 Discussion The first utterance of Christ which we need 
 
 ^hn's examine arose out of a question asked or comment 
 
 dutipla made on the fact that His disciples were not fasting 
 
 at some particular time (probably one of the fasts
 
 CHRIST AND THE LAW 23 
 
 occurring twice a week according to Jewish tradition), 
 although the Baptist's disciples agreed with the 
 Pharisees in keeping this fast. The immediate 
 answer justifies Christ's disciples without condemning 
 John's disciples. The practice of Christ's own dis- Mtix 14, 15 
 
 .,.,.,- ,,. . . . . Mkii 18-20 
 
 ciples is deduced from their own special position as 
 sons of the bridechamber, not from any universal 
 duty. Around the bridegroom, the living embodiment 
 of the new communion between God and man (on 
 which designation cf. John's own words in John iii. 
 29), were gathered his chosen friends, the sons of the 
 bridechamber, as they were called. Apparently by 
 Rabbinic custom 1 all in attendance on the bride- 
 groom were dispensed from certain religious ob- 
 servances in consideration of their duty to increase 
 his joy. And so the special new joy of the kingdom 
 of heaven in which they were ministers made the 
 present time a time unfit for fasting, in so far as it 
 was an expression of sorrow, though days of bereave- 
 ment were coming in which it would be appropriate 
 enough. Here then we have the kingdom of heaven 
 exhibited as of higher authority than sacred custom ; 
 but this is not laid down as holding good except for 
 those who had personally received the kingdom. 
 
 Then come two well-known but very difficult para- Mtix 16,17 
 bolic sayings, that of the piece of undressed cloth on Lkv 36-38 
 an old garment, and of the new wine in old wine-skins. 
 
 1 Cf. Meuschen p. 80 f. Novum Testamentum ex Talmude et 
 aiuiquitatibus Hebraeorum illustraium. Lipsiae 1736. Appendix.
 
 24 CHRIST AND THE LA W 
 
 The most probable interpretation is I think that of 
 Weiss, viz. that having justified His own disciples, 
 our Lord goes on to explain why He does not thereby 
 condemn John's disciples. They still belonged to the 
 old order of things preceding the coming of the 
 kingdom of heaven ; and it would be incongruous and 
 unprofitable if, while so remaining, they borrowed some 
 practice fitting only for the sons of the new kingdom, 
 or still more some new spirit such as was expressed 
 in the new practice. Thus far all three evangelists 
 use substantially the same language. An additional 
 saying is however preserved by St Luke (v. 39), [if, 
 as is possible, though not likely, it is not his own, 
 being omitted by the chief Western documents, it is 
 evidently at least a relic of a very early and trustworthy 
 tradition,] "And no man having drunk old [wine] 
 desireth new, for he saith The old is good ". Here 
 the probable meaning comes out still more clearly. 
 It was no mere unbelief that kept John's disciples from 
 drinking the new wine of the Gospel. They did not 
 deliberately set the one against the other (X/^CTTO?, 
 not xpTjo-Torepo?, is certainly the true reading); but 
 in the revival and repentance due to John's preaching 
 they had found the old order good, as indeed it was, 
 and so they craved nothing more. 
 Tkt result Thus the whole incident and comment on it brine: 
 
 of the dis- 
 
 cusston before us another aspect of our Lord s position. 
 The new here is not the fulfilment of the old, but 
 its advancing successor, while yet adhesion to the old
 
 CHRIST AND THE LA W 25 
 
 is set forth as not in itself blameable, nor the old itself 
 as otherwise than good. Again, we cannot safely say 
 that the old is here identical with the Law; for the 
 fasting which gave rise to the incident was not com- 
 manded by the Law but by a later tradition. On 
 the other hand we read here no condemnation of 
 this tradition, as we do elsewhere of some other 
 analogous traditions. Its precise relation to the Law 
 in our Lord's estimation remains undefined. 
 
 Next comes the passage which contains the fullest Christ's 
 and most express statement respecting the Baptist. ^othT&ap- 
 Tohn hears in the prison concerning those acts of our {*/' . 
 
 Mt xi 2-19 
 
 Lord which were in the truest sense, whether John Lk vii 18- 
 at this time recognised them as such or not, ra epya 
 TOV XPUTTOV, the characteristic works of the Messiah. 
 He sends disciples to ask Jesus about Himself, and 
 the answer is given by a recital of these works, ending 
 with the significant warning in the form of a beati- 
 tude, " And happy is he who shall find none occasion 
 of stumbling in me." Then, as the messengers depart, 
 Christ questions and instructs the multitudes about 
 the Baptist. For our purpose we need notice only 
 the latter words : " A prophet, yea I say unto you 
 and much more than a prophet : this is he of whom 
 it is written 'Behold I send my messenger before 
 thy face, who shall prepare thy way before thee'." 
 A moment's reflection on what is involved in these 
 words will show to what a singularly high position 
 they lift the Baptist, and how in the same breath
 
 26 CHRIST AND THE LA W 
 
 they exhibit his office as a wholly subsidiary and 
 preparatory one, making but a way for the coming 
 of the Being whom (in this form of the quotation) 
 Jehovah addresses as pre-eminently " coming ". Then 
 the same sharp antithesis is repeated in a totally 
 different form. None greater than the Baptist hath 
 been raised up among them born of women, yet great 
 though he be, he is less than the least in the kingdom 
 of heaven. 
 
 Here the two records diverge for a few lines. 
 St Matthew (xi. I2f.) continues our Lord's words 
 with two closely connected sayings which reappear 
 in inverted order in a different context of St 
 Luke (xvi. 16). "But from the days of John the 
 Baptist until now the kingdom of heaven suffereth 
 violence, and men of violence take it by force " (or, 
 in Luke's report, " from that time [the time of John] 
 the Gospel of the kingdom of God is preached, and 
 every man entereth violently into it"). Whatever 
 else these difficult words contain, at least they express 
 that a new period, that of the kingdom of heaven, 
 had set in after what are called the days of John 
 the Baptist, and that his preaching had led to a 
 violent and impetuous thronging to gather round 
 Jesus and His disciples, a thronging in which our 
 Lord apparently saw as much unhealthy excitement 
 as true conviction. 
 
 John the Then He goes on " For all the Prophets and the 
 dose of the j^ w p rO p| lesied until j o h n ". The word ' prophesied ',
 
 CHRIST AND THE LA W 27 
 
 which is omitted in Luke's report, may be variously 
 understood. What concerns us now is common to both 
 Gospels, that John is distinctly marked as closing 
 the age of all the Prophets and of the Law, which for 
 this purpose is treated as itself " prophetic ". The 
 same is implied in yet another sentence added in 
 Matthew alone (xi. 14), "And if ye are willing to 
 receive [it], this is Elijah which is (or was) to come", 
 as also in the fuller saying uttered soon after the 
 Transfiguration, on Elijah coming first, i.e. as being Mtxviho- 
 the immediate precursor of the Coming of the Lord. Mkix n- 
 And to return to the passage in Matthew xi. 16 19, 13 
 Luke vii. 31 35, the rebuke to "the men of this 
 generation" for their impartial rejection of John the 
 abstinent recluse and of Christ who companied with 
 men is indirectly a vindication of John in relation to 
 his appointed place. A similar vindication of both 
 missions is virtually contained in the question 
 asked of the high priests, scribes, and elders, "The 
 baptism of John, whence was it? from heaven orMtxxias- 
 from men ? " more especially in connexion with our ^| k xi 2> ._ 
 Lord's comment on the parable of the two sons, 33 
 
 Lk xx 1-8 
 
 which follows immediately in Matthew (xxi. 28 32). 
 
 To gather up briefly the substance of these Summary 
 passages of the Gospels on the Baptist : they agree 
 with the passages on the Law and Prophets in 
 testifying to a divinely appointed function of the 
 Forerunner himself, and indirectly of the whole old 
 dispensation which was represented by him : and they
 
 28 CHRIST AND THE LA W 
 
 exhibit the new order as a better order succeeding 
 an order which was good though far less good. On 
 the other hand they are silent on the fulfilment of 
 the old by the new, and therefore they are also silent 
 on what goes along with that idea of fulfilment, 
 the ideal perpetuity of the Old, the indestructibility of 
 the Law and the Prophets. 
 
 The Interpretation of tJte Law. 
 
 Scribes and The subject is so large that we must hasten 
 Pharisees on now As John the Baptist stands for the 
 
 worthy representative of the Law and the Prophets 
 under the old order, so the Scribes and Pharisees 
 stand for its unworthy representatives. The picture 
 of them in the Gospels is a complex one, and some 
 important elements of it are too indirectly con- 
 nected with our subject to occupy us. The moral 
 and religious faults charged against them must 
 not be confounded with their relations to the Law 
 or even to tradition as teachers: but we must also 
 remember that our Lord's words point to their 
 casuistry, their exaggerated insistance on trifles 
 of formality, and their preference of tradition as such 
 to the original Law, as being only other fruits of the 
 same corrupt tree which produced their hypocrisy 
 and hardness of heart. This explains the apparent 
 tkt au- inconsistency of His language respecting them. 
 
 Speaking to the multitudes and to the dis-
 
 CHRIST AND THE LA W 29 
 
 ciples, He emphatically sanctions their authority : 
 "The Scribes and the Pharisees sit (rather, have Mt xxiii i 
 taken their seat, i.e. as judges) on Moses' seat : 
 all things therefore whatsoever they bid you, [these] 
 do and observe"; while He proceeds "but do not ye 
 after their works, for they say and do not". There 
 is here probably a reference to Deut. xvii. 10 f., which 
 was we know 1 quoted against disobedience to what 
 were called the precepts of the elders. At all events 
 Christ here inculcates deference to their oral teaching, 
 while elsewhere He charges them with making void Mt xv 3, 6 
 the Word (or Law or Commandment) of God because 
 of their tradition ; and said in reference to them 
 "Every plant which My Heavenly Father hath notMtxvisf. 
 planted shall be rooted up", calling them also "blind 
 guides". He taught no rebellion against their pre-andt&eir 
 cepts as positive rules, but He condemned the spirit 
 of their teaching as contradictory to the Law and the 
 Prophets. It is apparently from this point of view 
 that He not only defends His disciples for eating 
 bread with unwashed hands, but lays down broadly 
 the impossibility of real defilement through anything 
 which enters into a man, though such a principle 
 would be applicable to various Levitical laws as well 
 as to later traditions. He condemned neither the 
 washings nor the differences of meats, but He did 
 strenuously condemn the confusion of such mere 
 rules with principles of religion and morality, i.e. 
 1 See Tanchuma, fol. 63, 2, apud Schottgen, Hor. Hebr. p. 136.
 
 30 CHRIST AND THE LA W 
 
 with the substance of the Law and the Prophets, and 
 
 He defended the violation of such rules, not as a 
 
 habit but when the cause was adequate. 
 
 Imtanres It was therefore no inconsistency when He bade 
 
 ofctmfom- ^ c i eanse d i ep er shew himself to the priest and 
 
 JJj-f" 4 make the offering prescribed by the Law. Here 
 
 Lk v 14 there was no perverse teaching intervening to confuse 
 
 the issue. A man still under the Law, though he had 
 
 approached in faith, was simply instructed to obey 
 
 the Law, and thereby at the same time to carry his 
 
 gratitude to the supreme Author of his healing. 
 
 Mtxvii4- Similarly He directed St Peter to pay on behalf 
 
 of both of them the half shekel levied for the temple 
 
 service, " lest ", He said, "we cause them to stumble " ; 
 
 while He instructed the apostle privately that the 
 
 new relations created by the kingdom of heaven had 
 
 abolished for its children the occasion of the claim 
 
 for payment. That is, He deliberately conformed to 
 
 the obligations of the old order, though He taught a 
 
 chosen disciple that their truest allegiance was now 
 
 due to a different order, an order which set them 
 
 free from this particular obligation, though only to 
 
 claim them for a more comprehensive service. 
 
 Relative It is sometimes said that Christ abolished the 
 
 *differfnt ceremonial part of the Law, while He maintained 
 parts of 'the t h e moral part of it, i.e. either the Ten Command- 
 
 Law 
 
 ments, or these Ten together with the other moral 
 prohibitions contained in it. But this view is by no
 
 CHRIST AND THE LA W 31 
 
 means borne out by the testimony of the Gospels. 
 
 The second table (to use our phrase) of what we call 
 
 the Ten Commandments (properly the Ten 'Words/ 
 
 according to both Old Testament and Jewish usage) is 
 
 once cited by our Lord in reply to the young ruler, who Mtxix r8 f. 
 
 seems to have expected to learn from Him some pecu- Lk xviifao 
 
 liar single secret for attaining eternal life, but in a 
 
 manner which indicates only a special adaptation to 
 
 the circumstances of his case. Nothing of the kind 
 
 occurs in the passages of wider bearing respecting the 
 
 Law which we have been considering, or elsewhere. 
 
 Nay, in the Sermon on the Mount the first two Mtvi,7 
 
 examples of what was said to them of old time, 
 
 in contrast to the fulfilment brought by Christ Him- 
 
 self, are the Commandments against murder and 
 
 against adultery. The difference which Christ does 
 
 lay down within the Law is wholly different from 
 
 this supposed difference of ceremonial and moral 
 
 precepts. He opposes the tithing of mint, anise, and 
 
 cummin to leaving undone the weightier matters of c 
 the Law, judgment and mercy and faith, not, be it 
 observed, prohibitions at all, whether taken from the 
 Ten Commandments or from any other legal source, 
 but three positive habits of mind and conduct which 
 had been singled out by two prophets. Hosea had Hos xii 6 
 said "Therefore turn thou to thy God: keep mercy 
 and judgment and wait on thy God continually ", and 
 Micah" He hath shewed thee, O man, what is good ; Mic vi 8 
 and what doth the Lord require of thee but to do justly
 
 32 CHRIST AND THE LA W 
 
 and to love mercy and to walk humbly with thy 
 God ?" Still more significant perhaps is the manner 
 in which one of these three weightier matters 
 of the Law was singled out on two occasions, as it 
 stands embodied in the trenchant prophetic words 
 of Hosea vi. 6, " I desire mercy and not sacrifice ". 
 
 Mt ix 13 Our Lord quoted it first in vindication of His own 
 eating with publicans and sinners, as forbidding 
 Him to shrink from ceremonial defilement if such 
 shrinking would restrain Him from coming nigh to 
 the spiritually sick as their physician. He quoted it 
 
 Mt xii 7 again in vindication of His disciples' eating the ears 
 of corn in their hunger while passing through the 
 cornfields on the Sabbath, as sanctioning the breach 
 of a traditional mode of observance to relieve a real 
 human need. In neither case was a literal sacrifice 
 set aside for the sake of mercy : but the principle 
 asserted by the prophet in relative disparagement 
 of even the most sacred of all ceremonial or legal 
 acts was reaffirmed by our Lord as applying to other 
 customs or laws. 
 
 The It would take us too long to examine the series 
 
 Mtxiii-i3f our Lord's words and deeds in reference to the 
 Mk ii 23- Sabbath, itself, be it remembered, an institution 
 Lkvii-i i embodied with special solemnity in the Decalogue. 
 
 xiii 10-17 A 
 
 xiv 1-6 Assuredly He taught no abolition of it. The authority 
 
 J which He claimed when He declared the Son of Man 
 
 to be Lord of the Sabbath was not, we may be sure,
 
 CHRIST AND THE LAW 33 
 
 authority to abolish or to retain it ; but authority to 
 follow its true meaning in contravention, if necessary, 
 of traditional rules for its observance. He seeks to 
 associate it with the beneficent work of healing and 
 restoration, because this was to give it new life in 
 accordance with its proper meaning. His Sabbath 
 acts are so many fulfillings, to use His own word, 
 of the Sabbath law. 
 
 Once more, we have an example of the same Marriage 
 principle, differing in form rather than in substance, Divorce 
 in His treatment of another sacred and fundamental Mt J_ 3 lf" 
 
 xix 3 J - 
 
 law, the law of marriage. He pronounced the Mkx s-i2 
 Levitical regulation of divorce to have been given 
 for the hardness of men's hearts ; a pregnant judg- 
 ment, doubtless intended to be extended to many 
 other subjects ; but He did not abolish it What 
 He did was to go back to the underlying principle 
 of marriage as actually expressed at the ideal be- Gen 1124 
 ginning of human society, and to point to that 
 principle, apart from all human or divine legis- 
 lation, as supplying the only true answer to the 
 question of the Pharisees. 
 
 The House of Israel. 
 
 We have now considered the most important Limita- 
 passages of the Gospels bearing on our Lord's relation earthly 
 to 'the Law. But we must not altogether pass over ministr y 
 the evidence as to His relation to the Jewish nation 
 H. J. c. 3
 
 34 CHRIST AND THE LA W 
 
 and to other nations. The starting-point is the com- 
 prehensive fact that, so far as we know, His work 
 was almost wholly confined within the limits of the 
 Jewish land and the Jewish population, and therefore 
 subject to the conditions naturally arising from this 
 limitation. To think of His position or His mission 
 as promiscuously cosmopolitan is to cut Him off not 
 only from the Old Testament but from all the 
 historical circumstances of His Incarnation. This 
 consideration gives fresh force to His injunc- 
 Mt x 5 f. tion to the Twelve, " Go not into any way of 
 the Gentiles, and enter not into any city of the 
 Samaritans ; but go rather to the lost sheep of the 
 house of Israel". We might have thought the in- 
 junction not necessary, but the absence of a practical 
 need .of it throws only the more stress on it as 
 conveying a thought with which it was well to charge 
 the Apostles' minds. .In the healing of the daughter 
 of the Canaanite woman in the region of Tyre, we 
 listen to the Lord's account of His own mission 
 (Matthew xv. 24), in the words " I was not sent but 
 unto the lost sheep of the house of Israel" ; nor is 
 there any ground for regarding these and the following 
 words as merely intended for a trial of the woman's 
 faith, though they served that purpose likewise. 
 When at length the boon is granted her, nothing is 
 said to take away from its exceptional and as it were 
 extraneous character: it remains a crumb from the 
 children's table. The true view is admirably expressed
 
 CHRIST AND THE LA W 35 
 
 by Ewald, "In this Jesus shewed Himself doubly Drd erst. 
 great, first in the deliberate firm limitation to ^ 
 His immediate calling, then in the equally de- 
 liberate overstepping of these limits so soon as 
 this was recommended by a higher consideration, 
 and as by way of previous indication for a more 
 distant future, in which the present limits may 
 become extinct". 
 
 But along with this resolute concentration upon Hints of a 
 Jewish ground, the Gospels bear ample testimony to ^"^f e * 
 the intended extension of the kingdom of heaven 
 hereafter. Our thoughts naturally turn to such 
 passages in St John's Gospel as " Other sheep I Jn x 16 
 have, which are not of this fold : them also I must 
 bring, and they shall hear my voice ", a saying sug- 
 gested by the thought of the Passion, " I lay down Jn x 15 
 my life for the sheep" : and again to the coming 
 of Greeks through Philip to our Lord leading tojnxiisoff. 
 some specially solemn words, including the saying, 
 again referring to the Passion, "I,Jf I be lifted up 
 from the earth, will draw all men unto myself". 
 But teaching to the same general effect is recorded 
 in the other Gospels, as "Many shall come from Mtviiinf. 
 the East and from the West, and shall sit down with ^ 
 Abraham, and Isaac, and Jacob, in the kingdom of 
 heaven", being in Matthew suggested by the Cen- 
 turion's faith, pronounced to be such as our Lord 
 had not found "even in Israel". And similar lan- 
 guage is to be found in a series of the later parables, 
 
 32
 
 36 CHRIST AND THE LA W 
 
 Mtxxi 4 3 as in 'the Vineyard and the Husbandmen' "The 
 kingdom of God shall be taken away from you, and 
 shall be given to a nation bringing forth the fruits 
 Mt xxii 9 thereof", in 'the Marriage Feast', and most emphati- 
 Mt xxv 32 cally of all, in ' the Sheep and the Goats ', according 
 to its true interpretation as a judgment of the nations. 
 So also the great apocalyptic discourse in all three 
 Mt xxiv i Synoptic Gospels is introduced by a prediction of the 
 Lk xxi 6 destruction of the temple, and further on Christ 
 Mt xxiv 14 declares that " this Gospel of the kingdom shall be 
 !o " proclaimed in all the world for a testimony to all the 
 nations, and then shall come the end". The words 
 about the temple must be taken in connexion with 
 Jniii9 the utterance "Destroy (XiWre) this temple, and in 
 three days I will raise it up ", and with the accusation 
 Mtxxvi6i doubtless a perversion of real words "This man 
 said, I am able to destroy (KardKvcrai) the temple of 
 God, and to build it up in three days ", or as St Mark 
 Mk xiv 58 gives it, "We heard him say, I will destroy (fyw icara- 
 \va-to) this temple that is made with hands, and in 
 three days I will build another made without hands " 
 the first person of the rebuilding being in the accu- 
 sation transferred likewise to the destruction. 
 
 Summary Thus, to put in few words the chief deductions 
 
 pel 'evidence fr m the Gospel evidence, our Lord declared Himself 
 
 not the destroyer of the Law and the Prophets but 
 
 their fulfiller, in that He sought to give effect to their
 
 CHRIST AND THE LA W 37 
 
 true purpose and inner meaning. He indicated that 
 for Himself and His true disciples the old, form of the 
 Law had ceased to be binding : but He did not 
 disobey its precepts or even the precepts of tradition, 
 or encourage His disciples to do so, except in so far 
 as obedience would have promoted that Pharisaic 
 misuse of the Law and of tradition alike, which called 
 forth His warmest denunciations. Nay, He did homage 
 to that (for its time) right service of the old order 
 which was represented by John the Baptist, though 
 He at the same time proclaimed its entirely lower and 
 transitory character. Again, Christ deliberately con- 
 fined His own ministry and that of His Apostles within 
 Jewish limits, except in a case or two distinctly excep- 
 tional ; while He clearly made known that the privileges 
 of the people of God were to be extended to mankind. 
 This twofold character of our Lord's action and teach- 
 ing, recurring under different forms, specially attested 
 in Matthew, the most Judaic of all the Gospels, fore- 
 shadows the only way in which the Divine purpose, 
 humanly speaking, could be accomplished; while it 
 was inevitably open to much misunderstanding on the 
 one side and on the other. The fundamental point, 
 a fulfilment of the Law which was not a literal reten- 
 tion of it as a code of commandments was as it is still 
 a conception hard to grasp: it was easier either to 
 perpetuate the conditions of the old covenant or else 
 to blaspheme them. Again there was ample matter 
 for apparent contradictions in the necessity for a time
 
 38 CHRIST AND THE LA W 
 
 of transition during which the old order would live on 
 by the side of the new, not Divinely deprived of its an- 
 cient sanctity, and yet laid under a Divine warning of 
 not distant extinction. This period of transition was 
 Jniii 30 prefigured in the Baptist's own testimony: " He must 
 increase, but I must decrease" decrease, not simply 
 give way and be gone ; the end of the old order and 
 the beginning of the new were to overlap, not to be 
 divided by an abrupt succession. Hence part of our 
 Lord's action and teaching had reference to what was 
 permanent in the new order of which He was the 
 Head and Foundation ; part of it had reference to 
 temporary requirements of present circumstances, but 
 it was easy to confound the one with the other, and 
 not easy to distinguish them in due proportion. The 
 great point to remember is that it was hardly possible 
 for either aspect to be forgotten in men's recollections 
 of the original Gospel at any period of the Apostolic 
 age, however vaguely and confusedly both might be 
 apprehended.
 
 LECTURE III. 
 
 THE EARLY CHURCH AT JERUSALEM. 
 
 Two of the Gospels in their genuine texts record The final 
 final injunctions of our Lord to the Eleven, with or tionsofthe 
 without other disciples, with explicit reference to the tsen 0} 
 universality of their mission. In St Matthew we read 
 " All authority is given Me in heaven and on earth : Mt xxviii 
 go ye therefore (since the authority of Messiah on 
 earth was not partial or national -only, but universal), 
 go ye therefore and bring all the nations into dis- 
 cipleship ^adtjreiKrare iravra ra eOvrj)". And an 
 echo of this form of the. command is preserved in 
 the appendix to St Mark, "Go ye (iropevdevres, as[Mk]xvii5 
 in St Matthew) into all the world and proclaim the 
 Gospel to the whole creation". In St Luke the 
 charge is developed further, "And that repentance Lkxxiv47, 
 and remission of sins should be preached in His 49 
 name unto all the nations, beginning from Jerusalem. 
 Ye are witnesses of these things", and again "but 
 tarry ye in the city until ye be clothed with power 
 from on high". Here the ultimate sphere, all the 
 nations, and the immediate sphere, sphere as well 
 as starting-place, as ap^a^evoi implies, viz. Jerusalem,
 
 40 THE EARLY CHURCH 
 
 are brought out with equal distinctness. The only 
 condition for the transition from the one sphere to 
 the other is the having been clothed with power from 
 on high. In the last words of the Gospel we read 
 l.k xxiv 52 that as the Lord parted from the disciples, " they 
 worshipped Him, and returned to Jerusalem with 
 great joy, and were continually in the temple, blessing 
 God". The same twofold charge recurs in the open- 
 Ac 14 f. ing verses of the Acts. "He charged them (the 
 Apostles) not to depart from Jerusalem but to wait 
 for the promise of the Father", which He explained 
 as 'baptism with the Holy Ghost' not many days 
 Ac i 8 hence. And again, " but ye shall receive power, 
 when the Holy Ghost is come upon you (or, by the 
 coming of the Holy Ghost upon you), and ye shall be 
 my witnesses both in Jerusalem and in all Judea and 
 Samaria, and unto the iittermost part of the earth" 
 AC i 12 To Jerusalem then they returned after the Ascen- 
 
 sion, and there awaited the next national feast. At 
 Ac i 14 this time their perseverance in prayer is spoken of, 
 
 but nothing is said of any preaching. 
 
 The Day of Then came the great event of the Day of Pente- 
 Ac'if cost ^ e outpouring of the Spirit as manifested by 
 wondrous typical gifts. The description of the various 
 classes of spectators here at the outset of the history 
 reminds us of the vast extent of the Jewish dispersion, 
 and of the consequent multiplicity of channels through 
 which the Gospel was hereafter to make its way 
 among the nations. The presence of hearers of many
 
 A T JER USALEM 4 1 
 
 names from a wide extent of Asia, besides two from 
 the Hellenized N.E. of Africa (Egypt and Cyrene), and 
 one, but that one from the mother-city of the Empire, 
 from Europe, could not but be a living reminder 
 of the future apostolic work, though, as was natural, 
 none apparently were there but Jews settled away 
 from Judea, or proselytes, whom they had made from 
 the Gentiles, not Gentiles in creed as well as race. 
 It might perhaps have been expected that when once 
 this miraculous inauguration, as it were, of the 
 apostolic mission had taken place, some steps would 
 immediately be taken for going forth into other lands, 
 as some at least of our Lord's words might seem to e.g. Lk 
 direct. But no sign of any such movement is re- XX1V 49 
 corded by St Luke ; and the reason of the delay was 
 probably the duty of proclaiming the Gospel sys- 
 tematically and strenuously to the Jewish people, as the 
 first and most necessary step of the impending work. 
 
 The full range of future recipients of the Gospel St Peter's 
 is distinctly recognised by St Peter in the exhorta- 
 tion to repentance and baptism which he addressed 
 to the Jews who had been pricked to the heart by 
 his discourse on that great day, addressed, we are 
 told, to the Jews and to all the inhabitants of Jeru- Ac ii 14 
 salem. " The promise is to you and to your children AC ii 39 
 and to all that are afar off, even as many as the Lord 
 our God shall call unto Him". But the exhortation 
 is not " Come out of Israel ", as though the people or 
 the city had become an obsolete or an evil thing.
 
 43 THE EARLY CHURCH 
 
 Acii 40 "Save yourselves", St Peter says, "from this crooked 
 
 generation", i.e. from the present unworthy represen- 
 
 tatives of Israel ; the phrase being taken 1 from the 
 
 Deut xxxii description of the rebellious Israelites in the desert, 
 
 Mtxviii? partially used also by our Lord Himself. About 
 
 Lk ix 4 i 3000 souls, we read, were added on that day ; the 
 
 same by no means obvious verb, TrpoaTiQepai., being 
 
 cf. Acvi 4l used (here and elsewhere in Acts) which the LXX. 
 
 xi 24 
 
 has in Is. xiv. I for a proselyte who is joined to Israel. 
 The man- The next verse, describing their manner of life, 
 
 ntr of life . . , r r i_- 
 
 of the nnu is very important, but not free from ambiguity. 
 
 "And they were continuing steadfastly with the 
 teaching of the Apostles and with the communion, 
 with the breaking of the bread and with the prayers". 
 Among these four terms there is none which directly 
 suggests any Jewish observance, while the first, 
 the teaching of the Apostles, is obviously Chris- 
 tian. The only natural interpretation of the four is 
 as together constituting the characteristic marks of 
 the new Christian life which they had taken up. 
 Respecting the continued adherence to Jewish ob- 
 servances, nothing is said which implies either its 
 'Theteach- presence or its absence. 'The teaching of the Apostles' 
 
 / tr* 
 
 was the necessary instrumentality for bringing the 
 new converts to full discipleship. Their rudimentary 
 faith needed a careful and continuous instruction, an 
 instruction which replaced that which the scribes 
 were in the habit of giving, so that in the most 
 
 1 Cf. Lightfoot on Phil. ii. 15.
 
 A T JERUSALEM 43 
 
 literal sense the Apostles might now be called scribes Mt xiii 52 
 become disciples to the kingdom, bringing out of 
 their treasure things new and old, the new tale of 
 the ministry and glory of Jesus, the old promises and 
 signs by which Law and Prophets had pointed onward 
 to Him and His kingdom. 
 
 The next term, 'the communion' (rfj Koiixavla) ' The com- 
 munion 
 is less clear. The order of the words excludes 
 
 the connexion with rdav airoaroXwv adopted by 
 the Authorised Version and the Revised Version 
 (text), which is also unnatural here in sense. Yet 
 something more external and concrete than a spirit 
 of communion is required by parallelism with the 
 other three terms. It must be some outward ex- 
 pression of the new fellowship 1 with the general body 
 of Christian believers, answering to the special relation 
 to the Apostles. The form which this fellowship 
 took was doubtless the treatment of property as a 
 thing not to be held without reference to the needs of 
 the destitute among the community, and a consequent 
 contribution to their maintenance. The help thus 
 given was apparently not in money but in public AC vi i 
 meals, such as from another point of view are called L' a ^ ais 
 'the daily ministration'. 
 
 The 'breaking of the bread' is of course what 
 we call the Holy Communion in its primitive 
 form as an Agape or Supper of Communion. 
 
 1 For analogous and equally concrete senses of Koivwvia cf. e.g. Rom. 
 xv. 26, Heb. xiii. 16, and Lightfoot's note on Phil. i. 5.
 
 44 THE EARLY CHURCH 
 
 1 The pray- 'The prayers are probably Christian prayers at 
 stated hours, answering to Jewish prayers. If we 
 knew more of the synagogue services in Palestine 
 as they were before the Fall of Jerusalem, we should 
 perhaps find that these Christian prayers replaced 
 synagogue prayers, (which it must be remembered 
 are not recognised in the Law,) as the Apostles' 
 teaching may be supposed to have replaced that of 
 the scribes. 
 
 Life in the What is said in the next verses is said not of the 
 church new converts only, but of "all that believed". Their 
 Ac 11 44- jjf e towards each other was exhibited in the qualified 
 and guarded community of goods which they prac- 
 tised. Their life towards God was exhibited in their 
 continuing steadfastly with one accord in the temple 
 and breaking bread in private houses (icar OIKOV), both 
 of them acts of fellowship with men as well as with 
 God. How far their participation in the use of the 
 temple went, we are not told. With the single very 
 peculiar exception of the ceremonies and oblations 
 Ac xxi 16 with which St Paul accompanied 'the four men Having 
 a vow' at his last visit to Jerusalem, there is no record 
 of any kind of connexion between the Apostles or 
 any other Christians and any kind of sacrificial act. 
 Yet that incident seems to imply that similar acts 
 were not uncommon among the Christians of Jeru- 
 salem, and indeed it is difficult to understand how 
 they could have been omitted at Jerusalem without 
 a deliberate breach with the Jewish people. But at
 
 AT JERUSALEM 45 
 
 all events we have distinct evidence that Christian 
 
 Jews like other Jews frequented the temple, the 
 
 sanctuary of the nation, and thereby maintained 
 
 their claim to be Jews in a true sense. Accordingly 
 
 as the last words of St Luke's Gospel spoke of the 
 
 disciples as continually in the temple, blessing God, 
 
 so we read of St Peter and St John going up to Ac iii i 
 
 the temple at the hour of prayer, the ninth hour ; 
 
 and again of all (apparently, all the Christians) AC v 12 
 
 being with one accord in Solomon's porch. So also, 
 
 when the imprisoned Apostles were released by an 
 
 angel, he bid them go and stand and speak in the AC v 20 
 
 temple to the people all the words of this life, 
 
 and there they shortly were found standing and Ac v 25 
 
 teaching the people. Finally, the last verse before 
 
 the episode of St Stephen tells us that every day, 
 
 in the temple and /car' ol/cov, they ceased not to Ac v 42 
 
 teach and to preach Jesus as the Christ. 
 
 For one other indication of the state of things Hope of a 
 during this period we must go back to St Peter's Conversion 
 address in Solomon's porch. After denouncing inAciiii2ff. 
 plain language the crime of the Crucifixion he es 
 declares his knowledge that both people and rulers 
 had perpetrated it in ignorance, and he calls on 
 these murderers of the Righteous One to repent. 
 In other words, the doom of the old Israel was 
 not yet sealed till not the Lord only but His 
 faithful servants had 'been rejected. The leading 
 Apostle could still cherish the hope that the nation
 
 46 THE EARLY CHURCH 
 
 at large might be brought to turn and bow the knee 
 to its true Messiah. Nor, so far as appears, was 
 there anything in St Peter's preaching to provoke 
 plausible antagonism. Its great theme is Jesus the 
 Messiah, crucified and raised to the right hand of 
 God, the present object of faith, the present outpourer 
 of spiritual gifts from above. The far-reaching con- 
 sequences which might have to flow from these 
 premisses are left for the present unexpressed. 
 
 Strpsinthe It is worth while to notice briefly the steps in the 
 ^lu'com- growth of the Christian community and its relations 
 mutiity to t h e p eO pi e a t this time, so far as they are known 
 to us. The body who return to Jerusalem after 
 Acinf. the Ascension are the eleven Apostles, certain 
 women, Mary the mother of Jesus, and His brethren. 
 Matthias is added to the Eleven in an assembly of 
 Aci 15 the brethren, about 120 in number "in those days". 
 After St Peter's discourse on the Day of Pente- 
 Ac ii 4 i cost 3000 are added. The following time is one 
 Acii 4 6f. of exultation and simplicity of heart, "praising 
 God and having favour with all the people", and 
 every day added to their number. The first colli- 
 sion comes on St Peter's address to the wondering 
 multitudes after the miracle on the lame man. The 
 Ac iv 1-4 chief priests (v. /. priests), the captain of the temple 
 and the Sadducees come upon the Apostles and 
 imprison them ; but of the hearers about 5000 
 are converted. Then follows the hearing before
 
 AT JERUSALEM 47 
 
 the rulers and elders and scribes (four names being 
 given and "all that were of high priestly family"), Ac iv 5, 6 
 and the Apostles are released with a warning, for Ac iv 16-21 
 fear of the people. Their report to the brethren Ac ^23-31 
 and solemn prayer give special force to this re- 
 cognition of the beginning of persecution. Then 
 follows the story of Ananias and Sapphira. The 
 popularity continues and multitudes of men and 
 women join, but there is some holding off of out- Ac v 13, 14 
 siders. Meanwhile the cities round Jerusalem send 
 their sick to be healed. Once more the high priest 
 and his Sadducee friends intervene to imprison the Ac v 17 f. 
 Apostles. Released by an angel, they are again 
 found teaching in the temple, and again brought 
 before the Sanhedrin and " all the senate of the sons Ac v 21 
 of Israel". The incipient purpose of slaying them is 
 stopped by Gamaliel. The result is a compromise. 
 They are scourged and again discharged with a 
 caution, to which again they give no heed. Their 
 evangelic teaching continues in temple and houses 
 alike. It is at this point that the preaching of ,St 
 Stephen opens new horizons, and leads to a new 
 course of events. 
 
 St Stephen. 
 
 How long an interval had passed since the The Date 
 Ascension, is hard to determine, and very different
 
 48 THE EARLY CHURCH 
 
 views have been taken. There are however some safe 
 limits. The accession of Festus to office in place of 
 Felix took place in, or nearly in, A.D. 60, and the in- 
 dications supplied by the Acts and Gal. i. ii. carry us 
 back from that year to A.D. 35 or 36 as the probable 
 date of St Paul's conversion, which apparently took 
 place shortly after Stephen's death. At the other end 
 of the interval the date of the Crucifixion is still 
 uncertain, but must at all events have been early 
 enough to leave at least three or four years before 
 St Stephen's death: the few incidents recorded in 
 Acts i. v. must not therefore be taken as anything 
 like a complete history of what was probably the 
 quiet growth of the Church at Jerusalem. 
 ere The first new fact which meets us is the division 
 is/s? of the Church at Jerusalem into a Hebrew and a 
 Ac vi i ff. Hellenistic portion. The meaning of the term Hellenist 
 was a matter of conjecture in Chrysostom's day, and 
 so it is still. But it is fixed with reasonable certainty, 
 by the meaning of 'EXX^i^w, to be simply a Greek- 
 speaking Jew. It must therefore on no account be 
 confused with a proselyte, though possibly a proselyte 
 might also be called a Hellenist with reference to his 
 language. Evidently there was no lack of spiritual 
 energy in the Hellenistic section of the community, 
 and it was from this section that the impulse was to 
 proceed which was to lead to the first important 
 changes in the primitive Judaic, I do not say Judaistic, 
 character of the Church.
 
 A T JERUSALEM 49 
 
 We are not told of the proportion between the two Jealousy of 
 elements, but evidently both were considerable. The 
 complaint made by the Hellenists suggests that the 
 Hebrew Christians looked on their Hellenist brethren 
 as having only a secondary claim on their care when 
 the increasing numbers of the disciples rendered the 
 eleemosynary arrangements of the community more 
 difficult to work. We have thus here a forewarning 
 of the troubles afterwards to arise in respect of the 
 treatment of Gentile Christians. The Apostles recog- 
 nise the need of organisation to meet the difficulty, 
 and call on the community to provide seven men 
 7rXr;pet9 irvev^aro^ teal crofyias, whom they themselves 
 would set over this business, which they did by 
 laying on of hands. It has been often noticed that 
 all the names were Greek, which affords some pre- 
 sumption that all the seven, including Stephen, were 
 Hellenists. As the last of the seven, Nicolaus, is called 
 a proselyte of Antioch, it is probable that the others 
 were not proselytes. Stephen was apparently already 
 marked out as one full of faith /cal irvevfia-ro^ dylov. 
 
 Then comes a fresh statement of the growth of 
 the Church. The former statement as to the grow- 
 ing numbers of Christians is repeated more empha- 
 tically than before with the remarkable addition that 
 a great multitude of the priests "hearkened to the 
 faith ", i.e. (probably) no longer believed secretly only AC vi 7 
 but obeyed the call of their faith by an open profes- 
 sion. 
 
 H. J. c. 4
 
 50 
 
 Thtopposi- What we are told of the miracles wrought by 
 
 'suphcn Stephen, and of the preaching which was confirmed 
 by these, had probably nothing to do with his 
 office as one of the Seven. He simply exercised 
 after his appointment the gifts which had distin- 
 
 Ac vi 9 guished him before it. He was resisted by certain 
 men, described in a long compound phrase, which 
 has been supposed to mean that they came from 
 two or else from five synagogues in Jerusalem. 
 The existence of synagogues called by these names 
 would not be improbable in itself, but the Greek, 
 though not smooth and correct on any interpretation, 
 suggests only the one synagogue of the Libertines, pro- 
 bably freedmen of Rome, and the other names simply 
 . as descriptive of origin. They are, from the South, 
 Cyrene and Alexandria, from the North, Cilicia and 
 Proconsular Asia. It is natural to suppose that 
 prominent among the Cilician antagonists would be 
 St Paul. It is remarkable that the opposition here 
 mentioned came not from Hebrews but from Jews of 
 the Dispersion, though they in their turn stirred 
 
 Ac vi ii up against Stephen the people and the elders and 
 the scribes ; and all alike were responsible for his 
 death. As we shall see presently, it was with 
 
 Ac ix 79 the Hellenists alone that St Paul is described as 
 
 coming into conflict at Jerusalem at his first visit 
 
 there after his conversion. These men, probably old 
 
 associates of Stephen before his conversion, found 
 
 Ac vi IQ themselves overborne by the wisdom and the spirit
 
 A T JER USALEM 5 1 
 
 with which he spoke. They therefore suborned 
 witnesses to attest his having spoken blasphemous 
 words against Moses and God (i.e. with having vilified 
 the Law). He spoke unceasingly, they said, against 
 the holy place and the Law, declaring that Jesus 
 would destroy (/caraXucret) the temple and change the 
 customs left by Moses. 
 
 To these charges Stephen's discourse is an indirect Stephen's 
 answer. What he had actually said we cannot tell AC vif 
 with certainty. Doubtless, as in our Lord's case, 
 there was distortion of real words. It is probable 
 enough that Stephen saw that sooner or later the 
 process of fulfilment of the Law in the spirit must 
 involve its becoming obsolete in the letter, and that 
 the conception of worship involved in this fulfilment cf.Jniv 2 r 
 must render unmeaning the exclusive sanctity of the 
 temple. But his defence does not suggest that he 
 uttered any such prediction, which indeed, as far as 
 we can see, would have been an unprofitable act of 
 defiance ; while it is likely enough that he did plainly 
 set forth a higher authority than that of the Law, a 
 truer sanctity than that of the temple. His defence 
 is in the main a vindication of himself on these lines, 
 chiefly by indicating the anticipations of similar 
 teaching to be found in the events of sacred history 
 and laid down by the prophets, and on the other 
 hand the anticipations which they likewise contained 
 of the present Jewish unbelief. The starting-point is Ac vii 2 ff. 
 Abraham and his departure from Mesopotamia for a g 
 
 42
 
 5 2 THE EARLY CHURCH 
 
 land which God was to shew him, a true parallel of 
 the position taken up by the accused Christian Jews. 
 
 Acviisoff. Further on he speaks at great length of Moses, the 
 forerunner of Christ, dwelling especially on the 
 rejection of him as a self-made ruler and judge in 
 contrast to his actual mission by God as a ruler and 
 a redeemer: and dwelling again on his having re- 
 ceived living oracles to give to the Jews ; but all in 
 vain, since they refused to obey them, and turned back 
 in their hearts unto Egypt. Then he points out how 
 
 Acvin + ff. till the days of David their fathers had not had the 
 temple, but the tabernacle made by Moses from a 
 Divine pattern, the temple being built at last only at 
 the king's desire. There is here no condemnation of 
 the building of the temple, as some have supposed, 
 but there is a suggestion that its holiness was really 
 derived from what it inherited from its predecessor, 
 
 cf. Hebviii the tabernacle, a Divine pattern still abiding ; that 
 it was in fact merely one mutable phase in the mani- 
 festation of God's dwelling among men ; while he 
 quotes Is. Ixvi. I f. to shew that God cannot dwell in 
 any human building in the exclusive sense assumed 
 
 Acviiji by the Jews. He ends with a rebuke in biblical 
 language, pointing out that the stiffneckedness and 
 
 Is kiii 10 hardness of heart rebuked in their fathers was re- 
 peated in them, both alike setting themselves against 
 the Holy Spirit. He foreshadows his already clearly 
 
 Mt xxiii 34 anticipated doom by speaking, as Christ had done, 
 of the slaying of the prophets. The last words are
 
 AT JERUSALEM S3 
 
 not a rejection of the Law but a rebuke to the Jews 
 
 for not keeping it. When he declared his vision of 
 
 the Son of Man standing at the right hand of God, 
 
 they drove him out of the city, and there, without 
 
 the camp, as the Epistle to the Hebrews says ofHebxiiin 
 
 Christ Himself, they stoned him. 
 
 The Extension of the Church. 
 
 The varied issues of that day were the beginning The results 
 of the end for the Law and the Temple. Words d ea fk' U 
 of such far-reaching purport, carefully guarded as 
 they had been from denunciation of any present 
 sanctity, could not but make a deep impression, 
 more especially when spoken by an eloquent and 
 zealous Hellenist who had suffered martyrdom for 
 uttering them. But further the young man Saul Ac viii i f. 
 was present and consenting, and for him the sights 
 and sounds were not to be in vain. And thirdly, 
 the general persecution which ensued drove all except 
 the Apostles from the city, scattering them over Judea 
 and Samaria. How the Apostles were able to stay 
 and yet escape destruction, we know not. To the 
 stay itself they may have held themselves to be 
 pledged if no clear intimation from above came 
 to them to bid them leave their primary work in 
 the city. 
 
 Two short narratives that follow exhibit some of at Samaria
 
 54 THE EARLY CHURCH 
 
 Ac viii 4- the immediate results of that scattering. Philip, the 
 second on the list of the Seven, preaches at Samaria 
 and has Simon Magus for one of his converts. The 
 Apostles, though they had not originated this preach- 
 ing, recognise its results, and send down Peter and 
 John, who pray for the bestowal of the Spirit, with its 
 wondrous signs, upon the converts, and the prayer is 
 granted. On their way back to Jerusalem they 
 themselves carry on the work, preaching in many 
 Samaritan villages. Thus, while the barriers between 
 
 Mt x 5 Jew and Samaritan recognised by our Lord had been 
 for a while maintained, they were now deliberately 
 let go, and this peculiar semi-Jewish people was 
 placed within the Church on the same footing as the 
 purest Hebrew Jews. 
 m of Again Philip is divinely guided to meet, instruct, 
 
 Ac vTii's^- an( ^ baptize the Ethiopian eunuch of Candace's court, 
 
 40 a member of another race, apparently one of the God- 
 
 fearers, as they were called, followers of the less 
 distinctive parts of Jewish religion. He is then 
 carried away to Azotus, and thence traverses all the 
 The sea- towns of the coast northwards till he reaches Csesarea, 
 Palestine preaching all the way. Caesarea, you will remember, 
 was the political capital of Palestine at this time, and 
 a place of great importance. Here then another 
 great step is taken. We are still within the ancient 
 limits of the Holy Land. But in the Apostolic age 
 these cities of the coast were much more Greek than 
 Jewish. At the same time there is no evidence that
 
 A T JER USALEM 5 5 
 
 Philip's preaching was addressed to others than Jews, 
 whether Hebrews or Hellenists. 
 
