THE KING OF SPAIN AND THE QUEEN REGENT 
 
 Spain, Frontispiece.
 
 SPAIN 
 
 AND 
 
 HER COLONIES 
 
 COMPILED FROM THE BEST AUTHORITIES 
 
 BY 
 
 ARCHIBALD WILBERFORCE 
 
 ILLUSTRATED 
 
 I 
 
 NEW YORK 
 
 PETER FENELON COLLIER 
 
 MDCCCXCVIll
 
 CONTENTS 
 
 CHAPTER I 
 SPAIS IN ANTIQUITT 5 
 
 CHAPTER II 
 THE CALIPHATE OF COBDOVA 14 
 
 CHAPTER HI 
 MEDIEVAL SPAIN 28 
 
 CHAPTER IV 
 MOORISH SPAIN 58 
 
 CHAPTER V 
 THE INQUISITION 80 
 
 CHAPTER VI 
 THEIR CATHOLIC MAJESTIES 96 
 
 CHAPTER VII 
 UNITED SPAIN 135 
 
 CHAPTER VIII 
 MODERN SPAIN 156 
 
 CHAPTER IX 
 COLONIAL SPAIN 199 
 
 CHAPTER X 
 THE PALL OF AN EMPIRE 218 
 
 CHAPTER XI 
 THE PHILIPPINES. 244 
 
 CHAPTER XII 
 THE HISPANO- AMERICAN WAR , 313 
 
 CHAPTER XIII 
 
 SPANISH ART, LITERATURE, AND SPORT 328 
 
 I. Painting and Architecture 328 
 
 II. Spanish Literature .... 341 
 
 III. Sport ; 347 
 
 APPENDIX .. 356 
 
 2227077
 
 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 SPAIN 
 
 Frontispiece The King of Spain and the Queen Regent . 
 View of Cadiz . . - . ... 
 
 Alicanti 
 
 War Ministry Department
 
 HISTORY OF SPAIN 
 
 CHAPTER I 
 
 SPAIN IN ANTIQUITY 
 
 THE FIRST LAWS AND THE FIRST INVADERS GREEKS, 
 PHOENICIANS, ROMANS AND GOTHS 
 
 HISPANTA was the name by which the Romans called 
 the peninsula which is made up of Spain and Portugal. 
 The origin of the name is disputed. To the Greeks the 
 country was known as Hesperia the Land of the Setting 
 Sun. According to Mariana,* Spain is called after its 
 founder, Hispanus, a son or grandson of Hercules. But, 
 for reasons hereinafter related, better authorities derive it 
 from the Phoenician Span. 
 
 There is a legend which Mariana recites, to the effect 
 that the primal laws of Spain were written in verse, and 
 framed six thousand years before the beginning of Time. 
 To medieval makers of chronicles, Tubal, fifth son of 
 Japhet, was the first to set foot on its shore. But ear- 
 lier historians, ignorant of Noah's descendant, and, it may 
 be, better informed, hold that after the episodes connected 
 with the Golden Fleece, the Argonauts, guided by Her- 
 
 * "Historia general de Espana," by Juan de Mariana. 
 9 vols., Valencia, 1783-96. 
 
 (5)
 
 6 HISTORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 eules, sailed the seas and loitered a while iu Spain, where 
 they were joined by refugees escaping from the totter and 
 fall of Troy. Black was their national color. It has been 
 retained in the mantillas of to-day. After the Greek ad- 
 yenturers came the Phoenicians. The latter, a peaceful 
 people, born traders, as are all of Semitic origin, founded 
 a colony at Gaddir (Cadiz). In a remoter era they had 
 established themselves at Canaan, where they built Bylos, 
 Sidon and Tyre. From Tyre emigrants moved to Africa. 
 Their headquarters was Kartha-Hadath, literally New- 
 town, that Carthage in whose ruins Marius was to weep. 
 The Phoenicians, as has been noted, were a peaceful peo- 
 ple. Under a burning sun their younger brothers devel- 
 oped into tigers. They had the storm for ally. They 
 ravaged the coast like whirlwinds. They took Sicily, then 
 Sardinia. Presently there was a quarrel at Gaddir. It 
 was only natural that the Phoenicians should ask aid of 
 their relatives. The Carthaginians responded, and, find- 
 ing the country to their taste, took possession of it on their 
 own account. To the Romans, with whom already they 
 had crossed swords, they said nothing of this new posses- 
 sion. It seemed wiser to leave it unmentioned than to 
 guard it with protecting, yet disclosive, treaties. More 
 than once they scuttled their triremes suspicious sails 
 were following them to its shore. From this vigilance 
 the name of Spain is derived. In Punic, Span signifies 
 hidden. 
 
 The hiding of Spain was possible when the Romans 
 were still in the nursery. But when the Romans grew 
 up, when they had conquered Greece, and all of Italy was 
 theirs, their enterprises developed. Up to this time the
 
 SPAIN IN ANTIQUITY. 7 
 
 two nations had been almost allies. At once they were 
 open rivals. It was a question between them as to whom 
 the world should belong. 
 
 The arguments on this subject, known as the Punic 
 Wars, were three hi number. The first resulted in a loss 
 of Sicily and Sardinia. In the second, Spain went. In 
 the third, Carthage was razed to the ground. 
 
 It was with the conquest of Sagentum a conquest not 
 achieved until the surviving inhabitants of that beleaguered 
 city had committed suicide that annexation began. Then, 
 slowly, at one time advancing, at another retreating, now 
 defeated, now defeating, the Romans promenaded their 
 eagles down the coast. Scipio came and watched the self- 
 destruction of the Numantians, as Hannibal had watched 
 the Sagentums fall. Pompey, boasting that he had made 
 the Republic mistress of a thousand towns, came too; and 
 after him Caesar, who, long before, as simple quaestor, had 
 wept at Cadiz because of Alexander, who at his age had 
 conquered the world Caesar, his face blanched with tire- 
 less debauches, came back and gave the land its coup de 
 grace. In this fashion, with an unhealed wound in every 
 province, Spain crawled down to Augustus's feet. A toga 
 was thrown over her. When it was withdrawn the wounds 
 had healed. She was a Roman province, the most flourish- 
 ing, perhaps, and surely the most fair. 
 
 The fusion of the two peoples was immediate. The 
 native soldiery were sent off to bleed in the four corners 
 of the globe, to that Ultima Thule where the Britons lived 
 and which it took years to reach, or nearer home in Gaul, 
 or else far to the north among the Teuton States ; and, in 
 the absence of an element which might have turned ugly,
 
 8 HISTORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 the Romans found it easy work to open school. They had 
 always been partial to Greek learning, and they inculcated 
 it on the slightest pretext. They imported then* borrowed 
 Pantheon, their local Hercules, all the metamorphosed and 
 irritable gods, and with becoming liberality added to them 
 those divinities whom their adopted children most revered. 
 It was in this way that the fusion of the two races came 
 about. When Augustus assumed the purple, throughout 
 the entire peninsula Latin was generally in use. It was 
 not of the purest, to be sure. It had been beaten in with 
 the sword, the accent was rough and the construction 
 bristled with barbarisms ; but still it was Latin, and needed 
 only a generation of sandpaper to become polished and re- 
 fined. But perhaps the least recognized factor hi the fusion 
 of the two peoples was a growing and common taste for 
 polite literature. Such as the Romans possessed was, like 
 their architecture, their science, philosophy and religion, bor- 
 rowed outright from the Greeks. They were hungry for 
 new ideas. These the Spaniards undertook to provide. 
 They had descended from a race whose fabulous laws 
 were written in verse, and something of that legendary 
 inspiration must have accompanied them through ages of 
 preceding strife, for suddenly Boetica was peopled with 
 poets. In connection with this it may be noted that, apart 
 from the crop of Augustan rhymsters and essayists, almost 
 everything in the way of literature which Rome subse- 
 quently produced is the work of Spaniards. Lucan and 
 the Senecas were Boeticans Martial, Floras, Quintillian, 
 Pomponius Mila were all of that race. J'en passe et des 
 meilleurs. The Romans, trained by the Greeks, were, it is 
 true, the teachers. Under their heavy hand the young An-
 
 SPAIN IN ANTIQUITY. 9 
 
 dalusians lost their way among the clouds of Aristophanes, 
 just as we have done ourselves; they spouted the Tityre 
 tu, and the arma virum, they followed the Odyssey and 
 learned that in ages as remote to them as they are to 
 us, Ulysses had visited their coast. Indeed the Romans 
 did what they could, and if their pupils surpassed them it 
 was owing to the lack-luster of their own imaginations. 
 But the education of backward Spain was not limited to 
 Greek poets and Augustan bores. Lessons in drawing were 
 given, not as an extra, but as part of the ordinary curricu- 
 lum. The sciences, too, were taught, the blackboard was 
 brought into use, and Euclid another Greek was ex- 
 pounded on the very soil that under newer conquerors was 
 to produce the charms and seductions of Algebra. Added 
 to this, industry was not neglected. The Romans got from 
 them not poets alone, but woolens, calicoes, and barbers too, 
 emperors even. Trajan was an Andalou, so was Hadrian, 
 and so also was that sceptered misanthrope Marcus Aure- 
 lius. As for arms, it is written in blood that the Romans 
 would have no others than those which came from Spain. 
 The plebs dressed themselves there. Strabo says that all 
 the ready-made clothing came from Tarragona. From 
 Malaga, which in a fair wind was but six days' sail from 
 the Tiber's mouth, came potted herring, fat, black grapes 
 that stained the chin, and wax yellow as amber. From 
 Cadiz came the rarest purple, wine headier than Faler- 
 nian, honey sweeter than that of Hymettus, and jars of 
 pale, transparent oil. To I vie. a the Romans sent their to- 
 gas; there was a baphia there, a dyeing establishment, 
 which, to be simply charming, needed but the signboard 
 Morituri te salutamus. And from the banks of the Betis
 
 10 HISTORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 there came for the lupanars girls with the Orient in their 
 eyes, and lips that said "Drink me." In this pleasant 
 fashion Rome, after conquering Spain, sat down to banquet 
 on her products. The Imperial City then was not unlike a 
 professional pugilist who is unable to find a worthy oppo- 
 nent; possible rivals had been slugged into subjection. Per- 
 haps she was weary, too. However great the future of a 
 combatant may be, there comes an hour when contention 
 palls and peace has charms. In any event, Rome at that 
 time was more occupied in assimilating her dominions than 
 in extending the wonders of her sway. And it was during 
 this caprice that Spain found her fifty races fused in one. 
 On the distant throne was a procession of despots, terribly 
 tyrannical, yet doing what good they could. In return for 
 flowers, fruits and pretty girls, they gave roads, aqueducts, 
 arenas, games and vice. Claud introduced new fashions; 
 Nero, the saturnalia. Each of the emperors did what he 
 was able, even to Hadrian, who increased the number of 
 Jews. It was during his reign that were felt the first 
 tremors of that cataclysm in which antiquity was to dis- 
 appear. Rome was so thoroughly mistress of the world 
 that to master her Nature had to produce new races. The 
 parturitions, as we know, were successful. Already the 
 blue victorious eyes of Vandal and of Goth were peering 
 down at Rome; already they had whispered together, and 
 over the hydromel had drunk to her fall. 
 
 ' The Goths were a wonderful people. When they first 
 appear in history then* hair was tossed and tangled by the 
 salt winds of the Baltic. Later, when in tattered furs they 
 issued from the fens of the Danube, they startled the hard- 
 iest warriors of the world, the descendants of that nursling
 
 SPAIN IN ANTIQUITY. 11 
 
 of the gaunt she-wolf. Little by little from vagabond herd- 
 ers they consolidated first into tribes, then into a nation, 
 finally into an army that beat at the gates of Rome. 
 There they loitered a moment, a century at most. "When 
 they receded again with plunder and with slaves they left 
 an emperor behind. Soon they were more turbulent than 
 ever. They swept over antiquity like a tide, their waves 
 subsiding only to rise anew. And just as the earth was 
 oscillating beneath their weight, from the steppes of Tar- 
 tary issued cyclones of Huns. Where they passed, the 
 plains remained forever bare. In the shock of their on- 
 slaught the' empire of the Goths was sundered. Some of 
 them, the Ostrogoths, went back to their cattle, others, the 
 Visigoths, went down to have another word with Rome. It 
 was then that their cousins the Vandals got their fingers on 
 her throat and frightened the world with her cries. In the 
 strain of incessant shrieks the Imperial City fell. From out 
 the ruins a mitered prelate dragged a throne. Paganism had 
 been strangled; antiquity was dead; new creeds and new 
 races were refurbishing the world. Among the latter the 
 Goths still prowled. In the advance through the centuries, 
 in the journey from the Baltic to the Mediterranean, in the 
 friction with the Attic refinement which the Romans had 
 acquired, the Goths left some of their barbarism on the road 
 not much, however. Historians have it that when they 
 took possession of Spain they manifested a love of art, a 
 desire for culture, and that they affected the manners and 
 usages of polite society. But historians are privileged liars. 
 The majority of those who have treated the subject admired 
 the Goths because they fancied them Christians, and in the 
 admiration they placed them in flattering contrast to their
 
 12 HISTORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 predecessors who were pagans, and to their successors who 
 were Muhammadans. As a matter of fact one that is amply 
 attested in local chronicles they were coarse, illiterate and 
 stupid as carps; moreover, they were not Christians, they 
 were Arians, and they were Arians precisely as they were 
 Goths they were born so. To the dogma of the Trinity and 
 the consubstantiability or non-consubstantiability of Jesus 
 the Christ they were as ignorant as of the formation of the 
 earth. Throughout Europe at that time not a thread of 
 light was discernible. The dark ages had begun. In the 
 general obscurity the Goths were not a bit more brilliant 
 than their neighbors. Under their hand civilization disap- 
 peared ; in return they gave the Spanish nothing but guttur- 
 als and a taste for chicanery. In ninety and nine cases, the 
 specimens of architecture which cheap-trippers admire as 
 due to them are of Saracen workmanship. The monuments 
 which they did erfct are not disproportioned perhaps; yet, 
 whatever the casuist may affirm, there is still a margin be- 
 tween the commonplace and the beautiful. In brief, to the 
 Visigoths the world owes less than nothing. They let Anda- 
 lusia retrograde for three hundred years, and delayed the dis- 
 covery and development of America. Previous to their com- 
 ing Cadiz had been a famous seaport. The Romans called it 
 The Ship of Stone. Its sons had been immemorial explorers. 
 The presentment of another land across the sea was theirs by 
 intuition. They were constantly extending their expeditions. 
 They were in love with the sunset, they sailed as near it as 
 they could, returned for more provisions, and sailed again; 
 nearer, and ever nearer that way. To the Church the theory 
 of the antipodes was an abominable heresy. It was taught 
 that the earth was a flat parallelogram, its extremities walled
 
 SPAIN IN ANTIQUITY. 13 
 
 by mountains that supported the skies. Lactance was par- 
 ticularly vehement on this point, so too was St. Jerome. 
 Vergilius in asserting the contrary threw Christendom into 
 indignant convulsions. It may be remembered that the 
 most serious obstacle which Columbus subsequently encoun- 
 tered lay in the decisions of the Fathers. Now Cadiz had 
 been more or less converted before the advent of the Visi- 
 goths, but it had not for that reason put aside its habits and 
 customs. It continued to be essentially maritime, but when 
 the Visigoths came, navigation languished, the Ship of 
 Stone no longer turned to the west, it foundered in a sea 
 of ignorance which was then undyked, and the possible 
 discovery of America was indefinitely postponed. By way 
 of compensation, the Visigoths framed a code of laws the 
 spirit of which still survives, and which is serviceable in 
 showing that the framers possessed two distinct traits, a 
 love of agriculture and a hatred of Jews. Traits which are 
 significant when it is understood that it was through agri- 
 culture they were supported and through the Jews they were 
 overthrown. It was the Jews that beckoned the Berbers 
 and their masters the Arabs the Moors, as those Arabs 
 were called who had deserted the deserts for the African 
 Riviera.
 
 CHAPTER II 
 
 THE CALIPHATE OF CORDOVA 
 
 THE CRESCENT AND THE CROSS CORDOVA IN THE MIDDLE 
 
 AGES THE GLORIES OF AZ ZAHRA THE RISE OF 
 
 ALMANZOR 
 
 IT was in 712 that Spain, after remaining for nearly 
 three centuries in the possession of the Visigoths, fell under 
 the yoke of the Saracens. For some time past, from a 
 palace at Tandjah (Tangiers), a Mussulman emir had been 
 eying the strip of blue water which alone separated him 
 from that Andalusia which, like the other parts of this 
 world and all of the next, had been promised to the fol- 
 lowers of Muhammad. The invasion that ensued was sin- 
 gularly pacific. The enthusiasm which distinguished the 
 youthful period of Muhammadism might accoimt for the 
 conquest which followed, even if we could not assign addi- 
 tional causes the factions into, which the Goths had become 
 divided, the resentment of disappointed pretenders to the 
 throne, the provocations of one Count Julian, whose daugh- 
 ter, seduced by Roderic, the last of the Gothic kings, caused 
 him, it is said, to urge the Moors to come over. It is more 
 surprising that a remnant of this ancient monarchy should 
 not only have preserved its national liberty and name in the 
 northern mountains, but waged for some centuries a suc- 
 cessful, and generally an offensive, warfare against the con- 
 querors, till the balance was completely turned in its favor 
 (14)
 
 THE CALIPHATE OF CORDOVA. 15 
 
 and the Moors were compelled to maintain almost as ob- 
 stinate and protracted a contest for a small portion of the 
 peninsula. But the Arabian monarchs of Cordova found in 
 their success and imagined security a pretext for indolence; 
 even in the cultivation of science and contemplation of the 
 magnificent architecture of their mosques and palaces they 
 forgot their poor but daring enemies in the Asturias ; while, 
 according to the nature of despotism, the fruits of wisdom 
 or bravery in one generation were lost in the follies and 
 effeminacy of the next. Their kingdom was dismembered 
 by successful rebels, who formed the states of Toledo, 
 Huesca, Saragossa, and others less eminent; and these, in 
 their own mutual contests, not only relaxed their natural 
 enmity toward the Christian princes, but sometimes sought 
 their alliance. 
 
 Be that as it may, of all who had entered Spain, 
 whether Greek, Phoenician, Vandal or Goth, the Moors were 
 the most tolerant. The worship of God was undisturbed. 
 The temples were not only preserved, new ones were built. 
 In every town they entered, presto! a mosque and a 
 school, and mosques and schools that were entrancing as 
 song. On the banks of the Betis, renamed the Great 
 River, Al-Ouad-al-Kebyr (Guadalquivir), twelve hundred 
 villages bloomed like roses in June. From three hun- 
 dred thousand filigreed pulpits the glory of Allah, and 
 of Muhammad his prophet, was daily proclaimed. 
 
 They were superb fellows, these Moors. In earlier 
 ages the restless Bedouins, their ancestors, were rather 
 fierce, and when the degenerate Sabaism they professed 
 was put aside for the lessons of Muhammad, they were 
 not only fierce, they were fanatic as well. A drop of
 
 16 HISTORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 blood shed for Allah, equaled, they were taught, whole 
 months of fasting and of prayer. Thereafter, they 
 preached with the scimiter. But in time, that great 
 emollient, they grew less dogmatic. In the ninth cent- 
 ury the court of Haroun al Raschid, was a free academy 
 in which all the arts were cultivated and enjoyed. Un- 
 der the Moors, Cordova surpassed Bagdad. 
 
 In the tenth century it was the most beautiful and 
 most civilized city of Europe. Concerning it Burke, in 
 his "History of Spain" a work to which we are much 
 indebted writes as follows: 
 
 There was the Caliph's Palace of Flowers, his Palace 
 of Contentment, his Palace of Lovers, and, most beauti- 
 ful of all, the Palace of Damascus. Rich and poor met 
 in the Mezquita, the noblest place of worship then stand- 
 ing in Europe, with its twelve hundred marble columns, 
 and its twenty brazen doors; the vast interior resplend- 
 ent with porphyry and jasper and many colored precious 
 stones, the walls glittering with harmonious mosaics, the 
 air perfumed with incense, the courtyards leafy with 
 groves of orange trees showing apples of gold in pict- 
 ures of silver. Throughout the city, there were foun- 
 tains, basins, baths, with cold water brought from the 
 neighboring mountains, already carried in the leaden 
 pipes that are the highest triumph of the modern 
 plumber. 
 
 But more wonderful even than Cordova itself was the 
 suburb and palace of Az Zahra. For five-and-twenty 
 years the Caliph Abdur Rahman devoted to the building 
 of this royal fancy one-third of the revenues of the State;
 
 THE CALIPHATE OF CORDOVA. 17 
 
 and the work, on his death, was piously continued by 
 his son, who devoted the first fifteen years of his reign 
 to its completion. For forty years ten thousand work- 
 men are said to have toiled day by day, and the record 
 of the refinement as well as the magnificence of the struc- 
 ture, as it approached completion, almost passes belief. 
 It is said that in a moment of exaltation the Caliph gave 
 orders for the removal of the great mountain at whose 
 foot the fairy city was built, as the dark shade of the 
 forests that covered its sides overshadowed the gilded 
 palace of his creation. 
 
 Convinced of the impossibility of his enterprise, An 
 Nasir was content that all the oaks and beech trees that 
 grew on the mountain side should be rooted up; and 
 that fig trees, and almonds, and pomegranates should be 
 planted in their place; and thus the very hills and for- 
 ests of Az Zahra were decked with blossom and beauty. 
 
 Travelers from distant lands, men of all ranks and 
 professions, princes, embassadors, merchants, pilgrims, 
 theologians and poets, all agreed that they had never 
 seen in the course of their travels anything that could 
 be compared with Az Zahra, and that no imagination, 
 however fertile, could have formed an idea of its beau- 
 ties. Of this marvelous creation of Art and Fancy not 
 one stone remains upon another not a vestige to mark 
 the spot on which it stood; and it is hard to reconstruct 
 from the dry records of Arab historians the fairy edifice 
 of which we are told no words could paint the magnifi- 
 cence. According to these authors the inclosing wall of 
 the palace was four thousand feet in length from east 
 to west, and two thousand two hundred feet from north
 
 18 HISTORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 to south. The greater part of this space was occupied 
 by gardens, with their marble fountains, kiosks and orna- 
 ments of various kinds, not inferior in beauty to the more 
 strictly architectural parts of the building. 
 
 Four thousand three hundred columns of the rarest 
 and most precious marbles supported the roof of the pal- 
 ace; of these some were brought from Africa, some from 
 Rome, and many were presented by the Emperor at Con- 
 stantinople to Abdur Rahman. The halls were paved 
 with marble, disposed in a thousand varied patterns. 
 The walls were of the same material, and ornamented 
 with friezes of the most brilliant colors. The ceilings, 
 constructed of cedar, were enriched with gilding on an 
 azure ground, with damasked work and interlacing de- 
 signs. Everything, in short, that the wealth and re- 
 sources of the Caliph could command was lavished on 
 this favorite retreat, and all that the art of Constanti- 
 nople and Bagdad could contribute to aid the taste and 
 executive skill of the Spanish Arabs was enlisted to make 
 it the most perfect work of its age. Did this palace of 
 Zahra now remain to us, says Mr. Fergusson, we could 
 afford to despise the Alhambra and all the other works 
 of the declining ages of Moorish art. 
 
 It was here that Abdur Rahman an Nasir received 
 Sancho the Fat, and Theuda, queen of Navarre, the en- 
 voys from Charles the Simple of France, and the embas- 
 sadors from the Emperor Constantino at Constantinople. 
 The reception of these imperial visitors is said to have 
 been one of the most magnificent ceremonies of that 
 magnificent court. The orator who had been at first in- 
 trusted with the speech of ceremonial greeting, was act-
 
 THE CALIPHATE OF CORDOVA. 19 
 
 ually struck dumb by the grandeur of the scene, and his 
 place was taken by a less impressionable rhetorician. 
 
 Nor was it only material splendor that was to be found 
 at Cordova. At a time when Christian Europe was steeped 
 in ignorance and barbarism, in superstition and prejudice, 
 every branch of science was studied under the favor and 
 protection of the Ommeyad Caliphs. Medicine, surgery, 
 botany, chemistry, poetry, the arts, philosophy, literature, 
 all flourished at the court and city of Cordova. Agriculture 
 was cultivated with a perfection, both theoretical and prac- 
 tical, which is apparent from the works of contemporary 
 Arab writers. The Silo, so lately introduced into England 
 as a valuable agricultural novelty, is not only the invention 
 of the Arabs, but the very name is Arabic, as is that of the 
 Azequia and of the Noria of modern Spain. Both the sec- 
 ond and the third Abdur Rahman were passionately fond 
 of gardening and tree-planting; and seeds, roots and cut- 
 tings were brought from all parts of the world and accli- 
 matized in the gardens at Cordova. A pomegranate of 
 peculiar excellence, the Safari, which was introduced by 
 the second Abdur Rahman from Damascus, still maintains 
 its superiority, and is known in Spain to the present day 
 as the Granada Zafari. 
 
 Thus, in small things as in great, the Arabs of Cordova 
 stood immeasurably above every other people or any other 
 government in Europe. Yet their influence unhappily was 
 but small. They surpassed, but they did not lead. The 
 very greatness of their superiority rendered their example 
 fruitless. Medieval chivalry, indeed, was largely the result 
 of their influence in Spain. But chivalry as an institution 
 had itself decayed long before a new-born Europe had at-
 
 20 HISTORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 tained to the material and moral perfection of the great 
 Emirs of Cordova. Their political organization was un- 
 adapted to the needs or the aspirations of Western Europe, 
 and contained within itself the elements, not of develop- 
 ment, but of decay. Their civilization perished, and left 
 no heirs behind it and its place knows it no more. 
 
 The reign of Hakam II., the son and successor of the 
 great Caliph, was tranquil, prosperous and honorable, the 
 golden age of Arab literature in Spain. The king was 
 above all things a student, living the life almost of a re- 
 cluse in his splendid retreat at Az Zahra, and concerning 
 himself rather with the collection of books for his celebrated 
 library at Cordova than with the cares of State and the 
 excitements of war. He sent agents to every city in the 
 East to buy rare manuscripts and bring them back to Cor- 
 dova. When he could not acquire originals he procured 
 copies, and every book was carefully catalogued and worth- 
 ily lodged. Hakam not only built libraries, but, unlike 
 many modern collectors, he is said to have read and even 
 to have annotated the books that they contained; but as 
 their number exceeded four hundred thousand, he must 
 have been a remarkably rapid student. 
 
 The peaceful disposition of the new Caliph emboldened 
 his Christian neighbors and tributaries to disregard the old 
 treaties and to assert their independence of Cordova. But 
 the armies of Hakam were able to make his rights re- 
 spected, and the treaties were reaffirmed and observed. 
 Many were the embassies that were received at Cordova 
 from rival Christian chiefs; and Sancho of Leon, Fernan 
 Gonzalez of Castile, Garcia of Navarre, Rodrigo Velasquez 
 of Gallicia, and finally Ordono the Bad, Pretender to the
 
 THE CALIPHATE OF CORDOVA. 21 
 
 crown of Leon, were all represented at the court of Az 
 Zahra. 
 
 The reign of this royal scholar was peaceful and pros- 
 perous; but kingly power tends to decline in libraries, and 
 when Hakam ceased to build and to annotate, and his king- 
 dom devolved upon his son, the royal authority passed not 
 into the hands of the young Hisham, who was only nine 
 years of age at the time of his father's death, but into those 
 of the Sultana Sobeyra and of her favorite, Ibn-abu-amir, 
 who is known to later generations by the proud title of Al- 
 manzor. * 
 
 Ibn-abu-amir began his career as a poor student at the 
 University of Cordova. Of respectable birth and parentage, 
 filled with noble ambition, born for empire and command, 
 the youth became a court scribe, and, attracting the atten- 
 tion of the all-powerful Sobeyra by the charm of his manner 
 and his nobility of bearing, he soon rose to power and dis- 
 tinction in the palace; and as Master of the Mint, and after- 
 ward as Commander of the City Guard, he found means to 
 render himself indispensable, as he had always been agree- 
 able, to the harem. Nor was the young courtier less ac- 
 ceptable to the Caliph. Intrusted by him on a critical occa- 
 sion with the supremely difficult mission of comptrolling the 
 expenditure of the army in Africa, where the general-in- 
 chief had proved over-prodigal or over-rapacious, Ibn-abu- 
 amir acquitted himself with such extraordinary skill and 
 tact that he won the respect and admiration, not only of 
 the Caliph whose treasury he protected, but of the general 
 
 * Al Manzor al Allah: "The Victor of God; or, Victo- 
 rious by the Grace of God."
 
 22 HISTORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 whose extravagance he checked, and even of the common 
 soldiers of the army, who are not usually drawn to a civil- 
 ian superintendent, or to a reforming treasury official from 
 headquarters. The expenses were curtailed; but the cam- 
 paign was successful, and the victorious general and the 
 yet more victorious Cadi shared on equal terms the honor 
 of a triumphal entry into the capital. 
 
 On the death of Hakam, in September, 976, Ibn-abu- 
 amir showed no less than his usual tact and vigor in sup- 
 pressing a palace intrigue, and placing the young Hisham 
 on the throne of his father. The Caliph was but twelve 
 years of age, and his powerful guardian, supported by the 
 harem, beloved by the people, and feared by the vanquished 
 conspirators, took upon himself the entire administration of 
 the kingdom, repealed some obnoxious taxes, reformed the 
 organization of the army, and sought to confirm and estab- 
 lish his power by a war against his neighbors in the north. 
 The peace which had so long prevailed between Moor and 
 Christian was thus rudely broken, and the Moslem once 
 more carried his arms across the northern frontier. The 
 campaign was eminently successful. Ibn-abu-amir, who 
 contrived not only to vanquish his enemies but to please 
 his friends, became at once the master of the palace and of 
 the army. The inevitable critic was found to say that the 
 victor was a diplomatist and a lawyer rather than a great 
 general ; but he was certainly a great leader of men, and if 
 he was at any time unskilled in the conduct of a battle, he 
 owned from the first that higher skill of knowing whom to 
 trust with command. Nor was he less remarkable for his 
 true military virtue of constant clemency to the vanquished. 
 
 In two years after the death of Hakam, Almanzor had
 
 THE CALIPHATE OF CORDOVA. 23 
 
 attained the position of the greatest of the maires du palais 
 of early France, and he ruled all Mohammedan Spain in 
 the name of young Hisham, whose throne he forbore to 
 occupy and whose person was safe in his custody. But if 
 Almanzor was not a dilettante like Abdur Rahman II., nor 
 a collector of MSS. like Hakam, he was no vulgar fighter 
 like the early kings of Leon or of Navarre. A library of 
 books accompanied him in all his campaigns; literature, 
 science, and the arts were munificently patronized at court; 
 a university or high school was established at Cordova, 
 where the great mosque was enlarged for the accommoda- 
 tion of an increasing number of worshipers. Yet in one 
 thing did he show his weakness. He could afford to have 
 no enemies. The idol of the army, the lover of the queen, 
 the prefect of the city, the guardian of the person of the 
 Caliph, Almanzor yet found it necessary to conciliate the 
 theologians; and the theologians were only conciliated by 
 the delivery of the great library of Hakam into the hands 
 of the Ulema. The shelves were ransacked for works on 
 astrology and magic, on natural philosophy, and the for- 
 bidden sciences, and after an inquisition as formal and as 
 thorough and probably no more intelligent than that which 
 was conducted by the curate and the barber in the house 
 of Don Quixote, tens of thousands of priceless volumes were 
 publicly committed to the flames. 
 
 Nor did Almanzor neglect the more practical or more 
 direct means of maintaining his power. The army was 
 filled with bold recruits from Africa, and renegades from 
 the Christian provinces of the north. The organization 
 and equipment of the regiments was constantly improved ; 
 and the troops were ever loyal to their civilian benefactor.
 
 24 HISTORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 Ghalib, the Commander-in-chief, having sought to overthrow 
 the supreme administrator of the kingdom, was vanquished 
 and slain in battle (981). The Caliph was practically a 
 prisoner in his own palace, and was encouraged by his 
 guardian and his friends, both in the harem and in the 
 mosque, to devote himself entirely to a religious life, and 
 abandon the administration of his kingdom to the Hajib, 
 who now, feeling himself entirely secure at home, turned 
 his arms once more against the Christians on the northern 
 frontiers; and it was on his return to Cordova, after his 
 victories at Simancas and Zamora in 981, that he was 
 greeted with the well-known title of Almanzor. 
 
 In 984 he compelled Bermudo II. of Leon to become his 
 tributary. In 985 he turned his attention to Catalonia, and 
 after a brief but brilliant campaign he made himself master 
 of Barcelona. Two years later (987), Bermudo having dis- 
 missed his Moslem guards and thrown off his allegiance to 
 Cordova, Almanzor marched into the northwest, and after 
 sacking Coimbra, overran Leon, entirely destroyed the capi- 
 tal city, and compelled the Christian king to take refuge in 
 the wild fastnesses of the Asturias. 
 
 Meanwhile, at Cordova, the power of Almanzor became 
 year by year more complete. A 7 ictorious in Africa as well 
 as in Spain, this heaven-born general was as skillful in the 
 council chamber as he was in the field. The iron hand was 
 ever clad in a silken glove. His ambition was content with 
 the substance of power, and with the gradual assumption 
 of any external show of supreme authority in the State. In 
 991 he abandoned the office and title of Hajib to his son, 
 Abdul Malik. In 992 his seal took the place of that of the 
 monarch on all documents of State. In 993 he assumed the
 
 THE CALIPHATE OF CORDOVA. 26 
 
 royal cognomen of Mowayad. Two years later he arro- 
 gated to himself alone the title of Said ; and in 996 he ven- 
 tured a step further, and assumed the title of Malik Karim, 
 or king. 
 
 But in 996 Almanzor was. at length confronted by a 
 rival. Sobeyra, the Navarrese Sultana, once his mistress, 
 was now his deadly enemy, and she had determined that 
 the queen, and not the minister, should reign supreme in 
 the palace. Almanzor was to be destroyed. Hakam, a* 
 feeble and effeminate youth, was easily won over by the 
 harem, who urged him to show the strength that he was 
 so far from possessing, by espousing the cause of his mother 
 against his guardian. The queen was assured of victory. 
 The treasury was at the disposal of the conspirators. A 
 military rival was secretly summoned from Africa. The 
 minister was banished from the royal presence. The palace 
 was already jubilant. 
 
 But the palace reckoned without Almanzor. Making 
 his way into Hakam's chamber, more charming, more per- 
 suasive, more resolute than ever, Almanzor prevailed upon 
 the Caliph not only to restore him to his confidence, but 
 to empower him, by a solemn instrument under the royal 
 sign-manual, to assume the government of the kingdom. 
 Sobeyra, defeated but unharmed by her victorious and 
 generous rival, retired to a cloister; and Almanzor, con- 
 temptuously leaving to one of his lieutenants the task of 
 vanquishing his subsidized rival in Africa, set forth upon 
 the most memorable of all his many expeditions against 
 Christian Spain (July 3, 997). 
 
 Making his way, at the head of an artny, through Lu- 
 sitania into far away Gallicia, he took Corunna, and de-
 
 26 HISTORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 stroyed the great Christian church and city of Santiago de 
 Compostella, the most sacred spot in all Spain, and sent the 
 famous bells which had called so many Christian pilgrims 
 to prayer and praise to be converted into lamps to illuminate 
 the Moslem worshipers in the mosque at Cordova. 
 
 Five years later, in 1002, after an uncertain battle, 
 Almanzor died in harness, if not actually in the ranks, 
 bowed down by mortal disease, unhurt by the arm of 
 'the enemy. The relief of the Christians at his death was 
 unspeakable; and is well expressed, says Mr. Poole, in the 
 simple comment of the Monkish annalist, "In 1002 died 
 Almanzor, and was buried in Hell." 
 
 In force of character, in power of persuasion, in tact, 
 in vigor, in that capacity for command that is only 
 found in noble natures, Almanzor has no rival among 
 the Regents of Spain. His rise is a romance; his power 
 a marvel; his justice a proverb. He was a brilliant 
 financier; a successful favorite; a liberal patron; a stern 
 disciplinarian; a heaven-born courtier; an accomplished 
 general; and no one of the great commanders of Spain, 
 not Gonsalvo de Aguilar himself, was more uniformly 
 successful in the field than this lawyer's clerk of Cordova. 
 
 Hisham, in confinement at Az Zahra, was still the 
 titular Caliph of the West, but Almanzor was succeeded 
 as commander-in -chief and virtual ruler of the country 
 by his favorite son, his companion-in-arms, and the hero 
 of an African campaign, Abdul Malik Almudaffar, the 
 Hajib of 991. But the glory of Cordova had departed. 
 Abdul Malik indeed ruled in his father's place for six 
 years. But on his death, in 1008, he was succeeded by 
 his half-brother, Abdur Rahman, who, as the son of a
 
 THE CALIPHATE OF CORDOVA. 27 
 
 Christian princess, was mistrusted both by the palace and 
 by the people; and the country became a prey to anarchy. 
 
 Cordova was sacked. The Caliph was imprisoned; re- 
 bellions, poisonings, crucifixions, civil war, bigotry and 
 skepticism, the insolence of wealth, the insolence of 
 power, a Mahdi and a "Wahdi, Christian alliance, Berber 
 domination, Slav mutineers, African interference, puppet 
 princes, all these things vexed the Spanish Moslems for 
 thirty disastrous years; while a number of weak but 
 independent sovereignties arose on the ruins of the great 
 Caliphate of the West. 
 
 The confused annals of the last thirty years of the 
 rule of the Ommeyades are mere records of blood and 
 of shame, a pitiful story of departed greatness. 
 
 On the death of Hisham II., the Romulus Augus- 
 tulus of Imperial Cordova, Moslem Spain was divided 
 into a number of petty kingdoms, Malaga, Algeciras, 
 Cordova, Seville, Toledo, Badajoz, Saragossa, the Bal- 
 earic Islands, Valencia, Murcia, Almeria, and Granada. 
 And each of these cities and kingdoms made unceasing 
 war one upon another. 
 
 From the death of Hisham, if not from the death of 
 Almanzor, the center of interest in the history of Spain 
 is shifted from Cordova to Castile.
 
 CHAPTER III 
 MEDIEVAL SPAIN 
 
 THE FOUNDERS OF MODERN SPAIN THE KINGDOMS OF 
 
 THE ASTURIAS AND OF LEON THE DEFEAT AT 
 
 RONCESVALLES THE CID CAMPEADOR 
 
 THE Crescent had conquered, but the Cross endured. 
 The refuge of the latter was in the Asturias. There- 
 eight or ten years after the death of the last of the Gothic 
 kings Pelayo, one of the early heroes of Spanish his- 
 tory, was reigning over refugees from Moslem rule. It 
 was these refugees who laid the foundation of modern 
 Spain, and it is related that in their fastness at Cova- 
 dongo, thirty of them, with Pelayo at their head, act- 
 ually routed, if they did not destroy, an entire army of 
 four hundred thousand Moslem besiegers. 
 
 The story is of course mythological, but the good fort- 
 une of Pelayo did much to kindle the national spirit by 
 which ultimately Spain was conquered for the Spaniards, 
 and thus the story, if critically false, becomes metaphor- 
 ically true. 
 
 Nor [says Burke] do the Arabs seem to have made 
 any attempt to retrieve or avenge the fortunes of the day. 
 Well satisfied, no doubt, with their unopposed dominion 
 over the rich plains of the genial south country, they were 
 willing to abandon the bleak and inhospitable mountains 
 (28)
 
 MEDIEVAL SPAIN. 29 
 
 to their wild inhabitants and the emboldened refugees 
 whom they sheltered. Be the reason what it may, Pelayo 
 seems to have had peace all the days of his life after his 
 victory at Covadonga in 718. Prudently confining his 
 attention to the development of his little kingdom, he 
 reigned, it is said, for nineteen years at Cangas, and, 
 dying in 737, he was peacefully succeeded by his son 
 Favila. 
 
 Pelayo, no doubt, was but a robber chieftain, a petty 
 mountain prince, and the legends of his royal descent are 
 of later date, and of obviously spurious manufacture; but 
 Pelayo needs no tinsel to adorn his crown. He was the 
 founder of the Spanish monarchy. 
 
 Meanwhile, in the recesses of the Pyrenees, a second 
 Christian kingdom, that of Navarre, had been founded by 
 Garcias Iniguez, which, together with Catalonia and Ara- 
 gon, Charlemagne a little later (778) entered and subdued. 
 In repassing the Pyrenees, however, the Navarrese, led by 
 Fortun Garcias, fell upon the Frankish troops and cut to 
 pieces the rear guard, and even, it is said, the main body 
 of the army. 
 
 How far the Spanish Christians were aided, as it has 
 been stated they were, by the Moors, it is impossible to dis- 
 cover. The fact of such an alliance, in itself sufficiently 
 improbable, is quite unnecessary to explain the ever-famous 
 defeat at Roncesvalles. 
 
 Nor can we speak with much greater confidence of the 
 prowess or even of the existence of the equally famous Ro- 
 land, in the ranks of the invading or evading army : or of 
 that of the no less celebrated Bernardo del Carpio in the 
 ranks of the pursuers.
 
 30 HISTORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 Taillefer, who sang the song of Roland upon the battle- 
 field of Hastings, and Terouldes, whose thirteenth century 
 epic suggested the poems of Pulci, of Boiardo, and of great- 
 est Ariosto, all these have made Roland one of the favorite 
 heroes of the Middle Ages. But in the story, as it is told 
 in the Spanish ballads, it is Bernardo del Carpio, the nephew 
 of the chaste but pusillanimous Alfonso, who is the true 
 hero of Roncesvalles, and who not only repulsed the host 
 of Charlemagne, but caught up the invulnerable Roland in 
 his arms, and squeezed him to death before his army. No 
 carpet knight nor courtier was Bernardo, but a true Can- 
 tabrian mountaineer. 
 
 In 790 Alfonso II., the great-grandson of the great Pe- 
 layo, then king of Oviedo, repulsed the Mussulman army 
 with great slaughter, and abolished the ignominious tribute 
 of one hundred virgins, an annual tribute paid to the Mo- 
 hammedan ruler, fifty virgins being of noble and fifty of 
 base or ignoble birth. From this circumstance is derived, 
 by some historians, his surname of the Chaste; attributed 
 by others to his having made a solemn vow of virginity, 
 and observed it, even in marriage. This vow, and the aus- 
 tere temper in which it probably originated, had consider- 
 able influence over Alfonso's life. He so deeply resented his 
 sister Ximena's private marriage with a subject, the Count 
 of Saldanha, that he shut her up in a convent; and putting 
 out her husband's eyes, sentenced him to perpetual impris- 
 onment. 
 
 The royal line of Navarre or Sobrarve was at this time 
 extinct, Ximeneb Garcias, the grandson of Fortun Garcias, 
 having died without children. The nobles availed them- 
 selves of the opportunity to establish the famous code en-
 
 MEDIEVAL SPAIN. 31 
 
 titled "Los Fueros de Sobrarve" the laws of Sobrarve 
 which subsequently became the ground-work of the liber- 
 ties of Aragon. Navarre was soon afterward recovered 
 by the Moors, and Sobrarve included in the Spanish March. 
 
 Alfonso ruled upward of fifty years. Incessant wars 
 now followed between the followers of the Cross and the 
 Crescent, and a frenzy for martyrdom on the part of the 
 Christians had to be repressed by a Christian archbishop 
 at the solemn request of the Cadis. 
 
 Garcia of Oviedo died without children shortly after his 
 accession ; when his brother Ordono II. reunited the whole 
 of his father's dominions, 900-957. He transferred the seat 
 of government to Leon, and altered the title of King of 
 Oviedo into that of King of Leon. 
 
 This Ordono abandoned the peaceful policy of his greater 
 father, and undertook many expeditions with varying and 
 uncertain success against the Arabs. He plundered Merida 
 in 917, and routed the Berbers in Southern Spain in 918. 
 Yet three years later, at Val de Junqueras (921), near 
 Pamplona, the Christians suffered disastrous defeat. The 
 usual rebellion at home was appeased by the treacherous 
 execution or murder of no less than four counts of Castile 
 in 922, and was followed by the king's death in 923. 
 
 Of Fruela II. (923-925), Alfonso IV. (925-930), and 
 Ramiro II. (930-950), little need be said, but that they 
 lived and reigned as kings of Leon. 
 
 To Ramiro, however, is due, at least, the honor of an 
 authentic victory over the Moslem forces of the great Ca- 
 liph, Abdur Rahman an Nasir (939), at Simancas, and 
 afterward in the same year at Alhandega. 
 
 Ramiro, after the usual rebellion, abdicated, in 950,
 
 82 HISTORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 in favor of his son Ordono who had married Urraca, 
 daughter of the principal rebel of the day, Fernan Gon- 
 zalez, count of Castile and who succeeded his father as 
 Ordono III. 
 
 But decapitation was a far more certain way of suppress- 
 ing rebellion than matrimony ; and Fernan Gonzalez lived 
 to intrigue against his daughter and her royal husband hi 
 favor of Sancho, a younger brother of the king. Ordofio, 
 however, held his own against his brother, and revenged 
 himself on his father-in-law, by repudiating his wife; who, 
 with her personal and family grievances, was promptly ac- 
 quired by Sancho, who succeeded, on his brother's death, 
 to the crown of which he had failed to possess himself by 
 force. But even as a legitimate sovereign, Sancho, sur- 
 named the Fat, was not allowed to reign in peace. He 
 was driven from his kingdom by that most versatile rebel, 
 Count Fernan Gonzalez, and sought refuge at the court of 
 his uncle Garcia of Navarre at Pamplona. Thence, in com- 
 pany with Garcia, and his mother Theuda, he journeyed to 
 the court of the Caliph at Cordova, where the distinguished 
 visitors were received with great show of welcome by Abdur 
 Rahman at Az Zahra; and where Hasdai, the Jew, the 
 most celebrated physician of the day, succeeded in com- 
 pletely curing Sancho of the distressing malady a morbid 
 and painful corpulency which incapacitated him from the 
 active discharge of his royal duties. 
 