 Momentous as were the consequences of St Paul's The re- 
 conversion for the future part of our subject, its ^"paul 
 details do not concern us now, beyond the fact that Ac ix 
 there were already Christians at Damascus. In St 
 Luke's own record St Paul's sphere is defined by 
 the Lord speaking to Hananiah as " to bear my AC ix 15 
 name before \rwv\ iQv&v re ical /3a<rt/Veo>y viwv re j^'k xiifo 
 'lo-par/X" ; where it is to be observed that the sons of L p k I2 
 
 CI. XII I t 
 
 Israel are added as an appendix at the end, and that Ac iv 26 
 
 not only nations but kings are mentioned. In St ~ 
 
 Paul's own accounts we have, "Thou shalt be a wit- Acxxiiis 
 
 ness to Him 717)09 Trdvras avdpa>Trov<s " and " delivering 
 
 thee from the people and from the nations ; unto whom Acxxvi 17 
 
 [apparently the nations by what follows] I send thee 
 
 to open their eyes, that they may turn from darkness 
 
 to light, and from the power of Satan unto God, that 
 
 they may receive remission of sins and an inheritance 
 
 among them that are sanctified by faith in Me." But 
 
 it is noteworthy that as soon as St Paul began an 
 
 active Christian ministry, (i.e. apparently as soon as 
 
 he had returned to Damascus from that visit to 
 
 Arabia mentioned by himself, Gal. i. 17, though 
 
 passed over by St Luke,) he did not depart from 
 
 the line of conduct followed by the other Apostles, 
 
 of speaking to the Jews first. It was in the
 
 56 THE EARLY CHURCH 
 
 synagogues of Damascus that his preaching as a 
 Christian began (ix. 20): they were Jews whom he 
 confounded by his discourses at Damascus (ix. 22), 
 thus early provoking their deadly enmity. 
 His visit to For his first visit to Jerusalem as a Christian, three 
 
 Jerusalem . ,. , , 
 
 years after his conversion, we have to compare the 
 accounts 1 in Acts ix. 26 30 and Gal. i. 18 20. 
 He went up iffropfja-at Kyffrav, to 'explore' St 
 Peter, to find out how he would be disposed to 
 treat the persecutor now become a champion. 
 Barnabas, who as a Cyprian may have known 
 him in the neighbouring Tarsus, and who must 
 have stood high with the Apostles who gave him 
 
 Ac iv 36 his significant name, introduced him to St Peter, 
 with whom he stayed fifteen days, during which 
 he also saw James the Lord's brother. At this 
 time he boldly shewed himself in public as a 
 Christian champion, disputing with the Hellenists, 
 i.e. doubtless with those of them who had already 
 taken the lead in the proceedings against Stephen. 
 On their attempting to kill him, he was conveyed 
 away by the brethren and went home to Tarsus, 
 where he remains out of sight for some time. St 
 Luke closes this piece of narrative with the fact that 
 
 Ac ix 31 through all Judea, Galilee, and (now) Samaria the 
 Church had peace (i.e. for some reason persecution 
 had ceased), and went forward in quiet growth and 
 enlargement. 
 
 1 See Lightfoot, Gal. 91 f.
 
 AT JERUSALEM 57 
 
 Cornelius. 
 We now come almost immediately to an incident The bap- 
 
 , . . . . .. ,, r>. 1 > j -i tism of a 
 
 even more decisive in its results than Stephen s death. p rose i yie 
 The Apostles evidently now took the whole land, and 
 not merely Jerusalem, as their sphere of work. There 
 were Christians at Lydda, and there Peter went to 
 visit them, and his presence and miracles caused 
 fresh conversions in the whole Sharon ; and the same Ac ix 35 
 thing happens at Joppa by the sea-coast, to which he Ac 1x36 ff 
 was led on. Then comes the story of Cornelius, the Ac x i ff. 
 Roman centurion of Cassarea, who enjoyed the respect 
 of all the Jews. At the hour of prayer Peter sees the Ac x 9ff. 
 thrice repeated vision of the sheet full of all manner 
 of living things and hears the voice pronouncing that 
 God had cleansed what he supposed to be profane. 
 Then come in the messengers from Cornelius relating Ac x 17 ff. 
 his vision ; Peter accepts the one vision as interpreting 
 for him the other, and "opening his mouth" (the Ac x 34 f. 
 words always have special force) declares his percep- 
 tion that God is no respecter of persons, but in every 
 nation he that feareth Him and workteth righteousness 
 is acceptable to Him. He then repeats afresh the Ac x 36 ff. 
 Gospel as declared in the first instance to the Sons of 
 Israel ; and is on the other hand in the act of citing Ac x 43 f. 
 the prophets as testifying remission of sins through 
 Messiah's name to Trdvra rov Triarevovra et? avrov, 
 when the wondrous tongues are heard as a sign of 
 the descent of the Holy Spirit on the hearers, and ol
 
 5 3 THE EARLY CHURCH 
 
 Ac x 45 IK 7reptTo/i77<? iriarol who had accompanied Peter, at 
 once recognise the sanction given from heaven to the 
 reception of Gentiles, though as yet only Gentiles 
 already associated with Judaism in faith and partly 
 in practice. St Peter accordingly seals the acknow- 
 ledgment by bestowing baptism. 
 
 ratified at Thus far the act was his alone, though it was that 
 
 JerttsaUm r 
 
 Ac xi i ff. of the foremost Apostle. The tidings soon reached 
 Jerusalem and did not please all there. Circumcised 
 Christians complained of Peter for sitting at meat 
 with men that were uncircumcised. In reply he 
 briefly told the whole story, appealing specially to 
 our Lord's words about baptism with the Holy 
 Spirit in connexion with the visible manifestation of 
 the Spirit as fallen on those Gentiles. And this 
 
 Ac xi i3 explanation satisfied the objectors, who joined in 
 glorifying God for having given the Gentiles as well 
 as themselves the repentance unto life. 
 
 The Preaching to tJie Hellenists at Antioch. 
 
 The evan- The scene now changes to Antioch, still in Syria, 
 
 K o/Anthch DUt f ar beyond any limits of the Holy Land. To 
 
 this point, and to the neighbouring Cyprus, the 
 
 fugitives from the persecution following Stephen's 
 
 death had penetrated along the Phoenician seaboard. 
 
 Ac xi 19 They preached as they went, but, we are told, they 
 
 spoke the word to no one save only to Jews. " But
 
 A T JERUSALEM 59 
 
 there were some of them", St Luke goes on, " men of Ac xi 20 
 Cyprus and Gyrene, who when they were come to 
 Antioch, spake unto the Hellenists also, preaching 
 glad tidings of the Lord Jesus". It is a common 
 fashion here to read 'Greeks' for 'Hellenists', with a 'Greeks' or 
 few MSS., not including the best. It is practically z-f J>/"~ 
 assumed that we have here a sharp antithesis between 
 Jews in the most comprehensive sense and mere 
 heathens. If this, however, were the case, we should 
 expect much more significant language to accompany 
 the statement, and the solemn turning of Paul and Ac xiii 4 6 
 Barnabas to the Gentiles at Antioch of Pisidia 
 would be robbed of much of its meaning. More than 
 one explanation of the words is possible. It is at 
 least curious that e\d\ovv Kal Trpos TOV? 'E^\\rjVLcna<; Ac xi 20 
 resembles so closely the phrase describing St Paul's 
 controversial preaching at Jerusalem, e'A,aA,et re Ac ix 29 
 KOI (Twe^Td, Trpof rot/9 c E\\?7iu<7Ta9, where TT/OO? 
 must have an adversative sense. So too it might 
 well be here "spake against the Hellenists", if 
 antagonists were found among the Hellenists at 
 Antioch as well as at Jerusalem. But the absence 
 of any further indication of opposition on their part 
 renders this less likely than other explanations. It 
 is again possible that the Hellenists are included in 
 the 'lovSaloi, but had also a separate organisation, Ac xi 19 
 and that what is meant is, so to speak, a special 
 mission to them by Cyprians and Cyrenians, them- 
 selves Hellenists, as part of the general evangelisation.
 
 60 THE EARLY CHURCH AT JERUSALEM 
 
 But more probably 'loySaio? is meant in the narrower 
 sense of Jews proper, such as are called 'E/3/jatot in 
 vi. i (a word not used elsewhere in Acts). This, or 
 some similarly limited sense, is the only natural sense 
 of 'lovSatot in xiv. I, xviii. 4, where the associated 
 " EXXrjves cannot be heathens, being frequenters of 
 synagogues. Doubtless then the persons generally 
 addressed at Antioch, and on the way there, were 
 Hebrews, while the Cyprians and Cyrenians went 
 further and addressed Hellenists, perhaps including 
 the fearers of God or proselytes of the less strict sort 
 (wrongly called 'proselytes of the gate' in modern 
 books), such as Cornelius and probably the eunuch 
 had been: but no one as yet preached to men entirely 
 heathens. 
 
 Barnabas Both the preaching and the conversions that fol- 
 lowed were reported to the Church at Jerusalem, 
 
 Acxiaaff. and Barnabas being sent down to inspect was entirely 
 satisfied, and went to Tarsus to fetch Saul, evidently 
 seeing that a work specially suited to him was now 
 begun. In truth, though heathens were not yet 
 addressed, the step taken was a great one. The 
 Gospel was now established in a great capital beyond 
 Palestine, surrounded by heathens, a specially im- 
 portant centre of the Dispersion. And now first it 
 
 Ac xi 16 was that the disciples were called Christians, a name 
 apparently given them by others.
 
 LECTURE IV. 
 
 THE CHURCH OF ANTIOCH. 
 
 THE principal work of the Church of Jerusalem Thecontri- 
 was now done. Henceforward we hear of it Q^\y from An- 
 incidentally, in so far as it had an influence on the tl 
 expanding Church beyond Palestine. The transition 
 is formed by a mission of Barnabas and Saul from Ac xi 29 f. 
 Antioch to Jerusalem to carry a contribution to the 
 brethren of Judea who were suffering from famine. 
 This visit of St Paul to Jerusalem is passed over in 
 his own recital in Galatians, but a sufficient expla- 
 nation is given by Dr Lightfoot, and is indeed suggest- Lightfoot, 
 ed by the structure of the narrative in Acts. 
 
 At the same time, doubtless before Barnabas and Herod's 
 Saul arrived, a new form of persecution broke out. 
 This time it came neither from people, nor from 
 priests, nor scribes, nor elders, but from the king, 
 from Herod. He slew James the son of Zebedee and Ac xii i 
 imprisoned Peter, who was released by an angel, and 
 withdrew, apparently for a time only, to another Ac xii 1 7 
 place.
 
 6a THE CHURCH OF ANTIOCH 
 
 James the Th e death of James probably led to the substi- 
 
 Lord's J 
 
 tution of James the Lord's brother in his place. He 
 
 has not been named in the Acts till now, when he 
 Ac xii 17 suddenly appears as the person to whom, in con- 
 junction with the brethren, Peter sends the message 
 with the account of his delivery from prison. From 
 this time forward he is apparently the head of the 
 Church of Jerusalem, and thus assumes a position of 
 great interest in relation to our subject. It seems to 
 me by no means improbable that he was counted 
 henceforward as one of the Twelve in place of his 
 namesake. But this is not at all certain. 
 
 If Barnabas and Saul arrived at Jerusalem 
 
 ficance. of 
 
 the mission early in the persecution, it might easily happen 
 that Saul would have no opportunity of speaking 
 to either Peter or any other of the Twelve, for it 
 must have been a time of confusion and probably 
 of scattering. But the mission was accomplished : 
 Church greeted Church with substantial tokens of 
 
 Ac xii 25 brotherhood and communion, and the envoys re- 
 turned to Antioch. It was no mere charitable 
 act that they had been performing. It was the 
 practical exhibition of fellowship with the Church 
 of Jerusalem on the part of the young and pro- 
 bably to a great extent Hellenistic Church of 
 Antioch, a recognition of the mother city by the 
 Christians of the Jewish Dispersion, analogous to the 
 half shekel which came from Jews scattered in all 
 lands for the support of the temple service.
 
 THE CHURCH OF ANTIOCH 63 
 
 St Paul's first Missionary Journey. 
 After this mission of brotherhood from the Church Antioch 
 
 r undertakes 
 
 of Antioch to that of Jerusalem in the persons Qi the work of 
 Paul and Barnabas, the first missionary journey for- geltsa ' 
 mally and officially undertaken begins. How St Paul 
 occupied himself during the long interval which he 
 had spent in Cilicia, we learn neither from himself nor Gal i 21 
 from St Luke. The last two verses of Gal. i. evidently 
 refer not merely to the time just described but to the 
 whole time between St Paul's conversion and the visit 
 to Jerusalem described in Gal. ii., and thus are too gen- Gal ii 
 eral to be evidence on this point. It is not likely how- 
 ever that St Paul would refrain from preaching to his 
 own countrymen : but if he did so preach, it was as 
 an individual, and such preaching was not part of the 
 Apostolic work properly so called which is narrated 
 in the Acts. On the other hand the first missionary 
 journey of Paul and Barnabas is begun under circum- 
 stances of peculiar solemnity. Five prophets and AC xiii i ff. 
 teachers are named as at this time in the Church of 
 Antioch. While the Church is engaged in worship 
 the Holy Spirit, doubtless speaking through a prophet, 
 bids the Church set apart Barnabas and Saul, the 
 first and the last on the list, for the work to which ' I 
 have called them'. With fasting, prayers and laying 
 on of hands they are then set on their way. Thus they 
 received a twofold authority, that of the Divine 
 intimation, and that of the human recognition and, as
 
 64 THE CHURCH OF ANTIOCH 
 
 it were, sealing. During this journey, and this alone, 
 Acxiv 4 ,i 4 they are called by St Luke 'apostles,' i.e. envoys, not 
 of Jesus Christ as the Twelve were and as St Paul 
 independently was, but envoys of the Church of 
 Antioch. This language is precisely similar to that 
 used by St Paul respecting certain brethren when he 
 iCorviii calls them aTToo-roXot KK\rjcn(av. After this journey 
 and the ratification which followed at Jerusalem, there 
 was no need to emphasise the authoritative commis- 
 sion. For this occasion it was needful to lay stress 
 on the Divine sanction given to the independent action 
 of the Church of Antioch. 
 
 Turning On the journey Paul and Barnabas keep on the 
 t ii es old lines as long as they are allowed. In Cyprus 
 Ac xiii 5 they preach only in synagogues of the Jews. So it 
 Ac xiii 14 is at first at the Pisidian Antioch. But on the second 
 Sabbath, when nearly all the city is gathered together 
 Ac xiii 44 ff. to hear their preaching, the Jews set themselves in 
 opposition, and then Paul and Barnabas wax bold and 
 say " To you it was necessary that the Word of God 
 should first be spoken: since ye thrust it fiom you 
 and judge yourselves not worthy of the eternal life, 
 behold we turn to the Gentiles : for so hath the Lord 
 commanded us, I have set thee for a light of the 
 Gentiles, that thou shouldst be for salvation unto the 
 Ac xiii 4 8 uttermost part of the earth". The Gentiles hearing 
 these words rejoice, and many believe, and the Word of 
 the Lord spreads through all that region. This inci- 
 dent in the synagogue at Pisidian Antioch is the true
 
 "THE CHURCH OF ANTIOCH 65 
 
 turning point at which a Gentile Christianity formally 
 and definitely begins, and so a Judaistic Christianity 
 becomes possible. The year was either A.D. 50 or 
 thereabouts. Persecution followed, the Jews stirring 
 up the chief men of the city, apparently through ladies, Ac xiii 50 
 probably of their own families, who hung on to the 
 Jewish community as God-fearers. The same order of 
 things recurs at Iconium, where again the Jewish syna- AC xiv i 
 gogue is first visited : whether it was the same at other 
 places, we are not told. Finally the envoys on their 
 return to Antioch assemble the Church, and tell them 
 how "God had opened to the Gentiles a door of Ac xiv 27 
 faith". There they stayed "no small time". 
 
 The Conference at Jerusalem. 
 
 News of such momentous events could not fail to Disquiet at 
 reach Jerusalem before long, and there much disquiet 
 arose. Gentiles had been admitted on a large scale 
 as members of Christian communities without cir- 
 cumcision, and apparently the Church of Antioch, or 
 at least a large part of it, accepted and ratified this 
 policy. If such a state of things were tolerated, a 
 new conception of what it was to be a Christian 
 would be established, and many accustomed ways of 
 thought and action would lose their justification. It 
 is not surprising that, as we read, certain men came 
 down from Judea and taught the brethren, " If ye be Ac xv i 
 not circumcised after the custom of Moses, ye cannot 
 H. J. c. 5
 
 66 THE CHURCH OF ANTIOCH 
 
 be saved". Much controversy ensuing, they com- 
 Ac xv i mission Paul and Barnabas with others of their 
 number to go up to the Apostles and elders at 
 Jerusalem on this question. It may be that St Paul 
 had at first hesitated, for he says he went up by 
 Gal ii i revelation. From himself we receive, according to 
 the best explanation, the account of the confi- 
 dential conferences with the leading people behind 
 Ac xv 4 ff. the scenes ; from St Luke, the account of the larger 
 assembly at which the results so arranged were 
 formally ratified. 
 
 St Paul To the original Apostles, or the chief of them, 
 
 "Three* St Paul communicated what he calls 'The gospel 
 Galii2 which he preached among the Gentiles', explaining 
 i.e. the principles on which he acted in admitting 
 Gentiles to Christian fellowship ; his position to- 
 wards them in the matter was a peculiar one, as 
 we may see by the restraints which he felt in writing 
 to the Galatians. On the one hand he asked from 
 them no authority, as though they had a right 
 to decide the matter against him : on the other he 
 felt that a difference between him and them on such 
 a matter would involve a fatal schism between Gentile 
 and Judean Christianity " lest I should be running or 
 Galii i had already been running in vain". This feeling was 
 in fact the same as that which made him lay so much 
 Rom xv s stress on the acceptance of the Gentile offering by 
 the Judean Churches at the end of the Epistle to the 
 Romans.
 
 THE CHURCH OF ANTIOCH 67 
 
 Towards the aggressive Jewish Christians on the Was Titus 
 other hand, " the intruded false brethren " as he calls "d~ 
 them, i.e. intruded into the Church of Antioch, a Gal " 4 
 sphere which did not concern them, he used very 
 different conduct. He refused to let Titus, who had Gal ii 3 
 come with him from Antioch, be circumcised, as they 
 demanded, and as even the Jerusalem Apostles 
 apparently suggested his doing for the sake of easing 
 difficulties. Such at least in both respects (non- 
 circumcision and Apostolic advice) is Lightfoot's very 
 probable interpretation. Some years ago I was 
 
 inclined to think that what St Paul denies was not App to N. 
 
 T-. > i , i i T. on Gal 
 
 I itus s circumcision, but his compulsory circumcision. {i , 
 
 The words will bear this meaning : but it does not fit 
 so well into the context or into St Paul's singularly 
 careful and circumspect policy. To the Apostles 
 themselves, when this was their advice, he would not 
 yield even for an hour. But he did not thereby Terms of 
 forfeit the support of James, Peter and John. They a s>^ment 
 recognised St Paul's Divine commission to an in- 
 dependent Apostleship of the Gentiles and the grace 
 of God which had attested it, and gave them right 
 hands of fellowship on these terms of different Gal ii 9 
 spheres ; only begging them to keep the poor of 
 Judea in mind, 'a thing', says St Paul (for this the 
 words really mean) ' which I also made it a point for Gal ii 10 
 this very reason to do '; how sedulously, his later 
 words and acts attest.
 
 68 THE CHURCH OF ANTIOCH 
 
 TJie Decision of the Conference. 
 
 The public We need not go into the details of the larger 
 
 AclvTff. assembly when the apostles and elders met together: 
 indeed we know nothing of the long discussion 
 (TTOXX^? ^T^'o-eta?), only of Peter's speech, the nar- 
 rative of Barnabas and Paul, and James's final speech, 
 in which he ended by giving his opinion in favour of 
 not troubling converts from the Gentiles, but enjoining 
 
 Ac xv c-o on them four special abstinences ; from food offered 
 to idols, fornication, things strangled, and blood. This 
 
 Ac xv 22 ff. was accepted by the whole Church, and a letter 
 written to this effect in the name of the apostles and 
 elder brethren, disclaiming the intrusive brethren, and 
 speaking warmly of Barnabas and Paul. 
 
 The special This important decision is obscure in some points. 
 
 tions not The negative aspect of it is clear enough, and speaks 
 volumes. Not only circumcision disappears, but the 
 Sabbath and all other sacred seasons, distinctions of 
 clean and unclean meats with special exceptions, and 
 the Levitical legislation generally : nor again is any- 
 thing said about the Ten Commandments. On what 
 ground were these four particular abstinences pre- 
 scribed ? It will not be wasting time to consider this 
 question, though it must be very briefly. A very 
 plausible view, widely held since the seventeenth cen- 
 tury, when Christian scholars began to study post- 
 biblical Jewish literature in earnest, is that they repre- 
 sent what the later Jews called the Seven Command-
 
 THE CHURCH OF ANTIOCH 69 
 
 ments of the Sons of Noah, ideally ordained by God 
 for the non-Jewish descendants of Noah. It was 
 held 1 that these seven precepts were binding on every 
 Ger Toskav, or stranger sojourning in the land 
 of Israel, and modern critics have without any 
 evidence assumed the identity of a Ger Toshav 
 with a crey3oyu,ei/o9, and inferred that the purpose of the 
 Jerusalem decision was to admit Gentiles on the 
 footing of a-efiofjievoi,. This would be in fact making 
 them a kind of associates, not full members, of the 
 Christian Community. If this was to be their 
 position, while Jewish Christians stood on a different 
 footing, none but Jews could be Christians in the 
 fullest sense. But apart from the want of evidence 
 for any connexion between the cre/So/xevot and the 
 Noachid Commandments, the coincidence between 
 these Commandments and the Jerusalem precepts is 
 very imperfect. They are in fact applications of five 
 or six of the Ten Commandments (the ist, 4th, 9th, 
 and loth and perhaps the 5th being omitted), with one 
 or perhaps two additions. They are I, against 
 profanation of God's Name (ill) ; 2, against idolatry 
 (il); 3, against fornication or perhaps incest (the phrase 
 is ambiguous) (vil) ; 4, against murder (vi); 5, against 
 theft (VIII); 6, enjoins respect for judges, i.e. civil 
 authority ; perhaps an application of V. These six 
 were said to have been given to Adam, a 7th being 
 added and given to Noah, against " a piece from the 
 
 1 Schurer II. ii. 318 Eng. Tr.
 
 70 
 
 THE CHURCH OF ANTIOCH 
 
 nor 
 
 living " i.e. the live ox or other animal, one form of 
 the prohibition of eating blood. Now at least three 
 of the four Jerusalem precepts, and perhaps all four, 
 have something answering to them in these seven 
 Noachid Commandments, but the correspondence is 
 not exact, and at all events four are absent. So that 
 identification would be very difficult even if we had 
 any reason to believe these rabbinical Commandments 
 to have been formally imposed on the <re/3o/*/ot. 
 
 This difficulty has led of late to an inclination to 
 trace the Jerusalem precepts rather to those Levitical 
 injunctions which the Pentateuch itself makes binding 
 on strangers or sojourners. Here however the want 
 of correspondence is still greater ; and if the written 
 letter of the Law was to furnish the precepts, the 
 variation from them in both matter and number would 
 be inexplicable. 
 
 Another suggestion is that the precepts answer 
 to points which happened to be put forward by 
 scrupulously minded Jewish Christians, and which 
 the Apostles thought might be conceded without 
 Breach of principle. This is of course possible, 
 and it supersedes the necessity of trying to explain 
 the selection; but it does not seem to me to tally 
 
 Ac xv 28 naturally with the language actually used in the 
 Epistle to Antioch. 
 
 nor even All these three explanations take for granted 
 
 concessions .v j.u r i 
 
 to Judaic tnat tne ' our precepts are simply concessions to 
 spmt t he Judaic side. It seems more natural however
 
 THE CHURCH OF ANTIOCH 71 
 
 to suppose that they were meant as concrete in- 
 dications of pure and true religion, not of Judaism 
 in the exclusive sense. There was a real risk that 
 Gentile converts admitted freely into full commu- 
 nion without having to submit to a painful and in 
 many eyes disgraceful rite, as Jewish proselytes had, 
 might misinterpret and misuse their liberty, just as 
 we see afterwards at Corinth. There was much to 
 be said for laying this emphatic stress on certain well 
 chosen abstinences or restraints held to have a close 
 connexion with purity of religion, and they were none 
 the worse for being coincident with hallowed Jewish 
 laws or traditions, though this was not the source of 
 their authority. It was a clear gain that their agree- 
 ment with the inherited moral associations of Jews 
 should make the whole arrangement more acceptable 
 to the Jewish party in the Church, since they were 
 not of a nature to suggest any kind of obligation on 
 Gentile converts to obey any part of the Mosaic Law. 
 They were no doubt biblical, but they were of pre- 
 Mosaic origin 1 . 
 
 Three of the four answer to three great myste- idolatry 
 ries of human life or experience, and to three corre- 
 spending forms of reverence. Two of these are 
 obvious. It is by no fanciful or accidental association 
 that idolatry and uncleanness stand so often together. 
 Apart from the familiar association of impure rites 
 with certain forms of idolatrous worship, (a connexion 
 on which too much stress ought not in fairness to be 
 1 Cf. Aug. c. Faust. 32, 13. See Appendix.
 
 72 THE CHURCH OF ANTIOCH 
 
 laid, considering how many forms of idolatry were 
 and are free from that particular stain), both are 
 profanations as well as disloyalties. In all com- 
 munion with God, in the most intimate form of 
 communion with man, the sense of being on holy 
 ground is the most essential condition ; and to lay 
 stress on this at the outset of a Christian profession 
 might naturally be thought a salutary safeguard 
 for new converts. From our present English point of 
 view it might be urged that uncleanness and even an 
 indirect participation in idolatry can be safely 
 assumed to be rejected in principle by every one who 
 claimed to be a Christian at all : but the moral 
 atmosphere of Syria in the first century doubtless 
 made startling combinations of moral ideas possible, if 
 indeed we may not say that they have existed and do 
 exist in every Christian century. 
 
 The precept about blood is at first sight more 
 difficult to explain, the explanation lies, I doubt 
 not, in the feeling of mystery entertained by various 
 peoples of antiquity with respect to blood 1 . Absti- 
 nence from blood was in fact an outward expression 
 of reverence for what Gen. i. 30 calls ' the living soul ' 
 in every animal of the warm-blooded races, a myste- 
 rious tabernacling of life in the lower creation, life 
 being that element or phenomenon of the visible 
 world which seemed the most closely akin to the 
 Divine nature, a third mystery below the mysteries 
 of God and of man. On the one hand this feeling 
 
 1 Cf. Ewald, Antiquities of Israel, Eng. Tr. p. 37. See Appendix.
 
 THE CHURCH OF ANTIOCH 73 
 
 received special consecration from Jewish law and 
 usage, on the other it was not exclusively Jewish. 
 
 The subject of the fourth precept, things strangled, Things 
 is much harder to explain. There is, I believe, no s 
 evidence of any exactly corresponding usage either 
 in the first or in any earlier century, though the 
 passage in Acts naturally had some influence on 
 Christian practice in later times. The attempts to 
 find it in the Pentateuch (e.g. Lev. xvii. 13) quite fail. 
 It is on the other hand very conceivable that the 
 flesh of strangled animals, not having the blood let 
 out when they were killed, would be counted unlawful 
 food by the Jews 1 , though strange to say we nowhere 
 read that it actually was so. The difficulty is that in 
 that case we should have a separate fourth precept 
 referring only to a particular case of the third precept. 
 This difficulty remains the same, however we under- 
 stand the intention of the precepts as a whole. It 
 must I fear at present be left unsolved. It was very 
 early found so perplexing that the " Western " text 
 omitted the words in both places. 
 
 Two or three general remarks must be made These pre- 
 before we leave the subject. First, these substitutes sous to 
 for circumcision were intrinsically by no means 
 ejusdem generis. That was a physical operation which 
 could be absolutely enforced before admission to 
 fellowship, and which then in the natural course of 
 1 Cf. Orig. c. Cels. viii. 30. See Appendix.
 
 74 
 
 THE CHURCH OF ANTIOCH 
 
 Ac xv 20 
 Ac xv 28 
 Ac xv 29 
 
 and lim- 
 
 things remained permanently. The four precepts 
 were precepts only. As conditions they could be 
 imposed in the form of promises only, and would 
 thus answer to the renunciations which early became 
 a condition of baptism. But even this much was 
 perhaps not enforced, for we read only of "enjoining", 
 and of " not laying on a burden ", ending with the 
 assurance " from which things if ye keep yourselves, 
 it shall be well with you " (e# Trpa^ere). 
 
 Again the precepts were not addressed, as is often 
 
 df-ess"' *~ assumed, to all heathens whom St Paul or others 
 might at any time convert, but very definitely to the 
 
 Ac xv 23 brethren that were in Antioch and Syria and Cilicia. 
 Nor must it be supposed that the mention of Cilicia 
 carries us into an altogether new region, which might 
 be supposed to represent the rest of what we call 
 Asia Minor. At this time Cilicia was practically 
 part of Syria, as indeed other passages of the New 
 Testament indirectly bear witness. Further the 
 mention of Antioch as well as Syria, of which it was 
 the capital, shews that it was the special destination 
 of the epistle, though scattered congregations of 
 Syria and Cilicia were likewise addressed by it But 
 no account was taken of future converts in other 
 more distant lands. It was a local determination for 
 a special emergency. 
 
 This being the case, we need not, thirdly, be 
 surprised that it left such faint traces behind. We 
 rea d indeed that Paul and Silas in going through the 
 
 the Acts
 
 THE CHURCH OF ANTIOCH 75 
 
 cities in the region of Derbe and Lystra " delivered Ac xvi 4 
 them the decrees for to keep, which had been 
 ordained of the apostles and elders that were at 
 Jerusalem." In other words, on the first missionary 
 journey after the Jerusalem conference they loyally 
 gave currency to the precepts in a region which, 
 though not within the address of the epistle, had 
 been already visited by them when it was written, 
 and which they were now visiting a second time to 
 stablish the infant congregations. But St Luke is 
 silent about any similar proceeding in the new 
 regions to which they then penetrated, and in all 
 subsequent journeys. Again St James and the elders 
 at Jerusalem make allusion to the precepts, but Ac xxi 25 
 that is a different matter. The silence is not con- 
 clusive evidence : but we might reasonably have 
 expected to find some traces of the precepts 
 somewhere, had St Paul continued to promulgate 
 them. In his epistles St Paul himself is wholly but not in 
 silent on the subject. This would be strange as 
 regards his account of the visit to Jerusalem in Gal. ii., 
 were it not that he is describing that visit solely from 
 the point of view of his own relation to the Twelve 
 and with reference to the failure to enforce circum- 
 cision : and there was no real reason why he should 
 confuse his very rapid sketch by a reference to a 
 measure the importance of which had probably long 
 already passed away. The difference which some 
 insist on between the absolute prohibition of et'Sw-
 
 76 THE CHURCH OF ANTIOCH 
 
 \60vra in the Jerusalem precept and Paul's much 
 i Corviii more guarded directions in I Cor. is just the difference 
 between a broad rule laid down antecedently for 
 general practice and the discrimination in its appli- 
 cation which a wise spiritual guide, eager to lead his 
 disciples behind the rule to the principle, would 
 naturally inculcate on his disciples when cases of 
 conscience had already arisen. The precepts about 
 blood and things strangled, however sound in 
 principle, may easily have been found liable to do 
 more harm than good in practice, and so have been 
 let fall by St Paul. 
 
 St Peter at Antioch, 
 
 St Peter A remarkable sequel to the decision of the 
 
 "t "paul V Jerusalem conference is the incident at Antioch 
 briefly described in Gal. ii. II 14. Apparently the 
 return of Paul and Barnabas from Jerusalem with 
 Judas and Silas had been followed pretty soon by a 
 visit from St Peter to Antioch. Nothing was more 
 natural than that he should be anxious to lose little 
 time before making personal acquaintance with the 
 vigorous young community which had just received 
 such emphatic recognition. On his arrival he joined, 
 as others did, in sitting at table with uncircumcised 
 
 Acxis converts, just as we saw him doing spontaneously 
 at Csesarea a long time before. When however 
 
 Gal ii i* " certain " came down from James, he withdrew
 
 THE CHURCH OF ANTIOCH 77 
 
 himself from this public converse with Gentile 
 converts, for fear of giving offence to these men, who 
 were circumcised Christians of Jerusalem. Not only 
 this : his example and perhaps advice induced " the Gal ii 13 
 rest of the Jews", St Paul says, i.e. among the 
 converts, to do the same, including even Barnabas. 
 St Paul stood alone apparently, and found himself 
 compelled to rebuke Peter publicly for his dis- 
 simulation in thus shewing practical disloyalty to the 
 principles which, when all seemed prospering, he not 
 only had accepted, but had just been putting into 
 practice. 
 
 Thus a new crisis had suddenly arisen. \{ St Peter's 
 St Peter's present policy were continued, St Paul saw to no an- 
 that the Gentile converts would feel that they had *$$ 
 been admitted under false pretences, and " the truth ci P le 
 of the Gospel ", as St Paul significantly calls it, would Gal ii 14 
 be gravely imperilled. It is astonishing that any one 
 should ever have thought this passage evidence of 
 antagonism in principle between the two Apostles, 
 though no doubt the proportion of conviction as to 
 the force of different claims to authority was not 
 identical. What St Paul rebuked was not a doctrinal but to false 
 but a moral aberration of St Peter : he was simply 
 unfaithful to his own convictions. The temptation 
 was doubtless a strong one: the whole story shews 
 that the decision made at Jerusalem had not really 
 satisfied a considerable party in the Church of 
 Jerusalem. What is not so easy to understand with
 
 78 THE CHURCH OF ANTIOCH 
 
 certainty is the ground taken up by St Peter in 
 inducing others to follow him. It cannot have been 
 any subtle distinction about this or that form of 
 Galiii4 intercourse, for St Paul called it broadly "a com- 
 pelling of the Gentiles to Judaize ". Probably it was 
 a plea of inopportuneness : " more important to keep 
 our Jerusalem friends in good humour than to avoid 
 every possible risk of estranging your new Gentile 
 converts : no need to reject them or to tell them to 
 be circumcised, but no need either for us Jews to be 
 publicly fraternising with them, now that we know 
 what offence that will give at Jerusalem : better wait 
 awhile and see whether things do not come right of 
 themselves if only we are not in too great a hurry". 
 Plausible reasoning this would have been, and some 
 sort of plausible reasoning there must have been to 
 ensnare Barnabas and indeed to delude St Peter 
 depriving himself. But what it amounted to was that multi- 
 Christians tudes of baptized Gentile Christians, hitherto treated 
 r/ 1 kts f on terms f perfect equality, were now to be 
 member- practically exhibited as unfit company for the 
 circumcised Apostles of the Lord who died for them. 
 Such judiciousness, St Paul might well say, was at 
 bottom only moral cowardice; and such conduct, 
 though in form it was not an expulsion of the Gentile 
 converts, but only a self- withdrawal from their 
 company, was in effect a summons to them to become 
 Jews if they wished to remain in the fullest sense 
 Christians. St Paul does not tell us how the dispute
 
 THE CHURCH OF ANTIOCH 79 
 
 ended: but, as he continued on excellent terms with stPaul 
 the Jerusalem Apostles and yet went forward with an i eage j to 
 unencumbered Gospel in his hand, it is reasonable to be ***** 
 suppose that St Peter and the rest acknowledged him 
 to be in the right. Otherwise the history of the 
 Church must have taken a very different turn. 
 
 The attitude of St James. 
 
 One question remains, slightly touched upon NO evidence 
 above, What was James's part in the matter ? / io ^ '? st ' 
 " Before that certain came from James", St Paul says. K*.? 1 * 
 
 J Gal u 12 
 
 These words do at first sight suggest that the line 
 followed at this time by James may be safely inferred 
 from the line which these men took, as reflected in 
 St Peter's conduct after their arrival. A second by 
 no means identical inference would be that St James's 
 habitual attitude towards Gentile Christianity may be 
 safely inferred from the line which he followed at 
 this time; in other words, that he did in principle 
 insist that a man must become a Jew in order to 
 become a Christian, and accordingly insisted on the 
 universal need of circumcision. If this were true, we 
 should have evidence here of a fundamental difference 
 between the leaders of the Apostolic Church. As 
 there is no other evidence whatever in the New 
 Testament to this effect (for St Paul's language 
 about oi SOKOVVTCS elval TL has manifestly reference Galii 5-9 
 to the kind of adverse authority which others ascribed
 
 So THE CHURCH OF ANTIOCH 
 
 to the pillar-apostles), the point is important. For if 
 the fact were true, we should expect some other 
 indications of it in St Paul's epistles (waiving the 
 
 Gal "9 Acts). But further, St Paul here places St James 
 on exactly the same footing as St Peter, nay, places 
 him first, as cordially accepting the mission of Bar- 
 nabas and himself, and thus confirms the repre- 
 sentations of the Acts. 
 
 yet in some On the other hand, as St Paul speaks of the 
 
 way direct- .. c , . c . 
 
 lyrespon- men as coming "from James , we cannot in lair- 
 ed atii 12 ness su PP ose that ne meant only " from Jerusalem", 
 which it would have been quite easy and in that 
 case much more natural to say. Some personal 
 relation to James must be assumed, though cer- 
 tainly not the meaning "some of James's party", 
 which would have been nva^ rwv diro 'la/ccbfiov. 
 One common view, well defended by Lightfoot, is 
 that they had a real mission from James but took a 
 line of their own. This is certainly possible ; but the 
 language does rather suggest some direct respon- 
 sibility on James's part. The Ttz/e? e rj^wv erdpagav 
 vfjuis of Acts xv. 24 (i.e. some of the many members of 
 the Jerusalem Church) is not an exact parallel to 
 e\6elv rivds diro 'la/cco^ou, a single definitely named 
 man in authority. Nor is there the slightest reason 
 to suppose that these men of Acts xv. 24 had any com- 
 mission whatever, used or not used, from the Jerusalem 
 authorities. This need not however imply anything 
 more than a present policy, as distinguished from a
 
 THE CHURCH OF ANTIOCH 81 
 
 permanent principle. If I am right in supposing that and 
 St Peter must have had a plausible defence to make originat- 
 which beguiled the rest and himself, it may well be'"/^* 
 
 } pleas of 
 
 that the suggestion of it came from James, and cppor- 
 
 . tunism 
 
 ultimately from others at Jerusalem. Uneasiness 
 may well have been felt, after St Peter had started, 
 about his possible conduct at Antioch, especially if 
 his conduct at Caesarea were remembered ; a dis- 
 content at first latent may have presently come to 
 the surface, and James may have thought it most 
 prudent to send cautions to Peter. That St Paul 
 does not involve him directly in the rebuke is 
 sufficiently explained by the fact that he had not 
 committed himself, as Peter by this time had done, 
 by companying personally with the Gentile converts. 
 There would thus be in his case no exhibition of 
 TjTTOfcpiais, though there might be retrogression. Gal ii 13 
 St Paul would be able to do full justice to difficulties 
 in the way of a consistently comprehensive view within 
 the horizon of Jerusalem, while it was impossible for 
 him to extend the same indulgence to St Peter, who 
 had come within the horizon of Antioch, and had at 
 first acted as St Paul himself did. 
 
 The results of the controversy. 
 
 It is evident that this incident at Antioch, which Confirma 
 at first seemed full of danger to the spread of the 
 Gospel, must eventually have powerfully confirmed 
 
 conference 
 H. J. C. 6
 
 82 THE CHURCH OF A NT IOC H 
 
 the decisiveness of the letter written from Jerusalem. 
 If the Jerusalem authorities were weak-kneed in 
 carrying out the policy which they had accepted, and 
 then, when resisted by St Paul, confessed him to be in 
 the right, as apparently they must have done, they 
 were thenceforth doubly committed to concur heartily 
 with the character of St Paul's work. 
 
 Thus from this time forward the two sides of our 
 Lord's teaching and action in respect of the Lav/ 
 Gentile W ere both for a while embodied in living sociuties of 
 
 church 
 
 men. The fulfilment of the Law, as distinguished 
 from the observance of its letter, was now the 
 exclusive ideal of the Gentile Church, which in most 
 places had doubtless in the first age a kernel of 
 Jewish converts, and which in all ages was to rest on 
 the old foundations of Israel and to find guidance in 
 its Scriptures, but was henceforth not under a law 
 but under grace. How this was to be done was a 
 terribly difficult problem, never perhaps distinctly 
 contemplated by any large body of Christians, and 
 still but partially solved. But a recognition of the 
 existence and the vital nature of the problem throws 
 great light on the failures and the successes of which 
 Church History is the record ; and still more on the 
 vast work which still lies before the Christian com- 
 jewish munity in the future. But the crisis was not equally 
 natl^"- important for the Jewish portion of the Church. To 
 di ff tely , have recognised the equal validity of a Christianity 
 not bound by the Law could not indeed but react on
 
 THE CHURCH OF ANTIOCH 83 
 
 men's thoughts on their own relation to the Law, and 
 on Him who was the common object of faith to Jewish 
 and to Gentile Christians : the legal question led up 
 to questions of the highest theology. It was a grave 
 reminder that Stephen's teaching was either true 
 or false ; and that, if true, it could not remain 
 inoperative for any baptized Christian. But the 
 recognition of the Gentiles as Christians without the 
 Law did not in itself change the position of those 
 who had been born under the Law, or warn them to 
 abandon at once the observances which they had 
 hitherto followed. Till the voice of God was heard 
 in quite other accents, a Palestinian Church could not 
 but be more or less a Judaic Church. This temporary The 
 duality within Christendom is constantly overlooked 
 or misunderstood : but, if we think a little on the tem P rar y 
 circumstances of the case, we must see that it was 
 inevitable. Moreover the dualism can never have and 
 been sharp and absolute, on account of the existence ^?J^ 
 
 of the Diaspora. Little as we know in detail of the ' Dis P er ~ 
 
 ston 
 religious life of ordinary circumcised Jews of the 
 
 Dispersion, it is plain that when they became 
 Christians, their manner of life must have been 
 intermediate between that of Palestinian Christians 
 and Gentile Christians. 
 
 62
 
 LECTURE V. 
 
 THE INDEPENDENT ACTIVITY OF Sr PAUL. 
 
 The circumcision of Timothy. 
 
 Timothy IT was under the new and encouraging sanction 
 afforded by the ratification of Gentile freedom at 
 
 except tir- Jerusalem that what is called the second missionary 
 
 cumctsion * 
 
 journey of St Paul was undertaken. With most of 
 its details we are not now concerned. But it is of 
 
 Acxvis special interest to note that at Lystra he caused 
 Timothy to be circumcised. The statement has been 
 much questioned as at variance with St Paul's conduct 
 
 Gal ii 3 as regards Titus, for which (however we understand 
 it) we have his own authority. But in truth the 
 difference of the two cases admirably illustrates the 
 precise position of things. Titus was wholly a 
 Gentile : to circumcise him would not have been to 
 follow any principle, but merely to accept what if 
 allowable at all would have been nothing better than 
 a prudential concession to temporary difficulties. 
 But what was Timothy? He was notoriously the 
 
 Ac xvi 3 son of a Gentile father : everyone would therefore 
 know that he had not been circumcised in childhood :
 
 THE INDEPENDENT ACTIVITY OF ST PAUL 85 
 
 the father would never have tolerated what would 
 have been in his eyes such a degradation as that. But 
 except in this physical sense Timothy was not a Gen- 
 tile at all. His mother was a Jewess, and this of itself Ac xvi r 
 made it impossible for Jews to regard him as falling 
 under a rule laid down for pure Gentiles. But further, 
 as we learn in St Paul's letters to him, he had been 
 brought up by a mother with whom devout faith was ^Tim i 5; 
 both personal and inherited, and from a babe had drunk 
 the milk of the Jewish Scriptures. Thus brought up, 
 he could not count either as a proselyte in the strict 
 sense or as a a-e/Bo/JLevos. He was a Jew in every- 
 thing but circumcision, and what amount of exclusion 
 from Jewish religious observances that would involve 
 at this time in Lycaonia, we know not. At every 
 turn we are reminded at once of the enormous 
 distinctive historical importance of the Jewish Dis- 
 persion and of the exceeding slenderness of our own 
 knowledge of it. Having then been brought up as a >- 
 
 _, . . cised not 
 
 Jew, he had become a Christian, as well as his mother simply as a 
 flouSa/a? Trto-rn?), probably on St Paul's former visit christian 
 
 Ac xvi i 
 
 to Lycaonia, as may be reasonably inferred from 
 various allusions. It is at least clear from St Luke's 
 language that he had been a Christian for some time. 
 Was it then simply as a Christian of Jewish education 
 and partly Jewish birth that St Paul circumcised 
 him ? That on this supposition he should do so was 
 I think neither clearly probable nor clearly impro- 
 bable. He mi^ht think it best that the one flaw
 
 86 THE INDEPENDENT ACTIVITY 
 
 in Timothy's complete position as a Jew should be 
 corrected, for fear he should seem to be taking 
 advantage on merely technical grounds of the liberty 
 conceded to Gentiles who became Christians. In 
 this case the same would hold good of any other 
 convert who had a similar family history. On the 
 other hand St Paul might as naturally regard 
 circumcision performed in manhood under these 
 circumstances as merely a pedantic observance of a 
 law that had lost its significance for one who had 
 
 tut with a now for some time been a Christian convert. But 
 
 mission the truth is that St Luke distinctly indicates the act 
 to have arisen out of a quite special circumstance. 
 
 Ac xvi 3 St Paul was proposing to take Timothy with him on 
 his missionary journey, (virtually, as it would seem, in 
 
 Ac xv 39 place of Barnabas who had just separated from him,) 
 Timothy being in high repute among the Christians 
 in those parts ; and this ministry to which St Paul 
 was destining him was the reason for his circumcision. 
 As a private person it might not be necessary to 
 decide whether Timothy was to count as a Jewish or as 
 a Gentile convert : as a missionary he must in practice 
 choose, and the choice could not be doubtful. If by 
 the side of the Pharisee of Tarsus he stood as a 
 Gentile convert on the strength of being uncircum- 
 cised, he would throw away every chance of in- 
 fluencing Jews without any corresponding gain of 
 Gentiles, for his true history would soon be well 
 known. Yet if he went forth to preach as a Jew
 
 OF SAINT PAUL 87 
 
 without circumcision, he would scandalise the Jews 
 even more : he would be regarded as the thin end of 
 a Pauline wedge for casting a slight on circumcision 
 for Jews no less than for Gentiles. If on the other 
 hand he took the bold and striking step of submitting 
 in manhood to an operation of such severity and a 
 rite so significant, he was giving the most emphatic 
 pledge possible that he claimed his place unreservedly 
 as a child of Israel, and thereby gave fresh and 
 striking confirmation to St Paul's perseveringly 
 followed policy "to the Jew first and also to Rom i 16 
 the Greek." It matters little whether the Jews in 
 those regions of whom St Luke speaks as the Ac xvi 3 
 persons on whose account St Paul did this were 
 unbelieving or Christian Jews. The act could not 
 but favourably impress both classes alike; while its 
 chief importance would be for those Jews who had 
 not yet heard the Gospel. 
 
 If this explanation be the right one, and it seems 
 to me that which the circumstances and St Luke's 
 language suggest, this matter of Timothy is in 
 perfect harmony with St Paul's refusal to circumcise 
 Titus, while it also leads naturally to that indication 
 of loyalty to the Jerusalem precepts which we have Ac xvi 4 
 already had occasion to notice.
 
 83 
 
 THE INDEPENDENT ACTIVITY 
 
 Through 
 Phrygia 
 and 
 Ga'atia 
 to Troas 
 Ac xvi 5 
 
 Ac xvi 6 
 
 Gal iv 13 
 
 Ac xvi 7 
 
 Ac xvi 9 
 
 From 
 
 to Corinth 
 
 The advance into Europe. 
 
 The next verse seems intended to shew that 
 the work thus begun was at once prospered, 
 "the Churches were strengthened in the faith, and 
 increased in number daily." It would seem that 
 St Paul's intention had been to take the great 
 frequented road which ran westward through 
 Lycaonia to Proconsular Asia, doubtless with the 
 idea of striking at once at its capital, the capital of 
 the whole peninsula, Ephesus. But this was not to 
 be for some time to come. Under Divine guidance 
 the missionaries took a slanting north-west course 
 through the interior, through Phrygia and Galatia 
 proper 1 , though St Paul's words Bi do-0eveiav TT}? 
 o-ap/co? seem to imply that his preaching there was 
 due to a detention on account of illness. At all events 
 this was the time when the Galatians first received the 
 Gospel from him ; and to them we shall presently 
 have to return. Having been forbidden to enter Asia 
 now, he seems to have aimed at Bithynia, perhaps 
 intending to go on further east to the Pontic sea- 
 coast. But here again his course was changed by a 
 Divine intimation. At Alexandria Troas the vision 
 of the man of Macedonia invited him to cross the 
 water, and so the first apostolic mission to Europe 
 began. 
 
 At Philippi we need notice only the preaching to 
 1 See Lightfoot, Gal. p. 22, Col. pp. 24-28.
 
 OF SAINT PAUL 89 
 
 the women at the proseucha by the river side ; evi- Ac *vi 13 
 
 dently in St Luke's intention (though Schurer 1 now 
 
 thinks otherwise) a different place of worship from 
 
 a synagogue, though synagogues are doubtless (as he 
 
 shews) called by this name. At Thessalonica they 
 
 preach in the synagogue on three sabbaths. They Ac xvii iff. 
 
 convert some Jews, many o-e/3d/iei><u, and not a few 
 
 ladies of rank, apparently as before Jewish wives of 
 
 heathen men of distinction. But the main body of 
 
 the Jews stir up the heathen against them on the 
 
 pretext of sedition, and they think it wiser to escape 
 
 to Bercea. There they have a better reception from AC xvii 10 
 
 the Jews till envoys come from Thessalonica, on 
 
 which St Paul is again urged to depart and conducted 
 
 to Athens. We are all/amiliar with what took place Ac xvii 16 
 
 there: there is no mention of Jews. From the 
 
 literary St Paul now passes to the commercial capital 
 
 of Greece proper, to Corinth, and so comes at once Ac xviii i 
 
 among Jews again. He finds there Aquila, a Jew of 
 
 Pontus, who was apparently destined to play an im- 
 
 portant part in his work afterwards. Every sabbath 
 
 St Paul preaches in the synagogue, and converts both AC xviii 4 
 
 Jews and Greeks, i.e., as w*e have seen, probably 
 
 The Epistles to the Thessalonians. 
 It was during the year and a half spent at Corinth 
 that the two Epistles were written to the Thessalonian 
 1 History of Jewish People n. ii. 69 f. Eng. Tr.
 
 90 THE INDEPENDENT ACTIVITY 
 
 Church, that Church which he had founded on the 
 same journey in passing through Macedonia. 
 Traces of The first Epistle contains one vehement passage 
 opposition written with keen experience after the dangers and 
 i Thess ii sufferings of the last few months. It begins re- 
 markably, after a praise of the Thessalonians for the 
 manner in which the word of God which they had 
 received had been carried into act in their lives, with 
 comparing this active faith of theirs to that of the 
 Christian Churches of Judea {u/zet? 70/3 /u/z^ral 
 eyev^dijTe), for this Gentile Church, he says, had 
 suffered the same treatment from its own countrymen 
 that the Christians of Judea had from the Jews, 
 "who both killed the Lord Jesus and the prophets, 
 and drave out us, and please not God, and are 
 contrary to all men ; forbidding us to speak to 
 i Thess ii the Gentiles." In this connexion the dvcnr\.i)p(5crcu 
 avr&v TO? dfjLaprlas recalls the tremendous words of 
 Matthew xxiii. 32, and the Trdvrore recalls Stephen's 
 Ac viisif. 'Ye do always (aet) resist/ 
 
 This outburst was certainly not without a motive. 
 It doubtless has more to do with the greater part of 
 the Epistle than appears at first sight. Much of it 
 is best understood as an indirect reply to insinu- 
 ations against St Paul which had been whispered 
 into Thessalonian ears. The accusers were evidently 
 Jews, possibly unbelievers, possibly Christian Jews of 
 the stamp of the intrusive brethren who came to 
 AntiocL Both classes were in different ways hostile
 
 OF SAINT PAUL 91 
 
 to St Paul. But the absence of doctrinal warnings 
 points rather to unbelieving Jews. 
 
 They too are doubtless the CLTOTTOI Kal irovrjpol 
 av6pc07rot, of the second Epistle, from whom he 
 would have the Thessalonians pray that he may be 
 delivered, men who though they had inherited the 
 worship of the one true God were yet devoid of 77 
 TTto-rt?, that true faith in Him which rested on the 
 recognition of His Son. Another clear reference to 
 them is in 2 Thess. i. 8, where the criminal ignorance 
 of God among heathens and the criminal refusal to 
 hearken to the Gospel of the Lord Jesus stand side 
 by side as alike objects of God's just judgment. 
 
 From Corinth to Ephesus. 
 
 The departure from Corinth is again due to Ac xviii 
 Jewish accusations, and now St Paul decides to 1- 
 return to Palestine. About the vow on the com- St Paul's 
 pletion of which he shaved his head at Cenchreae 
 before sailing we know nothing in detail. It was Ac xviii 18 
 of course not the performance of an appointed ordi- 
 nance, but a voluntary religious act, evidently a 
 Jewish act, (cf. one of the forms of the Nazirite vow). Nu \-i 9 is 
 It is of special interest as an indication of St Paul's 
 personal relation to the Levitical institutions in con- 
 nexion with the vow of Acts xxi. 23. 
 
 He permitted himself before going on to Judea to The new 
 carry out the intention with which he had left
 
 92 THE INDEPENDENT ACTIVITY 
 
 Ac xviii 19 Lycaonia so far as to make an entrance, as it were, at 
 Ephesus, and preached there in the synagogue, but 
 apparently once only. Resisting an appeal to him 
 to stay, but promising to return if God permitted, he 
 took ship to Caesarea, the scene of Cornelius's vision, 
 went up to Jerusalem and greeted the Church there, 
 thus joining afresh the old bonds of goodwill, and 
 then returned to the Church which had first sent him 
 
 Ac xviii -23 forth, to Antioch. St Luke intimates that he stayed 
 there some time, but there is no pause in the 
 narrative. The centre of activity, formerly at Jeru- 
 salem, then at Antioch, is now about to be shifted to 
 Ephesus, and here we find ourselves at the transition. 
 From Antioch St Paul proceeded through the Phrygian 
 and Galatian Churches founded on the preceding 
 journey, in order to stablish them, as on that 
 journey he had in like manner stablished the Lycaon- 
 ian Churches, and so he reached Ephesus. There he 
 
 Ac xix 2 came in contact, with a curious, immature form of 
 Christianity, representing apparently such ,? faith in 
 our Lord as belonged to the time after the Baptist's 
 preaching, before the Crucifixion and Ascension. 
 
 Ac xviii Apollos had shortly before been led by Priscilla and 
 Aquila to advance from a similar position to full 
 Christianity, and was now preaching at Corinth 
 according to his riper faith.
 
 OF SAINT PAUL 93 
 
 St Paul at EpJiestis. 
 
 These two incidents concern our subject by Separation 
 shewing what transitional forms of belief between^ ^, 
 mere Judaism and the faith of the Gospel were still 
 possible, though only as survivals from an earlier time. 
 At Ephesus St Paul preached in the synagogue for 
 three months. But when the old spirit shewed itself 
 among the Jews, " when some," St Luke says, " were Ac xix 9 
 hardened and disobedient, speaking evil of the Way 
 before the multitude, he departed from them (aTrocrra? 
 a-Tr' avroav) and separated the disciples (d<f)u>pio-ev), 
 reasoning daily in the o"%o\ij or lecture-hall of 
 Tyrannus," not improbably a building at Ephesus 
 then known by that name. The whole statement 
 is very instructive. At first St Paul does his best 
 to treat the Jews as simply imperfect Christians. 
 Their synagogue is not merely a place where he 
 preaches, but the place where he and. all the Christians 
 of Ephesus worship. This was virtually a claim on 
 their behalf to be the truest Israelites. But a sepa- 
 ration, not of his making, comes at last, and he is 
 constrained to form a separate Christian congregation, 
 though we are not told where they met, for the 
 <r^oX?7 of Tyrannus was apparently only the place 
 for his public preaching, probably visited by Gentiles 
 at least as freely as by Jews. We have however no Growth of 
 reason to conclude that the congregation thus formed "ch^-lh 
 was exclusively Gentile; and this negative fact is of
 
 94 THE INDEPENDENT ACTIVITY 
 
 consequence, as bearing on the assumptions frequently 
 made about sharp divisions between the two classes 
 of converts. St Luke merely says 1-01)9 nadrjras, i.e. 
 doubtless the Christian believers, whether Jews or 
 Gentiles. This state of things continued for two 
 
 Ac xix 10 years " so that all that dwelt in Asia heard the word 
 of the Lord, both Jews and Gentiles." This short 
 and quiet verse sums up a time fruitful in after 
 results, the firm planting and spreading of the Church 
 in Ephesus and Proconsular Asia generally. It may 
 have included various journeyings. It may also have 
 included dangerous conflicts, if we may apply to this 
 
 iCorxvss time the allusion to a 'fight with beasts' at Ephesus. 
 At all events the words refer to what happened 
 at some time in this long stay at Ephesus, though 
 possibly in its later months. We may gather from 
 his words to the Ephesian elders a few months 
 
 Ac xx 19 later that the Jews were the instigators. For the 
 evangelisation of the empire it was not less important 
 than the consolidation of the Church of Antioch, for 
 Ephesus held a central position in the Greek world. 
 Here then another great stage is reached. No such 
 break in the Acts occurs again to the end, when 
 Rome, the centre of the whole world, is reached at 
 last. 
 
 Plans for St Paul's purpose of going to Rome is recorded in 
 Distinct language in the very next verse ; but it is as 
 clearly intimated that first he must visit Jerusalem, 
 and before setting out for Jerusalem he must revisit
 
 OF SAINT PAUL 95 
 
 Macedonia and Achaia, evidently to stablish the 
 Churches there, as in the case of Lycaonia first, and 
 Phrygia and Galatia afterwards. Yet there was a 
 difference too. In this case more than stablishing 
 was wanted, for news had now come of disorders in 
 the Corinthian Church. A vivid picture of this time 
 and the following months, drawn from a combination 
 of the Acts with the Epistles, is given by Lightfoot, 
 Gal. 38 ff. 
 
 The Epistles to the Corinthians. 
 
 Here come in the two Epistles to Corinthians, The 
 separated from each other by a few months. Neither pa rt y? S 
 in their case nor in that of other Epistles can I do 
 more than glance at some of the more important 
 passages bearing on our subject. Thus it would 
 be unprofitable to discuss the controversies about 
 the supposed party of Christ (eyo> Se Xpia-rov), as i Cor i 12 
 a Judaistic party, in i. 12. On the other hand the 
 words 670) Se K-^a seem to imply that there were 
 already some at Corinth who at least looked up to 
 the Jerusalem Apostles in preference to St Paul. 
 But to what lengths this partisanship went, we do 
 not know. It is at least remarkable that the Epistle 
 is to all appearance free from direct or indirect 
 warnings against Judaistic limitations of the Gospel. 
 
 The passage in i. 22 25 on the various ways in The 
 which the idea of a crucified Messiah gave umbrage the Cross
 
 96 THE INDEPENDENT ACTIVITY 
 
 to Jews and to Greeks respectively, is instructive as 
 to St Paul's habit of setting the two pre-Christian 
 lines as parallel, but not identical ; and the context 
 shews that he meant to suggest that the characteristic 
 temptations of Jews and Gentiles still lingered on, 
 though in a modified form, in Jewish Christians and 
 Gentile Christians. 
 
 Christ our The well-known passage on leaven and the Pass- 
 iCorv6-S over illustrates well the point of view from which 
 St Paul writes throughout. In the midst of an 
 anxious exhortation on serious moral disorder he 
 makes his appeal to the Idea of the Jewish 
 Passover as in one sense authoritative for these 
 Gentile converts, coupling them with himself in 
 'Christ our Passover' and 'Let us keep the feast,' 
 while on the other hand he as clearly indicates that 
 as an institution the Passover had no bindingness 
 for them, having been perfectly fulfilled in Messiah's 
 death; and on this death he founds the appeal for 
 entire newness of life; nor is it unlikely that ev 
 ty/jir) 7ra\.aia was meant to include Jewish as well 
 as Gentile leaven. 
 
 Circum- One passage in c. vii. deserves special attention. 
 
 ' ls ft en taken, quite erroneously, as part of the 
 
 discussion on marriage which occupies the rest of the 
 J7 _ 24 chapter. It is really a digression to a much wider 
 principle, laid down both for its own sake and for the 
 sake of the special application to marriage which 
 suggests the exposition. Among the examples of a
 
 OF SAINT PAUL. 97 
 
 man remaining before God in that state in which iCorvii2 4 
 (not unto which) he was called are the cases of 
 the circumcised and the uncircumcised. They are 
 bidden to seek no change in this respect. Each 
 state in itself is nothing, but not so is "keeping of 
 God's commandments " : for the Jew, he means to 
 suggest, circumcision had been included under God's 
 commandments, and this and only this had been 
 binding, while the principle of obedience to God's 
 commandments lay equally on all. 
 
 St Paul's dealing with ' meats offered to idols ' i Cor via 
 has already come before us. 
 
 In a later chapter we have a striking description of 
 his own policy, if one may so call it " Being free, he 
 says, I brought myself under bondage by all occasions i Cor ix 19 
 to all men" (etc '7rdvTa)v...eSov\a)a-a not e\vdepos etc 
 as commonly taken). 
 
 On the other hand the wonderful close of the 
 fifteenth chapter contains one startling phrase, "the iCorxvse 
 power of sin is the law," which we could hardly 
 interpret without the aid of the Anti-Judaic argu- 
 ments in Rom. iv., v., vii., and which shews how deeply 
 St Paul felt the stress of the great controversy. 
 
 When we enter the second Epistle we find the posi- Judaizing 
 tion changed. The enquiry into the relations between / the 
 the two Epistles bristles with difficult questions of 
 history and of interpretation of language which we must 
 simply leave on one side. What is at once pertinent 
 H. J. C. 7
 
 98 THE INDEPENDENT ACTIVITY 
 
 to our subject and perfectly clear is the presence of a 
 leaven in the Corinthian Church which is at least con- 
 nected with Palestinian Judaizing. Its most prominent 
 characteristic is rather personal than doctrinal, and so 
 far reminds us of what we found in the Epistles to 
 the Thessalonians. We have nothing of circumcision, 
 nothing expressly of the law; but we have St Paul re- 
 peatedly vindicating his authority and his conduct 
 against traducers who evidently are not representatives 
 of a libertine party, and who must have set up against 
 him the authority of the Palestinian apostles, the 
 virepXiav d-jroarroXoi, as he twice calls them 1 , who 
 had held converse with the Lord before His Death 
 and Ascension. 
 
 The spirit In one chapter the principle itself for which he 
 fetter * was contending comes to the surface for many verses 
 2 Cor m together, in the references to the new covenant of the 
 spirit and the covenant of the letter, the ministration 
 of righteousness with its abiding glory and the 
 ministration of death with its transitory glory on the 
 face of Moses, the unveiling in the spirit and the 
 veil resting on the hearts of the hearers of Moses. 
 And there are other passages where the same tone 
 is more or less distinctly heard. But while the 
 Epistle glows with an intenser heat of fervid life than 
 any other in the New Testament, unless it be the 
 first Epistle of St John, the heat is not that of con- 
 
 1 Compare xi. 22, apparently on the claims of the traducers them- 
 selves as Hebrews and Israelites and a seed of Abraham.
 
 OF SAINT PAUL. 99 
 
 troversy. We should hardly know what these flashes of 
 the Pauline Gospel meant if they were not interpreted 
 for us by other Epistles. 
 
 The Epistle to the Galatians. 
 
 In the Epistle to the Galatians the question at issue Date not 
 comes to the front vividly and nakedly. I speak 
 of Galatians here partly because this is the most 
 convenient place, partly because Lightfoot has given 
 good reasons though not all equally good reasons 
 for fixing Galatians after the second, rather than 
 before the first Epistle to the Corinthians, the order 
 most commonly adopted, especially on the Continent. 
 But this is a point more interesting than important. 
 It is undoubtedly true that we have no right to 
 assume the Judaistic controversy to have proceeded 
 pari passu in Asia Minor and in European Greece. 
 On the other hand if the circumstances which gave 
 rise to the Epistle to the Galatians had taken place 
 before the second Epistle to the Corinthians was 
 written, we might have expected them to colour 
 St Paul's language about the Corinthian Judaizers. 
 
 As we all know, this Epistle was written in con- The 
 sequence of a retrogression among the Galatians due to q c ""* ( l ^ 
 the seductions of Tudaizing missionaries, who not only cidonfor 
 
 J J Gentiles 
 
 attacked the apostolic authority of St Paul as invalid 
 beside that of the Jerusalem apostles, as men of the 
 same spirit had done at Corinth, but were preaching, 
 
 7-2
 
 loo THE INDEPENDENT ACTIVITY 
 
 and apparentlysuccessfully preaching, to the Galatians 
 the necessity of circumcision. Concession to this 
 demand St Paul denounces as virtual apostasy from 
 
 Galvaf. the Gospel. "Behold I Paul say to you that if ye 
 receive circumcision, Christ will profit you nothing. 
 Yea, I protest again to every man that receiveth 
 circumcision, that he is a debtor to do the whole law." 
 This is the negative side of the exhortation : but 
 its force rests on the positive side. St Paul was no 
 heated partisan, intolerant of a lesser good through 
 ill-regulated zeal for a greater. No one who in the 
 least understands either his Epistles or the Acts 
 could for a moment conceive St Paul using this 
 language to born Jews. The question at issue was 
 whether heathens, having become Christians, were to 
 be required to become Jews likewise, and that as a 
 matter of essential principle. To concede this was 
 to make void the grace of God and the faith of man : 
 it was to take all the meaning out of such words as 
 
 Galiv6f. these, "Because ye are sons, God sent forth the 
 Spirit of His Son into our hearts, crying Abba 
 Father. So that thou art no longer a bondservant, 
 but a son : and if a son, then an heir through God." 
 
 The Epistle to the Romans. 
 
 The second Epistle to the Corinthians and the 
 Epistle to the Galatians were apparently written on 
 the way from Ephesus through Macedonia round to
 
 OF SAINT PAUL. 101 
 
 Achaia and Corinth. At length St Paul reached 
 Greece and spent there three months, and then Ac xx 3 
 prepared to carry out the intention formed at 
 Ephesus of proceeding to Jerusalem, hoping if allAcxix^ 
 went well to return then to the West and make his 
 way to Rome. But before he sailed, the discovery of 
 a plot of the Jews compelled him to change his Ac xx 3 
 course, and again traverse Macedonia. Before sailing, 
 he wrote the Epistle to the Romans. 
 
 Last term 1 I lectured on some of the principal The 
 historical questions suggested by that great Epistle. 
 It must be enough now to say that it sums up 
 the Judaistic controversy in a calm and deliberate 
 manner, not for the confutation of present false 
 teachers, but for the stablishment and forewarning 
 of trusted, but only partially instructed, Christians 
 not of the writer's own converting, with a view to 
 the probable future arrival of false teachers among 
 them. It includes the topics of the Epistle to the 
 Galatians, but treats them as parts of a larger whole, 
 and lifts them to a higher level. It exhibits Jew and 
 Gentile as alike condemned by their own shortcomings, 
 and alike saved by the free mercy of God in Christ. 
 The union of both in God's new universal people is 
 the ideal which it presupposes. With this union is 
 associated in St Paul's mind his own contemplated 
 journey to Jerusalem to carry the offering of the 
 Gentile Churches to their Jewish brethren. He is 
 1 These lectures are now (1894) in the press.
 
 102 THE INDEPENDENT ACTIVITY 
 
 fully conscious of the dangers that await him there from 
 the hatred of the Jews, and this consciousness gives 
 special solemnity to his mission. But if the offering 
 is accepted and if his life is preserved, he hopes to 
 
 Ro xv 32 arrive at Rome the representative of a united Church, 
 and thus with the best of omens to carry his Gospel 
 in person to the centre of the whole civilised world. 
 And meanwhile his apostleship to the Gentiles, to 
 which his main efforts are subservient, has done 
 nothing to make him abhor the unbelieving Jews, 
 whom he knows to be plotting his death, and of 
 whom he might now with ampler experience use the 
 old language of the first Epistle to the Thessalonians. 
 His present language carries on the Lord's own prayer 
 
 Lk xxiii 34 on the Cross, " Father, forgive them, for they know 
 not what they do." For their sakes he could wish 
 
 Ko ix 3 to be himself anathema from Him who was his 
 Messiah and theirs. Though their unbelief and 
 consequent alienation from God grows more invete- 
 
 Ro xi 29 rate day by day, he believes firmly that the gifts and 
 the calling of God are without repentance, and has 
 faith that the distant future will vindicate the un- 
 searchable resources of God's wisdom and mercy. 
 
 Chse of At this point we must leave both St Paul and 
 
 * tne g reat issue which we have been throughout con- 
 sidering. The subject has proved far too large for the 
 time allotted to it, if it was to be examined in any 
 fruitful detail. We have had to leave untouched not
 
 OF SAINT PA UJL 103 
 
 only the whole of post-apostolic Judaistic Christianity, 
 but the records of the latter part of the apostolic age, 
 nay, even St Paul's own later writings and later years. 
 But we can now see that the crisis of Apostolic 
 Christianity was virtually over when St Paul wrote 
 that letter from Corinth or Cenchreae to Rome, and 
 started for his perilous mission to Jerusalem. At 
 every stage he had vindicated the universality of the 
 new faith and the new covenant ; and at every stage 
 he had been implicitly teaching the Gentiles the 
 fulfilment of the Law and the Prophets. In one 
 sense the things of old time had simply passed away: 
 in another sense they had passed away only by 
 becoming new.
 
 LECTURE VI. 
 
 Sr PAUL AT JERUSALEM 
 
 AND THE EPISTLES 
 OF THE ROMAN CAPTIVITY. 
 
 From Corinth to Jerusalem. 
 
 No char THE narrative which occupies the last nine 
 chapters of the Acts, comprising St Paul's journey 
 from Corinth to Jerusalem, his imprisonment, and his 
 transportation to Rome, contains but little matter 
 bearing directly on the history of Judaistic Christi- 
 anity. At two points alone does it manifestly meet 
 us : on the arrival at Jerusalem, and on the arrival at 
 Rome. It is indeed probable enough that the 
 "grievous wolves" of whom St Paul spoke at Miletus 
 to the Ephesian elders as destined after his departure 
 
 Ac xx 29 to enter in " not sparing the flock " (perhaps in 
 allusion to our Lord's words about false prophets 
 
 Mt vii 15 in sheep's clothing) were chiefly or even wholly 
 Judaizing emissaries. But St Luke gives us no 
 indication to this effect. They are clearly different 
 from the men of the Ephesian Church itself, spoken
 
 SAINT PAUL AT JERUSALEM. 105 
 
 of in the next verse; who should speak perverse 
 things to draw away the disciples after themselves. 
 
 On the other hand, throughout that part of the Bitter 
 narrative which precedes the final embarcation for ^ e l jv 
 Italy, we are continually coming across signs of the 
 bitter hostility of the unbelieving Jews to St Paul 
 and his work. A plot of theirs diverts him from his 
 intended course at the outset, intimations of im- AC xx 3 
 pending danger from their malice are given at Miletus Ac xx 23 
 and at Caesarea, and then come the actual perils of Acxxin 
 Jerusalem. While this persecution of St Paul by 
 unbelieving Judaism has to be steadily distinguished 
 from the invasion of the Pauline Gospel by the 
 doctrines and practices of Judaistic Christianity, it is 
 morally certain, as we shall see immediately, that the 
 one must have exercised a strong practical influence 
 over the other. 
 
 Reception at Jerusalem. 
 
 On the arrival of St Paul and his company at Welcomed 
 Jerusalem, they were joyfully (doyAeVa)?), not grudg- Brethren ' 
 ingly, welcomed by "the brethren". When we read Acxxi 17 
 what follows, we cannot but pause at the apparent 
 vagueness of the phrase " the brethren ". It evidently 
 can mean nothing like the whole body of Christians 
 at Jerusalem, and it could not with any propriety be 
 applied to a mere single set of Pauline Christians. 
 Apparently it means those who had the best right, of
 
 106 SAINT PAUL AT JERUSALEM. 
 
 one kind or another, to be regarded as legitimate 
 representatives of the whole body. If the Apostles 
 were in Jerusalem, they (or some of them) would 
 naturally be included, but nothing whatever is said of 
 the Apostles or any one of them in the narrative of 
 these eventful days at Jerusalem. On the other hand 
 
 after the language used suggests that the city was entered 
 
 'entry w ^^ mucn precaution and avoidance of observation. 
 
 Ac xxi 16 What is said of Mnason, the early disciple from 
 Cyprus, as the destined host of St Paul's company, 
 and his being brought up expressly from Caesarea to 
 lodge them, implies that it was not thought advisable 
 for St Paul to go to his usual quarters. The next day, 
 
 Ac xxi 18 we read, he went in with his travelling companions 
 (<rvv r}/jitv) to James ; and all the elders were present. 
 
 Theofficers Whether the other Apostles were in Jerusalem 
 
 Church or not, he would naturally put himself in the frankest 
 and most direct relations with St James, who 
 (whether we call him 'bishop' or not the name 
 is of little consequence) was evidently at the head of 
 the local Church, the Church of Jerusalem. 
 
 Similarly the elders are doubtless the zekenim or 
 elders who were the officers of the community of 
 Christian Jews at Jerusalem like the zekenim of the 
 original Jewish community of Jerusalem. They have 
 been previously mentioned in connexion with two 
 
 Ac xi 30 events. They stand alone, quite naturally, as the 
 recipients of the contribution sent by the Church of 
 Antioch for the relief of their famishing brethren in
 
 SAINT PAUL AT JERUSALEM. 107 
 
 Judaea. Again, they have a definite place and re- 
 sponsibility by the side of the Apostles in the great Acxv6etc. 
 conference on the question of the circumcision of 
 Gentile converts. 
 
 To this, the whole staff of officers of the local Acxxiipf. 
 Church, St Paul speaks. He greets them, and then 
 describes his successful missionary labours, doubtless 
 those of the last four years. When they had 
 heard the tale, they glorified God. As far as we 
 can tell, they had nothing to blame in the course 
 taken by St Paul ; for them the question of the 
 circumcision of Gentiles had ceased, and become a 
 thing of the past. But at the same time they warned Warnings 
 him that their own friendliness was not shared by the Z^^ 
 bulk of the local Church. There were multitudes of Acxxi2off. 
 Christian Jews living mixed among the general body 
 of Jews, and they had all been led into a state of 
 profound distrust, to say the least, against St Paul, by 
 the assiduous talking and lecturing (KaTij^ijOrja-av) of 
 others to the effect that St Paul had been striving to 
 make all Jews of the Dispersion apostates from the 
 Law, urging them not to circumcise their children or 
 follow the traditional Jewish customs. The statement 
 is shown by all our evidence to have been wholly 
 false, a transference to Jewish converts in the Dis- 
 persion, of what was true only in respect of Gentile 
 converts. 
 
 The speakers who dinned this calumny into^^ w<r 
 the ears of the Jewish Christians of Jerusalem were 7 **>*** 
 
 J J calumny
 
 io8 SAINT PAUL AT JERUSALEM. 
 
 of course their unbelieving neighbours, who hated 
 St Paul for doing anything to open the fold of 
 God to heathens (teaXvovrcav j^/xa? rot? effveo-iv \a\rj- 
 
 iThesiii6 crai iva ffwdaxriv). How easily they would obtain 
 what they could put forward plausibly as authentic 
 confirmation of the statement, we may see a few 
 verses on, when the Jews from Asia recognised St 
 
 AcxxiaSf. Paul, and stirred up a tumult against him by declaring 
 that he had brought Greeks into the Temple : on the 
 ground, as St Luke explains, that they had recognised 
 Trophimus the Ephesian as accompanying him in 
 the city. The misrepresentation that St Paul had 
 brought him into the Temple, is exactly analogous to 
 the misrepresentation of St Paul's policy towards 
 Gentile converts, as though he followed it towards 
 Jewish converts likewise. 
 
 St Paul in the Temple. 
 
 The To mollify the enmity of the unbelieving Jews 
 
 suggestion was evidently out of the question. But James and the 
 elders might well think it worth while for St Paul to 
 set himself right, if possible, with the multitude of 
 Christian Jews. To have them estranged in feeling 
 either from the great apostle himself, or from the 
 growing Gentile Churches, would be a grievous 
 calamity for the Church as a whole. In such a 
 matter a single significant act would have tenfold 
 greater weight than any number of words ; and so
 
 SAINT PAUL AT JERUSALEM. 109 
 
 James and the elders suggested that St Paul should Acxxi23f. 
 join with four Jewish Christians of Jerusalem in the 
 solemn public rites performed in execution of a vow 
 in the Temple, furnishing them with the means of 
 providing the necessary sacrifices, as we know from 
 other sources to have been often done. However 
 little we may know of the details of the proceeding 
 thus suggested, it would clearly contain two important 
 elements : St Paul would be seen performing a 
 Jewish act of religion in the Temple, and he would 
 be seen doing it in company with known Jewish 
 Christians, placing himself on the same level with 
 them, and evidently contributing to their expenses. 
 
 It is an interesting but a difficult question what Si Paul's 
 part he took himself in this matter, beyond ac- 
 
 companying the four votaries and supplying their 
 sacrifices. The words ayvtcrBrjTi, avv ourot?, d^vicr- Ac xxi 24, 
 /9, and rjyvio-f^evov, are hard to explain if St Paul 2 
 
 took no part in the sacred rites on his own account. 
 Yet the time spoken of appears too short for him to 
 begin and complete a vow in. It is therefore more 
 probable, though not mentioned in Acts, that he was 
 already proposing to offer sacrifice in the Temple on 
 his own account, possibly in connexion with a 
 previous vow, possibly also, I cannot but suspect, in 
 connexion with the Gentile contribution to the 
 Jewish Christians, not mentioned in c. xxi., but clearly 
 mentioned in xxiv. 17 (e'Xe^/ioo-iW? TTOI^O-COV et? TO 
 fiov) as well as in his own Epistles. The
 
 no SAINT PAUL AT JERUSALEM. 
 
 contribution was probably presented at the meeting 
 
 with James, and then and there gratefully accepted. 
 
 On such an occasion it may well be that St Paul 
 
 proposed to celebrate this happy event by a solemn 
 
 peace-offering in the Temple. This would account 
 
 Acxxiviyfor the real irpoa-^opa^ (hardly to be explained 
 
 by the four votaries' offerings alone); and it gives 
 
 Ro xv 16 additional point to what is said of f) Trpoa-fyopa TWV 
 
 eQvwv in the Epistle to the Romans. 
 
 Effect on Howsoever this may be, St Paul at once acted 
 
 Church on the advice of St James; with what results 
 
 unknown towar( j s the discontented part of the Christian 
 
 community at Jerusalem we know not, for the 
 
 attack made upon him by Jews before the close of 
 
 the acts of purification is the subject of St Luke's 
 
 next section, and we hear no more of St James 
 
 or his Church in the Acts. 
 
 StPauTs The act here ascribed to St Paul is the subject of 
 much doubt to many critics. They cannot believe 
 that the uncompromising Apostle of the Gentiles 
 could behave so like a mere Jew. I do not know 
 however of any evidence that makes it in the least 
 improbable : on the contrary it throws a clear light 
 on St Paul's own position, and thus on the true 
 nature of the differences between Judaistic Christian- 
 ity proper and the transitional states liable to be 
 confounded with it, which were a necessity of the 
 Apostolic age. We shall look in vain in St Paul's 
 words or acts for any sign that he took advantage for
 
 SAINT PAUL AT JER USALEM. \ 1 1 
 
 himself of the kind of liberty which he so passionately cf. Mt xvii 
 claimed for Gentile Christians. Little as we know 
 about the vows in which he on this occasion made 
 himself a participator, it so happens that we have 
 already learned casually of a similar vow taken upon Acxviii 18 
 him independently, characterised in the same way by 
 the shaving of the head which took place at Cen- 
 chrese. This precedent shews how little likely it is 
 that he would be merely acting a part, in adopting 
 the advice given him at Jerusalem. 
 
 Similarly, when he stood before the high priests Before the 
 and Sanhedrin, however little we may know how he 
 failed to recognise the High Priest Hananiah, he was 
 but true to his own principles when he acknowledged 
 him as the ruler of his people, of whom, by Divine 
 command, he was not to speak evil. What followed Ac xxiii 5 
 was more open to misunderstanding, his proclaiming 
 himself to be a " Pharisee, a son of Pharisees". But Ac xxiii 6 
 here too he gave truthful utterance to his own 
 purposes and convictions. From Pharisaism, in so far 
 as it meant zeal for the highest objects of Jewish 
 faith, he had never departed and never could depart, Ac xxvi 5 
 though he had learned to cherish fresh objects of 
 faith. His quarrel with Pharisaism was on the means 
 which it upheld and adopted for carrying out the 
 high ends which it professed to value; on its prin- 
 ciples of action, not on its consecrated watchwords. 
 His opening words indeed contain a claim which
 
 112 THE EPISTLES OF 
 
 includes all the rest : it is not a virtuous life but a 
 loyally Jewish life that he professes to have lived 
 Ac xxiii i when he says " with all good conscience TreTroXtreu/uat 
 TO) 0eq> till this day", the reference being to the 
 Jewish TroXtrey/tta, the commonwealth of God. 
 
 St Paul at Rome. 
 
 Attitude of We now pass to the last chapter of the Acts, and 
 Rom St Paul's interview with the leading men of the Jews at 
 Rome. To them he uses language much like the lan- 
 guage which he had used at Jerusalem. He addresses 
 them as brethren, declaring that he had "done nothing 
 Ac xxviii contrary to the people or to the customs of the fathers," 
 17 ff- and that it was " for the sake of the hope of Israel that 
 he had to wear those chains." They on their part state 
 Ac xxviii that they knew the Christian aipe<rt<; to be everywhere 
 spoken against ; but they had received neither letters 
 nor envoys from Jerusalem about Paul himself. 
 Hence it is clear that the emissaries sent from the 
 Pharisaic party to stir up opposition to St Paul in 
 Asia Minor and Greece had not gone as far as Rome. 
 Possibly his long imprisonment had seemed to make 
 such a step unnecessary. 
 
 Apparent- Respecting the existence or non-existence of an 
 anti-Pauline Jewish party among the Christians of 
 Rome we learn nothing directly. It is however 
 most unlikely that any such movement could have 
 arisen at Rome without the knowledge of the lead-
 
 THE ROMAN CAPTIVITY 113 
 
 ing Jews of Rome; and no difference among the 
 brethren who greeted St Paul on his arrival is in 
 any way indicated by St Luke: nay, there is not 
 improbably a pregnant significance in his words that 
 when St Paul saw them come to meet him at Appii 
 Forum and the Three Taverns, he thanked God and AC xxviii 
 took courage, as though he had feared the possibility I5 
 of an unfriendly or at least divided reception. 
 
 Three years had passed since the Epistle to the 
 Romans was written. At that time he had apparently 
 no information of the existence of a Judaizing party 
 among Roman Christians, though one of the post- 
 scripts to the Epistle, written in peculiarly guarded 
 and reticent language, seems intended as a warning 20 
 with a view to the probable contingency of the arrival 
 of such disturbers of their peace. But, as far as we 
 can see, the foreboding had not been fulfilled. 
 
 In this too we may once more reasonably trace The good 
 the operation of St Paul's imprisonment. It was 
 not unnatural for Jews and Judaizers to suppose 
 that, now that he was shut up safe at Caesarea, the 
 Pauline movement in the West would languish for 
 want of the impetus given by his personal force, 
 and might safely be left to itself: nor were the 
 circumstances of his transportation Romewards 
 likely to give rise to apprehensions of future 
 triumphs at Rome. These are in truth but in- 
 stances of what we may well suspect to be widely 
 extended results of that imprisonment. In the 
 H. J. C. 8
 
 114 THE EPISTLES OF 
 
 eyes of men, probably of Christians themselves, it 
 might well seem that the progress of the Gospel had 
 received a dangerous check when the Apostle was 
 thus violently snatched away from his ever advancing 
 labours. But the Providence of God ruled it other- 
 wise. Not only was St Paul himself thus rescued 
 from imminent perils of death and reserved for fresh 
 work in a fresh sphere, but his disappearance can 
 hardly have failed to cause some slackening of the 
 fierce antagonisms which had arisen, and thus to give 
 the newly founded Churches better opportunities for 
 quiet growth. Such a state of things had dangers of 
 its own, and it afforded no real security against 
 Judaistic or other doctrinal propaganda : but it may 
 well have been a necessary stage in the infancy of 
 the Gentile Churches. 
 
 The Epistle to the Philippians. 
 
 judaizers If however the Judaistic propaganda became, at 
 Phiiippi l east f r a time, less active, the Epistle to the Philip- 
 pians, the first Epistle of St Paul's captivity, shews 
 how much reason St Paul still had to fear its 
 operations in Macedonia. When the Epistle is ap- 
 Phil iii i parently drawing to its close with the same almost 
 unbroken serenity which rests on it from the begin- 
 ning, it suddenly launches forth into a vehement 
 warning against those who falsely prided themselves 
 on their circumcision and high Jewish privileges, in
 
 THE ROMAN CAPTIVITY 115 
 
 which the Apostle might himself have boasted had he 
 not set himself to pursue an altogether different ideal. 
 The last portion of this passage, which I feel sure 
 has the same false teaching in view, not that of an 
 antinomian tendency, uses even stronger language, 
 calling the Judaizers the enemies of the cross of Philiiii7ff. 
 
 cf Gal vi 
 
 Christ, contrasting the earthly elements of external , a ' f J4 
 observance involved in the visible TroXirevfta, to which 
 they clung, with the true invisible Christian iro\L- 
 in the heavens. 
 
 The later Epistles of the First Captivity. 
 
 When we pass on to the remaining group of three 
 Epistles belonging to the first Roman captivity, we 
 encounter what is apparently a new or at least a 
 different phase of Judaistic Christianity. 
 
 The short private letter to Philemon naturally is 
 silent about it. 
 
 The general Epistle which from its primary address The 
 we call the Epistle to the Ephesians is equally silent sia ^ ?~f re 
 about it, though for a different reason. Its purpose f rom con ~ 
 
 troversy 
 
 is wholly positive. It may well be that some of the 
 Churches addressed were free from the evil leaven: 
 but at all events, for one and all it was important to 
 have this exposition of the heights and depths of the 
 Gospel set before them undisturbed by any vein of 
 controversial writing. 
 
 We see from the first Epistle to the Corinthians 
 
 82
 
 Il6 THE EPISTLES OF 
 
 that St Paul was at a much earlier time anxious lest 
 the Gospel should be thought to consist exclusively of 
 those simpler elements of it to which he deliberately 
 confined himself in the teaching of Churches still in 
 their infancy ; and that he was likely, if opportunity 
 offered, in due time to give utterance to those other 
 iCoriii* elements of it which he called 'strong meat' as 
 distinguished from that 'milk for babes '. The Asiatic 
 Churches had now apparently reached a stage when 
 in carrying out this wish, he would be best providing 
 for their practical needs at the time. This applies to 
 both ' Ephesians ' and Colossians. But in the Epistle 
 to the Colossians the positive teaching is intermingled 
 with definitely controversial warnings. Even these 
 warnings however leave room for much uncertainty, 
 both as to the precise nature of the false teaching, 
 and as to its origin; and it is important to distinguish 
 between distinct evidence and more or less conjectural 
 inferences. 
 
 T/ie Colossian Heresy. 
 The The definite warnings are contained in two 
 
 crucial r> i f ^ L i. 
 
 passages passages, 11. 8 and n. 10 23, n. 10 being in reality 
 
 ^5 >1 2 u8; a resumption of ii. 8 after the positive exposition 
 
 into which ii. 8 passes. In other words, the one 
 
 verse ii. 8 is a somewhat general description of the 
 
 danger spoken of afterwards in detail. It will be 
 
 best to begin with this more detailed second passage. 
 
 The opening words MJ; oflj/ rt9 tyta<> Kpiverco
 
 THE ROMAN CAPTIVITY 117 
 
 suggest the presence of teachers who were striving to The 
 impose on the Colossians certain precepts as matters ^jgnt 
 of conscience. They are the subject first (vv. 16 19) 
 of direct admonition, then (vv. 20 23) of expostula- 
 tion and argument. 
 
 We have, to begin with, two forms of observance, Signs of 
 the observance of a difference of foods, " in meat and i^uence 
 (or "or") in drink," and again the observance of 
 sacred seasons "in the matter of a feast or new 
 moon or sabbath." The first of these, the difference 
 of foods, might, as we shall see, or might not, be 
 Jewish: the second can be only Jewish (o-aftftdrav being 
 decisive) : while all three words together are a Jewish 
 phrase. The added comment that these things are 
 a shadow of the things to come, the true body 
 corresponding to them being found only in the Christ 
 (almost the language of the Epistle to the Hebrews), Heb x i 
 is equally decisive; and the form of the sentence 
 shews that the comment covers all five heads. It is 
 urged on the other hand that though yS/awcret might 
 have a Jewish reference, TTOO-GL could not : to which 
 it is a sufficient answer to point to Heb. ix I (eVl Heb ix i 
 fiptofAaa-iv Kal Trofjiaa-iv), where, account being taken 
 of the Rabbinical developments and extensions of 
 the Levitical precepts, the Jewish reference is un- 
 deniable. 
 
 In the next verse we have a quite fresh point. Angel 
 Whatever be the meaning of Oe\(ov ev raTrewofypo- c fii 18 
 ), the phrase dpija-Keia T&V a<yye\a)v is sufficiently
 
 u8 THE EPISTLES OF 
 
 distinct. Worship of angels must have been one 
 characteristic of the false teaching; and though it 
 is not directly referred to elsewhere in the Epistle, 
 its indirect influence may be traced in the various 
 passages which set forth the Son of God as holding 
 the supreme place in the economy of creation and 
 history, far above all invisible, as well as visible 
 created beings. 
 
 The In the following verses we have more than one 
 
 'ttuworld sign that we are still on Jewish ground. The " ele- 
 
 Coliiso ments of the world" of v. 20 can hardly be other 
 
 Gal iv 3, 9 than the Jewish " elements " of the Epistle to the 
 
 Galatians : and the precepts of abstinence referred 
 
 Col ii 11 f. to in v. 21 are said to be "according to the commands 
 
 and teachings of men ", a phrase borrowed from 
 
 Mtxv9 Is. xxix. 13, and applied by the Lord Himself to 
 
 Mk vii 7 ,, T>, 
 
 the Pharisees. 
 Col ii 23 The very difficult next verse need not delay us, 
 
 as its points come chiefly from vv. 16, 18. 
 The Going back to the general terms used in v. 8, we 
 
 'of%%T find a 8 in v - 20 " the elements of the world", and 
 
 also, "the tradition of men", a phrase evidently 
 
 answering to "the teachings and commands of men," 
 Mk vii 8 and similarly used of the Pharisees in the Gospel in 
 
 close juxtaposition with the quotation from Isaiah. 
 
 The phrase is the more remarkable because this is 
 
 the only place where St Paul speaks disparagingly of 
 ' Philo- " tradition " or " traditions ". 
 *vain deceit* ^ ut we likewise ^ nd these two phrases combined
 
 THE ROMAN CAPTIVITY 119 
 
 with the apparently very different phrase TT)? <f>i\o- Col ii 8 
 a-o<f)ia<t teal /eevrjs atrar^. There cannot be a doubt 
 of the identity of the subject matter throughout : i.e. 
 the supposition that St Paul is dealing with the 
 teaching of two independent sets of men, the one 
 philosophic and the other Judaic, is absolutely un- 
 tenable 1 . But the phrase itself is extremely difficult. 
 