 The study and practice of medicine were alike disre- 
 garded by the rude dwellers in Leon; but the Cordovan 
 doctor, surpassing in his success, if not in his skill, the 
 most celebrated physicians of the present day, contrived to 
 reduce the king's overgrown bulk to normal proportions,
 
 MEDIEVAL SPAIN. 33 
 
 and restored him to his former activity and vigor, both of 
 body and mind. Nor was the skill of Hasdai confined to 
 the practice of medicine. An accomplished diplomatist, 
 he negotiated a treaty with his Christian patient, by which 
 Sancho bound himself to give up ten frontier fortresses to 
 the Caliph, on his restoration to the crown of Leon, while 
 Don Garcia and Dona Theuda undertook to invade Castile 
 in order to divert the attention of the common foe, the ever 
 ready Fernan Gonzalez. 
 
 In due time Sancho, no longer the fat, but the hale, 
 returned to Leon at the head of a Moslem army, placed at 
 his disposal by his noble host at Cordova, drove out the 
 usurper, Ordono the Bad, and reigned in peace in his Chris- 
 tian dominions. The visit of this dispossessed Ordono to 
 the court of the Caliph Hakam at Cordova, in 962, is an 
 interesting specimen of the international politics or policy 
 of his age and country. 
 
 As Sancho had recovered his throne by the aid of 
 Abdur Rahman, so Ordono sought to dethrone him and 
 make good his own pretensions by the aid of Hakam. 
 The Caliph, already harassed by Fernan Gonzalez, and 
 doubting the honesty of King Sancho, was not ill-pleased 
 to have another pretender in hand, and Ordono was in- 
 vited to Cordova, and received by Hakam in the palace 
 at Az Zahra with the utmost pomp and display. The 
 Leonese prince craved in humble language the assistance 
 of the Moslem, and professed himself his devoted friend, 
 ally, and vassal; and he was permitted to remain at the 
 Court of Hakam, to await the issue of events in the 
 North. Some few days rterward a treaty was solemnly 
 signed between the Caliph and the Pretender, and once
 
 34 HISTORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 more the glories of Az Zahra were displayed to the eyes 
 of the astonished barbarian from Leon. 
 
 Nor did the fame of these splendid ceremonies fail to 
 reach Sancho in the northwest; and his spirit of inde- 
 pendence was considerably cooled by the prospect of a 
 Moslem army, headed by his cousin Ordono, making its 
 appearance before his ill-defended frontiers. The ma- 
 neuver was sufficiently familiar; and the reigning mon- 
 arch lost no time in disassociating himself from the hos- 
 tile proceedings of Fernan Gonzalez; and sending an 
 important embassy to Hakam at Cordova, to assure him 
 of his unwavering loyalty, he hastened to announce his 
 readiness to carry out to the letter all the provisions of 
 his recent treaty with the Caliph. Hakam was satisfied. 
 Ordono languished disregarded at Cordova, despised alike 
 by Moslem and Christian, but unharmed and in safety 
 as the guest of the Arab. Sancho reigned in peace until 
 967, when he was poisoned by the rebel count of the day, 
 Sanchez of Gallicia. His son, who was known as Ramiro 
 III., an unwise and incapable monarch, reigned at Leon 
 from 967 to 982, without extending the possessions or the 
 influence of the Christians in Spain; and Bermudo II., 
 who usurped the throne, was no match for the fiery Al- 
 manzor, who ravaged his kingdom, took possession of his 
 capital, and compelled the Christian Court to take refuge 
 in the wild mountains of the Asturias, and once more to 
 pay tribute to the Moslem at Cordova. 
 
 Bermudo died in 999; and on the death of Almanzor, 
 three years later, the Christian fortunes under the young 
 Alfonso V., who had succeeded his father Bermudo, at 
 the age of only five, began to mend. Cordova was given
 
 MEDIEVAL SPAIN. 35 
 
 up to anarchy. The Moslem troops retired from North- 
 ern Spain. Leon became once more the abode of the 
 king and his court, and though Alfonso gave his sister in 
 marriage to Mohammed, an Emir or Vali of Toledo, he 
 extended his Christian dominion in more than one foray 
 against the declining power of the Moslem. 
 
 Alfonso V., who is known in Spanish history as the 
 Restorer of Leon, sought to consolidate his own power, 
 as he certainly exalted that of his clergy, by the sum- 
 moning of a Council, after the manner of the Visigothic 
 Councils of Toledo. The Council met at the city of Leon 
 on the 1st of August, 1020, in the Cathedral Church of 
 St. Mary. The king and his queen Elvira presided, and 
 all the bishops and the principal abbots and nobles of 
 the kingdom took their seats in the assembly. And if 
 there was no Leander, nor Isidore, nor Julian to impose 
 his will upon king or council, the interests of the Church 
 were not entirely overlooked. Of the fifty-eight decrees 
 and canons of this Council, the first seventeen relate ex- 
 clusively to matters ecclesiastical, the next twenty are 
 laws for the government of the kingdom, the remaining 
 thirty-one are municipal ordinances for the city of Leon. 
 
 But Alfonso V. was not exempted from the usual re- 
 bellions, and marriages, and assassinations, and execu- 
 tions, which constituted the politics of the day. Garcia, 
 the last Count of Castile, was treacherously slain in 10*26; 
 and Alfonso was himself more honorably killed in an 
 attack upon a Moslem town in Lusitania in 1027. 
 
 The life of Fernan Gonzalez, the Warwick of medi- 
 eval Spain, is almost as much overlaid with romantic 
 legends as that of Roderic or Roland. The lives and
 
 36 HISTORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 deeds of his ancestors, and the origin of his ever-cele- 
 brated County of Castile, are involved in the utmost con- 
 fusion and obscurity; but Fernan Gonzalez himself is at 
 least a historical personage. He married Sancha, daugh- 
 ter of Sancho Abarca of Navarre, and their son, Garcia 
 Fernandez, succeeded him as hereditary Count of Castile. 
 
 As early as the year 905, Sancho, a Christian chief of 
 whose ancestors and predecessors much has been written, 
 much surmised, and nothing is certainly known, was king 
 or ruler of the little border state of Navarre. A prudent, 
 as well as a warlike sovereign, he fortified his capital 
 city of Pamplona, and when his son, in alliance with 
 Ordono II. of Leon, was defeated by the Moslems at Val 
 de Junquera, the Navarrese not only made good their 
 retreat to that celebrated fortress, but succeeded in course 
 of a short time in driving the Moslems out of their coun- 
 try. The grandson of this successful general was Sancho 
 El Mayor or the Great the most powerful of the Chris- 
 tian princes in Spain (970-1035). Besides Navarre and 
 Sobrarve he held the lordship of Aragon; in 1026, in 
 right of his wife, Muiia Elvira, he became king or count 
 of Castile; while his successful interference in the affairs 
 of Leon made him virtual master of all Christian Spain 
 outside the limits of the quasi Frankish county of Cata- 
 lonia. 
 
 Sancho the Great died in 1035, when his territories 
 were divided, according to his will, among his four sons; 
 and from this time forth the history of Navarre, so far 
 as it is not included in the history of Aragon, of Castile, 
 and of France, is a confused and dreary record of family 
 quarrels, of plots and assassinations, of uncertain alii-
 
 MEDIEVAL SPAIN. 37 
 
 ances, of broken treaties. The marriage of the Princess 
 Berengaria with Richard I. of England, in 1191, failed 
 to secure for Sancho V. the influence that he had hoped 
 to secure: and with Sancho VI. , who died in 1234, the 
 male line of the house of Sancho Iniguez or Inigo, the 
 founder of Navarre, was extinct. A French prince was 
 chosen by the Navarrese to rule over them. And from 
 the death of Sancho VI., in 1234, to the death of Charles 
 the Bad, in 1387 one hundred and fifty years the his- 
 tory of Navarre is that of France. 
 
 Bermudo III., who succeeded, on the death of his 
 father, Alfonso V., in 1027, as king of Leon, was at 
 once attacked by his powerful neighbors, and the little 
 States were distracted by family quarrels and civil war 
 until the death of Bermudo in battle, in 1037, when the 
 male line of the house of Leon became extinct. 
 
 On the death of Bermudo III. in 1037, Ferdinand L, 
 king of Castile, the second son of Sancho the Great, suc- 
 ceeded to the kingdom of Leon, and became, after over 
 twenty years of civil war (1058), the most powerful mon- 
 arch in all Spain. The Moslems offered but an uncertain 
 and half-hearted resistance to his arms. For while the 
 Christians were growing strong, the Moslem empire was 
 already declining to its fall. And the decay of the Cali- 
 phate of Cordova, and the internal dissensions of the 
 Arabs, enabled Ferdinand not only to recover all the ter- 
 ritory that had been conquered by Almanzor, but to pur- 
 sue the disheartened Moslem as far as Valencia, Toledo, 
 and Coimbra. Ferdinand confirmed the Fueros of Al- 
 fonso V., and summoned a council at Coyanza (Valencia 
 de Don Juan), over which, with his Queen Sancha, he
 
 88 HISTORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 presided in 1050. All the bishops and abbots, together 
 with a certain number of lay nobles thus assembled ad 
 restaurationem nostrce Christianitatis, proceeded to 
 make decrees or canons, after the manner of the Coun- 
 cils of Toledo, of which the first seven were devoted to 
 matters ecclesiastical, and the remainder connected with 
 the civil government of the country. With territories 
 thus recovered and augmented, with cities restored and 
 fortified, Ferdinand determined to excel all his Christian 
 predecessors, and to emulate the noble example of the 
 Arab, by enriching his dominion, not with treasures of 
 art or literature, with schools, with palaces, with manu- 
 scripts but with the bones of as many martyrs as' he 
 could collect. 
 
 An army was raised for this sacred purpose, and the 
 country of the Moors was once more invaded and harried 
 by the Christian arms. Ibn Obeid of Seville, learning 
 the objects of the invasion, offered Ferdinand every fa- 
 cility for research in his city; and a solemn commission 
 of bishops and nobles were admitted within the walls to 
 seek the body of Justus, one of the martyrs of Diocle- 
 tian. But in spite of all the diligence of the Christians, 
 and all the good will of the Arabs, the sacred remains 
 could nowhere be found. At length the spirit of Saint 
 Isidore removed the difficulty by appearing miraculously 
 before the Commission, and offering his own bones in #ie 
 place of those of Justus, which were destined, said he, 
 to remain untouched at Seville. The Commission was 
 satisfied. And the body of the great Metropolitan, "fra- 
 grant with balsamic odors," was immediately removed 
 to the Church of St. John the Baptist at Leon to
 
 MEDIEVAL SPAIN. 39 
 
 the great satisfaction of both Christians and Moors, 
 in 1063. 
 
 It was on the occasion of the return of these blessed 
 relics to the Christian capital that Ferdinand proclaimed 
 the future division of his kingdom. For after all the 
 success that had attended the Union of the dominions 
 of Leon and Castile under the sole authority of Ferdinand, 
 who rather perhaps for his sanctity than for his wisdom 
 had earned the title of the Great, the king made the same 
 grievous mistake that his father had done before him, in 
 dividing his united territories at his death (1065) among 
 his sons and daughters. To Sancho, the eldest son, he 
 left the kingdom of Castile; to Alfonso, Leon and the 
 Asturias; to Garcia, Gallicia; to his younger daughter, 
 Elvira, the town and district of Toro, and to her elder 
 sister Urraca the famous border city of Zamora, the most 
 debatable land in all Spain, and a strange heritage for 
 a young lady. Thus Castile and Leon were once more 
 separated; and the usual civil wars and family intrigues 
 naturally followed. Alfonso, though not at first the most 
 successful, survived all his rivals, and was at length 
 proclaimed king of Leon and Castile. 
 
 But the successes and glories of Alfonso VI., such as 
 they were, are overshadowed by the prowess of a Cas- 
 tilian hero, whose exploits form one of the most favorite 
 chapters in the national history of Spain the Christian 
 knight with the Moslem title Ruy Diaz, THE CID. 
 
 Two years before "William of Normandy landed at Hast- 
 ings, a Castilian knight, a youth who had already won for 
 himself the proud title of The Challenger, from his reckless 
 bravery and his success in single combat, is found leading
 
 40 HISTORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 the royal armies of Sancho of Castile against the eneni}- 
 The knight was Ruy Diaz de Bivar. The enemy was Al- 
 fonso "VI. of Leon, the brother of Sancho, who was endeav- 
 oring to reunite the inheritance divided by his father, in the 
 good 'old medieval fashion in Spain. 
 
 Of noble birth and parentage, a Castilian of the Castil- 
 ians, Roderic or Ruy Diaz was born at Bivar, near Burgos, 
 about the year 1040. His position in the army of Sancho 
 was that of Alferez, in title the Standard-bearer, in effect 
 the major-general or second in command, if not commander- 
 in-chief of the king's army. 
 
 For seven years Alfonso of Leon and Sancho of Castile 
 had been at war, each seeking to destroy the other; and at 
 length at Golpejara, near Carrion, on the eve of what prom- 
 ised to be a decisive battle, a solemn engagement was en- 
 tered into by the brothers that whichever of the two were 
 worsted in the encounter should resign his kingdom to the 
 other without further bloodshed. The Castilians, in spite 
 of Sancho and his famous Champion, were defeated at Gol- 
 pejara; and Alfonso of Leon, foolishly trusting his brother's 
 word, took no heed to improve his victory, and his unsus- 
 pecting army was overwhelmed the next day by the Cas- 
 tilian troops under Ruy Diaz de Bivar, the author of this 
 exceedingly characteristic, if not entirely authentic, piece of 
 treachery. 
 
 It is scarcely surprising that the Cid was not trusted by 
 Alfonso of Leon, when he, in his turn, succeeded to the 
 crown of Castile. But for the moment Alfonso was not 
 only deprived of his throne and of his liberty by his more 
 successful brother, but he was compelled to purchase his 
 life by a promise to enter the monastery of Sahagun. Dis-
 
 MEDIEVAL SPAIN. 41 
 
 regarding this vow, and making good his escape to Toledo, 
 the royal refugee was received with the usual hospitality of 
 the Arab by El Mamun, the Moslem ruler of the city, who 
 sheltered and entertained him, as he himself admitted, 
 "like a son." 
 
 Sancho meanwhile had turned his arms against his 
 brother Garcia, whom he dispossessed of his territories; 
 against his sister Elvira, who met with a similar fate, 
 and, lastly, against his sister Urraca, who withstood him 
 boldly in her city of Zamora. And not only did this time- 
 honored fortress resist the attack of Sancho and his wily 
 major-general, but the king was slain outside the walls of 
 the city by one of his sister's knights. Alfonso thus not 
 only recovered his own kingdom of Leon, but, swearing 
 perpetual friendship with El Mamun of Toledo, he was 
 elected king of Castile by the Commons assembled at Bur- 
 gos; and the defeated refugee of 1071 found himself, in 
 less than two years, the greatest prince in Christian Spain ; 
 Alfonso the Sixth of Leon and of Castile. 
 
 Yet the legend runs that Alfonso was compelled to un- 
 dergo the indignity of a public examination, and a triple 
 oath before the knights and nobles assembled at Burgos, 
 to the effect that he had had no share in the murder of 
 King Sancho ; and the oath was administered by Buy Diaz 
 of Bivar, the companion in arms of the Castilian long, some- 
 time the faithless enemy of Carrion, but now the acknowl- 
 edged leader of the Castilian nobility. 
 
 Alfonso of Leon may have forgiven the treachery in the 
 field, but he never forgot the insult in the Council. He 
 restrained his indignation, however, and was even induced 
 by reasons of State to grant to the bold Castilian lord the
 
 42 HISTORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 hand of his cousin Ximena in marriage, and to intrust him 
 with the command of an expedition into Andalusia. But 
 the royal favor was of brief duration; and in 1081 we find 
 that Roderic, partly owing to the intrigues of Garcia Or- 
 donez, and partly to the enduring enmity of the king, was 
 banished from the Christian dominions. 
 
 Of all the petty sovereignties that came into existence 
 on the breaking up of the Ommeyad Caliphate of Cordova, 
 that of Moctadir, the chief of the Ben-i-hud of Saragossa, 
 was the most powerful in Northern or Central Spain ; and 
 at the Moslem court of Saragossa, Ruy Diaz, with his fame 
 and his followers, was warmly welcomed (1081) by Moctadir 
 as a Said or Cid a lord or leader of the Arabs. He had 
 been driven out of Castile by Alfonso. He found a home 
 and honorable command at Saragossa. So long as he could 
 make war upon his neighbors, all countries were alike to 
 Roderic of Bivar. Nor was it long before his prowess 
 brought honor and profit to Moctadir, or, rather, to his 
 son and successor, Motamin. 
 
 Ramon Berenguer III., count of Barcelona, was en- 
 gaged, like other Christian princes of his time, in chronic 
 warfare with his Moslem neighbors; and Motamin, with 
 his Castilian Cid, marching against the Catalans, defeated 
 the Christians with great slaughter at Almenara, near 
 Lerida, and brought Ramon Berenguer a prisoner to Sara- 
 gossa (1081), where the victorious Cid was loaded with 
 presents by the grateful Motamin, and invested with an 
 authority in the kingdom subordinate only to that of the 
 king himself. Two years later (1083) an expedition was 
 undertaken by the Moslems, under Roderic, against their 
 Christian neighbors in Aragon. King Sancho Ramirez
 
 MEDIEVAL SPAIN. 43 
 
 was completely defeated by the Castilian champion, who 
 returned once more to Saragossa loaded with booty and 
 renown. In 1084 the Cid seems to have paid a friendly 
 visit to. the court of Alfonso VI. But although he wa j ap- 
 parently well received, he suspected treachery, and, return- 
 ing to the court of the Moslem, once more took service un- 
 der the delighted Motamin. His next campaign, undertaken 
 hi the following year, was not against any Christian power, 
 but against the hostile Moslems of northern Valencia, and 
 was crowned with the usual success. Motamin died in 
 1085, but the Cid remained in the service of his son and 
 successor, Mostain, fighting against Christian and Moslem 
 as occasion offered, partly for the King of Saragossa, but 
 chiefly for the personal advantage of Ruy Diaz of Bivar. 
 A stranger national hero it is hard to imagine! Nor were 
 his subsequent proceedings in any degree less strange. 
 
 Al Mamun, the host and protector of Alfonso VI., had 
 died hi 1075, leaving his grandson, Cadir, to succeed him 
 as sovereign of Toledo. Abdulaziz, the viceroy of the sub- 
 ject city of Valencia, took advantage of the weakness of 
 the young prince to declare himself independent, and plac- 
 ing himself under the protection of the Christians, under- 
 took to pay a large subsidy to Alfonso VI. in return for his 
 recognition and support. The subsidy was punctually paid, 
 and, in spite of a present of no less than a hundred thou- 
 sand pieces of gold handed over by Moctadir of Saragossa 
 to Alfonso as the price of Valencia, Abdulaziz retained his 
 hold of the city until his death in 1085. On this, numerous 
 pretenders to the government immediately arose, including 
 Moctadir of Saragossa, a purchaser for value, and the two 
 sons of Abdulaziz; while Alfonso took advantage of the
 
 44 HISTORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 confusion that ensued to persuade Cadir to surrender To- 
 ledo, much coveted by the Christian king, and to accept, 
 or, more exactly, to retain, for himself the sovereignty of 
 Valencia, under the humiliating protection of Castile. Al- 
 fonso cared nothing that Toledo was the inheritance of his 
 youthful ally, the home of his old protector, when he him- 
 self was a hunted refugee. He cared nothing that the 
 Valencians were hostile to Cadir, and that powerful neigh- 
 bors were prepared to dispute his possession. He cared 
 nothing that Moctadir, who had actually purchased the 
 city from Alfonso himself, was on the way to make good 
 his claim. A treaty was forced upon Cadir by which To- 
 ledo was surrendered to Alfonso VI. (1085), and the Chris- 
 tian king was bound to place and maintain the unhappy 
 prince in possession of his own subordinate city of Valencia. 
 Toledo thus became the capital of Christian Spain ; and 
 bhe evicted sovereign, escorted by a large force of Castilian 
 troops under Alvar Fanez, made his sad and solemn entry 
 into Valencia, despised at once by the citizens of Toledo, 
 <vhom he had abandoned to the Christian sovereign, and 
 t>y the citizens of Valencia, where his power was main- 
 tained by Christian lances. And costly indeed was this 
 Christian maintenance. Six hundred pieces of gold is said 
 to have been the daily allowance of the army of Castilian 
 Mercenaries; and the taxes that were necessitated by their 
 presence only added to the unpopularity of the government, 
 many of Cadir's Moslem subjects fled from the city ; and 
 their place was taken by his Christian supporters or pen- 
 sioners, whose rapacity was, if possible, exceeded by their 
 cruelty. But the coming of the Almoravides gave a new 
 turn to the fortunes of the city. Alvar Fanez and his
 
 MEDIEVAL SPAIN. 45 
 
 knights were recalled by Alfonso, and after the defeat of 
 the Christians at Zalaca, in October, 1086, Cadir found 
 himself threatened with immediate expulsion by his own 
 citizens, supported by Mondhir of Lerida, the uncle of Mos- 
 tain of Saragossa. In this difficulty he once more sought 
 the protection of Christian lances, and applied for aid to 
 the Cid, who immediately advanced on Valencia. 
 
 An intriguer at all times and places, Roderic promised 
 his support to Cadir in return for admission within the 
 walls. He entered into a formal treaty with Mostain that 
 the city should be his, if all the booty were handed over to 
 the Campeador; and he sent envoys to Alfonso to assure 
 him that in all these forays and alliances he thought only 
 of the advantage of Christendom and the honor of Castile. 
 Mondhir, overawed by the appearance of the allied army 
 from Saragossa, hastily retired from before Valencia, where 
 Mostain and his Christian Said were welcomed as deliverers 
 by Cadir. 
 
 But although the Cid imposed a tribute upon the un- 
 happy Valencians, he failed to give over the city to Mos- 
 tain, and assuring Cadir of his constant support, as long 
 as a monthly allowance of ten thousand golden dinars was 
 punctually paid, he withdrew himself from the remon- 
 strances of the disappointed Mostain to whom he con- 
 tinued to protest his continued devotion on the plea of 
 a necessary visit to his Christian sovereign in Castile, to 
 explain or excuse his position, and to engage some Cas- 
 tilian troops for his army. Mostain, during his absence, 
 perceiving that he could not count upon so versatile and so 
 ambitious a Said in the matter of the handing over of Va- 
 lencia, entered into an alliance with his old enemy, Ramon
 
 4ti HISTORY OF SPAIX. 
 
 Berenguer, of Barcelona; and the Catalans had actually 
 laid aiege to the city when the return of the Cid induced 
 them to abandon their trenches and retire to Barcelona. 
 
 If the Cid was a hero of romance, he did not wield 
 his sword without the most magnificent remuneration. 
 At this period of his career (1089-92), in addition to the 
 eighty thousand golden pieces received from Ramon Ber- 
 enguer, he is said to have drawn fifty thousand from the 
 son of Mondhir, one hundred and twenty thousand from 
 Cadir of Valencia, ten thousand from Albarracin, ten 
 thousand from Alpuente, six thousand from Murviedro, 
 six thousand from Segorbe, four thousand from Jerica, 
 and three thousand from Almenara. 
 
 With such an amount of personal tribute, the Cid 
 cannot, says Lafuente, have been greatly inconvenienced 
 by the action of Alfonso VI. in despoiling him of his 
 estates. Supporting his army of seven thousand chosen 
 followers on the rich booty acquired in his daily forays 
 upon Eastern Spam, from Saragossa to Alicante; regard- 
 less of Christian rights, but the special scourge of the 
 Moslems; no longer a Saragossan general, but a private 
 adventurer, the Cid could afford to quarrel at once with 
 Mostain and with Alfonso, and to defy the combined 
 forces of Mondhir and Ramon Berenguer. 
 
 The rivalry between the Cid and the Catalan was ever 
 fierce in Eastern Spain. The opposing armies met at Tebar 
 del Pinar in 1090, and although the Cid was wounded in 
 the battle, his army was completely successful. Mondhir 
 fled from the field; and Ramon Berenguer was once more 
 a prisoner in the hands of Roderic. Nor was the Christian 
 count released from a confinement more harsh than was
 
 MEDIEVAL SPAIN. 47 
 
 generous or necessary until he had given good security for 
 the payment of the enormous ransom of eighty thousand 
 marks of gold. 
 
 It is not easy, nor would it be fruitful to follow the va- 
 rious movements of the Cid at this period of his career. 
 His quarrels and his intrigues with Alfonso of Castile, with 
 Cadir of Valencia, with the various parties at the court of 
 Saragossa, with Ramon Berenguer at Barcelona, and even 
 with the Genoese and Pisans, are neither easy nor inter- 
 esting to follow. But his principal objective was the rich 
 city of Valencia. Alfonso of Leon, ever jealous of his great 
 and most independent subject, resolved to thwart him in his 
 design ; and having secured the co-operation of the Pisans 
 and Genoese, who had arrived with a fleet of four hundred 
 vessels to assist the Cid, the king took advantage of the 
 absence of his rival on some foray to the north of Saragossa 
 to advance upon Valencia, and to push forward his opera- 
 tions to the very walls of the city. Ruy Diaz riposted after 
 his fashion. 
 
 Leaving the Valencians to make good the defense of 
 their own city, he carried fire and sword into Alfonso's 
 peaceful dominions of Najera and Calahorra, destroying 
 all the towns, burning all the crops, slaughtering the Chris- 
 tian inhabitants ; and razing the important city of Logrono 
 to the ground. This savagery was completely successful, 
 and met with no reproach. The Cid is one of those fortu- 
 nate heroes to whom all things are permitted. His excesses 
 are forgotten ; his independence admired ; his boldness and 
 his success are alone remembered. Alfonso, thus rudely 
 summoned to the north of the Peninsula, abruptly raised 
 the siege of Valencia.
 
 48 HISTORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 Nor was the king's action at Valencia without a favor- 
 able influence upon the fortunes of the Cid. Far from 
 wresting the city from the grasp of Roderic, Alfonso had 
 rather precipitated the crisis which was ultimately to lead 
 to his triumphal entry as the independent ruler of the city. 
 Cadir was murdered by a hostile faction within the walls : 
 and the Cid, advancing with his usual prudence, spent some 
 tune in possessing himself of the suburbs and the approaches 
 to the city, before the siege was commenced in good earnest, 
 in July, 1093. 
 
 The operations were carried on in the most ferocious fash- 
 ion by the attacking force. Roderic burned his prisoners 
 alive from day to day within the sight of the walls, or 
 caused them to be torn in pieces by his dogs under the very 
 eyes of their fellow-townsmen. 
 
 The blockaded city was soon a prey to the utmost hor- 
 rors of famine. Negotiation was fruitless. Succor came 
 not. Neither Christian nor Moslem, neither Alfonso the 
 Castilian, nor Yusuf the Almoravide, nor Mostain of Sara- 
 gossa, appearing to defend or to relieve the city, Valencia 
 capitulated on the 15th of June, 1094. 
 
 The Moslem commander, Ibn Jahaf, was burned alive. 
 The Moslem inhabitants were treated with scant considera- 
 tion, and the Cid, as might have been supposed, proclaimed 
 himself sovereign of Valencia, independent of either Chris- 
 tain Alfonso or Moorish Mostain ; and at Valencia he lived 
 and reigned until the day of his death, but five years after- 
 ward, in 1099. His rule was often threatened by the Al- 
 moravides ; but as long as the champion lived they could 
 effect no entry within the walls of his city. 
 
 For full three years after his death, moreover, his widow
 
 MEDIEVAL SPAIN. 49 
 
 Ximena, and his cousin Alvar Fanez, maintained a precari- 
 ous sovereignty at Valencia. At length, unsupported by 
 Alfonso of Leon, and unable to stand alone in the midst 
 of the Moslems, they retired to Burgos, carrying with them 
 the body of the Cid embalmed in precious spices, borne, as 
 of old, on his faithful steed Babieca, to its last resting place 
 in Castile. Valencia was immediately occupied by the Al- 
 moravides, and became once more a Moslem stronghold; 
 nor did it finally pass into Christian hands until it was 
 taken by James the First of Aragon in 1238. The Cid 
 was buried in the Monastery of Cardena, near Burgos; and 
 the body of his heroic wife, Dona Xirnena, who died in 
 1104, was laid by his side in the tomb. 
 
 The legend of the marriage of the Cid's daughters with 
 the Infantes of Carrion, of their desertion, and of the ven- 
 geance of the Cid upon their unworthy husbands, is un- 
 doubtedly an invention of the Castilian minstrels. 
 
 The legend of the death of the Cid's son at the battle 
 of Consuegra is certainly fallacious. There is no evidence 
 that a son was ever born to him at all. But he had un- 
 doubtedly two daughters, one of whom, Christina, married 
 Ramiro, Infante of Navarre, and the other, Maria, became 
 the countess of Ramon Berenguer III. of Barcelona. The 
 issue of Ramon Berenguer III. was a daughter who died 
 childless, but a granddaughter of Ramiro of Navarre mar- 
 ried Sancho III. of Castile, whose son, Alfonso VIII., was 
 the grandfather both of St. Ferdinand and of St. Louis. 
 And thus in a double stream, through the royal houses of 
 Spain and of France, the blood of the Cid is found to flow 
 in the veins of his Majesty Alfonso XIII., the reigning 
 king of Spain.
 
 50 HISTORY Ol SPAIN. 
 
 To understand or appreciate the position that is occu- 
 pied by the Cid in Spanish history is at the present day 
 supremely difficult. A medieval condottiere in the service 
 of the Moslem, when he was not fighting to fill his own 
 coffers with perfect impartiality against Moor or Christian : 
 banished as a traitor by his Castilian sovereign, and con- 
 stantly leading the forces of the Infidel against Aragon, 
 against Catalonia, and even against Castile, he has become 
 the national hero of Spain. Warring against the Moslem 
 of Valencia, whom he pitilessly despoiled, with the aid of 
 the Moslem of Saragossa, whose cause he cynically betrayed, 
 while he yet owned a nominal allegiance to Alfonso of Cas- 
 tile, whose territories he was pitilessly ravaging; retaining 
 conquered Valencia for his personal arid private advantage, 
 in despite of Moslem or Christian kings, he has become the 
 type of Christian loyalty and Christian chivalry in Europe. 
 Avaricious, faithless, cruel and bold, a true soldier of fort- 
 une, the Cid still maintains a reputation which is one of the 
 enigmas of history. 
 
 The three favorites of medieval Spanish romance, says 
 Senor Lafuente, Bernardo del Carpio, Fernan Gonzalez, 
 and the Cid, have this at least in common, that they were 
 all at war with their lawful sovereigns, and fought their 
 battles independently of the crown. Hence their popular- 
 ity hi Spain. The Castilians of the Middle Ages were so 
 devoted to their independence, so proud of their Fueros, 
 such admirers of personal prowess, that they were disposed 
 to welcome with national admiration those heroes who 
 sprang from the people, who defied and were ill-treated 
 by their kings. 
 
 The theory is both ingenious and just, yet it by no
 
 MEDIEVAL SPAIN. 51 
 
 means solves the difficulty. Ruy Diaz of Bivar, who was 
 one of the proudest nobles of Castile, can scarcely be said 
 to have sprung from the people, nor do we clearly perceive 
 why his long service under Moslem kings, even though he 
 was a rebel against his own sovereign, should have en- 
 deared him to the Christian Spaniards, however independ- 
 ent or however democratic. Yet we may learn at least 
 from the character of the hero, ideal though it be 5 that the 
 medieval Castilians were no bigots, and that they were 
 slaves neither to their kings nor to their clergy. 
 
 The people of Aragon no doubt held their king in a 
 more distinctly constitutional subjection. No Castilian 
 chief -justice was found to call the sovereign to order: 
 no Privilege of Union legalized a popular war in defense 
 of popular liberties. But Roderic took the place of the 
 justiciary in legend, if not in history, when he adminis- 
 tered the oath to Alfonso at Burgos; and he invested him- 
 self with the privilege of warring against an aggressive 
 king, when he routed Alfonso's forces, and burned his 
 cities, to requite him for his attack upon Valencia. 
 
 It is this rebellious boldness which contributed no doubt 
 very largely to endear the Cid to his contemporaries. It 
 is one of the most constant characteristics of his career ; one 
 of the features thao is portrayed with equal clearness by the 
 chroniclers and the ballad makers of Spain. For the Cid 
 is essentially a popular hero. His legendary presentment 
 is a kind of poetic protest against arbitrary regal power. 
 The Cid ballads are a paean of triumphant democracy. The 
 ideal Cid no doubt was evolved in the course of the twelfth 
 century ; and by the end of the fifteenth century, when the 
 rule of kings and priests had become harder and heavier
 
 52 HISTORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 in Spain, an enslaved people looked back with an envious 
 national pride to the Castilian hero who personified the 
 freedom of bygone days. 
 
 The Cid is the only knight-errant that has survived the 
 polished satire of Cervantes. For his fame was neither lit- 
 erary nor aristocratic ; but, like the early Spanish proverbs, 
 in which it is said he took so great a delight, it was em- 
 bedded deep in the hearts of the people.* And although 
 the memory of his religious indifference may not have added 
 to his popularity in the sixteenth century in Spain, it is a 
 part of his character which must be taken into account in 
 gauging the public opinion of earlier days. 
 
 From the close of the eighth century to the close of the 
 fifteenth, the Spanish people, Castilians and Aragonese, 
 were, if anything, less bigoted than the rest of Europe. 
 The influence of their neighbors the Moors, and of their 
 Arab toleration, could not be without- its effect upon a peo- 
 ple naturally free, independent, and self-reliant, and the 
 Cid, who was certainly troubled with no religious scruples 
 in the course of his varied career, and who, according to 
 a popular legend affronted and threatened the Pope on his 
 throne in St. Peter's, on account of some fancied slight,! 
 
 * Mas Moros mas ganancia, "The more the Moors, 
 the greater the booty," was one of his sayings, and it has 
 passed into a well-known national proverb. 
 
 f Having kicked to pieces the splendid furniture and 
 beaten the Papal chamberlain, he proceeded to threaten to 
 caparison his horse with the rich hangings of the chapel, 
 if the Pope refused him instant Absolution ! 
 Si no me absolveis, el Papa, 
 Seriaos mal contado 
 Que de vuestras ricas ropas 
 Cubrire yo mi caballo ! 
 Wolf and Hofmann, "Cid Ballads."
 
 MEDIEVAL SPAIN. 53 
 
 could never have been the hero of a nation of bigots. The 
 degenerate Visigoths from the time of Reccared the Catho- 
 lic to the time of Roderic the Vanquished could never have 
 produced a Cid. Yet, even in the dark days of Erwig and 
 Egica, there was found a Julian, who boldly maintained 
 the national independence against the pretensions of the 
 Pope of Rome. For a thousand years after the landing 
 of St. Paul if, indeed, he ever landed upon the coast the 
 Spanish Church was, perhaps, the most independent in Eu- 
 rope. The royal submission to the Papal authority, first by 
 Sancho I. of Aragon, in 1071, and afterward by Alfonso 
 VI. of Leon, in 1085, in the matter of the Romish Ritual, 
 was distinctly unpopular. Peter II. found no lack of re- 
 cruits for the army that he led against the Papal troops 
 in Languedoc, and King James I., the most popular of the 
 kings of Aragon, cut out the tongue of a meddlesome bishop 
 who had presumed to interfere in his private affairs (1246). 
 It was not until the Inquisition was forced upon United 
 Spain by Isabella the Catholic, and the national lust for 
 the plunder of strangers was aroused by the destruction of 
 Granada, that the Spaniard became a destroyer of heretics. 
 It was not until the spoliation and the banishment of Jews 
 and Moriscos, and the opening of a new world of heathen 
 treasure on the discovery of America, that the Castilian, 
 who had always been independent himself, became intol- 
 erant of the independence of others. Then, indeed, he 
 added the cruelty of the priest to the cruelty of the sol- 
 dier, and wrapping himself in the cloak of a proud and 
 uncompromising national orthodoxy, became the most fero- 
 cious bigot in two unhappy worlds. 
 
 But in the beginning it was not so. And if the Cid
 
 54: HISTORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 could possibly have been annoyed by Torquemada, his 
 knights would have hanged up the Inquisitor on the 
 nearest tree. No priests' man, in good sooth, was Roderic 
 of Bivar, nor, save in that he was a brave and determined 
 soldier, had the great Castilian Free Lance anything in 
 common with the more conventional heroes of United Spain. 
 
 If history affords no reasonable explanation of his un- 
 \ivaled renown beyond that which has already been sug- 
 gested, we find but little in the early poetry to assist us. 
 The Cid ballads impress us "more by their number than 
 their light." They are neither very interesting in them- 
 selves, nor are they even very suggestive. Only thirty- 
 seven ballads are considered by Huber to be older than 
 the sixteenth century. "La plupart de ces romances," says 
 M. Dozy, "accusent leur origine moderne;" and according 
 to Mr. Ormsby they do but little toward the illustration of 
 the Cid, either as a picturesque hero of romance or as a 
 characteristic feature of medieval history. 
 
 The great French dramatist scarcely touches the true 
 history of his hero. The scene of the play is laid at Se- 
 ville, where no Christian king set his foot for a hundred 
 and fifty years after the death of Roderic. The title which 
 he accepted from his employer, Mostian of Saragossa, is 
 said to have been granted by Alfonso of Leon, after the 
 capture of two imaginary Moorish kings, unknown to his- 
 tory, in an impossible battle on the banks of the Guadal- 
 quivir, which was never seen by the Cid. The whole 
 action of the play turns upon the moral and psychological 
 difficulties arising from the purely legendary incident of 
 the killing of Chimene's father by her lover, avenging an 
 insult offered to his own sire, and of the somewhat artifi-
 
 MEDIEVAL SPAIN. 65 
 
 cial indignation of the lady, until she is appeased by a 
 slaughter of Moors. Corneille's drama abounds in noble 
 sentiments expressed in most admirable verse; but it does 
 not assist us to understand the character of the Cid, nor 
 the reasons of his popularity in his own or in any other 
 country. But certain at least it is that from the earliest 
 times the story of his life and his career took a strong hold 
 upon the popular imagination in Spain, and his virtues and 
 his vices, little as they may seem to us to warrant the popu- 
 lar admiration, were understood and appreciated in the age 
 in which he lived, an age of force and fraud, of domestic 
 treason and foreign treachery, when religion preached little 
 but battle and murder, and patriotism was but a pretext for 
 plunder and rapine. Admired thus, even in his lifetime, 
 as a gallant soldier, an independent chieftain, and an ever 
 successful general, fearless, dexterous, and strong, his free 
 career became a favorite theme with the jongleurs and 
 troubadours of the next generation; and from the Cid of 
 history was evolved a Cid of legendary song. 
 
 It is most difficult at the present day to know exactly 
 where serious history ends and where poetry and legend 
 begin. Yet the Cid as represented to us by M. Dozy, one 
 of the most acute of modern investigators of historic truth, 
 is not so very different from the Cid represented by Southey, 
 or even by earlier and less critical poets, but that we may 
 form a reasonable estimate, from what is common to both 
 history and tradition, of what manner of man he was. The 
 Cid of the twelfth century legends, indeed, though he may 
 be more marvelous, is by no means more moral than the 
 Cid of history. It was reserved for the superior refinement 
 of succeeding generations, and more especially for the anony-
 
 56 HISTORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 mous author of the poem of the thirteenth century to evolve 
 a hero of a gentler and nobler mold ; a creature conforming 
 to a higher ideal of knightly perfection. From this time 
 forward we have a glorified Cid, whose adventures are no 
 more historically false, perhaps, than those of the unscrupu- 
 lous and magnificent Paladin of the legends and romances 
 of the twelfth century, but whose character possesses all 
 the dignity and all the glory with which he could be in- 
 vested by a generous medieval imagination. And it is this 
 refined and idealized hero ; idealized, yet most real ; refined, 
 yet eminently human, that has been worshiped by nineteen 
 generations of Spaniards as the national hero of Spain. 
 
 Ruy Diaz as he lived and died was probably no 
 worse a man than any of his neighbors. Far better than 
 many of them he was, and undoubtedly bolder and strong- 
 er, more capable, more adroit, and more successful. 
 
 Seven of the Christian princes of Spain at tnis period 
 fell in battle warring against their own near relations, 
 or were murdered by their hands in cold blood. Garcia 
 of Castile was slain by the sword of the Velas. Bermudo 
 III. of Leon and Garcia Sanchez of Navarre died fight- 
 ing against their brother, Ferdinand of Castile. Sancho 
 II. of Castile was assassinated by order of his sister Ur- 
 raca, besieged by him in her city of Zamora. Among the 
 Christian kings of the century immediately before him, 
 Garcia of Gallicia was strangled in prison by the hands 
 of his brothers, Sancho and Alfonso; Sancho Garcia of 
 Navarre was assassinated by his brother Ramon, at Pe- 
 nalva; Ramon Berenguer II. of Barcelona died by the 
 dagger of his brother Berenguer Ramon; Sancho the Fat, 
 in 967, was poisoned at a friendly repast by Gonzalo
 
 MEDIEVAL SPAIN. 57 
 
 Sanchez; Ruy Velasquez of Castile, in 986, murdered his 
 seven nephews, the unfortunate Infantes de Lara; Sancho 
 of Castile, in 1010, poisoned his mother, who had endeav- 
 ored to poison him. At the wedding festivities at Leon, 
 in 1026, Garcia, Count of Castile, was assassinated at 
 the church door, and the murderers were promptly burned 
 alive by his friends; Garcia of Navarre, in 1030, as an 
 incident in a family dispute about a horse, accused his 
 mother of adultery. Such was the standard of the elev- 
 enth century in the north of the Peninsula. 
 
 To judge the Cid, even as we now know him, accord- 
 ing to any code of modern ethics, is supremely unreason- 
 able. To be sure, even now, that we know him as he 
 was, is supremely presumptuous. But that Buy Diaz was 
 a great man, and a great leader of men, a knight who 
 would have shocked modern poets, and a free lance who 
 would have laughed at modern heroes, we can have no 
 manner of doubt. That he satisfied his contemporaries 
 and himself; that he slew Moors and Christians as occa- 
 sion required, with equal vigor and absolute impartiality; 
 that he bearded the King of Leon in his Christian coun- 
 cil, and that he cozened the King of Saragossa at the 
 head of his Moslem army; that he rode the best horse 
 and brandished the best blade in Spain; that his armies 
 never wanted for valiant soldiers, nor his coffers for gold 
 pieces; that he lived my Lord the Challenger, the terror 
 of every foe, and that he died rich and respected in the 
 noble city that had fallen to his knightly spear of all 
 this at least we are certain ; and, if the tale is displeasing 
 to our nineteenth century refinement, we must be content 
 to believe that it satisfied the aspirations of medieval Spain.
 
 CHAPTER IV 
 
 MOORISH SPAIN 
 
 THE LAST OF THE CALIPHS THE RISE AND FALL OF 
 
 GRANADA FERDINAND AND ISABELLA THE 
 
 GREAT CAPTAIN 
 
 MOSLEM rule in Spain may be conveniently summar- 
 ized as consisting, first, in the Caliphs of Cordova; sec- 
 ond, in the dynasty of the Almoravides ; third, in that 
 of the Almohades; and, finally, the kings of Granada. 
 
 Concerning the first it may be noted that in the long 
 reign of the last Abdur Rahman were the seeds of its 
 dissolution. Brooking no rival during his lifetime, at his 
 death he found no successor. Then upon the ruins of 
 the great Caliphate twenty independent and hostile dynas- 
 ties surged. Meanwhile Alfonso was eying them from 
 his citadel. At the gates of Valencia was the Cid. For 
 common safety the Moslem rivals looked for a common 
 defender. In Africa that defender was found in Yusuf, 
 the Berber chief of a tribe of religious soldiers known as 
 the Almoravides. 
 
 Invited to Spain he crossed over, and, meeting Alfonso 
 at Zalaca, near Bajadoz, on the 23d of October, 1086, he 
 routed him with great and historic slaughter. 
 
 Yusuf [says Burke] had come as a Moslem defender, 
 but he remained as a Moslem master. And once more 
 (58)
 
 MOORISH SPAIN. 59 
 
 in Spanish history, the over-powerful ally turned his vic- 
 torious arms against those who had welcomed him to 
 their shores. Yet Yusuf was no vulgar traitor. He had 
 sworn to the envoys of the Spanish Moslems that he 
 would return to Africa, in the event of victory, without 
 the annexation to his African empire of a field or a city 
 to the north of the Straits. And his vow was religiously 
 kept. Retiring empty-handed to Mauritania, after the 
 great battle at Zalaca, he returned once more to Spain, 
 unfettered on this new expedition by any vow, and set 
 to work with his usual vigor to make himself master of 
 the Peninsula. Tarifa fell in December. The next year 
 saw the capture of Seville, and of all of the principal 
 cities of Andalusia. An army sent by Alfonso VI., under 
 his famous captain, Alvar Fanez, was completely de- 
 feated, and all Southern Spam lay at the feet of the 
 Berber, save only Valencia, which remained impregnable 
 so long as the Cid lived to direct the defense. In 1102, 
 after the hero's death, Valencia succumbed, and all Spain 
 to the south of the Tagus became a province of the great 
 African empire of the Almoravides. 
 
 The rule of these hardy bigots was entirely unlike that 
 of the Ommeyad Caliphs of the West. Moslem Spain had 
 no longer even an independent existence. The sovereign 
 resided not at Cordova, but at Morocco. The poets and 
 musicians were banished from court. The beauties of Az 
 Zahra were forgotten. Jews and Christians were alike per- 
 secuted. The kingdom was governed with an iron hand. 
 But if the rule of the stranger was not generous, it was just, 
 and for the moment it possessed the crowning merit that 
 it was efficient. The laws were once more respected. The
 
 60 HISTORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 people once more dreamed of wealth and happiness. But 
 it was little more than a dream. 
 