 What is the force of the article before $t\o- The force 
 <ro<f>ia<s? It is certainly not otiose: the words do not article 
 mean what they would have meant with no article, 
 i.e. simply 'philosophy'. 
 
 If again the rr}? were meant to couple <f>i\oa-o(J3ia<; 
 and Kevfjs dirdr^ together, the meaning would be 'that 
 which is at once philosophy and vain deceit/ which 
 gives no real sense here. The coupling could not be 
 meant to express " that philosophy (as distinguished 
 from more solid philosophy) which is vain deceit ". 
 
 It only remains to take T?)? with <f>i\oa-o<f>ia<; alone, 
 as having the normal individualising force of the 
 article, " that philosophy," which we may fill up either 
 as "that philosophy of his" or "that philosophy 
 which you know of" or best as both together "that 
 philosophy of his which you know of a ". 
 
 1 Cf. Lightfoot's Colossians, pp. 74 ff. 
 
 a Somewhat similar is r Cor i 21 ^iretSrj yip tv TTJ ffofyiq. rov Oeov O&K 
 Hyvu 6 Kbffnos 5i& rijs ffocfrias rbv 6e6v (preceded however by o^x^ t(>ui>- 
 pavev 6 0edj rty <ro<f>tat> TOV KdfffMv), where the simple article doubtless 
 hints that the wisdom spoken of was not only the wisdom of the world 
 of old but also similar in character to the wisdom affected by the Corin- 
 thians. Cf. von Soden Jahrb.f. Prot. Th. 1885 p. 366.
 
 120 THE EPISTLES OF 
 
 This But then what was the nature of this particular 
 
 Ethical not <tXo<ro</'a ? The form of the sentence seems to me 
 
 Theosophv ^ Q snew fa^ ft was no t me rely taught by the same 
 
 men who taught subservience to human tradition and 
 
 the rudiments of the world, but that its own subject 
 
 matter was this very subservience. If so, the common 
 
 assumption that some sort of theosophic speculation 
 
 is intended falls to the ground. 
 
 The name Such phrases as f) 'lovSaifcrj <^i\o(TO(^La in Philo 
 '" P rove nothing, the distinctive force of the phrase 
 
 Jewish lying in the adjective or other qualifying words, and 
 character 
 
 <}>t\oa-o<f>La being used with the utmost generality for 
 
 the sake of Hellenic readers, whereas in the Epistle 
 to the Colossians rfj? $<Xoao</>iav is itself the distinc- 
 tive term. It seems probable therefore that the par- 
 ticular movement in favour of these particular Jewish 
 observances at Colossae laid claim by the mouth of its 
 leaders to be preeminently founded on philosophy ; 
 they may even have called it " the philosophy ". This 
 would be merely a fresh example of a widely spread 
 tendency of that age to disarm Western prejudice 
 against things Jewish by giving them a quasi-Hellenic 
 varnish. 
 
 Esoteric Moreover, ' angel-worship ' might easily be treated 
 
 as an esoteric lore, and distinctions of foods and 
 days as the perfection of a refined morality above 
 the level of the common multitude. This latter 
 representation would indeed find a kind of found- 
 ation in the increasing stress laid on ethics as
 
 THE ROMAN CAPTIVITY 121 
 
 distinguished from other branches of philosophy in 
 those late days, and that in the Greek-speaking East 
 hardly less than among the Romans. 
 
 Moreover, this disposition to treat ethics as the Ascetic 
 true substantial philosophy was often 1 accompanied 
 by a further disposition to lay special stress on the 
 negative and as it were abstinential side of ethics 
 (to which the Colossian distinctions belong). At a 
 later time </>tXoo-o0ta and the cognate words are found 
 used almost technically for the anchorite life and prin- 
 ciples. I do not know of a distinct instance before the 
 Apologia Origenis of Pamphilus (p. 298 Lomm.) ; but 
 the usage is very common in Eusebius and in later 
 Greek Fathers. This late usage, if not descended 
 from an earlier mode of speech exemplified in the 
 Colossian <^Xoo-o</ua, is at least illustrative of it. 
 
 The addition of Kevr) aTrdrrj was a natural way of specious 
 indicating that there was a real speciousness in the J7* 
 claim set up for this <j>i\ocro(j)ia, this professed love of 
 wisdom. It is interesting to observe that in the 
 cognate Epistle to the Ephesians similar language is Eph v 6 
 used (fjLijSeis v/ia<? aTrararft) icevol*; \6yoi<i) in refer- 
 
 ence to the opposite exhibition of a licentious 
 antinomianism as a high kind of wisdom. 
 
 In interpreting r^? ^iXoo-o^ta? not as a speculative 
 
 1 Illustrations on Jewish ground occur in the Greek Jewish tract, or 
 homily, beginning (f>i\ocro(t>uTaTot> \6yov tTri8elKvv<r&at /j.\\ui>, called 
 4 Maccabees, see especially i. i 9; v. 6 23; vii. 7 9; and in Philo 
 Cong. erud. grat. 14 (M. i. 530 sub fin.); Opif. mun. 43 (M. i. 30); de 
 Septen. 6 (M. ii. 282).
 
 122 THE EPISTLES OF 
 
 theosophy lying outside of Jewish usages but as 
 embodying the plea put forward on their behalf, we 
 are further supported by the fact that <ro<f)ia is the 
 word chosen further on, in v. 23, (anva e<rrcv 
 Col ii 23 \6yov fiev e^ovra <ro<f)ia<;) to express the nature of 
 the plausibility of the usages in question. 
 
 New Apart from this phrase there is no indication that 
 
 the Colossian Judaism included a philosophy, in the 
 sense of a speculative doctrine. The worship of 
 angels was assuredly a widely spread Jewish habit of 
 mind at this time : the Epistle to the Hebrews shews 
 
 Heb 5, ii how prevalent it was where there is no sign of what 
 we should call a philosophy. At the same time it is 
 true that this Colossian Judaism is not identical with 
 what we have encountered in earlier epistles. Not 
 only is the angel-worship a new element, but the 
 principle of the whole is to a great extent changed. 
 The question of the permanent bindingness of the 
 Law on all men admitted to covenant with God 
 passes out of sight, and with it the question as to the 
 necessity of circumcision. Circumcision is indeed 
 prominent in the remarkable doctrinal passage ii. 
 
 Col ii 1 1- 1 1 i^ where the nailing to the Cross is repre- 
 sented as itself, so to speak, a complete and 
 final circumcision ; and this suggests that at Colossae 
 the Mosaic rite of circumcision was still invested with 
 a dignity which no longer rightly belonged to it. 
 Again, in the singular language of iii. 5, which describes
 
 THE ROMAN CAPTIVITY 123 
 
 vices as " the members upon the earth " which are to Col Hi 5 
 be done to death, a latent reference to circumcision 
 may be traced with fair probability. But in both 
 passages the language used is hardly such as would 
 be used of what was then and there a burning 
 question of practice. 
 
 The questions directly dealt with are not such 
 matters as the function of the Law, and the relation 
 of the Old Covenant to the New, but practical 
 questions, questions of difference of foods and differ- 
 ence of days and angel-worship, dealt with to a great 
 extent on universal grounds. At the outset indeed 
 the ceremonial distinctions do not appear to be 
 condemned in themselves : the Colossians are simply 
 warned in a strain hardly different from that of 
 Rom. xiv. not to allow any one to "judge" them in 
 such. But the next section implies that the Colos- Col ii 20- 
 sians were actually carried away by the spirit in which 23 
 these observances were advocated, and indeed rebukes 
 them for it. 
 
 In the whole passage it would be too much to The 
 say that the old arguments from the transitory 
 nature of the Law are entirely absent: they survive 
 in the language about "the shadow of the things 
 to come", and about "dying with Christ from the 
 elements of the world " : but at least equal stress is 
 laid on grounds of general religious morality, and 
 on the practical inconsistency of the Colossian ways
 
 124 THE EPISTLES OF 
 
 with full recognition of the Lord's person and 
 work. 
 
 It is probably in this sense that we must under- 
 stand the enigmatical Tcnreivotfrpoa-vvr) of ii. 1 8 and 23, 
 which seems to mean a grovelling habit of mind, 
 choosing lower things as the primary sphere of re- 
 Col in i ligion, and not ra avea, the region in which Christ is 
 
 seated at God's right hand. 
 
 Its relation A question may be raised whether St Paul meant 
 doctrine of by this word to impute to the Colossians only (i) a 
 the Person habit o f mmd w hi c h made it difficult for them to see 
 
 oj Lfinst 
 
 what was involved in the full belief concerning Christ's 
 nature as really held by them, or (2) a defectiveness in 
 the belief itself. The language of the controversial 
 passage ii. 6 iii. 4 would be sufficiently explained by 
 the former supposition, an explanation favoured by 
 its opening sentence, and especially by the choice of 
 such a word as TrepnraTelre. On the other hand the 
 connexion in which the warning of ii. 4 stands (TOVTO 
 \eyco tva /u/^Set? v/xas TrapdXoyl&Tai ev 7ri0wo\oyla 
 following upon X/jto-roO, ev o5 elatv iravre^ 01 0ij<ravpol) 
 implies that St Paul's chief fear was of doctrinal error 
 respecting Christ Himself. The truth probably is that 
 St Paul had no evidence that the Colossians had 
 actually given up the belief in which they had been 
 cfColi6 originally instructed, but that he did fear their 
 falling back from it under alien influences, when 
 they ought to have been rather advancing in the 
 knowledge and application of it. Thus ii. 7 (fteftaiov-
 
 THE ROMAN CAPTIVITY 125 
 
 TTJ Trtcrxei KaO(a<t eScSd^drjre) obtains full force : 
 see also i. 23 (/ZT) fjieraKtvov/^evot, airo T^S faariSo? TOV 
 evayye\iov ov ^Kova-are). The alien influence thus 
 dreaded is such as might naturally be found in 
 any form of Judaistic Christianity. To accept Jesus 
 as the Christ without any adequate enlargement of 
 current Jewish conceptions as to what was included 
 in Messiahship could hardly fail to involve either a 
 limitation of His nature to the human sphere, or 
 at most a counting of Him among the angels. 
 
 This is all, I think, that can be ascertained with Differences 
 reasonable probability from the Epistle as to the,^ w a ' 
 special form of Judaistic Christianity which was J udaism 
 gaining ground among the Colossians. In enquiring 
 about its origin, we are thus dispensed from the need 
 of trying to discover for it any peculiar or extraneous 
 sources. We are apparently on common Jewish 
 ground. The points actually condemned among the 
 Colossians are to be found in the Epistle to the Hebrews, 
 i.e. among the Palestinian Jewish Christians. The dif- 
 ferences between the Judaistic Christianity of Colossae 
 and of Palestine are two, negative and positive. Nega- 
 tively, as we have seen, Colossae does not seem to have 
 been troubled about the permanent bindingness of the 
 Law and all that is involved in this, while in Palestine 
 this idea had naturally great force. Positively, at 
 Colossae the Jewish ways were commended to Chris- 
 tians by the specious names of wisdom and philosophy,
 
 126 THE EPISTLES OF 
 
 of which in this connexion we hear nothing in 
 Palestine. The two differences are not independent 
 but complementary : they consist merely in the 
 substitution of one authority for another. Both 
 differences need no further explanation than the one 
 obvious difference of external position. In Palestine, 
 as also in regions invaded by Palestinian emissaries (e.g. 
 Antioch and Galatia), the Christian belief and practice 
 are affected by the central or Pharisaic Judaism of 
 Jerusalem; in Colossae they are affected by the 
 Judaism of the Dispersion. 
 
 Campari- This conclusion is confirmed by comparison with 
 
 *theoman Rom. xiv. That chapter (and indirectly xv. I 13) 
 
 Judaism j s a pp are ntly called forth by disputes in the 
 
 Roman Church about differences of foods and 
 
 differences of days. 
 
 Now it is a remarkable fact respecting this 
 Epistle to the Romans, as I have before had 
 occasion to point out, that while it discusses the 
 question of the Law with great emphasis and fulness, 
 it does so without the slightest sign that there is a 
 reference to a controversy then actually existing in 
 the Roman Church. St Paul is most anxious to 
 instruct the Romans carefully on this great question 
 (especially in the earlier part of the Epistle), but it is 
 with reference, as far as we can see, to a possible 
 future invasion of aggressive Judaizers. To such 
 persons there is probably a reference in the short 
 passage xvi. 17 20, but it is only in one of the post-
 
 THE ROMAN CAPTIVITY 127 
 
 scripts to the Epistle, and the language used, with all 
 its vehemence, is most carefully guarded. And again, 
 as we saw the other day, the last chapter of Acts p. 113 
 attests that even at that later time the Roman Church 
 was unmolested by the emissaries from Jerusalem. 
 
 Thus the state of things noticed in c. xiv., if (as 
 seems probable) of Jewish origin, must come from the, 
 so to speak, primitive conditions of the Roman 
 Church, antecedent to any invasion from without: 
 in other words, from the Judaism of the Dispersion 
 out of which at least a large proportion of the original 
 members of the Roman Church must have come. In 
 this chapter not only is there no reference to a 
 burning controversy, but no reference to Judaism in 
 relation to Christianity in any form. The matter is 
 dealt with simply as one of individual conscience, the 
 conscience on the side of the restrictions spoken of 
 being doubtless due to a survival of inherited custom. 
 
 But the contrast in tone between the two epistles is The 
 most interesting and instructive. To the Romans St 
 Paul pleads for tolerance and gentleness towards "the 
 weak ones", as he calls them, who conscientiously 
 clung to the differences of foods and days. At 
 Colossae it was no question of retaining customs, but 
 of introducing new practices among people who had 
 originally received a purer faith, such practices more- 
 over being valued for the sake of a false principle, to 
 say nothing of being associated with an angel-worship 
 which dishonoured the Lord Himself.
 
 128 THE EPISTLES OF 
 
 Supposed There is much and high modern authority for 
 
 'with*' ' tracing the teaching condemned by St Paul at Colossae 
 
 Essemsm to jr ssene influences ; and in lecturing on the Epistle 
 
 to the Romans, I spoke of that as the most probable 
 
 origin. But further examination has convinced me 
 
 that this is too much to say. 
 
 There is no tangible evidence for Essenism 
 out of Palestine, (i) The problem of the tract De 
 vita contemplative!, attributed to Philo and of the so- 
 called Therapeutae described in it, is as yet unsolved. 
 (2) As regards Asia Minor in particular, the two 
 supposed pieces of evidence for Essenism break down 
 completely : (a) Magic, which we find common in this 
 region (as probably in all others), is said to have been 
 practised by the Essenes, but it is nowise a prominent 
 feature of their life, and there is no sign of it at 
 Colossae : (b) The fourth book of the Sibylline 
 Oracles, apparently written in S. W. Asia Minor, 
 though supposed by some to have been written by 
 a Christian and by others by an ordinary Jew seems 
 (though confident speaking would be misplaced) to 
 belong, as Ewald and others have supposed, to a 
 Hemerobaptist. Now to judge by the very little that 
 we really know of Hemerobaptism, it does offer some 
 analogies to Essenism, but no clear signs of actual 
 affinity can be made out : nor again is there anything 
 to connect it with the Colossian tendencies. 
 
 If we knew more of the Judaism of the Dispersion, 
 we might conceivably be able to find some definite form
 
 THE ROMAN CAPTIVITY. 129 
 
 of influence at work, here and also in a lesser degree 
 at Rome : but there is no need to postulate anything 
 more than the concurrence of the most obvious 
 influences. 
 
 As regards the pretensions to " wisdom " and Possible 
 "philosophy" it is needless to think of outlying or influences 
 outlandish sects of philosophy or religion, or anything 
 except the commonest Greek influences which would 
 act upon many members of the Jewish Dispersion in 
 towns of Asia Minor. An excellent illustration is 
 afforded by the Corinthian Church. Among them 
 a pride of wisdom proved, by the side of a pride of 
 eloquence, a special snare, and had party spirit 
 and factiousness for its practical outcome, and this, 
 as we may gather from Col. iii. 12 15, was likewise 
 becoming the case at Colossae. But with all this 
 glorification of " wisdom" (so called) at Corinth, there 
 is no sign of what is popularly called Gnosticism, 
 though knowledge (yvwa-ts) as well as " wisdom " was 
 a catchword there : whether it was a catchword also at i Cor viii 
 Colossae, we have no means of knowing. The truth is, xii'i " 8 
 the claim to be adopting a more highly cultivated form 
 of religion, and the application to it of the common 
 catchwords of Greek eulogy, might easily take many 
 different forms. Whether in this case there was also an 
 accessory influence from some kind of popular Greek 
 ethical philosophy, it is impossible to say : the 
 presence of such an influence is undeniably possible, 
 but there is no need to assume it. 
 
 H. J. C. 9
 
 LECTURE VII. 
 
 THE PASTORAL EPISTLES. 
 
 The WE come now to the Pastoral Epistles. On the 
 
 "genuine- critical question of their genuineness I must say very 
 **" little. The case of the Pastoral Epistles is by no 
 means like that of other Epistles of St Paul which 
 have been pronounced by critics to come from another 
 hand on grounds which it is difficult to discuss 
 seriously. There are features of the Pastoral Epistles 
 which legitimately provoke suspicion. To the best of 
 my belief, however, they are genuine, and that not 
 merely in parts : the theory of large early interpola- 
 tions does not work out at all well in detail. 
 Some While they present some difficulties which still 
 
 await explanation, there is, I think, no real force 
 in some of the objections which have been most 
 strongly felt. Thus, (i) it is true that the Pastoral 
 Epistles imply a period of activity in St Paul's 
 life of which we have no other evidence: but 
 neither is there any evidence against it, our igno-
 
 THE PASTORAL EPISTLES 131 
 
 ranee being here complete. (2) The ecclesiastical 
 arrangements are said to be the fiction of a later time : 
 but this is mainly owing to misunderstanding of the 
 ecclesiastical arrangements really implied ; partly also 
 to arbitrary assumptions as to the date of institutions. 
 (3) The doctrines condemned are said to belong to no 
 earlier time than the Second Century ; but this, as we 
 shall see, is due to a misunderstanding of what the 
 doctrines really are. 
 
 The real difficulties lie in the field of language, Keal 
 
 difficitlties 
 
 and of ideas as embodied in language. The 
 differences, however, in this respect from St Paul's 
 other epistles, become much less significant when 
 we notice similar differences between the Epistles 
 of the captivity and those of earlier date. Much 
 of them may be reasonably taken to be due to 
 changed circumstances, and especially to the fact that 
 the recipients were trusted individual disciples and 
 deputies, not miscellaneous churches. The main 
 points connected with this subject have been dis- 
 cussed, and for the most part admirably discussed, by 
 Bernhard Weiss of Berlin in the edition which he 
 substituted last year for Huther's edition of the 
 Pastoral Epistles in the New Testament Commentary 
 begun by Meyer. 
 
 As regards the erroneous teaching condemned in Weiss on 
 the Pastoral Epistles, which is the only part of the sub- ticking 
 
 ject which directly concerns us now, Weiss (pp. 17 29) 
 clears the ground by some important distinctions. He Epistles 
 
 92
 
 132 THE PASTORAL EPISTLES 
 
 points out, (i) that we must distinguish prophecies 
 about future false teachers from warnings about the 
 present. He admits, however, and this has to be 
 remembered, that prophecies of this kind imply that 
 the germs, to say the least, of the future evils are 
 already perceptible. The passages under this head 
 are I Tim. iv. I 3 ; 2 Tim. iii. I 5 ; with its sequel 
 iv. 3f. (2) The perversities of individuals must not 
 be taken as direct evidence for the general streams of 
 false teaching. So perhaps i Tim. i. 20 (Hymenaeus 
 and Alexander) ; certainly 2 Tim. ii. 17 f. (Hymen- 
 aeus and Philetus). Here again, however, it may 
 well be that the individual aberrations are regarded 
 as extreme cases of the natural outcome of more 
 widely spread tendencies. (3) Non-Christian teachers, 
 the corrupters of Christian belief, must not be con- 
 founded with misguided Christians. So probably 
 Titus i. I5f. 
 
 On the other hand, there is no indication, any 
 more than in the Epistle to the Colossians, that there 
 were, so to speak, different schools of error among 
 Christians. The various tendencies spoken of were to 
 all appearance combined in the same persons, and 
 they were members of the Church, though the sug- 
 gestions to which they lent too ready an ear may 
 have come from without. 
 
 Again, just as in the Epistle to the Colossians, 
 several obvious marks of Judaism are present: yet it 
 cannot be a Pharisaic Judaism such as had previously
 
 THE PASTORAL EPISTLES 133 
 
 confronted St Paul, there being again no debate 
 about circumcision or the prerogatives of Israel, and 
 St Paul's treatment of the matter being again quite 
 unlike what we find in the Epistles to the Galatians 
 and to the Romans. 
 
 On the other hand it was not unnatural that the No sped- 
 phrase T/reuSwi/u/io? ryvS>vi<$ should lead some Fathers Gnostic 
 
 of the latter part of the Second Century to see fc 
 reference to the heretics of their own or immediately 
 preceding times who prided themselves on a yvwo-i?. 
 Still more natural was it that the same identification 
 should be made in modern times when the term 
 ' Gnostic ' had lost its original narrow reference and 
 become inclusive of a wide range of teachers and 
 schools. But there is no other evidence. 
 
 There is not the faintest sign that such words as 
 afydapro?, alwv, 7rt<f>dveia have any reference to what 
 we call Gnostic terms. The jevea\ojiai, whatever they 
 may be, cannot conceivably in this connexion (see 
 especially Tit. iii. 9 where the word is preceded by 
 fiwpa^ {flvrjaeis and followed by epiv KCU [id^as 
 i/o/u/ea?) be long strings of emanations of aeons or 
 angels, which must moreover in that case have been 
 expressly indicated. 
 
 One phrase in the Epistle to Titus, 6eov 6fio\o- Tit i 16 
 <yov<rtv ei&evai, spoken of the external seducers of the 
 Christians, is, as Weiss points out, by itself almost 
 sufficient to make the reference impossible: 6/*o\o- 
 <yov<riv could never have been used of men whose
 
 134 THE PASTORAL EPISTLES 
 
 characteristic it was to profess to have a peculiar 
 and superlative knowledge of God. 
 
 Most decisive of all is the fact on which Weiss 
 justly insists, that the duty laid on Timothy and 
 Titus is not that of refuting deadly errors, but of 
 keeping themselves clear, and warning others to keep 
 clear, of barren and mischievous trivialities usurping 
 the office of religion. 
 
 The curious word erepoStSaovcaXet in I Tim. i. 3 ; 
 vi. 3 must certainly not be interpreted by the associa- 
 tions adhering to the element erepo- as derived from 
 the later ecclesiastical, not classical, sense of erepo- 
 Sogos. It points rather to unfitness and irrelevance 
 of teaching, the sense of Irepo? being substantially as 
 in the irvev^a erepoi/, evayye\tov erepov of 2 Cor. xi. 4 
 and evayyeXiov erepov of Gal. i. 6, with which we may 
 compare the 8iSa%al<; TrotfciXais real %evai<; (evidently 
 about Jewish observances) of Heb. xiii. 9. 
 
 It does not follow that these considerations are 
 "uncertain equally fatal to the supposition that the influences 
 spoken of at Ephesus and in Crete were connected 
 with a speculative form of Judaism out of which some 
 forms of "Gnosticism" may later have been developed. 
 Cerinthus must clearly be left out of account, for 
 want of tangible points of identity : but it would 
 be rash in our ignorance to assume that no other 
 representatives of Gnosticizing Judaism have existed. 
 As regards Essenism there is again a want of identical 
 characteristics ; Weiss, who here is very guarded in his
 
 THE PASTORAL EPISTLES 135 
 
 language, points to the growing inclination to attribute 
 the tendencies spoken of in Colossians and Romans 
 xiv. to an Essene origin as the most attractive feature 
 of the supposition that the Pastoral Epistles likewise 
 imply Essene origination. 
 
 But it seems to me that there is a total want of ^ 
 evidence for anything pointing to even rudimentary 
 Gnosticism or Essenism. First, as regards the yeva\o- 
 yiai referred to just now. The phrase is undoubtedly 
 obscure to us, and cannot well be explained, as 
 Weiss explains it, by ' allegorisings of genealogies ' ; 
 nor by the bare text of such genealogies ; any more 
 than by genealogies of aeons, angels, or other invisible 
 beings. What seems to be the true explanation is 
 suggested by the similarity between the combination 
 fiv6ot,<j KOI yevedkoyiais airepdvroi,^ in I Tim. i. 4 and 
 the combination irepl T<Z? yeveaXoyias ical p.vOov<; in 
 Polyb. ix. 2. i. In the preceding chapter (ix. I. 4) 
 Polybius, apparently quoting Ephorus, takes credit to 
 himself for his 'austere 1 (or, as we should say, 'dry') 
 narrative, which refrained from enticing the reader by 
 6 yevea\oyiKo<; T/JOTTO?. This language is rightly ex- 
 plained by his editors to refer to the Greek historians 
 before Ephorus whose histories of early times were 
 full of the mythologies of early legend, and the stories 
 of the births of the demigod founders of states. So 
 Diodorus Siculus iv. I, referring repeatedly to ra? 
 TraXam? pvdo\oyias, includes in them 17 7roiKi\ia KOI 
 TO 7rXr}$o<? rwv yeveaXoyovpevcov rjpqxav re Ka\ ^
 
 136 THE PASTORAL EPISTLES 
 
 xal ru>v a\\<av dvBpwv. Several of these early his- 
 torians 1 or ' logographers ' are known to have written 
 books of this kind entitled TeveaXoyiai or Tevea\o- 
 yiKa. Thus, though the term doubtless in the first 
 instance meant genealogies proper, it came to include 
 all the early tales adherent, as it were, to the births 
 of founders etc. This probably explains how it is 
 that Philo 2 divides the Pentateuch first into history 
 and law (commands and prohibitions) ; and then sub- 
 divides the history into the account of creation and 
 TO yeveaXoyiicov, of which, he says, part refers to the 
 punishment of the impious, part to the honour of 
 the righteous. That is, he includes under TO yevea- 
 \oyiic6v all the primitive human history in the Penta- 
 teuch, without special reference to the contained 
 genealogies ; though these 8 helped the analogy with 
 the works of the Greek yeveaXoyot. He uses the 
 term in no depreciatory sense ; but otherwise with 
 apparently the same inclusiveness as ordinary Greek 
 writers. Now if Philo could apply this term to the 
 historical part of the Pentateuch, it would a fortiori 
 be applicable to the rank growth of legend respecting 
 the patriarchs and other heroes of early Mosaic 
 history which had grown up among the Jews, both 
 in Hebrew and in Greek, before the time of the 
 
 1 So Hecataeus (Miiller Fragm. Hist. Grcec. i. 25 30), Acusilaus 
 (ibid. 100 103), Simonides the younger (ibid. ii. 42), who bore the 
 title 6 TeveaXbyos, as did also Pherecydes. Cf. Josephus Ap. i. 3. 
 
 2 De Vita Mays. ii. 8 [ii. 141]. 
 
 3 Cf. Gen. ii. 4, v. i, x. i, xxxviii. 2.
 
 THE PASTORAL EPISTLES 137 
 
 Apostles. Technically, this legendary matter would 
 be included in the Haggada, or illustrative element 
 of commentary on the Old Testament, one branch of 
 which was of a historical or legendary character 1 . 
 So far as it is extant still, it is to be found compara- 
 tively little in the Talmud, much more in the Midrash, 
 partly also in Philo and Josephus. But we can perhaps 
 form a still better conception of it from the book of 
 Jubilees (extant only in translations), the legends of 
 which are strung upon a basis of numbered genera- 
 tions. Interesting as matter of this kind is for us as 
 a religious and literary phenomenon, it might with 
 good reason be condemned by St Paul as trashy and 
 unwholesome stuff, when he found it creeping from 
 the Jewish into the Christian communities of Asia 
 Minor and Crete, and occupying men's minds to the 
 exclusion of solid and lifegiving nutriment. 
 
 In I Tim. i. 4 the yevea\oyicu are said to afford 'Question- 
 
 tftf' 
 
 matter for eic&Tija-eis rather than for Divine steward- ethical not 
 ship exercised in faith, the wise apportionment Q{ 3 P eculatlve 
 religious truth, and in the list in Tit. iii. 9 they are 
 preceded by /uwpa? %ijTr)<Ti<; : these words might no 
 doubt mean speculations such as e.g. we associate 
 with Gnosticism : but they may just as well mean 
 simply the exercise of idle curiosity. In I Tim. i. 7 it is 
 apparently implied that the persons spoken of aspired 
 to be vofAo&iSd(TKa\ot, : in Titus the yeveaXoyiai are 
 followed by epiv /cal /ia^a? vo/j,ucd<i, all alike being 
 1 See Schiirer, 25, 2, pp. 278 283 Germ. II. i. 339 350 Eng.
 
 138 THE PASTORAL EPISTLES 
 
 pronounced to be unprofitable and vain as opposed to 
 things KaXa /cat otye'Tu/ia. Here then we seem to 
 have a reference to the trivial casuistry which con- 
 stituted no small part of the Halacha, the other great 
 province of Jewish teaching, the province of precept 
 and external observance. Thus all hangs together if 
 ycveaXoyiai has here the meaning suggested by the 
 language of Polybius and Philo. 
 
 'Pro/am Another phrase has with still greater plausibility 
 
 babblings' | Deen SU pp OSec j to refer to Gnosticism, ra9 /?e/37?Xoi/<? 
 
 Kvo<f)(ovia<; teal avrtOeaeif rr}? -^ev^xavv^ov yvw&ecos, 
 
 against which St Paul warns Timothy at the end of 
 
 his first Epistle. 
 
 The single adjective ySe/S^Xo? has occurred already 
 in iv. 7 in conjunction with the ^vdoi(rov^Be fteftfaovs 
 teal jpatoBet,^ pvOovs trapairov) : it expresses not so 
 much profanity in the modern sense as the absence 
 of any Divine or sacred character. 
 
 The full phrase T<Z<? /3e/3/7\ot>9 Kevofywvias recurs 
 in 2 Tim. ii. 16, where the evil fruits of such speech 
 are evidently distinguished from its own less heinous 
 evil : out of it proceeds a downward progress to a 
 lower level of do-e'/Seta, no longer merely the absence 
 of a religious spirit, but positive impiety : and of this 
 ultimate result the error of Hymenaeus and Philetus 
 respecting the Resurrection is given as an example in 
 the matter of faith. 
 
 'Opposi- Then come the avriQeffeis TW drevScovviJLov "/va 
 
 ttons not 
 
 Mardonite It was not unnatural to think of Marcion's book of
 
 THE PASTORAL EPISTLES 139 
 
 , ' Oppositions ' of the Old and New Testa- 
 ments. But the reference is really inconceivable. 
 Such a work with such a purpose would never have 
 been designated by the author of the Epistle by a 
 mere word like this as part of a larger phrase, without 
 further designation of its character. Again Marcion, 
 as far as we know, made no particular claim to yv(b<ri<;' 
 and a word less characteristic of his teaching could 
 hardly have been chosen. Once more, it is impossible 
 to refer this phrase to Marcion and also other lan- 
 guage of these Epistles to Valentinian or other similar 
 teaching: the two suppositions exclude each other, 
 but are in truth alike groundless. This seductive 
 verbal coincidence being given up, there is nothing in 
 what we know of Gnosticism, or of other speculative 
 systems of the first two centuries, for which the term 
 
 has any special appropriateness. 
 
 has various possible meanings. 
 
 f , casuistical 
 
 most obvious here would be one of those belonging 
 to Greek rhetoric, ' objections ' almost ' cavils ' 1 . So 
 Chrysostom here apa elcrlv avTiQecreis Trpo? a? ovSe 
 diroKpLvetrdat, Set, and apparently Theodore of Mop- 
 suestia. But the most probable is the simplest, nearly 
 equivalent to our antitheses, the setting of one point 
 against another. If we are still even here dealing 
 with Jewish matter, a question which must wait till 
 we come to rrjf -^evStovv^ov yvuicrews, dvriOia'eis, 
 oppositiones, would seem an appropriate word to 
 
 1 Cf. e.g. Philo, Fragm. ii. 634 Mang.
 
 140 THE PASTORAL EPISTLES 
 
 describe the endless contrasts of decisions 1 , founded 
 on endless distinctions, which played so large a part 
 in the casuistry of the Scribes as interpreters of the 
 Law. It would thus designate frivolities of what was 
 called the Halacha, as the pvffot and yeveaXoylat, 
 designate frivolities of the other great department of 
 Jewish learning, the Haggada. 
 
 1 Kn<nu- But how about the i/ret/Sa>i/v/ios ryv<a<ri<;? What is 
 
 falsely so the most natural interpretation of this famous phrase ? 
 
 called' Gnosis, in the sense of esoteric lore, was no doubt 
 
 Gnostic use 
 
 of 'Gnosis' a. favourite word and idea among the various sects 
 whom we are accustomed to call Gnostics (^voxrriKoL 
 being however historically of much narrower appli- 
 cation), though the application of it as a descriptive 
 title of the whole movement, apart from this passage 
 of i Tim., is modern only. 
 
 Pre-gnostic Again, there are various traces of a similar use of 
 the word before the Gnostics properly so called. In 
 
 e.g. vi 9 the Epistle of Barnabas it has an analogous sense, 
 
 ix 8 
 
 specially as a method of mystical interpretation of 
 language and rites. So also Justin Martyr (Dial. 
 112, 339 C) writes, "There is nothing of what has 
 been said or done by all the prophets without 
 exception which can be justly plainer eav rrjv yvmaiv 
 rrjv v avTols e^i/re." The reference is to the Brazen 
 Serpent as a sign of Christ on the Cross. 
 
 Scriptural But the truth doubtless is that it was a natural 
 designation of any kind of lore that went below the 
 
 1 See Weber, Syst. d. alt, Syn. Pal. Theol. 101 f. See Appendix.
 
 THE PASTORAL EPISTLES 141 
 
 surface of things, whatever might be the nature of 
 the subject matter. The word itself is of tolerably 
 frequent occurrence in LXX. (almost always for 
 HSn), Apocrypha, and New Testament. 
 
 While then, taken by itself, it might be easily indirect 
 understood in various different ways, the question ^p^ial 
 we have to ask is whether it would naturally be ?[**** 
 
 connota- 
 used of any Jewish lore not Gnostic in character, in ffan 
 
 accordance with the other indications in this Epistle. 
 
 Now the New Testament contains two or three from N. T. 
 places which at least indirectly bear on this question. 
 
 In Luke xi. 52 our Lord accuses the lawyers (rot? 
 is) of having taken away the key of knowledge 
 eo)?). Here, as so often, He seems to be 
 putting the true primary sense of a phrase in 
 place of its conventional sense. It was their proper 
 duty to open the door of knowledge for the people, 
 that knowledge of realities human and Divine by 
 which a man could be fitted for entrance into the 
 kingdom of heaven. That true key however they 
 took away by the barren traditionalism which they 
 called knowledge, and of which they boasted them- 
 selves to hold the key 1 . 
 
 So again in Rom. ii. 20 f. the boastful Jew is one 
 who is confident that he is an instructor of the foolish, 
 
 1 Cf. Rec. Clem. i. 54 Sed hi [Scribae et Pharisaei], baptizati a 
 Johanne, et velut clavem regni caelorum verbum veritatis tenentes ex 
 Moysis traditione susceptum, occultarunt auribus populi. Cf. ii. 30, 
 46 ; also Horn. Clem, xviii. 15 f.
 
 142 THE PASTORAL EPISTLES 
 
 a teacher of babes, which hath "the form of knowledge 
 and of the truth in the law," where again St Paul 
 seems to speak at once of a counterfeit yvwa-is and a 
 true 71x00-19 which had its fiopQaxris in the Law 1 . 
 
 from Another indirect piece of evidence in the same 
 
 LXX 
 
 direction is afforded by the way in which knowledge 
 
 LXX.) and Law correspond to each other 
 in parallel clauses, cf. Hos. iv. 6 ; Mai. ii. 7. 
 1 The Wise Lastly, a strong justification of this reference of 
 is to be found in the common Jewish designa- 
 
 tion of the Scribes or Teachers of the Law. They 
 were called the D^D^n or wise ones ; and it is note- 
 worthy that while in Biblical Hebrew the verb DDH 
 is always neuter, to be wise, in Rabbinical Hebrew 
 and in Aramaic it is often transitive, answering exactly 
 to yivwcnco), even in secondary senses of ytvooa-Kca. If 
 we could say for certain that the abstract substantive 
 
 riD^H (or other substantival form) were likewise used 
 T ; T 
 
 for 7i/a5o-t? in the corresponding sense, the proof would 
 be obviously complete. I cannot hovveve** find 
 evidence that such was the case. But since the 
 common designation of the Scribes implied that they 
 were men having knowledge quite as much as men 
 having wisdom, the step to St Paul's presumed use of 
 the word is but a small one. It is also worth notice 
 that njn which in the Old Testament is almost the 
 
 1 Cf. 4 Mac. i. 1 6 f., 2o0ia Si] rolvw yvuffis 6eiui> Kal dvBpuirivuv 
 vpay/J-druv Kal rwv roiniav alrluv. atin) d)) rolvw tarlv 17 TOV v6fj.ov 
 ircuSeia SC ijt rd 0tta <re/wcDs Kal TO, dvdpuiirwa. ffv/ji<j>tp6vT<i)s navOdvofiev.
 
 THE PASTORAL EPISTLES 143 
 
 only original of the LXX. yv(a<rts, in the Talmud 
 sometimes means the sense of the Law in a particular 
 case, or the opinion of this or that Rabbi on the sense 
 of the Law 1 . Here again we have an easy transition, 
 viz. from the single yvdxreis to their sum, the collective 
 
 A little reflexion will shew that this would be 
 quite a natural and legitimate application of the term 
 yvdoarts. The distinctive lore of a class of canonists 
 and casuists was in the strictest sense a special 
 knowledge, a knowledge limited to experts or in- 
 itiated persons; and this is the fundamental idea of 
 yv(3(Ti<; in the quasi-technical sense with which we are 
 concerned. It lies behind the familiar exclamation 
 " This multitude which knoweth not the law (6 //.r) jn vii 49 
 yivwo-Kwv rov vopov) are accursed"; an exclamation 
 which has often been illustrated by Rabbinical 
 language about the sharp line of demarcation be- 
 tween the Wise Ones and the Am Haaretz. 
 
 One other point remains to be noticed. A Traces of 
 speculative dualism, a reluctance to recognise any 
 contact between God and things divine on the one 
 hand, and material and corporeal things on the other, 
 is an important element both of Gnosticism and of 
 other speculative systems ; and it is said that I Tim. 
 betrays the presence of a similar teaching at Ephesus. 
 
 1 See examples in Levy- Fleischer i. 416. See illustrative Rabbini- 
 cal examples of njTl in Weber, u. s. p. 24.
 
 144 THE PASTORAL EPISTLES 
 
 Future The most telling piece of evidence is of course the 
 
 * 23 warning against " giving heed to deceiving spirits and 
 to teachings of demons uttered by men speaking 
 falsely in hypocrisy, having their own conscience 
 branded, forbidding to marry or to partake of certain 
 foods." As however we saw before, the teaching here 
 spoken of is not present but future. 
 
 Practical Again five verses lower St Paul addresses Timothy 
 himself in a very different tone respecting bodily 
 exercise, i.e. 00-^170-49, of which he speaks slightingly 
 but not in condemnation. 
 
 i Tim v 23 Similarly in the next chapter the injunction to 
 him to be no longer a water-drinker is evidently, 
 in the context in which it stands, not merely a 
 sanitary but quite as much a moral precept, and 
 thus implies that Timothy had himself begun to 
 abjure wine on grounds of personal sanctity. 
 
 Met by Once more, despite the striking contrast in tone 
 
 positive 
 
 teaching between the first passage and the second and third, 
 there is unquestionably a real connexion between the 
 first and the second. The positive teaching in iv. 4, 5 
 is evidently not simply laid down beforehand for a 
 future time, but put forward as a necessary doctrine 
 for the present, and thus implies that, as was to be 
 expected, the germs of what would hereafter amount 
 to a revolt from the faith (the faith of the Incar- 
 nation) (to be taught apparently by heathen oracles 
 or other authorities of heathen religion, for such 
 seems to be the meaning of " teachings of demons ")
 
 THE PASTORAL EPISTLES 145 
 
 were already to be found lurking under plausible 
 forms ; nay, that apparently Timothy himself had 
 some need to be warned against them, at least so far 
 as the matter of foods was concerned. The Christian 
 teaching set up in vv. 4, 5 against the anticipated i Tim iv 
 errors is itself according to v. 6 to be at once put 4 
 before the brethren. 
 
 In all this there is no sign of a speculative kind of But not 
 dualism. We have before us a practical ethical or ^ eei 
 religious teaching, a crude and hasty way of trans- 
 lating into action the true perception that for man in 
 his present state all virtuous or godly life involves 
 orderly restraint of the natural bodily desires. Such 
 a rule of life may either rest on a speculative basis, as 
 it did in much Platonic philosophy and in the Persian 
 religion and Manicheism, or it may be independent 
 of all such theoretical foundations. In the absence 
 of more distinctive characteristics it is vain to try to 
 determine the source of the tendencies here described. 
 
 For our purpose, however, it is natural to ask Possibly 
 
 r T i T- Judaic in 
 
 whether they came from the J udaism of Ephesus. origin 
 Contempt for marriage was certainly not what we 
 should look for in a Jewish community *. Simon Ben 
 Azai's(Cent. II.) seclusion from his wife was evidently 
 regarded 2 by the Rabbis as altogether exceptional. 
 Yet it may have been otherwise with Jews of the 
 
 1 Yet cf. Hebr. xiii. 4 [Ed.]. 
 
 2 Jost, Gesch. d. Judtnth. ii. 97 ff. ; Gratz, Gnosticismus u. 
 Jtidenthum 71 ff. 
 
 H. J. C. 10
 
 146 THE PASTORAL EPISTLES 
 
 Dispersion, peculiarly exposed to various foreign 
 influences. It is remarkable that in the midst of 
 this context St Paul bids Timothy avoid the profane 
 and old wives' fables. In Titus i. 13 we hear distinctly 
 of "Jewish fables" and that in connexion with "com- 
 mandments of men ". It cannot be proved that the 
 fivdoi in the two Epistles are of the same kind : but 
 the presumption is that they are, more especially when 
 Tim i 4 the /Avdoi of an earlier place in this same Epistle 
 had every appearance of being Jewish. 
 
 On the whole then in the Pastoral Epistles, no less 
 than in Colossians, it seems impossible to find clear 
 evidence of speculative or Gnosticising tendencies. 
 We do find however a dangerous fondness for Jewish 
 trifling, both of the legendary and of the legal or 
 casuistical kind. We find also indications, but much 
 less prominent, of some such abstinences in the 
 matter of foods (probably chiefly animal food and 
 wine) as at Colossae and Rome, with a probability 
 that marriage would before long come likewise under 
 a religious ban. But of circumcision and the per- 
 petual validity of the law we have nothing.
 
 LECTURE VIII. 
 
 JAMES, i PETER, HEBREWS, APOCALYPSE. 
 
 FROM St Paul and the churches which he founded 
 or to which he wrote we come back to the East. Of 
 the remaining books of the New Testament, at least 
 four belong to the decade preceding the Fall of 
 Jerusalem. These four are the Epistles bearing the 
 names of James, I Peter, Hebrews, and the Apoca- 
 lypse embodying the Epistles to the seven Churches. 
 All of them have some bearing, direct or indirect, on 
 our subject, though in unequal degrees. They do 
 not claim however more than a small part of our 
 remaining time. 
 
 The Epistle of St James. 
 
 The Epistle bearing the name of James is still the Author- 
 subject of endless discussions. My own belief is first, S j)a 
 that it is not the work of a late writer assuming 
 wrongly the name of James but a true and authentic 
 product of the apostolic age ; and secondly that the 
 
 10 2
 
 I 4 8 THE EPISTLE OF ST JAMES 
 
 James who wrote it was the James of the latter part 
 of the Acts, he who was known as the Lord's brother, 
 not himself of the original Twelve but specially 
 associated with them at Jerusalem, and the head of 
 the local Church there. The apparent immaturity, 
 as it were, of its teaching, together with other sub- 
 ordinate considerations, leads many who accept its 
 genuineness to place it very early, at least as early 
 as any Epistle of the New Testament. They are 
 then obliged to assume that the whole of the famous 
 passage on faith and works in ii. 14 26 has nothing 
 to do with St Paul, and is to be explained by 
 language found in Jewish writers. The passages 
 hitherto adduced, however, do not appear to me to be 
 adequate to support this theory so far as vv. 21 25 
 are concerned, and it seems more natural to suppose 
 that a misuse or misunderstanding of St Paul's 
 teaching on the part of others gave rise to St James's 
 carefully guarded language. It follows that St Paul's 
 controversy with the Judaizers, which for us is 
 summed up permanently in Romans i viii, must 
 have preceded ; and there is no tangible evidence at 
 variance with this conclusion. Nay, the state of 
 things which could lead to the writing of such a 
 letter does not seem likely to have arisen very 
 quickly. On the other hand, the latest limit is fixed 
 by St James's death. Assuming the genuineness of 
 Ant. xx. the passage relating to him in Josephus, and I see no 
 good reason to question it, the events associated with
 
 THE EPISTLE OF ST JAMES 149 
 
 it in Josephus's narrative fix it to the year 62 ; and 
 though the vaguer language of Hegesippus, if it Eus. H.E. 
 
 li 23- 
 
 stood alone, would suggest a time nearer to the siege 
 
 of Jerusalem by the Romans, it is not really at 
 
 variance with this date. How long before St James's 
 
 death the Epistle was written, we cannot tell: but 
 
 the evident growth of persecution implied in the first e.g. i i ; v 
 
 and last sections suggests a late rather than a IC 
 
 relatively early year. 
 
 The recipients of the Epistle according to i. i are Recipients 
 "the twelve tribes that are in the Dispersion," and 
 this very full phrase unaccompanied by words 
 suggesting another than the literal meaning cannot 
 naturally be understood except of Jews ; while other 
 passages shew Christian Jews, and apparently these 
 alone, to be intended. Here and everywhere in the 
 Epistle the Gentiles are neither included nor ex- 
 cluded ; they are simply left out of account. If it 
 was true to say that they were equal members of the 
 new Israel of God, it was no less true to say, as 
 St Paul and St John likewise virtually say, that 
 Christian Jews were now the only true and adequate 
 members of the ancient Israel, the faithful remnant, 
 in prophetic language, in the midst of ' faithless and 
 disobedient' members of the same people. Ad- 
 ditional emphasis is given to this conception by rat? 
 SwBe/ca </>iAai9, which signifies the ideal unbroken 
 unity of the people 1 . The geographical compre- 
 
 1 Cf. TO 8<a5eKa.<t>v\ov in Acts xxvi. 7 ; Clem. Rom. 55 ; Protev, Joe. i.
 
 150 THE EPISTLE OF ST JAMES 
 
 hensiveness of the address would in the full doubt- 
 less be hardly carried out in the actual destin- 
 ation of the Epistle. But the homeward return of 
 Jews, probably including Jewish Christians, who had 
 come from distant lands to Jerusalem for the Pente- 
 costal or another feast, would afford St James an 
 opportunity of diffusing his letter widely enough ; 
 and it was natural and fitting that he, as the acknow- 
 ledged head of the Church of Jerusalem, should send 
 this word of exhortation and encouragement under 
 trying circumstances to those Christians throughout 
 the empire whose earlier religion had been not 
 heathen but Jewish. It does not follow however that 
 we can learn much respecting Jewish Christians of 
 the Dispersion from the Epistle. It is not even safe 
 to assume that they formed distinct congregations 
 from those of Gentile Christians. Thus in ii. 2 (kav 
 yap elcre\0r) et? (rvvaycoyrjv V/AWV avrfp xpv(ro$aKTv\ios 
 etc.) St James's appeal would have none the less force 
 if Gentile Christians were worshippers in the same 
 congregation ; and the term o-vvaywyij is that which 
 St James from his Palestinian experience would 
 naturally and rightly use even if some or all of the 
 congregations to which the recipients of the letter 
 belonged were called not a-vvaywyai but eKtcXya-iai. 
 In v. 14 rot/? 7rpe<7/3fT/Jov<? r^9 etcfcXrjcria^ is even a 
 less distinctive phrase. Again, as regards the social 
 conditions and moral evils to which the Epistle 
 refers, it is not necessary to suppose that St James
 
 THE EPISTLE OF ST JAMES 151 
 
 had an exact knowledge of the condition of the 
 various Christian Churches of the Dispersion, which 
 doubtless differed much from each other in important 
 circumstances. The primary picture seems rather to 
 be reflected from his own experience of the state of 
 things at Jerusalem, which he knew was likely in one 
 form or another to reproduce itself wherever Jews 
 were to be found, whether they had become Christian 
 Jews or not. 
 
 For our purpose it is sufficient to cast a glance at Charac- 
 some features of St James's own teaching. Unlike Teaching 
 as it is on the surface to that of the other books of 
 the New Testament, it chiefly illustrates Judaistic 
 Christianity by total freedom from it. We find not 
 a word breathing the spirit which chafed at St Paul's 
 gospel to the Gentiles. We do not find even a 
 temporary veneration for the as yet unabolished 
 sanctities of Jewish ritual or polity. The echoes 
 of the Sermon on the Mount have been often noticed: 
 but what especially concerns us to observe is how 
 deeply St James has entered into that part of the 
 Sermon on the Mount which we examined at the 
 outset, the true manner of the fulfilment of the Law. 
 The Law itself in a true sense stands fast : but this Ja H 10 f. 
 permanence belongs to that in it which has the 
 nature of a perfect law, a law of liberty, a royal law. 
 Nay, just as our Lord appealed from the Mosaic Mt xix 8 
 legislation to the Divine word spoken " from the 
 beginning," as the utterance as it were of the Law
 
 152 THE EPISTLE OF ST JAMES 
 
 within and behind the Law, so various sayings of 
 eg- i n St James, rightly understood, carry us back to the 
 primary creation in the Divine image as the true 
 standard of a right life ; and thus implicitly lead the 
 way to the restoration of the Divine image which is 
 made possible by the Gospel. 
 
 The doctrinal position thus assumed involves 
 His 
 traditional however no necessary contradiction to the position 
 
 which he is said to have held among the Jews at the 
 time of his death. It is likely enough that recent 
 critics are right in conjecturing that some features 
 in the well-known striking narrative of Hegesippus 
 Eus. H. E. preserved by Eusebius were borrowed from the Ebio- 
 nite book called 'AvafBaOpoi 'latcwfiov mentioned 
 . xxx. by Epiphanius, from which parts of the first book of 
 
 the Clementine Recognitions were also apparently 
 borrowed. This identification indeed presupposes 
 that the avaftad pol meant are the steps of the 
 temple ; whereas Epiphanius seems to me to un- 
 derstand the word figuratively, as it were steps 
 in teaching, instructions: but it is not at all clear 
 that he had ever seen the book himself, so that he 
 may easily have misunderstood the title. Now it 
 is likely enough that its contents were either largely 
 or wholly fictitious. But we have no right to assume 
 that this was the only source of information respecting 
 St James used by Hegesippus, though it is difficult or 
 impossible to distinguish precisely whence each of his 
 statements came. But the general picture which he
 
 THE EPISTLE OF ST JAMES 153 
 
 draws of St James's sanctity after a Jewish pattern, 
 and of the veneration felt for him by his countrymen, 
 is practically supported by the testimony of Josephus, 
 assuming the passage from the last book of his 
 Antiquities to be genuine. Most of the details merely 
 go to shew that St James lived under a permanent 
 Nazirite vow. This is not more surprising than 
 St Paul's temporary vow or vows: and this whole 
 representation of the life of the most prominent 
 Christian Jew in Jerusalem is, to say the least, fully 
 consistent with what might be expected in one 
 holding that position while the Jewish commonwealth 
 remained apparently unshaken. Nothing had yet 
 occurred to make it an anachronism. The progress 
 of the Pauline Gospel among the Gentiles, however 
 heartily it might be welcomed by St James and his 
 wiser associates, was but an additional reason why 
 he should conspicuously maintain that retrospective 
 aspect of the whole truth of God of which he was by 
 his very position the appointed representative. 
 
 The First Epistle of St Peter. 
 
 We come next to St Peter and his great Epistle. 
 In Gal. ii. 7 he is said to have been recognised as 
 entrusted with the Gospel of the Circumcision as 
 St Paul was of the Uncircumcision. This was ap- 
 parently, as we have seen, at the private conversations 
 which preceded the great public conference at Jeru- 
 salem about the circumcision of Gentile converts.
 
 154 
 
 THE FIRST EPISTLE OF ST PETER 
 
 Commis- The same is virtually repeated two verses on, when 
 "imitedto P e * er ( as ' Cephas ') stands between James and John. 
 'theCtr- This passage however gives us but one side of St 
 
 cumcision 
 
 Peter's function. In St Luke's account of the public 
 Ac xv 7 conference he stands forward to commend Paul 
 and Barnabas and their mission to the assembly, 
 avowedly as being himself the man, through whom 
 the Gentile Cornelius had been Divinely admitted 
 into fellowship. The actual counsel adopted by the 
 assembly, whoever may have privately suggested it 
 beforehand, comes formally from the mouth of St 
 Ac xv i 4 James, who begins by ratifying St Peter's significant 
 appeal to the past. After that verse St Peter's name 
 disappears from the Acts. The New Testament gives 
 us no information about the transition in the work of 
 the Twelve between that day at Jerusalem and the 
 much later times when we find St Peter writing 
 his Epistle and St John his Apocalypse. As 
 however we saw at the outset, the Twelve were from 
 the first Divinely commanded to preach to the 
 Gentiles. Through long years they felt it their duty, 
 equally in obedience to Divine commands, to make 
 the Holy City and Land their sphere of labour : but 
 after a while they were bound to go forth. St Paul's 
 intervening work may well have changed their whole 
 horizon ; but it had not superseded their own duty. 
 Under what circumstances the great change took 
 place, we have unfortunately no knowledge. 
 
 To this latter period of the work of the Twelve,
 
 THE FIRST EPISTLE OF ST PETER 155 
 
 having its predominant character inexorably deter- Treats 
 mined by the work and life of St Paul, as well as 
 by our Lord's monitions, St Peter's Epistle belongs. 
 
 rogative 
 
 He writes as one whose commission is universal : of Israel 
 the local circumstances of the Church of Jerusalem 
 or of any other Church cannot limit his action or 
 his view. Nay, writing, as I believe he does, from 
 Rome, the centre of the Empire, his momentary 
 local position itself gives additional power to the 
 universality of his teaching. Like St James, and yet 
 more than St James, he writes to admonish and 
 encourage Christians suffering under persecution. 
 Their Churches were doubtless predominantly formed 
 from heathen converts : yet he treats them as sharers 
 in the ancestral prerogatives of Israel ; and that not 
 by an afterthought, as it were, of the Divine Will, i p e t i 2 
 but in accordance with the Divine purpose as it 
 existed before the beginning of things. He teaches 
 them the truth of the meaning of suffering in the 
 person of Messiah, first suffering and then glorified; i Peti n 
 the object of anticipation to the Old Testament pro- i Peti 10 
 phets who had likewise declared God's coming grace 
 to reach to all mankind ; the true Paschal Lamb i Pet i i8f. 
 whose blood had purchased their deliverance from 
 old heathen bondage. He teaches them likewise to 
 regard themselves as belonging to a people which 
 inherits the ancient promises and glories of Israel, j p e t ii 9 
 an elect race, a royal priesthood. Here therefore, 
 as in the Epistle to the Ephesians, all that Palestinian
 
 I $6 THE EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS 
 
 Christianity represented is entirely out of sight. 
 There is no trace of transitional conditions, in which 
 the letter of the old Law and Covenant has still a 
 certain legitimacy. The Israel of the future is the 
 only Israel in view. 
 
 The Epistle to the Hebrews. 
 
 The With the Epistle to the Hebrews we return again 
 
 Address ^ o Palestine. Such at least is I feel sure the true 
 
 of the 
 
 Letter address of this mysterious epistle. There was a time 
 when Egypt, with the temple of Leontopolis for a 
 sacred centre, was regarded by many critics as the 
 land for which it was written, and this view has 
 eminent defenders still. Just now, Rome is still more 
 a favourite, and that with excellent critics of very 
 different schools. But, in spite of the difficulties 
 suggested by the language of some individual verses, 
 it seems to me morally impossible that the circum- 
 stances of the Jewish Christians addressed were the 
 circumstances of any part of the Dispersion : n other 
 words the great part of the Epistle would have been, 
 as far as our knowledge goes, beside the mark if 
 written to any region but Jerusalem and Judea. The 
 Epistle of St James and that to the Hebrews are 
 full of striking contrasts, in part no doubt owing to 
 differences of temperament and position between the 
 two writers ; but owing likewise to the fact that the 
 one was written to Christian Jews of the Dispersion 
 and the other to Christian Jews of Palestine.
 
 THE EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS 157 
 
 The religious condition of these Jewish Christians Dangers to 
 shews plainly the dangers to faith which inevitably Palestine 
 beset that form of Jewish Christianity which we have 
 seen to have been legitimate in Palestine, the adoption 
 of the Gospel without any disuse of the Law. It was 
 only for a time that such a combination could be 
 legitimate, and now the hour was at hand when it 
 could be legitimate no longer. Meanwhile, before 
 the announcement of the hour by the trumpet of 
 Divine judgments, the mere force of long-continued 
 custom had rendered possible a state of things which 
 threatened to destroy all reality in men's allegiance 
 to the Gospel. The freshness of power with which 
 it had at first laid hold on them had died away, while 
 the deep-seated instincts of ancestral custom pre- 
 served all their tenacious influence, and were aided 
 by the corresponding spiritual degeneracy which 
 made a religion of sight easier, and apparently more 
 substantial, than a religion of faith. Then it would 
 seem that the pressure of the unbelieving Jews, in 
 the midst of whom the Jewish Christians were living, 
 was now becoming heavier and more intolerable, in 
 great measure, doubtless, owing to the unrest caused 
 by the signs of approaching Roman invasion. Thus, 
 without abjuring the name of Jesus, His professed 
 followers in Palestine were to a large extent coming 
 to treat their relation to Him as trivial and secondary 
 compared with their relation to the customs of 
 their forefathers and their living countrymen, and to
 
 158 THE EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS 
 
 Heb x 25 give up that gathering together in Christian congre- 
 gations which gave outward expression and inward 
 reality to membership in the true people of God and 
 of His Christ. We hear nothing about circumcision, 
 and nothing about Gentile Christians. The Chris- 
 tianity here rising may be justly called a Judaistic 
 Christianity; but it was rather the product of a 
 degeneracy in heart and mind than the expression 
 of a conscious doctrine or theory. 
 
 phe If we compare the course followed by the author 
 
 tramitori- f th p j st i e w j t h t h e lines of thought which we have 
 
 ness of tne 
 
 Law already met with in the Gospels and in the Apostolic 
 age, it is remarkable that we find nothing of that idea 
 of an essential permanence of the Law in virtue of the 
 fulfilment of its Divine purpose which is laid down in 
 the Sermon on the Mount. Though the writer has 
 given Levitical observances a kind of prominence 
 entirely absent in the rest of the New Testament, 
 the Law is to him a thing that passes away altogether 
 and is succeeded by something wholly better, the 
 
 Heb x i substance of which the Law was but the shadow. In 
 other words, his teaching resembles that of the second 
 set of passages in the Gospels, that set to which the 
 language used respecting John the Baptist belongs. 
 Twice indeed he quotes the great passage of Jeremiah 
 on the new covenant which includes among other 
 things the promise that God will give His laws in 
 men's hearts and write them on their minds. But, 
 though, like St James, he never uses the word Gospel
 
 THE EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS 159 
 
 or the verb connected with it, he is not for that 
 reason led to use such language as St James's about a 
 Law which is in fact one aspect of the Gospel under 
 another name, a glorified and evangelic Law. His 
 choice of subjects for arguments is apparently guided 
 not by any theoretical considerations, but by a sense 
 of the influences which were as a matter of fact most 
 potent with the Hebrew Christians. Priesthood, 
 sacrifices, ancient covenant, commonwealth, these 
 were the chief things that seemed substantial and 
 solid beside the Christian realities that were losing 
 their power of attraction ; and therefore he dwells on 
 their inexorably transitory nature, while he points 
 out that each would pass away only to give place to 
 something better than itself. To what extent the 
 writer invites the Hebrew Christians to separate 
 themselves by their own act from their unbelieving 
 countrymen is not clear, even from xiii. 13. But at 
 least he bids them accept the position without the 
 camp. To be joined to Him who was the Author Heb xii 
 and Finisher of their faith was primary and essential ; 
 to be joined to priesthood and sacrifices, to ancient 
 covenant and commonwealth, was secondary and not 
 essential : before long it would be impossible, already 
 it might be becoming wrong.
 
 160 THE APOCALYPSE 
 
 The Apocalypse. 
 
 The day of the Lord which the writer to the 
 Hebrews saw drawing nigh had already begun to 
 break in blood and fire when St John sent his Apoca- 
 lypse to the Gentile Churches of Asia. It is to be 
 hoped that the drastic criticism which this difficult 
 book has lately been receiving will have the indirect 
 effect of ultimately throwing light on the still obscure 
 historical circumstances under which it was written ; 
 and on the question whether events specially affecting 
 the Palestinian Church, in addition to the Fall of 
 Jerusalem, are to be included among the historical 
 circumstances implied in its language. Meanwhile 
 its special interest for our purpose is the testimony 
 which, when carefully read, it bears to that Apostolic 
 view of the relations of the Christian Church to 
 Judaism which we have found in St Paul, St Peter, 
 and in the Epistle to the Hebrews. 
 
 No traces The ^/ua? of i. 5, 6 (and again v. 10) can be none 
 exclusive- but Christians. Of these St John says that "Jesus 
 tu " Christ, the witness (or Martyr) who is true, the first- 
 
 born of the dead and the ruler of the kings of earth, 
 who loveth them and had ransomed them from their 
 sins at the price of His own blood, had also made 
 them to be a kingdom, priests to His God and 
 Father." Here the words "a kingdom, priests" are 
 taken from the words which Moses at Sinai was 
 Ex xix 6 to speak on the part of Jehovah to the people of
 
 THE APOCALYPSE 101 
 
 Israel, and which in another (the LXX) translation 
 
 are applied by St Peter to the new Israel of Asia i Pet ii 9 
 
 Minor. 
 
 So also in chap. xxi. the vision of New Jerusalem in the New 
 
 Jerusalem 
 
 recalls the language of the last chapters of Hebrews, Heb xii 22 
 as well as of Gal. iv. 26, cf. Phil. iii. 20. 
 
 The inscription of the names of the twelve 
 tribes on the portals, and of the names of the Ap xxi 12 
 twelve apostles of the Lamb on the foundations ofApxxii 4 
 the wall must not mislead us into fancying that we 
 have here a Judaistic dream. This city without a Ap xxi 22 
 temple bears no sign of Jewish limitation. The 
 recurring twelve is but a sign that under the Old and 
 New Covenants alike, God had His one people, His 
 true Israel, at first limited to one nation, afterwards 
 bought out of every tribe and tongue and people and 
 nation. The twelve apostles had of course reference 
 in the first instance to the theoretical twelve tribes of 
 the earthly Israel : but their original function, as we 
 have seen to have been ordained by our Lord Himself, 
 extended to the Gentiles likewise; and in actual 
 history St Peter and St John, the only two of the 
 twelve of whom we have any clear knowledge in the 
 later Apostolic age, became at last teachers of the 
 Gentiles. Thus as a band of twelve the apostles are 
 specially significant representatives of the continuity 
 between the old and the new Israel. 
 
 If then we turn back to the double vision of ch. vii, seeding of 
 the voice of the angel respecting the sealing of the A p ?H 4> 9 
 H. J. C. II
 
 i6a THE APOCALYPSE 
 
 I2,OOO out of every tribe, and then the sight of the 
 great multitude whom no one could number, out of 
 every nation and tribes and peoples and tongues, we 
 cannot but feel the incongruity introduced by the 
 plausible interpretation which makes the 144,000 to 
 be Jewish Christians, and the great multitude Gentile 
 Christians. The difficulty is increased by the total 
 absence of any other sign of prerogatives ascribed to 
 Jewish Christians as such in the book, directly or by 
 implication, to say nothing of the absence of any 
 signs of a corresponding difference of status in other 
 books of the New Testament. Whatever then be the 
 true interpretation, this one at least can hardly be 
 true. When however we observe that in the first 
 vision nothing is described as seen except the angel, 
 his cry of prohibition to the other four angels, and 
 the number of the sealed, being only heard, not seen, 
 one cannot but suspect that the 144,000 spoken of 
 and the great multitude seen may be one and the 
 same body, Jewish Christians and Gentile Christians 
 alike. As spoken of by the angel, they may be 
 described under an exact ideal numeration 1 as making 
 up the ideal Israel : as seen by the prophet they may 
 be presented in accordance with external fact as a 
 vast mixed multitude. But however this may be, the 
 sealing of the twelve tribes cannot be recognised as a 
 
 Epistles mark of Jewish exclusiveness. 
 
 Churches These are for our purpose the most important 
 
 1 Cf. Hermas Sim. ix. 17. if. See Appendix.
 
 THE APOCALYPSE 163 
 
 passages of the book. But it is worth while to notice 
 in the Epistles to Smyrna and Philadelphia theApii 
 language about " them who say that they themselves 
 are Jews, and are not, but they lie," evidently aimed 
 at unbelieving Jews, whom by reason of their unbelief 
 the apostle regards as having forfeited the glories of 
 their race. This is precisely the idea which St Paul 
 expresses in Rom. ii. 28, 29. Less clear is the 
 analogous sentence in the Epistle to Ephesus, about Ap ii 
 " them who call themselves apostles, and they are not, 
 and thou didst find them false". It would be un- 
 profitable to waste words on the strange theory that 
 St Paul is meant by these false apostles : and it is 
 very doubtful whether from any other point of view 
 the interpretation of the words falls within our subject. 
 
 We have now come to the end of the evidence of 
 the New Testament, so far as it seems profitable to 
 pursue it. It is better to keep clear of the faint and 
 disputable illustrations of our subject which might 
 conceivably be obtained from enquiries into the 
 origin and purpose of each of the four Gospels and 
 of the Acts ; nor is anything substantial for our 
 purpose to be gained from the remaining Epistles. 
 It is on the other hand full time to enter on the history 
 which lies outside the New Testament. 
 
 ii
 
 LECTURE IX. 
 
 THE CHURCH OF JERUSALEM FROM TITUS TO 
 HADRIAN. 
 
 St James's Epistle took us just now to St James's 
 death and the picture of him preserved by Eusebius 
 Eus. H. E. from Hegesippus, partly to all appearance derived 
 from the lost Ebionite book called the Steps of James. 
 Hegesippus is likewise our authority for nearly all 
 of the little that we know of the fortunes of the 
 Palestinian Church for a generation or two longer. 
 
 Hegesippus. 
 Was he a Hegesippus, who belongs to the latter half of the 
 
 Judaizer? ~ . _ 
 
 Second Century, stands in an interesting relation to 
 our subject both in modern theory and in undoubted 
 historical fact Not long ago in the eyes of a 
 powerful body of critics he was the most striking 
 representative of the Judaistic Christianity of the 
 Second Century, and this view is still in substance 
 upheld by some. In this instance a plausible case
 
 THE CHURCH OF JERUSALEM 165 
 
 undoubtedly existed, and it was only by a more 
 comprehensive view of the facts and probabilities 
 that it could be set aside. It rested not only on the 
 ample evidence that he had special knowledge of 
 Palestinian Christianity but also on the telling fact 
 that he was apparently recorded as having exclaimed 
 against words of St Paul, viz. "Eye hath not seen nor i Cor ii 9 
 ear heard," etc. Since however it is credibly attested 
 that similar words occurred in an apocryphal writing, 
 now lost, it is but reasonable to suppose that this, 
 not i Corinthians, is the source of the quotation to 
 which Hegesippus opposed the Lord's words "Blessed 
 are the eyes that see, etc.," since otherwise there is a 
 hopeless contradiction with known facts about Hege- 
 sippus. Moreover Stephen Gobar, the Sixth Century 
 writer who mentions the criticism, does not give 
 St Paul's name, but uses a vague plural (-7-01)9 ravra 
 
 The evidence that he had a special acquaintance His knmv- 
 with Palestinian Christianity is of several kinds, palatine 
 (i) The various particulars of its history which 
 Eusebius recounts on his authority; (2) the statement 
 of Eusebius that "he makes citations from the Eus. H. E. 
 Gospel according to the Hebrews and the Syriac 
 Gospel, and specially (or separately, iSww?) from the 
 Hebrew language (i.e. apparently detached Hebrew 
 words), thereby shewing himself to have been a 
 believer of Hebrew origin, and moreover he mentions 
 other matters as derived from Jewish unwritten
 
 166 THE CHURCH OF JERUSALEM 
 
 tradition " ; and we may add (3) a bit of local know- 
 ledge apparently of an ocular kind, a statement at 
 the end of his account of St James's martyrdom, 
 "and they buried him on the spot beside the sanc- 
 tuary, and his o-r^X?; (monumental stone) still remains 
 beside the sanctuary." It is not necessary to assume 
 that a stele had been there ever since St James's 
 death : but there was one in Hegesippus's time, and 
 apparently he had seen it 
 
 His visit by What seems to be the best account of Hegesippus 
 Rome is Weizsacker's rewritten article for the second edition 
 of Herzog's Encyclopddie. He there points out the 
 improbability of the common assumption based on 
 Jerome's misunderstanding of Eusebius, that Hege- 
 sippus was an historian, and shews that his book 
 (called vTTOfj,vij/j,aTa, ' Notes ' or ' Memoirs '), was appar- 
 ently a somewhat discursive controversial work against 
 the heresies of his day 1 . The account of St James 
 was, we learn, in the fifth or last book, which would 
 be impossible if the work were a consecutive narrative 
 of events. The only event that we know of in his 
 Eus.^". E. life is a journey by Corinth to Rome: but what is 
 said of these two places suffices to stamp his eccle- 
 siastical character. For the purpose, it would seem, of 
 his argument, he quoted much from Clement of 
 Rome's Epistle to the Corinthians, and then in that 
 connexion spoke of his own visit to Corinth. " And 
 the Church of the Corinthians," he says, "continued 
 
 1 Cf.Westcott, N. T. Canon, p. 207 f.
 
 FROM TITUS TO HADRIAN 167 
 
 in the right doctrine (TO> 6p0q> \6yw) down to the time 
 when Primus was Bishop in Corinth; with whom 
 (plural) I had intercourse on a voyage to Rome, and 
 spent with the Corinthians several days, during which 
 we had restful sympathy with the right doctrine 
 (a-vvavcTra^^ev 1 TO> op0a> \6y(a)." This " right doctrine" 
 must of course have been in harmony with that of 
 Clement's Epistle, which we can see for ourselves to 
 have had nothing Judaistic in it. Then he goes 
 on to say how after his arrival at Rome he made 
 out or procured a SiaSo^, apparently a list 2 of 
 the successive bishops, down to Anicetus, who was 
 apparently bishop at the time. "And in every 
 succession," he says, "and in every city there is 
 such a state of things as the Law proclaims and 
 the Prophets and the Lord." 
 
 This last phrase used to be cited as evidence of conclusive 
 Hegesippus's legalism ; but (as Ritschl 8 pointed out 
 long ago) it is no more than the usual Second Century 
 formula of Church writers to express the harmony 
 of Old and New Testament against such heretics 
 as rejected the Old Testament. It is true "the 
 Apostles" are generally added, but their testimony 
 
 1 It is possible that tv may have been lost after ffvvavfirdri/j.fv. In 
 any case the verb is from Rom. xv. 32. 
 
 2 This list, as Lightfoot shewed in a letter to the Academy of May 11, 
 1887, is probably the list followed by Epiphanius (Hares, xxvii. 6) 
 who seems in this passage to be citing loosely from Hegesippus. See 
 Epp. o/S. Clem. I. p. 327 ff. 
 
 3 Ents. d. Alt. Kir. p. 268.
 
 1 68 THE CHURCH OF JERUSALEM 
 
 might easily be regarded as included in that of the 
 Lord; and indeed, as Westcott 1 has pointed out, 
 the probably contemporary Epistles to Virgins which 
 bear Clement's name have exactly the same form. 
 Thus certainly at Corinth and at Rome and in other 
 Churches, if he visited other Churches (e/cdtrrr) above 
 is ambiguous), Hegesippus found himself in harmony 
 with the authorities of the Church ; and what is 
 said of Clement's Epistle makes it impossible to 
 suppose that this was a harmony in Judaistic doctrine 
 or practice. 
 
 Howcana How then are we to explain Hegesippus's special 
 acquaintance with Palestinian Christianity? If he 
 
 escapedju- was brought up in it, should we not expect him, it 
 
 daizing? 
 
 might be asked, to shew at least some Judaistic 
 tendency? No certain answer is possible for want of 
 knowledge about Palestinian Christianity and for 
 want of knowledge about Hegesippus. Whether 
 Palestinian Christianity a generation or two before 
 him was of necessity Judaistic, we shall have to ask 
 just now. And again, we know, and evidently Euse- 
 bius knew, nothing about Hegesippus except what 
 has been already mentioned : even his Jewish origin 
 is apparently a matter of inference to Eusebius 
 (e/jufxiivei), not of knowledge. It is no doubt con- 
 ceivable that long before he wrote he had passed 
 from one form of the Christian faith to another. 
 But it is to be remembered that the Church of Aelia, 
 
 1 N. T. Canon, p. 187.
 
 FROM TITUS TO HADRIAN 169 
 
 the Jerusalem of his day, was a Gentile Church, 
 evidently in communion with other great Churches, 
 as is shewn by the references to its Bishop Narcissus, Eus. ff.E. 
 his contemporary. Even if the continuity of local v> 33 ' 
 tradition was broken by the results of the war of 
 Barcochba, to which we must soon come, some 
 traditions of the earlier time were likely to survive 
 among the descendants of the earlier Church on the 
 other side of Jordan, not very many hours distant 
 from Jerusalem, and an Aelian Christian of active 
 mind would have little difficulty in gathering them 
 up. The use of the native languages attested by Eus. H. E. 
 
 IV 22* 
 
 Eusebius is not quite so easily explained in this 
 way, though the example of Jerome shews that the 
 supposition would not be extravagant. We shall 
 come presently to a third explanation of the way in 
 which Hegesippus may have become acquainted with 
 the Palestinian traditions which have to be considered 
 next. Howsoever they may have reached him, there 
 is no reason to doubt that he faithfully reproduced 
 them. 
 
 Extracts from Hegesippus preserved in Eusebius. 
 
 Eusebius H. E. iii. 5 10 is taken up with an 
 account of the siege and fall of Jerusalem, expressly 
 derived from Josephus, and then with an account 
 of Josephus's writings and Canon. 
 Then in ch. 1 1 he proceeds :
 
 1 70 THE CHURCH OF JERUSALEM 
 
 Theelec- "After the martyrdom of James and the immediately suc- 
 
 tion ofSy- cee( jj n g capture of Jerusalem it is recorded (\6yos Kartxti) 
 that the survivors among the Apostles and the Lord's 
 disciples met together from all quarters, along with those who 
 were related to the Lord by blood, for many of these too were 
 still alive : and that the whole number took counsel together as 
 to whom they should adjudge worthy to succeed to James, and 
 then that with one mind they all approved Symeon the son of 
 Clopas, who is also mentioned by the Scripture of the Gospel, 
 to be worthy of the throne of that see, being, as they say, a 
 cousin of the Saviour. That is (yap ovv), Hegesippus relates 
 that Clopas was a brother of Joseph. And further, that Vespa- 
 sian gave orders after the capture of Jerusalem for inquisition 
 to be made for all of the kindred of David, to the end that no 
 one of the blood royal might be left alive among the Jews ; and 
 that the Jews on that account underwent yet another severe 
 persecution." 
 
 A(yyo<? Kari^ei is in itself a vague phrase ; but as 
 used by Eusebius, it by no means indicates that 
 he had no precise authority. Thus in ch. 18 after 
 using it he shews that he was following Irenaeus. 
 So here I feel sure that he is following Hegesippus, 
 whom he does actually quote in a parenthesis at the 
 end of ch. n for the fact of Clopas's relationship. 
 In a modern writer we might suppose that this one 
 accessory fact alone came from Hegesippus ; but 
 that is not Eusebius's manner. The description of 
 the capture of Jerusalem as 'immediately succeeding' 
 the martyrdom of James is probably due to the 
 phrase, that not improbably came just before in 
 Hegesippus, ' ical ev6v<t Ove&TTCKriavos TroXiop/tet av- 
 ToiV This phrase (preserved by Eusebius ii. 23, 18) 
 was used (as we have seen) in a rhetorical way by
 
 FROM TITUS TO HADRIAN 171 
 
 Hegesippus, but it has been taken literally by 
 Eusebius, who is thus misled into the incredible 
 statement that the appointment of Symeon to succeed 
 James took place after the fall of the city. 
 
 The narrative is then, as often, interrupted by Jud<?s 
 successions of Emperors (Titus succeeding Vespasian, children 
 Domitian Titus) and of Bishops. The mention of 
 Clement as Bishop of Rome leads to an allusion 
 (ch. 1 6) to Hegesippus's notice of the disturbance in 
 the Church of Corinth in Clement's time. Domitian's 
 reign leads to Domitian's persecution and St John's 
 alleged banishment in it, and then (ch. 19) to an 
 account by Hegesippus (introduced at first by 7raX<uo9 
 are%et \6yos), carrying on the former account of 
 Vespasian's policy, how Domitian ordered the destruc- 
 tion of David's descendants. Then follows (ch. 20), 
 doubly attested as from Hegesippus, the touching 
 story of Jude's grandchildren, who were accused by 
 ' certain heretics ' to Domitian as coming under this 
 description, and their release after his interview with 
 them : after which they are said ^yija-acrdai rwv 
 KK\r)(Ti,oav, as being at once martyrs and of the 
 Lord's kindred, and that, peace then coming and 
 lasting till the reign of Trajan they survived till 
 that time ( 8). Heresies 
 
 Having reached the reign of Trajan in ch. 21, 
 
 Eusebius is led to speak of St John's old age, and Martyr- 
 
 f dom 
 
 then, after some natural digressions, returns in Eus . // 
 ch. 32 to the ordinary course of his narrative, and iii- $*
 
 172 THE CHURCH OF JERUSALEM 
 
 on the authority of Hegesippus (preluded by / 
 Xo7o?) mentions various local and popular per- 
 secutions of Christians in Trajan's reign, in one of 
 which Bishop Symeon suffered martyrdom : here 
 again ' certain heretics ' appear ( 3) as the accusers, 
 and the accusation is twofold, of Davidic origin and of 
 being a Christian. The accusers themselves in their 
 turn are said ( 4) to have been taken, as being 
 of the tribe of Judah. Further on in the chapter 
 after a repetition at somewhat greater length of the 
 story of Jude's grandchildren we read ( 7) that Hege- 
 sippus marks this as the time when the Church, 
 hitherto free and inviolate, began to suffer from the 
 open injury of those who endeavoured to corrupt 
 " the sound rule of the saving message," any previous 
 heretics having been secret and obscure. The allusion 
 
 Eus. H. E. here is probably to Thebuthis, mentioned by 
 Hegesippus as having begun to cause corruption 
 because he had not been made bishop when Symeon 
 was. He is said 1 to have been "of the seven sects," 
 apparently not the sects next mentioned ( 5), but 
 the seven Jewish sects mentioned a little further on 
 ( 6). Apparently (ch. 32 8) he regarded the death 
 of Symeon as the passing away of the last survivor 
 of eye-witnesses of the Lord during whose lifetime 
 
 The mcces- error could not openly hold up its head. 
 
 of On the other hand, three chapters on. Pliny's 
 
 Justus 9 
 
 1 The passage is corrupt, but the MSS. are certainly right in ui> )( uv 
 of the editors.
 
 FROM TITUS TO HADRIAN 173 
 
 correspondence and an episcopal succession having Eus. H. E. 
 
 intervened, we read, that at this time a vast number '"' 35 ' 
 
 (jj,vpia)v ocrwv) of the circumcision believed in Christ 
 
 (the perfect ireTria-revKortov is ambiguous, but hardly 
 
 the context), one of whom Justus (called 'lovSalo? 
 
 7-49) succeeded to Symeon. No authority is given, 
 
 but it can be only Hegesippus. 
 
 With iv. 3 a new reign begins, that of Hadrian. List of 
 
 - . Bishops in 
 
 After a few lines we come to episcopal successions at Jerusalem 
 Rome and Alexandria. 
 
 " But of the Bishops in Jerusalem," says Eusebius, " I have 
 quite failed to find the dates preserved in writing ; it is in fact 
 (yap ovv) barely recorded (\6yos Kare^ei) that they were short 
 lived, but this much I have received from written sources, that 
 till the siege of the Jews under Hadrian there had been fifteen 
 Bishops in succession there, who, they say, were all Hebrews 
 and had from the first received the knowledge of the Christ in 
 its genuine form, so that they had been already approved by 
 those who were competent to decide on such points as worthy 
 of the Episcopal office ; for their whole Church was composed of 
 believing Hebrews, survivors from the time of Apostles even to 
 that siege in which the Jews were overcome after severe fighting 
 in their second revolt against Rome. Seeing then that the 
 succession of Bishops of the Circumcision came to an end at 
 that time it will be right to give a list of them from the 
 beginning." 
 
 Then after the list 1 he continues : 
 
 "Such then is the number of the Bishops of the city of 
 Jerusalem, extending from the time of the Apostles to the time 
 indicated. All of these were of the Circumcision." 
 
 1 This list is perhaps not from Hegesippus, but from Jerusalem 
 registers. Cf. Eus. Dem. JSvang. IV. 5. 124 D wv xal TO. ovo^aro. els 
 frt vvv irapd TOIJ tyx,uptois nvr]/ji.oveutTai.
 
 174 THE CHURCH OF JERUSALEM 
 
 We have thus reached a point little if at all inferior 
 in interest for our purpose to the Capture of Jerusalem 
 by Titus, viz. the disastrous end of the war of 
 Barcochba arising out of the substitution of the 
 Gentile Aelia for the Jewish Jerusalem. Up to this 
 time, we are told, there had been a quick succession 
 of bishops from the circumcision, while they were 
 also men whose faith in the opinion of Hegesippus 
 was of the right stamp. The two facts have to be 
 taken together. 
 
 The migration to Pella. 
 
 Before considering this point further, let us leave 
 the Jerusalem Bishops and retrace our steps to the 
 Eus H. E. time of the first Roman conquest. In the chapter 
 in which Eusebius describes the beginning of the 
 great war entrusted to Titus, after enumerating the 
 Jewish assaults on the Christian Community, es- 
 pecially the deaths of Stephen, James the son of 
 Zebedee, and James the Lord's brother, and the 
 departure of the other apostles to go forth among the 
 Gentiles, because, he says, they were driven forth by 
 plots against their life, he mentions further ( 3) that 
 " the people of the church in Jerusalem, by a certain 
 oracle given by revelation rot? avrodi So/a/iot?, had 
 been ordered to remove before the war and inhabit 
 Pella, a city of Peraea." He speaks of " those who had 
 believed in Christ" having migrated from Jerusalem,
 
 FROM TITUS TO HADRIAN 175 
 
 and of "holy men having entirely abandoned both 
 the very royal metropolis of the Jews and the whole 
 land of Judea." Then after this exordium he pro- 
 ceeds to the Divine judgment which fell on the guilty 
 nation. Here there is no direct or indirect indication 
 of authorship : but the contents suggest that at least 
 the fact came from Hegesippus. It is difficult and 
 not important to decide whether the time intended The time 
 is at some pause between the first beginning of 
 the war in May 66 A.D. and Titus's gathering of 
 his army at Caesarea in the spring of 70 A.D. or 
 at that last crisis itself. Probably, however, it was 
 at least late in the time. The country in which 
 Pella Ires was occupied by Vespasian in the spring of 
 68 A.D., a little before Nero's death, and the Christian 
 colony, if then there, must have been swept away. 
 The migration was doubtless connected with the 
 supremacy gained by the Zealot party in Jerusalem 
 and the tyranny which they exercised over the city. 
 The natural effect of those terrible days would be The reiigi- 
 that many of those Christians whose attachment 
 the Jewish state was stronger than their faith in the& ra " ts 
 Gospel would become separated from the Church and 
 lost in the mass of their countrymen. Thus the body 
 which migrated to Pella would probably consist 
 mainly of those who best represented the position 
 formerly taken by St James, and those whom the 
 teaching of the Epistle to the Hebrews had persuaded 
 to loosen their hold on the ancient observances.
 
 176 THE CHURCH OF JERUSALEM 
 
 Hebxiii 13 This going forth was indeed literally a going forth 
 without the camp, and the feelings with which the 
 emigrants went forth must have been peculiarly in 
 harmony with the Epistle; though the Epistle must 
 have been written before so acute a crisis as this had 
 been reached. The fact of the migration is nearly 
 all that we really know about it. That Ebionite 
 communities existed in that region in the Fourth 
 Century is no evidence that they were descended 
 from the fugitives from Jerusalem. Various other 
 circumstances of less remote date might easily give 
 rise to such communities. 
 
 Ariston's One not improbable memorial of the time is 
 the name of a writer whom Eusebius cites for a 
 . 6, decree of Hadrian respecting the Jews, 'Apio-rwv o 
 neXXcuo?. The same name is given by Maximus 
 the Confessor (VII. Cent.) to the author of a Dia- 
 logue between Papiscus and Jason, a controversial 
 work against the Jews which other ancient writers 
 cite anonymously. Harnack 1 has shewn that there 
 is every reason to suppose the same Ariston 
 to be meant, and that the account of Hadrian's 
 edict probably occurred in the Dialogue. It is 
 of interest for our subject to note that Jason, the 
 interlocutor who represents the author in this Dia- 
 logue, is called a Hebrew Christian, and yet that he 
 is said to have vindicated dispositionem \oiKovop,iav\ 
 et plenitudinem Christi, and that his interpretation 
 1 Texts und Unters. Vol. I. pp. 115 130.
 
 FROM TITUS TO HADRIAN 177 
 
 of Gen. i. I as preserved by Jerome, shews him to 
 have held the Son of God to be pre-existent to the 
 Creation ; so that Ariston, the Christian of Pella, 
 cannot have been a mere Ebionite. 
 
 Epiphanius 1 speaks of the Christians as having The return 
 returned from Pella to Jerusalem. It is in a paren- 
 thetic sentence in a long and curious story about 
 Aquila the translator : but it is not required for 
 the story, and was probably a conjectural addition 
 by Epiphanius himself. Sooner or later, however, a 
 more or less complete return from Pella to Jerusalem 
 must have taken place, unless Hegesippus's whole 
 account of the death of Symeon, and of the later 
 bishops is a fiction, which is most unlikely. 
 
 Subsequent History. 
 
 According to the story in Epiphanius s in Hadrian's 
 time, doubtless his early time, nothing was standing 
 in Jerusalem except a few houses, the little Christian 
 Church occupying the site of the room to which 
 the apostles withdrew after the Ascension, parts of 
 houses about Sion, and seven synagogues standing 
 alone on Sion. Aquila also is said to have seen 
 "the disciples of the disciples 3 of the apostles 
 flourishing in the faith and working great signs of 
 healings and other marvels." But the account has 
 a very fantastic sound. 
 
 1 De metis, et pond. c. 15. 2 loc. dt. c. 14. 
 
 3 TOI>S pad-lira.* rwv fj.adi)Twv. This is the reading of the Syriac. See 
 P. de Lagarde, Philologies, xviii. p. 352. 
 
 H. J. C. 12
 
 1 78 THE CHURCH OF JERUSALEM 
 
 Eusebius 1 seems at first sight to say that half the 
 city only had been destroyed : but this apparently 
 is only his deduction (ei/eo<?) from what he took to be 
 a prophecy of the fate of Jerusalem in Zech. xiv. 2. 
 Relations Allusions in Jewish literature shew that at this 
 Jews and time controversies between Jews and Christians 
 were common 2 , a Christian named Jacob (James) 
 of Caphar Secania being oftenest named : but the 
 quotations are strangely disappointing both as to 
 their contents and as to geographical indication. 
 One thing however is certain, that in this period 
 the great seat of Jewish learning and mental activity 
 was not Jerusalem but Jamnia near Joppa. 
 
 But there were other ways in which the Christians 
 of Palestine must have been affected by the presence 
 of their Jewish neighbours. Forty-six years after the 
 destruction of Jerusalem by Titus a terrible insurrec- 
 tion of the Jews broke out, which included Palestine, 
 though its chief rage was expended in Egypt, Cyrene, 
 and Cyprus. In Cyprus alone 240,000 men are said 
 to have been massacred by the Jews. A contest of 
 this kind must, even more than the state of things 
 during Titus's siege, have made an impassable chasm 
 between the Jews and the Christians of Palestine, and 
 made intermediate forms of belief and practice almost 
 impossible. Then came the final war of Barcochba, 
 when, exasperated by Hadrian's building up of 
 
 1 Dem. Evang. vi. 18, 286 B. 
 
 2 See Derenbourg, Essai sur Fhist. et lageog. de la Palestine, ch. xxi.
 
 FROM TITUS TO HADRIAN 179 
 
 Jerusalem as a pagan city, and doubtless by other 
 grievances, the Jewish martial frenzy burst out 
 once more in a struggle which, says Mommsen 1 , 
 through its intensity and duration has no equal in the 
 history of the Roman imperial period. 
 
 That one effect of the consequent sentence of ex- Expulsion 
 
 of the 
 
 pulsion against all Jews should lead to the banishment Church of 
 of the Christian community at Jerusalem is not strange, 
 even if the old confusion between Christians and 
 Jews had ceased. It was a church of the circum- 
 cision, and probably observed other Jewish rites, and 
 so to the eye of a Roman it was a Jewish community. 
 It may seem strange that these Jewish customs (not 
 temple services) should be observed by Christians 
 after Jerusalem had once fallen ; and their retention 
 was doubtless not only in spirit adverse to the Epistle 
 to the Hebrews, but a real and really mischievous 
 anachronism, not less at variance with the principles 
 laid down by still greater authorities of the Apostolic 
 age. But it may well have been that the cherished 
 memory of St James may have led to an unintelligent 
 copying of his policy under changed conditions ; and 
 Judaism itself was rapidly transforming the Law into 
 a system of observances independent of temple or 
 Holy City. 
 
 That the Doctrine current in such a church would its dogma- 
 fall far short of that of any of the great apostles is 
 probable enough : but the same may be said of every 
 
 1 The Provinces of the Roman Empire, Eng. Tr. ii. 224. 
 
 122
 
 i8o THE CHURCH OF JERUSALEM 
 
 church of that time of which we have any knowledge. 
 This however would not justify our treating it as an 
 essentially Ebionite Church, in the teeth of the 
 reasonable interpretation of Hegesippus's words. 
 What became of it after its expulsion by Hadrian, 
 we know not. Probably enough it found some new 
 Pella, one or many; and this seems to be on the 
 whole the most probable solution of the question 
 about Hegesippus's education. He may well have 
 sprung from some city which harboured a part of the 
 Jerusalem Church, and thus by birth, though not by 
 locality, he would have its traditions for his own. 
 And again, we have no reason to imagine that such a 
 Christian society, holding fast the old Jerusalem 
 faith, would be out of communion with the Church of 
 Aelia, itself in communion with the other great 
 Churches of Christendom : and if so, there is nothing 
 anomalous in the ecclesiastical position implied in the 
 extracts preserved by Eusebius. Such a supposition 
 is fully in harmony with the language used by Justin 
 Martyr in his Dialogue. Thus the general conclusion 
 is that the Christianity of the Church of Jerusalem 
 during the whole time between the unknown return 
 from Pella and the war of Barcochba, and of the 
 same Church in its probable subsequent transplant- 
 ation to remoter parts of Judea, and of Hegesippus 
 himself, were probably not Judaistic except to a 
 certain extent in practice as distinguished from 
 principle. The Ebionite or properly Judaistic bodies 
 of Palestine will require separate consideration.
 