 On the death of Yusuf in 1107 the scepter passed into 
 the hands of his son Ali, a more sympathetic but a far less 
 powerful ruler.. In 1118 the great city of Saragossa, the 
 last bulwark of Islam in the north of the Peninsula, was 
 taken by Alfonso I. of Aragon, who carried his victorious 
 arms into Southern Spain, and fulfilled a rash vow by eat- 
 ing a dinner of fresh fish on the coast of Granada. 
 
 Yet it was by no Christian hand that the empire of the 
 Almoravides was to be overthrown. 
 
 Mohammed Ibn Abdullah, a lamplighter in the Mosque 
 at Cordova, had made his way to remote Bagdad to study 
 at the feet of Abu Hamid Algazali, a celebrated doctor of 
 Moslem law. The strange adventures, so characteristic of 
 his age and nation, by which the lowly student became a 
 religious reformer a Mahdi and a conqueror in Africa, 
 and at length overthrew the Almoravides, both to the 
 north and the south of the Straits of Gibraltar, forms a 
 most curious chapter in the history of Islam ; but in a brief 
 sketch of the fortunes of medieval Spain, it must suffice 
 to say that having established his religious and military 
 power among the Berber tribes of Africa, Ibn Abdullah, 
 the Mahdi, landed at Algeciras in 1145, and possessed him- 
 self in less than four years of Malaga, Seville, Granada, 
 and Cordova. The empire of the Almoravides was com- 
 pletely destroyed; and, before the close of the year 1149, 
 all Moslem Spain acknowledged the supremacy of the 
 Almohades. 
 
 These more sturdy fanatics were still African rather 
 than Spanish sovereigns. Moslem Spain was adminis-
 
 MOORISH SPAIN. 61 
 
 tered by a Vali deputed from Morocco; and Cordova, 
 shorn of much of its former splendor, was the occasional 
 abode of a royal visitor from Barbary. For seventy years 
 the Almohades retained their position in Spain. But their 
 rule was not of glory but of decay. One high feat of arms 
 indeed shed a dying luster on the name of the Berber prince 
 who reigned for fifteen years (1184-99) under the auspicious 
 title of Almanzor, and his great Moslem victory over Al- 
 fonso II. at Alarcon in 1195 revived for the time the droop- 
 ing fortunes of the Almohades. But their empire was al- 
 ready doomed, decaying, disintegrated, wasting away. 
 And at length the terrible defeat of the Moslem forces 
 by the united armies of the three Christian kings at the 
 Navas de Tolosa in 1212, at once the most crushing and 
 the most authentic of all the Christian victories of medi- 
 eval Spain, gave a final and deadly blow to the Moslem 
 dominion of the Peninsula. Within a few years of that 
 celebrated battle, Granada alone was subject to the rule 
 of Islam. 
 
 It was in the year 1228 that a descendant of the old 
 Moorish kings of Saragossa rebelled against the Almohades 
 and succeeded in making himself master not merely of 
 Granada, but of Cordova, Seville, Algeciras, and even of 
 Ceuta, and, obtaining a confirmation of his rights from 
 Bagdad, assumed the title of Amir ul Moslemin Com- 
 mander of the Moslems and Al Mutawakal the Pro- 
 tected of God. 
 
 But a rival was not slow to appear. Mohammed Al 
 Ahmar, the Fair or the Ruddy, defeated, dethroned, and 
 slew Al Mutawakal, and reigned in his stead in Andalusia. 
 Despoiled in his turn of most of his possessions by St. Ferdi-
 
 62 HISTORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 nand of Castile, Al Ahmar was fain at length to content 
 himself with the rich districts in the extreme south of the 
 Peninsula, which are known to fame, wherever the Span- 
 ish or the English language is spoken, as the Kingdom of 
 Granada. And thus it came to pass that the city on the 
 banks of the Darro, the home of the proud and highly cul- 
 tivated Syrians of Damascus, the flower of the early Arab 
 invaders of Spain, became also the abiding place of the later 
 Arab civilization, overmastered year after year, and de- 
 stroyed, by the Christian armies ever pressing on to the 
 southern sea. Yet, in the middle of the thirteenth cent- 
 ury, the flood tide of reconquest had for the moment fairly 
 spent itself. The Christians were not strong enough to con- 
 quer, and above all they were not numerous enough to oc- 
 cupy, the districts that were still peopled by the Moor ; and 
 for once a wise and highly cultivated Christian shared the 
 supreme power in the Peninsula with a generous and honor- 
 able Moslem. Alfonso X. sought not to extend his fron- 
 tiers, but to educate his people, not to slaughter his neigh- 
 bors, but to give laws to his subjects, not to plunder frontier 
 cities, but to make Castile into a kingdom, with a history, 
 a civilization, and a language of her own. If the reputa- 
 tion of Alfonso is by no means commensurate with his true 
 greatness, the statesmanship of Mohammed Al Ahmar, the 
 founder of the ever famous Kingdom of Granada, is over- 
 shadowed by his undying fame as an architect. Yet is Al 
 Ahmar worthy of remembrance as a king and the parent 
 of kings in Spain. The loyal friend and ally of his Chris- 
 tian neighbor, the prudent administrator of his own domin- 
 ions, he collected at his Arab court a great part of the 
 wealth, the science, and the intelligence of Spain. His
 
 MOORISH SPAIN. 63 
 
 empire has long ago been broken up; the Moslem hag 
 been driven out; there is no king nor kingdom of Gra- 
 nada. But their memory lives in the great palace fortress 
 whose red towers still rise over the sparkling Darro, and 
 whose fairy chambers are still to be seen in what is, per- 
 haps, the most celebrated of the wonder works of the 
 master builders of the world. 
 
 After his long and glorious reign of forty-two years, 
 Mohammed the Fair was killed by a fall from his horse 
 near Granada, and was succeeded by his son, Mohammed 
 II. , in the last days of the year 1272. Al Ahmar had ever 
 remained at peace with Alfonso X., but his son, taking 
 advantage of the king's absence in quest of an empire in 
 Germany, sought the assistance of Yusuf , the sovereign or 
 emperor of Morocco, and invaded the Christian frontiers. 
 
 Victory was for some time on the side of the Moors. 
 The Castilians were defeated at Ecija in 1275, and their 
 leader, the Viceroy Don Nunez de Lara, was killed in bat- 
 tle, as was also Don Sancho, Infante of Aragon and Arch- 
 bishop of Toledo, after the rout of his army at Martos, near 
 Jaen, on the 21st of October, 1275 ; and the victorious Yusuf 
 ravaged Christian Spain to the very gates of Seville. 
 
 In the next year, 1276, the Castilian armies were again 
 twice defeated, in February at Alcoy and in the following 
 July at Lucena. To add to their troubles, King James of 
 Aragon died at Valencia in 1276. Sancho of Castile sought 
 to depose his father Alfonso, at Valladolid. All was in 
 confusion among the Christians; and had it not been for 
 the defection of Yusuf of Morocco, the tide of fortune might 
 have turned in favor of Islam. As it was, the African 
 monarch not only abandoned his cousin of Granada, but
 
 64 HISTORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 he was actually persuaded to send one hundred thousand 
 ducats to his Christian rival at Seville in 1280. 
 
 The value of this assistance was soon felt. Tarifa was 
 taken in 1292, and the progress of the Moor was checked 
 forever in Southern Spain. Mohammed II. died in 1302, 
 and was succeeded by his son, Mohammed III., who was 
 usually considered by the Moslem historians to have been 
 the ablest monarch of his house. But he reigned for only 
 seven years, and he was unable to defend Gibraltar from 
 the assaults of his Christian rivals. 
 
 From this time the court of Granada became a sort of 
 city of refuge for the disaffected lords and princes of Castile, 
 who sometimes, but rarely, prevailed upon their Moslem 
 hosts to assist them in expeditions into Christian Spain, but 
 who were always welcomed with true Arab hospitality at 
 the Moslem capital. To record their various intrigues would 
 be a vain and unpleasing task. The general course of his- 
 tory was hardly affected by passing alliances. The Chris- 
 tian pressed on with ever increasing territory behind him 
 on his road to the southern sea. 
 
 In 1319, Abdul Walid or Ismail I. of Granada defeated 
 and slew Don Pedro and Don Juan, Infantes of Castile, at 
 a place near Granada, still known as the Sierra de los In- 
 fantes. But no important consequences followed the victory. 
 
 In the reign of Yusuf (1333-54) was fought the great bat- 
 tle of the Salado (1340), when the Christians, under Alfonso 
 XI., were completely successful; and the capitulation of Al- 
 geciras three years later deprived the Moslems of an impor- 
 tant harbor and seaport. Day by day almost hour by hour 
 the Christians encroached upon Granada, even while cul- 
 tivating the political friendship and accepting the private
 
 MOORISH SPAIN. 65 
 
 hospitality of the Moslem. Their treacherous intervention 
 reached its climax in 1362, when Peter the Cruel decoyed 
 the King Abu Said, under his royal safe -conduct, to the 
 palace at Seville, and slew him with his own hand. 
 
 With Mohammed or Maulai al Aisar, or the Left-handed, 
 the affairs of Granada became more intimately connected 
 with the serious history of Spain. Al Hayzari, proclaimed 
 king in 1423, and dethroned soon after by his cousin, another 
 Mohammed, in 1427, sought and found refuge at the court 
 of John II., by whose instrumentality he was restored to 
 his throne at the Alhambra in 1429. Yet within four years 
 a rival sovereign, Yusuf, had secured the support of the 
 fickle Christian, and Muley the Left-handed was forced 
 a second time to fly from his capital. Once again, by the 
 sudden death of the new usurper, he returned to reign at 
 Granada, and once again for the third time he was sup- 
 planted by a more fortunate rival, who reigned as Mo- 
 hammed IX. for nearly ten years (1445-54). At the end 
 of this period, however, another pretender was dispatched 
 from the Christian court, and after much fighting and in- 
 trigue, Mohammed ibn Ismail, a nephew of Maulai or Muley 
 the Left-handed, drove out the reigning sovereign and suc- 
 ceeded him as Mohammed X. 
 
 Yet were the dominions of this Christian ally unceas- 
 ingly ravaged by his Christian neighbors. Gibraltar, Archi- 
 dona, and much surrounding territory were taken by the 
 forces of Henry IV. and his nobles; and a treaty was at 
 length concluded in 1464, in which it was agreed that Mo- 
 hammed of Granada should hold his kingdom under the 
 protection of Castile, and should pay an annual subsidy or 
 tribute of twelve thousand gold ducats. It was thus, on
 
 66 HISTORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 the death, in 1466, of this Mohammed Ismail of Granada, 
 that a vexed and harassed throne was inherited by his son 
 Muley Abul Hassan, ever famous in history and romance 
 as "The old king" the last independent sovereign of 
 Granada. 
 
 Meanwhile, Henry's only daughter Joanna being re- 
 garded as the fruit of the queen's adultery, he was de- 
 posed, but restored after acknowledging as his heiress his 
 sister Isabella, who subsequently, through her marriage 
 with Ferdinand of Aragon, joined the two most powerful 
 of Spanish kingdoms into one yet more powerful State. 
 
 To return now to Muley Abul Hassan. * For many years 
 after his accession he observed with his Christian neigh- 
 bors the treaties that had been made, nor did he take 
 advantage of the civil war which arose by reason of 
 Joanna's pretensions to add to the difficulties already 
 existing, and in the spring of 1476 sought a formal re- 
 newal of the old Treaty of Peace. 
 
 Ferdinand, however, made his acceptance of the king's 
 proposal contingent upon the grant of an annual tribute; 
 and he sent an envoy to the Moslem court to negotiate 
 the terms of payment. But the reply of Abul Hassan 
 was decisive. "Steel," said he, "not gold, was what 
 Ferdinand should have from Granada!" Disappointed of 
 their subsidy, and unprepared for war, the Christian sov- 
 ereigns were content to renew the treaty, with a mental 
 reservation that as soon as a favorable opportunity should 
 present itself they would drive every Moslem not only 
 out of Granada, but out of Spain. 
 
 * Muley is an Arabic word meaning "my lord."
 
 MOORISH SPAIN. 67 
 
 For five years there was peace between Abul Hassan 
 and the Catholic sovereigns. The commencement of hos- 
 tilities was the capture of Zahara by the Moslems at the 
 close of the year 1481; which was followed early in next 
 year, 1482, by the conquest of the far more important 
 Moorish stronghold of Albania, not by the troops of Fer- 
 dinand and Isabella, but by the followers of Ponce de 
 Leon, the celebrated Marquis of Cadiz. Albania was not 
 merely a fortress. It was a treasure-house and a maga- 
 zine; and it was but five or six leagues from Granada. 
 The town was sacked with the usual horrors. The Mar- 
 quis of Cadiz, having made good his position within the 
 walls, defied all the attacks of Abul Hassan, and at the 
 same time sent messengers to every Christian lord in An- 
 dalusia to come to his assistance to all save one, his 
 hereditary enemy, the Duke of Medina Sidonia, chief of 
 the great family of the Guzmans. Yet it was this gen- 
 erous rival, who, assembling all his chivalry and retain- 
 ers, was the first to appear before the walls of Albania, 
 and relieve the Christians from the threatened assault of 
 the Moslem. The days of civil discord had passed away 
 in Castile; and against united Christendom, Islam could 
 not long exist in Spain. 
 
 Meanwhile, Ferdinand, seeing that war had finally 
 broken out, started from Medina del Campo, and marched 
 with all speed to Cordova, where he was joined by Isa- 
 bella early in April, 1482. The Inquisition had now been 
 for over a year in full blast at Seville. The fires of per- 
 secution had been fairly lighted. The reign of bigotry 
 had begun, and the king and queen were encouraged to 
 proceed from the plunder of the Jews or New Christians
 
 68 HISTORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 to the plunder of the Moslems. Ferdinand accordingly 
 repaired in person to Alhama, with a large train of prel- 
 ates and ecclesiastics of lower degree. The city was sol- 
 emnly purified. Three mosques were consecrated by the 
 Cardinal of Spain for Christian worship. Bells, crosses, 
 plate, altar cloths were furnished without stint; and Al- 
 hama having been thus restored to civilization, Ferdinand 
 descended upon the fruitful valley or Vega of Granada, 
 destroyed the crops, cut down the fruit trees, uprooted 
 the vines, and, without having encountered a single 
 armed enemy in the course of his crusade, returned in 
 triumph to Cordova. A more arduous enterprise in the 
 following July was not attended with the same success, 
 when Ferdinand attacked the important town of Loja, 
 and was repulsed with great loss of Christian life. An 
 expedition against Malaga, later in the year, undertaken 
 by Alfonso de Cardenas, Grand Master of Santiago, and 
 the Marquis of Cadiz, was even more disastrous, for a 
 small body of Moors in the mountain denies of the Axar- 
 quia fell upon the Christian marauders, and no less than 
 four hundred " persons of quality" are said to have per- 
 ished in the retreat, including thirty commanders of the 
 great military order of Santiago. The Grand Master, 
 the Marquis of Cadiz, and Don Alfonso de Aguilar es- 
 caped as by a miracle, and the survivors straggled into 
 Loja and Antequera and Malaga, leaving Abul Hassan 
 and his brother Al Zagal, or the Valiant, with all the 
 honors of war. 
 
 But the successes of the Moor in the field was more 
 than counterbalanced by treason in the palace. By Zo- 
 raya, a lady of Christian ancestry, Muley Abul Hassan
 
 MOORISH SPAIN. 69 
 
 had a son, Abu Abdallah, who has earned a sad notoriety 
 under the more familiar name of Boabdil. Jealous of some 
 rival, or ambitious of greater power, the Sultana and her 
 son intrigued against their sovereign, and having escaped 
 from the State prison, in which they were at first pru- 
 dently confined, raised the standard of revolt, and com- 
 pelled Abul Hassan, who was thenceforth more usually 
 spoken of as the Old King, to seek refuge on the sea- 
 coast at Malaga. 
 
 Boabdil, jealous of the success of his father and his 
 uncle at Loja and in the Axarquia, and anxious to con- 
 firm his power by some striking victory over the Chris- 
 tians, took the field and confronted the forces of the Count 
 of Cabra, near Lucena. The battle was hotly contested, 
 but victory remained with the Christians. Ali Atar, the 
 bravest of the Moorish generals, was slain by the hand of 
 Alfonso de Aguilar, and Boabdil himself was taken prisoner 
 by a common soldier, Hurtado by name, and fell into the 
 hands of the victorious Count of Cabra. The captivity of 
 Boabdil, the Little King, el Rey Chico, as he was called by 
 the Castilians, was the turning point in the history of the 
 Moorish dominion in Spain. Released on payment of a 
 magnificent ransom provided by his mother Zoraya, and 
 bound to his Christian captors by a humiliating treaty, he 
 returned to Granada, disgraced and dishonored, as the ally 
 of the enemies of his country. Driven out of the capital by 
 the forces of his father, who had returned to occupy the 
 great palace-fortress of Alhambra, Boabdil and his mother 
 retired to Almeria, the second city in the kingdom ; and the 
 whole country was distracted by civil war. 
 
 Yet for four years the Castilians refrained from any im-
 
 70 HISTORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 portant expedition against Granada. Their tactics were 
 rather those of Scipio at Numantia. For Delay was all 
 in favor of Disintegration. 
 
 Yet the merciless devastation of fields and crops was 
 carried on with systematic and dreadful completeness. 
 Thirty thousand destroyers of peaceful homesteads, grana- 
 ries, farmhouses, and mills, were constantly at work, and 
 ere long there was scarce a vineyard or an oliveyard, scarce 
 an orchard or an orange-grove existing within reach of the 
 Christian borders. Under cover of the treaty with Boabdil, 
 this devilish enginery of destruction was steadily pushed 
 forward, while the old king and his more vigorous brother 
 El Zagal were prevented by domestic treason from making 
 any effectual defense of their fatherland. Some of the bor- 
 der towns, moreover, fell into the hands of the Christians, 
 and many forays were undertaken which produced rich 
 booty for the marauders. Ferdinand in the meantime oc- 
 cupied himself rather with the affairs of the Inquisition 
 and of foreign policy, while Isabella was personally super- 
 intending the enormous preparations for a final attack on 
 Granada. Artillery was cast in large quantities, and ar- 
 tificers imported from France and Italy; large stores of 
 ammunition were procured from Flanders. Nothing was 
 hurried; nothing was spared; nothing was forgotten by 
 Isabella. A camp hospital, the first, it is said, in the his- 
 tory of warfare, was instituted by the queen, whose energy 
 was indefatigable, whose powers of organization were bound- 
 less, and whose determination was inflexible. To represent 
 her as a tender and timid princess is to turn her true great- 
 ness into ridicule. But her vigor, her prudence, and her 
 perseverance are beyond the vulgar praise of history.
 
 MOORISH SPAIN. 71 
 
 Meanwhile, Granada was gradually withering away. 
 The "pomegranate," as Ferdinand had foreseen and fore- 
 told, was losing one by one the seeds of which the rich 
 and lovely fruit had once been all compact. The old king, 
 defeated but not disgraced, blind, infirm, and unfortunate, 
 was succeeded too late by his more capable brother, El 
 Zagal, a gallant warrior, a skillful commander, and a reso- 
 lute ruler. But if "the valiant one" might hardly have 
 held his own against the enormous resources of the 
 Christians in Europe, he was powerless against the com- 
 bination of foreign vigor and domestic treachery. The 
 true conqueror of Granada is Boabdil, the rebel and the 
 traitor, who has been euphemistically surnamed the Un- 
 lucky (El Zogoibi). Innocent, perchance, of the massacre 
 of the brave Abencerrages, he is guilty of the blood of 
 his country. 
 
 The capture of Velez Malaga by Ferdinand, already well 
 supplied with a powerful train of artillery, in April, 1487 
 while El Zagal was fighting for his life against Boabdil in 
 Granada was soon followed by the reduction, after a most 
 heroic defense, of the far more important city of Malaga in 
 August, 1487. But the heroism of the Moslem woke no 
 generous echo in the hearts of either Ferdinand or Isabella. 
 The entire population of the captured city, men, women, 
 and children some fifteen thousand souls were reduced 
 to slavery, and distributed not only over Spain, but over 
 Europe. 
 
 A hundred choice warriors were sent as a gift to the 
 Pope. Fifty of the most beautiful girls were presented to 
 the Queen of Naples, thirty more to the Queen of Portugal, 
 others to the ladies of her court, and the residue of both
 
 72 HISTORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 sexes were portioned off among the nobles, the knights, and 
 the common soldiers of the army, according to their rank 
 and influence. 
 
 For the Jews and renegades a more dreadful doom was 
 reserved; and the flames in which they perished were, in 
 the words of a contemporary ecclesiastic, "the illumina- 
 tions most grateful to the Catholic piety of Ferdinand and 
 Isabella." The town was repeopled by Christian immi- 
 grants, to whom the lands and houses of the Moslem own- 
 ers were granted with royal liberality by the victors. The 
 fall of Malaga, the second seaport and the third city of the 
 kingdom of Granada, was a grievous loss to the Moors; 
 and the Christian blockade was drawn closer both by land 
 and by sea. Yet an invasion of the eastern provinces, un- 
 dertaken by Ferdinand himself in 1488, was repulsed by El 
 Zagal ; and the Christian army was disbanded as usual at 
 the close of the year, without having extended the Christian 
 dominions. 
 
 But in the spring of 1489 greater efforts were made. 
 The Castilians sat down before the town of Baza, not far 
 from Jaen, and after a siege which lasted until the follow- 
 ing December, the city surrendered, not, as in the case of 
 Malaga, without conditions, but upon honorable terms of 
 capitulation, which the assailants, who had only been pre- 
 vented by the arrival of Isabella from raising the siege, 
 were heartily glad to accept. The fall of Baza was of more 
 than passing importance, for it was followed by the capitu- 
 lation of Almeria, the second city in the kingdom, and by 
 the submission of El Zagal, who renounced as hopeless the 
 double task of fighting against his nephew at the Alhambra, 
 and resisting the Christian sovereigns who had already over-
 
 MOORISH SPAIN. 73 
 
 run his borders. The fallen monarch passed over to Africa, 
 where he died in indigence and misery, the last of the great 
 Moslem rulers of Spam. 
 
 In the spring of 1490, Ferdinand, already master of the 
 greater part of the Moorish kingdom, sent a formal sum- 
 mons to his bondsman, Boabdil, to surrender to him the 
 city of Granada ; and that wretched and most foolish traitor, 
 who had refrained from action when action might have 
 saved his country, now defied the victorious Christians, 
 when his defiance could only lead to further suffering and 
 greater disaster. 
 
 Throughout the summer of 1490, Ferdinand, in per- 
 son, devoted himself to the odious task of the devasta- 
 tion of the entire Vega of Granada, and the depopula- 
 tion of the town of Guadix. But in the spring of the 
 next year, Isabella, who was ever the life and soul of 
 the war, took up her position within six miles of the city, 
 and pitched her camp at Ojos de Huescar at the very 
 gate of Granada. 
 
 And here was found assembled, not only all the best 
 blood of Castile, but volunteers and mercenary troops from 
 various countries in Europe. France, England, Italy, and 
 even Germany, each provided their contingent ; and a body 
 of Swiss soldiers of fortune showed the gallant cavaliers of 
 the Christian army the power and the value of a well dis- 
 ciplined infantry. Among the foreigners who had come 
 over to Spain in 1486 was an English lord, the Earl of 
 Rivers, known by the Spaniards as El Conde de Escalas, 
 from his family name of Scales, whose magnificence at- 
 tracted the admiration of all, even at the magnificent 
 court of Isabella.
 
 74 HISTORY OF SPAL\. 
 
 But the destruction of Granada was not brought abuut 
 by these gilded strangers, nor even by the brilliant knights 
 and nobles of Spain. It was not due to skillful engineers 
 nor to irresistible commanders. The gates were opened by 
 no victory. The walls were scaled by no assault. The 
 Christian success was due to the patient determination of 
 Isabella, to the decay and disintegration of the Moorish 
 Commonwealth, and, to some extent, to the skillful nego- 
 tiation and diplomatic astuteness of a young soldier whose 
 early influence upon the fortunes of Spain have been over- 
 shadowed by the greatness of his later achievements. 
 
 For among all the splendid knights and nobles who as- 
 sembled in the camp of Isabella, the chroniclers wellnigh 
 overlooked a gay cavalier of modest fortune, the younger 
 brother of Alfonso de Aguilar, distinguished rather as a 
 fop than a warrior Gonsalvo Hernandez of Cordova, 
 whose fame was destined to eclipse that of all his com- 
 panions in arms, and who has earned an undying repu- 
 tation in the history of three countries as "The Great 
 Captain." 
 
 The life of Gonsalvo de Cordova is interesting as being 
 the history of a brave soldier and an accomplished general, 
 who flourished at a very important period of the history of 
 Europe. But it is further and much more interesting as 
 being the history of a man who united in himself many 
 of the characteristics of ancient and of modern times. His 
 bravery was the bravery of an old Castilian knight, and 
 although he had many splendid rivals, he was pronounced 
 by common consent to be their superior. Yet his indi- 
 vidual courage was the least remarkable of his qualities. 
 He was a general, such as the Western world had not
 
 MOORISH SPAIN. 75 
 
 known for a thousand years, and he was the first diplo- 
 matist of modern Europe. In personal valor, in knightly 
 courtesy, in brave display, he was of his own time. In 
 astute generalship, and in still more astute diplomacy, 
 he may be said to have inaugurated a new era; and 
 although greater commanders have existed after him, as 
 well as before him, he will always be known as "The 
 Great Captain." 
 
 The conquest of Granada marks an epoch, not only in 
 the history of Spam, but in the history of Europe; and 
 Gonsalvo was the hero of Granada. The expedition of 
 Charles VIII. into Italy is a subject of almost romantic 
 interest, very nearly preferred by Gibbon to his own im- 
 mortal theme ; and Gonsalvo in Italy was the admired of 
 all French and Italian admirers. The succeeding expedi- 
 tion of Louis XII. was scarcely less interesting, and the 
 part played by Gonsalvo was even more remarkable. At 
 his birth artillery was almost unknown. At his death it 
 had become the most formidable arm of offense; it had 
 revolutionized the rules and manner of warfare; and it 
 was employed by The Great Captain in both his Italian 
 campaigns with marked skill and success. 
 
 Gonsalvo Hernandez was born at Montilla, near Cor- 
 dova, in 1453, of the noble and ancient family of the 
 Aguilars. After a boyhood and youth devoted, not only 
 to every manly sport and pursuit, and to the practice of 
 arms, but to the study of letters, and more especially 
 of the Arabic language, he made his first appearance in 
 serious warfare on the field of Olmedo, fighting under 
 the banner of the Marquis of Villena. On the death of 
 Prince Alfonso, Gonsalvo returned to Cordova. His
 
 76 HISTORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 father had already died; and according to the Spanish 
 law of primogeniture the whole of the rich estates of the 
 family of Aguilar passed, on the death of Don Pedro, 
 to his eldest son Alfonso, while nothing but a little per- 
 sonal property, a great name, a fine person, and "the 
 hope of what he might gain by his good fortune or his 
 valor" was inherited by his younger brother. 
 
 Cordova was obviously too small a field for Gonsalvo 
 de Aguilar; and in the course of the eventful year 1474, 
 having just arrived at man's estate, he proceeded to Se- 
 govia, and distinguished himself among the young nobles 
 who crowded to the Court of Isabella, by his prowess at 
 tournaments and all warlike games and exercises; and 
 he soon became celebrated for his personal beauty as well 
 as for his valor, distinguished for his fascinating man- 
 ners, and, above all, by an eloquence rarely found in a 
 young soldier of two and twenty. He was generally 
 known as "the Prince of the Youth"; and he supported 
 the character by an almost royal liberality and osten- 
 tatious expenditure entirely incompatible with his modest 
 fortune. 
 
 In the war of succession between Isabella and her 
 niece, Gonsalvo served under Alfonso de Cardenas, Grand 
 Master of Santiago, in command of a troop of one hun- 
 dred and twenty horsemen; and he particularly distin- 
 guished himself at the battle of Albuera. 
 
 And now, in the camp before Granada, he was well 
 pleased once more to sun himself in the smiles of his 
 queen and patroness, whose presence in the camp inspired 
 every soldier with enthusiasm. Isabella appeared on the 
 field superbly mounted and dressed in complete armor,
 
 MOORISH SPAIN 77 
 
 and continually visited the different quarters, and held 
 reviews of the troops. On one occasion she expressed a 
 desire to have a nearer view of the city, and a picked 
 body of men, among whom was Gonsalvo de Cordova, 
 commanded by the Marquis Duke of Cadiz, escorted her 
 to the little village of Zubia, within a short distance 
 of Granada. The citizens, indignant at the near ap- 
 proach of so small a force, sallied out and attacked 
 them. The Christians, however, stood their ground so 
 bravely, and performed such prodigies of valor under the 
 very eyes of Isabella herself, that no less than two 
 thousand Moslems are said to have fallen in that memor- 
 able affray. 
 
 It happened one night, about the middle of July, that 
 the drapery of the tent or pavilion in which Isabella was 
 lodged took fire, and the conflagration was not extin- 
 guished until several of the neighboring tents had been 
 consumed. The queen and her attendants escaped un- 
 hurt, but a general consternation prevailed throughout 
 the camp, until it was discovered that no more seri- 
 ous loss had been experienced than that of the queen's 
 wardrobe. 
 
 Gonsalvo, however, who on more than one occasion 
 showed himself at least as practical a courtier as Sir 
 Walter Raleigh, immediately sent an express to Illora, 
 and obtained such a supply of fine clothes from his wife, 
 Dona Maria Manrique, that the queen herself was amazed, 
 as much at their magnificence as at the rapidity with 
 which they had been obtained. 
 
 But this incident led to even more important results 
 than the amiable pillage of Dona Maria's wardrobe, for
 
 78 HISTORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 in order to guard against a similar disaster, as well as to 
 provide comfortable winter quarters for the troops, Isa- 
 bella determined to construct a sufficient number of 
 houses of solid masonry to provide quarters for the 
 besieging army, a design which was carried out in less 
 than three months. This martial and Christian town, 
 which received the appropriate name of Santa Pe, may 
 be still seen by the traveler in the Vega of Granada, 
 and is pointed out by good Catholics as the only town 
 in Andalusia that has never been contaminated by the 
 Moslem. 
 
 But in spite of the attractions of all these feats of arms 
 and exhibitions of magnificence, and of all the personal 
 display and rash adventure which savors so much more 
 of medieval chivalry than of modern warfare, Gonsalvo 
 was more seriously engaged in the schemes and negotia- 
 tions which contributed almost as much as the prowess 
 of the Christian arms to the fall of Granada. He had 
 spies everywhere. He knew what was going on in Gra- 
 nada better than Boabdil. He knew what was going on 
 in the camp better than Ferdinand. His familiarity with 
 Arabic enabled him to maintain secret communications 
 with recreant Moors, without the dangerous intervention 
 of an interpreter. He kept up constant communications 
 with Illora, and having obtained the allegiance or friend- 
 ship of the Moorish chief, Ali A tar, he gained possession 
 of the neighboring fortress of Mondejar. He sent pres- 
 ents, in truly Oriental style, to many of the Moorish lead- 
 ers in Granada who favored the party of Boabdil, and he 
 was at length chosen by Isabella as the most proper per- 
 son to conduct the negotiations that led to the treaty of
 
 MOORISH SPAIN. 79 
 
 capitulation, which was signed on the 25th of November, 
 1491. 
 
 The nature and the effect of this Convention are well 
 known. The triumphal entry of the Christians into the 
 old Moslem capital; "the last sigh of the Moor," and the 
 setting up of the Cross in the palace-citadel of Alhambra, 
 not only form one of the most glowing pages in the ro- 
 mance of history, but they mark an epoch hi the annals 
 of the world.
 
 CHAPTER V 
 
 HE INQUISITION 
 
 TORQUEMADA AND ISABELLA -THE NEW TRIBUNAL THE 
 PENALTY OF UNSOUND OPINIONS THREE CENT- 
 URIES OF SHAME 
 
 THE history of Spain assumed a new phase when, at the 
 fall of Granada, the attention of potentates and people ceased 
 to be absorbed by the excitement of a great religions war. 
 Then the past and the romance of it ended and the history 
 of modern Spain began. 
 
 Before proceeding with the latter, a name and a tribunal 
 detain attention. The one is Torquemada. The other is the 
 Inquisition. Burke has described them both, as follows: 
 
 The Inquisition, established in Italy by Honorius III. in 
 1231, and in France by St. Louis in 1233, was formally in- 
 troduced into Spain by Gregory IX. in 1235, by a Rescript 
 of April 30th, addressed to Mongriu, Archbishop- Adminis- 
 trator of Tarragona, confirming and explaining previous 
 Brief and Bulls upon the subject of the repression of her- 
 esy ; and prescribing the issue of certain Instructions which 
 had been prepared at the desire of his holiness by a Span- 
 ish saint, the Dominican Raymond of Penafort. From this 
 time forward, Bulls on the subject of the Inquisition into 
 heresy were frequently issued ; and the followers of Dominic 
 were ever the trusted agents of the Holy See. 
 (80)
 
 THE INQUISITION. 81 
 
 The first suggestion of the serious introduction of the 
 Tribunal of the Holy Office into Castile, at the end of the 
 fifteenth century, is said to have come from Sicily. An 
 Italian friar bearing the suggestive name of Dei Barberi, 
 Inquisitor-general at Messina, paid a visit to his sovereign 
 Ferdinand at Seville in 1477, in order to procure the con- 
 firmation of a privilege accorded to the Sicilian Dominicans 
 by the Emperor Frederic II., in 1233, by virtue of which 
 the Inquisitors entered info possession of one-third of the 
 goods of the heretic whom they condemned. This danger- 
 ous charter was confirmed in due course by Ferdinand on 
 the 2d of September, 1477, and by Isabella on the 18th of 
 October ; and very little argument was required on the part 
 of the gratified envoy to convince his sovereign of the vari- 
 ous temporal and spiritual advantages that would follow 
 the introduction of the Tribunal, that had so long existed 
 in an undeveloped form in Sicily and in Aragon, into the 
 dominions of his pious consort, Isabella of Castile. 
 
 In the middle of the year 1480 there was as yet no court 
 of the Holy Inquisition established in Spain. At length, 
 pressed by the Papal Nuncio, by the Dominicans, by her 
 confessor, most of all by her husband, Isabella gave her 
 consent; and at length, in August, 1483, the Inquisition 
 was established as a permanent tribunal. Tomas de Tor- 
 quemada was appointed Inquisitor-general of both Castile 
 and Aragon. Subordinate tribunals were constituted; new 
 and more stringent regulations were made; the victims 
 smoked from day to day on the great stone altar of the 
 Quemadero. 
 
 The life of Tomas de Torquemada is the history of con- 
 temporary Spam. Born of a noble family, already distin-
 
 82 HISTORY Of SPAIN. 
 
 guished in the Church by the reputation of the cardinal his 
 uncle, Tomas early assumed the habit of a Dominican, and 
 was in course of time appointed prior of an important mon- 
 astery at Segovia, and confessor to the young Princess Isa- 
 bella. His influence upon that royal lady was naturally 
 great; his piety pleased her; his austerity affected her; 
 and his powerful will directed, if it could not subdue, a 
 will as powerful as his own. Brought up far away from 
 a court whose frivolities had no charm for her, and where, 
 under any circumstances, she would have been considered 
 as a rival if not a pretender, the counsels of her confessor, 
 both sacred and secular, were the most authoritative that 
 she could expect to obtain. It has been constantly asserted 
 that the friar obtained from the princess a promise that, 
 in the event of her elevation to the throne of Castile, she 
 would devote herself to the destruction of heretics and the 
 increase of the power of the Church. Such a promise would 
 have been but one of many which such a confessor would 
 have obtained from such a penitent, and would have been 
 but the natural result of his teaching. Nor is it surprising 
 that in the intrigues that preceded the death of Henry IV., 
 and the War of Succession that immediately followed it, 
 the whole influence of the priesthood should have been cast 
 on the side of Isabella and against her niece Joanna. For 
 ten years, says the biographer of his Order, the skillful 
 hand of Torquemada cultivated the intellect of Isabella; 
 and in due course the propitious marriage with Ferdinand 
 of Aragon, far from removing his pupil from his sacerdotal 
 influence, brought him a new and an equally illustrious 
 penitent. Torquemada became the confessor of the king 
 as well as of the queen.
 
 THE INQUISITION. 83 
 
 If the establishment of the Inquisition was the fulfill- 
 ment of Isabella's vow, and the realization of the aspira- 
 tions of her tutor, his appointment as Inquisitor-general, 
 although it necessitated the choice of another confessor, 
 did not by any means withdraw him from his old sphere 
 of influence. He ceased not to preach the destruction of the 
 Moslem, even as he was employed about the destruction of 
 the Jew; and if Isabella was the active patroness of the 
 war in Granada, there was a darker spirit behind the throne, 
 ever preaching the sacred duty of the slaughter of the infidel 
 and the heretic of every race and nation. 
 
 Torquemada was at once a politician and an enthusiast ; 
 rigid, austere, uncompromising; unbounded in his ambition, 
 yet content to sacrifice himself to the cause that made him 
 what he was. His moral superiority to the Innocents and 
 Alexanders at Rome, his intellectual superiority to the Car- 
 rillos and the fighting bishops of Spain, gave him that 
 enormous influence over both queen and king which his 
 consuming bigotry and his relentless tenacity of purpose 
 induced him to use with such dreadful effect. Aggressive 
 even in his profession of humility, Torquemada was inso- 
 lent, not only to his unhappy victims, but to his colleagues, 
 to his sovereigns, to his Holy Father at Rome. He was, 
 perhaps, the only man in Europe who was more masterful 
 than Isabella, more bloodthirsty than Alexander; and he 
 was able to impose his own will on both queen and pope. 
 Rejecting in his proud humility every offer of the miter, 
 he asserted and maintained his ecclesiastical supremacy 
 even over the Primate of Spain. Attended by a body- 
 guard of noble youths who were glad to secure at once 
 the favor of the queen and immunity from ecclesiastical
 
 84 HISTORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 censure by assuming the habit of the Familiars of the 
 Holy Office, the great destroyer lived in daily dread of 
 the hand of the assassin. 
 
 Fifty horsemen and two hundred foot-guards always 
 attended him. Nor was it deemed inconsistent with the 
 purity of his own religious faith that he should carry about 
 with him a talisman, in the shape of the horn of some 
 strange animal, invested with the mysterious power of 
 preventing the action of poison. 
 
 On the death of Torquemada in September, 1498, Don 
 Diego Deza was promoted to the office of Inquisitor-j."rneral 
 of Spain. Yet the activity of the Ecclesiastical Tribunal 
 was rather increased than diminished by the change of 
 masters, and an attempt was made soon afterward to ex- 
 tend its operations to Naples. But Gonsalvo de Cordova, 
 who was then acting as viceroy, took upon himself to dis- 
 regard not only the demands of the Inquisitors, but the 
 orders of Ferdinand (June 30, 1504), and to postpone the 
 introduction of the new tribunal into the country that he 
 so wisely and so liberally governed. After the recall of 
 his great representative, some six years later, Ferdinand 
 himself made another attempt to establish the hated Tri- 
 bunal in Italy in 1510. But even Ferdinand did not pre- 
 vail; and Naples retained the happy immunity which it 
 owed to the Great Captain. 
 
 If no error is more gross than to suppose that the estab- 
 lishment of the Inquisition was due to popular feeling in 
 Spain, it is almost equally false to assert that it was the 
 work of the contemporary popes. Rome was bad enough 
 at the end of the fifteenth century; but her vast load of 
 wickedness need not be increased by the burden of sins
 
 THE INQUISITION. 85 
 
 that are not her own. The everlasting shame of the Span- 
 ish Inquisition is that of the Catholic kings. It is not diffi- 
 cult to understand why the poor and rapacious Ferdinand 
 of Aragon should welcome the establishment of an instru- 
 ment of extortion which placed at his disposal the accumu- 
 lated savings of the richest citizens of Castile. It is yet 
 easier to comprehend that Isabella, who was not of a tem- 
 per to brook resistance to authority in Church or State, 
 should have consented to what her husband so earnestly 
 desired. The queen, moreover, was at least sincerely relig- 
 ious, after the fashion of the day; and was constrained to 
 follow the dictates of her confessor in matters judged by 
 him to be within his spiritual jurisdiction, even while she 
 was, as a civil ruler, withstanding the Pope himself on 
 matters of temporal sovereignty. It is the height of folly 
 to brand Isabella as a hypocrite, because we are unable to 
 follow the workings of a medieval mind, or to appreciate 
 the curious religious temper by no means confined to the 
 men and women of the fifteenth century that can permit 
 or compel the same person to be devoted to Popery and 
 to be at war with the Pope, and find in the punctilious 
 observance of ceremonial duty excuse or. encouragement 
 for the gratification of any vice and the commission of 
 any crime. But that the nobility and people of Castile 
 should have permitted the crown to impose upon them 
 a foreign and an ecclesiastical despotism, is at first sight 
 much harder to understand. No one reason, but an 
 unhappy combination of causes, may perhaps be found 
 to explain it. 
 
 The influence of the queen was great. Respected as 
 well as feared by the nobles, she was long admired and
 
 SO HISTORY OF SPAIK. 
 
 beloved by the mass of the people. * The great success of 
 her administration, which was apparent even by the end 
 of 1480; her repression of the nobility; her studied respect 
 for the Cortes; all these things predisposed the Castilians, 
 who had so long suffered under weak and unworthy sov- 
 ereigns, to trust themselves not only to the justice but to 
 the wisdom of the queen. The influence of the clergy, if 
 not so great as it was in France or Italy, was no doubt 
 considerable, and, as a rule, though not always, it was 
 cast on the side of the Inquisition. Last and most un- 
 happy reason of all, the nobility and the people were 
 divided; and, if not actually hostile, were at least ever 
 at variance in Castile. 
 
 The first efforts of the new tribunal, too, were directed 
 either against the converted Jews, of whose prosperity the 
 Christians were already jealous, and for whose interested 
 tergiversations no one could feel any respect; or against 
 the more or less converted Moslems, toward whom their 
 neighbors still maintained a certain hereditary antipathy. 
 The New Christians alone were to be haled before the new 
 tribunal. The Old Christians might trust in the queen, if 
 
 * Certainly in 1480, possibly not five-and-twenty years 
 later. From curious criminal proceedings instituted against 
 the Corregidor of Medina del Campo, we learn that that 
 high judicial authority had not hesitated to declare that 
 the soul of Isabella had gone direct to hell for her cruel 
 oppression of her subjects, and that King Ferdinand was 
 a thief and a robber, and that all the people round Medina 
 and Valladolid, where the queen was best known, had 
 formed the same judgment of her. "Arch. Gen. Siman 
 cas," Estado, Legajo i., f. 192; "Calendar of State Papers" 
 (Spain), Supplement to i. and ii. (1868), p. 27.
 
 THE INQUISITION. 87 
 
 not in their own irreproachable lineage, to protect them 
 from hurt or harm. 
 
 The number of subordinate or subsidiary tribunals of 
 the Holy Office was at first only four; established at Se- 
 ville, Cordova, Jaen, and Ciudad Real. The number was 
 gradually increased, during the reign of the Catholic kings, 
 to thirteen ; and over all these Ferdinand erected, in 1483, 
 a court of supervision under the name of the Council of the 
 Supreme, consisting of the Grand Inquisitor as President, 
 and three other subordinate ecclesiastics, well disposed to 
 the crown, and ready to guard the royal interests in con- 
 fiscated property. 
 
 One of the first duties of this tremendous Council was 
 the preparation of a code of rules or Instructions, based 
 upon the Inquisitor's Manual of Eymeric, which had been 
 promulgated in Aragon in the fourteenth century. The 
 new work was promptly and thoroughly done ; and twenty- 
 eight comprehensive sections left but little to be provided 
 for in the future. 
 
 The prosecution of unorthodox Spanish bishops by Tor- 
 quemada on the ground of the supposed backslidings of 
 their respective fathers is sufficiently characteristic of the 
 methods of the Inquisition to be worthy of a passing no- 
 tice. Davila, bishop of Segovia, and Aranda, bishop of 
 Calahorra, were the sons of Jews who had been converted 
 and baptized by St. Vincent Ferrer. No suspicion existed 
 as to the orthodoxy of the prelates, both of whom were 
 men distinguished for their learning and their piety. But 
 it was suggested that their fathers had relapsed into Juda- 
 ism before they died. They had each, indeed, left consider- 
 able fortunes behind them : and it was sought to exhume
 
 88 HISTORY OF SPAIJ\ 
 
 and burn their mortal remains, and to declare the property 
 long in the enjoyment of their heirs and successors for- 
 feited to the crown; and, in spite of a brief of Innocent 
 VIII., of the 25th of September, 1487, the attempt was 
 made by the Spanish Inquisitors. Both prelates sought 
 refuge and protection by personal recourse to Rome (1490). 
 Bishop Davila, in spite of the urgent remonstrances of Isa- 
 bella herself, ultimately secured the protection of Alexander 
 VI. and was invested with additional dignities and honors. 
 Bishop Aranda was less fortunate. He was stripped of his 
 office and possessions, and died a prisoner in the castle of 
 St. Angelo in 1497. 
 
 It was not only living or dying heretics who paid the 
 penalty of their unsound opinions. Men long dead, if they 
 were represented by rich descendant., were cited before the 
 Tribunal, judged, condemned, and the lands and goods that 
 had descended to their heirs passed into the coffers of the 
 Catholic kings. The scandal was so great that Isabella 
 actually wrote to the Bishop of Segovia to defend herself 
 against an accusation that no one had ever presumed to 
 formulate. "I have," said the queen, "caused great ca- 
 lamities, I have depopulated towns and provinces and king- 
 doms, for the love of Christ and of His Holy Mother, but 
 I have never touched a maravedi of confiscated property; 
 and I have employed the money in educating and dower- 
 ing the children of the condemned." This strange apology, 
 which seems to have to some extent imposed upon Prescott, 
 is shown by more recent examination of the State papers to 
 be a most deliberate and daring falsehood, and would go 
 far to justify the suggestion of Bergenroth that if Ferdi- 
 nand never scrupled to tell direct untruths and make false
 
 THE INQUISITION. 89 
 
 promises whenever he thought it expedient, Queen Isabella 
 excelled her husband in "disregard of veracity." 
 