 LECTURE X. 
 
 THE JUDAIZERS OF THE I GNAT I AN EPISTLES. 
 
 BEFORE we pass to the consideration, indicated at 
 the close of the last lecture, of the Ebionite or pro- 
 perly Judaistic bodies of Palestine, this is the most 
 convenient place for saying a word on the Judaizers 
 of the Ignatian Epistles, as a necessary appendix to 
 our consideration of the Judaizers of the Epistles to 
 the Colossians and the Pastoral Epistles. It is usual 
 to treat the three subjects as forming a closely 
 connected series, each illustrating and confirming the 
 traditional interpretation of the others. As I have 
 found myself constrained to question the Gnosticizing 
 character of the two sets of teachers belonging to the 
 apostolic age, it becomes incumbent on me not to 
 pass over the corroborative evidence for it which is 
 supposed to be afforded by the language of Ignatius. 
 
 The facts are simply these. It is allowed on all Are the 
 hands that Ignatius refers to Docetic error and that J ltd aizers 
 
 here 
 
 he refers to Judaistic error. The question is whether Docetic?
 
 1 82 THE JUDAIZERS OF 
 
 these two forms of error were independent of each 
 other or were held simultaneously by the same 
 persons ; on the latter supposition we have evidence 
 here of a Docetic form of Judaistic Christianity ; in 
 the former we have none. Most critics, of different 
 schools, believe the two forms of error to have been 
 combined. In reading Zahn's admirable monograph 
 on Ignatius some years ago, long before it had 
 occurred to me that the current views as to the false 
 teaching spoken of in the Epistle to the Colossians 
 and the Pastoral Epistles rested on precarious grounds, 
 I was struck with what seemed to me the weakness 
 of Zahn's advocacy of this interpretation, and even 
 Bishop Lightfoot's 1 clearer and more vigorous exposi- 
 tion of it has not convinced me to the contrary. 
 Harnack 2 , I am glad to see, likewise signifies (in a 
 single sentence) that the Judaizers in Ignatius are 
 distinct from the other false teachers. The polemic 
 against Docetism is chiefly to be found in the 
 Epistles to the Ephesians, and still more the 
 Smyrnaeans and Trallians : that against Judaizing is 
 confined to two, those to the Magnesians and 
 Philadelphians. 
 
 Theju- The doctrinal warnings to the Magnesians begin 
 
 d Matnesia ^^ ifKavavQs rat? TepoSoj;iai<t /AT/Se /AvOevfjLacriv rot? 
 Magn. viii. TraXatoi? dvaxf)\ecriv ovcriv. Here ere/3o8o uu<? is an 
 ambiguous word. If, as is quite possible, Ignatius is 
 thinking of his Docetic antagonists, the fj,rjBe is to say 
 1 Epp. oflgn. i. 359375- 2 Dogmengesch. i. 225. 

 
 THE IGNATIAN EPISTLES 183 
 
 the least compatible with a transition to another 
 party, in the next words, " Be not deceived by the 
 erepoSo^tat, nor yet by the old fables which are 
 unprofitable." 'Unprofitable' (apparently from Tit. 
 iii. 9) would be a strangely weak word for grave 
 doctrinal errors : nor could the term ' old ' 
 be applied in any intelligible sense to the 
 if, as is supposed, they were ' myths ', relating to 
 cosmogony and angelology : Jewish legendary lore is 
 at least a more likely meaning, as in the Pastoral 
 Epistles, from which however the phrase may be 
 loosely borrowed in a vague way. He goes on 
 " For if to this day we live in accordance with 
 Judaism (or Jewish Law), we confess that we have 
 not received grace." 
 
 Then comes a praise of the Prophets as having 
 " lived in accordance with Christ Jesus ; men who ev ch. ix. 
 TraXatoi? Trpdjfiacriv dvaa"rpa<$>evTe<s came to a new- 
 ness of possession, no longer keeping sabbath but 
 living according to the Lord's [day], on which also 
 our life arose [out of death] through Him and His 
 death, which [sc. the death] some deny." (This is 
 doubtless a brief allusion to Docetic teachers, but 
 it may as easily be a passing allusion as part of the 
 polemic of these chapters.) 
 
 After a few lines on discipleship to Jesus Christ 
 (ch. x.) he bids them put away the evil leaven which 
 has grown old (7ra\ai&>0et<rai/) and sour, and turn to a 
 fresh leaven, which is Jesus Christ. It is monstrous to
 
 1 84 THE JUDAIZERS OF 
 
 "speak Jesus Christ" and to Judaize, for Christianism 
 did not believe on Judaism, but Judaism on Christ- 
 ianism, which every tongue believing " was gathered 
 unto God." 
 
 ch. xi. Finally, he says he had been warning them 
 
 lest they should fall into the hooks of ei/oSota (a 
 quite ambiguous word, cf. the Kevofywvia of I and 
 2 Tim.), but " be ye fulfilled (TreTrXrjpotyop'rjo-de, i.e. as 
 matured Christians) in the generation (yevvr)<ri<;) and 
 the passion and the resurrection which took place in 
 the time when Pontius Pilate was governor : things 
 done truly and securely by Jesus Christ our hope." 
 This last sentence is taken as proof that the Judaizing 
 here spoken of was combined with Docetism : but it 
 is just as likely that Ignatius in winding up with a 
 description of the full ripe Christian faith falls 
 naturally into his usual language about it. 
 Judaizers So also in writing to the Philadelphians, having 
 dtlphia sa id that he has taken refuge with the Gospel as the 
 Philad. v. fl es h o f Jesus, he goes on to associate with the Gospel 
 Magn. viii. the Prophets (somewhat as in the other Epistle), and 
 then in ch. vi. he contrasts with this true interpretation 
 of the Prophets a false interpretation which some 
 might bring before them. " But if any one interpret 
 to you Judaism, hearken not to him, for it is better to 
 hear Christianism from a circumcised man than Ju- 
 daism from an uncircumcised " (implying, I suppose, 
 by this curious antithesis, that a Jew might without 
 inconsistency add to his Judaism Christianity, but
 
 THE IGNATIAN EPISTLES 185 
 
 that a Gentile Christian could not consistently adopt cf. Magn. 
 
 X 
 
 Jewish ways). 
 
 Further on, in the course of the next two chapters, 
 he apparently implies that these teachers had caused 
 divisions, and it is to them that he probably refers 
 as men who say " If I find it not in the archives Phil 
 
 viii. 
 
 [apparently the Old Testament] I believe not in the 
 Gospel." " But to me," he replies " Jesus Christ is 
 archives ; His cross and Death and His resurrection 
 and the faith that is through Him are the inviolable 
 archives." " Good also," he adds (c. ix.) " are the [i.e. 
 Jewish] priests, but better is the High Priest, who 
 has been entrusted with the Holy of Holies, to whom 
 alone have been entrusted the secrets of God, being 
 Himself the Gate of the Father, through which enter in 
 Abraham and Isaac and Jacob and the prophets and 
 the Apostles and the Church. All these [sc. old 
 and new] are unto the unity of God. But the Gospel 
 has a certain special advantage, the Trapovcrla of our 
 Saviour Lord Jesus Christ, His passion, His resur- 
 rection. For, the beloved Prophets Karr/yyet,\av a? 
 avTov ; but the Gospel is a completion (a,7rdpTicr/*a : 
 cf. TreTT^po^opTja-Oe in Magn. xi.) of incorruption." 
 This climax shews the real primary force of the 
 Magnesian climax, as in the first instance a contrast 
 to the imperfection of the Old Dispensation. 
 
 These are apparently the only passages in the 
 Epistles which refer to Judaizing ; and the only 
 shadow of intermixture with the other form of error
 
 1 86 THE JUDAIZERS OF 
 
 is in the two climaxes, already commented on, and 
 the one allusion to the denial of Christ's death. 
 They are both tolerably compact blocks, as it were, in 
 the text. On the other hand the Docetic negations 
 and the truth which they denied, the truth of the 
 flesh and perfect humanity of Christ, haunt Ignatius 
 almost incessantly. This fact amply accounts for 
 that one reference to the denial of the Death, and 
 likewise for some other references to Docetism in the 
 first four chapters of the Epistle to the Philadelphians, 
 which by no means overlap or intertwine with the sub- 
 sequent language about Judaizing. 
 
 The The Law, Circumcision, and Sabbath, these are 
 
 Pharilau tne on ty distinct marks of what Ignatius meant by 
 'louSai'oyio? in this connexion ; that is, it appears to 
 have been of the old simple Pharisaic type against 
 which St Paul had to contend in Galatia, a region at 
 no great distance from Philadelphia or even from 
 Magnesia. If there be another element it is con- 
 tained in that short phrase fjivQevfiaa-iv rote TraXcuot? 
 Magn. viii. avco(f>e\ea-tv OV<TIV, which may either be, as the matter 
 of the Pastoral Epistles would suggest, Haggadic 
 legends of the patriarchs and the like ; or else, by a 
 verbal application of Tit. i. 14, 'lovSaitcots ynutfoi? ical 
 evTO\ais avdpurjrwv aTrocrrpe^ofjievcav rrjv a\r)0eiav, a 
 vague description of old-world Jewish precepts. 
 Docethm ^ ' ls likewise worth notice that the other false 
 
 notneces- doctrine which Ignatius so persistently assails is 
 Gnostic simply Docetism ; and that the common description
 
 THE IGNATIAN EPISTLES 187 
 
 of it as Gnosticism involves a large assumption. It 
 is true that Docetism was an important element in 
 various "Gnostic" systems, e.g. in that of Saturnilus 
 of Antioch, with whose teaching Ignatius might 
 easily have come in contact. But it is very doubtful 
 whether conversely all Docetism had Gnostic ac- 
 companiments. We have in fact in the Apocryphal 
 Acts of Apostles a large Docetic literature, to which 
 the name " Gnostic " is with similar but more de- 
 fensible looseness applied, and, in spite of the 
 expurgated condition in which most of it has come 
 down to us, we can see that the principal and perhaps 
 only constant doctrinal accompaniment is a pseudo- 
 asceticism especially condemnatory of marriage. 
 Here no doubt we are reminded of the predictive 
 passage of I Tim. : but then the Pastoral Epistles iv 13 
 apparently know nothing of Docetism ; just as with 
 the solitary exception of the fjivdev^ara, the Ignatian 
 Epistles know nothing of the supposed marks of 
 Gnosticizing influences in the Pastoral Epistles. Even 
 therefore if the two Ignatian forms of error met in 
 the same teachers, we should doubtless have before 
 us a very interesting, if startling, combination, but we 
 should have in it no evidence illustrative of the 
 Epistle to the Colossians or the Pastoral Epistles.
 
 LECTURE XL 
 
 CERINTHUS. ' BARNABAS' JUSTIN MARTYR. 
 
 Cerinthus. 
 
 IF we were to include under Judaistic Christianity 
 every ancient scheme of doctrine which comprised 
 both Christian and Jewish elements, we should have 
 to examine what can be known of Samaritan systems 
 associated with the names of Simon Magus, Dositheus, 
 Cleobius, and Menander. They are however of too 
 eclectic a nature to fall properly under our subject. 
 In another shape, as reflected in late fiction, Simon 
 will come before us presently in connexion with the 
 Clementine literature : but that is quite another 
 matter. On the other hand we can hardly pass over 
 Cerinthus, in spite of the difficulty of gaining a clear 
 conception of his position ; for he stands, to say the 
 least, in closer relations to forms of belief strictly 
 Judaistic. 
 His dau His age, to start with, is curiously involved in
 
 C ERIN THUS 189 
 
 contradictions. According to the well known saying 
 of Polycarp reported by Irenaeus, twice quoted by Iren. Hi. 3. 
 Eusebius, he must have lived in St John's time, -^ ,J 8 . ' 
 for St John was said to have fled out of the bath cf> 1V * I4- 
 where he was. This early date would be supported or 
 made earlier by the story which Epiphanius repeats, H(Er .:. 
 
 xxviii -i 
 
 apparently from Hippolytus, that Cerinthus was the 
 ringleader of St Paul's Judaizing antagonists at Jeru- Ac xxi 28 
 salem, if there were the slightest probability of its truth. 
 On the other hand he stands by no means at the be- 
 ginning in those lists of heretics which contain his 
 name ; and he is not mentioned at all by the earlier 
 writers on heresies, Justin or Hegesippus (as far as 
 we know), though the force of their silence is some- 
 what weakened by the equal silence of Clement and 
 Tertullian later on. On the whole there is no suffi- 
 cient reason to doubt the statement of Polycarp. 
 
 The earlier accounts, in accordance with this story, 
 make Asia (i.e. the Roman province) the region of 
 Cerinthus's activity : Hippolytus in his later work Hipp. 
 ' Against All Heretics ' is silent about Asia, but makes -, ' 
 him to have been trained in Egyptian lore, without cf< x - 2I - 
 however speaking of him as of Egyptian origin. 
 
 With the exception of a single point, all that we 
 know of his doctrines seems to come from two sources, 
 Iremeus 1 and the Syntagma of Hippolytus 2 , and the 
 two accounts do not altogether tally, even when we 
 
 1 Cf. Irenseus i. 26, i; iii- n, i. 
 
 2 Cf. Lipsius, Quellenkritik des Epiphanios pp. 115 122.
 
 190 CERINTHUS 
 
 iii. ii. have set aside one passage of Irenaeus (p. 188), in 
 which Valentinian and Cerinthian doctrines are mixed 
 up together. 
 
 His Our Lord, he taught, was the son of Mary 
 
 and Joseph, born like other men. He incul- 
 cated circumcision and the sabbath. He rejected 
 St Paul, the Acts, and all the Gospels except 
 St Matthew's, which however he did not retain 
 in its integrity. Thus far we have a type of 
 Judaizing Christianity which was common enough. 
 But with it he united Gnostic thoughts. According 
 to Irenaeus he said that Christ descended from above 
 at the baptism on the Man Jesus (not however the 
 aeon Christ, a designation which as regards Cerinthus 
 is, I believe, a modern fiction), and revealed to Him 
 the unknown Father and enabled Him to work 
 miracles ; and parted from him and flew up again 
 before the Passion: according to the other account 1 a 
 power from above (or the Holy Ghost) came similarly 
 down on Christ. 
 
 He said that the Resurrection of Christ was still 
 future. He taught that the world was made by 
 angels, one of whom, the God of the Jews, gave the 
 Jews their Law, which was not wholly good. 
 
 Eus.#: E. Last comes his strong and material form of Chi- 
 
 m * 2 ' liasm, noticed by the Roman presbyter Gaius at the 
 
 end of the third century, and by Dionysius of Alexan- 
 Eus H* 
 vii. 25. dria half a century later. Chiliasm was however too 
 
 1 Hipp. Omn. Har. Ref, vii. 33; Epiph. f/<zr. xxviii. i.
 
 THE EPISTLE OF BARNABAS 191 
 
 widely accepted in the Second and Third Centuries 
 among Christians quite free from Judaizing, for it 
 to be safe to treat this as certainly coming from 
 the Jewish side of Cerinthus's creed, even if it were 
 certain that his doctrine was exceptionally material 
 in character. 
 
 Here then we have at last a real instance of a 
 Judaizing Christian, if indeed he can rightly be called 
 a Christian, who was at the same time in the con- 
 ventional sense a Gnostic. One can only regret that 
 we know so little of so peculiarly interesting a 
 phenomenon. The combination of zeal for the legal 
 observances with bold criticism on the Law as a 
 whole and on its origin reminds us of the Clementines, 
 though it must remain doubtful whether there is any 
 historical connexion. 
 
 The Epistle of Barnabas. 
 
 A word must suffice on two or three books which 
 in one way or another bear on our subject. The 
 Epistle of Barnabas, probably written in Hadrian's 
 reign, is a striking example of what the apostolic 
 teaching about the old covenant is not. Ignoring the 
 progressive method of God's dealings with mankind, 
 it treats the Jewish practices and beliefs of old time 
 as having always been mere errors, and thus makes 
 the Old Testament into a mere fantastic forestalment 
 of the New Testament. At times we might almost 
 fancy that we hear the teaching of the Sermon on the
 
 192 JUSTIN MARTYR 
 
 Mount or the Epistle of St James, for undeniably the 
 true conception of a law within the Law is there. 
 But all is spoiled by want of sympathy with the true 
 Jewish history and life. If such teaching was 
 common, it could hardly fail to provoke a reaction in 
 favour of Judaistic teaching. 
 
 Jttstin Martyr. 
 
 MorcHel- Hermas and Justin Martyr, with whom we may 
 Ju- associate the nameless author of the Didache, occupy 
 prominent places as examples of Judaizing Christians 
 in that imaginary reconstruction of the history of the 
 Second Century which is required as a basis for those 
 critics who are determined to assign some of the 
 more important books of the New Testament to a 
 late date. In reality nothing could be further from 
 the truth respecting them. The supposition is pos- 
 sible only on the assumption that what was not 
 purely Pauline in the Second Century was either 
 purely Judaistic or else due to an attempt to 
 amalgamate the two tendencies. In reality the great 
 mass of Gentile Christianity, the ancestor of all 
 subsequent Christianities, was none of these things. 
 It accepted and honoured St Paul and his writings, 
 but it understood him very imperfectly, while it was 
 influenced but unconsciously by surrounding ideas 
 and instincts, especially those which soaked in from 
 c Greek world. Not to speak of other such 
 influences, it is worth while to mention the tendency
 
 JUSTIN MARTYR 193 
 
 to convert religion into ethics clothed with super- 
 natural sanctions; this being a tendency evidently 
 analogous to Jewish legalism. In a word there was 
 infinitely more Hellenizing than Judaizing. Various 
 writers have seen this of late, but Harnack with 
 especial clearness. Another fact which may mislead 
 is the presence in all three writers of language or 
 ideas which do seem ultimately to be of Jewish 
 origin, but which have no dominating force as regards 
 their views of the relation between the Law and the 
 Gospel, and therefore are in no practical sense 
 Judaistic. The probable source of such accessory 
 tinges of a Jewish or semi-Jewish character is 
 probably to be found in the Jewish Dispersion, which 
 could not fail to furnish many members to the 
 growing Church. Justin Martyr too, as being by 
 birth a Samaritan, must doubtless have come much 
 in contact with the Jewish thought of Palestine, as 
 indeed his Dialogue shews. 
 
 H. J. C. 13
 
 LECTURE XII. 
 
 PALESTINIAN EBIONITES. 
 
 JUSTIN MARTYR'S account 1 of Jewish Christians 
 brings us to a fresh stage in our investigation. 
 The rela- Trypho, the Jewish interlocutor, asks him whether 
 
 tions be- * * J 
 
 tween Jew- a man accepting Jesus as Christ, but desiring to keep 
 ^Gentile tne legal ordinances (defined in ch. xlvi. as sabbath- 
 Chnstians keeping, circumcision, observance of ra ewrjva, pro- 
 bably New Moons, and certain ceremonial washings), 
 shall be saved. 
 
 In my opinion, says Justin, he will, unless he labours 
 to persuade Gentile converts to keep the same ordi- 
 nances, declaring that they will not otherwise be 
 saved. 
 
 Trypho asking why he says " In my opinion," he 
 replies "There are some who do not venture even 
 to share speech or hospitality with such men : with 
 whom I do not agree." He repeats that Christian 
 keepers of the Law who do not try to force their own 
 
 1 Dialogue with Trypho, cc. 47 48.
 
 PALESTINIAN EBIONITES 195 
 
 ways on Gentile Christians ought, he thinks, to be 
 admitted to fellowship to? 6fjLoa-7r\dyxyoi<; KOA, dSeX- 
 </>ot<? : but Christian Jews who do exercise such 
 constraint, and refuse fellowship on other terms, 
 "these also in like manner OVK aTroBe^ofjuat " ; while 
 those who, remaining Christians, are persuaded by 
 them to adopt the Law, " I suppose shall perhaps 
 also be saved;" but those Christians who for any 
 reason adopt it but deny Jesus to be the Christ, if 
 they do not repent before death, " ouS' oXco? a-wOrja-e- 
 <r6at, a7ro(f>aivo/j,at." The same is also his judgment 
 on Jews who before death do not believe on this 
 Messiah, especially if in their synagogues they curse 
 those who have so believed. 
 
 Here the subject changes, but an important Traces of a 
 
 lower 
 
 passage soon follows. Trypho calls it a paradoxi- christology 
 cal statement of Justin's, and incapable of proof, that 
 this Christ pre-existed being God, before the ages, 
 and then was born and became man, without being 
 born avdpwiros ef av6pco7T(ov. 
 
 Justin recognises the difficulty for Jews ; but 
 argues that even if it were so as Trypho said, it 
 might still be true that Jesus was the Christ. 
 
 "For there are some," he proceeds, "of our (leg. 
 your) race who confess Him to be Christ, yet pro- 
 nounce Him to be born avdpwirov e avdpwirwv ; with 
 whom I do not agree : nor would most if they think 
 the same as I do say so, since we have been bidden 
 by the Christ Himself to yield our assent to no merely 
 
 132
 
 196 PALESTINIAN EBIONITES 
 
 human teachings, but to truths proclaimed by the 
 blessed prophets and taught by Himself." 
 
 The use of o/zoXoyoOi/re?, as many have seen, 
 makes vperepov morally certain (it goes best with 
 yevovs) : so that there is here a clear reference to 
 Christians of Jewish birth who acknowledged our 
 Lord's Messiahship but denied His Divine Nature, 
 It would however be rash to assign them positively, 
 except on external grounds, to any one of the previous 
 classes rather than to another. 
 
 No certain There is nothing to shew that those classes were of 
 separate the nature of sects or in any way separate bodies as 
 " cts multitudes of critics have assumed. This may or 
 may not have been the case. Justin does no more 
 than speak of some Christian keepers of the Law as 
 exclusive, others as not exclusive. The latter would 
 consist of men who simply perpetuated the position 
 of St James : it was probably among such that 
 Hegesippus was brought up. It may be that the 
 intolerant Jewish keepers of the Law formed a 
 distinct community: it may be also that they are 
 identical with those who did not recognise our Lord's 
 Deity : but we have no evidence in Justin that it was 
 so. Unhappily also Justin tells us nothing more 
 about either class : it was not pertinent to his subject 
 to do so. This sentence about the Christology is due 
 as Engelhardt 1 has pointed out to the method of 
 argument which Justin is pursuing, intending in due 
 
 1 Moritz von Engelhardt Das Christenthum Juslins, p. 275 t.
 
 PALESTINIAN EBIONITES 197 
 
 course to make the argument about Messiahship a 
 stepping stone to a future argument on the higher 
 truth. 
 
 The Ebionites. 
 
 With Irenaeus 1 we come to a new name, 'E/3- Charac- 
 vaioi. They confess, he says, that the world was 
 made by the true God, but in what relates to our 
 Lord they think with Cerinthus and Carpocrates 
 [i.e. doubtless that He was a mere man, without 
 reference to the Gnostic additions]. They use only 
 the Gospel according to Matthew, and reject the 
 Apostle Paul, calling him an apostate from the Law. 
 They endeavour to give curious expositions and 
 prophecies, and they are circumcised and persevere in 
 the customs which are according to the Law and in 
 the Jewish stamp of life, so that they even adore 
 Jerusalem as being the House of God. Of their 
 origin Irenaeus says nothing. 
 
 Thence forward the name Ebionaean is of pretty 
 frequent occurrence. 
 
 Irenaeus's scholar Hippolytus has much the same .fifer.vii.35 
 account, but invents a founder named Ebion. 
 
 Passing over slight notices in Tertullian and the Origen 
 mere title of a lost book of Clement of Alexandria 
 
 icavaiv KK\ij<7ia(rTiKO<} rj 777)09 TOU? 'lovSai^ovras, we . 
 
 Eus. H. . 
 come to Origen 2 who interprets an obscure phrase of 
 
 1 Adv. Hcer. i. 26, 2. 2 Contra Cclsum v. 61.
 
 198 PALESTINIAN EBIONITES 
 
 Celsus about Christian sects as probably meaning 
 " the two kinds of Ebionaeans, either like us confessing 
 Jesus to have been born of a Virgin, or [maintaining] 
 that He was not so born, but as other men": in ch. Ixv. 
 he says that both kinds rejected St Paul's Epistles. 
 The distinction is made clearer in a comment on 
 Matthew 1 where of Jews believing on Jesus the same 
 two kinds are mentioned, with the addition ov firjv 
 aXXa Kal fiera Trjs Trepl avrov 0eo\oyia<> in the case 
 of those who accepted the miraculous conception. 
 H. E. iii. The distinction is carried further still by Eusebius, 
 
 27. 
 
 probably following some lost passage of Origen. He 
 says explicitly that these less heterodox Ebionites 
 did not accept the Lord's pre-existence, as 0eo<? \6yos 
 and ao$ia. He repeats that they likewise rejected 
 St Paul and his Epistles, and adds that they used 
 only the Gospel according to the Hebrews (probably 
 a correct statement of what Irenaeus loosely calls 
 St Matthew), and that, while like the others they 
 kept the sabbath and other Jewish usages (dywyijv), 
 they likewise observed the memory of the Resur- 
 rection on the Lord's Day like other Christians. 
 
 The two In the latter part of the Fourth Century two writers 
 
 tell us much, Epiphanius and Jerome, not a little 
 from personal acquaintance. 
 
 Epiphanius, always a confused writer, here sur- 
 passes himself; and his materials have to be picked 
 1 In Mat. Tom. xvi. 12. Vol. IV. p. 37 f. Lorn.
 
 PALESTINIAN EBIONITES 199 
 
 out with the greatest caution. Perhaps he has con- 
 tributed most to modern confusions by making two 
 separate sects, Ebionaeans and Nazaraeans. 
 
 Both names occur likewise in Jerome's works, and 
 in one famous passage 1 he has been wrongly supposed 
 to distinguish them. 
 
 The truth seems to be that Nazaraeans was a 
 name used by the Jewish Christians of Syria as a 
 description of themselves in the Fourth Century and 
 probably long before, either taken or inherited from Ac xxiv 5 
 the designation of the Apostolic age ; while Ebionaeans, 
 originally an equally genuine popular name (of course 
 representing the Hebrew Ebionim, the Poor Men) had 
 become the traditional name for them in Church litera- 
 ture, being either misunderstood to be a proper name, 
 or else (as by Origen) misinterpreted. 
 
 That there were at least two grades, so to speak, 
 of Christological doctrine among them is clear from 
 Origen and Eusebius, and perhaps Justin. 
 
 But there is no evidence of two distinct com- 
 munities, much less of the designation of the one as 
 Ebionaeans, the other as Nazaraeans. 
 
 On the other hand it is also clear that one 
 set of them whether divided ecclesiastically from 
 the rest or not, did work out a peculiar system of 
 doctrine and usage. These are the Helxaites, the 
 men of the Clementines, now for the last few years 
 with good reason called Essene Ebionites. 
 1 Ep. 112, 13.
 
 200 PALESTINIAN EBIONITES 
 
 Probable But to return to the early part of the Second 
 
 Century. The origin of the main body, whether we 
 
 call them Ebionaeans or Nazaraeans, is totally without 
 
 a record. What seems to me most probable is that 
 
 they came into existence through the scattering of 
 
 the old Jerusalem Church by Hadrian's edict, say a 
 
 third through that century. Besides men of the same 
 
 mind and position as Hegesippus, men of whom we 
 
 seem to catch a glimpse also in Justin, it was likely 
 
 enough that others would be driven into antagonism 
 
 to the Gentile Church of Asia, and become Judaistic 
 
 in principle as well as practice. The men like 
 
 Hegesippus, the maintainers of St James's tradition, 
 
 when once they had become detached from the Holy 
 
 City, itself no longer visibly holy, might easily in a 
 
 generation or two become merged in the great 
 
 Church without. But this would only the more drive 
 
 the Judaizers into isolation. It may have been then 
 
 that they called themselves the Poor Men, probably 
 
 as claiming to be the true representatives of those 
 
 who had been blessed in the Sermon on the Mount, 
 
 but possibly adding to the name other associations. 
 
 This isolation would diminish the doctrinal influence 
 
 of other Churches; and the Judaistic position was 
 
 likely in itself to lead to lower views of our Lord's 
 
 person, though not necessarily in all cases to the 
 
 same extent. In this manner the origin and, as far 
 
 as we know it, the history of Ebionism is, I think, 
 
 best explained.
 
 PALESTINIAN EBIONITES 201 
 
 Essene Ebionism. 
 
 The much debated question of the date and origin The 'Cfc 
 of the Essene form of Ebionism, that of the Q 
 
 mentines, cannot be properly examined except in 
 connexion with a minute study partly of the extant 200 A.D. 
 literature, and still more of the quotations and 
 references in the Fathers. There is, as far as I can 
 see, nothing whatever to connect it with the apostolic 
 age or even the greater part of the second century. 
 The existing works, the Clementine Homilies (ex- 
 tant in Greek), and the Recognitions (Latin and 
 partly Syriac only), are apparently independent 
 abridgements, for very different purposes, of a vo- 
 luminous book TLepto&ot, Herpov, which was current 
 early in the third century. But of earlier (it is said, 
 much earlier) Krjpvy^ara Herpov there is no trace at 
 all ; nor does the borrowing of matter from the Steps 
 of James by the Clementine writer afford any 
 evidence that these Steps were themselves what we 
 may call Clementine (Ebionite they certainly were); 
 so that the date implied in their presumed use by 
 Hegesippus proves little. It is now generally agreed 
 that the book of Helxai, which was brought to the 
 West early in the third century, proceeded from the 
 same body of men. There is a statement that this 
 book professed to be written in the third year of 
 Trajan : but this seems to be due to a misunder-
 
 202 PALESTINIAN EBIONITES 
 
 standing of an extant passage 1 , which however obscure 
 and corrupt has nothing to do with the date of the 
 book. There is in fact not a vestige of evidence for 
 either this or the Clementine romance before the 
 third century, and it is probably little if at all older. 
 This literature seems to have proceeded from some 
 great revival among the Ebionites of Eastern Pales- 
 tine, and its marvellous energy sufficiently attests the 
 force of the movement which gave it birth. The 
 influence of Judaistic Christianity of the ordinary type 
 or types after the apostolic age, as far as our evidence 
 goes, must have been small on the contemporary 
 Church, and almost nothing on posterity. But the 
 strange Clementine literature, whatever may have 
 been its influence, at least found countless readers in 
 East and West. Doubtless it lost some of its most 
 striking features in the various manipulations and 
 adaptations which it underwent : but in one form 
 or another it must from century to century have 
 obtained such a hearing as was given to very few 
 other remains of Antenicene literature. 
 
 1 Hipp. Omn. Har. Ref. ix. 13.
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 To page 14. 
 
 EWALD. Die drei ersten Evangelien (2nd Ed.), 
 Vol. i. pp. 263 f. 
 
 After commenting on S. Matt. v. i 16, and 
 noticing how suitably the striking figures of salt 
 and light are there introduced he proceeds: 
 
 "This introductory passage fully describes the 
 lofty and unique destiny to which the Twelve are 
 called, and to which they must before all things re- 
 main true. It contains also an implicit reference to a 
 Truth, which through the human instruments which 
 propagate it, is to become the salt and light of the 
 earth. It is time therefore to expound this funda- 
 mental principle of the New Covenant. 
 
 " This fundamental principle, seeing that the atti- 
 tude in which the New Covenant is to stand to the 
 Old is the all-important question, must be determined 
 essentially by the relation of the New to the Old. 
 
 "It might easily be supposed that Christ came to
 
 204 APPENDIX 
 
 destroy, i.e. to represent as invalid or of no obligation 
 one of the two parts of the Old Covenant, either the 
 Law or the Prophets, to cancel either the duties 
 prescribed by the Law, or the promises and warnings 
 uttered by the Prophets. 
 
 " But the reverse of this is true. He came to fulfil 
 the whole of the Old Covenant (v. 17), to bring about 
 the fulfilment required by its innermost meaning and 
 purpose, with a view to which the germ had been 
 originally implanted in it. So that the New is simply 
 the fulfilment of the Old, and it is in this fulfilment, 
 without any suppression or denial of the Old in the 
 New as though it were something in itself perverted 
 and intolerable, that the New finds its true commence- 
 ment. Not even the seemingly least significant truth 
 in the O. C. must be sacrificed : nay rather, the pre- 
 cepts of the O. C. are to be far more truly understood 
 and more strictly applied, so that there is nothing 
 more reprehensible than to weaken their obligation 
 by any kind of ingenuity and false interpretation 
 (v. 19) (v. 43 supplies an illustration of this). 
 
 "And so it shall be till 'all things are accom- 
 plished,' that is till the end of this world, before 
 which event very much that has been prophesied in 
 the O. T. has yet to come to pass (v. 18, to which 
 xxiv. 35 is but partly parallel, while Luke xxi. 32 is 
 merely an epitome of Matt. xxiv. 35). 
 
 " It is of course obvious that the imagery in v. 18 
 (repeated Luke xvi. 17) must be interpreted on the
 
 APPENDIX 205 
 
 analogy of other great images in the utterances of 
 Jesus. 
 
 " Now such a fundamental conception makes two 
 assumptions. First, that Jesus found ready to hand 
 in the O. C. the main outlines of all true religion ; he 
 would not therefore himself maintain anything which 
 would contradict them, as indeed we find him 
 constantly stating elsewhere. 
 
 " Secondly, that in direct opposition to the tra- 
 ditional method of understanding and applying the 
 O. T. he had formed an entirely different conception 
 of that same perfect religion which, though actually 
 taught by the O. T. had not till then been truly 
 fulfilled and brought into life. As had been already 
 stated (v. 20) an infinitely higher righteousness than 
 that which had been hitherto held to be sufficient 
 must be made to prevail in life. 
 
 " In practice however it was evident that if the 
 O. T. either in itself or as it was then legally ex- 
 pounded, contained anything scarcely suited to the 
 spirit of the absolutely true religion, it must be 
 regarded as something that could only receive Divine 
 sanction for its own time and for temporary purposes. 
 This protects Christ from having recourse to the 
 allegorical method which was even then so great a 
 power, and which alas was in later times revived in 
 Christendom after Christ's death."
 
 2 o6 APPENDIX 
 
 To page 23. 
 
 MEUSCHEN. Nov. Test.exTalmude...mus- 
 tratum, p. 80. 
 
 Matth. ix. vers. 15. Numquid filii thalami lugere 
 possunt quamdiu Sponsus cum illisf 
 
 Propter summum eorum gaudium Talmudici eos 
 liberos esse statuunt ab eis rebus, quae ullo modo 
 gaudium illud impedire possent. Unde in Suca 
 fol. 25, 2. Tradiderunt Rabbini : Sponsus, et pro- 
 nubi, et omnes filii thalami (h. e. hospites nuptiales), 
 liberi sunt ab oratione (Glossa: quia ea requirit 
 attentionem), et a locis Oratoriis sibi applicandis 
 (Glossa: quia vulgo apud eos reperitur ebrietas et 
 protervia). 
 
 To page 71. 
 
 S. AUG. c. Faust, xxxii. 13. 
 
 Et in Actibus Apostolorum hoc lege praeceptum 
 ab Apostolis, ut abstinerent gentes tantum a fornica- 
 tione et ab immolatis et a sanguine (Act. xv. 29), id 
 est, ne quidquam ederent carnis, cujus sanguis non 
 esset effusus. Quod alii non sic intelligunt, sed a 
 sanguine praeceptum esse abstinendum, ne quis 
 homicidio se contaminet. Hoc nunc discutere Ion- 
 gum est, et non necessarium : quia et si hoc tune
 
 APPENDIX 207 
 
 Apostoli praeceperunt, ut ab animalium sanguine 
 abstinerent Christiani, ne praefocatis carnibus ves- 
 cerentur, elegisse mihi videntur pro tempore rem 
 facilem, et nequaquam observantibus onerosam, in 
 qua cum Israelites etiam Gentes, propter angularem 
 ilium lapidem duos in se condentem (Ephes. ii. 1 1 22), 
 aliquid communiter observarent; simul et admone- 
 rentur, in ipsa area Noe, quando Deus hoc jussit, 
 Ecclesiam omnium gentium fuisse figuratam, cujus 
 facti prophetia jam Gentibus ad fidem accedentibus 
 incipiebat impleri. Transacto vero illo tempore, quo 
 illi duo parietes, unus ex circumcisione, alter ex prae- 
 putio venientes, quamvis in angulari lapide concorda- 
 rent, tamen suis quibusdam proprietatibus distinctius 
 eminebant, ac ubi Ecclesia Gentium talis effecta est, 
 ut in ea nullus Israelita carnalis appareat ; quis jam 
 hoc Christianus observat, ut turdos vel minutiores 
 aviculas non attingat, nisi quarum sanguis effusus est, 
 aut leporem non edat, si manu a cervice percussus, 
 nullo cruento vulnere occisus est? Et qui forte 
 pauci adhuc tangere ista formidant, a caeteris irri- 
 dentur: ita omnium animos in hac re tenuit ilia 
 sententia veritatis, Non quod intrat in os vestrum, vos 
 coinquinat, sed quod exit (Matt. xv. n); nullam cibi 
 naturam, quam societas admittit humana, sed quae 
 iniquitas committit peccata, condemnans.
 
 208 APPENDIX 
 
 To page 72. 
 
 EWALD. Antiquities of Israel, pp. 37 f. 
 (Alterth. III. 51 f.) 
 
 "This symbol [for bringing clearly before the 
 senses the awfulness of the whole proceeding in the 
 case of an animal sacrifice] was furnished by the 
 blood, which to a great portion of remote Antiquity 
 appeared to have about it something so utterly 
 mysterious, so divinely sacred, that a belief became 
 deeply rooted that true sacrifice could be carried out 
 perfectly only by means of its intervention. A strong 
 feeling of this had already completely transformed 
 the whole department of sacrifice among the people 
 of Israel, in times which we must consider as relatively 
 very early ; and the Book of Origins still depicts for 
 us vividly enough the feeling in this matter which for 
 many centuries penetrated the ancient nation. 
 
 " Indeed the warm blood of men, and of quadru- 
 peds and birds, seemed to contain the very soul or 
 life of the living earthly creature to be almost 
 identical with its soul. The Book of Origins hardly 
 knows how to put this sufficiently strongly in the 
 passages devoted to it [Levit. xvii. n, Gen. ix. 5]. 
 Now when the life and the soul were held to be 
 something sacred, and the more tender feelings of 
 certain nations took this view very early, it would 
 follow that the blood too must be considered a sacred
 
 APPENDIX 209 
 
 thing, and be regarded quite differently from the rest 
 of the body. The sight of that which was held to be 
 the soul itself, carried the mind immediately to 
 thoughts of God, placed directly before it something 
 full of mystery, and filled it with that immeasurably 
 profound awe which overpowers man whenever he 
 sees any rent in the veil between him and the Divine. 
 In accordance with such feelings, blood could be 
 scarcely touched, still less eaten by pious men ; and 
 ancient Jahveism impressed its immunity in every 
 way as deeply as possible. Even the inviolability of 
 human life received support from the sanctity of the 
 blood. To taste the minutest portion of animal 
 blood was something horrible ; even the blood of 
 such animals as were allowed for eating, but not for 
 sacrifice, was to be poured 'like water' upon the 
 ground, and covered over with earth." 
 
 To page 73. 
 
 GRIG. c. Cels. viii. 30. 
 
 To fjiev <yap elSa>\68vTov dverai SaifAovlow KOI ov 
 %pr) TOV TOV 6eoi> avdptairov KOIVWVOV Tpcnre^r/*; Sai/j,ovia>v 
 - rd Be irvncra TOV ai/iaro? fir} Ktcpi6evTO<; f 
 <f)ao~iv elvat rpo<j>r)v Saifiovatv, rpe(f)o/ji,6i>a)v rat? 
 air" avrov dvadvpidcreatv, aTrayopevet 6 X6<yo$, Iva fir) 
 Tpa<f>a)fjiv Tpo<j)fj SaijMovcov ' rd^a TIVWV TOIOVTWV Trvev- 
 <TWTpa^>T]a'o^ev(av rjp.lv, edv ^Taka^avw^v 
 H. J. C. I 4
 
 2io APPENDIX 
 
 aJv TrviKTtav. 'E/c 8e T&V elprjfjievwv trepl rwv TTVIK- 
 r&v <ra</>e9 elvai Svvarai TO irepl T^? ciTro^s rov 
 aJ/iaro?. 
 
 To page 140. 
 WEBER. Syst. d. alt. Syn. Pal. Theol. 101 f. 
 
 The doctrine contained in the Thora cannot be 
 elicited (lierausgestellt) until in the conflict with con- 
 tradictions it unfolds itself and declares that the Wise 
 [i.e. the Scribes] lay down mutually contradictory 
 decisions. The Jewish theology solves this difficulty 
 in the way of the Divine authoritative character of the 
 oral tradition by referring the contradictions to the 
 multiplicity of sense in the written Thora. 
 
 We read Erubin 13" 'Three years did the school 
 of Shammai and Hillel strive together, and when 
 both sides declared that their interpretation must 
 rank as Halacha, there came a Revelation from 
 heaven and said : Both are God's word ; but the 
 doctrine of the school of Hillel ranks as Halacha.' 
 
 The school of Hillel were according to Jebamoth 
 14" the more numerous and the more popular school, 
 and therefore their doctrinal system prevailed. An 
 old oft- repeated aphorism occurs Tosefta Sota c. 7: 
 "All words are given from one shepherd, One God 
 has supplied them all, One Shepherd has given them, 
 the Lord of all that is made, blessed be He, has 
 spoken them. Do thou also make thine heart many
 
 APPENDIX 211 
 
 chambers and store therein the words of Hillel and of 
 Shammai, the words of those who declare clean and 
 of those who declare unclean." 
 
 The Midrash often says the same, e.g. Bammidbar 
 rabba c, 14, cf. Chagiga 3* : " They all (these contra- 
 dictory doctrines of the Wise) have been given by 
 One God, and one Pastor (Moses) uttered them from 
 the mouth of the Lord." 
 
 Tanchuma, Behaalothecha 15 explains the facts 
 more precisely: 'All. the utterances of the Wise are 
 derived from the one Moses and the One God ; the 
 one hath this decree, the other that ; i.e., one Wise 
 man can appeal for his interpretation to this passage 
 of Scripture, the other to that. These differences 
 of doctrine do not on that account produce any 
 disunion. The schools of Hillel and of Shammai, 
 though they took very different views on questions 
 connected with marriage, did not refuse to intermarry, 
 and though they took very different lines on questions 
 of clean and unclean they suffered no inconvenience 
 on that account in the intercourse of life.' Jebamoth I4 6 . 
 
 The Bath Kol is introduced with a view to the 
 final solution of particular disputes but as an ex- 
 ception to the rule, and only in specially important 
 questions. In other cases the decision whether an 
 opinion was or was not in accordance with prevailing 
 views was ruled by the principle 'there is no Halacha 
 but according to the decision of the majority.' 
 
 In the days of Messiah Elijah will come to finally 
 
 14 2
 
 212 APPENDIX 
 
 adjust the controversies that remain undetermined. 
 And so a discussion which leads to no decision is 
 closed by the word Ip^H which means that further 
 discussion must be postponed. The derivation of 
 this word is doubtful... but the formula is of import- 
 ance as showing that in the developed teaching of the 
 oral Thora there remained details, which were to be 
 left undecided for the present. The oral Thora 
 remains open, while the written Thora is complete. 
 
 The passage from ' the Chagiga' referred to above 
 runs as follows in Mr Streane's translation p. 9. It 
 occurs in a discussion of Eccles. xii. 11. 
 
 " Masters of Assemblies." These are the disciples 
 of wise men, who sit by companies and study in the 
 Law, some declaring unclean and others declaring 
 clean, some binding and others loosing, some dis- 
 qualifying and others pronouncing ceremonially pure. 
 
 " Perhaps a man may say, How under these cir- 
 cumstances [seeing that experts thus differ] am I to 
 learn the Law ? 
 
 " The teaching says, All of them ' are given from 
 one shepherd.' One God gave them, one pastor 
 uttered them from the mouth of the Lord of all that 
 is made, blessed be He, for it is written, 'and God 
 spake all these words.' Also do thou make thine ear 
 as the upper millstone, and procure for thyself an 
 understanding heart to hear the words of those who 
 declare unclean and the words of those who declare
 
 APPENDIX 213 
 
 clean, the words of those who bind and the words of 
 those who loose, the words of those who disqualify 
 and the words of those who pronounce ceremonially 
 pure." 
 
 To page 162. 
 HERMAE Pastor. Sim. ix. 17. 
 
 ' Now then, Sir, explain to me concerning the 
 mountains. Wherefore are their forms diverse the 
 one from the other, and various ? ' ' Listen,' saith he. 
 'These twelve mountains are [twelve] tribes that 
 inhabit the whole world. To these (tribes) then the 
 Son of God was preached by the Apostles.' ' But 
 explain to me, Sir, why these are various these 
 mountains and each has a different appearance.' 
 ' Listen,' saith he. ' These twelve tribes which inhabit 
 the whole world are twelve nations ; and they are 
 various in understanding and in mind. As various, 
 then, as thou sawest these mountains to be, such also 
 are the varieties in the mind of these nations, and 
 such their understanding. And I will show unto thee 
 the conduct of each.' 'First, Sir,' say I, 'show me 
 this, why the mountains being so various, yet, when 
 their stones were set into the building, became bright 
 and of one colour, just like the stones that had come 
 up from the deep.' 'Because,' saith he, 'all the 
 nations that dwell under heaven, when they heard 
 and believed, were called by the one name of [the
 
 214 APPENDIX 
 
 Son of] God. So having received the seal, they had 
 one understanding and one mind, and one faith 
 became theirs and [one] love, and they bore the 
 spirits of the virgins along with the Name ; therefore 
 the building of the tower became of one colour, even 
 bright as the sun. But after they entered in together, 
 and became one body, some of them defiled them- 
 selves, and were cast out from the society of the 
 righteous, and became again such as they were before, 
 or rather even worse.' 
 
 (From LlGHTFOOT and HARMER. Apostolic Fathers?)
 
 INDEX OF PASSAGES QUOTED. 
 
 OLD TESTAMENT. 
 
 Genesis i. i 
 ii. 24 
 Exodus xix. 6 
 Leviticus xvii. 13 
 Numbers vi. 9, 
 Deuteronomy xvi 
 xxxii 5 
 
 PAGE 
 ...177 
 
 Isaiah xxix. 13 .... 
 