 If the Holy Office had existed in Aragon in an undevel- 
 oped state from the thirteenth to the fifteenth century, and 
 if it was actually introduced into Castile at the suggestion of 
 an Inquistor of the Aragonese island of Sicily, the old inde- 
 pendence of the inhabitants once more asserted itself when 
 the time arrived for the introduction of the brand-new Cas- 
 tilian Tribunal into the old kingdom that is watered by the 
 Ebro. Saragossa, indeed, may be nearer to Rome than To- 
 ledo; but the Catalan has ever been less submissive than 
 his brother or cousin in Castile ; less obedient to authority ; 
 more impatient of royal and ecclesiastical oppression. Yet 
 Aragon, which had defied Innocent at Muret, and van- 
 quished Martin at Gerona, was no match for the inquisi- 
 tors of Ferdinand the Catholic. The Inquisition, as we 
 have seen, had once before been established in Aragon; 
 but in one most important particular the new institution 
 differed from the old. In former days, even in the rare 
 cases when the heretic paid the penalty of his heterodoxy 
 with his life, his property passed to his heirs. The ecclesi- 
 astical tribunal of Ferdinand was not only more efficient 
 in the matter of burning or otherwise disposing of accused 
 persons; but the property of all doubtful Catholics, even 
 of those who were graciously permitted to live after their 
 trial, was absolutely forfeit to the crown. And the num- 
 ber of rich men, not only converted Jews but prosperous 
 Christians, whose orthodoxy failed to come up to the new 
 standard, was even in those days considered remarkable. 
 
 Ferdinand at all times hated popular assemblies. He 
 spent the greater part of his time in Castile; and he saw
 
 i)0 HISTORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 as little as possible of the people of Aragon. But in April, 
 1484, he summoned a Cortes at Saragossa, and decreed by 
 royal ordinance the establishment of the new tribunal. The 
 old constitutional spirit of the Aragonese seems to have 
 evaporated; and a degenerate justiciary was found to 
 swear to support the jurisdiction of the Inquisitors. Yet 
 envoys and delegates of the Commons of Aragon were dis- 
 patched to Castile, whither Ferdinand had promptly retired, 
 and also to Rome, to remonstrate against the new Institu- 
 tion, and more especially against the new provisions for the 
 forfeiture of the property of the convicted. If these provis- 
 ions, contrary to the laws of Aragon, were repealed or sus- 
 pended, the deputies "were persuaded," and there was a 
 grim humor in the suggestion, "that the Tribunal itself 
 would soon cease to exist." 
 
 But the repression of heresy was far too profitable an 
 undertaking to be lightly abandoned; nor was Ferdinand 
 of Aragon the man to abandon it; and the envoys returned 
 from an unsuccessful mission to Valladolid to find a Quema- 
 dero already blazing at Saragossa. 
 
 Yet the Aragonese were not at once reduced to subjec- 
 tion. A popular conspiracy led to the assassination of the 
 Inquisitor-general, Pedro de Arbues, in spite of his steel 
 cap and coat of mail, as he stood one day at matins in the 
 Cathedral of Saragossa (15th September, 1457); but this 
 daring crime served only to enrage Ferdinand and to 
 strengthen the power of the Inquisition. A most rigorous 
 and indefatigable inquiry, which was extended from Sara- 
 gossa into every part of Aragon, was at once undertaken ; 
 and an immense number of victims, chosen not only from 
 among the people, but from almost every noble family in
 
 THE INQUISITION 91 
 
 Aragon, if it did not appease the vengeance of the Inquisi- 
 tors, gratified at least the avarice of Ferdinand. Among 
 the accused, indeed, was Don Jayme of Navarre, a nephew 
 of the King of Aragon a son of Eleanor, queen of Na- 
 varre, and her husband, Gaston de Foix who was actually 
 arrested and imprisoned by the Holy Office; and discharged 
 only after having done public penance, as convicted of hav- 
 ing in some way sympathized with the assassination of 
 Arbues. But it may be noted that the young prince was 
 anything but a favorite with his uncle, to whom this bit of 
 ecclesiastical discipline was no doubt very gratifying. 
 
 But it was not only at Saragossa that opposition was 
 offered to the establishment of the new Tribunal. In every 
 part of Aragon and of Valencia; at Lerida, at Teruel, at 
 Barcelona, the people rose against this new exhibition of 
 royal and priestly tyranny. And it was not for fully two 
 years, and after the adoption of the most savage measures 
 of repression both royal and ecclesiastical, that the Inquisi- 
 tion was finally accepted in the kingdom of Aragon, and 
 that Torquemada, fortified by no less than two special Bulls, 
 made his triumphal entry as Inquisitor-general into Bar- 
 celona on the 27th of October, 1488. 
 
 Among all the tens of thousands of innocent persons 
 who were tortured and done to death by the Inquisition 
 in Spain, it is instructive to turn to the record of one man 
 at least who broke through the meshes of the ecclesiastical 
 net that was spread abroad in the country; for the mode 
 of his escape is sufficiently instructive. Ready money at 
 command, but not exposed to seizure, was the sole shield 
 and safeguard against the assaults of Church and State. 
 Don Alfonso de la Caballeria was a Jew by race, and a
 
 92 HISTORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 man who was actually concerned in the murder of the In- 
 quisitor Arbues; but his great wealth enabled him to pur- 
 chase not only one but two Briefs from Rome, and to secure 
 the further favor of Ferdinand. He was accused and prose- 
 cuted in vain by the Holy Office of Aragon. He not only 
 escaped with his life, but he rose to a high position in the 
 State, and eventually mingled his Jewish and heretic blood 
 with that of royalty itself. 
 
 Various attempts were made by the Commons of A ra- 
 gon to abate the powers of the Inquisition; and at the 
 Cortes of Monzon, in 1510, so vigorous a remonstrance was 
 addressed to Ferdinand that he was unable to do more than 
 avoid a decision, by a postponement on the ground of desir- 
 ing fuller information; and two years later, at the same 
 place, he was compelled to sanction a declaration or ordi- 
 nance, by which the authority assumed by the Holy Office, 
 in defiance of the Constitution of Aragon, was specifically 
 declared to be illegal; and the king swore to abolish the 
 privileges and jurisdiction of the Inquisition. Within a 
 few months, however, he caused himself to be absolved 
 from this oath by a Papal Brief; and the Inquisition re- 
 mained unreformed and triumphant. But the Aragonese 
 had not yet entirely lost their independence, and a popular 
 rising compelled the king not only to renounce the Brief, 
 so lately received, but to solicit from the Pope a Bull (May 
 12, 1515), exonerating him from so doing, and calling upon 
 all men, lay and ecclesiastical, to maintain the authority of 
 the Cortes. Aragon was satisfied. And the people enjoyed 
 for a season the blessings of comparative immunity from 
 persecution. 
 
 To recall the manifold horrors of the actual working of
 
 THE INQUISITION. 93 
 
 the Inquisition in Spain would be a painful and an odious 
 task. To record them in any detail is surely superfluous; 
 even though they are entirely denied by such eminent mod- 
 ern writers as Hefele, in Germany, or Menendez Pelayo, in 
 Spain. The hidden enemy, the secret denunciation, the 
 sudden arrest, the unknown dungeon, the prolonged inter- 
 rogatory, the hideous torture, the pitiless judge, the cer- 
 tain sentence, the cruel execution, the public display of 
 sacerdotal vengeance, the plunder of the survivors, inno- 
 cent even of ecclesiastical offense all these things are 
 known to every reader of every history. All other con- 
 siderations apart, it is an abuse of language to speak of 
 the proceedings before the Inquisition as a trial, for the 
 tribunal was nothing but a Board of Conviction. One 
 acquittal in two thousand accusations was, according to 
 Llorente, who had access to all the records of the Holy 
 Office in Spain, about the proportion that was observed 
 in their judicial findings. 
 
 Statistics, as a rule, are not convincing, and figures are 
 rarely impressive; yet it may be added that, according to 
 Llorente's cautious estimate, over ten thousand persons were 
 burned alive during the eighteen years of Torquemada's 
 supremacy alone ; that over six thousand more were burned 
 in effigy either in their absence or after their death, and 
 their property acquired by the Holy Office ; while the num- 
 ber of those whose goods were confiscated, after undergoing 
 less rigorous punishments, is variously computed at some- 
 what more or somewhat less than one hundred thousand. 
 But it is obvious that even these terrible figures give but a 
 very feeble idea of the vast sum of human suffering that 
 followed the steps of this dreadful institution. For they
 
 94 HISTORTl OF SPAIN. 
 
 tell no tale of the thousands who died, and the tens of thou- 
 sands who suffered, in the torture chamber. They hardly 
 suggest the anguish of the widow and the orphan of the 
 principal victims, who were left, bereaved and plundered, 
 to struggle with a hard and unsympathetic world, desolate, 
 poor, and disgraced. 
 
 Nor does the most exaggerated presentment of human 
 suffering tell of the disastrous effects of the entire system 
 upon religion, upon morals, upon civil society at large. 
 The terrorism, the espionage, the daily and hourly dread 
 of denunciation, in which every honest man and woman 
 must have lived, the boundless opportunities for extortion 
 and for the gratification of private vengeance and worldly 
 hatred, must have poisoned the whole social life of Spain. 
 The work of the Inquisition, while it tended, no doubt, to 
 make men orthodox, tended also to make them false, and 
 suspicious, and cruel. Before the middle of the sixteenth 
 century, the Holy Office had profoundly affected the na- 
 tional character; and the Spaniard, who had been cele- 
 brated in Europe during countless centuries for every manly 
 virtue, became, in the new world that had been given to 
 him, no less notorious for a cruelty beyond the imagination 
 of a Roman emperor, and a rapacity beyond the dreams of 
 a republican proconsul. 
 
 Torquemada and Ferdinand may have burned their thou- 
 sands and plundered their ten thousands in Spain. Their 
 disciples put to death millions of the gentlest races of the 
 earth, and ravaged without scruple or pity the fairest and 
 most fertile regions of the new Continent which had been 
 given to them to possess. 
 
 As long as the Inquisition confined its operations to the
 
 THE INQUISITION. 95 
 
 Jews and the Moors, the Old Christians were injured and 
 depraved by the development of those tendencies to cruelty 
 and rapacity that lie dormant in the heart of every man. 
 But this was not the end. For when Spain at length shel- 
 tered no more aliens to be persecuted and plundered in the 
 name of religion, and murder and extortion were forced to 
 seek their easy prey in the new world beyond the Atlantic 
 Ocean, the Holy Office turned its attention to domestic 
 heresy; and the character of the Spaniard in Europe be- 
 came still further demoralized and perverted. Every man 
 was suspected. Every man became suspicious. The light- 
 est word might lead to the heaviest accusation. The nation 
 became somber and silent. Religious life was but a step 
 removed from heresy. Religion died. Original thought 
 was above all things dangerous. The Spaniard took ref- 
 uge in Routine. Social intercourse was obviously full of 
 peril. A prudent man kept himself to himself, and was 
 glad to escape the observation of his neighbors. Castile 
 became a spiritual desert. The Castilian wrapped himself 
 in his cloak, and sought safety in dignified abstraction. 
 The Holy Office has done its work in Spain. A rapa- 
 cious government, an enslaved people, a hollow religion, 
 a corrupt Church, a century of blood, three centuries of 
 shame, all these things followed in its wake. And the 
 country of Viriatus and Seneca, of Trajan and Marcus 
 Aurelius, where Ruy Diaz fought, and Alfonso studied, 
 and where two warrior kings in two successive centuries 
 defied Rome temporal and Rome spiritual, and all the 
 crusaders of Europe Spain, hardly conquered by Scipio 
 or by Caesar, was enslaved by the dead hand of Dominic. 
 
 5
 
 CHAPTER VI 
 THEIR CATHOLIC MAJESTIES 
 
 THE BANISHMENT OF THE JEWS INTERNATIONAL NEGO- 
 TIATIONSTHE SPANIARDS IN ITALY THE VICTORIES 
 OF GONSALVO THE BEGINNING OF A NEW ERA 
 
 THE fall of Granada left the Catholic sovereigns free 
 to turn their attention more completely to the domestic 
 affairs of the kingdom ; and it seems moreover to have in- 
 creased the bigotry both of the Church and of the Court, 
 and to have added new zeal to the fury of the Inquisition. 
 
 The conquest of the Moorish kingdom was said by pious 
 ecclesiastics to be a special sign or manifestation of the ap- 
 proval by Heaven of the recent institution of the Holy 
 Office. The knights and nobles, proud of their military 
 successes, may have attributed the victory to causes more 
 flattering to their valor, their skill, and their perseverance. 
 The common people, as yet not demoralized, but gorged 
 with plunder, and invited to occupy without purchase the 
 fairest province in the Peninsula, were little disposed to 
 quarrel with the policy of Ferdinand ; and far from feeling 
 any pity for the sufferings of the vanquished Moors, they 
 sighed for new infidels to pillage. And new infidels were 
 promptly found. 
 
 The Inquisition so far had troubled itself but little with 
 Christian heretics. The early Spanish Protestantism of the 
 thirteenth century had died away. The later Spanish Prot- 
 (96)
 
 THEIR CATHOLIC MAJESTIES. 97 
 
 estantism of the sixteenth century had not yet come into 
 existence. Few men had done more than Averroes of Cor- 
 dova and Ramon Lull of Palma to awaken religious thought 
 in Medieval Europe; yet speculative theology has never 
 been popular among the Spanish people. It was against 
 the Jews, renegade or relapsed, even more than the avowedly 
 unconverted, that the Holy Office directed all its exertions 
 until the end of the fifteenth century. By April, 1492, al- 
 though a great number of the unfortunate Hebrews had 
 already found their way to the Quemadero, there was still 
 a very large Jewish population in Spain, the most industri- 
 ous, the most intelligent, the most orderly, but, unhappily 
 for themselves, the most wealthy of all the inhabitants of 
 the Peninsula. 
 
 The Spanish Jews, as we have seen, were treated on 
 the arrival of the Arab conquerors not only with considera- 
 tion, but with an amount of favor that was not extended 
 to them under any other government in the world; nor 
 was this wise liberality, as time went on, displayed only 
 by the Moslem in Spam. At the Christian courts of Leon, 
 of Castile, and of Catalonia, the Jews were welcomed as 
 lenders of money and as healers of diseases, and as men 
 skilled in many industrial arts; and they supplied what 
 little science was required in northern Spain, while their 
 brethren shared in the magnificent culture and extended 
 studies of Cordova. When the rule of the Arab declined, 
 and Alfonso el Sabio held his court at southern Seville, the 
 learned Jews were his chosen companions. They certainly 
 assisted him in the preparation of his great astronomical 
 tables. They probably assisted him in bis translation of 
 the Bible
 
 98 HISTORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 Nor does this court favor appear to have caused any 
 serious jealousy among Christian Spaniards. The fellow- 
 student of Alfonso X., the trusted treasurer of Peter the 
 Cruel, the accommodating banker of many a king and 
 many a noble the Jew was for some time a personage of 
 importance rather than a refugee in the Peninsula. And 
 during the whole of the thirteenth century, while the Jews 
 were exposed throughout western Europe to the most dread- 
 ful and systematic persecutions, they enjoyed in Spain not 
 only immunity, but protection, not only religious freedom, 
 but political consideration. 
 
 Under Alfonso XI. they were particularly regarded, and 
 even under Peter the Cruel, who, though he tortured and 
 robbed his Hebrew treasurer, did not at any time display 
 his natural ferocity in any form of religious persecution. 
 Yet, as we are told that his rival and successor, Henry of 
 Trastamara, sought popular favor by molesting the Jews, 
 it would seem that already by the end of the fourteenth 
 century they were becoming unpopular in Castile. But 
 on the whole, throughout the Peninsula, from the time of 
 James I. of Aragon, who is said to have studied ethics 
 under a Jewish professor, to the time of John II. of Cas- 
 tile, who employed a Jewish secretary in the compilation 
 of a national "Cancionero," or ballad book, the Jews were 
 not only distinguished, but encouraged, in literature and 
 abstract science, as they had always been in the more prac- 
 tical pursuits of medicine and of commerce. 
 
 But in jess than a century after the death of Alfonso 
 X. the tide of fortune had turned. Their riches increased 
 overmuch in a disturbed and impoverished commonwealth, 
 and public indignation began to be displayed, rather at
 
 their un- Christian opulence than at their Jewish faith. In- 
 quisition was made rather into their strong-boxes than into 
 their theology; and it was their debtors and their rivals, 
 rather than any religious purists, who, toward the end of 
 the fourteenth century, and more especially in Aragon, 
 stirred up those popular risings against their race that led 
 to the massacres and the wholesale conversions of 1391. 
 The first attack that was made upon the persons and prop- 
 erty of the Jews was in 1388, and it was no doubt provoked 
 by the preaching of the fanatic archdeacon Hernando Mar- 
 tinez at Seville. But it was in nowise religious in its char- 
 acter, and was aimed chiefly at the acquisition and destruc- 
 tion of the property of the rich and prosperous Hebrews. 
 The outbreaks which took place almost simultaneously in 
 all parts of Spain were disapproved both by kings and 
 councils. Special judges were sent to the disturbed cities, 
 and a considerable amount of real protection was extended 
 to the plundered people. No one said a word about con- 
 version; or at least the conversion was that of ancient 
 Pistol, the conversion of the property of the Jews into 
 the possession of the Christians. When the Jewish quarter 
 of Barcelona was sacked by the populace, and an immense 
 number of Hebrews were despoiled and massacred through- 
 out the country, John of Aragon, indolent though he was, 
 used his utmost endeavors to check the slaughter. He 
 punished the aggressors, and he even caused a restitution 
 of goods to be made to such of the victims as survived. 
 The preaching of St. Vincent Ferrer, during the early 
 part of the fifteenth century, was addressed largely to the 
 Jews in Spain, but little or no religious persecution seems 
 to have been directed against them in consequence of his
 
 100 HISTORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 harangues. On the contrary, we read of friendly confer- 
 ences or public disputations between Jewish and Christian 
 doctors in Aragon, where the Inquisition was, at least, 
 nominally established. Such conferences could hardly be 
 expected to convince or convert the advocates of either 
 faith, but they tell at least of an amount of toleration on 
 the part of the Christian authorities of the day that was 
 certainly not to be found in Spain at the close of the cent- 
 ury; and there is no doubt that they were followed by a 
 very large number of conversions of the more malleable 
 members of the Hebrew community. But it is a far cry 
 from St. Vincent Ferrer to the uncanonized Tomas de 
 Torquemada. 
 
 Yet, even in outward conformity to the established 
 religion, the Jews, as time went on, found no permanent 
 safety from persecution and plunder. John II. indeed 
 had little of the bigot in his composition; it was Politics 
 and not Persecution that, under his successor, engrossed 
 the attention of clergy and laity in Castile; but, as soon 
 as the power of Isabella was formally established, the de- 
 struction of all that was not orthodox, Catholic, and Span- 
 ish, became the key-note of the domestic policy of the new 
 government of Spain. 
 
 The earliest efforts of the Spanish Inquisition were 
 directed, as we have seen, almost exclusively against 
 those converted Jews, or the sons and daughters of con- 
 verts, who were known by the expressive name of New 
 Christians, a title applied also to Christianized Moslems, 
 and which distinguished both classes from the Old Chris- 
 tians or Cristianos Viejos, who could boast of a pure Cas- 
 tilian ancestry. These New Christians, as a whole, at
 
 THEIR CATHOLIC MAJESTIES. 101 
 
 the eiid of the fifteenth century, were among the richest, 
 the most industrious, and the most intelligent of the popu- 
 lation, and they were regarded with considerable envy 
 by their poorer neighbors, whose blue blood did not al- 
 ways bring with it either wealth or fortune. The Rules 
 and Regulations for the guidance of the Inquisitors were 
 therefore specially framed to include every possible act 
 or thought that might bring the members of the classes 
 specially aimed at within the deadly category of the Re- 
 lapsed. If the "New Christian" wore a clean shirt, or 
 spread clean table-linen on a Saturday (Art. 4), if he ate 
 meat in Lent (7), observed any of the Jewish fasts (8-17), 
 or sat at table with any Jew of his acquaintance (19); if 
 he recited one of the Psalms of David without the addi- 
 tion of the Doxology (20), if he caused his child to be 
 baptized under a Hebrew name (23), he was to be treated 
 as a renegade and condemned to the flames. 
 
 "With every act of his life thus at the mercy of spies 
 and informers, his last end was not unobserved by the Do- 
 minicans and the Familiars of the Holy Office. If in the 
 article of death he turned his weary face (31) to the wall 
 of his chamber, he was adjudged relapsed, and all his 
 possessions were forfeit; or if the sorrowing children of 
 even the most unexceptionable convert had washed his 
 dead body with warm water (32) they were to be treated 
 as apostates and heretics, and were at least liable to suffer 
 death by fire, after their goods had been appropriated by 
 the Holy Office or by the Crown. 
 
 In the sentences which condemned to the stake, to con 
 fiscation, and to penances which were punishments of the 
 severest description, we find enumerated such offenses
 
 IO<J HISTORY OF SPAIb. 
 
 as the avoiding the use of fat, and especially of lard ; pre- 
 paring amive, a kind of broth much appreciated by the 
 Jews; or eating "Passover bread"; reading, or even pos- 
 sessing, a Hebrew Bible; ignorance of the Pater noster 
 and the Creed; saying that a good Jew could be saved, 
 and a thousand other equally harmless deeds or words. 
 
 But with the professed and avowed Jew, unpopular 
 as he Tiay have been with his neighbors, and exposed 
 at times to various forms of civil and religious outrage, 
 the Holy Office did not directly concern itself. The He- 
 brew, like the Moslem, was outside the pale even of Chris- 
 tian inquiry. 
 
 There is no doubt that it was the success of the opera- 
 tions against the Moors of Granada that suggested to 
 Ferdinand and Isabella the undertaking of a campaign, 
 easier by far, and scarcely less lucrative, against the un- 
 happy descendants of Abraham who had made their home 
 in Spain. 
 
 The annual revenue that was derived by the Catholic 
 sovereigns from the confiscations of the Inquisition 
 amounted to a considerable income; and the source as 
 yet showed no signs of drying up. Yet cupidity, march- 
 ing hand in hand with intolerance the Devil, as the 
 Spanish proverb has it, ever lurking behind the Cross 
 the sovereigns resolved upon the perpetration of an act 
 of State more dreadful than the most comprehensive of 
 the Autos da Fe. 
 
 The work of the Holy Office was too slow. The limits 
 of the Quemadero were too small. Hah* a million Jews 
 yet lived unbaptized in Spain. They should be destroyed 
 at a single blow. The Inquisition might be left to reckon
 
 THEIR CATHOLIC MAJESTIES. 103 
 
 with the New Christians whose conversion was unsatis- 
 factory. 
 
 As soon as the Spanish Jews obtained an intimation 
 of what was contemplated against them, they took steps 
 to propitiate the sovereigns by the tender of a donative 
 of thirty thousand ducats, toward defraying the expenses 
 of the Moorish war; and an influential Jewish leader is 
 said to have waited upon Ferdinand and Isabella, in their 
 quarters at Sante Fe, to urge the acceptance of the bribe. 
 The negotiations, however, were suddenly interrupted by 
 Torquemada, who burst into the apartment where the sov- 
 ereigns were giving audience ^to the Jewish deputy, and 
 drawing forth a crucifix from beneath his mantle, held it 
 up, exclaiming, "Judas Iscariot sold his master for thirty 
 pieces of silver; Your Highnesses would sell him anew 
 for thirty thousand; here he is, take him and barter him 
 away." The extravagant presumption of the inquisitor- 
 general would not perhaps have been as successful as it 
 was, had it not been obvious to the rapacious Ferdinand 
 that thirty thousand ducats was a trifle compared with 
 the plunder of the entire body of Jews in Spain. Yet the 
 action of Torquemada was no doubt calculated to affect 
 the superstitious mind of Isabella, and even the colder 
 spirit of Ferdinand. 
 
 Whatever may have been the scruples of the Spanish 
 sovereigns, the fanaticism of the Spanish people had been 
 at this critical juncture stirred up to an unusual pitch of 
 fury by the proceedings and reports of the Holy Office in 
 a case which has attracted an amount of attention so 
 entirely disproportionate to its apparent importance that 
 it merits something more than a passing notice.
 
 104 HISTORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 In June, 1490, a converted Jew of the name of Benito 
 Garcia, on his way back from a pilgrimage to Compos- 
 tella, was waylaid and robbed near Astorga, by some of 
 the Christian inhabitants. A Jew, converted or other- 
 wise, was a legitimate object of plunder. The contents 
 of his knapsack not being entirely satisfactory, and the 
 ecclesiastical authorities sniffing sacrilege in what was 
 supposed to be a piece of the consecrated wafer, Garcia, 
 and not the robbers, was arrested, subjected to incredible 
 tortures, and finally handed over to the local inquisitors. 
 
 His case was heard with that of other Conversos; first 
 at Segovia and afterward at Avila. Tortures were re- 
 peated. Spies were introduced in various guises and dis- 
 guises, but no confession could be extorted. 
 
 At length, after a year and a half of such practices, 
 the endurance of one of the accused gave way the dread- 
 ful story affords some slight notion of the methods of the 
 Inquisition and the unhappy man invented a tale in ac- 
 cordance with what was demanded of him ; the crucifixion 
 of a Christian child; the tearing out of his heart, the theft 
 of the Host from a Christian Church, and a magical in- 
 cantation over the dreadful elements, directed against 
 Christianity, and more particularly against the Holy Office. 
 The Tribunal having been thus satisfied of the guilt of 
 the accused, a solemn Auto da Fe was held at Avila, on 
 the 16th of November, 1491, when two of the convicts 
 were torn to death with red-hot pincers; three who had 
 been more mercifully permitted to die under the prelim- 
 inary tortures were burned in effigy; while the remaining 
 prisoners were visited only with the slight punishment of 
 strangulation before their consignment to the inevitable
 
 THEIR CATHOLIC MAJESTIES. 105 
 
 fire. That no boy, with or without a heart, could be 
 found or invented, by the most rigorous examination; that 
 no Christian child had disappeared from the neighborhood 
 of the unhappy Jews at the time of their arrest this sur- 
 prised no one. In matters of Faith such evidences were 
 wholly superfluous. Secura judicat Ecclesia. 
 
 That these poor Hebrews should have suffered torture 
 and death for an imaginary sacrilege upon the person of 
 an imaginary boy, was indeed a thing by no means un- 
 exampled hi the history of religious fanaticism. But the 
 sequel is certainly extraordinary. With a view of exciting 
 the indignation of the sovereigns and of the people against 
 the Jews at an important moment, Torquemada devoted 
 much attention to the publication throughout Spain of the 
 dreadful story of the murdered boy, the Nino of La Guar- 
 dia, the village where the crime is supposed to have taken 
 place. As to the name of the victim, the authorities did 
 not agree. Some maintained that it was Christopher, while 
 others declared for John. But the recital of the awful 
 wickedness of the Jews lost none of its force by adverse 
 criticism. The legend spread from altar to altar through- 
 out the country. The Nuno de la Guardia at once became 
 a popular hero, in course of time, a popular saint; miracles 
 were freely worked upon the spot where his remains had 
 not been found, and something over a century later (1613) 
 his canonization was demanded at Rome. 
 
 His remains, it was asserted by Francisco de Quevedo, 
 could not be found on earth, only because his body as well 
 as his soul had been miraculously carried up to heaven, 
 where it was the most powerful advocate and protector 
 of the Spanish monarchy. The story, moreover, has been
 
 106 HISTORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 twice dramatized once by Lope de Vega and no less than 
 three admiring biographies of this imaginary martyr have 
 been published in Spain within the last forty years of this 
 nineteenth century. 
 
 At length from conquered Granada, on the 30th of 
 March, 1492, the dreadful edict went forth. By the 30th 
 of July not a Jew was to be left alive in Spain. Sisenand, 
 indeed, nine hundred years before, had promulgated such 
 an edict. But the Visigoth had been too tender-hearted 
 to enforce it. Isabella, whose gentleness and goodness his- 
 torians are never tired of applauding, was influenced by 
 no such considerations, and the sentence was carried out 
 to the letter. With a cruel irony, the banished people 
 were permitted to sell their property, yet forbidden to 
 carry the money out of the kingdom, a provision which 
 has obtained the warm approval of more than one modern 
 Spanish historian, by whom it is accepted as a conclusive 
 proof that this wholesale depopulation did not and could 
 not diminish the wealth of Spain! 
 
 Thus two hundred thousand Spaniards, men, women, 
 and children of tender years, rich and poor, men of refine- 
 ment and of position, ladies reared in luxury, the aged, the 
 sick, the infirm, all were included in one common destruc- 
 tion, and were driven, stripped of everything, from their 
 peaceful homes, to die on their way to some less savage 
 country. For the sentence was carried out with the most 
 relentless ferocity. Every road to the coast, we read, was 
 thronged with the unhappy fugitives, struggling to carry 
 off some shred of their ruined homes. To succor them was 
 death; to pillage them was piety. At every seaport, rapa- 
 cious shipmasters exacted from the defenseless travelers the
 
 THEIR CATHOLIC MAJESTIES. 107 
 
 greater part of their remaining possessions, as the price of 
 a passage to some neighboring coast ; and in many cases 
 the passenger was tossed overboard ere the voyage was 
 completed, and his goods confiscated to the crew. A 
 rumor having got abroad that the fugitives were in the 
 habit of swallowing jewels and gold pieces in order to 
 evade the royal decree, thousands of unhappy beings were 
 ripped up by the greedy knife of the enemy, on land or 
 sea, on the chance of discovering in their mutilated remains 
 some little store of treasure. 
 
 And thus, north, south, east, and west, the Jews strag- 
 gled and struggled over Spain; and undeterred by the. mani- 
 fold terrors of the sea, a vast multitude of exiles, whose 
 homes in Spain once lay in sunny Andalusia, sought and 
 found an uncertain abiding place in neighboring Africa. 
 
 Of all Christian countries, it was in neighboring Portu- 
 gal that the greatest number of the exiles found refuge and 
 shelter; until, after five brief years of peace and compara- 
 tive prosperity, the heavy hand of Castilian intolerance 
 once more descended upon them, and they were driven 
 out of the country, at the bidding of Isabella and her too 
 dutiful daughter, the hope of Portugal and of Castile. 
 
 But to every country in Europe the footsteps of some 
 of the sufferers were directed. Not a few were permitted 
 to abide in Italy and Southern France; some of the most 
 distinguished found a haven in England ; many were fortu- 
 nate enough to reach the Ottoman dominions, where, under 
 the tolerant government of the Turk, they lived and pros- 
 pered, and where their descendants, at many of the more 
 important seaports of the Levant, are still found to speak 
 the Castilian of their forefathers.
 
 108 HI8TORV OF SPAIN. 
 
 That the edict of banishment was meant to be, as it so 
 constantly was, a doom of death, and not merely a removal 
 of heretics, is clear from the action of the Spanish sovereigns, 
 who, at the instigation of Torquemada, procured from the 
 pliant Innocent VIII. a Bull enjoining the authorities of 
 every country hi Christian Europe to arrest and send back 
 to Spain all fugitive Jews under penalty of the Greater 
 Excommunication. 
 
 More than once, indeed, the demand for extradition was 
 made. But save in the case of the Portuguese Jews, on 
 the second marriage of the Princess Isabella to the reign- 
 ing sovereign of that country, no foreign prince appears to 
 have paid any heed to this savage edict. Nor was it, as 
 a rule, of any material advantage, either at Rome or at 
 Seville, that it should be put in force. 
 
 Avarice was perhaps the besetting sin of Rome in the 
 fifteenth century; nor was bigotry unknown throughout 
 western Europe. But in Spain, as the century drew to a 
 close, avarice and bigotry joined hand in hand, and flour- 
 ished under royal and noble patronage, preached by religion, 
 practiced by policy, and applauded by patriotism. It was 
 not strange that, under such teaching, the people of Castile 
 should have rapidly become demoralized, and that the great 
 race should have begun to develop that sordid and self- 
 satisfied savagery which disgraced the name of the Span- 
 iard, in the heartless and short-sighted plunder of the new 
 world that lay before him. 
 
 Yet in all human affairs there is something that too 
 often escapes our observation, to explain, if not to excuse, 
 what may seem the most dreadful aberrations of the better 
 nature of man. And it may be that the uncompromising
 
 THEIR CATHOLIC MAJESTIES. 109 
 
 religious spirit, which has had so enormous an influence for 
 evil and for good upon the Spanish people, is to some extent 
 the result of their Semitic environment of eight hundred 
 years. 
 
 Religious controversy indeed, between rival branches of 
 the Christian Church in the days of the Visigoths, developed 
 religious animosities before the first Moslem landed at Tarif a ; 
 yet the Arab and the Moor, fired with the enthusiasm of a 
 new and living faith, brought into their daily life in Spain, 
 in peace and in war, a deep and all -pervading religious 
 spirit an active recognition of the constant presence of 
 one true God unknown to the Roman or the Visigoth, 
 which must have had an enormous influence upon the 
 grave and serious Spaniards who lived under the rule 
 of the Arab. 
 
 Nor was the Moslem the only factor in this medieval 
 development. In no other country in Europe was the Jew, 
 as we have seen, more largely represented, and more power- 
 ful, for the first fifteen centuries of our era, than in Spain, 
 whether under Christian or Moslem masters. But the direct 
 and simple monotheism of the Hebrew and the Arab, while 
 it had so great a direct influence upon Spanish Christianity, 
 provoked as part of the natural antagonism to the methods 
 of the rival and the enemy, the counter development of an 
 excessive Hagiolatry, Mariolatry, and Sacerdotalism. 
 
 It would be strange enough if the religious fervor which 
 doomed to death and torment so many tens of thousands 
 of Semites in Spain should be itself of Semitic suggestion. 
 It is hardly less strange that the Greek Renaissance, which 
 revolutionized the Christian world, and whose anti-Semitic 
 influence to the present day is nowhere more marked than
 
 110 HISTORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 in every department of religious thought, should by the 
 irony of fate have been forestalled by a writer, at once 
 Spanish and Semitic; and when, by the sixteenth century, 
 the rest of modern Europe had been led by the teaching of 
 Averroes to accept the philosophy of Aristotle, Spain, the 
 earliest home of Hellenism, new born in Europe, had al- 
 ready turned again to a religious Philistinism or Pharisee- 
 ism of the hardest and most uncompromising type, Semitic 
 in its thoroughness, Greek only in its elaborate accessories, 
 and Spanish in its uncompromising vigor. 
 
 Thus it was that the Arab and the Jew, parents, in 
 some sense, of the religious spirit of Ximenez and of Tor- 
 quemada, became themselves the objects of persecution 
 more bitter than is to be found in the annals of any other 
 European nation. The rigors of the Spanish Inquisition, 
 and the policy that inspired and justified it, are not to be 
 fully explained by the rapacity of Ferdinand, the bigotry 
 of Isabella, the ambition of Ximenez, or the cruelty of Tor- 
 quemada. They were in a manner the rebellion or outbreak 
 of the old Semitic spirit against the Semite, the ignorant 
 jealousy of the wayward disciple against the master whose 
 teaching has been but imperfectly and unintelligently as- 
 similated perverted, distorted, and depraved by the human 
 or devilish element which is to be found in all religions, 
 and which seems ever striving to destroy the better, and to 
 develop the worser part of the spiritual nature of man. 
 
 We now enter upon a period of European history which 
 is but feebly characterized by the term interesting, and 
 which has been too accurately chronicled and too severely 
 investigated to be called romantic; when a well-founded 
 jealousy, or fear of the growing power of France, alone
 
 THEIR CATHOLIC MAJESTIES. Ill 
 
 supplies the key to the ever-changing foreign policy of the 
 sovereigns of Spain. Genuine State papers of the fifteenth 
 century are by no means numerous. In such of them, how- 
 ever, as are still extant, we find the fear expressed over 
 and over again that the kings of France would render them- 
 selves "masters of the world," would "establish a universal 
 empire," or "subject the whole of Christendom to their dic- 
 tation." The best means to avert such a danger appeared 
 to contemporary statesmen to be the foundation of another 
 European State as a counterpoise. Ferdinand the Catholic, 
 ambitious, diplomatic, and capable, was the first prince who 
 undertook the enterprise. 
 
 Within less than three years after the Inquisition had 
 been established at Seville, Louis XI. of France, the old 
 rival and colleague of John II. of Aragon, had died in 
 Paris, August 30, 1483. He was succeeded by his son 
 Charles VIII., a young prince whose ignorance was only 
 equaled by his vanity, and was if possible exceeded by his 
 presumption. With such an antagonist, Ferdinand of Ara- 
 gon was well fitted to deal, with advantage to himself and 
 to Spain. To win over the Duchess of Bourbon, who had 
 virtually succeeded to the government of France on the 
 death of Louis XL, and to marry his eldest daughter Isa- 
 bella to the young King Charles VIII., were accordingly 
 the first objects of his negotiations. But in spite of all the 
 flattery lavished on the duchess, Ferdinand did not succeed 
 in obtaining the crown for the Infanta. A more richly 
 dowered bride was destined for the King of France, to 
 whom the acquisition of the province of Brittany was of 
 far greater importance than the doubtful friendship of Spain ; 
 and after much public and private negotiation, the Spanish
 
 112 HISTORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 embassador was reluctantly withdrawn from Paris in the 
 summer of 1487 (29th of July). 
 
 Disappointed in his dealing with the court of France, 
 the ever- watchful and persistent Ferdinand turned his eyes 
 to England; and in the last days of the year 1487 an em- 
 bassador from the Spanish sovereigns, Roderigo de Puebla, 
 doctor of canon and civil law, arrived at the court of Lon- 
 don. Henry VII., who greatly desired to establish a closer 
 alliance with Spain, succeeded in nattering the new envoy, 
 and rendering him almost from the first subservient to 
 his personal interests. Yet the King of England and the 
 Spanish embassador together were no match for Ferdinand 
 of Aragon. The negotiations between the sovereigns were 
 prolonged for two years, and in the end Henry was worsted 
 at every point. He had signed a treaty of offensive alliance 
 with Spain against France, with which power he wisely de- 
 sired to maintain friendly relations, and he had been pre- 
 vailed upon to send some English troops into Brittany to 
 co-operate with a Spanish contingent which never arrived, 
 in the expulsion of the French from that country. He had 
 concluded further treaties of friendship and alliance with 
 the King of the Romans, who was actually encouraging 
 Perkin "Warbeck to assert his claim to the crown of Eng- 
 land, and with the Archduke Philip, whom he personally 
 and independently hated. And he had been forced to con- 
 tent himself with the promise of a very modest dowry with 
 the Spanish princess who was affianced to his son Arthur, 
 Prince of Wales. 
 
 Relatively too, as well as positively, he had been falsely 
 borne in hand. Maximilian, who had been no less ready 
 than Henry with his promises to Ferdinand, did not send
 
 THEIR CATHOLIC MAJESTIES. 113 
 
 a single soldier into Brittany, but endeavored to overreach 
 Henry, Charles, and Ferdinand by a hasty marriage by 
 proxy with the young duchess, without the consent or 
 knowledge of either England or Spain. Yet this diplo- 
 matic victory over the very astute Englishman did not sat- 
 isfy Ferdinand and Isabella, who, fearful lest they should 
 "become the victims of their honesty" if they permitted 
 Maximilian to surpass them in political perfidy, imme- 
 diately renewed secret negotiations with France, and de- 
 clared themselves ready to abandon the king, the duchess, 
 and the emperor. Charles, they promised, should obtain 
 what he wished, without risking the life of a single sol- 
 dier, if only he would marry a Spanish Infanta. And they 
 offered him, not Isabella, their eldest born, but their second 
 daughter, Joanna. 
 
 Charles, however, had other views, and finding no co- 
 hesion or certainty in Ferdinand's league against him, 
 strengthened his cause and his kingdom by marrying the 
 Duchess Anne of Brittany himself , and uniting her heredi- 
 tary dominions forever to the crown of France, a fair stroke 
 of policy for a foolish sovereign in the midst of crafty and 
 unscrupulous adversaries. (December 13, 1491.) 
 
 Ferdinand replied by calling on Henry VII. to fulfill his 
 engagements and invade France. Henry accordingly, on 
 the 1st of October, 1492, landed an army at Calais, and 
 marched on Boulogne; while Ferdinand, without striking 
 a blow either for Spain or for England, took advantage of 
 the English expedition to extort from the fears and folly 
 of Charles VIII. the favorable conditions of peace and alli- 
 ance that were embodied in the celebrated Convention which 
 was signed at Barcelona on the 19th of January, 1493. By
 
 114 HISTORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 this instrument it was provided that each of the high con- 
 tracting parties should mutually aid each other against all 
 enemies, the Vicar of Christ alone excepted, that the Span- 
 ish sovereigns should not enter into an alliance with any 
 other power, to the prejudice of the interests of France, 
 and finally, that the coveted provinces of Roussillon and 
 Cerdagne, whose recovery had long been one of the chief 
 objects of Ferdinand's ambition, should be immediately 
 handed over to Spain. 
 
 The services of England being no longer needed by 
 the peninsular sovereigns, Ferdinand abruptly broke off 
 all further negotiations with Henry VII. ; the signatures 
 of Ferdinand and Isabella to the treaty which had already 
 been ratified were disposed of by the simple but effective 
 expedient of cutting them out of the parchment with a 
 pair of scissors; and the contract of marriage between 
 Arthur, Prince of Wales, and the Infanta Catharine hav- 
 ing served its immediate diplomatic purpose was re- 
 moved, for the time being,* from the sphere of practical 
 politics. 
 
 It is sufficiently characteristic of both parties, that in 
 the treaty of Barcelona, between Charles and Ferdinand, 
 Naples, the true objective of the young king of France, 
 was not even mentioned. Ferdinand, well content with 
 the immediate advantages obtained by the treaty, was 
 by no means imposed upon by such vain reticence, while 
 Charles, pluming himself upon the success of his diplo- 
 macy in his treaties with England, with France, and with 
 the empire, looked forward to establishing himself with- 
 
 * From January, 1493, till October, 1497.
 
 THEIR CATHOLIC MAJESTIES. 115 
 
 out opposition on the throne of Naples, on his way to 
 assume the Imperial purple at Constantinople. 
 
 The kingdom of Naples, on the death of Alfonso the 
 Magnanimous of Aragon, had passed, we have already 
 seen, to his illegitimate son Ferdinand, who proved to be 
 a tyrant of the worst Italian type, worthless, contemptible 
 and uninteresting. To expel this hated monarch, for whom 
 not one of his Neapolitan subjects would have been found 
 to strike a blow in anger, seemed but a chivalrous and 
 agreeable pastime to the vain and ignorant youth who had 
 succeeded Louis XI. upon the throne of France. His more 
 experienced neighbors indeed smiled with some satisfac- 
 tion at his presumption. Yet, strange to say, the judg- 
 ment of the vain and ignorant youth was just; and the 
 wise men, who ridiculed his statesmanship, and scoffed 
 at his military ineptitude, were doomed to great and as- 
 tounding disappointment. 
 
 Before the French preparations for the invasion of Italy 
 were fairly completed, in the early spring of 1494, Ferdi- 
 nand of Naples died, and was succeeded by his son Alfonso 
 I., the cousin-german of Ferdinand of Aragon. This 
 change of rulers altered in no way the wild schemes of 
 Charles of France, nor, although the new king of Naples 
 was far less odious than his father had been in his own 
 dominions, did it make any important change in the con- 
 dition of Italian politics. By the month of June, 1494, the 
 French preparations were so far advanced that Charles 
 judged it opportune to acquaint his Spanish allies with 
 his designs on Naples, and to solicit their active co-opera- 
 tion in his undertaking. 
 
 That Ferdinand should, under any possible circum-
 
 116 HISTORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 stances, have been found to spend the blood and treasure 
 of Spain in assisting any neighbor, stranger, or ally, in any 
 enterprise, without direct advantage to himself, was a sup- 
 position entirely extravagant. But that he should assist a 
 feather-headed Frenchman to dispossess a son of Aragon 
 of a kingdom from which his own ancestors had thrice 
 driven a French pretender, and where, if any change were 
 to be made in the sovereignty, his own rights of succession 
 were far superior to the shadowy claims derived from the 
 hated Angevins : this was a thing so grotesquely preposter- 
 ous that it is hard to suppose that even Charles of France 
 should have regarded it as being within the bounds of pos- 
 sibility. Ferdinand contented himself for the moment with 
 expressions of astonishment and offers of good advice, while 
 Charles pushed forward his preparations for the invasion of 
 Italy. Don Alfonso de Silva, dispatched by the court of 
 Spain as a special envoy, came up with the French army 
 at Yienne, on the Rhone, toward the end of June, 1494. 
 But he was instructed rather to seek, than to convey, in- 
 telligence of any sort; nor was it to be supposed that his 
 grave remonstrances or his diplomatic warnings should have 
 had much effect upon the movements of an army that was 
 already on the march. 
 
 In August, 1494, thirty thousand men, hastily equipped, 
 yet well provided with the new and dreadful weapon that 
 was then first spoken of as a cannon, crossed the Alps, and 
 prepared to fight their way to Naples. But no enemy ap- 
 peared to oppose their progress. The various States of Italy, 
 jealous of one another, if not actually at war, were unable 
 or unwilling to combine against the invader; the roads were 
 undefended; the troops fled; the citizens of the isolated cities
 
 THEIR CATHOLIC MAJESTIES. II? 
 
 opened their gates, one after the other, at the approach of 
 the strange and foreign invader. The French army, in fine, 
 after a leisurely promenade militaire through the heart of 
 Italy, marched unopposed into Rome on the last day of the 
 year 1494. 
 
 Ferdinand and Isabella had, in the first instance, offered 
 no serious opposition to the French enterprise, which ap- 
 peared to them to be completely impracticable ; and they 
 had awaited with diplomatic equanimity the apparently 
 inevitable disaster, which, without the loss of a single 
 Spanish soldier or the expenditure of a single maravedi, 
 would at once have served all the purposes of Ferdinand, 
 and permitted him to maintain his reputation for goodwill 
 toward Charles, which might have been useful in future 
 negotiations. The astonishing success of the French inva- 
 sion took the Spanish sovereigns completely by surprise, 
 and it became necessary for Ferdinand to adopt, without 
 haste, but with prudent promptitude, a new policy at once 
 toward France and toward the various parties in Italy. 
 
 The boldest and the most capable of all the sovereigns 
 of Italy, in these trying times, was the Spanish Pontiff, 
 who by a singular fate has been made, as it were, the 
 whipping boy for the wickedness of nineteen centuries of 
 popes at Rome, and who is known to every schoolboy and 
 every scribbler as the infamous Alexander VI. Roderic 
 Lenzuoli, or Llangol, was the son of a wealthy Valencian 
 gentleman, by Juana, a sister of the more distinguished 
 Alfonso Borja, bishop of his native city of Valencia. 
 
 Born at Valencia about 1431, Roderic gave evidence 
 from his earliest years of a remarkable strength of char- 
 acter, and of uncommon intellectual powers. While still
 
 118 HISTORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 a youth, he won fame and fortune as an advocate. But 
 his impatient nature chafed at the moderate restraint of a 
 lawyer's gown ; and he was on the point of adopting a mili- 
 tary career, when the election of his uncle to the Supreme 
 Pontificate as Calixtus III. in 1455 opened for him the way 
 to a more glorious future. At the instance of the new Pope, 
 Roderic adopted his mother's name, in the Italian form al- 
 ready so well known and distinguished at the court of Rome, 
 and taking with him his beautiful mistress, Rosa Vanozza, 
 whose mother he had formerly seduced, he turned his back 
 upon his native Valencia, and sought the fortune that awaited 
 him at the capital of the world. 
 
 Unusually handsome in his person, vigorous hi mind and 
 body, masterful, clever, eloquent, unscrupulous, absolutely 
 regardless of all laws, human or divine, in the gratification 
 of his passions and the accomplishment of his designs, Rod- 
 eric, the Pope's nephew, was a man made for success in 
 the society in which he was to find himself at Rome. On 
 his arrival at the Papal court hi 1456 he was received with 
 great kindness by his uncle, and was soon created Arch- 
 bishop of Valencia, Cardinal of St. Nicholas in Carcere 
 Tulliano, and Vice- Chancellor of the Holy Roman Church. 
 On the death of Calixtus, in 1458, the Cardinal Roderic 
 Borgia sank into comparative insignificance; and during 
 the reigns of Pius II., Paul II., Sixtus IV. and Innocent 
 VIII. we hear little of him but that he was distinguished 
 for his amours, for his liberality in the disposal of his fort- 
 une, and for his attention to public business. Having thus 
 secured the goodwill of many of the cardinals and the affec- 
 tion of the Roman people, he had no difficulty, on the death 
 of Innocent VIII. in July, 1492, in making a bargain with
 
 THEIR CATHOLIC MAJESTIES. 119 
 
 a majority of the members of the Sacred College, in accord- 
 ance with which he was elected Pope, and took the title of 
 Alexander VI. on the 26th of August, 1492. 
 
 His election was received by the Roman people with the 
 utmost satisfaction, and celebrated with all possible demon- 
 strations of joy. His transcendent abilities and his reckless 
 methods could not fail to render him obnoxious to his com- 
 panions and his rivals in Italy; but it is due rather to his 
 foreign origin, his Valencian independence of character, and 
 above all his insolent avoidance of hypocrisy in the affairs 
 of his private life, that he has been made a kind of ecclesi- 
 astical and Papal scapegoat, a Churchman upon whose enor- 
 mous vices Protestant controversialists are never tired of 
 dilating, and whose private wickedness is ingenuously ad- 
 mitted by Catholic apologists as valuable for the purposes 
 of casuistic illustration, as the one instance of a divinely 
 infallible judge whose human nature yet remained mysteri- 
 ously impure, and whose personal or individual actions may 
 be admitted to have been objectively blamable. 
 
 To measure the relative depths of human infamy is an 
 impossible as well as an ungrateful task. It is not given 
 to mortals to know the secrets of the heart. But bad as 
 Alexander undoubtedly was, he was possibly no worse than 
 many of his contemporaries in the Consistory, less wicked 
 than some of his predecessors at the Vatican. The guilt 
 of greater and more vigorous natures passes for superlative 
 infamy with the crowd ; but when dispassionately compared 
 with that of his immediate predecessors, Sixtus IV. and In- 
 nocent VIII. , the character of Alexander VI. is in almost 
 every respect less flagitious and more admirable. 
 
 So unblushing was the venality of the Holy See in the 
 
 6
 
 120 HISTORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 fourteenth century that sacred dialecticians and jurists of 
 high authority were found seriously to argue that the Pope 
 was not subjectively capable of committing the offense of 
 Simony. It might have been contended with equal justice 
 that in every other respect he was. at once above, or with- 
 out, the scope of the entire moral law. Nor can it be said 
 that the fifteenth century brought any serious amendment. 
 From the death of Benedict XL, in 1303, to the death 
 of Alexander VI., in 1503, the night was dark before the 
 inevitable dawn ; and in every phase of human depravity, 
 in every development of human turpitude, in arrogance, 
 in venality, in cruelty, in licentiousness, medieval Popes 
 may be found pre-eminent among contemporary potentates. 
 Thus, if the wickedness of Alexander was extravagant, 
 it was by no means unparalleled, even among the Popes 
 of a single century. His cruelty was no greater than that 
 of Urban VI., or of Clement VII. , or of John XXII. His 
 immorality was, at least, more human than that of Paul 
 II. and of Sixtus IV., nor were his amours more scandal- 
 ous than those of Innocent VIII. His sacrilege was less 
 dreadful than that of Sixtus IV. His covetousness could 
 hardly have exceeded that of Boniface IX. ; his arrogance 
 was less offensive than that of Boniface VIII. If he was 
 unduly subservient to Ferdinand and Isabella in his toler- 
 ation of the enormities of Torquemada, his necessities as 
 an Italian sovereign rendered the Spanish alliance a mat- 
 ter of capital importance. As a civil potentate and as a 
 politician, he was not only wiser, but far less corrupt than 
 Sforza, less rapacious than Ferdinand, more constant than 
 Maximilian of Germany, less reckless than Charles of 
 France. His administrative ability, his financial enlight-
 
 THEIR CATHOLIC MAJESTIES. 121 
 
 enment, his energy as regards public works, were no less 
 remarkable than his personal liberality, his affability, and 
 his courage. His division of the New World by a stroke 
 of the pen was an assumption of imperial power which 
 was at least justified by the magnitude of its success. As 
 he sat in his palace on the Mons Vaticanus, he was the 
 successor, not of Caligula, but of Tiberius not of Com- 
 modus, but of Diocletian. 
 
 Of the misfortunes of his eldest son, created by Fer- 
 dinand Duke of Gandia; of the wickedness of his second 
 son, the fifteenth century Caesar, who succeeded his father 
 as Cardinal Archbishop of Valencia; of the profligacy of 
 his daughter, so unhappily named Lucretia; of the mar- 
 riage of his youngest son Geoffrey to a daughter of Al- 
 fonso of Naples, as a part of the treaty of alliance between 
 the kingdom of the Two Sicilies and the States of the 
 Church, in 1494; of the alliance between Alexander and 
 Bajazet, and the poisoning of the Sultan's brother, Zem, 
 after thirteen years' captivity, on receipt of an appropriate 
 fee ; of the elevation of a facile envoy to the full rank of 
 Cardinal, to please the Grand Turk; of all these things 
 nothing need be said in this place. 
 
 We are more immediately concerned to know that on 
 New Year's Day, 1495, Pope Alexander VI., a refugee, 
 if not actually a prisoner, in the Castle of St. Angelo, was 
 fain to accept the terms that were imposed upon him by 
 the victorious Frenchmen masters for the nonce of Italy, 
 and of Rome. 
 
 As Charles VIII. was marching through Italy, and was 
 approaching, all unopposed, the sacred city of Rome, Alex- 
 ander VI., anxious at all hazards to obtain the assistance
 
 122 HISTORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 of his countrymen in the hour of danger, had sent an 
 envoy to the Spanish court representing the critical state 
 of affairs in Italy, assuring the king and queen of his 
 constant good will, in spite of certain disputes as to the 
 Papal authority in Spain, and conveying to them, with 
 other less substantial favors, the grant of the Tercias, or 
 two-ninths of the tithes throughout all the dominions of 
 Castile, an impost which, until the middle of the present 
 century, formed a part of the revenues of the Spanish 
 monarchy. He also conceded to the Spanish crown the 
 right of dominion over the whole of northern Africa, ex- 
 cept Fez, which had been given to the King of Portugal. 
 A projected marriage between the Duke of Calabria, 
 eldest son of the King of Naples, and the Infanta Maria, 
 daughter of Ferdinand and Isabella, served to give the 
 King of Spain an opportunity for negotiating with the 
 Neapolitan court; and Ferdinand at the same time dis- 
 patched the celebrated Garcilaso de la Vega as his em- 
 bassador, with instructions to return the most comforting 
 assurances to the Pope at Rome. Yet he refrained from 
 making any definite promises, or from committing himself 
 to any definite policy. He was not a man to do anything 
 rashly; and he preferred to await the course of events. 
 Meanwhile, having sent a second mission from Guadala- 
 jara to the French court or camp, with good advice for 
 his young friend and ally Charles VIII., Ferdinand betook 
 himself with Isabella to Madrid, where the Spanish sov- 
 ereigns devoted themselves to the preparation and equip- 
 ment of an army to be dispatched at an opportune moment 
 to any part of Italy where subsequent events might ren- 
 der its presence necessary. As, for various reasons, it was
 
 THEIR CATHOLIC MAJESTIES. 123 
 
 impossible that either Ferdinand or Isabella should accom- 
 pany their army abroad, it became necessary to select a 
 general. Among all the skillful leaders and gallant knights 
 who had signalized themselves in the wars of Granada, it 
 was somewhat difficult to decide upon a commander. But 
 Isabella had never lost sight of Gonsalvo de Cordova, in 
 whom she discerned traces of rare military talent; and 
 from the moment the Sicilian expedition was planned she 
 determined that he should be captain-general of the royal 
 forces. The greater experience and apparently superior 
 claims of many who had distinguished themselves in bat- 
 tle against the Moors were urged by Ferdinand without 
 avail. The command was given to Gonsalvo de Cordova. 
 But while the Spanish fleet, under the gallant Count of 
 Trivento, was riding at anchor at Alicante, and Gonsalvo 
 was preparing to embark his army on board the ships in 
 that harbor, the Spanish sovereigns dispatched a final em- 
 bassy to Charles in Italy. On the 28th of January, 1495, 
 as the king was leaving Rome on his way toward Naples, 
 the embassadors, Juan de Albion and Antonio de Fonseca, 
 arrived at the Vatican. They found Pope Alexander 
 smarting under the humiliation of his recent treaty with 
 the invader, and willing to assist them in any scheme for 
 his discomfiture. They accordingly followed the French 
 army with all speed, overtook it within a few miles of 
 Rome, and immediately demanded an audience of Charles, 
 even before his troops had come to a halt. They delivered 
 up to him their credentials as he was riding along, and 
 peremptorily required him to proceed no further toward 
 Naples. The haughty tone of the Spaniards, as may be 
 supposed, excited the greatest indignation in the breast of
 
 124 HISTORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 Charles and those who surrounded him ; high words arose 
 on both sides, and finally Fonseca, giving way to a simu- 
 lated transport of rage, produced a copy of the once prized 
 treaty of Barcelona, tore it to pieces, and threw down the 
 fragments at Charles's feet. Paul Jove seems to think that 
 this violent and unjustifiable conduct on the part of the 
 Spanish embassador was entirely unpremeditated; but it 
 is certain that the whole scene had been preconcerted with 
 either Ferdinand or the Pope. Zurita and the other chron- 
 iclers are silent on the point, but Peter Martyr in one of 
 his letters affirms that the mutilation of the treaty in 
 Charles's presence was included in the secret instructions 
 given to Fonseca by Ferdinand. 
 
 The envoys, as was expected, were promptly ordered 
 to quit the French camp; and retiring with all speed to 
 Rome, they hastened to transmit to Spain the earliest in- 
 telligence of the success of their mission. They were also 
 permitted to inform their sovereigns of the new honor that 
 had been conferred upon them by his Holiness Alexander 
 VI., in the shape of the grant to them and to their heirs 
 forever on the throne of Spain of the title of "Catholic 
 Kings." 
 
 Meanwhile Charles VIII. had reached Naples, which 
 had at once opened its gates to the invaders, and the 
 Castel Nuovo and the Castel d'Uovo were reduced to 
 submission by their well served artillery. King Alfonso 
 abdicated the crown, and Fabricio Colonna ravaged the 
 whole kingdom of Naples to the very gates of Brindisi, 
 dispersing the little band of troops that had been collected 
 by Don Caesar of Aragon, illegitimate brother of the king ; 
 while Perron dei Baschi and Stuart; D'Aubigny overran
 
 THEIR CATHOLIC MAJESTIES. 125 
 
 the whole country almost without striking a blow; and the 
 greater part of the Neapolitan nobility gave their adhesion 
 to the French. Nothing, however, could be more impo- 
 litic or more ungrateful than the manner in which Charles 
 made use of his unexpectedly acquired authority, and it 
 soon became evident that the new state of affairs in Naples 
 would not be of very long duration. The moment for the 
 judicious interference of Ferdinand of Aragon had nort been 
 long in arriving. 
 
 The conduct of the French at Naples showed pretty 
 clearly to the Italian States the mistake they had made 
 in permitting Charles to enter the country, and they were 
 not slow to accept the suggestions of the Spanish embassa- 
 dor, Don Lorenzo Suarez de Mendoza y Figueras, that they 
 should form a league with the object of expelling the 
 French from Italy. The attitude of the Duke of Orleans, 
 who had remained at Asti, toward the duchy of Milan, 
 and the favorable reception accorded by Charles to Gio- 
 vanni Trivulzio, Cardinal Fregosi, and Hybletto dei Fieschi, 
 the chiefs of the banished nobles, and the sworn enemies of 
 Ludivico Sforza, showed that prince how little he had to 
 expect from the French alliance; and the conduct of Charles 
 toward the Florentines, and indeed toward every govern- 
 ment whose dominion he had traversed throughput Italy, 
 terrified and enraged every statesman from Milan to Syra- 
 cuse. 
 
 The envoys of the various states assembled at Venice. 
 The deliberations in the council chamber were brief and 
 decisive; and such was the secrecy with which the nego- 
 tiations were conducted that the astute statesman and his- 
 torian Philip de Commines, who then represented France
 
 126 HISTORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 at the court of Venice, remained ignorant that any league 
 or convention was even contemplated by the various pow- 
 ers, until he was informed by the Doge Agostino Bar- 
 berigo, on the morning of the 1st of April, 1495, that the 
 treaty had been signed on the previous day. The avowed 
 objects of this Most Holy League, which was entered into 
 by Spain, Austria, Venice, Milan and the Court of Rome, 
 were the recovery of Constantinople from the Turks, and 
 the protection of the interests of the Church ; but the secret 
 articles of the treaty, as may be supposed, went much 
 further, and provided that Ferdinand should employ the 
 Spanish armament, now on its way to Sicily, in re-estab- 
 lishing his kinsman on the throne of Naples ; that a Vene- 
 tian fleet of forty galleys should attack the French posi- 
 tions on the Neapolitan coasts, that the Duke of Milan, 
 the original summoner, should expel the French from Asti, 
 and blockade the passage of the Alps, so as to prevent the 
 arrival of further re-enforcements, and that the Emperor 
 and the King of Spain should invade France on their re- 
 spective frontiers, while the expense of all these warlike 
 operations should be defrayed by subsidies from the allies. 
 The Sultan Bajazet II., though not included in the League, 
 offered, and was permitted, to assist the Venetians both by 
 sea and land against the French. Thus we see the strange 
 spectacle of the Pope and the Grand Turk the Prince of 
 Christendom and the Prince of Islam united against the 
 first Christian Power of Europe, under the leadership of 
 The Most Christian King. 
 
 "Within six weeks of the signature of this important 
 treaty, Charles VIII. of France had caused himself to be 
 crowned at Naples, with extraordinary pomp, not only
 
 THEIR CATHOLIC MAJESTIES. 127 
 
 as king, but as emperor; and, having thus gratified his 
 puerile vanity, he abandoned his fantastic empire, and 
 flying from the dangers that threatened him in Italy he 
 returned to Paris. His army in Naples was intrusted 
 to his cousin, Gilbert de Bourbon, due de Montpensier, 
 who was invested with the title of viceroy, and instructed 
 by the fugitive king to maintain his position in the country 
 against all opponents. 
 
 It is not within the scope of this history to give any 
 detailed account of the retreat of the French through 
 Italy, of the wonderful passage of the Apennines at Pon- 
 tremoli, and the still more wonderful victory of Fornovo 
 on the Taro, when the French, whose entire force did not 
 exceed ten thousand soldiers, completely routed the Italian 
 army of thirty-five thousand men, under the command of 
 Gonzago, marquis of Mantua. The French forces that re- 
 mained in southern Italy were doomed to a very different 
 fate. The command of the French army had been in- 
 trusted to the celebrated Stuart d'Aubigny, a knight of 
 Scottish ancestry, who had been invested by Charles VIII. 
 with the dignity of Constable of France, and who was 
 accounted one of the most capable officers in Europe. 
 But a greater captain than d'Aubigny was already on his 
 way from Castile, who was in a single campaign to re- 
 store the reputation of the Spanish infantry to the proud 
 position which they had once occupied in the armies of 
 ancient Rome. 
 
 Landing at Reggio in Calabria, on the 26th of May, 
 1495, with a force of all arms not exceeding five thou- 
 sand fighting men, Gonsalvo de Cordova speedily pos- 
 sessed himself of that important base of operations, es-
 
 126 HISTORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 tablished himself on the coast, captured several inland 
 towns, was victorious in many skirmishes, and would 
 soon have overrun the whole of Calabria, had not the 
 rashness of Ferdinand, the young king of Naples, who 
 had succeeded but a few months before to the crown 
 which Alfonso had abdicated after a reign of less than 
 one year, led to a disastrous check at Seminara. But 
 Gonsalvo rapidly reorganized his army, and showing 
 himself, like a great general, no less admirable in repair- 
 ing a defeat than in taking advantage of a victory, he 
 had kept d'Aubigny so completely in check that he had 
 been unable even to go to the assistance of Montpensier, 
 who was in sore straits in Naples. The citizens soon 
 opened their gates to their lawful sovereign, and Mont- 
 pensier retreated with his remaining forces to Avella, on 
 the banks of the Lagni, twenty miles northeast of the 
 city of Naples, whither Gonsalvo promptly marched to 
 besiege him. Having received intelligence in the course 
 of his march Gonsalvo was ever well informed that a 
 strong body of French, with some Angevin knights and 
 nobles, were on their way to effect a junction with d'Au- 
 bigny, he surprised them by a night attack in the forti- 
 fied town of Lino, where he captured every one of the 
 Angevin lords, no less than twenty in number, and im- 
 mediately marching off to Avella with his spoils and pris- 
 oners, and an immense booty, he arrived at Ferdinand's 
 camp early in July, just thirteen months after their sep- 
 aration on the disastrous field of Seminara. 
 
 On hearing of Gonsalvo's approach, the king marched 
 out to meet him, accompanied by Caesar Borgia, the Papal 
 Legate, and many of the principal Neapolitan nobles and
 
 THEIR CATHOLIC MAJESTIES. 129 
 
 commanders, who greeted the victorious Castilian with 
 the proud title of "The Great Captain," by which he was 
 already known to some of his contemporaries, and by 
 which he has ever since been distinguished by posterity. 
 At Avella he found a re-enforcement of five hundred 
 Spanish soldiers, a welcome addition to his small force, 
 which amounted on his arrival to only two thousand one 
 hundred men, of whom six hundred were cavalry. With 
 such an army, less numerous than a modern German 
 regiment, did Gonsalvo overrun Calabria, out-general 
 the most renowned French commanders, and defeat their 
 gallant and well-disciplined forces, emboldened by unin- 
 terrupted success. 
 
 The siege operations at Avella, which had been con- 
 ducted without energy by the Neapolitans, received a 
 new impetus from the presence of the Spaniard, who dis- 
 played such skill and vigor that in a few days the 
 French, defeated at every point, were glad to sue for 
 terms, and on the 21st of July, 1496, signed a capitula- 
 tion which virtually put an end to the war. It was meet 
 that Gonsalvo should now pay a visit to his countryman 
 at the Vatican, and having, on his way to Rome, deliv- 
 ered the town of Ostia from the dictatorship of a Basque 
 adventurer of the name of Guerri, the last remaining 
 hope of the French in Italy, he was received by Alex- 
 ander VI. with such splendor that his entry into the city 
 is said to have resembled rather the triumph of a vic- 
 torious general into ancient Borne than the visit of a 
 modern grandee. 
 
 The streets were lined with enthusiastic crowds, the 
 windows were filled with admiring spectators, the very
 
 130 HISTORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 tops of the houses were covered with lookers-on, as Gon- 
 salvo inarched into and through the city, preceded by 
 bands of music, and accompanied by his victorious army. 
 The entire garrison of Ostia, with Manuel Guerri at their 
 head, mounted on a wretched horse, was led captive to 
 the Vatican, where Roderic Borgia, in the full splendor 
 of his tiara and pontifical robes, and surrounded by his 
 cardinals, sat on his throne awaiting the coming of his 
 victorious countryman. When Gonsalvo reached the foot 
 of the throne, be knelt down to receive the pontifical 
 benediction, but Alexander raised him in his arms, and 
 presented to him the Golden Rose, the highest and most 
 distinguished honor that a layman could receive from the 
 hands of the sovereign Pontiff. 
 
 The Great Captain now returned to Naples, into which 
 city he made an entry scarcely less splendid than that 
 into Rome; and he received at the hands of Frederic 
 more substantial honors than those of a golden rose, in 
 the shape of the dukedom of Santangelo, with a fief of 
 two towns and seven dependent villages in the Abruzzo. 
 From Naples the new duke sailed for Sicily, which was 
 then in a state of open insurrection, in consequence of the 
 oppressive rule of Giovanni di Nuccia, the Neapolitan 
 viceroy. By the intervention of Gonsalvo, the inhabi- 
 tants were satisfied to return to their allegiance; and or- 
 der was restored, without the shedding of a single drop 
 of blood. After some further services to the state, and 
 to the cause of peace, services both diplomatic and mili- 
 tary, in Naples, in Sicily and in Calabria, adding in every 
 case to his reputation as a soldier and a statesman, and 
 above all as a great Castilian gentleman, Gonsalvo re-
 
 THEIR CATHOLIC MAJESTIES. 131 
 
 turned to his native Spain, where he was received with 
 the applause and respect that is not always granted to 
 great men by their own sovereigns, or even by their own 
 countrymen. 
 
 His last service to King Frederic and his people, ere 
 he quitted the country, was no less honorable than wise. 
 Frederic was engaged in the siege of the last city in the 
 kingdom of Naples that refused to recognize the dominion 
 of Aragon, the ancient and noble city of Diano, whose 
 inhabitants, vassals of that Prince of Salerno who was 
 attached to the Angevin cause, refused to listen to the 
 terms which were proposed. Gonsalvo took charge of 
 the operations; and the citizens, convinced of the hope- 
 lessness of holding out any longer against so vigorous a 
 commander, surrendered a few days afterward at discre- 
 tion. Gonsalvo, whether touched at their bravery and 
 their forlorn condition, or merely being adverse from se- 
 verity for which he saw no reason, obtained from the 
 king favorable terms for the garrison. 
 
 The expulsion of the French from Naples put an end, 
 as might have been supposed, to The Most Holy League. 
 For the high contracting parties, finding themselves se- 
 cure from immediate danger, conceived themselves no 
 longer bound by its provisions. Maximilian, ever penni- 
 less and generally faithless, had made no attempt to en- 
 gage in any operations on the French frontier, nor had 
 any one of the allies contributed to defray the heavy 
 charges incurred by the Spanish sovereigns in fulfilling 
 their part of the agreement. The Venetians were rather 
 occupied in securing for themselves as much of the Nea- 
 politan territory as they could acquire, by way of indemni-
 
 132 H1S1ORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 fication for their own expenses. The Duke of Milan had 
 already made a separate treaty with Charles VIII. Each 
 member of the league, in fact, after the first alarm had 
 subsided, had shown himself ready to sacrifice the com- 
 mon cause to his own private advantage; and Ferdinand 
 of Aragon, who had already suspended his operations on 
 the frontiers of Spain in October, 1496, had no difficulty 
 in agreeing to a further truce as regarded Naples and 
 Italy, which was signed on the 5th of March, 1497. 
 
 The Spaniards had borne the entire burden of the late 
 war. They had been virtually abandoned by their allies, 
 and their unassisted operations had led to the deliverance 
 of NapleSj to the safety of the Italian States, and the 
 humiliation and the defeat of the French. Their imme- 
 diate objects having been thus happily accomplished, Fer- 
 dinand and Isabella proposed to Charles VIII., without 
 shame or hesitation, that the French and Spaniards should 
 enter into an immediate treaty of alliance, with a view to 
 drive out the reigning sovereign of Naples, and divide 
 his kingdom between themselves! Meanwhile the Cas- 
 tilian envoy to the Holy See endeavored to induce Alex- 
 ander VI. to withhold the investiture of his kingdom 
 from Frederic, the new sovereign of Naples, on the 
 ground that he was friendly to the Angevin party in 
 Italy, the hereditary enemies of Spain. But Alexander 
 paid no heed to Garcilaso de la Vega. Charles showed 
 himself not only willing but eager to treat with Fer- 
 nando de Estrada; but unwilling at once to abandon all 
 his claims to Italian sovereignty, he offered to cede Na- 
 varre to Ferdinand, and keep all Naples to himself. Pro- 
 posals and counter proposals thus passed between France
 
 THEIR CATHOLIC MAJESTIES. 133 
 
 and Spain; but before any definite programme had been 
 agreed to, the negotiations were cut short by the sudden 
 death of the French monarch, in the tennis court at Am- 
 boise, on the eve of Easter, 1498. 
 
 The success of the Spanish arms under Gonsalvo de 
 Cordova in Italy was but the beginning of a long career 
 of triumph. From the great victory at Seminara, in 1503, 
 to the great defeat of Rocroy, in 1648, the Spanish in- 
 fantry remained unconquered in Europe. The armies of 
 Castile had been, indeed, as Prescott has it, "cooped up 
 within the narrow limits of the Peninsula, uninstructed 
 and taking little interest in the concerns of the rest of 
 Europe." But the soldiers and sailors of Aragon and 
 Catalonia had fought with distinction, not only in Italy 
 and in Sicily, but in the furthest east of Europe, for two 
 hundred years before the Great Captain of the United 
 Kingdom set foot on the shores of Calabria. Yet the 
 victories of Gonsalvo were the beginning of a new era, 
 and his life is interesting, not only as that of a brave sol- 
 dier and an accomplished general, who flourished at a 
 very important period of the history of Europe; but it is 
 further and much more interesting as being the history 
 of a man who united in himself many of the character- 
 istics of ancient and modern civilization, and who him- 
 self appears as a sort of middle term between medieval 
 and modern times. 
 
 In personal valor, in knightly courtesy, in gaudy dis- 
 play, he was of his own time. In astute generalship, and 
 in still more astute diplomacy, an envoy not an adven- 
 turer, the servant and not the rival of kings, he belongs 
 to a succeeding age, when the leader of a victorious army
 
 134 HISTORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 is prouder to be a loyal subject than a rash rebel. The 
 Castilian lords of earlier days had ever been brave knights; 
 their followers had ever been hardy and ""intiring combat- 
 ants. But Gonsalvo was not only a tactician, but a strat- 
 egist. The men whom he commanded were soldiers. 
 Newly armed and admirably disciplined, the regiments 
 were no longer the followers of some powerful nobleman; 
 they formed a part of the national army of Spain. The 
 short sword of their Celtiberian ancestors was once more 
 found in their hands. The long lances of the Swiss mer- 
 cenaries were adopted with conspicuous success. The drill- 
 sergeant took the place of the minstrel hi the camp. 
 
 Nor was this revolution in the art of war confined to 
 the conduct of the Spanish troops in the field. Before 
 the close of the campaign a national militia, or rather 
 a standing army, had taken the place of the brave but 
 irregular levies of medieval Spain. A royal ordinance 
 regulated the equipment of every individual, according 
 to his property. A man's arms were declared free from 
 seizure for debt, even by the Crown, and smiths and other 
 artificers were restricted, under severe penalties, from work- 
 ing up weapons of war into articles of more pacific use. 
 In 1426 a census was taken of all persons capable of bear 
 ing arms; and by an ordinance issued at Valladolid, on 
 February 22d of the same year, it was provided that one 
 out of every twelve inhabitants, between twenty and forty- 
 five years of age, should be enlisted for the service of 
 the State, whether in the conduct of a foreign war or 
 the suppression of domestic disorder.
 
 CHAPTER VII 
 UNITED SPAIN 
 
 THE DISCOVERY OF THE NEW WORLD VASCO DA GAMA 
 THE ROYAL MARRIAGES DREAMS OF EMPIRE THE - 
 DEATH OF ISABELLA FERDINAND'S END 
 
 THE reign of Ferdinand and Isabella was made imme- 
 morial through Columbus and his discovery. The man 
 and the event will, in subsequent chapters, be considered 
 at length. For the present it will suffice to note that on 
 his return from the New World, after being loaded with 
 honors, a question arose as to Isabella's right to confer the 
 dignities thus bestowed Portugal claiming the territory by 
 reason of an anterior grant from the Pope, who, in common 
 with all other parties, believed it to be part of India. 
 
 The question was referred to a Junta of learned men of 
 both nations, at the same time that application was made 
 to the reigning Pope, Alexander VI., concerning it. The 
 junta decided that the discoveries of Columbus were not in- 
 cluded in the Portuguese grant; and his Holiness finally, 
 as he conceived, terminated the dispute by drawing a line 
 across the Altantic, from pole to pole, and adjudging all 
 lands discovered on the east of that line to Portugal, all on 
 the west to Castile. 
 
 In connection with this it should be noted that in 1497 
 Manuel of Portugal sent Vasco da Gama with three ships 
 to double the Cape of Good Hope, with a view to tapping 
 
 (135)
 
 136 HISTORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 India. In the month of November, Gama successfully 
 doubled the formidable Cape, and sailed up the eastern 
 coast of Africa, as far as Mozambique. Here he found 
 a Moor from Fez, who, acting as interpreter between 
 him and the natives, facilitated the conclusion of a treaty, 
 in virtue of which the King of Mozambique was to furnish 
 the adventurous navigators with pilots well acquainted with 
 the course to India. But, while they were taking in wood 
 and water, a quarrel arose with the natives, to whom the 
 fault is of course imputed. The pilots made their escape, 
 and hostilities ensued. They did not last long; the terrors 
 of the Portuguese firearms soon compelling the Africans to 
 submit. Another, and, as the king assured Gama, a better 
 pilot was supplied, and on the 1st of April, 1498, he sailed 
 from Mozambique. The new pilot proved quite as ill-dis- 
 posed as his predecessors, endeavoring to betray the fleet 
 into the power of his countrymen at Mombaza ; and being 
 alarmed with apprehensions of detection, by the bustle ap- 
 parent in the crew of Gama's ship, which had accidentally 
 grounded, he also made his escape. It was not till they 
 reached Melinda that they found really friendly natives. 
 From that port Gama at last obtained a pilot who steered 
 him right across the gulf to the coast of Malabar. 
 
 The first place in India made by the Portuguese was 
 Calecut. Here Gama announced himself as an embassador 
 sent by the King of Portugal to negotiate a treaty of alli- 
 ance with the sovereign, the zamorin of Calecut, one of the 
 most powerful princes of that part of Hindustan, to estab- 
 lish commercial relations, and to convert the natives to 
 Christianity. How far this last object of his mission was 
 agreeable to the bigoted Hindus, or the equally bigoted
 
 UNITED SPAIN. 137 
 
 Mohammedan conquerors, who were then the masters of 
 those wealthy regions, we are not distinctly told by the 
 Portuguese historians ; but the zamorin appears in the first 
 instance to have received Gama well, and been upon the 
 whole pleased with his visit. This friendly intercourse was 
 interrupted, as we are assured, by the intrigues of the Moors 
 or Arabs, who, being in possession of the pepper trade, and 
 indeed of the whole spice trade, were jealous of interlopers. 
 Quarrels arose, and some acts of violence were committed. 
 They ended, however, in Gama's gaining the advantage, 
 and friendship was restored between him and the zamorin. 
 He reached Portugal in July, 1499, after a two years' 
 voyage, and was, like Columbus in Spain, loaded with 
 honors. 
 
 We may now return to Ferdinand and Isabella. This 
 was the brightest period of their lives. The repulse of 
 Charles VIII., and the victories of Gonsalvo, added fresh 
 luster to their reign. Moreover, through measures then 
 undertaken, the unconverted Moors were subdued, and 
 the French provinces were regained; but, over and 
 above all, a new world had been discovered, and mar- 
 riages, seemingly the most fortunate, were concluded: 
 Ferdinand and Isabella's son and heir, Don John, hav- 
 ing married the daughter of the Emperor Maximilian; 
 their second daughter Joanna, Philip, the son and heir 
 of that monarch, by Mary of Burgundy, and already, in 
 right of his deceased mother, sovereign of the rich and 
 fertile Netherlands; the third, Katharine, was affianced to 
 Arthur, Prince of Wales; and Manuel, duke of Beja, 
 having succeeded to his cousin John II. of Portugal, de- 
 spite all intrigues in favor of the illegitimate Don George,
 
 138 HISTORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 solicited and obtained the hand of the eldest Infanta, the 
 widow of the Prince of Portugal. 
 
 The first to be celebrated of all these royal marriages 
 was that of the Princess Isabella with Alfonso, the heir to 
 the crown of Portugal, which took place in the autumn of 
 the year 1490, and which was apparently calculated to lead 
 to the happiest results. But the magnificent wedding fes- 
 tivities at Lisbon were scarce concluded when the bride- 
 groom died, and the widowed princess returned disconsolate 
 to her mother (January, 1491). 
 
 The marriage of John, prince of Asturias, was the next, 
 and apparently the most important alliance that engaged 
 the attention of his parents ; and, moved by many consid- 
 erations of policy and prestige, they turned their thoughts 
 to far-away Flanders. Maximilian of Hapsburg, the titu- 
 lar sovereign of the Holy Roman Empire, had, by his first 
 wife, Mary, a daughter of Charles the Bold, and in her 
 own right Duchess of Burgundy, been made the father of 
 two children, Philip, born in 1478, and Margaret, in 1480. 
 Their mother, the beautiful empress, died in 1482; and 
 Philip, on attaining his legal majority at the age of six- 
 teen, assumed, in her right, the government of the Low 
 Countries in 1494. It was with this youthful sovereign, 
 the heir to yet more splendid possessions, that the Catholic 
 sovereigns desired to unite their younger daughter in mar- 
 riage, while the hand of his sister Margaret was sought for 
 the Prince of Asturias. The advantages to Spain of such 
 a double marriage were enormous. 
 
 If Prince John were to marry the Archduchess Mar- 
 garet, the only daughter of the emperor, he would inherit, 
 in the event of the death of the Archduke Philip without
 
 UNITED SPAIN. 139 
 
 issue, the great possessions of the Hapsburgs, Austria, 
 Flanders, and Burgundy, with a claim to the empire that 
 had eluded his great ancestor, Alfonso X. That the Arch- 
 duke Philip shobld in his turn espouse, not Isabella, the 
 eldest, but Joanna, the second daughter of the Catholic 
 king, would prevent Spain from passing under the domin- 
 ion of Austria, even in the unlikely event of the death of 
 Prince John without issue, inasmuch as Isabella of Portu- 
 gal would, in such a case, inherit the Spanish crown, to 
 the prejudice of her younger sister in Flanders. And 
 finally, if all the young wives and husbands should live 
 to a reasonable age, and should leave children behind them 
 at their death, one grandson of Ferdinand and Isabella 
 would wear the imperial purple as lord of Central Europe, 
 and another would sit upon the throne of a great united 
 Peninsular kingdom of Castile, Portugal, and Aragon. 
 
 In the early autumn of 1496 (August 22), a splendid 
 fleet set out from Laredo, a little port between Bilbao and 
 Santander, which carried Joanna in safety to her expectant 
 bridegroom. The archduke, and the princess for whom so 
 sad a fate was reserved, were married at Lille with the 
 usual rejoicings; and the Spanish admiral, charged a sec- 
 ond time with a precious freight of marriageable royalty, 
 brought back the Lady Margaret of Hapsburg with all 
 honor to Spanish Santander, early in March, 1497. The 
 marriage of the heir apparent took place at Burgos, on the 
 3d of April ; and on the 4th of October of the same year, 
 the gentle and accomplished Prince of Asturias had passed 
 away from Spain, and from the world. 
 
 Yet, once again, and for a few months, there lived an 
 heir to United Spain, whose brief existence is scarce re-
 
 140 HISTORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 membered in history. Isabella, the widowed queen of 
 John II. of Portugal, had been persuaded or constrained 
 by her parents to contract a second marriage with her 
 husband's cousin and successor Emmanuel; but the price 
 of her hand was the price of blood. For it was stipulated 
 that the Jews, who, by the liberality of the late king, had 
 been permitted to find a home in his dominions, should be 
 driven out of the country after the stern Castilian fashion 
 ;>f 1492, are the widowed Isabella should wed her cousin 
 on the throne of Portugal. Whether the princess was an 
 apt pupil, or merely the slave of her mother and the In- 
 quisitor that lurked behind the throne, we cannot say, but 
 the Portuguese lover consented to the odious bargain. The 
 marriage was solemnized at Valencia de Alcantara, in the 
 early days of the month of August, 1497, and the stipu- 
 lated Tribute to Bigotry was duly paid. But before ever 
 the bridal party had left the town, an express had arrived 
 with the news of the mortal illness of the bride's only 
 brother; and in little more than a year the young queen 
 herself, in the 23d of August, 1498, expired in giving birth 
 to a son. The boy received the name of Miguel, and lived 
 for nearly two years the heir apparent of Portugal, of 
 Aragon, and of Castile until he too was involved in the 
 general destruction. 
 
 But some time before the death, or even before the 
 birth of Miguel, another royal marriage had been con- 
 cluded, whose results throughout all time were no less 
 remarkable and scarce less important than that which 
 handed over Spain to a Flemish emperor. For after in- 
 finite negotiations and more than one rupture, after some 
 ten years' huxtering about dowry, and a dozen changes of
 
 UNITED SPAIN. 141 
 
 policy on the part of the various sovereigns interested in 
 the alliance, Katharine, the youngest daughter of Ferdi- 
 nand and Isabella, more familiarly known as Katharine 
 of Aragon, had been married to Arthur, Prince of Wales, 
 and the first act had been concluded of that strange and 
 fateful drama that led to the Reformation in England. 
 
 The dignified sadness of her story as Queen Katharine 
 insulted, divorced, and abandoned the unwilling hero- 
 ine of the great tragic drama that was played in the reign 
 of Henry VIII. of England, is known to all men, who ex- 
 tend to her, with one consent, their pity and their respect. 
 But those only who know something of the seven dreary 
 and disgraceful years that she spent in the palace of her 
 father-in-law, before she was permitted to know, even for 
 a season, the happiness of a husband's love, or to enjoy 
 the great position of Queen of England, may alone under- 
 stand the fullness of the measure of her wretchedness. 
 
 In June, 1504, Isabella, who had for some time been 
 ailing, and who seems to have suffered from some nerv- 
 ous disease, was struck down suddenly by fever. She 
 had lived a hard life. She had never spared herself, or 
 others. The unhappy marriages of her children had cast 
 a dark shadow over her life. But hers was not the nat- 
 ure to repine. Diligent, abstemious, resolute, she had 
 borne pain and suffering, and she was not afraid to face 
 death. Unable at length to rise from her couch, as the 
 autumn drew to a close, she continued to transact her ac- 
 customed business, gave audience to embassadors, chatted 
 with privileged visitors, and, in the words of an astonished 
 stranger, governed the world from her bed. 
 
 At last, on the 26th of November, 1504, as the church
 
 142 HISTORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 bells of Medina del Campo were ringing out the hour of 
 noon, the spirit of Isabella of Castile flitted away from 
 this world; and her mortal remains were conducted by 
 a mournful company to their last resting place under the 
 shadow of the red towers of Alhambra. Through storm 
 and tempest, amid earthquake and inundation, across moun- 
 tain and river, the affrighted travelers wended their way. 
 For the sun was not seen by day nor the stars by night, 
 during three long and weary weeks, as if the very forces 
 of nature were disturbed at the death of a giant among 
 the princes of the earth. 
 
 The character of Isabella has suffered to an uncom- 
 mon extent from an ignorant glorification of virtues that 
 she was far from possessing, and the concealment of those 
 transcendent powers that made her not only one of the 
 greatest rulers of Spain, but one of the greatest women 
 in the history of the world. Until the opening of the 
 treasure-house at Simancas displayed her correspondence 
 to the world, she was only known from the extravagant 
 but somewhat colorless panegyrics of contemporary chron- 
 iclers, who recognized at least that she was a royal lady, 
 compelling their gallant admiration, and that she was 
 immensely superior to her husband, whom it was neces- 
 sary also to glorify, as the last Spanish sovereign of 
 Spain. 
 
 Isabella was one of the most remarkable characters in 
 history. Not only was she the most masterful, and, from 
 her own point of view, by far the most successful ruler 
 that ever sat upon the throne of Spain, or of any of the 
 kingdoms of the Peninsula; she stands in the front rank 
 of the great sovereigns of Europe, and challenges com-
 
 UNITED SPAIN. 143 
 
 parison with the greatest women who have ever held 
 sway in the world. A reformer and a zealot, an auto- 
 crat and a leader of men, with a handsome face and a 
 gracious manner, scarce concealing the iron will that lay 
 beneath, Isabella was patient in adversity, dignified in 
 prosperity, at all times quiet, determined, thorough. 
 
 In one particular she stands alone among the great 
 ruling women, the conquerors and empresses of history. 
 She is the only royal lady, save, perhaps, Maria Theresa 
 of Hungary, who maintained through life the incongruous 
 relations of a masterful sovereign and a devoted wife, 
 and shared not only her bed but her throne with a hus- 
 band whom she respected a fellow-sovereign whom she 
 neither feared nor disregarded. To command the obe- 
 dience of a proud and warlike people is given to few of 
 the great men of history. To do the bidding of another 
 with vigor and with discretion is a task that has been but 
 rarely accomplished by a heaven-born minister. But to 
 conceive and carry out great designs, with one hand in 
 the grasp of even the most loyal of companions, is a tri- 
 umphant combination of energy with discretion, of the 
 finest tact with the most indomitable resolution, that 
 stamps Isabella of Spain as a being more vigorous than 
 the greatest men, more discreet than the greatest women 
 of history. Semiramis, Zenobia, Boadicea, Elizabeth of 
 England, Catherine of Russia, not one of them was em- 
 barrassed by a partner on the throne. The partner of 
 Isabella was not only a husband but a king, jealous, rest- 
 less, and untrustworthy. It is in this respect, and in the 
 immense scope of her political action, that the great Queen 
 of Castile is comparable with the bold Empress-King of
 
 144 HISTORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 Hungary rather than with any other of the great queens 
 and royal ladies of history. 
 
 The husband of Zenobia indeed enjoyed the title of 
 Augustus; but it was only after his assassination that 
 the lady earned her fame as a ruler. Catherine caused 
 her imperial consort to be executed as a preliminary to 
 her vigorous reign in Russia; Boadicea was the successor 
 and not the colleague of Prasutagus; and Semiramis, 
 though herself somewhat a mythical personage, is said 
 to have slain both her husband and his rival, in her as- 
 sertion of her absolute power. Yet Isabella revolution- 
 ized the institutions of her country, religious, political, 
 military, financial, she consolidated her dominions, hu- 
 miliated her nobles, cajoled her Commons, defied the Pope, 
 reformed the clergy; she burned some ten thousand of 
 her subjects; she deported a million more; and of the 
 remnant she made a great nation; she brooked no man's 
 opposition, in a reign of thirty years, and she died in the 
 arms of the king, her husband! 
 
 Ferdinand of Aragon was no hero. But he was a 
 strong man; a capable ruler; a clever if a treacherous 
 diplomatist. And to this husband and consort was Isa- 
 bella faithful through life, not merely in the grosser sense 
 of the word, to which Ferdinand for himself paid so little 
 heed; but in every way and walk of life. She supported 
 him in his policy; she assisted him in his intrigues; she 
 encouraged him in his ambitious designs; she lied for 
 him, whenever prudence required it; she worked for him 
 at all times, as she worked for Spain. For his policy, his 
 intrigues, his designs were all her own. Whenever the 
 views of the king and queen were for a moment discord-
 
 UNITED SPAIN. 145 
 
 ant, Isabella prevailed, without apparent conflict of author- 
 ity. In her assumption of supremacy in the marriage con- 
 tract; in her nomination of Gonsalvo de Cordova to the 
 command of the army; in her choice of Ximenez as the 
 Primate of Spain, she carried her point, not by petulance 
 or even by argument, but by sheer force of character; nor 
 did she strain for one moment, even in these manifesta- 
 tions of her royal supremacy, the friendly and even affec- 
 tionate relations that ever subsisted between herself and 
 her husband. The love and devotion of Isabella was a 
 thing of which the greatest of men might have well been 
 proud. And though Ferdinand the Catholic may not 
 fairly be counted among the greatest, he was a man 
 wise enough to appreciate the merits of his queen, and 
 to accept and maintain the anomalous position in which 
 he found himself as her consort. 
 