 PAGE 
 
 118 
 
 ...aa 
 
 Ixiii. 10 
 
 ...S3 
 
 1 60 
 
 Hosea iv. 6 
 
 ...14.2 
 
 ...73 
 
 vi. 6 
 
 ...^2 
 
 18 91 
 
 xii. 6 
 
 ...^I 
 
 i. 10 f 29 
 
 Micah vi. 8 
 
 ...^I 
 
 .J.2 
 
 Zechariah xiv. 2 
 
 ...178 
 
 Psalms ii. i. 
 
 ...KK 
 
 Malachi ii. 7 
 
 ...142 
 
 Isaiah xiv. i . 
 
 4.2 
 
 4 Maccabees i. i6f .... 
 
 ...14.2 
 
 Matthew 
 
 V. I 7 2O . 
 
 NEW TES 
 
 ...14 
 
 TAMENT. 
 
 Matthew 
 ix. 13 ... 
 
 
 17 . 
 
 
 I 4 f... 
 
 2^ 
 
 18 
 
 16 
 
 i6f 
 
 2* 
 
 IO ., 
 
 16 
 
 x. sf .. 
 
 
 20 
 
 ...17 
 
 5 
 
 *A 
 
 2Iff .... 
 
 18 
 
 18 
 
 EE 
 
 21. 27 .. 
 
 ...3.1 
 
 34. . 
 
 
 *lf... 
 
 ,...33 
 
 xi. 2 19 
 
 
 42 
 
 2O 
 
 I2f 
 
 26 
 
 4^48 . 
 
 18 
 
 14 . 
 
 IT 
 
 vii. i 12 .... 
 
 ...10 
 
 16 19 . . 
 
 
 JC ... 
 
 IOA. 
 
 xii. i 13 
 
 
 viii. 4 
 
 ...30 
 
 7 ... 
 
 
 nf... 
 
 35 
 
 xiii. 52 . 
 
 ...43
 
 2l6 
 
 INDEX 
 
 Matthew 
 
 PAGE 
 ,...20 
 
 Mark 
 xiii. 10 
 
 PAGE 
 . 3.6 
 
 
 n8 
 
 xiv. 58 
 
 ...3.6 
 
 Mf 
 
 ,...20 
 
 XV 2O 
 
 3.6 
 
 
 27 
 
 [xvi. is! 
 
 ... 3.0 
 
 17 
 
 ...4.2 
 
 Luke 
 
 13 
 
 24. 27 ., 
 
 ...3.O 
 
 27 
 
 Ill 
 
 V. 14. . 
 
 ...JQ 
 
 xix. 3 12 
 
 ...3J 
 
 3.3 35 
 
 23 
 
 i8f 
 
 ...3T 
 
 3.6 3.8 
 
 23 
 
 xxi. 23 27 
 
 ,...27 
 
 2Q ., 
 
 24 
 
 28 32 
 
 27 
 
 vi. i 1 1 
 
 ...3.2 
 
 4.3 
 
 3.6 
 
 3.1 . 
 
 2O 
 
 xxii. Q 
 
 3.6 
 
 vii. 18 35 
 
 ,...2S 
 
 o 
 
 21 
 
 3.1 3 = . 
 
 ...27 
 
 xxiii. 2 
 
 2O 
 
 ix. 4.1 
 
 ...4.2 
 
 23 . 
 
 ...31 
 
 xi. 4.2 . 
 
 ...^1 
 
 22 . 
 
 oo 
 
 *2 ... 
 
 ...I4.I 
 
 2.4. . 
 
 ...<;2 
 
 xii. ii 
 
 ...ss 
 
 XXtV. 2 
 
 . .3.6 
 
 xiii. 10 17 
 
 ...3.2 
 
 14. . 
 
 ...3,6 
 
 20 . 
 
 ...?s 
 
 xxv. 32 
 
 ...3,6 
 
 xiv. i 6 
 
 ...^2 
 
 xxvi. 6 1 
 
 ...?6 
 
 xvi. 1 6 
 
 26 
 
 xxvii. 40 
 
 .. 3.6 
 
 17 . 
 
 16 
 
 xxviii. i8f 
 
 3O 
 
 xviii. 20 
 
 ...^i 
 
 Mark 
 
 . 3O 
 
 xx . j_8 
 
 27 
 
 xxi. 6 
 
 ...36 
 
 ii. 18 20 
 
 ...23 
 
 12 
 
 ...ss 
 
 2lf 
 
 ...22, 
 
 xxiii. 3.4. ... 
 
 IO2 
 
 23 iii. ^ 
 
 . 32 
 
 xxiv. 47 
 
 ...^0 
 
 vii. 7 
 
 118 
 
 4.0 . 
 
 ...2.0, 41 
 
 8 
 
 118 
 
 saf... 
 
 ...4.0 
 
 O, 13, .. 
 
 ...20 
 
 John 
 i. 3.0 f ... 
 
 22 
 
 ix. ii 13 ., 
 
 ,...27 
 
 X. 2 12 
 
 ...3,3. 
 
 ii. 10 ., 
 
 36 
 
 IO .. 
 
 ...3.1 
 
 iii. 20 30 
 
 22 
 
 xi. 27 3.3, . 
 
 ,...27 
 
 20 ., 
 
 ....2*. 
 
 xiii. 2 
 
 . 3.6 
 
 3.O .. 
 
 ...28 
 
 0... 
 
 ...M 
 
 iv. 21 . 
 
 ...41
 
 John 
 
 Acts 
 
 v. o 18 ... 
 
 IND 
 
 PAGE 
 ...32 
 
 EX 
 
 Acts 
 vi. i 
 
 217 
 
 PAGE 
 60 
 
 vii. 40 ... 
 
 ...143 
 
 
 ...40 
 
 X. IS . 
 
 ...35 
 
 Q ... 
 
 ...5O 
 
 16 
 
 as 
 
 10 
 
 ...CQ 
 
 xii. 2off 
 
 ...36 
 
 12 
 
 ...=O 
 
 i. 4f 
 
 
 vii 
 
 ;i 
 
 2ff 
 
 ...;i 
 
 8 
 
 ...<1O 
 
 2off 
 
 52 
 
 12 
 
 4O 
 
 44 ff 
 
 ...52 
 
 Hf 
 
 6 
 
 KI . 
 
 e.2 
 
 ij. 
 
 
 5 lf 
 
 ....QO 
 
 I e 
 
 46 
 
 viii. if 
 
 ...S3 
 
 ji. 
 
 J.O 
 
 4 25 
 
 54 
 
 14 
 
 J.I 
 
 26 40 . . 
 
 54 
 
 3O 
 
 
 ix 
 
 
 A.O 
 
 
 is . 
 
 ...ss 
 
 4,1 . 
 
 ..4.6 
 
 20 
 
 56 
 
 42 .. 
 
 ...4.2 
 
 22 
 
 ...56 
 
 4-4. 4? .. 
 
 ...4.4. 
 
 26 3O .. 
 
 S6 
 
 4 6f.... 
 
 4 6 
 
 2O.... 
 
 ^O. ^Q 
 
 iii. i 
 
 ...4S 
 
 31 . 
 
 ...56 
 
 I2ff 
 
 ...4S 
 
 35 
 
 ...S7 
 
 17 . 
 
 ...4^ 
 
 36 ff . 
 
 . S7 
 
 iv. i 4 
 
 ...46 
 
 X. I ff 
 
 . 57 
 
 sf .. 
 
 ...47 
 
 off ... 
 
 ...57 
 
 16 2i 
 
 47 
 
 17 ff 
 
 ...57 
 
 23 31 
 
 47 
 
 3 A ff 
 
 57 
 
 26 
 
 55 
 
 36 ff 
 
 s7 
 
 36 
 
 ...56 
 
 j.? 
 
 57 
 
 V. 12 
 
 
 
 eg 
 
 ! 3 f 
 
 47 
 
 xi. i ff 
 
 58 
 
 
 42 
 
 
 76 
 
 I7f 
 
 47 
 
 18 
 
 58 
 
 2O 
 
 ...At 
 
 
 18 ;o 
 
 21 
 
 ...47 
 
 20 . ... 
 
 5O 
 
 25 . 
 
 
 22ff 
 
 o 60 
 
 42 
 
 ...4.^ 
 
 24 
 
 42 
 
 vi. iff .. 
 
 ...4.3, 48 
 
 26 .. 
 
 ....60
 
 218 
 
 INDEX 
 
 Acts PAGE 
 
 xi. 29 f 6 1 
 
 30 106 
 
 xii. 2 61 
 
 17 61, 62 
 
 25 62 
 
 xiii. i (T 63 
 
 > 64 
 
 14 64 
 
 44ff 64 
 
 46 59 
 
 48 64 
 
 50 65 
 
 xiv. i 60, 65 
 
 4 64 
 
 14 64 
 
 2? 65 
 
 28 65 
 
 xv. i 29 9 
 
 i 65 
 
 2 66 
 
 4 ff 66 
 
 6ff 68 
 
 6 107 
 
 7 i54 
 
 14 '54 
 
 20 20, 68, 74 
 
 22ff 68 
 
 23 74 
 
 24 80 
 
 28 70, 74 
 
 29 20, 74 
 
 39 86 
 
 xvi. i 85 
 
 3 84, 86, 87 
 
 4 75,87 
 
 5 88 
 
 6 88 
 
 7 88 
 
 Acts 
 
 xvi. 9 
 
 '3 
 xvii. 2 ff .. 
 
 10 ., 
 
 16 ., 
 xviii. i 
 
 4 .... 
 
 12 ff 
 
 18 .. 
 
 19 ., 
 
 PAGE 
 
 .89 
 .89 
 
 .60, 89 
 9 
 
 2 4 flf 
 
 xix. 2 
 
 9 
 
 10 .. 
 
 92 
 
 92 
 
 92 
 
 92 
 
 93 
 
 94 
 
 21 94, 101 
 
 xx. 3 ior, 105 
 
 19 94 
 
 23 105 
 
 *9 i4 
 
 xxi. ii 105 
 
 16 106 
 
 i7 105 
 
 18 106 
 
 i9f 107 
 
 20ff 107 
 
 23f 109 
 
 23 9 1 
 
 24 109 
 
 26 44, 109 
 
 28 189 
 
 28f 108 
 
 xxii. 15 55 
 
 xxiii. i 112 
 
 5 in 
 
 6 in 
 
 xxiv. 5 199
 
 INDEX 
 
 219 
 
 ActS PAGE 
 
 xxiv. 17 109, no 
 
 18 109 
 
 xxvi. 5ff in 
 
 7 149 
 
 i?f 55 
 
 22f Ill 
 
 xxviii. 15 113 
 
 i7ff 112 
 
 2lf 112 
 
 James 
 
 i- i H9 
 
 ii. 2f 150 
 
 iof 151 
 
 14 2^ 148 
 
 v. 14 150 
 
 1 Peter 
 
 i- 2 155 
 
 10 155 
 
 ii 155 
 
 i8f 155 
 
 " 9 155. 161 
 
 Romans 
 
 i. 16 87 
 
 ii. 28f 163 
 
 iv., v., vii 97 
 
 ix. 3 102 
 
 xi. 29 102 
 
 xiii. 8, 10 16 
 
 xiv 126, 127, 135 
 
 xv. i 13 126 
 
 16 no 
 
 25ff 66 
 
 *6 43 
 
 32 102, 167 
 
 xvi. \i 20 113, 126 
 
 1 Corinthians 
 
 i- 5 129 
 
 " 95 
 
 1 Corinthians PAGE 
 
 i. 21 119 
 
 2225 95 
 
 ii. 9 165 
 
 iii. 2 116 
 
 v. 6-8 96 
 
 vii. 17 24 96 
 
 24 97 
 
 viii. x 76 
 
 viii 97 
 
 i ii 129 
 
 . 19 97 
 
 xiii. 2 129 
 
 8 129 
 
 xv. 32 94 
 
 56 97 
 
 2 Corinthians 
 
 iii 98 
 
 viii. 23 64 
 
 xi. 4 134 
 
 5 98 
 
 22 98 
 
 xii. n 98 
 
 Galatians 
 
 i- 6 134 
 
 17 55 
 
 18 20 56 
 
 21 63 
 
 ii 63 
 
 2 66 
 
 3 6? 84 
 
 4 67 
 
 5-9 79 
 
 5 67 
 
 7 i53 
 
 9 67, 80 
 
 10 67 
 
 1114 76 
 
 12 7 6 79. g o
 
 220 
 
 INDEX 
 
 Galatians 
 ii. 13..., 
 
 PAOE 
 
 ,...77, 8t 
 
 1 Thessalonians 
 ii. 16 
 
 PAGE 
 no, 108 
 
 
 ...77, 78 
 
 2 Thessalonians 
 
 
 iv 3 
 
 118 
 
 i. 8 
 
 OI 
 
 6f... 
 
 I OO 
 
 iii. 2 
 
 ... OI 
 
 9, 10..., 
 
 n8 
 
 Hebrews 
 
 
 J3 . 
 
 88 
 
 i., ii 
 
 122 
 
 26 
 
 161 
 
 viii. 5 
 
 ..fij 
 
 V. 2 f 
 
 ioo 
 
 ix. i 
 
 1 17 
 
 14. . 
 
 16 
 
 
 ... ii7. i <;8 
 
 vi. 12. i^ .. 
 
 
 2^ 
 
 isS 
 
 Epliesians 
 
 
 xi. 8 
 
 .. si 
 
 i V. 22 
 
 121 
 
 xii. 2 
 
 . r^o 
 
 v. 6 
 
 121 
 
 22 
 
 
 Pliilippians 
 
 
 xiii. 4 
 
 .. 14* 
 
 i. * 
 
 ...4.3 
 
 
 154. 
 
 ii. i ^ 
 
 ...4.2 
 
 
 *3 
 
 iii. i 
 
 114 
 
 12 .. 
 
 ...ISO. I?6 
 
 
 II 
 
 
 ...43 
 
 20 
 
 161 
 
 1 Timothy 
 
 
 Colossians 
 
 
 i. a . 
 
 134. 
 
 i 6 
 
 ...124, 
 
 
 T3<. T27 
 
 11 
 
 I 2^ 
 
 7 .. 
 
 137 
 
 
 ... 124. 
 
 20 
 
 ..132 
 
 6 iii. 4 
 
 124. 
 
 
 T32, 187 
 
 7 
 
 ...I 24 
 
 f 
 
 ...144 
 
 8 
 
 I 1 6. I IO 
 
 7 .. 
 
 ...138 
 
 T I -IK 
 
 
 8 
 
 IA4. 
 
 16 23 
 
 u6f 
 
 V. 29. ... 
 
 ...144 
 
 18 
 
 .. 117 
 
 vi. 3 
 
 ...134 
 
 2O 2? 
 
 
 20 
 
 133. 138 
 
 2O 
 
 118 
 
 2 Timothy 
 
 
 21 
 
 n8 
 
 i. "S ... 
 
 85 
 
 23 ... 
 
 
 ii. 16 
 
 138 
 
 iii. i 
 
 I 2J. 
 
 
 I ?2 
 
 e . 
 
 ... 12? 
 
 iii. i ; ... 
 
 152 
 
 12 1 ^ 
 
 ... I2O 
 
 je . 
 
 8e 
 
 1 Thessalonians 
 ii. 14 16 
 
 ....00 
 
 Titus 
 i. 13... 
 
 ...146
 
 INDEX 
 
 221 
 
 TltUS PAGE 
 
 i. 14 186 
 
 i.sf 132 
 
 16 133 
 
 iii. 9 X 33> '37. 183 
 
 Apocalypse 
 
 i. 5 f 160 
 
 ii. 2 163 
 
 9 1(5 3 
 
 Apocalypse 
 
 PAGE 
 ..l6=? 
 
 V IO 
 
 1 60 
 
 vii. 
 
 161 
 
 
 161 
 
 12 
 
 161 
 
 14. ... 
 
 161 
 
 22 
 
 161 
 
 
 
 PATRISTIC AND HELLENISTIC. 
 
 Augustine 
 
 c, Faust. 32 7 1 
 
 Barnabas 
 
 vi. 9 140 
 
 ix. 8 140 
 
 Clem. Horn. 
 
 xviii. if 141 
 
 Clem. Rec. 
 
 i- 54 HI 
 
 ii. 30, 46 141 
 
 Clemens Romanus 
 
 55 J 49 
 
 Epiphanius 
 
 1400 152 
 
 xxvii. 6 167 
 
 xxviii. i 190 
 
 4 !89 
 
 De mens. et pond. 
 
 15 177 
 
 14 177 
 
 Eusebius 
 
 Dem. Evan. iv. 5 173 
 
 vi. 18 178 
 
 Hist.Ecd.\\. 23. ..152, 164, 170 
 iii. 5 10 169 
 
 5 174 
 
 Eusebius 
 
 Hist. Ecd. iii. ii 
 16 
 
 19 21 
 
 27 
 
 28 
 
 32 
 
 35 
 
 6 
 
 H 
 
 .169 
 
 198 
 
 173 
 173 
 
 189 
 
 172 
 
 197 
 190 
 
 vi. 13 
 
 vii. 25 , 
 
 Hermas 
 
 Sim. ix. 17. if 162 
 
 Hippolytus 
 
 vii. 33 iSgf 
 
 vii. 35 197 
 
 x. 21 189 
 
 Ignatius 
 
 Magn. viii. i 182 
 
 ix 183 
 
 x 183 
 
 xi 184 
 
 viii 184,
 
 222 
 
 INDEX 
 
 Ignatius 
 Jl/a^n. x 
 
 PAGE 
 
 ..18* 
 
 Josephus 
 c. Ap. i. \ , 
 
 PAGE 
 ...I 3 6 
 
 xi 
 
 ...r8<; 
 
 Just. Mart. 
 
 
 viii 
 
 186 
 
 Z>/o/. c. 47 f. 
 
 ...104 
 
 Philad 
 
 
 C. 112 
 
 ... I J.O 
 
 v 
 
 .. 184 
 
 Origen 
 
 
 vi 
 
 
 
 ...107 
 
 viii 
 
 185 
 
 v. 6$ ... 
 
 ...108 
 
 ix 
 
 ...i8s 
 
 vii. so 
 
 ...75 
 
 Irenseus 
 
 
 in Mat. xvi. 12 
 
 ...108 
 
 Adv. Haer. 
 j. 26. i 
 
 ...180 
 
 Philo 
 de vit. con 
 
 128 
 
 i. 26. 2 
 
 ...107 
 
 de vit. Mo. ii. 8 
 
 ...136 
 
 iii. 3 
 
 ...180 
 
 Protev. lac. 
 
 
 iii. ii 
 
 
 
 H9 
 
 Jerome 
 2?A ii2, 13... 
 
 ...IQQ 
 
 Sib. Or. 
 
 iv. . 
 
 ...128 
 
 CAMBRIDGE: PRINTED BY c. j. CLAY, M.A. AND SONS, AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS.
 
 BY THE LATE REV. F. J. A. HORT. 
 i. THE WAY, THE TRUTH, THE LIFE. HULSEAN LEG- 
 
 TURES. Crown 8vo. dr. 
 
 i. LECTURES ON JUDAISTIC CHRISTIANITY. Crown 8vo. 
 3. INTRODUCTOR Y LECTURES ON ST PA f/L'S EPISTLES 
 
 TO THE ROMANS AND TO THE EPHESIANS. Crown 8vo. 
 
 BY BISHOP WESTCOTT AND THE LATE PROF. HORT. 
 THE NEW TESTAMENT IN THE ORIGINAL GREEK. 
 
 Revised Text. 2 vols. Crown 8vo. ios. 6d. each. Vol. I. Text. Vol. II. 
 The Introduction and Appendix. [New Edition, printed in Macmillan Greek, in 
 the Press.] 
 
 THE NEW TESTAMENT IN THE ORIGINAL GREEK. 
 An Edition for Schools. The Text revised by Bishop WESTCOTT and Dr HORT. 
 Pott 8vo. js. 6d. ; roan, $s. 6d. ; mor., 6s. 6d. 
 
 BY BISHOP WESTCOTT. 
 
 A GENERAL SURVEY OF THE HISTORY OF THE CANON 
 OF THE NEW TESTAMENT DURING THE FIRST FOUR CEN- 
 TURIES. 6th Edition. Crown 8vo. iw. 6d. 
 
 INTRODUCTION TO THE STUDY OF THE FOUR GOS- 
 PELS. 7th Edition. Crown 8vo. tos. 6d. 
 
 THE GOSPEL OF THE RESURRECTION. 6th Edition. Crown 
 
 THE' BIBLE IN THE CHURCH. loth Edit. Pott 8vo. 4 s. 6ct. 
 THE CHRISTIAN LIFE, MANIFOLD AND ONE. Crown 8vo. 
 
 is. 6d. 
 
 ON THE RELIGIOUS OFFICE OF THE UNIVERSITIES. 
 
 Sermons. Crown 8vo. 4$. 6d. 
 
 THE REVELATION OF THE RISEN LORD. 4 th Edition. 
 
 THE^HISTORIC FAITH. 3rd Edition. Crown 8vo. 6s. 
 
 THE EPISTLES OF ST JOHN. The Greek Text, with Notes. 
 
 3rd Edition. 8vo. izs. 6d. 
 
 THE REVELATION OF THE FATHER. Crown 8vo. 6s. 
 CHRISTUS CONSUMMATOR. 2nd Edition. Crown 8vo. 6s. 
 SOME THOUGHTS FROM THE ORDINAL. Crown 8vo. is.6d. 
 SOCIAL ASPECTS OF CHRISTIANITY. Crown 8vo. 6s. 
 GIFTS FOR MINISTRY. Addresses to Candidates for Ordination. 
 
 Crown 8vo. is. dd. 
 
 THE EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS. The Greek Text, with 
 
 Notes and Essays. 8vo. 14^. 
 
 THE VICTORY OF THE CROSS. Sermons preached during Holy 
 Week, 1888, in Hereford Cathedral. Crown 8vo. 3.?. 6d. 
 
 FROM STRENGTH TO STRENGTH. Three Sermons (in Memo- 
 
 riam, J. B. D. ). Crown 8vo. zs. 
 
 ESSAYS IN THE HISTORY OF RELIGIOUS THOUGHT 
 
 IN THE WEST. Globe 8vo. 5.?. 
 THE GOSPEL OF LIFE. Crown 8vo. 6s. 
 INCARNATION AND COMMON LIFE. Crown 8vo. 9*. 
 THOUGHTS ON REVELATION AND LIFE. Selections from 
 
 the Writings of Bp. WESTCOTT. Ed. by Rev. S. PHILLIPS. Crown 8vo. 6s. 
 
 MACMILLAN AND CO., LONDON.
 
 BY J. B. LIGHTFOOT, D.D. 
 
 late Bishop of Durham. 
 
 THE GALATIANS. A Revised Text, with Introduction, &c. Tenth 
 Edition. 8vo. 121. 
 
 THE PHILIPPIANS. A Revised Text, with Introduction, &c. 
 Fourth Edition. 8vo. i2S. 
 
 THE COLOSSIANS AND PHILEMON. A Revised Text, &c. 
 Third Edition. 8vo. iis. 
 
 THE APOSTOLIC FATHERS. Part I., ST CLEMENT OF ROME. 
 
 A Revised Text, with Introduction, Notes, Dissertations, and Translations. A 
 new Edition. 2 vols. 8vo. 32*. 
 
 THE APOSTOLIC FATHERS. Part II. ST IGNATIUS ST 
 
 POLYCARP. Revised Texts, with Introductions, Notes, Dissertations, and 
 Translations. Second Edition. 2 vols. in three, fevo. 48$. 
 
 APOSTOLIC FATHERS. Abridged Edition. 8vo. 16*. 
 DISSERTATIONS ON THE APOSTOLIC AGE. 8vo. i\s. 
 BIBLICAL ESSAYS. 8vo. i. 
 
 BISHOP LIGHTFOOT'S SERMONS. 
 
 Crown 8vo. 6s. each. 
 
 LEADERS IN THE NORTHERN CHURCH. 
 ORDINATION ADDRESSES AND COUNSELS TO CLERGY. 
 CAMBRIDGE SERMONS. 
 SERMONS PREACHED IN ST PAUL'S. 
 SERMONS ON SPECIAL OCCASIONS. 
 
 BY R. W. CHURCH, D.C.L. 
 late Dean of St PauFs. 
 
 ADVENT SERMONS, 1885. Crown 8vo. 4 s. 6d. 
 
 THE DISCIPLINE OF THE CHRIS 77 AN CHARACTER. 
 
 Second Edition. Crown 8vo. 4$. 6d. 
 
 THE GIFTS OF CIVILIZA TION, and other Sermons and Lectures 
 delivered at Oxford and at St Paul's. Second Edition. Crown 8vo. 7$. (xl. 
 
 HUMAN LIFE AND ITS CONDITIONS. Sermons preached 
 before the University of Oxford in 1876 1878, with three Ordination Sermons. 
 Second Edition. Crown 8vo. 6s. 
 
 VILLAGE SERMONS. Preached at Whatley. Crown 8vo. 6s. 
 VILLAGE SERMONS. Second Series. Crown 8vo. 6s. 
 
 CATHEDRAL AND UNIVERSITY SERMONS. Crown 8vo. 
 6s. 
 
 MISCELLANEOUS WRITINGS. Collected Edition. 6 vols. 
 Globe 8vo. $s. each. 
 
 MACMILLAN AND CO., LONDON.
 
 September 1894 
 
 A Catalogue 
 
 Theological Works 
 
 published by 
 
 Macmillan & Co. 
 
 Bedford Street, Strand, London
 
 CONTENTS 
 
 PAGE 
 
 THE BIBLE 
 
 History of the Bible . -\ .. . . . . I 
 
 Biblical History ....... I 
 
 The Old Testament J " ""^ f "O "j f ) Pi i 
 
 The New Testament 7 
 
 J 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH . . >.'' 6 
 
 THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND l ^ l ^^^{ t f 5 
 
 DEVOTIONAL BOOKS ....... 8 
 
 THE FATHERS . , .^7.. /tr*| I tfrt" rlVr 9 
 
 HYMNOLOGY . . . . . . 9 
 
 SERMONS, LECTURES, ADDRESSES, AND THEOLOGICAL 
 
 ESSAYS i o
 
 September 1894. 
 
 MACMILLAN AND CO.'S 
 THEOLOGICAL CATALOGUE 
 
 --"-'- : -;.../ Ttbe Bible .^^ * 
 
 HISTORY OF THE BIBLE 
 
 THE ENGLISH BIBLE : An External and Critical History of the 
 various English Translations of Scripture. By Prof. JOHN EADIE. 
 2 vols. 8vo. 285. 
 
 THE BIBLE IN THE CHURCH. By Right Rev. Bishop WEST- 
 COTT. i oth Edition. Pott 8vo. 45. 6d. 
 
 BIBLICAL HISTORY 
 
 BIBLE LESSONS. By Rev. E. A. ABBOTT. Crown 8vo. 43. 6d. 
 
 SIDE-LIGHTS UPON BIBLE HISTORY. By Mrs. SYDNEY BUXTON. 
 Illustrated. Crown 8vo. 55. 
 
 STORIES FROM THE BIBLE. By Rev. A. J. CHURCH. Illus- 
 trated. Two Series. Crown 8vo. 35. 6d. each. 
 
 BIBLE READINGS SELECTED FROM THE PENTATEUCH 
 AND THE BOOK OF JOSHUA. By Rev. J. A. CROSS. 
 2nd Edition. Globe 8vo. 2s. 6d. 
 
 CHILDREN'S TREASURY OF BIBLE STORIES. By Mrs. 
 H. GASKOIN. Pott 8vo. is. each. Part I. Old Testament ; II. 
 New Testament ; III. Three Apostles. 
 
 THE NATIONS AROUND ISRAEL. By A. KEARY. Cr. 8vo. 35. 6d. 
 
 A CLASS-BOOK OF OLD TESTAMENT HISTORY. By Rev. 
 Canon MACLEAR. With Four Maps. Pott 8vo. 45. 6d. 
 
 A CLASS-BOOK OF NEW TESTAMENT HISTORY. Includ- 
 ing the connection of the Old and New Testament. By the same. 
 Pott 8vo. 53. 6d. 
 
 A SHILLING BOOK OF OLD TESTAMENT HISTORY. By 
 the same. Pott 8vo. is. 
 
 A SHILLING BOOK OF NEW TESTAMENT HISTORY. By 
 the same. Pott 8vo. is. 
 
 THE OLD TESTAMENT 
 
 SCRIPTURE READINGS FOR SCHOOLS AND FAMILIES. 
 By C. M. YONGE. Globe 8vo. is. 6d. each ; also with comments, 
 35. 6d. each. First Series: GENESIS TO DEUTERONOMY. Second 
 Series: JOSHUA TO SOLOMON. Third Series: KINGS AND THE 
 PROPHETS. Fourth Series : THE GOSPEL TIMES. Fifth Series i 
 APOSTOLIC TIMES.
 
 2 MACMILLAN AND CO.'S 
 
 The Old Testament continued. 
 
 WARBURTONIAN LECTURES ON THE MINOR PROPHETS. 
 
 By Rev. A. F. KIRKPATRICK, B.D. Crown 8vo. [/ the Press. 
 THE PATRIARCHS AND LAWGIVERS OF THE OLD 
 
 TESTAMENT. By FREDERICK DENISON MAURICE. New 
 
 Edition. Crown 8vo. 35. 6d. 
 THE PROPHETS AND KINGS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT. 
 
 By the same. New Edition. Crown 8vo. 33. 6d. 
 THE CANON OF THE OLD TESTAMENT. An Essay on the 
 
 Growth and Formation of the Hebrew Canon of Scripture. By 
 
 Rev. Prof. H. E. RYLE. Crown 8vo. 6s. 
 THE EARLY NARRATIVES OF GENESIS. By Rev. Prof. H. E. 
 
 RYLE. Cr. 8vo. 35. net. 
 
 The Pentateuch 
 
 AN HISTORICO-CRITICAL INQUIRY INTO THE ORIGIN 
 AND COMPOSITION OF THE HEXATEUCH (PENTA- 
 TEUCH AND BOOK OF JOSHUA). By Prof. A. KUENEN. 
 Translated by PHILIP H. WICKSTEED, M.A. Svo. 145. 
 
 The Psalms 
 
 THE PSALMS CHRONOLOGICALLY ARRANGED. An 
 Amended Version, with Historical Introductions and Explanatory 
 Notes. By Four Friends. New Edition. Crown Svo. 5 s - ne '- 
 
 GOLDEN TREASURY PSALTER. The Student's Edition. 
 Being an Edition with briefer Notes of "The Psalms Chrono- 
 logically Arranged by Four Friends." Pott Svo. 2s. 6d. net. 
 
 THE PSALMS. With Introductions and Critical Notes. By A. C. 
 JENNINGS, M.A., and W. H. LOWE, M.A. In 2 vols. 2nd 
 Edition. Crown Svo. IDS. 6d. each. 
 
 INTRODUCTION TO THE STUDY AND USE OF THE 
 PSALMS. By Rev. J. F. THRUPP. 2nd Edition. 2 vols. Svo. 215. 
 
 Isaiah 
 
 ISAIAH XL. LXVI. With the Shorter Prophecies allied to it. 
 
 By MATTHEW ARNOLD. With Notes. Crown Svo. 55. 
 ISAIAH OF JERUSALEM. In the Authorised English Version, with 
 
 Introduction, Corrections, and Notes. By the same. Cr. Svo. 45. 6d. 
 A BIBLE -READING FOR SCHOOLS. The Great Prophecy of 
 
 Israel's Restoration (Isaiah xl.-lxvi.) Arranged and Edited for 
 
 Young Learners. By the same. 4th Edition. Pott Svo. is. 
 COMMENTARY ON THE BOOK OF ISAIAH, Critical, Historical, 
 
 and Prophetical ; including a Revised English Translation. By 
 
 T. R. BIRKS. 2nd Edition. Svo. I2s. 6d. 
 THE BOOK OF ISAIAH CHRONOLOGICALLY ARRANGED. 
 
 By T. K. CHEYNE. Crown Svo. 7s. 6d. 
 
 Zechariah 
 
 THE HEBREW STUDENT'S COMMENTARY ON ZECH- 
 ARIAH, Hebrew and LXX. ByW. H. LOWE, M.A. Svo. los. 6d.
 
 THEOLOGICAL CATALOGUE 3 
 
 THE NEW TESTAMENT 
 
 APOCRYPHAL GOSPEL OF PETER. The Greek Text of the 
 
 Newly- Discovered Fragment. 8vo. Sewed, is. 
 THE AKHMIM FRAGMENT OF THE APOCRYPHAL 
 
 GOSPEL OF ST. PETER. By H. B. SWETE, D.D. 8vo. 53. net. 
 THE NEW TESTAMENT. Essay on the Right Estimation of MS. 
 
 Evidence in the Text of the New Testament. By T. R. BIRKS. 
 
 Crown 8vo. 35. 6d. 
 THE SOTERIOLOGY OF THE NEW TESTAMENT. By W. 
 
 P. Du BOSE, M.A. Crown 8vo. 73. 6d. 
 THE MESSAGES OF THE BOOKS. Being Discourses and 
 
 Notes on the Books of the New Testament. By Ven. Archdeacon 
 
 FARRAR. 8vo. 143. 
 THE CLASSICAL ELEMENT IN THE NEW TESTAMENT. 
 
 Considered as a Proof of its Genuineness, with an Appendix on 
 
 the Oldest Authorities used in the Formation of the Canon. By 
 
 C. H. HOOLE. 8vo. IDS. 6d. 
 THE SYNOPTIC PROBLEM FOR ENGLISH READERS. By 
 
 A. J. TOLLEY. Crown 8vo. 33. net. 
 
 ON A FRESH REVISION OF THE ENGLISH NEW TESTA- 
 MENT. With an Appendix on the last Petition of the Lord's 
 
 Prayer. By Bishop LIGHTFOOT. Crown 8vo. 7s. 6d. 
 DISSERTATIONS ON THE APOSTOLIC AGE. By Bishop 
 
 LIGHTFOOT. 8vo. 145. 
 THE UNITY OF THE NEW TESTAMENT. By F. D. MAURICE. 
 
 2nd Edition. 2 vols. Crown 8vo. 12s. 
 A GENERAL SURVEY OF THE HISTORY OF THE CANON 
 
 OF THE NEW TESTAMENT DURING THE FIRST FOUR 
 
 CENTURIES. By Right Rev. Bishop WESTCOTT. 6th Edition. 
 
 Crown 8vo. IDS. 6d. 
 THE NEW TESTAMENT IN THE ORIGINAL GREEK. The 
 
 Text revised by Bishop WESTCOTT, D.D., and Prof. F. J. A. 
 
 HORT, D.D. 2 vols. Crown 8vo. IDS. 6d. each. Vol. I. 
 
 Text ; II. Introduction and Appendix. 
 THE NEW TESTAMENT IN THE ORIGINAL GREEK, for 
 
 Schools. The Text revised by Bishop WESTCOTT, D.D., and F. 
 
 J. A. HORT, D.D. I2mo, cloth, 43. 6d. ; Pott 8vo., roan, red 
 
 edges, 55. 6d. ; morocco, gilt edges, 6s. 6d. 
 GREEK-ENGLISH LEXICON TO THE NEW TESTAMENT. 
 
 By W. J. HICKIE, M.A. Pott 8vo. 33. 
 
 THE GOSPELS 
 
 THE COMMON TRADITION OF THE SYNOPTIC GOSPELS, 
 in the Text of the Revised Version. By Rev. E. A. ABBOTT and 
 W. G. RUSHBROOKE. Crown 8vo. 35. 6d. 
 
 SYNOPTICON : An Exposition of the Common Matter of the Synop- 
 tic Gospels. By W. G. RUSHBROOKE. Printed in Colours. In Six 
 Parts, and Appendix. 4to. Part I. 35. 6d. Parts II. and III. 
 7s. Parts IV. V. and VI. with Indices, IDS. 6d. Appendices, IDS. 6d. 
 Complete in I vol., 355. Indispensable to a Theological Student. 
 
 INTRODUCTION TO TPIE STUDY OF THE FOUR GOSPELS. 
 By Right Rev. Bishop WESTCOTT. 7th Ed. Cr. 8vo. ics. 6d. 
 
 THE COMPOSITION OF THE FOUR GOSPELS. By Rev. 
 ARTHUR WRIGHT. Crown 8vo. 53.
 
 4 MACMILLAN AND CO/S 
 
 Gospel of St. Matthew 
 
 THE GOSPEL ACCORDING TO ST. MATTHEW. Greek Text 
 as Revised by Bishop WESTCOTT and Dr. HORT. With Intro- 
 duction and Notes by Rev. A. SLOMAN, M.A. Fcap. 8vo. 2s. 6d. 
 
 CHOICE NOTES ON ST. MATTHEW, drawn from Old and New 
 Sources. Crown 8vo. 45. 6d. (St. Matthew and St Mark in I 
 vol. 95.) 
 Gospel of St. Mark 
 
 SCHOOL READINGS IN THE GREEK TESTAMENT. 
 Being the Outlines of the Life of our Lord as given by St. Mark, with 
 additions from the Text of the other Evangelists. Edited, with Notes 
 and Vocabulary, by Rev. A. CALVERT, M.A. Fcap. 8vo. 2s. 6d. 
 
 CHOICE NOTES ON ST. MARK, drawn from Old and New 
 Sources. Cr. 8vo. 45. 6d. (St. Matthew and St, Mark in I vol. 95.) 
 
 Gospel of St. Luke 
 
 THE GOSPEL ACCORDING TO ST. LUKE. The Greek Text 
 as Revised by Bishop WESTCOTT and Dr. HORT. With Introduction 
 and Notes by Rev. J. BOND, M.A. Fcap. 8vo. 2s. 6d. 
 
 CHOICE NOTES ON ST. LUKE, drawn from Old and New 
 Sources. Crown 8vo. 45. 6d. 
 
 THE GOSPEL OF THE KINGDOM OF HEAVEN. A Course 
 of Lectures on the Gospel of St. Luke. By F. D. MAURICE. 
 Crown 8vo. 33. 6d. 
 
 Gospel of St. John 
 
 THE CENTRAL TEACHING OF CHRIST. Being a Study and 
 
 Exposition of St. John, Chapters XIII. to XVII. By Rev. CANON 
 
 BERNARD, M.A. Crown 8vo. 75. 6d. 
 
 THE GOSPEL OF ST. JOHN. By F.D. MAURICE. Cr.Svo. 35. 6d. 
 CHOICE NOTES ON ST. JOHN, drawn from Old and New 
 
 Sources. Crown 8vo. 45. 6d. 
 
 THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES 
 
 THE OLD SYRIAC ELEMENT IN THE TEXT OF THE 
 CODEX BEZAE. By F. H. CHASE, B.D. 8vo. 7s. 6d. net. 
 
 THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES. By F. D. MAURICE. Cr. 
 8vo. 35. 6d. 
 
 THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES. Being the Greek Text as 
 Revised by Bishop WESTCOTT and Dr. HORT. With Explanatory 
 Notes by T. E. PAGE, M.A. Fcap. 8vo. 35. 6d. 
 
 THE CHURCH OF THE FIRST DAYS. THE CHURCH OF 
 JERUSALEM. THE CHURCH OF THE GENTILES. THE CHURCH 
 OF THE WORLD. Lectures on the Acts of the Apostles. By 
 Very Rev. C. J. VAUGHAN. Crown 8vo. IDS. 6d. 
 THE EPISTLES of St. Paul 
 
 ST. PAUL'S EPISTLE TO THE ROMANS. The Greek Text, 
 with English Notes. By Very Rev. C. J. VAUGHAN. 7th Edition. 
 Crown 8vo. 7s. 6d. 
 
 INTRODUCTORY LECTURES ON ST. PAUL'S EPISTLES 
 TO THE ROMANS AND TO THE EPHESIANS. By Rev. 
 F. J. A. HORT. Crown 8vo. [/ the Press.
 
 THEOLOGICAL CATALOGUE 5 
 
 Of St. Paul continued. 
 
 A COMMENTARY ON ST. PAUL'S TWO EPISTLES TO 
 
 THE CORINTHIANS. Greek Text, with Commentary. By 
 
 Rev. W. KAY. 8vo. 93. 
 ST. PAUL'S EPISTLE TO THE GALATIANS. A Revised 
 
 Text, with Introduction, Notes, and Dissertations. By Bishop 
 
 LIGHTFOOT. roth Edition. 8vo. 125. 
 ST. PAUL'S EPISTLE TO THE PHILIPPIANS. A Revised 
 
 Text, with Introduction, Notes, and Dissertations. By the same. 
 
 gth Edition. 8vo. I2s. 
 
 ST. PAUL'S EPISTLE TO THE PHILIPPIANS. With transla- 
 tion, Paraphrase, and Notes for English Readers. By Very Rev. 
 
 C. J. VAUGHAN. Crown 8vo. 55. 
 ST. PAUL'S EPISTLES TO THE COLOSSIANS AND TO 
 
 PHILEMON. A Revised Text, with Introductions, etc. By 
 
 Bishop LIGHTFOOT. gth Edition. 8vo. I2s. 
 THE EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL TO THE EPHESIANS, THE 
 
 COLOSSIANS, AND PHILEMON. With Introductions and 
 
 Notes. By Rev. J. LL. DAVIES. 2nd Edition. 8vo. 73. 6d. 
 THE EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. For English Readers. Part I. con- 
 taining the First Epistle to the Thessalonians. By Very Rev. C. 
 
 J. VAUGHAN. 2nd Edition. 8vo. Sewed, is. 6d. 
 ST. PAUL'S EPISTLES TO THE THESSALONIANS, 
 
 COMMENTARY ON THE GREEK TEXT. By Prof. JOHN 
 
 EADIE. 8vo. 125. 
 
 The Epistle of St. James 
 
 THE EPISTLE OF ST. JAMES. The Greek Text, with Intro- 
 duction and Notes. By Rev. JOSEPH B. MAYOR, M. A. 8vo. 145. 
 
 The Epistles of St. John 
 
 THE EPISTLES OF ST. JOHN. By F. D. MAURICE. Crown 
 
 8vo. 35. 6d. 
 THE EPISTLES OF ST. JOHN. The Greek Text, with Notes. 
 
 By Right Rev. Bishop WESTCOTT. 3rd Edition. 8vo. 12s. 6d. 
 
 The Epistle to the Hebrews 
 
 THE EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS IN GREEK AND 
 ENGLISH. With Notes. By Rev. F. RENDALL. Cr. 8vo. 6s. 
 
 THE EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS. English Text, with Com- 
 mentary. By the same. Crown 8vo. 7s. 6d. 
 
 THE EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS. With Notes. By Very 
 Rev. C. J. VAUGHAN. Crown 8vo. 73. 6d. 
 
 THE EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS. The Greek Text, with 
 Notes and Essays. By Right Rev. Bishop WESTCOTT. 8vo. 143. 
 
 REVELATION- 
 LECTURES ON THE APOCALYPSE. By F. D. MAURICE. 
 
 Crown 8vo. 33. 6d. 
 
 LECTURES ON THE APOCALYPSE. By Rev. Prof. W. 
 MILLIGAN. Crown 8vo. 55.
 
 6 MACMILLAN AND CO.'S 
 
 REVELATION continued. 
 
 DISCUSSIONS ON THE APOCALYPSE. By the same. 
 
 Cr. 8vo. 55. 
 THE REVELATION OF ST. JOHN. By the same, and Edition. 
 
 Crown 8vo. 73. 6d. 
 LECTURES ON THE REVELATION OF ST. JOHN. By Very 
 
 Rev. C. J. VAUGHAN. 5th Edition. Crown 8vo. IDS. 6d. 
 
 THE BIBLE WORD-BOOK. By W. ALOIS WRIGHT. 2nd Edition. 
 Crown 8vo. 75. 6d. 
 
 Cbristian Cburcb, 1bi0tor^ of tbe 
 
 Cheetham (Archdeacon). A HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN 
 CHURCH DURING THE FIRST SIX CENTURIES. Cr. 
 8vo. i os. 6d. 
 
 Church (Dean). THE OXFORD MOVEMENT. Twelve 
 Years, 1833-45. Globe 8vo. 53. 
 
 Cunningham (Rev. John). THE GROWTH OFTHE CHURCH 
 IN ITS ORGANISATION AND INSTITUTIONS. 8vo. 95. 
 
 Dale (A. W. W.) THE SYNOD OF ELVIRA, AND CHRIS- 
 TIAN LIFE IN THE FOURTH CENTURY. Cr. 8vo. los. 6d. 
 
 Gwatkin (H. M.) EARLY HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN 
 CHU RCH. [/ preparation. 
 
 Hardwick (Archdeacon). A HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN 
 
 CHURCH. Middle Age. Ed. by Bishop STUBBS. Cr. 8vo. IDS. 6d. 
 
 A HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH DURING THE 
 
 REFORMATION. Revised by Bishop STUBBS. Cr. 8vo. IDS. 6d. 
 
 Hardy (W. J.) Gee (H.) DOCUMENTS ILLUSTRATIVE 
 OF THE HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH CHURCH. Cr. 
 8vo. [/ the Press. 
 
 Hort (Dr. F. J. A.) TWO DISSERTATIONS. I. On 
 MONOFENHS 0EOS in Scripture and Tradition. II. On the 
 " Constantinopolitan " Creed and other Eastern Creeds of the 
 Fourth Century. 8vo. 7s. 6d. 
 
 Simpson (W.) AN EPITOME OF THE HISTORY OF THE 
 CHRISTIAN CHURCH. Fcap. 8vo. 33. 6d. 
 
 Vaughan (Very Rev. C. J., Dean of LlandafT). THE CHURCH 
 OF THE FIRST DAYS. THE CHURCH OF JERUSALEM. THE 
 CHURCH OF THE GENTILES. THE CHURCH OF THE WORLD. 
 Crown 8vo. IDS. 6d. 
 
 Ward (W.) WILLIAM GEORGE WARD AND THE 
 
 OXFORD MOVEMENT. Portrait. 8vo. 143. 
 WILLIAM GEORGE WARD AND THE CATHOLIC RE- 
 VIVAL. 8vo. 143. 
 
 be Cburcb of )nalanfc 
 
 Catechism of 
 
 CATECHISM AND CONFIRMATION. By Rev. J. C. P. 
 ALDOUS. Pott. 8vo. is. net.
 