 In war at least it might have been supposed that the 
 queen would occupy a subordinate position. Yet in no 
 department of State did Isabella show to greater advan- 
 tage than as the organizer of victorious armies; not as a 
 batallador after the fashion of her distinguished ancestors 
 in Castile and in Aragon; but as the originator of an 
 entirely new system of military administration. 
 
 Before her time, in Spain, war had been waged by the 
 great nobles and their retainers in attendance upon the 
 king. There was no such thing as uniformity of action 
 or preparation, no central organization of any kind. Each 
 man went into battle to fight and to forage as opportunity 
 offered. Each commander vied with his fellow nobles in 
 deeds of bravery, and accorded to them such support as he 
 chose. The sovereign exercised a general authority, and
 
 146 HISTORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 assumed the active command of the united multitude of 
 soldiers, on rare and important occasions. If victory fol- 
 lowed, as at the Navas de Tolosa, the soldiers were re- 
 warded with the plunder, and took possession of the prop- 
 erty of the enemy. If the Christians were defeated, the 
 army melted away; and the king betook himself to the 
 nearest shelter. 
 
 But Isabella had no sooner assumed the title of Queen 
 of Castile, than she was called upon to maintain her pre- 
 tensions in the field. With no experience but that of a 
 country palace, with no training but that of a country 
 cloister, she set herself to work to organize an army. On 
 the 1st of May, 1474, five hundred horsemen represented 
 the entire forces of the fair usurper. By the 19th of July 
 she had collected over forty thousand men, had armed 
 and equipped them ready for the field, and had sent them 
 forward under the command of Ferdinand to the frontier. 
 Although she was at the time in delicate health, she was 
 constantly in the saddle, riding long distances from fort- 
 ress to fortress, hurrying up recruits all day, dictating 
 letters all night, giving her zealous personal attention to 
 every detail of armory and equipment, showing from the 
 first that quiet energy and that natural aptitude for com- 
 mand tha j : ever so constantly distinguished her. That her 
 levies were not victorious in no way daunted her deter- 
 mination. A second army was raised by her, within a 
 few weeks after the first had melted away under Ferdi- 
 nand; nor would she listen to any offers of negotiation, 
 until the enemy had been driven out of Castile. 
 
 In the conduct of the war of Granada, with time and 
 money at her command, her preparations were upon a
 
 UNITED SPAIN. 147 
 
 very different scale. The most skillful artificers were 
 summoned from every part of Europe to assist in the 
 work of supplying the army with the necessary material 
 of war. Artillery, then almost unknown to the military 
 art, was manufactured in Spain according to the best de- 
 signs. Model cannon were imported, and the necessary 
 ammunition collected from abroad. Sword-blades were 
 forged at home. Not only a commissariat, but a field 
 hospital institutions till then unheard of in Spanish war- 
 fare were organized and maintained under the personal 
 supervision of the queen. The presence of a lady on the 
 day of battle would, as a rule, as she rightly judged, 
 have been rather a hinderance than a help; but she was 
 very far from being a mere commissioner of supply. A 
 first-rate horsewoman, she was constantly seen riding 
 about the camp, encouraging, inspecting, directing; and 
 in the last days of the siege of Granada, when the spirits 
 of the troops had begun to flag, she appeared daily in 
 complete armor, and showed herself upon more than one 
 occasion in a post of danger on the field. The armies with 
 which Gonsalvo de Cordoa overran Calabria, and anni- 
 hilated the French at Cerignola, were prepared and dis- 
 patched by Isabella; and if, in a subsequent campaign, 
 the Great Captain was left without supplies or re-enforce- 
 ments, it was that the queen was already sickening to her 
 death, broken down and worn out by her constant and 
 enormous exertions. 
 
 But with all her aptitude for military organization, 
 Isabella had no love for war. Her first campaign was 
 undertaken to make good her pretensions to the crown. 
 The extermination of the Moslems was a matter of relig-
 
 148 HISTORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 ious feeling and patriotic pride, rather than an object of 
 military glory; but she refused to pursue her conquest 
 across the Straits of Gibraltar. The expeditions to Italy 
 were a part of Ferdinand's diplomacy, though the honor 
 of victory must be shared between Isabella and her Great 
 Captain. But the queen's ambition lay not in conquest 
 abroad. On the contrary, as soon as the last province in 
 Spain had been delivered from the foreign yoke of the 
 Moor, she turned her attention to the peaceful develop- 
 ment of the kingdom; and, unlettered warrior as she 
 was, she bestowed her royal patronage upon students 
 and studies, rather than upon the knights and nobles 
 who had fought her battles before Granada. 
 
 The old foundations of the Universities, the new art of 
 printing, scholarship, music, architecture found in her a 
 generous patron, not so much from predilection as from 
 policy. Men of letters and men of learning were wel- 
 comed at her court, not only from every part of Spain, 
 but from every part of Europe. For herself she had lit- 
 tle appreciation of literature. She neither knew nor cared 
 what influence her beloved Inquisition would have upon 
 science. But as long as the queen lived, learning was 
 honored in Spain. 
 
 In this, as in all other things, her judgment of men 
 was unerring. The queen who made Gonsalvo the com- 
 mander-in-chief of her armies, and Ximenez the president 
 of her council, who selected Torquemada as her grand in- 
 quisitor, and Talavera as her archbishop of Granada, made 
 no mistake when she invited Peter Martyr to instruct her 
 son in polite letters, and commissioned Lebrija to compose 
 the first Castilian Grammar for the use of her court.
 
 UNITED SPAm 149 
 
 Her beauty of face and form are familiar. Yet vanity 
 was unknown to her nature. Simple and abstemious in 
 her daily life, and despising pomp for its own sake, no 
 one could make a braver show on fitting occasions; and 
 the richness of her apparel, the glory of her jewels, and 
 the noble dignity of her presence, have been celebrated by 
 subjects and strangers. 
 
 At the death of Isabella, Ferdinand, in accordance with 
 the provisions of her will, caused his daughter, Joanna, 
 to be proclaimed queen and himself regent. Philip, arch- 
 duke of Austria, the husband of Joanna, having disputed 
 the rights of his father-in-law and threatened an appeal 
 to arms, the latter in disgust, with the view of again sepa- 
 rating the crowns of Aragon and Castile, entered into ne- 
 gotiations with Louis XII., married Gennaine de Foix, 
 the niece of Louis (1505), and shortly afterward resigned 
 the regency of Castile. On the death of Philip, hi 1506, 
 he resumed the administration, though not without opposi- 
 tion, and retained it till his death. In 1508 he joined the 
 League of Cambray for the partition of Venice, and thus 
 without any trouble became master of five important Ne- 
 apolitan cities. In the following year (1509) the African 
 expedition of Cardinal Ximenez was undertaken, which 
 resulted in the conquest of Oran. In 1511 Ferdinand joined 
 Venice and Pope Julius II. in a "holy league" for the ex- 
 pulsion of the French from Italy. This gave a pretext for 
 invading Navarre, which had entered into alliance with 
 France, and been laid under Papal interdict in conse- 
 quence. Aided by his son-in-law Henry VIII. of Eng- 
 land, who sent a squadron under the Marquis of Dorset 
 to co-operate in the descent on Guienne, Ferdinand became
 
 150 HISTORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 master of Navarre in 1513; and on June 15, 1515, by a 
 solemn act in Cortes held at Burgos, he incorporated it 
 with the kingdom of Castile. 
 
 The League of Cambray, which was signed on the 10th 
 of December, 1508, between Louis XII., the Emperor Maxi- 
 milian, and Ferdinand of Aragon, at the instance of the 
 warlike Pope Julius II., was nominally directed against 
 the Turks, but was in reality a coalition for the destruc- 
 tion and partition among the confiscators of the rich State 
 of Venice. If anything was wanted to make this league 
 of public plunderers more corrupt and more odious than it 
 would under any circumstances have been, it was that the 
 kings of France and of Aragon, in order to secure the ad- 
 hesion of the Medicis, sacrificed their faithful allies, the 
 Pisans, after solemn assurances of protection and support, 
 and actually sold that ancient city to the Florentines, their 
 hereditary enemies, for a hundred thousand ducats. 
 
 But all their bad faith and covetousness was displayed 
 in vain. The perfidious leaguers could not even trust one 
 another; and the success of the French arms at Agnadel, 
 in May, 1509, so seriously alarmed both Julius and Ferdi- 
 nand that a second treaty was concluded in October, 1511, 
 when the Pope and the King of Aragon invited the Vene- 
 tian Republic, for whose destruction they had leagued them- 
 selves together with Louis XII. not three years before, to 
 assist them in driving the French out of Italy. 
 
 Of the consummate skill with which Ferdinand, from 
 the middle of 1509 to the end of 1511, played off his allies 
 and rivals one against the other, until he had accomplished 
 the central object of his diplomacy in the great Confedera- 
 tion against Louis XII., we may read in the history of
 
 UNITED SPAIN. 151 
 
 France and of Italy, of England and of Germany, rather 
 than in the Chronicles of Aragon. For King Ferdinand 
 pulled the strings that moved the puppets, while he re- 
 mained wellnigh hidden himself. But by the end of 1511 
 the showman was compelled to make his own appearance 
 upon the stage of European warfare; and Ferdinand was 
 ever less successful as an actor than as an impresario. His 
 policy for the past two years had been the formation of a 
 league against his dearly-beloved uncle-in-law, Louis XII. , 
 by the aid of his dearly-beloved son-in-law, Henry VIII. 
 Queen Katharine, who had already played the part of em- 
 bassador to her English father-in-law, was to make use of 
 her influence over her English husband; and if the queen 
 should refuse to advise King Henry to go to war with 
 France, her confessor was to tell her that she was bound 
 as a good Christian to do so. 
 
 To coerce the confessor, Ferdinand applied to the Pope; 
 and to control the Pope, he betrayed to him, in secret, the 
 whole scheme of King Louis XII. as regarded the plunder 
 of the States of the Church. It is easy to understand what 
 an effect the communication of the French king's plans of 
 spoliation produced upon the excitable and irascible Julius. 
 When he had learned that he was not only to be robbed 
 of his temporalities, but that he was to be deposed and 
 imprisoned in case he should prove spiritually intractable, 
 he hastened, in spite of his age and his infirmities, to trav- 
 erse the snow-covered mountains, that he might meet his 
 enemy in the field. 
 
 The King of Aragon was a diplomatist who left nothing 
 to chance. He trusted no man. And if no man trusted 
 him, he never deceived himself by supposing that any one
 
 153 HISTORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 was simple enough to do so. No detail, however trifling, 
 was neglected by him in his negotiations. No contingency, 
 however remote, was left out of sight in his intrigues. And 
 however little we may respect his character, which was per- 
 haps not much worse than that of some of his rivals, we 
 cannot refuse to admire his transcendent skill, his infinite 
 perseverance, his forethought, and his keen appreciation 
 of every shade of political development. A little honesty 
 would have made him a great man, a little generosity would 
 have made him a great king. His policy, moreover, to- 
 ward the close of his life, is at least worthy of an admira- 
 tion which has rarely been extended to it. It was a policy 
 which embraced all Europe in its scope; and although it 
 had no direct relation to Spain or the Spanish people, it 
 would be ill to conclude even a brief survey of the history 
 of Spain without referring to the imperial dreams of the 
 great Spaniard, first of modern diplomatists, and of his 
 early endeavors to solve more than one of those questions 
 that still embarrass the foreign policy of modern States: 
 the establishment of a kingdom of Italy; the alliance be- 
 tween Italy and Germany, to withstand a dreaded power 
 beyond the Danube and the Carpathians; the entangle- 
 ment of England in a central European league; and the 
 treatment of the Pope of Rome. 
 
 The Turks, the medieval bugbear in the East for the 
 Middle Ages had also their Eastern Question were at this 
 time rapidly encroaching upon Christian Europe; and it 
 was obviously desirable to form a powerful empire, as a 
 bulwark of Christendom, on the banks of the Danube. The 
 opportunity of founding a great empire in central Europe 
 actually existed. Ladislaus II., king of Bohemia and of
 
 UNITED SPAIN. 153 
 
 Hungary, had only one son, Louis, who was of so delicate 
 a constitution that no issue could be expected of his mar- 
 riage. In case he should die without children, his sister, 
 the Princess Anne, was the heiress of both his kingdoms; 
 and if her father could be persuaded to marry her to the 
 heir of the Austrian principalities, Bohemia, Austria, and 
 Hungary, thus united with the heritage of the Hapsburgs, 
 would form by no means a contemptible State, which might 
 itself be but the nucleus of a greater and more ambitious 
 empire. 
 
 Naples, which had so lately been added to the Spanish 
 dominions, was still exposed to the attacks of the French, 
 who claimed one-half, and were always ready to appro- 
 priate to themselves the whole of the kingdom. Naples 
 was separated from France, indeed, by a considerable ex- 
 tent of territory in Italy; but the smaller Italian States 
 were too weak to render any serious resistance, and too 
 fickle to be counted upon as friends or as foes by any 
 Spanish sovereign. The best way to render Naples secure 
 was, in the eyes of Ferdinand, the foundation of a great 
 kingdom in northern Italy, powerful enough to prevent 
 the French from marching their armies to the south. The 
 formation of such a kingdom moreover would have greatly 
 facilitated a peaceful division of the great Austro-Spanish 
 inheritance between Prince Charles and his brother, the 
 Infante Ferdinand. 
 
 If Charles could be provided not only with the kingdom 
 of Spain, but with the possessions of Maximilian and Ladis- 
 laus and the Princess Anne, and the empire of central 
 Europe, his younger brother Ferdinand might content him- 
 self with a kingdom to be made up of all the States of
 
 154 HISTORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 Italy, protected against the encroachments of France by 
 Spanish infantry and German landsknechts, and ready to 
 drive the Turk out of the Mediterranean in support of the 
 Christian empire on the Danube. 
 
 The kingdom of Italy, thus designed for his younger 
 grandson by the far-seeing Ferdinand of Aragon, was to 
 consist of Genoa, Pavia, Milan, and the Venetian terri- 
 tories on the mainland. The country of the Tyrol, being 
 the most southern of the Austrian dominions, could, with- 
 out sensibly weakening the projected empire, be separated 
 from it and added to the new kingdom in Italy. Thus 
 stretching from the Mediterranean to the Adriatic, and 
 from the Gulf of Spezia to the Lake of Constance, this six- 
 teenth century kingdom of Italy, with the whole power of 
 the Holy Roman Empire to support it, would have been a 
 splendid endowment for a younger son of the greatest fam- 
 ily on earth. There was also a reasonable prospect that it 
 might afterward be still further enlarged by the addition 
 of Naples, and the smaller Italian States would easily have 
 fallen a prey to their powerful neighbor. But in addition 
 to all this, Ferdinand thought that he would render a not- 
 able service to the Catholic religion and to the peace of 
 Europe if the Church were thoroughly reformed. "What 
 Rome herself has lost by Ferdinand's failure it is not given 
 even to the Infallible to know. What the king's reforms 
 were to be, we can only shrewdly surmise; and although 
 they would most assuredly not have been Protestant, they 
 would with equal certainty have been by no means pala- 
 table to the Vatican. For it is reasonably probable that if 
 either Louis XII. or Ferdinand the Catholic had been per- 
 mitted to carry out their designs, the Pope of Rome would
 
 UNITED SPAIN. 155 
 
 have found himself deprived of his temporal power, and 
 Garibaldi, nay, perchance Luther, would have been fore- 
 stalled. It was the reforms of Ximenez that to a large 
 extent prevented Luther in Spain. The reforms of Fer- 
 dinand might possibly have prevented him in Italy. 
 
 It was in 1516 that Ferdinand died. Seven years pre- 
 vious Queen Germaine had been delivered of a son, who 
 received from his parents the name of John. But the Curse 
 that lay upon the children of Ferdinand was not yet spent; 
 and the rival of Charles V., the heir of Aragon, Sardinia, 
 Naples, and Sicily, was permitted to gladden the envious 
 heart of his father by but a few hours of life. As years 
 passed on there seemed little chance of any further issue 
 of the King and Queen of Aragon. The unity of Spain at 
 length appeared to be secure. But the ambition of Ferdi- 
 nand was even surpassed by his jealousy. Childless, vin- 
 dictive, and obstinate, he chafed at the ill-success of his 
 personal schemes; and rather than suffer the crown of 
 united Spain to pass over to his daughter's son and heir, 
 he sought, at the hands of some medical impostor, the 
 powers that were denied to his old age. The drug that 
 was to have renewed his youth destroyed his constitution, 
 and his death was the direct result of one of the least 
 creditable of the many developments of his jealousy, his 
 obstinacy, and his selfishness. 
 
 At length came the inevitable end ; and at the wretched 
 hamlet of Madrigalejo, near Guadalupe, in the mountains 
 of Estremadura, on the 23d of January of the new year 
 1516, Ferdinand died; and Spain was at length a United 
 Kingdom.
 
 CHAPTER VIII 
 MODERN SPAIN 
 
 THE HOUSE OF HAPSBURG PHILIP II. DEFEAT OF THE 
 
 INVINCIBLE ARMADA A BOURBON AMONG THEM 
 
 THE PENINSULAR WAR ALFONSO XIII 
 
 WITH the death of Ferdinand begins the period of unin- 
 terrupted Hapsburg rule in Spain, which lasted for nearly 
 two centuries. In the course of this period, the monarchy 
 obtained absolute authority, and Spain, after rising for a 
 time to be the foremost State hi Europe, sank to the posi- 
 tion of a second-rate power, from which it has never since 
 emerged. Aragon and Castile were distinct kingdoms, and 
 the former was again divided into the three provinces of 
 Aragon, Catalonia, and Valencia, each of which had its 
 own Cortes, its own privileges, and the most warmly- 
 cherished traditions of independence. The foreign pos- 
 sessions of the two crowns were a source of weakness 
 rather than of strength. France stood ready at the ear- 
 liest opportunity to contest the possession of Navarre with 
 Castile, and that of Naples with Aragon. 
 
 The difficulties of domestic government were increased 
 by the fact that the prospective ruler was a youthful for- 
 eigner, who had never visited Spain, and who was com- 
 pletely ignorant of the customs and even of the language 
 of the country. Charles the son of Philip, archduke of 
 Austria, and of Jane, daughter of Ferdinand and Isabella 
 (156)
 
 MODERN SPAIN. 167 
 
 had been born and educated in the Netherlands, of which 
 he had been nominal ruler ever since the death of his father 
 in 1506. All his friends and advisers were Flemings, who 
 cared nothing for Spanish interests, and had already acquired 
 an evil reputation for selfish greed. The first symptom of 
 discontent in Spain was excited by Charles's demand to be 
 recognized as king, in utter disregard of his mother. In 
 Aragon the demand was unhesitatingly refused, but in 
 Castile the vigorous measures of the famous Cardinal 
 Ximenez secured Charles's proclamation. The regent, 
 however, had great difficulties to face. The nobles, de- 
 lighted to be rid of the strong government of Ferdinand, 
 wished to utilize the opportunity to regain the privileges 
 and independence they had lost. In this crisis the loyal 
 devotion of Ximenez saved the monarchy. Throwing him- 
 self upon the support of the citizen class, he organized a 
 militia which overawed the nobles and maintained order. 
 A French invasion of Navarre was repulsed, and to avoid 
 any danger from the discontent of the inhabitants, all the 
 fortresses of the province, with the single exception of Pam- 
 plona, were dismantled. These distinguished services were 
 rewarded with more than royal ingratitude by Charles, who 
 came to Spain in 1517, and who allowed the aged cardinal 
 to die on November 8th, without even granting him an 
 interview. 
 
 Charles's enormous inheritance was increased by the 
 successes of Cortes in Mexico and of Pizarro in Peru, by 
 his own annexation of the Milanese, and by his conquests 
 in northern Africa. 
 
 The glory of Spain was then at its apogee. After his 
 death, which occurred in 1558, the decline set in. From
 
 158 HISTORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 this time also the House of Hapsburg became divided into 
 its contemporary branches. 
 
 Charles was succeeded by Philip II., his only legitimate 
 son. The administration of the latter, while successful at 
 home, was a failure abroad. During his reign a claim to 
 the throne of Portugal was successfully asserted, and the 
 unity of the Peninsula was completed. Moreover, colonial 
 possessions were greatly extended. Yet his religious intol- 
 erance excited the revolt of the Netherlands, which resulted 
 in a loss of the seven northern provinces. His effort to ob- 
 tain a preponderant influence over France was dexterously 
 foiled by the succession and triumph of Henry IV. But 
 his great and historical defeat was that which he experi- 
 enced with the Armada. 
 
 Besides the Spanish crown, Philip succeeded to the king- 
 dom of Naples and Sicily, the Duchy of Milan, Franche- 
 Comte, and the Netherlands. In Africa he possessed Tunis, 
 Oran, the Cape Verd, and the Canary Islands; and in Asia, 
 the Philippine and Sunda Islands, and a part of the Moluc- 
 cas. Beyond the Atlantic he was lord of the most splendid 
 portions of the New World. The empires of Peru and Mex- 
 ico, New Spain, and Chili, with their abundant mines of 
 the precious metals, Hispaniola and Cuba, and many other 
 of the American islands, were provinces of the sovereign of 
 Spain. 
 
 Philip had also the advantage of finding himself at the 
 head of a large standing army in a perfect state of disci- 
 pline and equipment, in an age when, except some few in- 
 significant corps, standing armies were unknown to Chris- 
 tendom. The renown of the Spanish troops was justly high, 
 and the infantry in particular was considered the best in
 
 MODERN SPAIN. 159 
 
 the world. His fleet, also, was far more numerous, and 
 better appointed, than that of any other European power; 
 and both his soldiers and his sailors had the confidence iii 
 themselves and their commanders which a long career of 
 successful warfare alone can create. 
 
 One nation only had been his active, his persevering, 
 and his successful foe. England had encouraged his re- 
 volted subjects in Flanders' against him, and given them 
 the aid in men and money without which they must soon 
 have been humbled in the dust. English ships had plun- 
 dered his colonies; had defied his supremacy in the New 
 World, as well as the Old; they had inflicted ignominious 
 defeats on his squadrons; they had captured his cities, and 
 burned his arsenals on the very coasts of Spain. The En- 
 glish had made Philip himself the object of personal insult. 
 He was held up to ridicule in their stage plays and masks, 
 and these scoffs at the man had (as is not unusual in such 
 cases) excited the anger of the absolute king, even more 
 vehemently than the injuries inflicted on his power. Per- 
 sonal as well as political revenge urged him to attack Eng- 
 land. Were she once subdued, the Dutch must submit; 
 France could not cope with him, the empire would not op- 
 pose him; and universal dominion seemed sure to be the 
 result of the conquest of that malignant island. 
 
 For some time the destination of an enormous arma- 
 ment which he had long been preparing was not publicly 
 announced. Only Philip himself, the Pope Sixtus, the 
 Duke of Guise, and Philip's favorite minister, Mendoza, 
 at first knew its real object. Rumors were sedulously 
 spread that it was designed to proceed to the Indies to 
 realize vast projects of distant conquest. Sometimes hints
 
 160 HISTORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 were dropped by Philip's embassadors in foreign courts 
 that their master had resolved on a decisive effort to crush 
 his rebels in the Low Countries. But Elizabeth and her 
 statesmen could not view the gathering of such a storm 
 without feeling the probability of its bursting on their own 
 shores. As early as the spring of 1587, Elizabeth sent Sir 
 Francis Drake to cruise off the Tagus. Drake sailed into 
 the Bay of Cadiz and the Lisbon Roads, and burned much 
 shipping and military stores, causing thereby an important 
 delay in the progress of the Spanish preparations. Drake 
 called this "Singeing the king of Spain's beard." Eliza- 
 beth also increased her succors of troops to the Netherland- 
 ers, to prevent the Prince of Parma from overwhelming 
 them, and from thence being at full leisure to employ his 
 army against her dominions. 
 
 Philip had an ally in France who was far more power- 
 ful than the French king. This was the Duke of Guise, 
 the chief of the League, and the idol of the fanatic par- 
 tisans of the Romish faith. Philip prevailed on Guise 
 openly to take up arms against Henry III. (who was re- 
 viled by the Leaguers as a traitor to the true Church, and 
 a secret friend to the Huguenots); and thus prevent the 
 French king from interfering in favor of Queen Elizabeth. 
 "With this object, the commander, Juan Iniguez Moreo, 
 was dispatched by him in the early part of April to the 
 Duke of Guise at Soissons. He met with complete success. 
 He offered the Duke of Guise, as soon as he took the field 
 against Henry III., three hundred thousand crowns, six 
 thousand infantry, and twelve hundred pikemen, on behalf 
 of the king, his master, who would, in addition, withdraw 
 his embassador from the court of France, and accredit an
 
 MODERN SPAIN. 161 
 
 envoy to the Catholic party. A treaty was concluded on 
 these conditions, and the Duke of Guise entered Paris, 
 where he was expected by the Leaguers, and whence he 
 expelled Henry III. on the 12th of May, by the insurrec- 
 tion of the barricades. A fortnight after this insurrection, 
 which reduced Henry III. to impotence, and, to use the 
 language of the Prince of Parma, did not even 'permit him 
 to assist the Queen of England with his tears, as he needed 
 them all to weep over his own misfortunes,' the Spanish 
 fleet left the Tagus and sailed toward the British isles." 
 
 Meanwhile in England, from the sovereign on the throne 
 to the peasant in the cottage, all hearts and hands made 
 ready to meet the imminent deadly peril. A camp was 
 formed at Tilbury; and there Elizabeth rode through the 
 ranks, encouraging her captains and her soldiers by her 
 presence and her words. 
 
 The ships of the royal navy at this time amounted to 
 no more than thirty-six; but the most serviceable merchant 
 vessels were collected from all the ports of the country; 
 and the citizens of London, Bristol, and the other great 
 seats of commerce, showed as liberal a zeal in equipping 
 and manning vessels as the nobility and gentry displayed 
 in mustering forces by land. The seafaring population of 
 the coast, of every rank and station, was animated by the 
 same ready spirit; and the whole number of seamen who 
 came forward to man the English fleet was 17,472. The 
 number of the ships that were collected was 191 ; and the 
 total amount of their tonnage 31,985. There was one ship 
 in the fleet (the "Triumph") of 1,100 tons, one of 1,000, 
 one of 900, two of 800 each, three of 600, five of 500, five 
 of 400, six of 300, six of 250, twenty of 200, and the residue
 
 162 HISTORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 of inferior burden. Application was made to the Dutch 
 for assistance; and, as Stowe expresses it, "The Holland- 
 ers came roundly in, with threescore sail, brave ships of 
 war, fierce and full of spleen, not so much for England's 
 aid, as in just occasion for their own defense; these men 
 foreseeing the greatness of the danger that might ensue, if 
 the Spaniards should chance to win the day and get the 
 mastery over them; in due regard whereof their manly 
 courage was inferior to none." 
 
 The equipment of the Spanish forces consisted of 130 
 ships (besides caravels), 3,165 cannon, 8,050 sailors, 2,088 
 galley-slaves, 18,973 soldiers, 1,382 noblemen, gentlemen, 
 and attendants, 150 monks, with Martin Alarco, vicar of 
 the Inquisition the whole under the command of the Duke 
 of Medina-Sidonia. 
 
 "While this huge armada was making ready in the south- 
 ern ports of the Spanish dominions, the Prince of Parma, 
 with almost incredible toil and skill, collected a squadron 
 of warships at Dunkirk, and his flotilla of other ships and 
 of flat-bottomed boats for the transport to England of the 
 picked troops, which were designed to be the main instru- 
 ments in subduing England. Thousands of workmen were 
 employed, night and day, in the construction of these ves- 
 sels, in the ports of Flanders and Brabant. One hundred 
 of the kind called hendes, built at Antwerp, Bruges, and 
 Ghent, and laden with provision and ammunition, together 
 with sixty flat-bottomed boats, each capable of carrying 
 thirty horses, were brought, by means of canals and fosses, 
 dug expressly for the purpose, to Nieuport and Dunkirk. 
 One hundred smaller vessels were equipped at the former 
 place, and thirty-two at Dunkirk, provided with twenty
 
 MODERN SPAIN. 163 
 
 thousand empty barrels, and with materials for making 
 pontoons, for stopping up the harbors, and raising forts 
 and intrenchments. The army which these vessels were 
 designed to convey to England amounted to thirty thou- 
 sand strong, besides a body of four thousand cavalry, sta- 
 tioned at Courtroi, composed chiefly of the ablest veterans 
 of Europe; invigorated by rest (the siege of Sluys having 
 been the only enterprise in which they were employed 
 during the last campaign), and excited by the hopes of 
 plunder and the expectation of certain conquest. 
 
 Philip had been advised by the deserter, Sir William 
 Stanley, not to attack England in the first instance, but 
 first to effect a landing and secure a strong position in 
 Ireland; his admiral, Santa Cruz, had recommended him 
 to make sure, in the first instance, of some large harbor 
 on the coast of Holland or Zealand, where the Armada, 
 having entered the Channel, might find shelter in case of 
 storm, and whence it could sail without difficulty for Eng- 
 land; but Philip rejected both these counsels, and directed 
 that England itself should be made the immediate object 
 of attack; and on the 20th of May the Armada left the 
 Tagus, in the pomp and pride of supposed invincibility, 
 and amid the shouts of thousands, who believed that 
 England was already conquered. But steering to the 
 northward, and before it was clear of the coast of Spain, 
 the Armada was assailed by a violent storm, and driven 
 back with considerable damage to the ports of Biscay and 
 Gallicia. It had, however, sustained its heaviest loss be- 
 fore it left the Tagus, in the death of the veteran admiral 
 Santa Cruz, who had been destined to guide it against 
 England.
 
 164 HISTORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 This experienced sailor, notwithstanding his diligence 
 and success, had been unable to keep pace with the impa- 
 tient ardor of his master. Philip II. had reproached him 
 with his dilatoriness, and had said with ungrateful harsh- 
 ness, "You make an ill return for all my kindness to 
 you." These words cut the veteran's" heart, and proved 
 fatal to Santa Cruz. Overwhelmed with fatigue and 
 grief, he sickened and died. Philip II. had replaced him 
 by Alonzo Perez de Gusman, duke of Medina Sidonia, 
 one of the most powerful of the Spanish grandees, but 
 wholly unqualified to command such an expedition. He 
 had, however, as his lieutenants, two seamen of proved 
 skill and bravery, Juan de Martinez Recalde of Biscay, 
 and Miguel Orquendo of Guipuzcoa. 
 
 On the 12th of July the Armada, having completely 
 refitted, sailed again for the Channel, and reached it 
 without obstruction or observation by the English. 
 
 The design of the Spaniards was, that the Armada 
 should give them, at least for a time, the command of 
 the sea, and that it should join the squadron which Parma 
 had collected, off Calais. Then, escorted by an over- 
 powering naval force, Parma and his army were to em- 
 bark in their flotilla, and cross the sea to England, where 
 they were to be landed, together with the troops which 
 the Armada brought from the ports of Spain. The scheme 
 was not dissimilar to one formed against England a little 
 more than two centuries afterward. 
 
 The orders of King Philip to the Duke of Medina 
 Sidonia were, that he should, on entering the Channel, 
 keep near the French coast, and, if attacked by the En- 
 glish ships, avoid an action, and steer on to Calais Eoads,
 
 MODERN SPAIN. 165 
 
 where the Prince of Parma's squadron was to join him. 
 The hope of surprising and destroying the English fleet 
 in Plymouth led the Spanish admiral to deviate from 
 these orders, and to stand across to the English shore; 
 but, on finding that Lord Howard was coming out to 
 meet him, he resumed the original plan, and determined 
 to bend his way steadily toward Calais and Dunkirk, 
 and to keep merely on the defensive against such squad- 
 rons of the English as might come up with him. 
 
 It was on Saturday, the 20th of July, that Lord Effing- 
 ham came in sight of his formidable adversaries. The 
 Armada was drawn up in form of a crescent, which from 
 horn to horn measured some seven miles. There was a 
 southwest wind; and before it the vast vessels sailed 
 slowly on. The English let them pass by; and then, 
 following in the rear, commenced an attack on them. 
 A running fight now took place, in which some of the 
 best ships of the Spaniards were captured; many more 
 received heavy damage; while the English vessels, which 
 took care not to close with their huge antagonists, but 
 availed themselves of their superior celerity in tacking 
 and maneuvering, suffered little comparative loss. 
 
 The Spanish admiral showed great judgment and firm- 
 ness in following the line of conduct that had been traced 
 out for him; and on the 27th of July he brought his fleet 
 unbroken, though sorely distressed, to anchor in Calais 
 Roads. The Armada lay off Calais, with its largest ships 
 ranged outside, "like strong castles fearing no assault; 
 the lesser placed in the middle ward." The English ad- 
 miral could not attack them in their position without great 
 disadvantage, but on the night of the 29th he sent eight
 
 166 HISTORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 fire-ships among them, with almost equal effect to that 
 of the fire-ships which the Greeks so often employed 
 against the Turkish fleets hi their war of independence. 
 The Spaniards cut their cables and put to sea in confu- 
 sion. One of the largest galeasses ran foul of another 
 vessel and was stranded. The rest of the fleet was scat- 
 tered about on the Flemish coast, and when the morning 
 broke, it was with difficulty and delay that they obeyed 
 their admiral's signal to range themselves round him near 
 Gravelines. Now was the golden opportunity for the En- 
 glish to assail them, and prevent them from ever letting 
 loose Parma's flotilla against England; and nobly was 
 that opportunity used. Drake and Fenner were the first 
 English captains who attacked the unwieldy leviathans: 
 then came Fenton, Southwell, Burton, Cross, Raynor, 
 and then the lord-admiral, with Lord Thomas Howard 
 and Lord Sheffield. The Spaniards only thought of form- 
 ing and keeping close together, and were driven by the 
 English past Dunkirk, and far away from the Prince of 
 Parma, who, in watching their defeat from the coast, 
 must, as Drake expressed it, have chafed like a bear 
 robbed of her whelps. This was indeed the last and the 
 decisive battle between the two fleets. 
 
 Many of the largest Spanish ships were sunk or cap- 
 tured in the action of this day. And at length the Span- 
 ish admiral, despairing of success, fled northward with 
 a southerly wind, in the hope of rounding Scotland, and 
 so returning to Spain without a further encounter with 
 the English fleet. Lord Effingham left a squadron to 
 continue the blockade of the Prince of Parma's arma- 
 ment; but that wise general soon withdrew his troops to
 
 MODERN SPAIN. 16? 
 
 more promising fields of action. Meanwhile the lord- 
 admiral himself and Drake chased the vincible Armada, 
 as it was now termed, for some distance northward; and 
 then, when it seemed to bend away from the Scotch coast 
 toward Norway, it was thought best, in the words of 
 Drake, "to leave them to those boisterous and uncouth 
 northern seas." 
 
 The sufferings and losses which the unhappy Span- 
 iards sustained in their flight round Scotland and Ireland 
 are well known. Of their whole Armada only fifty-three 
 shattered vessels brought back their beaten and wasted 
 crews to the Spanish coast which they had quitted in 
 such pageantry and pride. 
 
 At the death of Philip, which occurred on September 
 13, 1598, he left to his son and successor, Philip III., an 
 empire nominally undiminished, but unwieldy and inter- 
 nally exhausted. Resources had been squandered. The 
 attention of the masses had been turned from industry 
 to war. The soldiery once regarded as invincible had 
 lost their prestige in the Netherland swamps. Enormous 
 taxes, from which nobles and clergy were exempt, were 
 multiplied on the people. That being insufficient, Philip 
 III. proved his orthodoxy by completing the work. In 
 1609 the Moors, or Moriscoes as they were called, were 
 ordered to quit the Peninsula within three days, and the 
 penalty of death was decreed against all who failed to 
 obey, and against any Christians who should shelter the 
 recalcitrants. The edict was obeyed, but it was the ruin 
 of Spain. The Moriscoes were the backbone of the in- 
 dustrial population, not only in trade and manufactures, 
 but also in agriculture. The haughty and indolent Span-
 
 168 HISTORY OF SPAIN, 
 
 iards had willingly left what they considered degrading 
 employments to their inferiors. The Moors had intro- 
 duced into Spain the cultivation of sugar, cotton, rice 
 and silk. They had established a system of irrigation 
 which had given fertility to the soil. The province of 
 Valencia in their hands had become a model of agri- 
 culture to the rest of Europe. In manufactures and com- 
 merce they had shown equal superiority to the Christian 
 inhabitants, and many of the products of Spam were 
 eagerly sought for by other countries. All these advan- 
 tages were sacrificed to an insane desire for religious 
 unity. 
 
 The resources of Spain, already exhausted, never re- 
 covered from this terrible blow. Philip III. died in March, 
 1621. His reign had not been glorious or advantageous 
 to Spain, but it contrasts favorably with those of his suc- 
 cessors. Spanish literature and art, which had received a 
 great impulse from the intercourse with foreign countries 
 under previous rulers, reached their zenith during his life- 
 time. Three writers have obtained European fame Cer- 
 vantes, who produced the immortal "Don Quixote" be- 
 tween 1605 and 1613, and two of the most fertile of 
 romantic dramatists, Lope de Vega and Calderon. In 
 the domain of art Spain produced two of the greatest 
 masters of the seventeenth century, Velasquez and 
 Murillo. 
 
 Philip II. was succeeded by Philip III. After him 
 came Philip IV. and then Charles II. Of these mon- 
 archs Mignet said: "Philip II. was merely a king. Philip 
 III. and Philip IV. were not kings, and Charles II. was 
 not even a man." The death of the latter precipitated
 
 MODERN SPAIN. 169 
 
 the War of the Succession, the military operations of 
 which were rendered famous by the military exploits 
 of Eugene and Marlborough. But this is not the place 
 to recite them. The chief scenes of hostilities were the 
 Netherlands, Germany and Italy, and their narration 
 belongs more properly to the histories of these lands. 
 Suffice it to say that by the Treaty of Utrecht war was 
 concluded in 1711, and Philip V., a Bourbon, second 
 grandson of Louis XIV., was, in accordance with the 
 will of Charles II., acknowledged King of Spain. By 
 the same treaty England gained Gibraltar, while the 
 Spanish Netherlands, Milan, Naples and Sardinia were 
 ceded to Austria. 
 
 With the accession of a Bourbon, Spain entered into a 
 new period of history, during which it once more played 
 a part in the politics of Europe, as also in its wars; 
 those, for instance, of the Polish and Austrian successions 
 the country meanwhile being additionally embroiled with 
 England. 
 
 Philip V. was succeeded by Ferdinand VL, and the 
 latter by Charles III., whose death, together with the 
 accession of Charles IV., were contemporary with the 
 French Revolution. The execution of Louis XVI, made 
 a profound impression on a country where loyalty vras a 
 superstition. Charles IV. was roused to demand ven- 
 geance for the insult to his family. Godoy, the Prime 
 Minister, could but follow the national impulse; and 
 Spain became a member of the first coalition against 
 France. But the two campaigns which ensued provoked 
 the contempt of Europe. They form a catalogue of de- 
 feats. Under the circumstances it is no wonder that
 
 170 HISTORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 Spain followed the example of Prussia and concluded a 
 treaty of peace. 
 
 The next event of importance was Napoleon's famous 
 coup de main the seizure of the Spanish royal family 
 at Bayonne the jugglery which he performed with the 
 crown, its transference by him from Ferdinand VII. 
 (son of Charles IV.) to Joseph Bonaparte, and the revolt 
 of the South American colonies which that act produced. 
 
 Then came the restoration- of Spanish independence 
 through England's aid; Wellington's famous campaign; 
 the battles of Ciudad Rodrigo and Badajos; the entry 
 into Madrid; the retreat of Joseph to Valencia; Napo- 
 leon's crushing defeat at Leipzig, and Ferdinand's return 
 from captivity at Valengay. 
 
 The circumstances through which these last-mentioned 
 events were induced or precipitated, and which are collect- 
 ively known as the Peninsular War, originated at the mo- 
 ment when Napoleon was practically master of Europe. Its 
 whole face was changed. Prussia was occupied by French 
 troops. Holland was changed into a monarchy by a simple 
 decree of the French emperor, and its crown bestowed on 
 his brother Louis. Another brother, Jerome, became King 
 of Westphalia, a new realm built up out of the electorates 
 of Hesse-Cassel and Hanover. A third brother, Joseph, was 
 made King of Naples; while the rest of Italy, and even 
 Rome itself, was annexed to the French empire. It was 
 the hope of effectually crushing the world-power of Britain 
 which drove him to his worst aggression, the aggression 
 upon Spain. He acted with his usual subtlety. In Octo- 
 ber, 1807, France and Spain agreed to divide Portugal be- 
 tween them ; and on the advance of their forces the reign-
 
 MODERN SPAIN. 171 
 
 ing House of Braganza fled helplessly from Lisbon to a 
 refuge in Brazil. But the seizure of Portugal was only 
 a prelude to the seizure of Spain. Charles IV., whom a 
 riot in his capital drove at this moment to abdication, and 
 his son, Ferdinand VII., were drawn to Bayonne in May, 
 1808, and forced to resign their claims to the Spanish 
 crown; while a French army entered Madrid and pro- 
 claimed Joseph Bonaparte king of Spain. But this high- 
 handed act of aggression was hardly completed when Spain 
 rose as one man against the stranger; and desperate as 
 the effort of its people seemed, the news of the rising was 
 welcomed throughout England with a burst of enthusiastic 
 joy. "Hitherto," cried Sheridan, a leader of the "Whig 
 opposition, "Bonaparte has contended with princes with- 
 out dignity, numbers without ardor, or peoples without 
 patriotism. He has yet to learn what it is to combat a 
 people who are animated by one spirit against him." Tory 
 and Whig alike held that "never had so happy an oppor- 
 tunity existed in Britain to strike a bold stroke for the 
 rescue of the world"; and Canning at once resolved to 
 change the system of desultory descents on colonies and 
 sugar islands for a vigorous warfare in the Peninsula. 
 
 The furious and bloody struggle which ensued found 
 its climax at "Vittoria, but it would be difficult to find in 
 the whole history of war a more thrilling chapter than 
 that which tells of the six great campaigns of which the 
 war itself was composed. 
 
 The Peninsular "War was perhaps the least selfish con- 
 flict ever waged. It was not a war of aggrandizement or 
 of conquest. It was fought to deliver Europe from the 
 despotism of Napoleon. At its close the fleets of Great
 
 172 HISTORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 Britain rode triumphant, and in the Peninsula between 
 1808-14 her land forces fought and won nineteen pitched 
 battles, made or sustained ten fierce and bloody sieges, 
 took four great ^ortresses, twice expelled the French from 
 Portugal and once from Spain. Great Britain expended 
 in these campaigns more than one hundred million pounds 
 sterling on her own troops, besides subsidizing the forces 
 of Spain and Portugal. This "nation of shopkeepers" 
 proved that when kindled to action it could wage war on 
 a scale and in a fashion that might have moved the won- 
 der of Alexander or of Caesar, and from motives too lofty 
 for either Csesar or Alexander so much as to comprehend. 
 It is worth while to tell afresh the story of some of the 
 more picturesque incidents in that great strife. 
 
 On April 6, 1812, Badajos was stormed by Wellington; 
 and the story forms one of the most tragical and splendid 
 incidents in the military history of the world. Of "the 
 night of horrors at Badajos," Napier says, "posterity can 
 scarcely be expected to credit the tale." Wo tale, however, 
 is better authenticated, or, as an example of what disci- 
 plined human valor is capable of achieving, better deserves 
 to be told. Wellington was preparing for his great for- 
 ward movement into Spain, the campaign which led to 
 Salamanca, the battle in which "forty thousand French- 
 men were beaten in forty minutes." As a preliminary he 
 had to capture, under the vigilant eyes of Soult and Mar- 
 mont, the two great border fortresses, Ciudad Rodrigo and 
 Badajos. He had, to use Napier's phrase, "jumped with 
 both feet" on the first-named fortress, and captured it in 
 twelve days with a loss of twelve hundred men and ninety 
 officers.
 
 MODERN SPAIN. 173 
 
 But Badajos was a still harder task. The city stands 
 on a rocky ridge which forms the last spur of the Toledo 
 range, and is of extraordinary strength. The river Rivil- 
 las falls almost at right angles into the Guadiana, and in 
 the angle formed by their junction stands Badajos, oval 
 in shape, girdled with elaborate defenses, with the Guadi- 
 ana, five hundred yards wide, as its defense to the north, 
 the Rivilla^ serving as a wet ditch to the west, and no less 
 than five great fortified outposts Saint Roque, Christoval, 
 Picurina, Pardaleras, and a fortified bridge-head across 
 the Guadiana as the outer zone of its defenses. Twice 
 the English had already assailed Badajos, but assailed it 
 in vain. It was now held by a garrison five thousand 
 strong, under a soldier, General Phillipson, with a real 
 genius for defense, and the utmost art had been employed 
 in adding to its defenses. On the other hand, Wellington 
 had no means of transport and no battery train, and had 
 to make all his preparations under the keen-eyed vigilance 
 of the French. Perhaps the strangest collection of artillery 
 ever employed in a great siege was that which Wellington 
 collected from every available quarter and used at Bada- 
 jos. Of the fifty-two pieces, some dated from the days 
 of Philip II. and the Spanish Armada, some were cast in 
 the reign of Philip III., others in that of John IV. of 
 Portugal, who reigned in 1640; there were 24-pounders 
 of George II. 's day, and Russian naval guns; the bulk of 
 the extraordinary medley being obsolete brass engines 
 which required from seven to ten minutes to cool between 
 each discharge. 
 