 THEOLOGICAL CATALOGUE 7 
 
 Catechism of continued 
 
 THOSE HOLY MYSTERIES. By Rev. J. C. P. ALDOUS. Pott 
 8vo. is. net. . 
 
 A CLASS-BOOK OF THE CATECHISM OF THE CHURCH 
 OF ENGLAND. By Rev. Canon MACLEAR. Pott 8vo. is. 6d. 
 
 A FIRST CLASS-BOOK OF THE CATECHISM OF THE 
 CHURCH OF ENGLAND, with Scripture Proofs for Junior 
 Classes and Schools. By the same. Pott 8vo. 6d. 
 
 THE ORDER OF CONFIRMATION, with Prayers and Devo- 
 tions. By the Rev. Canon MACLEAR. 321110. 6d. 
 
 NOTES FOR LECTURES ON CONFIRMATION. By the 
 Rev. C. J. VAUGHAN, D.D. Pott 8vo. is. 6d. 
 
 Collects 
 
 COLLECTS OF THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND. With a 
 Coloured Floral Design to each Collect. Crown 8vo. I2s. 
 
 Disestablishment 
 
 DISESTABLISHMENT AND DISENDOWMENT. What are 
 
 they? By Prof. E. A. FREEMAN. 4th Edition. Crown 8 vo. is. 
 DISESTABLISHMENT : or, A Defence of the Principle of a 
 
 National Church. By GEORGE HARWOOD. 8vo. 125. 
 A DEFENCE OF THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND AGAINST 
 
 DISESTABLISHMENT. By ROUNDELL, EARL OF SELBORNE. 
 
 Crown 8vo. 2s. 6d. 
 ANCIENT FACTS & FICTIONS CONCERNING CHURCHES 
 
 AND TITHES. By the same. 2nd Edition. Crown 8vo. 75. 6d. 
 
 Dissent in its Relation to 
 
 DISSENT IN ITS RELATION TO THE CHURCH OF ENG- 
 LAND. By Rev. G. H. CURTEIS. Bampton Lectures for 1871. 
 Crown 8vo. 7 s - 6d. 
 
 Holy Communion 
 
 THE COMMUNION SERVICE FROM THE BOOK OF 
 
 COMMON PRAYER, with Select Readings from the Writings 
 
 of the Rev. F. D. MAURICE. Edited by Bishop COLENSO. 6th 
 
 Edition. i6mo. 2s. 6d. 
 BEFORE THE TABLE : An Inquiry, Historical and Theological, 
 
 into the Meaning of the Consecration Rubric in the Communion 
 
 Service of the Church of England. By Very Rev. J. S. HOWSON. 
 
 8vo. 7s. 6d. 
 FIRST COMMUNION, with Prayers and Devotions for the newly 
 
 Confirmed. By Rev. Canon MACLEAR. 321110. 6d. 
 A MANUAL OF INSTRUCTION FOR CONFIRMATION AND 
 
 FIRST COMMUNION, with Prayers and Devotions. By the 
 
 same. 32010. 2s. 
 
 Liturgy 
 
 A COMPANION TO THE LECTIONARY. By Rev. W. BENHAM, 
 B.D. Crown 8vo. 45. 6d.
 
 8 MACMILLAN AND CO.'S 
 
 Liturgy continued 
 
 AN INTRODUCTION TO THE CREEDS. By Rev. Canon 
 
 MACLEAR. Pott 8vo. 35. 6d. 
 AN INTRODUCTION TO THE THIRTY- NINE ARTICLES. 
 
 By the same. Pott 8vo. [/ the Press. 
 
 A HISTORY OF THE BOOK OF COMMON PRAYER. By 
 
 Rev. F. PROCTER. i8th Edition. Crown 8vo. IDS. 6d. 
 AN ELEMENTARY INTRODUCTION TO THE BOOK OF 
 
 COMMON PRAYER. By Rev. F. PROCTER and Rev. Canon 
 
 MACLEAR. Pott 8vo. 2s. 6d. 
 TWELVE DISCOURSES ON SUBJECTS CONNECTED WITH 
 
 THE LITURGY AND WORSHIP OF THE CHURCH OF 
 
 ENGLAND. By Very Rev. C. J. VAUGHAN. 4th Edition. 
 
 Fcap. 8vo. 6s. 
 
 IN THE COURT OF THE ARCHBISHOP OF CANTER- 
 BURY. Read and others v. The Lord Bishop of Lincoln. 
 Judgment, Nov. 21, 1890. Second Edition. 8vo. 2s. net. 
 
 CANTERBURY DIOCESAN GAZETTE. Monthly. 8vo. 2d. 
 
 ^Devotional $oofc0 
 
 Brooke (S. A.) FORM OF MORNING AND EVENING 
 PRAYER, and for the Administration of the Lord's Supper, 
 together with the Baptismal and Marriage Services, Bedford 
 Chapel, Bloomsbury. Fcap. 8vo. is. net. 
 
 Eastlake (Lady). FELLOWSHIP: LETTERS ADDRESSED 
 TO MY SISTER-MOURNERS. Crown 8vo. 2s. 6d. 
 
 IMITATIO CHRISTI, LIBRI IV. Printed in Borders after Holbein, 
 Dtirer, and other old Masters, containing Dances of Death, Acts of 
 Mercy, Emblems, etc. Crown 8vo. 7s. 6d. 
 
 Kingsley (Charles). OUT OF THE DEEP: WORDS 
 
 FOR THE SORROWFUL. From the writings of CHARLES 
 
 KINGSLEY. Extra fcap. 8vo. 35. 6d. 
 DAILY THOUGHTS. Selected from the Writings of CHARLES 
 
 KINGSLEY. By his Wife. Crown 8vo. 6s. 
 FROM DEATH TO LIFE. Fragments of Teaching to a Village 
 
 Congregation. With Letters on the "Life after Death." Edited 
 
 by his Wife. Fcap. 8vo. 2s. 6d. 
 
 Maclear (Rev. Canon). A MANUAL OF INSTRUCTION 
 FOR CONFIRMATION AND FIRST COMMUNION, WITH 
 PRAYERS AND DEVOTIONS. 32mo. 2s. 
 
 THE HOUR OF SORROW; OR, THE OFFICE FOR THE 
 BURIAL OF THE DEAD. 32010. 2s. 
 
 Maurice (Frederick Denison). LESSONS OF HOPE. Readings 
 from the Works of F. D. MAURICE. Selected by Rev. J. LL. 
 DAVIES, M.A. Crown 8vo. 55. 
 
 RAYS OF SUNLIGHT FOR DARK DAYS. With a Preface by 
 Very Rev. C. J. VAUGHAN, D.D. New Edition. Pott 8vo. 35. 6d.
 
 THEOLOGICAL CATALOGUE 9 
 
 Service (Rev. John). PRAYERS FOR PUBLIC WORSHIP. 
 
 Crown 8vo. 45. 6d. 
 THE WORSHIP OF GOD, AND FELLOWSHIP AMONG MEN. 
 
 By FREDERICK DENISON MAURICE and others. Fcap. 8vo. 35. 6d. 
 Welby-Gregory (The Hon. Lady). LINKS AND CLUES. 
 
 2nd Edition. Crown 8vo. 6s. 
 Westcott (Rt. Rev. B. F., Bishop of Durham). THOUGHTS 
 
 ON REVELATION AND LIFE. Selections from the Writings 
 
 of Bishop WESTCOTT. Edited by Rev. S. PHILLIPS. Crown 8vo. 6s. 
 
 Wilbraham (Frances M.) IN THE SERE AND YELLOW 
 LEAF: THOUGHTS AND RECOLLECTIONS FOR OLD 
 AND YOUNG. Globe 8vo. 33. 6d, 
 
 jfatbere 
 
 INDEX OF NOTEWORTHY WORDS AND PHRASES FOUND 
 IN THE CLEMENTINE WRITINGS, COMMONLY 
 CALLED THE HOMILIES OF CLEMENT. 8vo. 53. 
 
 Cunningham (Rev. W.) THE EPISTLE OF ST. BARNABAS. 
 A Dissertation, including a Discussion of its Date and Author- 
 ship. Together with the Greek Text, the Latin Version, and a 
 New English Translation and Commentary. Crown 8vo. 73. 6d. 
 
 Donaldson (Prof. James). THE APOSTOLICAL FATHERS. 
 A Critical Account of their Genuine Writings, and of their Doctrines. 
 2nd Edition. Crown 8vo. 7s. 6d. 
 
 Gwatkin (H. M.) SELECTIONS FROM EARLY WRITERS 
 ILLUSTRATIVE OF CHURCH HISTORY TO THE 
 TIME OF CONSTANTINE. Crown 8vo. 43. net. 
 
 Lightfoot (Bishop). THE APOSTOLIC FATHERS. Part I. 
 ST. CLEMENT OF ROME. Revised Texts, with Introductions, 
 Notes, Dissertations, and Translations. 2 vols. 8vo. 323. 
 THE APOSTOLIC FATHERS. Part II. ST. IGNATIUS to ST. POLY- 
 CARP. Revised Texts, with Introductions, Notes, Dissertations, and 
 Translations. 3 vols. and Edition. Demy 8vo. 485. 
 THE APOSTOLIC FATHERS. Abridged Edition. With Short 
 Introductions, Greek Text, and English Translation. Svo. i6s. 
 
 Brooke (S. A.) CHRISTIAN HYMNS. Edited and arranged. 
 
 Fcap. Svo. 2s. 6d. net. 
 
 This may also be had bound up with the Form of Service at Bedford Chapel, Blooms- 
 bury. Price complete, jj. 6d. net. 
 
 Palgraye (Prof. F T.) ORIGINAL HYMNS. Pott Svo. is. 6d. 
 Selborne (Roundell, Earl of) 
 
 THE BOOK OF PRAISE. From the best English Hymn Writers. 
 
 Pott Svo. 2s. 6d. net. 
 
 A HYMNAL. Chiefly from The Book of Praise. In various sizes. 
 A. Royal 32mo. 6d. B. Pott Svo, larger type. is. C.
 
 io MACMILLAN AND CO.'S 
 
 Selborne (Roundell, Earl of) continued 
 
 Same Edition, fine paper, is. 6d. An Edition with Music, Selected, 
 Harmonised, and Composed by JOHN HULLAH. Pott 8vo. 35. 6d. 
 
 Woods (M. A.) HYMNS FOR SCHOOL WORSHIP. 
 Compiled by M. A. WOODS. Pott 8vo. is. 6d. 
 
 Sermons, Hectares, Hfcbresees, 
 ^Theological Essays 
 
 (See also 'Bible,' ' Church of England,' 'Fathers.') 
 Abbot (Francis) 
 
 SCIENTIFIC THEISM. Crown 8vo. ;s. 6d. 
 
 THE WAY OUT OF AGNOSTICISM : or, The Philosophy of 
 
 Free Religion. Crown 8vo. 45. 6d. 
 Abbott (Rev. E. A.) 
 
 CAMBRIDGE SERMONS. 8vo. 6s. 
 OXFORD SERMONS. 8vo. js. 6d. 
 
 PHILOMYTHUS. An Antidote against Credulity. A discussion 
 of Cardinal Newman's Essay on Ecclesiastical Miracles. 2nd 
 Edition. Crown 8vo. 35. 6d. 
 
 NEWMANIANISM. A Reply. Crown 8vo. Sewed, is. net. 
 Ainger( Rev. Alfred, Canon of Bristol). SERMONS PREACHED 
 
 IN THE TEMPLE CHURCH. Extra fcap. 8vo. 6s. 
 Alexander (W., Bishop of Deny and Raphoe). THE LEAD- 
 ING IDEAS OF THE GOSPELS. New Edition, Revised 
 and Enlarged. Crown 8vo. 6s. 
 
 Baines (Rev. Edward). SERMONS. With a Preface and 
 Memoir, by A. BARRY, D.D., late Bishop of Sydney. Crown 8vo. 6s. 
 
 Bather (Archdeacon). ON SOME MINISTERIAL DUTIES, 
 CATECHISING, PREACHING, ETC. Edited, with a Preface, 
 by Very Rev. C. J. VAUGHAN, D.D. Fcap. 8vo. 45. 6d. 
 
 Binnie (Rev. William). SERMONS. Crown 8vo. 6s. 
 
 Birks (Thomas Rawson) 
 
 THE DIFFICULTIES OF BELIEF IN CONNECTION WITH 
 THE CREATION AND THE FALL, REDEMPTION, AND 
 JUDGMENT. 2nd Edition. Crown 8vo. 55. 
 
 JUSTIFICATION AND IMPUTED RIGHTEOUSNESS. Being 
 a Review of Ten Sermons on the Nature and Effects of Faith, by 
 JAMES THOMAS O'BRIEN, D.D., late Bishop of Ossory, Ferns, and 
 Leighlin. Crown 8vo. 6s. 
 
 SUPERNATURAL REVELATION: or, First Principles of Moral 
 
 Theology. 8vo. 8s. 
 Brooke (Rev. Stopford A.) SHORT SERMONS. Cr. 8vo. 6s. 
 
 Brooks (Phillips, late Bishop of Massachusetts) 
 
 THE CANDLE OF THE LORD, and other Sermons. Crown 8vo. 
 6s.
 
 THEOLOGICAL CATALOGUE n 
 
 Brooks (Phillips, late Bishop of Massachusetts) continued 
 
 SERMONS PREACHED IN ENGLISH CHURCHES. Crown 
 
 8vo. 6s. 
 
 TWENTY SERMONS. Crown 8vo. 6s. 
 TOLERANCE. Crown 8vo. 2s. 6d. 
 THE LIGHT OF THE WORLD. Crown 8vo. 35. 6d. 
 THE MYSTERY OF INIQUITY. Crown 8vo. 6s. 
 
 Brunton (T. Lauder). THE BIBLE AND SCIENCE. 
 
 With Illustrations. Crown 8vo. los. 6d. 
 
 Butler (Rev. George). SERMONS PREACHED IN CHEL- 
 TENHAM COLLEGE CHAPEL. 8vo. 75. 6d. 
 
 Butler (W. Archer) 
 
 SERMONS, DOCTRINAL AND PRACTICAL. nth Edition. 
 
 8vo. 8s. 
 SECOND SERIES OF SERMONS. 8vo. 75. 
 
 Campbell (Dr. John M'Leod) 
 
 THE NATURE OF THE ATONEMENT. 6th Ed. Cr. 8vo. 6s. 
 REMINISCENCES AND REFLECTIONS. Edited with an 
 
 Introductory Narrative, by his Son, DONALD CAMPBELL, M.A. 
 
 Crown 8vo. 75. 6d. 
 
 THOUGHTS ON REVELATION. 2nd Edition. Crown 8vo. 55. 
 RESPONSIBILITY FOR THE GIFT OF ETERNAL LIFE. 
 
 Compiled from Sermons preached at Row, in the years 1829-31. 
 
 Crown 8vo. 55. 
 Canterbury (Edward White, Archbishop of) 
 
 BOY-LIFE : its Trial, its Strength, its Fulness. Sundays in 
 
 Wellington College, 1859-73. 4th Edition. Crown 8vo. 6s. 
 THE SEVEN GIFTS. Addressed to the Diocese of Canterbury in 
 
 his Primary Visitation. 2nd Edition. Crown 8vo. 6s. 
 CHRIST AND HIS TIMES. Addressed to the Diocese of Canter- 
 bury in his Second Visitation. Crown 8vo. 6s. 
 FISHERS OF MEN. Addressed to the Diocese of Canterbury in 
 
 his Third Visitation. Crown 8vo. 6s. 
 
 Carpenter (W. Boyd, Bishop of Ripon) 
 
 TRUTH IN TALE. Addresses, chiefly to Children. Crown 8vo. 
 
 45. 6d. 
 THE PERMANENT ELEMENTS OF RELIGION: Bampton 
 
 Lectures, 1887. 2nd Edition. Crown 8vo. 6s. 
 TWILIGHT DREAMS. Crown 8vo. 45. 6d. 
 LECTURES ON PREACHING. Crown 8vo. {In the Press. 
 
 Cazenove (J. Gibson). CONCERNING THE BEING AND 
 ATTRIBUTES OF GOD. 8vo. 55. 
 
 " Christus Imperator ! " 
 
 THE UNIVERSAL EMPIRE OF CHRISTIANITY IN THE 
 LIGHT OF EVOLUTION. A Series of Sermons delivered in 
 Liverpool by the Very Rev. C. W. Stubbs, D.D., Dean of Ely ;
 
 12 MACMILLAN AND CO.'S 
 
 " Christus Imperator ! " continued 
 
 the Very Rev. G. W. Kitchin, D.D., Dean of Winchester; the 
 Rev. R. E. Bartlett, M.A., Bampton Lecturer at Oxford, 1888; 
 the Rev. J. B. Heard, M.A. Hulsean Lecturer at Cambridge, 
 1892-93; the Rev. H. D. Rawnsley, M.A., Vicar of Crosthwaite ; 
 the Rev. J. Llewellyn Davies, D.D. , late Fellow of Trinity College, 
 Cambridge, Vicar of Kirkby Lonsdale, and Chaplain to the Queen ; 
 the Hon. and Rev. W. H. Fremantle, D.D., Canon of Canter- 
 bury; the Rev. Brooke Lambert, B.C.L., Vicar of Greenwich; 
 and the Rev. S. A. Barnett, M.A., Canon of Bristol, and Warden 
 of Toynbee Hall. Crown 8vo. [/ the Press. 
 
 Church (Dean) 
 
 HUMAN LIFE AND ITS CONDITIONS. Crown 8vo. 6s. 
 THE GIFTS OF CIVILISATION, and other Sermons and Lectures. 
 
 2nd Edition. Crown 8vo. 75. 6d. 
 DISCIPLINE OF THE CHRISTIAN CHARACTER, and other 
 
 Sermons. Crown 8vo. 45. 6d. 
 
 ADVENT SERMONS. 1885. Crown 8vo. 45. 6d. 
 VILLAGE SERMONS. Crown 8vo. 6s. 
 VILLAGE SERMONS. Second Series. Crown 8vo. 6s. 
 CATHEDRAL AND UNIVERSITY SERMONS. Crown 8vo. 6s. 
 CLERGYMAN'S SELF-EXAMINATION CONCERNING THE 
 
 APOSTLES' CREED. Extra fcap. 8vo. is. 6d. 
 
 Congreve (Rev. John). HIGH HOPES AND PLEADINGS 
 FOR A REASONABLE FAITH, NOBLER THOUGHTS, 
 LARGER CHARITY. Crown 8vo. 53. 
 
 Cooke (Josiah P.,) RELIGION AND CHEMISTRY. Cr. 
 
 8vo. 75. 6d. 
 
 THE CREDENTIALS OF SCIENCE, THE WARRANT OF 
 FAITH. 8vo. 8s. 6d. net. 
 
 Cotton (Bishop). SERMONS PREACHED TO ENGLISH 
 CONGREGATIONS IN INDIA. Crown 8vo. 73. 6d. 
 
 Cunningham (Rev. W.) CHRISTIAN CIVILISATION, 
 WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO INDIA. Cr. 8vo. 55. 
 
 Curteis (Rev. G. H.) THE SCIENTIFIC OBSTACLES TO 
 CHRISTIAN BELIEF. The Boyle Lectures, 1884. Cr. 8vo. 6s. 
 
 Davies (Rev. J. Llewelyn) 
 
 THE GOSPEL AND MODERN LIFE. 2nd Edition, to which is 
 
 added Morality according to the Sacrament of the Lord's Supper. 
 
 Extra fcap. 8vo. 6s. 
 SOCIAL QUESTIONS FROM THE POINT OF VIEW OF 
 
 CHRISTIAN THEOLOGY. 2nd Edition. Crown 8vo. 6s. 
 WARNINGS AGAINST SUPERSTITION. Extra fcap. 8vo. 2s. 6d. 
 THE CHRISTIAN CALLING. Extra fcap. 8vo. 6s. 
 ORDER AND GROWTH AS INVOLVED IN THE SPIRITUAL 
 
 CONSTITUTION OF HUMAN SOCIETY. Crown 8vo. 35. 6d.
 
 THEOLOGICAL CATALOGUE 13 
 
 Davies (Rev. J. Llewelyn) continued. 
 
 BAPTISM, CONFIRMATION, AND THE LORD'S SUPPER, 
 
 as interpreted by their Outward Signs. Three Addresses. New 
 
 Edition. Pott 8vo. is. 
 Diggle (Rev. J. W.) GODLINESS 'AND MANLINESS. 
 
 A Miscellany of Brief Papers touching the Relation of Religion to 
 
 Life. Crown 8vo. 6s. 
 Drummond (Prof. James). INTRODUCTION TO THE 
 
 STUDY OF THEOLOGY. Crown 8vo. 55. 
 ECCE HOMO. A Survey of the Life and Work of Jesus Christ. 
 
 20th Edition. Globe 8vo. 6s. 
 Ellerton (Rev. John). THE HOLIEST MANHOOD, AND 
 
 ITS LESSONS FOR BUSY LIVES. Crown 8vo. 6s. 
 FAITH AND CONDUCT : An Essay on Verifiable Religion. Crown 
 
 8vo. Js. 6d. 
 Farrar (Ven. F. W., Archdeacon of Westminster) 
 
 THE HISTORY OF INTERPRETATION. Being the Bampton 
 
 Lectures, 1885. 8vo. i6s. 
 Collected Edition of the Sermons, etc. Crown 8vo. 35. 6d. 
 
 each. 
 
 SEEKERS AFTER GOD. 
 
 ETERNAL HOPE. Sermons Preached in Westminster Abbey. 
 THE FALL OF MAN, and other Sermons. 
 
 THE WITNESS OF HISTORY TO CHRIST. Hulsean Lectures. 
 THE SILENCE AND VOICES OF GOD. 
 
 IN THE DAYS OF THY YOUTH. Sermons on Practical Subjects. 
 SAINTLY WORKERS. Five Lenten Lectures. 
 EPHPHATHA : or, The Amelioration of the World. 
 MERCY AND JUDGMENT. A few words on Christian Eschatology. 
 SERMONS AND ADDRESSES delivered in America. 
 Finlayson (T.C.) ESSAYS, ADDRESSES, ETC. With Portrait. 
 
 Cr. 8vo. 75. 6d. 
 Fiske (John). MAN'S DESTINY VIEWED IN THE LIGHT 
 
 OF HIS ORIGIN. Crown 8vo. 35. 6d. 
 Forbes (Rev. Granville). THE VOICE OF GOD IN THE 
 
 PSALMS. Crown 8vo. 6s. 6d. 
 
 Fowle (Rev. T. W.) A NEW ANALOGY BETWEEN 
 REVEALED RELIGION AND THE COURSE AND CON- 
 STITUTION OF NATURE. Crown 8vo. 6s. 
 Fraser (Bishop). SERMONS. Edited by Rev. JOHN W. 
 
 DIGGLE. 2 vols. Crown 8vo. 6s. each. 
 Hamilton (John) 
 
 ON TRUTH AND ERROR. Crown 8vo. 55. 
 
 ARTHUR'S SEAT: or, The Church of the Banned. Crown 
 
 8vo. 6s. 
 
 ' ABOVE AND AROUND : Thoughts on God and Man. 1 2mo. 2s. 6d. 
 Hardwick (Archdeacon). CHRIST AND OTHER MAS- 
 TERS. 6th Edition. Crown 8vo. los. 6d.
 
 14 MACMILLAN AND CO.'S 
 
 Hare (Julius Charles) 
 
 THE MISSION OF THE COMFORTER. New Edition. Edited 
 by Dean PLUMPTRE. Crown 8vo. 75. 6d. 
 
 Harper (Father Thomas, SJ.) THE METAPHYSICS OF THE 
 SCHOOL. In 5 vols. Vol. II. 8vo. i8s. Vol. III. Part 
 
 I. I2S. 
 
 Harris (Rev. G. C.) SERMONS. With a Memoir by 
 
 CHARLOTTE M. YONGE, and Portrait. Extra fcap. 8vo. 6s. 
 Hort (F. J. A.) THE WAY, THE TRUTH, THE LIFE. 
 
 Hulsean Lectures, 1871. Crown 8vo. 6s. 
 LECTURES ON JUDAISTIC CHRISTIANITY. Crown 8vo. 
 
 [In the Press. 
 Hutton (R. H.) 
 
 ESSAYS ON SOME OF THE MODERN GUIDES OF ENG- 
 LISH THOUGHT IN MATTERS OF FAITH. GlobeSvo. 53. 
 THEOLOGICAL ESSAYS. Globe 8vo. 55. 
 niingworth (Rev. J. R.) SERMONS PREACHED IN A 
 
 COLLEGE CHAPEL. Crown 8vo. 53. 
 
 UNIVERSITY AND CATHEDRAL SERMONS. Crown 8vo. 53. 
 
 PERSONALITY, DIVINE AND HUMAN. Bampton Lectures, 
 
 1874. 8vo. [In the Press. 
 
 Jacob (Rev. J. A.) BUILDING IN SILENCE, and other 
 
 Sermons. Extra fcap. 8vo. 6s. 
 James (Rev. Herbert). THE COUNTRY CLERGYMAN 
 
 AND HIS WORK. Crown 8vo. 6s. 
 Jeans (Rev. G. E.) HAILEYBURY CHAPEL, and other 
 
 Sermons. Fcap. 8vo. 35. 6d. 
 Jellett (Rev. Dr.) 
 
 THE ELDER SON, and other Sermons. Crown 8vo. 6s. 
 THE EFFICACY OF PRAYER. 3rd Edition. Crown 8vo. 55. 
 Joceline (E.) THE MOTHER'S LEGACIE TO HER UN- 
 BORN CHILD. Cr. i6mo. 43. 6d. 
 Kellogg (Rev. S. H.) THE LIGHT OF ASIA AND THE 
 
 LIGHT OF THE WORLD. Crown 8vo. 73. 6d. 
 THE GENESIS AND GROWTH OF RELIGION. Cr. 8vo. 6s. 
 Kingsley (Charles) 
 
 VILLAGE AND TOWN AND COUNTRY SERMONS. Crown 
 
 8vo. 33. 6d. 
 
 THE WATER OF LIFE, and other Sermons. Crown 8vo. 35. 6d. 
 SERMONS ON NATIONAL SUBJECTS, AND THE KING OF 
 
 THE EARTH. Crown 8vo. 35. 6d. 
 SERMONS FOR THE TIMES. Crown 8vo. 35. 6d. 
 GOOD NEWS OF GOD. Crown 8vo. 33. 6d. 
 THE GOSPEL OF THE PENTATEUCH, AND DAVID. Crown 
 8vo. 33. 6d. 
 
 DISCIPLINE, and other Sermons. Crown 8vo. 35. 6d. 
 WESTMINSTER SERMONS. Crown 8vo. 33. 6d. 
 ALL SAINTS' DAY, and other Sermons. Crown 8vo. 35. 6d.
 
 THEOLOGICAL CATALOGUE 15 
 
 Kirkpatrick (Prof. A. F.) THE DIVINE LIBRARY OF THE 
 
 OLD TESTAMENT. Its Origin, Preservation, Inspiration, and 
 
 Permanent Value. Crown 8vo. 35. net. 
 THE DOCTRINE OF THE PROPHETS. Warburtonian Lectures 
 
 1886-1890. Crown 8vo. 6s. 
 
 Knight (W. A.) ASPECTS OF THEISM. 8vo. 8s. 6d. 
 Kynaston (Rev. Herbert, D.D.) SERMONS PREACHED IN 
 
 THE COLLEGE CHAPEL, CHELTENHAM. Crown 8vo. 6s. 
 Lightfoot (Bishop) 
 
 LEADERS IN THE NORTHERN CHURCH : Sermons Preached 
 
 in the Diocese of Durham. 2nd Edition. Crown 8vo. 6s. 
 ORDINATION ADDRESSES AND COUNSELS TO CLERGY. 
 
 Crown 8vo. 6s. 
 
 CAMBRIDGE SERMONS. Crown 8vo. 6s. 
 SERMONS PREACHED IN ST. PAUL'S CATHEDRAL. Crown 
 
 8vo. 6s. 
 SERMONS PREACHED ON SPECIAL OCCASIONS. Crown 
 
 8vo. 6s. 
 A CHARGE DELIVERED TO THE CLERGY OF THE 
 
 DIOCESE OF DURHAM, 25th Nov. 1886. Demy 8vo. 2s. 
 ESSAYS ON THE WORK ENTITLED "Supernatural Reli- 
 gion." 8vo. IDS. 6d. 
 
 DISSERTATIONS ON THE APOSTOLIC AGE. 8vo. 145. 
 BIBLICAL ESSAYS. 8vo. 125. 
 Lyttelton (Hon. Rev. A. T.) COLLEGE AND UNIVERSITY 
 
 SERMONS. Crown 8vo. 6s. 
 Maclaren (Rev. Alexander) 
 
 SERMONS PREACHED AT MANCHESTER. nth Edition. 
 
 Fcap. 8vo. 45. 6d. 
 
 A SECOND SERIES OF SERMONS. 7th Ed. Fcap. 8vo. 45. 6d. 
 A THIRD SERIES. 6th Edition. Fcap. 8vo. 43. 6d. 
 WEEK-DAY EVENING ADDRESSES. 4th Ed. Fcap. 8vo. 2s. 6d. 
 THE SECRET OF POWER, AND OTHER SERMONS. Fcap. 
 
 8vo. 45. 6d. 
 Macmillan (Rev. Hugh) 
 
 BIBLE TEACHINGS IN NATURE. I5th Ed. Globe 8vo. 6s. 
 THE TRUE VINE ; OR, THE ANALOGIES OF OUR LORD'S 
 
 ALLEGORY. 5th Edition. Globe 8vo. 6s. 
 THE MINISTRY OF NATURE. 8th Edition. Globe 8vo. 6s. 
 THE SABBATH OF THE FIELDS. 6th Edition. Globe 8vo. 6s. 
 THE MARRIAGE IN CANA. Globe 8vo. 6s. 
 TWO WORLDS ARE OURS. 3rd Edition. Globe 8vo. 6s. 
 THE OLIVE LEAF. Globe 8vo. 6s. 
 THE GATE BEAUTIFUL AND OTHER BIBLE TEACHINGS 
 
 FOR THE YOUNG. Crown 8vo. 35. 6d. 
 
 Mahaffy (Rev. Prof.) THE DECAY OF MODERN PREACH- 
 ING : AN ESSAY. Crown 8vo. 35. 6d. 
 Maturin (Rev. W.) THE BLESSEDNESS OF THE DEAD 
 
 IN CHRIST. Crown 8vo. 75. 6d.
 
 16 MACMILLAN AND CO.'S 
 
 Maurice (Frederick Denison) 
 
 THE KINGDOM OF CHRIST. 3rd Ed. 2 Vols. Cr. 8vo. I2S. 
 
 EXPOSITORY SERMONS ON THE PRAYER-BOOK ; AND ON 
 THE LORD'S PRAYER. New Edition. Crown 8vo. 6s. 
 
 SERMONS PREACHED IN COUNTRY CHURCHES, and 
 Edition. Crown 8vo. 6s. 
 
 THE CONSCIENCE. Lectures on Casuistry. 3rd Ed. Cr.Svo. 45. 6d. 
 
 DIALOGUES ON FAMILY WORSHIP. Crown 8vo. 45. 6d. 
 
 THE DOCTRINE OF SACRIFICE DEDUCED FROM THE 
 SCRIPTURES, and Edition. Crown 8vo. 6s. 
 
 THE RELIGIONS OF THE WORLD. 6th Edition. Cr. 8vo. 45. 6d. 
 
 ON THE SABBATH DAY; THE CHARACTER OF THE 
 WARRIOR; AND ON THE INTERPRETATION OF 
 HISTORY. Fcap. 8vo. as. 6d. 
 
 LEARNING AND WORKING. Crown 8vo. 45. 6d. 
 
 THE LORD'S PRAYER, THE CREED, AND THE COM- 
 MANDMENTS. Pott 8vo. is. 
 
 Collected Works. Crown 8vo. 33. 6d. each. 
 
 SERMONS PREACHED IN LINCOLN'S INN CHAPEL. In Six 
 
 Volumes. 33. 6d. each. 
 
 CHRISTMAS DAY AND OTHER SERMONS. 
 THEOLOGICAL ESSAYS. 
 PROPHETS AND KINGS. 
 PATRIARCHS AND LAWGIVERS. 
 THE GOSPEL OF THE KINGDOM OF HEAVEN. 
 GOSPEL OF ST. JOHN. 
 EPISTLE OF ST. JOHN. 
 LECTURES ON THE APOCALYPSE. 
 FRIENDSHIP OF BOOKS. 
 SOCIAL MORALITY. 
 
 PRAYER BOOK AND LORD'S PRAYER. 
 THE DOCTRINE OF SACRIFICE. 
 THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES. 
 
 M'Curdy (J. F.) HISTORY, PROPHECY, AND THE 
 MONUMENTS. 2 Vols. [Vol. I in the Press. 
 
 Milligan (Rev. Prof. W.) THE RESURRECTION OF OUR 
 
 LORD. Fourth Edition. Crown 8vo. 55. 
 THE ASCENSION AND HEAVENLY PRIESTHOOD OF 
 
 OUR LORD. Baird Lectures, 1891. Crown 8vo. 73. 6d. 
 Moorhouse (J., Bishop of Manchester) 
 
 JACOB : Three Sermons. Extra fcap. 8vo. 33. 6d. 
 
 THE TEACHING OF CHRIST. Its Conditions, Secret, and 
 
 Results. Crown 8vo. 33. net. 
 
 CHURCH WORK: ITS MEANS AND METHODS. Crown 
 8vo. 33. net. 
 
 Murphy (J. J.) NATURAL SELECTION AND SPIRITUAL 
 FREEDOM. Gl. 8vo. 53.
 
 THEOLOGICAL CATALOGUE 17 
 
 Myers (F. W. H.) SCIENCE AND A FUTURE LIFE. 
 
 Gl. 8vo. 53. 
 Mylne (L. G., Bishop of Bombay). SERMONS PREACHED 
 
 IN ST. THOMAS'S CATHEDRAL, BOMBAY. Crown 8vo. 6s. 
 
 NATURAL RELIGION. By the author of " Ecce Homo.". 3rd 
 Edition. Globe 8vo. 6s. 
 
 Pattison (Mark). SERMONS. Crown 8vo. 6s. 
 
 PAUL OF TARSUS. 8vo. xos. 6d. 
 
 PHILOCHRISTUS. Memoirs of a Disciple of the Lord. 3rdEd. 8vo. 123. 
 
 Plumptre (Dean). MOVEMENTS IN RELIGIOUS 
 
 THOUGHT. Fcap. 8vo. 35. 6d. 
 Potter (R.) THE RELATION OF ETHICS TO RELIGION. 
 
 Crown 8vo. 2s. 6d. 
 REASONABLE FAITH : A Short Religious Essay for the Times. By 
 
 " Three Friends. " Crown 8vo. is. 
 
 Reichel (C. P., Bishop of Meath) 
 
 THE LORD'S PRAYER, and other Sermons. Crown 8vo. 75. 6d. 
 
 CATHEDRAL AND UNIVERSITY SERMONS. Crown 8vo. 6s. 
 Kendall (Rev. F.) THE THEOLOGY OF THE HEBREW 
 CHRISTIANS. Crown 8vo. 55. 
 
 Reynolds (H. R.) NOTES OF THE CHRISTIAN LIFE. 
 
 Crown 8vo. 7s. 6d. 
 
 Robinson (Prebendary H. G.) MAN IN THE IMAGE OF 
 GOD, and other Sermons. Crown 8vo. 7 s - 6d. 
 
 Russell (Dean). THE LIGHT THAT LIGHTETH EVERY 
 MAN : Sermons. With an introduction by Dean PLUMPTRE, 
 D.D. Crown 8vo. 6s. 
 
 Salmon (Rev. Prof. George) 
 
 NON-MIRACULOUS CHRISTIANITY, and other Sermons. 2nd 
 
 Edition. Crown 8vo. 6s. 
 GNOSTICISM AND AGNOSTICISM, and other Sermons. Crown 
 
 8vo. 73. 6d. 
 
 Sandford (C. W., Bishop of Gibraltar). COUNSEL TO 
 ENGLISH CHURCHMEN ABROAD. Crown 8vo. 6s. 
 
 SCOTCH SERMONS, 1880. By Principal CAIRD and others. 3rd 
 Edition. 8vo. los. 6d. 
 
 Service (Rev. John). SERMONS. With Portrait. Crown 8 vo. 6s. 
 
 Shirley (W. N.) ELIJAH : Four University Sermons. Fcap. 
 8vo. 2s. 6d. 
 
 Smith (Rev. Travers). MAN'S KNOWLEDGE OF MAN 
 AND OF GOD. Crown 8vo. 6s. 
 
 Smith (W. Saumarez). THE BLOOD OF THE NEW 
 COVENANT : A Theological Essay. Crown 8vo. 2s. 6d.
 
 i8 MACMILLAN AND CO.'S 
 
 Stanley (Dean) 
 
 THE NATIONAL THANKSGIVING. Sermons preached in 
 
 Westminster Abbey. 2nd Edition. Crown 8vo. 2s. 6d. 
 ADDRESSES AND SERMONS delivered during a visit to the 
 
 United States and Canada in 1878. Crown 8vo. 6s. 
 
 Stewart (Prof. Balfour) and Tait (Prof. P. G.) THE UNSEEN 
 UNIVERSE; OR, PHYSICAL SPECULATIONS ON A 
 FUTURE STATE, isth Edition. Crown 8vo. 6s. 
 PARADOXICAL PHILOSOPHY: A Sequel to "The Unseen 
 Universe." Crown 8vo. 7s. 6d. 
 
 Stubbs (Rev. C. W.) FOR CHRIST AND CITY. Sermons 
 and Addresses. Crown 8vo. 6s. 
 
 Tait (Archbishop) 
 
 THE PRESENT POSITION OF THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND. 
 
 Being the Charge delivered at his Primary Visitation. 8vo. 33. 6d. 
 DUTIES OF THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND. Being seven 
 
 Addresses delivered at his Second Visitation. 8vo. 45. 6d. 
 THE CHURCH OF THE FUTURE. Charges delivered at his 
 
 Third Quadrennial Visitation. 2nd Edition. Crown 8vo. 33. 6d. 
 
 Taylor (Isaac). THE RESTORATION OF BELIEF. Crown 
 8vo. 8s. 6d. 
 
 Temple (Frederick, Bishop of London) 
 
 SERMONS PREACHED IN THE CHAPEL OF RUGBY 
 SCHOOL. SECOND SERIES. 3rd Edition. Extra fcap. 8vo. 6s. 
 THIRD SERIES. 4th Edition. Extra fcap. 8vo. 6s. 
 THE RELATIONS BETWEEN RELIGION AND SCIENCE. 
 Bampton Lectures, 1884. Jth and Cheaper Ed. Cr. 8vo. 6s. 
 
 Trench. (Archbishop). HULSE AN LECTURES. 8vo. 75. 6d. 
 
 Tulloch (Principal). THE CHRIST OF THE GOSPELS 
 AND THE CHRIST OF MODERN CRITICISM. Extra 
 fcap. 8vo. 43. 6d. 
 
 Vaughan (C. J., Dean of Llandaff) 
 
 MEMORIALS OF HARROW SUNDAYS. 5th Edition. Crown 
 
 8vo. i os. 6d. 
 
 EPIPHANY, LENT, AND EASTER. 3rd Ed. Cr. 8vo. IDS. 6d. 
 HEROES OF FAITH. 2nd Edition. Crown 8vo. 6s. 
 LIFE'S WORK AND GOD'S DISCIPLINE. 3rd Edition. 
 
 Extra fcap. 8vo. 2s. 6d. 
 THE WHOLESOME WORDS OF JESUS CHRIST. 2nd 
 
 Edition. Fcap. 8vo. 33. 6d. 
 
 FOES OF FAITH, and Edition. Fcap. 8vo. 35. 6d. 
 CHRIST SATISFYING THE INSTINCTS OF HUMANITY. 
 
 2nd Edition. Extra fcap. 8vo. 35. 6d. 
 
 COUNSELS FOR YOUNG STUDENTS. Fcap. 8vo. 2s. 6d. 
 . THE TWO GREAT TEMPTATIONS. 2nd Ed. Fcap. 8vo. 33. 6d.
 
 THEOLOGICAL CATALOGUE 19 
 
 Vaughan (C. J., Dean of Llandaff) contimied. 
 
 ADDRESSES FOR YOUNG CLERGYMEN. Extra fcap. 8vo. 
 
 43. 6d. 
 
 " MY SON, GIVE ME THINE HEART." Extra fcap. 8vo. 55. 
 REST AWHILE. Addresses to Toilers in the Ministry. Extra fcap. 
 
 8vo. 53. 
 
 TEMPLE SERMONS. Crown 8vo. IDS. 6d. 
 AUTHORISED OR REVISED? Sermons on some of the Texts in 
 
 which the Revised Version differs from the Authorised. Crown 
 
 8vo. 73. 6d. 
 LESSONS OF THE CROSS AND PASSION. WORDS FROM 
 
 THE CROSS. THE REIGN OF SIN. THE LORD'S 
 
 PRAYER. Four Courses of Lent Lectures. Crown 8vo. IDS. 6d. 
 UNIVERSITY SERMONS. NEW AND OLD. Cr. 8vo. los. 6d. 
 NOTES FOR LECTURES ON CONFIRMATION. Fcap. 8vo. 
 
 is. 6d. 
 THE PRAYERS OF JESUS CHRIST : a closing volume of Lent 
 
 Lectures delivered in the Temple Church. Globe 8vo. 35. 6d. 
 DONCASTER SERMONS. Lessons of Life and Godliness, and 
 
 Words from the Gospels. Cr. 8vo. IDS. 6d. 
 
 RESTFUL THOUGHTS IN RESTLESS TIMES. Cr. 8vo. 55. 
 LAST WORDS IN THE TEMPLE CHURCH. Crown 8vo. 
 
 [In the Press. 
 Vaughan (Rev. D. J.) THE PRESENT TRIAL OF FAITH. 
 
 Crown 8vo. 55. 
 QUESTIONS OF THE DAY, SOCIAL, NATIONAL, AND 
 
 RELIGIOUS. Crown 8vo. 53. 
 
 Vaughan (Rev. E. T.) SOME REASONS OF OUR CHRIS- 
 TIAN HOPE. Hulsean Lectures for 1875. Crown 8vo. 6s. 6d. 
 Vaughan (Rev. Robert). STONES FROM THE QUARRY. 
 
 Sermons. Crown Svo. 55. 
 Venn (Rev. John). ON SOME CHARACTERISTICS OF 
 
 BELIEF, SCIENTIFIC AND RELIGIOUS. 8vo. 6s. 6d. 
 Ward (W.) WITNESSES TO THE UNSEEN, AND 
 
 OTHER ESSAYS. 8vo. IDS. 6d. 
 Welldon (Rev. J. E. C.) THE SPIRITUAL LIFE, and 
 
 other Sermons. Crown 8vo. 6s. 
 Westcott (B. F., Bishop of Durham) 
 
 ON THE RELIGIOUS OFFICE OF THE UNIVERSITIES. 
 
 Sermons. Crown 8vo. 45. 6d. 
 GIFTS FOR MINISTRY. Addresses to Candidates for Ordination. 
 
 Crown 8vo. is. 6d. 
 THE VICTORY OF THE CROSS. Sermons preached during Holy 
 
 Week, 1888, in Hereford Cathedral. Crown 8vo. 33. 6d. 
 FROM STRENGTH TO. STRENGTH. Three Sermons (In 
 
 Memoriam J. B. D. ) Crown 8vo. as. 
 
 THE REVELATION OF THE RISEN LORD. Cr. Svo. 6s. 
 THE HISTORIC FAITH. 3rd Edition. Crown Svo. 6s. 
 THE GOSPEL OF THE RESURRECTION. 6th Ed. Cr. Svo. 6s. 
 THE REVELATION OF THE FATHER. Crown Svo. 6s. 
 CHRISTUS CONSUMMATOR. and Edition. Crown Svo. 6s.
 
 20 MACMILLAN AND CO.'S THEOLOGICAL CATALOGUE 
 
 Westcott (B. F., Bishop of Durham) continued. 
 
 SOME THOUGHTS FROM THE ORDINAL. Cr. 8vo. is. 6d. 
 SOCIAL ASPECTS OF CHRISTIANITY. Crown 8vo. 6s. 
 ESSAYS IN THE HISTORY OF RELIGIOUS THOUGHT IN 
 
 THE WEST. Globe 8vo. 53. 
 THE GOSPEL OF LIFE. Cr. 8vo. 6s. 
 
 THE INCARNATION AND COMMON LIFE. Crown 8vo. 95. 
 WMttuck (C. A.) THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND AND 
 
 RECENT RELIGIOUS THOUGHT. Crown 8vo. 73. 6d. 
 Wickham (Rev. E. C.) WELLINGTON COLLEGE 
 
 SERMONS. Crown 8vo. 6s. 
 Wilkins (Prof. A. S.) THE LIGHT OF THE WORLD : an 
 
 Essay, and Edition. Crown 8vo. 33. 6d. 
 Willink (A.) THE WORLD OF THE UNSEEN. Cr. 8vo. 
 
 33. 6d. 
 Wilson (J. M., Archdeacon of Manchester) 
 
 SERMONS PREACHED IN CLIFTON COLLEGE CHAPEL. 
 
 Second Series. 1888-90. Crown 8vo. 6s. 
 ESSAYS AND ADDRESSES. Crown 8vo. 43. 6d. 
 SOME CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE RELIGIOUS THOUGHT 
 
 OF OUR TIME. Crown 8vo. 6s. 
 Wood (C. J.) SURVIVALS IN CHRISTIANITY. Cr. 8vo. 6s. 
 
 Printed by R. & R. CLARK, Edinbutgh 
 
 viii 20.8.94
 
 BR 
 
 AHY 
 
 University of California 
 
 SOUTHERN REGIONAL LIBRARY FACILITY 
 
 405 Hilgard Avenue, Los Angeles, CA 90024-1388 
 
 Return this material to the library 
 
 from which it was borrowed.
 
 UC SOUTHERN REGIONAL LIBRARY FACILITY 
 
 A 000891 817 9 
 
 -