 Wellington, however, was strong in his own warlike 
 genius and in the quality of the troops he commanded.
 
 174 HISTORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 He employed eighteen thousand men in the siege, and it 
 may well be doubted whether if we put the question of 
 equipment aside a more perfect fighting instrument than 
 the force under his orders ever existed. The men were 
 veterans, but the officers on the whole were young, so there 
 was steadiness in the ranks and fire in the leading. Hill 
 and Graham covered the siege, Picton and Barnard, Kempt 
 and Colville led the assaults. The trenches were held by 
 the third, fourth, and fifth divisions, and by the famous 
 light division. Of the latter it has been said that the 
 Macedonian phalanx of Alexander the Great, the Tenth 
 Legion of Caesar, the famous Spanish infantry of Alva, or 
 the iron soldiers who followed Cortes to Mexico, did not 
 exceed it in warlike quality. Wellington's troops, too, had 
 a personal grudge against Badajos, and had two defeats to 
 avenge. Perhaps no siege in history, as a matter of fact, 
 ever witnessed either more furious valor in the assault, or 
 more of cool and skilled courage in the defense. The siege 
 lasted exactly twenty days, and cost the besiegers five thou- 
 sand men, or an average loss of two hundred and fifty per 
 day. It was waged throughout in stormy weather, with 
 the rivers steadily rising, and the tempests perpetually 
 blowing; yet the thunder of the attack never paused for 
 an instant. 
 
 Wellington's engineers attacked the city at the eastern 
 end of the oval, where the Rivillas served it as a gigantic 
 wet ditch; and the Picurina, a fortified hill, ringed by a 
 ditch fourteen feet deep, a rampart sixteen feet high, and 
 a zone of mines, acted as an outwork. Wellington, curi. 
 ously enough, believed in night attacks, a sure proof of his 
 faith in the quality of the men he commanded ; and on the
 
 MODERN SPAIN. 175 
 
 eighth night of the siege, at nine o'clock, five hundred men 
 of the third division were suddenly flung on the Picurina. 
 The fort broke into a ring of flame, by the light of which 
 the dark figures of the stormers were seen leaping with 
 fierce hardihood into the ditch and struggling madly up 
 the ramparts, or tearing furiously at the palisades. But 
 the defenses were strong, and the assailants fell literally 
 in scores. Napier tells how "the axmen of the light divis- 
 ion, compassing the fort like prowling wolves," discovered 
 the gate at the rear, and so broke into the fort. The en- 
 gineer officer who led the attack declares that "the place 
 would never have been taken had it not been for the cool- 
 ness of these men" in absolutely walking round the fort to 
 its rear, discovering the gate, and hewing it down under 
 a tempest of bullets. The assault lasted an hour, and in 
 that period, out of the five hundred men who attacked, no 
 less than three hundred, with nineteen officers, were killed 
 or wounded ! Three men out of every five in the attacking 
 force, that is, were disabled, and yet they won! 
 
 There followed twelve days of furious industry, of 
 trenches pushed tirelessly forward through mud and wet, 
 and of cannonading that only ceased when the guns grew 
 too hot to be used. Captain MacCarthy, of the Fiftieth 
 Regiment, has left a curious little monograph on the siege, 
 full of incidents, half tragic and half amusing, but which 
 show the temper of Wellington's troops. Thus he tells 
 how an engineer officer, when marking out the ground for 
 a breaching-battery very near the wall, which was always 
 lined with French soldiers in eager search of human tar- 
 gets, "used to challenge them to prove the perfection of 
 their shooting by lifting up the skirts of his coat in deft-
 
 176 EISTORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 ance several times in the course of his survey \ driving in 
 his stakes and measuring his distances with great delibera- 
 tion, and concluding by an extra shake of his coat-tails 
 and an ironical bow before he stepped under shelter!" 
 
 On the night of April 6, "Wellington determined to as- 
 sault. No less than seven attacks were to be delivered. 
 Two of them on the bridge-head across the Guadiana and 
 on the Pardaleras were mere feints. But on the extreme 
 right Picton with the third division was to cross the Rivillas 
 and escalade the castle, whose walls rose, time-stained and 
 grim, from eighteen to twenty-four feet high. Leith with 
 the fifth division was to attack the opposite or western ex- 
 tremity of the town, the bastion of St. Vincente, where the 
 glacis was mined, the ditch deep, and the scarp thirty feet 
 high. Against the actual breaches Colville and Andrew 
 Barnard were to lead the light division and the fourth 
 division, the former attacking the bastion of Santa Maria 
 and the latter the Trinidad. The hour was fixed for ten 
 o'clock, and the story of that night attack, as told in Na- 
 pier's immortal prose, is one of the great battle-pictures of 
 literature ; and any one who tries to tell the tale will find 
 himself slipping insensibly into Napier's cadences. 
 
 The night was black; a strange silence lay on rampart 
 and trench, broken from time to time by the deep voices 
 of the sentinels that proclaimed all was well in Badajos. 
 "Sentinelle garde a vous," the cry of the sentinels, was 
 translated by the British private, as "All's well in Bada- 
 hoo!" A lighted carcass thrown from the castle discov- 
 ered Picton's men standing in ordered array, and com- 
 pelled them to attack at once. MacCarthy, who acted as 
 guide across the tangle of wet trenches and the narrow
 
 MODERN SPAIN. 177 
 
 bridge that spanned the Rivillas, has left an amusing ac- 
 count of the scene. At one time Picton declared MacCarthy 
 was leading them wrong, and, drawing his sword, swore he 
 would cut him down. The column reached the trench, how- 
 ever, at the foot of the castle walls, and was instantly over- 
 whelmed with the fire of the besieged. MacCarthy says 
 we can only picture the scene by "supposing that all the 
 stars, planets, and meteors of the firmament, with innum- 
 erable moons emitting smaller ones in their course, were 
 descending on the heads of the besiegers." MacCarthy 
 himself, a typical and gallant Irishman, addressed his gen- 
 eral with the exultant remark, "'Tis a glorious night, sir 
 a glorious night!" and, rushing forward to the head of 
 the stormers, shouted, "Up with the ladders!" The five 
 ladders were raised, the troops swarmed up, an officer lead- 
 ing, but the first files were at once crushed by cannon fire, 
 and the ladders slipped into the angle of the abutments. 
 "Dreadful their fall," records MacCarthy of the slaugh- 
 tered stonners, "and appalling their appearance at day- 
 light." One ladder remained, and, a private soldier lead- 
 ing, the eager red-coated crowd swarmed up it. The brave 
 fellow leading was shot as soon as his head appeared above 
 the parapet ; but the next man to him again a private 
 leaped over the parapet, and was followed quickly by oth- 
 ers, and this thin stream of desperate men climbed singly, 
 and in the teeth of the flashing musketry, up that solitary 
 ladder, and carried the castle. 
 
 In the meanwhile the fourth and light divisions had 
 flung themselves with cool and silent speed on the breaches. 
 The storming party of each division leaped into the ditch. 
 It was mined, the fuse was kindled, and the ditch, crowded
 
 178 HISTORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 with eager soldiery, became in a moment a sort of flaming 
 crater, and the storming parties, five hundred strong, were 
 in one fierce explosion dashed to pieces. In the light of 
 that dreadful flame the whole scene became visible the 
 black ramparts, crowded with dark figures and glittering 
 arms, on the one side; on the other, the red columns of the 
 British, broad and deep, moving steadily forward like a 
 stream of human lava. The light division stood at the 
 brink of the smoking ditch for an instant, amazed at the 
 sight. "Then," says Napier, "with a shout that matched 
 even the sound of the explosion," they leaped into it and 
 swarmed up to the breach. The fourth division came run- 
 ning up and descended with equal fury, but the ditch op- 
 posite the Trinidad was filled with water; the head of the 
 division leaped into it, and, as Napier puts it, "about one 
 hundred of the fusiliers, the men of Albuera, perished 
 there/' The breaches were impassable. Across the top 
 of the great slope of broken wall glittered a fringe of 
 sword - blades, sharp-pointed, keen -edged on both sides, 
 fixed in ponderous beams chained together and set deep 
 in the ruins. For ten feet in front the ascent was covered 
 with loose planks, studded with sharp iron points. Behind 
 the glittering edge of sword-blades stood the solid ranks 
 of the French, each man supplied with three muskets, and 
 their fire scourged the British ranks like a tempest. 
 
 Hundreds had fallen, hundreds were still falling; but 
 the British clung doggedly to the lower slopes, and every 
 few minutes an officer would leap forward with a shout, 
 a swarm of men would instantly follow him, and, like 
 leaves blown by a whirlwind, they swept up the ascent. 
 But under the incessant fire of the French the assailants
 
 MODERN SPAIN. 17& 
 
 melted away. One private reached the sword-blades, and 
 actually thrust his head beneath them till his brains were 
 beaten out, so desperate was his resolve to get into Bada- 
 jos. The breach, as Napier describes it, "yawning and 
 glittering with steel, resembled the mouth of a huge 
 dragon belching forth smoke and flame." But for two 
 hours, and until two thousand men had fallen, the stub- 
 born British persisted in then* attacks. Currie, of the 52d, 
 a cool and most daring soldier, found a narrow ramp be- 
 yond the Santa Maria breach only half -ruined; he forced 
 his way back through the tumult and carnage to where 
 "Wellington stood watching the scene, obtained an unbroken 
 battalion from the reserve, and led it toward the broken 
 ramp. But his men were caught in the whirling madness 
 of the ditch and swallowed up in the tumult. Nicholas, of 
 the engineers, and Shaw of the 43d, with some fifty sol- 
 diers, actually climbed into the Santa Maria bastion, and 
 from thence tried to force their way into the breach. Every 
 man was shot down except Shaw, who stood alone on the 
 bastion. "With inexpressible coolness he looked at his 
 watch, said it was too late to carry the breaches," and 
 then leaped down! The British could not penetrate the 
 breach ; but they would not retreat. They could only die 
 where they stood. The buglers of the reserve were sent 
 to the crest of the glacis to sound the retreat; the troops 
 in the ditch would not believe the signal to be genuine, 
 and struck their own buglers who attempted to repeat it. 
 "Gathering in dark groups, and leaning on their muskets," 
 says Napier, "they looked up in sullen desperation at Trini- 
 dad, while the enemy, stepping out on the ramparts, and 
 aiming their shots by the light of fire-balls, which they
 
 ISO HISTORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 threw over, asked as their victims fell, 'Why they did not 
 come into Badajos.' " 
 
 All this while, curiously enough, Picton was actually 
 in Badajos, and held the castle securely, but made no 
 attempt to clear the breach. On the extreme west of the 
 town, however, at the bastion of San Vincente, the fifth 
 division made an attack as desperate as that which was 
 failing at the breaches. When the stormers actually 
 reached the bastion, the Portuguese battalions, who 
 formed part of the attack, dismayed by the tremendous 
 fire which broke out on them, flung down their ladders 
 and fled. The British, however, snatched the ladders up, 
 forced the barrier, jumped into the ditch, and tried to 
 climb the walls. These were thirty feet high, and the 
 ladders were too short. A mine was sprung in the ditch 
 under the soldiers' feet; beams of wood, stones, broken 
 wagons, and live shells were poured upon their heads 
 from above. Showers of grape from the flank swept the 
 ditch. 
 
 The stubborn soldiers, however, discovered a low spot 
 in the rampart, placed three ladders against it, and climbed 
 with reckless valor. The first man was pushed up by his 
 comrades; he, in turn, dragged others up, and the un- 
 conquerable British at length broke through and swept 
 the bastion. The tumult still stormed and raged at the 
 eastern breaches, where the men of the light and fourth 
 division were dying sullenly, and the men of the fifth 
 division marched at speed across the town to take the 
 great eastern breach in the rear. The streets were empty, 
 but the silent houses were bright with lamps. The men 
 of the fifth pressed on; they captured mules carrying am-
 
 MODERN SPAIN. 181 
 
 monition to the breaches, and the French, startled by the 
 tramp of the fast-approaching column, and finding them- 
 selves taken in the rear, fled. The light and fourth divis- 
 ions broke through the gap hitherto barred by flame and 
 steel, and Badajos was won! 
 
 In that dreadful night assault the English lost three 
 thousand five hundred men. "Let it be considered," says 
 Napier, "that this frightful carnage took place in the 
 space of less than a hundred yards square that the slain 
 died not all suddenly, nor by one manner of death that 
 some perished by steel, some by shot, some by water; 
 that some were crushed and mangled by heavy weights, 
 some trampled upon, some dashed to atoms by the fiery 
 explosions that for hours this destruction was endured 
 without shrinking, and the town was won at last. Let 
 these things be considered, and it must be admitted a 
 British army bears with it an awful power. And false 
 would it be to say the French were feeble men. The 
 garrison stood and fought manfully and with good disci- 
 pline, behaving worthily. Shame there was none on any 
 side. Yet who shall do justice to the bravery of the Brit- 
 ish soldiers or the noble emulation of the officers? . . . 
 No age, no {nation, ever sent forth braver troops to battle 
 than those who stormed Badajos." 
 
 In addition to Badajos, the siege of Ciudad Rodrigo 
 and of San Sebastian deserve mention. The annals of 
 strife nowhere record assaults more daring than those 
 which raged hi turn around these three great fortresses. 
 Of them all that of Badajos was the most picturesque and 
 bloody; that of San Sebastian the most sullen and exas- 
 perating; that of Ciudad Rodrigo too swiftest and most
 
 182 HISTORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 brilliant. A great siege tests the fighting quality of anj 
 army as nothing else can test it. In the night watches in 
 the trenches, in the dogged toil of the batteries, and the 
 crowded perils of the breach, all the frippery and much of 
 the real discipline of an army dissolves. The soldiers fall 
 back upon what may be called the primitive fighting quali- 
 ties the hardihood of the individual soldier, the daring 
 with which the officers will lead, the dogged loyalty with 
 which the men will follow. As an illustration of the war- 
 like qualities in a race by which empire has been achieved, 
 nothing better can be desired than the story of how the 
 breaches were won at Ciudad Rodrigo. 
 
 At the end of 1811 the English and the French were 
 watching each other jealously across the Spanish border. 
 The armies of Marmont and of Soult, sixty-seven thousand 
 strong, lay within touch of each other, barring Welling- 
 ton's entrance into Spain. Wellington, with thirty-five 
 thousand men, of whom not more than ten thousand men 
 were British, lay within sight of the Spanish frontier. It 
 was the winter time. Wellington's army was wasted by 
 sickness, his horses were dying of mere starvation, his men 
 had received no pay for three months, and his muleteers 
 none for eight months. He had no siege train, his regi- 
 ments were ragged and hungry, and the French generals 
 confidently reckoned the British army as, for the moment 
 at least, une quantite negligeable. 
 
 And yet at that precise moment, Wellington, subtle and 
 daring, was meditating a leap upon the great frontier for- 
 tress of Ciudad Rodrigo, in the Spanish province of Sala- 
 manca. Its capture would give him a safe base of opera- 
 tions against Spain j it was the great frontier place d'armes
 
 JtODERA SPAIN. 183 
 
 for the French; the whole siege-equipage and stores of the 
 army of Portugal were contained in it. The problem of 
 how, in the depth of winter, without materials for a siege, 
 to snatch a place so strong from under the very eyes of 
 two armies, each stronger than his own, was a problem 
 which might have taxed the warlike genius of a Csesar. 
 But Wellington accomplished it with a combination of 
 subtlety and audacity simply marvelous. 
 
 He kept the secret of his design so perfectly that his 
 own engineers never suspected it, and his adjutant-gen- 
 eral, Murray, went home on leave without dreaming any- 
 thing was going to happen. "Wellington collected artillery 
 ostensibly for the purpose of arming Almeida, but the guns 
 were transshipped at sea and brought secretly to the mouth 
 of the Douro. No less than eight hundred mule-carts were 
 constructed without anybody guessing their purpose. Well- 
 ington, while these preparations were on foot, was keenly 
 watching Marmont and Soult, till he saw that they were 
 lulled into a state of mere yawning security, and then, in 
 Napier's expressive phrase, he "instantly jumped with both 
 feet upon Ciudad Rodrigo." 
 
 This famous fortress, in shape, roughly resembles a 
 triangle with the angles truncated. The base, looking to 
 the south, is covered by the Agueda, a river given to sud- 
 den inundations; the fortifications were strong and formi- 
 dably armed; as outworks it had to the east the great 
 fortified Convent of San Francisco, to the west a similar 
 building called Santa Cruz; while almost parallel with the 
 northern face rose two rocky ridges called the Great and 
 Small Teson, the nearest within six hundred yards of the 
 city ramparts, and crowned by a formidable redoubt called
 
 184 HISTORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 Francisco. The siege began on January 8. The soil was 
 rocky and covered with snow, the nights were black, the 
 weather bitter. The men lacked intrenching tools. They 
 had to encamp on the side of the Agueda furthest from 
 the city, and ford that river every time the trenches were 
 relieved. The 1st, 3d, and light divisions formed the at- 
 tacking force; each division held the trenches in turn for 
 twenty-four hours. Let the reader imagine what degree 
 of hardihood it took to wade in the gray and bitter winter 
 dawn through a half-frozen river, and, without fire or 
 warm food, and under a ceaseless rain of shells from the 
 enemy's guns, to toil in the frozen trenches, or to keep 
 watch, while the icicles hung from eyebrow and beard, 
 over the edge of the battery for twenty-four hours in 
 succession. 
 
 Nothing in this great siege is more wonderful than the 
 fierce speed with which "Wellington urged his operations. 
 Massena, who had besieged and captured the city the year 
 before in the height of summer, spent a month in bom- 
 barding it before he ventured to assault. Wellington broke 
 ground on January 8, under a tempest of mingled hail and 
 rain; he stormed it on the night of the 19th. 
 
 He began operations by leaping on the strong work 
 that crowned the Great Teson the very night the siege 
 began. Two companies from each regiment of the light 
 division were detailed by the officer of the day, Colonel 
 Colborne, for the assault. Oolborne (afterward Lord Sea- 
 ton), a cool and gallant soldier, called his officers together 
 in a group and explained with great minuteness how they 
 were to attack. He then lanched his men against the re- 
 doubt with a vehemence so swift that, to those who
 
 MODERN SPAIN. 185 
 
 watched the scene under the light of a wintry moon, the 
 column of redcoats, like the thrust of a crimson sword- 
 blade, spanned the ditch, shot up the glacis, and broke 
 through the parapet with a single movement. The acci- 
 dental explosion of a French shell burst the gate open, 
 and the remainder of the attacking party instantly swept 
 through it. There was fierce musketry fire and a tumult 
 of shouting for a moment or two, but in twenty minutes 
 from Colborne's lanching his attack every Frenchman in 
 the redoubt was killed, wounded, or a prisoner. 
 
 The fashion in which the gate was blown open was very 
 curious. A French sergeant was in the act of throwing 
 a live shell upon the storming party in the ditch, when 
 he was struck by an English bullet. The lighted shell 
 fell from his hands within the parapet, was kicked away 
 by the nearest French in mere self-preservation; it rolled 
 toward the gate, exploded, burst it open, and instantly the 
 British broke in. 
 
 For ten days a desperate artillery duel raged between 
 the besiegers and [.the besieged. The parallels were reso- 
 lutely pushed on in spite of rocky soil, broken tools, bitter 
 weather, and the incessant pelting of the French guns. 
 The temper of the British troops is illustrated by an inci- 
 dent which George Napier the youngest of the three 
 Napiers relates. The three brothers were gallant and 
 remarkable soldiers. Charles Napier in India and else- 
 where made history; "William, in his wonderful tale of 
 the Peninsular War, wrote history; and George, if he had 
 not the literary genius of the one nor the strategic skill 
 of the other, was a most gallant soldier. "I was a field- 
 officer of the trenches," he says, "when a 13-inch shell
 
 186 HISTORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 from the town fell in the midst of us. I called to the 
 men to lie down flat, and they instantly obeyed orders, 
 except one of them, an Irishman and an old marine, but 
 a most worthless drunken dog, who trotted up to the shell, 
 the fuse of which was still burning, and striking it with 
 his spade, knocked the fuse out; then taking the immense 
 shell in his hands, brought it to me, saying, 'There she is 
 for you now, yer 'anner. I've knocked the life out of the 
 crater.' " 
 
 The besieged brought fifty heavy guns to reply to the 
 thirty light pieces by which they were assailed, and day 
 and night the bellow of eighty pieces boomed sullenly over 
 the doomed city and echoed faintly back from the nearer 
 frilly while the walls crashed to the stroke of the bullet. 
 The English fire made up by fierceness and accuracy for 
 what it lacked in weight; but the sap made no progress, 
 the guns showed signs of being worn out, and, although 
 two apparent breaches had been made, the counterscarp 
 was not destroyed. Yet Wellington determined to attack, 
 and, in his characteristic fashion, to attack by night. The 
 siege had lasted ten days, and Marmont, with an army 
 stronger than his own, was lying within four marches. 
 That he had not appeared already on the scene was 
 wonderful. 
 
 In a general order issued on the evening of the 19th 
 "Wellington wrote, "Ciudad Rodrigo must be stormed this 
 evening." The great breach was a sloping gap in the wall 
 at its northern angle, about a hundred feet wide. The 
 French had crowned it with two guns loaded with grape, 
 the slope was strewn with bombs, hand-grenades and bags 
 of powder; a great mine pierced it beneath; a deep ditch
 
 MODERN SPAIN. 187 
 
 had been cut between the breach and the adjoining ram- 
 parts, and these were crowded with riflemen. The third 
 division, under General Mackinnon, was to attack the 
 breach, its forlorn hope being led by Ensign Mackie, its 
 storming party by General Mackinnon himself. The lesser 
 breach was a tiny gap, scarcely twenty feet wide, to the 
 left of the great breach; this was to be attacked by the 
 light division, under Craufurd, its forlorn hope of twenty- 
 five men being led by Gurwood, and its storming party by 
 George Napier. General Pack, with a Portuguese brigade, 
 was to make a sham attack on the eastern face, while a 
 fourth attack was to be made on the southern front by 
 a company of the 83d and some Portuguese troops. In 
 the storming party of the 83d were the Earl of March, 
 afterward Duke of Richmond; Lord Fitzroy Somerset, 
 afterward Lord Raglan; and the Prince of Orange all 
 volunteers without "Wellington's knowledge! 
 
 At seven o'clock a curious silence fell suddenly on the 
 battered city and the engirdling trenches. Not a light 
 gleamed from the frowning parapets, not a murmur 
 arose from the blackened trenches. Suddenly a shout 
 broke out on the right of the English attack; it ran, a 
 wave of stormy sound, along the line of the trenches. 
 The men who were to attack the great breach leaped 
 into the open. In a moment the space between the hos- 
 tile lines was covered with the stormers, and the gloomy, 
 half -seen face of the great fortress broke into a tempest 
 of fire. 
 
 Nothing could be finer than the vehement courage of 
 the assault, unless it were the cool and steady fortitude of 
 the defense. Swift as was the upward rush of the storm-
 
 188 HISTORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 ers, the race of the 5th, 77th, and 94th regiments was 
 almost swifter. Scorning to wait for the ladders, they 
 leaped into the great ditch, outpaced even the forlorn 
 hope, and pushed vehemently up the great breach, while 
 their red ranks were torn by shell and shot. The fire, 
 too, ran through the tangle of broken stones over which 
 they climbed; the hand-grenades and powder-bags by 
 which it was strewn exploded. The men were walking 
 on fire! Yet the attack could not be denied. The French- 
 men shooting, stabbing, yelling were driven behind their 
 intrenchments. There the fire of the houses commanding 
 the breach came to their help, and they made a gallant 
 stand. "None would go back on either side, and yet the 
 British could not get forward, and men and officers falling 
 in heaps choked up the passage, which from minute to 
 minute was raked with grape from two guns flanking the 
 top of the breach at the distance of a few yards. Thus 
 striving, and trampling alike upon the dead and the 
 wounded, these brave men maintained the combat." 
 
 It was the attack on the smaller breach which really 
 carried Ciudad Rodrigo; and George Napier, who led it, 
 has left a graphic narrative of the exciting experiences of 
 that dreadful night. The light division was to attack, and 
 Craufurd, with whom Napier was a favorite, gave him 
 command of the storming party. He was to ask for one 
 hundred volunteers from each of the three British regi- 
 ments the 43d, 52d, and the rifle corps in the division. 
 Napier halted these regiments just as they had forded the 
 bitterly cold river on their way to the trenches. "Sol- 
 diers," he said, "I want one hundred men from each regi 
 ment to form the storming party which is to lead the light
 
 MODERN SPAIN. 189 
 
 division to-night. Those who will go with me come for- 
 ward!" Instantly there was a rush forward of the whole 
 division, and Napier had to take his three hundred men 
 out of a tumult of nearly one thousand five hundred can- 
 didates. He formed them into three companies, under 
 Captains Ferguson, Jones, and Mitchell. Gurwood, of 
 the 52d, led the forlorn hope, consisting of twenty-five 
 men and two sergeants. Wellington himself came to the 
 trench and showed Napier and Colborne, through the 
 gloom of the early night, the exact position of the breach. 
 A staff-officer, looking on, said, "Your men are not 
 loaded. Why don't you make them load?" Napier re- 
 plied, "If we don't do the business with the bayonet we 
 shall not do it at all. I shall not load." "Let him 
 alone," said Wellington; "let him go his own way." 
 Picton had adopted the same grim policy with the third 
 division. As each regiment passed him, filing into the 
 trenches, his injunction was, "No powder! We'll do the 
 thing with the could iron." 
 
 A party of Portuguese carrying bags filled with grass 
 were to run with the storming party and throw the bags 
 into the ditch, as the leap was too deep for the men. But 
 the Portuguese hesitated, the tumult of the attack on the 
 great breach suddenly broke on the night, and the forlorn 
 hope went running up, leaped into the ditch a depth of 
 eleven feet, and clambered up the steep slope beyond, 
 while Napier with his stormers came with a run behind 
 them. In the dark for a moment the breach was lost, 
 but found again, and up the steep quarry of broken stone 
 the attack swept. 
 
 About two-thirds of the way up, Napier's arm was
 
 190 HISTORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 smashed by a grape-shot, and he fell. His men, checked 
 for a moment, lifted their muskets to the gap above them, 
 whence the French were firing vehemently, and forgetting 
 their pieces were unloaded, snapped them. "Push on with 
 the bayonet, men!" shouted Napier, as he lay bleeding. 
 The officers leaped to the front, the men with a stern shout 
 followed; they were crushed to a front of not more than 
 three or four. They had to climb without firing a shot in 
 reply up to the muzzles of the French muskets. 
 
 But nothing could stop the men of the light division. 
 A 24-pounder was placed across the narrow gap in the 
 ramparts; the stormers leaped over it, and the 43d and 
 62d, coming up in sections abreast, followed. The 43d 
 wheeled to the right toward the great breach, the 52d to 
 the left, sweeping the ramparts as they went. 
 
 Meanwhile the other two attacks had broken into the 
 town; but at the great breach the dreadful fight still 
 raged, until the 43d, coming swiftly along the ramparts, 
 and brushing all opposition aside, took the defense in the 
 rear. The British there had, as a matter of fact, at that 
 exact moment pierced the French defense. The two guns 
 that scourged the breach had wrought deadly havoc 
 among the stormers, and a sergeant and two privates 
 of the 88th Irishmen all, and whose names deserve to 
 be preserved Brazel, Kelly, and Swan laid down their 
 firelocks that they might climb more lightly, and, armed 
 only with their bayonets, forced themselves through the 
 embrasure among the French gunners. They were furi- 
 ously attacked, and Swan's arm was hewed off by a 
 saber stroke; but they stopped the service of the gun, 
 slew five or six of the French gunners, and held the post
 
 MODERN SPAIN. 191 
 
 until the men of the 5th, climbing behind them, broke 
 into the battery. 
 
 So Ciudad Rodrigo was won, and its governor surren- 
 dered his sword to the youthful lieutenant leading the 
 forlorn hope of the light division, who, with smoke-black- 
 ened face, torn uniform, and staggering from a dreadful 
 wound, still kept at the head of his men. 
 
 In the eleven days of the siege Wellington lost one 
 thousand three hundred men and officers, out of whom 
 six hundred and fifty men and sixty officers were struck 
 down on the slopes of the breaches. Two notable soldiers 
 died in the attack Craufurd, the famous leader of the 
 light division, as he brought his men up to the lesser 
 breach; and Mackinnon, who commanded a brigade of 
 the third division, at the great breach. Mackinnon was 
 a gallant Highlander, a soldier of great promise, beloved 
 by his men. His "children," as he called them, followed 
 him up the great breach till the bursting of a French 
 mine destroyed all the leading files, including their gen- 
 eral. Craufurd was buried in the lesser breach itself, 
 and Mackinnon in the great breach fitting graves for 
 soldiers so gallant. 
 
 Alison says that with the rush of the English storm- 
 ers up the breaches of Ciudad Rodrigo "began the fall of 
 the French empire." That siege, so fierce and brilliant, 
 was, as a matter of fact, the first of that swift-following 
 succession of strokes which drove the French in ruin out 
 of Spain, and it coincided in point of time with the turn 
 of the tide against Napoleon in Russia. 
 
 But, as already noted, the climax of the war occurred 
 
 at Vittoria. Wellington, overtaking the French at that 
 
 9
 
 192 HISTORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 place, inflicted on them a defeat which drove in utter 
 rout one hundred and twenty thousand veteran troops 
 from Spain. There is no more brilliant chapter in mili- 
 tary history; and, at its close, to quote Napier's clarion- 
 like sentences, "the English general, emerging from the 
 chaos of the Peninsular struggle, stood on the summit of 
 the Pyrenees a recognized conqueror. From those lofty 
 pinnacles the clangor of his trumpets pealed clear and 
 loud, and the splendor of his genius appeared as a flam- 
 ing beacon to warring nations." 
 
 The victory not only freed Spain from its invaders; it 
 restored the spirit of the allies. The close of the armis- 
 tice was followed by a union of Austria with the forces 
 of Prussia and the Czar; and in October a final over- 
 throw of Napoleon at Leipzig forced the French army to 
 fall back in rout across the Rhine. The war now hur- 
 ried to its close. Though held at bay for a while by the 
 sieges of San Sebastian and Pampeluna, as well as by an 
 obstinate defense of the Pyrenees, Wellington succeeded 
 in the very month of the triumph at Leipzig in winning 
 a victory on the Bidassoa which enabled him to enter 
 France. He was soon followed by the allies. On the 
 last day of 1813 their forces crossed the Rhine; and a 
 third of France passed, without opposition, into their 
 hands. For two months more Napoleon maintained a 
 wonderful struggle with a handful of raw conscripts 
 against their overwhelming numbers; while in the south, 
 Soult, forced from his intrenched camp near Bayonne and 
 defeated at Orthes, fell back before "Wellington on Tou- 
 louse. Here their two armies met in April in a stubborn 
 and indecisive engagement. But though neither leader
 
 MODERN SPAIN. 193 
 
 knew it, the war was even then at an end. The strug- 
 gle of Napoleon himself had ended at the close of March 
 with the surrender of Paris; and the submission of the 
 capital was at once followed by the abdication of the em- 
 peror and the return of Ferdinand. 
 
 After the convulsions it had endured Spain, required 
 a period of firm but conciliatory government; but the ill- 
 fate of the country gave the throne at this crisis to the 
 worst of her Bourbon kings. Ferdinand VII. had never 
 possessed the good qualities which popular credulity had 
 assigned to him, and he had learned nothing in his four 
 years' captivity except an aptitude for lying and intrigue. 
 He had no conception of the duties of a ruler; his public 
 conduct was regulated by pride and superstition, and his 
 private life was stained by the grossest sensual indul- 
 gence. 
 
 But Spain was not allowed to work out its own sal- 
 vation. Europe was dominated at this time by the Holy 
 Alliance, which disguised a resolution to repress popular 
 liberties and to maintain despotism under a pretended 
 zeal for piety, justice and brotherly love. At the Con- 
 gress of Verona (October, 1822), France, Austria, Russia 
 and Prussia agreed upon armed intervention in Spain, in 
 spite of the protest of Canning on the part of England. 
 Spain was to be called upon to alter her constitution and 
 to grant greater liberty to the king, and if an unsatisfac- 
 tory answer were received France was authorized to take 
 active measures. The demand was unhesitatingly refused, 
 and a French army, 100,000 strong, at once entered Spain 
 under the Duke of Angouleme (April, 1823). No effective 
 resistance was made, and Madrid was entered by the in-
 
 194 HISTORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 vaders (May 23). The Cortes, however, had carried off 
 the king to Seville, whence they again retreated to Cadiz. 
 The bombardment of that city terminated the revolution 
 and Ferdinand was released (October 1). His first act 
 was to revoke everything that had been done since 1819. 
 The Inquisition was not restored, but the secular tribu- 
 nals took a terrible revenge upon the leaders of the re- 
 bellion. The protest of the Duke of Angouleme against 
 these cruelties was unheeded. Even the fear of revolt, 
 the last check upon despotism, was removed by the pres- 
 ence of the French army, which remained in Spain till 
 1827. But Spain had to pay for the restoration of the 
 royal absolutism, as Canning backed up his protest against 
 the intervention of France by acknowledging the inde- 
 pendence of the Spanish colonies. 
 
 Ferdinand VII. was enabled to finish his worthless 
 and disastrous reign in comparative peace. In 1829 he 
 married a fourth wife, Maria Christina of Naples, and 
 at the same time he issued a "Pragmatic Sanction" 
 abolishing the Salic law in Spain. No one expected any 
 practical results from this edict, but a formal protest was 
 made against it by the king's brothers, Carlos and Fran- 
 cisco, and also by the French and Neapolitan Bourbons. 
 In the next year, however, the queen gave birth to a 
 daughter, Isabella, who was proclaimed as queen on her 
 father's death in 1833, while her mother undertook the 
 office of regent. Don Carlos at once asserted his inten- 
 tion of maintaining the Salic law, and rallied round him 
 all the supporters of absolutism, especially the inhabitants 
 of the Basque Provinces. Christina was compelled to rely 
 upon the Liberals, and to conciliate them by the grant
 
 MODERN SPAIN. 195 
 
 of a constitution, the estatuto real, which established two 
 chambers chosen by indirect election. But this constitu- 
 tion, drawn up under the influence of Louis Philippe of 
 France, failed to satisfy the advanced Liberals, and the 
 Christinos split into two parties, the Moderados and Pro- 
 gresistas. In 1836 the latter party extorted from the 
 regent the revival of the constitution of 1812. All this 
 time the government was involved in a desperate strug- 
 gle with the Carlists, who at first gained considerable 
 successes under Zumalacarregui and Cabrera. But the 
 death of Zumalacarregui in 1835 and the support of 
 France and England ultimately gave the regent the 
 upper hand, and in 1839 her general, Espartero, forced 
 the Basque Provinces to submit to Isabella. Don Carlos 
 renounced his claims in favor of his eldest son, another 
 Carlos, and retired to Trieste, where he died in 1855. 
 Christina now tried to sever herself from the Progresistas, 
 and to govern with the help of the moderate party who 
 enjoyed the patronage of Louis Philippe. But England, 
 jealous of French influence at Madrid, threw the weight 
 of her influence on to the side of the Radicals, who found 
 a powerful leader in Espartero. In 1840 Christina had to 
 retire to France, and Espartero was recognized as regent 
 by the Cortes. But his elevation was resented by the 
 other officers, while his subservience to England made 
 him unpopular, and in 1843 he also had to go into exile. 
 Isabella was now declared of age. Christina returned to 
 Madrid, and the Moderados under Narvaez obtained com- 
 plete control over the government. This was a great vic- 
 tory for France, and Louis Philippe abused his success by 
 negotiating the infamous "Spanish marriages." A hus-
 
 196 HISTORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 band was found for Isabella in her cousin, Francis of 
 Assis, whose recommendation in French eyes was the im- 
 probability of his begetting children. On the same day 
 the queen's sister, Maria Louisa, was married to Louis 
 Philippe's son, the Duke of Montpensier. By this means 
 it was hoped to secure the reversion of the Spanish throne 
 for the House of Orleans. The scheme recoiled on the 
 heads of those who framed it. The alienation of England 
 gave a fatal impulse to the fall of Louis Philippe, while 
 the subsequent birth of children to Isabella deprived the 
 Montpensier marriage of all importance. 
 
 Spanish history during the reign of Isabella II. pre- 
 sents a dismal picture of faction and intrigue. The 
 queen herself sought compensation for her unhappy mar- 
 riage in sensual indulgence, and tried to cover the disso- 
 luteness of her private life by a superstitious devotion to 
 religion and by throwing her influence onto the side of 
 the clerical and reactions! party. Every now and then 
 the Progresistas and Moderados forced themselves into 
 office, but their mutual jealousy prevented them from 
 acquiring any permanent hold upon the government. In 
 1866 Isabella was induced to take vigorous measures 
 against the Liberal opposition. Narvaez was appointed 
 chief minister; and the most prominent Liberals, Serrano, 
 Prim and O'Donnell, had to seek safety in exile. The 
 Cortes were dissolved, and many of the deputies were 
 transported to the Canary Islands. The ascendency of the 
 court party was maintained by a rigorous persecution, 
 which was continued after Narvaez's death (April, 1868) 
 by Gonzales Bravo. Common dangers succeeded at last 
 in combining the various sections of the Liberals for
 
 MODERN SPAIN. 197 
 
 mutual defense, and the people, disgusted by the scandals 
 of the court and the contemptible camarilla which sur- 
 rounded the queen, rallied to their side. In September, 
 1868, Serrano and Prim returned to Spain, where they 
 raised the standard of revolt and offered the people the 
 bribe of universal suffrage. The revolution was speedily 
 accomplished and Isabella fled to France, but the suc- 
 cessful rebels were at once confronted with the difficulty 
 of finding a successor for her. During the interregnum 
 Serrano undertook the regency and the Cortes drew up a 
 new constitution by which an hereditary king was to 
 rule in conjunction with a senate and a popular cham- 
 ber. As no one of the Bourbon candidates for the throne 
 was acceptable, it became necessary to look around for 
 some foreign prince. The offer of the crown to Leopold 
 of Hohenzollern - Sigmaringen excited the jealousy of 
 France, and gave Napoleon III. the opportunity of pick- 
 ing a quarrel, which proved fatal to himself, with the 
 rising state of Prussia. At last a king was found (1870) 
 in Amadeus of Aosta, the second son of Victor Emman- 
 uel, who made an honest effort to discharge the difficult 
 office of a constitutional king in a country which was 
 hardly fitted for constitutional government. But he found 
 the task too hard and too distasteful, and resigned in 1873. 
 A provisional republic was now formed, of which Castelar 
 was the guiding spirit. But the Spaniards, trained to re- 
 gard monarchy with superstitious reverence, had no sym- 
 pathy with republican institutions. Don Carlos seized the 
 opportunity to revive the claim of inalienable male suc- 
 cession, and raised the standard of revolt in the Basque 
 Provinces, where his name was still a power. The dis-
 
 198 HISTORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 orders of the democrats and the approach of civil war 
 threw the responsibility of government upon the army. 
 The Cortes were dissolved by a military coup d'etat; 
 Castelar threw up his office in disgust; and the admin- 
 istration was undertaken by a committee of officers. An- 
 archy was suppressed with a strong hand, but it was 
 obvious that order could only be restored by reviving the 
 monarchy. Foreign princes were no longer thought of, 
 and the crown was offered to and accepted by Alfonso 
 XII., the young son of the exiled Isabella (1874). His 
 first task was to terminate the Carlist war, which still 
 continued in the north, and this was successfully accom- 
 plished in 1876. Time was required to restore the pros- 
 perity of Spain under a peaceful and orderly government 
 and to consolidate by prescription the authority of the re- 
 stored dynasty. Unfortunately a premature death carried 
 off Alfonso XII. in 1885, before he could complete the 
 work which circumstances laid upon him. The regency 
 was intrusted to his widow, Christina of Austria, and the 
 birth of a posthumous son (May 17, 1886), who is now the 
 titular king of Spain, has excited a feeling of pitying 
 loyalty which may help to secure the Bourbon dynasty in 
 the last kingdom which is left to it.
 
 CHAPTER IX 
 COLONIAL SPAIF 
 
 COLUMBUS SIGHTING OF SAN SALVADOR RETURN OF 
 
 COLUMBUS FOUNDING OF AN EMPIRE MEXICO AND 
 
 PERU THE WEST INDIES GERMS OF REBELLION 
 
 IN August, 1492, Columbus sailed on his voyage of 
 discovery. In September, 1898, his remains were con- 
 veyed from the New World to the Old. Between those 
 two dates an empire rose and fell. The causes which led 
 to the one and the effects which precipitated the other 
 may now be conveniently considered. 
 
 In earlier years Cadiz was a famous seaport. Her 
 sons were immemorial explorers. The presentiment of a 
 land across the sea was theirs by intuition. Constantly 
 they extended their expeditions, and would have extended 
 them still further had not the Church interfered. The 
 spirit of enterprise, checked as heretical, revived cent- 
 uries later in a neighboring land. It was Portugal that 
 it inspired. There the work of exploration and discovery 
 was resumed. The island of Madeira was reached in 1420, 
 the Azores annexed in 1431. But it was along the Afri- 
 can coast that Portuguese effort was mainly directed. 
 Tradition asserted that the entire continent had been cir- 
 cumnavigated centuries before by voyagers from Phoe- 
 nicia; but, as no details were recorded, the adventure was 
 
 (199)
 
 200 H1S1ORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 regarded as something more than dubious. However, 
 the west coast began now to be systematically explored. 
 Nuno Tristao entered the Senegal River in 1445; a year 
 later Diniz Dias, a fellow-navigator, sailed as far as Cape 
 Verd. The equator was not crossed until 1471, the Congo 
 was revealed in 1484; and in 1486 the crowning feat of 
 all was accomplished, when Bartholomew Diaz rounded 
 the Stormy Cape, soon to become known as the Cape of 
 Good Hope, and opened up communication with the East 
 by water, instead of overland or by the indirect route of 
 the Red Sea, which necessitated the transshipment of all 
 merchandise conveyed that way. 
 
 The expedition to the west which Columbus ultimately 
 directed was conceived by him in 1474, and unfolded to 
 John II., king of Portugal, by whom, however, it was 
 rejected; whereupon Columbus dispatched his brother Bar- 
 tholomew to enter into negotiations with Henry VII. of 
 England, and after assuring himself that neither Genoa 
 nor Venice were likely to lend him a willing ear, much 
 less ready help, he repaired to the south of Spain in 1485. 
 
 Had Bartholomew not fallen into the hands of pirates, 
 and so been prevented from reaching his destination for 
 several years, it is more than probable that the credit as 
 well as the profit of the discovery of America would have 
 fallen at once to England, as Henry had both the means 
 and the inclination to indulge in some such venture, pro- 
 vided it was not too costly, and showed any reasonable 
 prospect of success. As it was, Christopher was left to 
 pursue his pleadings before the Spanish Court. 
 
 It r as an unfortunate time to put forward any pro- 
 posals calculated to divert the wealth and strength of the
 
 COLONIAL SPAIN. 201 
 
 kingdom beyond its own borders; for Ferdinand and Isa- 
 bella were then in the very midst of the campaign which 
 ended in the final overthrow of the Moorish dominion in 
 the Peninsula. 
 
 Ultimately, however, after the fall of Granada and 
 eighteen years of waiting, his proposals were accepted 
 by Isabella and his hopes realized. A royal edict con- 
 stituted him perpetual and hereditary admiral and viceroy 
 of any territories discovered, together with a tenth of 
 any profits derived therefrom. With this edict and funds 
 advanced by the receiver of ecclesiastical revenues, Co- 
 lumbus hastened to the port of Palos. There, two broth- 
 ers by the name of Pinzon aiding, he got togjether a crew 
 of a hundred and twenty men, a scratch armada of three 
 leaky tubs the "Santa Maria," the "Pinta" and the 
 "Nina" and, on the 3d of August, 1492, weighed anchor 
 for pastures new. 
 
 Columbus, as admiral of the fleet, commanded the 
 "Santa Maria"; the two Pinzons, Martin Alonzo and 
 Vicente Yanez, the "Pinta" and "Nina" respectively. 
 The expressed object of the voyage was to convert the 
 Grand Khan, supposed to be the great potentate of the 
 Far East, to Christianity; and Columbus never doubted 
 but that in due course he would arrive at Japan, or Zi- 
 pangu, as it had been named by the Venetian explorer, 
 Marco Polo, who had reached it by an overland route 
 more than a century before, and had described its won- 
 ders, together with those of Cathay or China, through 
 which he passed on his way. The one condition imposed 
 was, that the squadron should not touch at any place on 
 the African continent, claimed to be under Portuguese
 
 202 HISTORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 jurisdiction, as that would have led to immediate hostili- 
 ties between the two countries. 
 
 The details of the voyage are sufficiently familiar to 
 dispense with narration here. It will suffice to note that 
 after seventy days the island of San Salvador, as it was 
 then named, hove in sight; that on the 28th of October, 
 sixteen days later, Cuba was discovered, and that on the 
 6th of December Hayti was reached. 
 
 Several circumstances then made it advisable for Co- 
 lumbus to return to Spain without further delay. He 
 had seen enough to be convinced that a much larger 
 force than he had under his command would be neces- 
 sary to make the subjugation of these newly acquired 
 territories effective; news of the discovery might reach 
 Europe before him, and be taken advantage of by some 
 other sovereign than the one to whom he was devoted; 
 and he had now sufficient treasure of various kinds to 
 convince the most skeptical of the complete success of his 
 enterprise. After constructing a small fort, and leaving 
 a portion of the crew, at their own desire, to garrison it 
 until he should return, he set sail for home with the 
 "Nina" on the 4th of January, 1493. 
 
 Reaching Palos on the 13th of March, Columbus was 
 immediately summoned to Barcelona, where Ferdinand 
 and Isabella were then domiciled, made a triumphal entry 
 into the city, and, on his arrival at the royal residence, 
 was welcomed by the king and queen in person, who com- 
 manded him to be seated by their side, while he related 
 the account of his adventures. 
 
 Meanwhile the report of the discovery had spread. 
 Portugal sought to take advantage of it through the
 
 COLONIAL SPAIN. 203 
 
 theory that all heathen countries were in the gift of the 
 Pope, which gift a Bull had already confirmed. But, 
 Spain protesting, a subsequent Bull confirmed the Portu- 
 guese in their existing possessions, and granted them all 
 territory that should be discovered east of a line drawn 
 from north to south, one hundred leagues west of the 
 Azores, while the Spaniards were to enjoy exclusive do- 
 minion over everything west of it. 
 
 This was regarded as so unsatisfactory by Portugal, 
 that at its instigation, negotiations between the two coun- 
 tries were opened, and resulted the following year in the 
 conclusion of the Treaty of Tordesillas, by which it was 
 agreed to move the line three hundred and seventy 
 leagues west of the Azores; a most important change, 
 because by it Portugal subsequently established its claim 
 to the Brazils, a portion of which was found to fall east 
 of the line of demarcation, while it could urge the further 
 plea of having been first hi the field, through the acci- 
 dental deviation of Cabral. At any rate, the whole world 
 outside Europe was leased in perpetuity to Spam and 
 Portugal; and had the pretensions of the Holy See in 
 things temporal as well as spiritual continued to be recog- 
 nized, neither England, France, nor Germany could to- 
 day own a square yard of territory in the three greatest 
 continents of the world. 
 
 While the negotiations were in progress, preparations 
 for a second expedition on a vastly greater scale were rap- 
 idly pushed forward. The direction of them was intrusted 
 to a cleric named Fonseca, a capable man of business, but 
 who for some reason or other conceived a violent dislike 
 to Columbus, and threw every obstacle in his way. The
 
 204 HISTORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 eagerness to embark on this second voyage was far more 
 marked than the reluctance exhibited in the first, and the 
 best blood of Spain pressed into the service. The number 
 of adventurers was originally limited to a thousand; but 
 the applications were so numerous, from those who be- 
 lieved that" fortunes were waiting to be picked up in the 
 New World, that this was raised to twelve hundred, and 
 fifteen hundred actually sailed in seventeen vessels from 
 the Bay of Cadiz on the 25th of September, 1493. All 
 was keen anticipation during the voyage, the disappoint- 
 ments only commenced at its termination. 
 
 "Into these," says Mr. R. J. Root, whose account we 
 quote, "there is no occasion to enter now. The main point 
 of interest is, that a sufficiently large force of Spaniards 
 had taken part in the enterprise to confirm the possession 
 of the New World to their country, and defeat any at- 
 tempts that Portugal might be likely to make to filch it 
 away. After establishing a settlement at Isabella on the 
 north of Hayti, or Hispaniola, as it was then named, 
 Columbus was free to prosecute further explorations, the 
 principal one being to sail along the southern shores of 
 Cuba; but, after continuing his voyage to within a few 
 miles of its western extremity, he arrived at the conclusion 
 that it was the mainland, and reported to that effect nor 
 was it until after his death that it was proved to be an 
 island. Everything was claimed for the Spanish crown; 
 and, as there were absolutely no competitors, it can well 
 be understood how the entire group of islands constituting 
 the West Indies became Spanish colonies. 
 
 "Various causes compelled Columbus to relinquish his 
 exploration and return, first to Hispaniola and then to
 
 COLONIAL SPAIN. 205 
 
 Spain. For one thing, the two vessels with which he set 
 sail were ill-provisioned. With that confidence in his own 
 judgment which was so characteristic of the man, he relied 
 upon encountering at no great distance those civilized, or 
 at least semi-civilized, nations of which he had come in 
 search, but instead he met only the fierce tribes of Cuba 
 and Jamaica, who offered resistance, not welcome, and 
 arrows in lieu of food. 
 
 "On his return to the colony, affairs were in a most 
 unsatisfactory condition. The last thing most of the colo- 
 nists dreamed of when they left their native shores was 
 work. They had gone out, as they fondly imagined, to 
 pick up the gold as it lay at their feet, and when they 
 had accumulated sufficient, meant to return and enjoy it. 
 Though Columbus had never promised, nor even suggested 
 anything of the sort, his brilliant descriptions and antici- 
 pations were undoubtedly responsible for the ideas so freely 
 indulged, and the indignation against him rose just as rap- 
 idly as hopes were blasted. Complaints were finding their 
 way to Spain, and lest he should be prejudiced in the eyes 
 of his sovereigns, he determined to embark thence and 
 render a personal account of his stewardship. 
 
 "The voyage home was, if anything, more protracted, 
 and entailed greater hardships, than the previous one. 
 Columbus arrived at Cadiz on the 1st June, 1496, and 
 met with a warmer reception than he had dared to hope 
 for. But intrigue was busy, and his arch-enemy Fonseca, 
 who was by this time in almost undisputed control of colo- 
 nial affairs, threw numerous and persistent obstacles in 
 the way of his fitting out another expedition. The stories 
 told by returned colonists of the want and suffering they
 
 206 HISTORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 had endured were not conducive to others volunteering for 
 the service, and it was only on the 30th May, 1498, that 
 the admiral was again able to set sail from San Lucar 
 with a small fleet of six vessels, manned almost entirely 
 by convicts specially released. 
 
 "A more southerly course was taken than on either of 
 the previous occasions, and the first place touched was the 
 island of Trinidad. ' Sailing round it from the southwest, 
 the ships were suddenly caught and swept along by a 
 mighty current, which Columbus discovered to be of fresh 
 water, and rightly judged to be poured out of some vast 
 river. He had, in fact, reached the coast of South Amer- 
 ica, and was in the waters of the Orinoco as they rushed 
 to mingle with the ocean. The natives proved of a more 
 friendly disposition as well as of superior type to those 
 encountered in many of the islands; and as they possessed 
 gold, and also something still more precious, pearls, every 
 encouragement was given them to trade. They were just 
 as eager after the trumpery toys of the Old World as the 
 inhabitants of San Salvador had been the first time they 
 were ever exhibited in the New, and we may be sure the 
 bargains made were very profitable to the Spaniards. Still, 
 these were not the people Columbus had come in search of, 
 and his inquiries and labors were diligently directed to the 
 discovery of a passage which should lead him still further 
 west to the dominions of the Grand Khan. 
 
 "After some time vainly spent in exploring the coast 
 with this object, an affection of the eyes compelled him to 
 desist and make once more for Hispaniola, where he had 
 left his brother Bartholomew as governor during his ab- 
 sence. A strange welcome awaited him, however. In
 
 COLONIAL SPAIN. 207 
 
 response to the continued complaints of the colonists, a 
 commissioner had been dispatched from Spain to inquire 
 into their grievances, and certain powers were intrusted 
 to him to assume authority in the island in case of neces- 
 sity. Deeply impressed with a sense of his own impor- 
 tance, Francisco Bobadilla, the officer appointed, immedi- 
 ately on his arrival began to act in the most reckless and 
 arbitrary manner; and the discoverer of the New "World, 
 without any warning, found himself arrested, loaded with 
 chains, thrown into prison, and finally sent home to Spain 
 in this ignominious fashion. 
 
 "Great was the public, still greater the royal indigna- 
 tion, when he arrived in this sorry plight; every effort 
 was made to soothe the feelings so deeply wounded by this 
 dire insult, and Bobadilla would have paid dearly for his 
 temerity had he survived to answer for his misdeeds. But 
 news had reached Spain of the wonderful riches of the 
 Gulf of Paria some time before the arrival of Columbus, 
 and the malignant and untiring Fonseca, in direct contra- 
 vention of the charter conveying the rights to the admiral, 
 stimulated private enterprise to follow in the track, taking 
 the utmost possible advantage of whatever information he 
 had gained in his official capacity, and imparting it to 
 others. An expedition was fitted out under Alonso de 
 Ojeda, one of the most dare-devil adventurers who ever 
 quitted the shores of his own or any other country, and 
 whose marvelous exploits in Hispaniola had already ex- 
 cited the wonder and admiration of men long accustomed 
 to feats of skill and courage. Accompanying him was 
 Amerigo Vespucci, a Venetian navigator, who strangely 
 enough was destined to give his name to the whole of the
 
 208 HISTORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 vast continent which he was about to visit for the first 
 time, though he never accomplished anything of practical 
 importance in it. Several other ships were fitted out, in- 
 cluding a caravel of fifty tons' burden by Pedro Alonso 
 Nino, which performed the most lucrative voyage of any 
 vessel or squadron equipped up to that time, and returned 
 home well freighted with pearls and other costly treasure. 
 This was quite sufficient to stimulate ambition as well as 
 greed, and when Columbus arrived he had the mortifica- 
 tion of learning that others were actively exploiting his 
 preserves. 
 
 ""While these events were happening, another enter- 
 prise was undertaken quite beyond the cognizance of the 
 Spanish authorities. Bartholomew Columbus, it will be 
 remembered, had proceeded on a mission to Henry VII. 
 some years previous; and when the English monarch 
 learned that the most sanguine anticipations had been 
 realized, he was anxious to share in the results. As 
 early as 1495 he endeavored to equip and dispatch a 
 squadron of his own, but it was not until two years 
 later that Sebastian Cabot, despite the existence of the 
 Papal Bull, set sail from Bristol. Steering a direct west- 
 erly course, he struck the coast of Newfoundland, and 
 leisurely sailed south almost to the extreme point of Flor- 
 ida, ere he resumed his homeward journey. The Spanish 
 government naturally protested against this infringement 
 of its rights, and Henry found it politic to listen, as he 
 was then in close alliance, and engaged in negotiating 
 the marriage between his son and Katharine of Aragon, 
 which subsequently proved so pregnant to the religious 
 and ecclesiastical destinies of England. It was at a later
 
 COLONIAL SPAIN. 209 
 
 period, and under totally different circumstances, that the 
 Anglo-Saxon race was to occupy and overrun the north- 
 ern continent. 
 
 "Columbus himself was spared to undertake one more 
 voyage, and this tune it was to be confined exclusively 
 to the continent, he being absolutely forbidden to land 
 at Hispaniola, where Nicolas Ovando, with a force of all 
 sorts and conditions of men, numbering two thousand five 
 hundred, had been installed as governor; and so jealous 
 was he of any interference with his prerogatives that, 
 when the admiral was driven by stress of weather to 
 take shelter in the harbor of San Domingo, he was or- 
 dered to quit instantly. 
 
 "This proved the most disastrous of all his voyages. 
 After exploring the coasts of Honduras and Central Amer- 
 ica generally, in search of the non-existent channel, until 
 the provisions were in such a state that they could only 
 be eaten in the dark, it was decided to land, despite the 
 fierce opposition of the natives, and plant a permanent 
 settlement under Bartholomew, who accompanied his 
 brother. This, however, had to be abandoned; and on 
 the way back the only remaining vessel ran aground in 
 Dry Harbor in Jamaica, and became a total wreck, the 
 most incredible suffering, aggravated by constant mutiny, 
 being experienced, until the remnant of the crew was 
 eventually relieved. 
 
 "Columbus having shown the way to the mainland, 
 as well as the islands, it was left to others to reveal the 
 vast extent and natural wealth of what he had discov- 
 ered, and he died on the 20th May, 1506, in complete ig- 
 norance of many of the most important facts which his
 
 210 HISTORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 genius and tenacity permitted to be made known for the 
 first time to the civilized world. 
 
 "Columbus and his immediate followers hit upon the 
 most unpromising part of the American Continent, where 
 the damp, hot atmosphere, with its resulting rank and 
 profuse vegetation, makes human existence intolerable if 
 not wellnigh impossible. As the land was known to con- 
 tain gold, however, the most persistent efforts were made 
 to settle in it, and two regular governments were estab- 
 lished under Alonzo de Ojeda and Diego de Nicuessa re- 
 spectively. Nothing but disaster resulted for many a long 
 year, and the greatest difficulties were experienced in ex- 
 tending or enlarging them in any direction but coastwise. 
 
 "Narrow as the isthmus is in the part selected, it ap- 
 peared impenetrable, until eventually the magic word gold 
 encouraged a few bold spirits to overcome every obstacle. 
 Wherever the adventurers went inland they heard of a 
 great sea and vast abundance of the precious metal in an 
 unknown land beyond. After incredible hardships, Vasco 
 Nunez de Balboa and a handful of followers forced their 
 way through the thickets and swamps, scaled the moun- 
 tain range which runs like a backbone along the isthmus, 
 and were rewarded for their pains when they reached the 
 summit by the sight of the great southern sea lying at 
 their feet. This occurred on the 26th September, 1513, 
 and on the following day the party descended the west- 
 ern slopes; Vasco Nunez, as its leader and commander, 
 taking possession of the Pacific Ocean on behalf of the 
 King of Spain, with all the ceremonies and formalities 
 customary on those occasions. 
 
 "How to take advantage of it was the question? Far
 
 COLONIAL SPAIN. 211 
 
 south, beyond where vision could reach, lay the golden 
 land. They were without ships or means of conveyance 
 of any sort, and the shore upon which they were now 
 stranded was dangerous as well as inhospitable. The ob- 
 servant and ingenious mind of Nunez, inferior only to 
 that of Columbus, evolved the idea of transporting mate- 
 rial across the isthmus for the construction of a fleet to 
 undertake the subjugation of all countries bordering on 
 the Southern Sea; and such was the work eventually 
 accomplished, though not by Nunez, who fell a victim 
 to the jealousy and treachery of Pedrarias Davila, a new 
 governor dispatched from Spain. It was left to one of 
 his lieutenants, Francisco Pizarro, to set forth on a defi- 
 nite expedition more than ten years later; and it was not 
 until nearly twenty years had elapsed that Peru was dis- 
 covered, and the rich kingdom of the Incas added to the 
 spoils of the Castilian monarch. 
 
 "Meanwhile, exploration had been busy on the eastern 
 side of the continent. Cuba, realized at length to be an 
 island, was regularly colonized in 1511, and the governor, 
 Diego Velasquez, being an enterprising and ambitious 
 man, dispatched an expedition westward. The great pen- 
 insula of Yucatan was reached, and the officers of the 
 little squadron were struck by the much higher state of 
 civilization exhibited by the natives than by any others 
 hitherto met with either in the islands or on the main- 
 land. The news of this led to the subsequent expedition 
 of Cortes, the story of whose conquest of Mexico reads 
 more like a fairy tale than the narrative of actual events 
 and hard realities. 
 
 "The years 1519, 1520 and 1521 were occupied by this,
 
 HISTORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 the greatest of all the enterprises undertaken by Spain in 
 the New World. Nor was there any lack of activity in 
 other directions. Juan Ponce sailed from Porto Eico 
 in 1512, in search of a spring whose waters insured per- 
 ennial youth to whoever drank of them, and found and 
 annexed Florida instead. More than one navigator 
 cruised southward as far as the Rio de la Plata, and 
 in 1520 Magellan reached the extremity of the southern 
 continent, and passed through the straits which bear his 
 name. Nor was Cortes idle after he had accomplished 
 his great work. North and south he sought to add to 
 the territory of New Spain, until all the countries of Cen- 
 tral America on one side, and the peninsula of California 
 on the other, were brought under its sway. In less than 
 half a century from the day Columbus first set foot on 
 San Salvador, the entire continent, from Labrador to Pata- 
 gonia, had been visited, and by far the greater part of it 
 annexed to, and nominally ruled by, the Castilian crown. 
 "To return, however, to Hispaniola. The rapid ex- 
 haustion which mismanagement produced there, joined to 
 the absence of gold, led to the creation of other colonies. 
 The discovery of the fisheries, first at Paria, and then in 
 the islands of the Pacific, opened up an unexpected source 
 of wealth; but it was not until Montezuma offered his 
 munificent gifts to Cortes, to induce the latter to quit the 
 shores of Mexico, that the first great reservoir of the pre- 
 cious metals was tapped. Still, it must be remembered 
 that the great stores of gold discovered, first in Mexico, 
 and subsequently in Peru, did not in themselves imply 
 that these countries were capable of continuing to produce 
 unlimited quantities. They were the accumulations of
 
 COLONIAL SPAIN. 213 
 
 many years, possibly of many centuries; for, as there 
 was no foreign trade, everything produced which could 
 not be consumed had necessarily to be preserved or de- 
 stroyed. 
 
 "It may be wondered what value gold possessed in the 
 ideas of these people. That it was held in nothing like 
 the same esteem as by Europeans is certain; but in Peru, 
 at any rate, its production and preservation were assured, 
 from the fact that it was regarded as tears wept by the 
 sun, which was the god of the people, whose Incas, or 
 rulers, were called the Children of the Sun. In neither 
 case, then, is it surprising that the treasure was not clung 
 to with more tenacity. Both Montezuma and Atahualpa 
 set a higher value upon many other things ; and the quan- 
 tities seized by Cortes and Pizarro and their respective fol- 
 lowers, vast though it appeared in their eyes, and as it 
 really was in those days, was parted with, with scarcely 
 a pang of regret. That secured by Pizarro was by far 
 the greater spoil, and was supposed to be the price of the 
 freedom of the Inca himself, who offered to fill a room 
 35 feet by 17, and as high as a man could reach, with 
 gold plate in exchange for it. He did not quite succeed, 
 because Pizarro treacherously put him to death before the 
 task was completed, yet the amount realized for distribu- 
 tion was equivalent to something like three and a half 
 millions sterling ($17,500,000) of the money of to-day, and 
 enriched the commonest foot-soldier beyond the dreams of 
 avarice. 
 
 "It was silver, not gold, moreover, which eventually 
 made both countries at once the wonder and the envy of 
 the civilized world. The richest mines were unknown to
 
 214 HISTORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 the Indians, having only been discovered after the Spanish 
 conquest. Those of Zacotecas in Mexico were first worked 
 in 1532, while the more famous Potosi lode hi Peru was 
 laid bare in 1545, by a native scrambling up the side of a 
 mountain in pursuit of some llamas which had strayed 
 from his flock, and uprooting the shrubs to which he clung 
 for support. 
 
 "In the West Indies, meanwhile, the larger islands, 
 like Porto Rico, Cuba and Jamaica, were gradually colo- 
 nized, but the smaller ones were left alone; it can well be 
 understood that in the absence of any proved deposits of 
 gold they were scarcely worth attention, and it was suffi- 
 cient to keep a watch over them to defend them from the 
 incursions of other nations. With the conquest of Mexico, 
 however, the center of gravity was moved further west, 
 and still more so when followed by that of Peru, because 
 the only known route from the latter was by Panama and 
 across the isthmus. 
 
 "These territories were altogether too great for efficient 
 oversight ; that of Mexico stretching from California in the 
 north to Venezuela in the south, and including not only 
 the West Indies, but the far removed Philippines, while 
 that of Lima embraced the whole of South America both 
 east and west of the Andes. The great territories included 
 in the present Republics of Argentina, Uruguay and Para- 
 guay were looked upon as of little value, as they contained 
 neither gold nor silver ; and as every attempt made to set- 
 tle them only seemed to end in failure, little attention was 
 given to their affairs. They became, indeed, a distinct 
 source of loss to Spain, as they were found useful for pur- 
 poses of contraband trade; and eventually the gold and
 
 COLONIAL SPAIN. 215 
 
 silver, which could not be safely smuggled through the 
 ordinary ports of shipment, were conveyed across the 
 Andes and down the rivers to places of embarkation on 
 the Amazon or Rio de la Plata, where foreign ships 
 awaited the spoil and were ready to barter the coveted 
 produce and manufactures of Europe in exchange. When 
 these two viceroyalties were eventually subdivided, it was 
 not into east and west, but north and south, and New 
 Granada became the center of one; while the territories 
 now included in the United States were separated from 
 Mexico, and constituted the other. 
 
 "In Spain everybody, from the king in his palace to 
 the peasant in his hut, regarded the colonies simply as 
 a source of revenue and profit to himself, and when they 
 ceased to be this, they would be useless. The most strin- 
 gent regulations were adopted, therefore, against trading 
 or even communicating among themselves, or of engag- 
 ing in any industry, manufacturing or agricultural, which 
 was not indigenous to the country; indeed, Spain insisted 
 upon supplying everything it could grow or make which 
 would stand the sea voyage, at its own price. The culti- 
 vation of neither the olive nor the vine was permitted in 
 the New World, and severe penalties were inflicted upon 
 any one who had the temerity to disobey. Peru and Chili, 
 however, were specially exempted, owing to their immense 
 distance, and the damaged condition in which liquids gen- 
 erally arrived there, but they were not allowed to export 
 the produce to any neighboring country, and must con- 
 sume it themselves. The duties of the colonists were, in 
 fact, strictly limited to obtaining as much gold and silver 
 
 as they could, while the Spaniards at home were to take 
 
 10
 
 216 HISTORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 care that they retained as little of it as possible. For all 
 that, many fortunes were realized, principally by bullion 
 being smuggled out of the country; and had there not 
 been some such inducement, few men would have cared 
 to expatriate themselves, and live amid such uncomfor- 
 table surroundings. 
 
 "Precisely similar principles were observed in all mat- 
 ters relating to government. Every office of profit under 
 the crown, almost every emolument, however trivial, was 
 reserved for persons of pure Spanish birth. As a conse- 
 quence, the official class was migratory, and remained in 
 the colonies no longer than was necessary to accumulate 
 a fortune or a competence, according to the taste of each 
 individual member of it. Though there were honest and 
 honorable men to be found among them, notably those 
 filling the most exalted positions, that did not prevent 
 the vast majority from preying on the colonists, many 
 of whom, by virtue of the grants of territory they had 
 received, attained to great influence and wealth. Their 
 descendants were, nevertheless, debarred from all partici- 
 pation in either the legislative or executive functions of 
 government, though they might have nothing but the 
 purest Spanish blood flowing in their veins. Nor could 
 they become dignitaries of the Church without much diffi- 
 culty. In the days when the Holy See found it politic to 
 be on good terms with the Spanish sovereign, the whole 
 ecclesiastical patronage of the New World was vested in 
 him and his successors; and though many Popes endeav- 
 ored to get this privilege back into their own hands, they 
 always failed, and were compelled to confirm the nomina- 
 tions of the secular ruler. Both Mexico and Peru were
 
 COLONIAL SPAIN. 217 
 
 rapidly overrun with clergy, secular as well as regular, 
 and monastic establishments sprang up everywhere like 
 mushrooms, yet preferment was always reserved for their 
 brethren in Spain ; and out of nearly four hundred bishops 
 and archbishops consecrated up to the middle of the seven- 
 teenth century, scarce a dozen were taken from the Span- 
 ish-American community known as Creoles. 
 
 "A system so rigid is bound to break. Federation is 
 all very well and may accomplish much that is beneficial 
 to all concerned. But its first condition is elasticity, so 
 that every section within its embrace may enjoy full free- 
 dom of expansion. There must be no jealousies, no re- 
 criminations, and, above everything, no attempts to get all 
 and give nothing. These conditions are possible under an 
 arrangement entered into freely by all parties; they are 
 unattainable when imposed by the strong upon the weak. 
 That is why Spain never won the gratitude of its colonies, 
 why each and every one eagerly seized the opportunity of 
 throwing off the yoke, and fought desperately for inde- 
 pendence, and why, to-day, her colonial power is ended."
 
 CHAPTER X 
 
 THE FALL OF AN EMPIRE 
 
 THE SUPREMACY OF SPAIN ENCROACHMENTS OF OTHER 
 NATIONS CAUSES WHICH LED TO COLONIAL REVOLT 
 BIRTH OF THE SOUTH AMERICAN REPUBLICS INSUR- 
 RECTIONS IN CUBA ROBAMOS TODOS 
 
 THE population of Hayti at the advent of Columbus 
 was estimated to have been a million, yet, before many 
 years had elapsed, the colonists were forcibly depopulat- 
 ing the smaller islands to provide a supply of labor suffi- 
 cient for their limited requirements. It was the people 
 of the mainland who might have been expected and who 
 actually did offer the stoutest resistance. No more won- 
 derful campaign is recorded in military history than that 
 conducted by Cortes against the Mexicans, and it may be 
 doubted whether there was another man living who could 
 have carried it to a successful issue. 
 
 Conspicuous as a general, he was unmatched as a 
 diplomatist, whether in dealing with his own soldiers, 
 his allies, or his enemies. Who else in that age would 
 have dreamed, after defeating the Tlascalans against 
 fearful odds, of enlisting them against their deadly foes 
 the Aztecs, and so humoring them that they never 
 swerved in their loyalty? Or who could have traded on 
 the superstition of Montezuma, so as to gain complete 
 control over his mind, and extract his treasures, valued 
 (21 8)
 
 THE FALL OF AN EMPIRE. 219 
 
 at something like seven and a half million dollars, with- 
 out a blow? But Montezuma once removed, the people, 
 who had long been accustomed to render him an unques- 
 tioned obedience, and to submit themselves to his slightest 
 command, were free to follow leaders who evinced more 
 spirit; and the death of that monarch was speedily fol- 
 lowed by the noche iriste with all its attendant horrors. 
 To be captured alive, as many of the Spanish soldiers 
 were, meant the most terrible of all ends, for they were 
 hurried away to the temples, and their palpitating hearts 
 torn from their living bodies, to be offered as a propitia- 
 tion to the national deities. Yet even this did not dis- 
 concert Cortes and his brave adherents, who began im- 
 mediately to concert another plan of campaign. The 
 difficulties they had first encountered were as nothing 
 compared to those they had still to face, for they had to 
 deal with a victorious and determined foe, instead of a 
 beaten and depressed one. Every obstacle, however, was 
 overcome; and with the energetic assistance of allies, 
 who little dreamed they were sealing their own doom 
 and forever sacrificing their independence, the powerful 
 and rich kingdom of Mexico was finally brought into 
 complete subjection to the Castilian crown. 
 
 Of totally different and vastly inferior fiber was the 
 conqueror of Peru. Pizarro was without either education 
 or address a rough, ambitious, and avaricious soldier. 
 He, too, was favored by internal dissensions, of which 
 he could not possibly have known anything when he set 
 forth on his errand. After a long period of peaceful and 
 undisputed sway, the Inca dynasty was split by a feud 
 between two brothers, one of whom, Atahualpa, had just
 
 220 HISTORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 asserted his superiority by force of arms, when the Eu- 
 ropean conquerors appeared on the scene. A word from 
 him, and not a man of them would have escaped alive. 
 But at the critical moment an unaccountable paralysis 
 overtook him, whether or not arising from a curiosity to 
 see and interview the strangers it is impossible to say. 
 He realized his danger too late, for Pizarro, imitating 
 Cortes, seized the person of the Inca, and the rest was 
 rendered comparatively easy. Accustomed, like Monte- 
 zuma, to exact unqualified obedience, he employed his 
 subjects in collecting his ransom instead of fighting for 
 his deliverance; and when the debt was almost paid, he 
 found himself doomed to death instead of released from 
 captivity. The forces of the empire were then scattered, 
 and without a leader who could assume full authority. 
 Still, many a desperate bid was subsequently made for 
 freedom, but each time with less prospect of success, as 
 the conquerors secured a firmer grip upon the country, 
 until the execution of Tapac Amara, the last direct de- 
 scendant of the Incas, in 1571, left that solitude which 
 Caesar called peace. 
 
 But after all it was not the opposition of the Indians, 
 whether of the islands, of Mexico, or Peru, that proved 
 the greatest danger to Spanish sovereignty. Enmity to 
 Columbus, who was the accredited representative of the 
 crown and legal governor of ' the Indies, did not neces- 
 sarily infer enmity to the crown itself; indeed, those who 
 rebelled against him were loud in their protestations of 
 loyalty. Nevertheless, the turbulent factions fought for 
 their own hand, and would have been equally opposed to 
 any other governor who sought to place the necessary
 
 THE FALL OF AN EMPIRE. 221 
 
 restraint upon their license. By permitting, and even 
 compelling, many of the discontented to return home, as 
 well as by the temporary removal of Columbus himself, 
 something like quiet was restored; but it is more than 
 probable that had not the colonists been largely depend- 
 ent upon Spain for many necessaries, not excluding food, 
 they would have cut themselves adrift and refused to 
 submit to the exactions upon their industry, or rather 
 upon that of the natives from which they profited. More 
 than once in the early days, the home government had 
 to step cautiously, and commissions were dispatched to 
 ascertain where the grievances lay, and if possible redress 
 them. They were mostly connected with labor; the ma- 
 jority of the clergy, to their credit be it said, ranging 
 themselves on the side of humanity, and using all their 
 influence to obtain ordinances favorable to the natives. 
 This difficulty was smoothed away to a great extent by 
 the introduction of the African negro, which began as 
 early as the year 1503. 
 
 The followers of Cortes were remarkably loyal to him 
 in prosperity and adversity alike; and though for a long 
 time he was unaware how his proceedings would be re- 
 ceived at court, he remained consistent in his devotion to 
 his sovereign. His dispatches breathe an almost effusive 
 submission to their will and interests, and only his ene- 
 mies ever laid any charges against him, while his own 
 actions too obviously refuted them. It was only when 
 some of his officers were removed from his influence and 
 intrusted with commissions of their own that they thought 
 of kicking over the traces, and then it invariably hap- 
 pened that they were not in situations where any great
 
 222 HISTORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 harm could result. Mexico once subdued, long rendered 
 the most willing obedience of any of the colonies, partly 
 perhaps because under the direct influence of good and 
 great viceroys, who acted both with intelligence and dis- 
 cretion. 
 
 It was far otherwise in Peru, where the duplicity of 
 Pizarro in excluding Almagro from his proper share in 
 the governorship roused the suspicion, then the ire, and 
 finally the opposition of that honest and gallant soldier. 
 When Pizarro returned from his visit to Spain, he was 
 either accompanied or immediately followed by several of 
 his brothers, who, among them, formed a family compact 
 for the protection and promotion of their own interests. 
 To rid themselves of the rivalry of Almagro, they ob- 
 tained for him the governorship of the country which 
 now comprises the Republic of Chili. This, however, 
 had still to be conquered, and the obstacles which pre- 
 sented themselves to the enterprise appeared so insur- 
 mountable that Almagro and his followers abandoned it 
 and returned to Cuzco, the rich capital of Peru, which, 
 the former maintained, fell within the latitude of the pa- 
 tent granted to him. This assertion was naturally con- 
 tested by the Pizarros, and in the civil war that followed 
 both Francisco Pizarro, the eldest and foremost of the 
 brothers, and Almagro met with violent deaths. The In- 
 dians looked on with amazement at this strife between 
 the white men, but failed to profit by it. Had they 
 shown anything like the energy displayed in the warfare 
 among themselves, or that of their Mexican brothers, they 
 must inevitably have recaptured their kingdom, which it 
 would have been extremely difficult to reconquer; but hav-
 
 THE FALL OF AN EMPIRE. 223 
 
 ing allowed the golden opportunity to slip, i* never again 
 offered. 
 
 But the most serious menace to the supremacy of Spain 
 in the New World occurred shortly after the promulga- 
 tion of the edicts of Charles V. in 1542. The clauses guar- 
 anteeing the Indians their freedom, and protecting them 
 against undue imposition, either of taxation or forced 
 labor, were so obnoxious to the colonists that something 
 like a general rising was threatened. The tact of the 
 Mexican viceroy pacified those under his rule, but Peru 
 experienced the full force of an armed rebellion with all 
 its evil consequences. The leader in this instance was 
 Gonzales Pizarro, who had inherited the immense estates 
 conferred upon the family by a grateful sovereign, and 
 who now undoubtedly aimed at establishing a separate 
 kingdom with himself its supreme head. Fortunately, 
 the right man was again sent from Spain to deal effect- 
 ively with this uprising, and though a cleric, Vaca de 
 Castro exhibited the skill of a general and the diplomacy 
 of a statesman. "With the execution of Gonzales, the last 
 of the Pizarro brothers, peace was restored; and by the 
 middle of the sixteenth century the various governments 
 were so effectively consolidated that not for upward of a 
 hundred and fifty years did any revolt, Indian or Creole, 
 meet with more than temporary success. 
 
 It was far otherwise with the Philippines, which have 
 never been free for any length of time from disturbances 
 of some kind. No effort indeed has ever been made to 
 thoroughly subdue the turbulent natives; and there is no 
 similar extent of territory under the control of a European 
 government, about which so little is known regarding its nat-
 
 224 H1S1ORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 ural resources and mineral wealth as the important islands 
 of Luzon and Mindanao, which embrace half the total area 
 of the archipelago. The principal ports have been strongly 
 fortified, and reliance placed upon them to retain posses- 
 sion. The immunities enjoyed by the natives would, un- 
 der ordinary circumstances, offer little inducement to re- 
 volt, but unfortunately the Philippines have from the very 
 first been particularly subject to ecclesiastical influence 
 and jurisdiction, and in its missionary and persecuting 
 zeal the priesthood has made itself thoroughly obnoxious. 
 The religious orders were the special object of animosity 
 in the latest rising, and unless they are either suppressed 
 or placed under more effective political control, there will 
 be little prospect of peace in the islands. 
 
 In an epoch when most of the nations of Europe are 
 struggling to add to their territories in the remotest cor- 
 ners of the earth, it seems almost incredible that four 
 centuries ago a single one of them should have been per- 
 mitted to annex a whole continent unchallenged. It was 
 not so much the Pope's Bull that frightened competitors 
 away as the fact that they were too deeply absorbed in 
 their own affairs. The importunity of Columbus had to 
 wear itself nearly out before the fortunate completion of 
 the Moorish conquest won it a more ready ear; and most 
 other countries were about the same time either engaged 
 in, or just recovering from, some similar internecine strife. 
 Moreover, it was the energy of private adventurers rather 
 than of the Spanish crown which won for the latter a vast 
 empire beyond the seas ; nor was it until its value became 
 plainly apparent that it was thought worth while to go to 
 any great amount of trouble or expense in its development
 
 THE FALL OF AN EMPIRE. 225 
 
 Similarly, the first external enemies the Spanish colo- 
 nies had to encounter were private and unattached advent- 
 urers. Piracy was an institution which had already flour- 
 ished for many centuries. The Barbary corsairs were far 
 more feared by the merchants of Venice and Genoa than 
 the fiercest storms that ever visited the Mediterranean; 
 and they had their counterpart in the Baltic, where the 
 Hanseatic League carried on so extensive a commerce. 
 It was only to be expected that they would sally forth 
 from their inland seas when so much more valuable spoil 
 was to be secured on the open ocean beyond, but strange 
 to say, with the rapid decline of the trade which they had 
 so long harried, their activity slackened, and their prin- 
 ciples and profession were largely inherited by more civil- 
 ized races. Some excuse was offered for this by the al- 
 most constant warfare that prevailed during the reign of 
 Charles V., when France and Spain were at perpetual 
 enmity, and England was found, first on one side, then 
 on the other. The first important loss that befell Spain 
 was the capture of the vessel conveying home the royal 
 share of the treasures of Mexico by a French privateer, 
 or pirate, as the Spaniards always preferred to call the 
 ships which despoiled their fleets, a designation that was 
 more often than not amply justified. 
 
 To begin with, these pirate ships were content to hang 
 about the Azores, on the chance of meeting a caravel laden 
 with treasure homeward bound. They gradually ventured 
 further west, until they actually arrived among the West 
 Indian Islands, where they were surprised to find that 
 altogether undreamed-of facilities awaited them for the 
 pursuit of their nefarious trade. Though the entire archi-
 
 226 HISTORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 pelago belonged nominally to Spain, only the larger isl- 
 ands were actually occupied, the smaller not being re- 
 garded as worthy of attention, until the Indian population 
 of Hispaniola, Cuba and Porto Rico began to fail, and 
 then they were raided for their inhabitants to supply the 
 vacant places. With a scanty Spanish population, it would 
 have been utterly impossible to fortify and inhabit all, even 
 had colonists been found so self- denying as to banish them- 
 selves to places where the only chance of accumulating 
 wealth was by hard work and steady application to agri- 
 cultural pursuits. 
 
 For a long time these scattered islands were merely 
 places of call, where fresh water and fruit could be ob- 
 tained. No attempt was made at annexation in the name 
 of any foreign power, and it would have been folly for 
 any ship's company, even had they been disposed to re- 
 linquish their buccaneering career, to settle down and defy 
 the Spanish power, whose forces would quickly have been 
 put in motion to expel them. 
 
 Two events, designed by Philip II. to aggrandize the 
 power of Spain at the expense of its neighbors, were event- 
 ually the means of arousing enmity against it to such an 
 extent that the opposition of private adventurers was sud- 
 denly backed up by the full weight of the most rapidly 
 progressing peoples and governments in the Old World. 
 
 Many previous efforts had been made to unite the 
 crowns of Spain and Portugal, but hitherto all had failed. 
 The heroic death of Sebastian, however, in 1580, left the 
 throne of Portugal without a direct heir, and among the 
 numerous claimants was Philip, who overreached all his 
 competitors. He was probably even then meditating that
 
 THE FALL OF AN EMPIRE. 227 
 
 descent upon the liberties of England which resulted, eight 
 years later, in the dispatch of the renowned Armada, 
 and the writing of one of the most brilliant pages of En- 
 glish history. Success in the one instance, no less than 
 failure in the other, created the most deadly foes that 
 Spain ever had to encounter, until the persistent antag- 
 onism of Holland and England reduced it at last to a 
 miserable shadow of its former self. 
 
 Philip's ruling passion was an intense bigotry, and 
 from the moment he assumed sway in Spain and the 
 Low Countries, he sought to exterminate every trace of 
 the Reformed faith. That brought him into conflict with 
 the Dutch, whose principal port and city of Amsterdam 
 was fast concentrating within itself the trade that Bruges 
 and Antwerp had once commanded as the principal marts 
 of the Hanseatic League. As Portugal extended its con- 
 quests in the East, Lisbon displaced Venice and Genoa, 
 and became the great emporium of all Eastern produce, 
 whence Amsterdam drew its supplies for distribution 
 throughout northern Europe. "With the object, therefore, 
 of destroying Dutch trade, Philip closed the port of Lis- 
 bon to it in 1594, fondly imagining that that would ruin 
 his rebellious subjects, and enforce submission to his will. 
 
 He had entirely mistaken Dutch character, however; 
 for in the following year the services were enlisted of 
 Cornelius Hautmann, who had been a pilot in the Portu- 
 guese service; and he conducted the first Dutch expedition 
 round the Cape of Good Hope on its way to open up a 
 direct trade with the Spice Islands and India, which of 
 course had become the property of Spain along with its 
 own Philippines. Thus modestly was laid the foundation
 
 228 HISTORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 of the Dutch Empire in the East Indies, and when Portu- 
 gal regained its freedom in 1640, under the House of 
 Braganza, it found itself stripped of most of its former 
 colonies, which were never to be restored. 
 
 Not content merely with retaining their former trade, 
 the Dutch sought to extend it in other directions ; and the 
 incorporation of their East India Company in 1602 was 
 followed by that of the West India Company in 1621, the 
 operations of which were to embrace the west coast of 
 Africa as well as the whole of Spanish America, in which 
 the Brazils had then to be included. They had been pre- 
 ceded many years earlier by the English, who commenced 
 operations in good earnest some time before the date of 
 the Armada; indeed, those two great figures in English 
 naval history, Sir John Hawkins and Sir Francis Drake, 
 had then already performed their greatest exploits. As 
 early as 1572, the latter gave a good account of himself 
 on the Spanish Main, but his most daring feat was accom- 
 plished in 1578, when he sailed through the Straits of 
 Magellan and appeared off the coast of Peru. Francisco 
 Draques was the terror of Spanish America, and his was 
 the name used to frighten Spanish-American children 
 when they were naughty. 
 
 A new danger thus became apparent, as the Spaniards 
 had never dreamed before of reaching their West Coast 
 possessions by the southern route. Lest other foreign ad- 
 venturers should follow in the wake, an expedition under 
 Pedro Sarmiento was dispatched from Chili to explore 
 the Straits and the adjoining territory, with the view, if 
 practicable, of founding a strong colony and erecting sub- 
 stantial fortifications. Sarmiento's zeal outran his discre-
 
 THE FALL OF AN EMPIRE. 229 
 
 tion, and after accomplishing his task he sailed for Spain, 
 where he gave an exaggerated account, not only of the 
 danger of leaving the Straits unprotected, but of the ease 
 with which they could be rendered impregnable to all un- 
 friendly visitors. A colony consisting of about four hun- 
 dred souls was actually sent out in 1582, though from the 
 very first it met with nothing but dire misfortune. 
 
 The captain-general commissioned to take charge of 
 the undertaking, Diego Flores, disliked the job, and began 
 by chartering the worst ships he could find. His lieuten- 
 ant, Sarmiento, was more discreet in the choice of the em- 
 bryo colonists, most of whom were skilled mechanics; but 
 the fleet had scarcely left San Lucar on the outward voy- 
 age, when half of them were shipwrecked and drowned. 
 Though replaced, disaster continued to follow upon dis- 
 aster, the voyage being very much a repetition of the pre- 
 vious one made by Magellan, only in this instance the 
 commander was himself the leading obstructionist. Event- 
 ually, rather more than two hundred souls sailed from 
 the Rio de la Plata, and forty-five of these were drowned 
 ere the Straits were reached. All but eight of the sur- 
 vivors subsequently perished, and the last of them was 
 taken off in 1589 by the "Delight," commanded by Sir 
 John Cavendish, who appropriately named the spot where 
 he found him "Port Famine." 
 
 The advent of the English and Dutch, followed half a 
 century later by the French, led to the settlement of some 
 of the unoccupied islands. They rapidly became some- 
 thing more than mere provisioning depots, though several 
 of them, and notably the island of Tortuga, were nothing 
 else than the lairs of desperate crews of pirates, as reck-
 
 230 HISTORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 less of their own lives as of those who were unfortunate 
 enough to fall into their clutches. But Barbadoes and St. 
 Christopher, St. Eustatius and Curagoa, Martinique and 
 Guadalupe, became the center of something more legiti- 
 mate, if quite as illegal, as sinking galleons and purloin- 
 ing their treasure, though that business was never missed 
 either when the opportunity presented itself; and the 
 Dutch West India Company alone is said to have been 
 responsible for the capture of between five and six hun- 
 dred Spanish vessels. 
 
 The English secured their first foothold in the neigh- 
 borhood by occupying the Bermudas in 1621, though this 
 hardly brought them into direct contact with the West 
 Indies. This was speedily followed by settlements in some 
 of the unoccupied islands further south. Barbadoes was 
 taken possession of in 1625, and the same year St. Christo- 
 pher, or St. Kitts, as it is now called, was divided between 
 the English and French. The former continued to add to 
 their territory, taking Nevis in 1628, Antigua and Mont- 
 serrat in 1632; and all these islands are so essentially 
 English, as to prove conclusively that, although once 
 nominally owned by Spain, Spanish influence was never 
 exerted in them. 
 
 From 1650 until the period of his death, Oliver Crom- 
 well, having established his authority at home, pursued 
 an active foreign policy, and it was only natural that he 
 should find himself in conflict with Spain, whose maxims 
 of government, both civil and religious, were so utterly at 
 variance with his. Thus, in 1654, a somewhat formidable 
 fleet, under the command of the admirals Penn and Vena- 
 bles, sailed for Barbadoes, where they would be ready for
 
 THE FALL OF AN EMPIRE. 231 
 
 any emergency. Early the following year they made a 
 descent upon Hispaniola, selecting the capital, San Do- 
 mingo, as the object of attack. On the approach of the 
 ships, the inhabitants, white and black alike, fled inland, 
 but the affair was sadly mismanaged and somehow mis- 
 carried. Not wishing the expedition to prove a complete 
 failure, the admirals set sail for the adjoining island of 
 Jamaica, which did not then contain, at the outside, more 
 than fifteen hundred whites, and perhaps as many blacks. 
 This time, no difficulty was experienced, and the island 
 was taken formal possession of, this being the first loss of 
 occupied territory inflicted upon Spain, as well as the most 
 important acquisition ever made in the West Indies by 
 England. In 1658 the Spaniards attempted to drive the 
 intruders out but failed, and in 1670 a treaty was entered 
 into between the two countries, in which Spain recognized 
 the rights of England both in Jamaica and the smaller 
 islands of which possession had been previously taken. 
 
 About this time, also, the French "West India Company 
 was incorporated, the brilliant finance minister of Louis 
 XIV., Colbert, not liking to be without a hand in the 
 game. He began in a more legitimate fashion than his 
 competitors, and in 1664 purchased the rights of the set- 
 tlers in Martinique, Guadalupe, St. Lucia, Grenada, and 
 a few other islands for about a million livres. Spanish 
 tyranny, however, afforded an excuse for more high- 
 handed proceedings, and the company secured a footing 
 on the western side of Hispaniola, Spanish interests being 
 concentrated almost entirely on the eastern. The settle- 
 ments so established became little more than a rallying- 
 point and shelter for buccaneers, who, in consequence of
 
 232 HISTORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 their roving habits, were difficult to eject, until eventually 
 this intermittent occupation of a portion of the island in- 
 duced France to lay claim to the whole, but the cession 
 was only formally recognized by Spain more than a cent- 
 ury later. Thus the four predominant powers of Europe 
 all had a stake in the "Western Hemisphere. 
 
 Nearly a hundred and fifty years elapsed without wit- 
 nessing any further important changes. The very vast- 
 ness of the Spanish-American empire was its principal 
 protection. Europe was growing thoroughly accustomed 
 to immense armies, but they could only be moved on land, 
 and there was no means for transporting them across the 
 sea. What chance was there then of conquering a terri- 
 tory which extended uninterruptedly from California to 
 Chili, and from Florida to the Rio de la Plata, even had 
 there been much inclination? The idea, it is true, oc- 
 curred more than once, and especially in 1702, when the 
 death of Charles II. of Spain having brought to an end 
 the Hapsburg dynasty, and the Wars of the Spanish Suc- 
 cession being entered upon an alliance was formed be- 
 tween England, Holland and the German Empire for the 
 conquest of the Spanish colonies, but like others it came 
 to nothing. Again, in 1739, Spain, alarmed at the grow- 
 ing contraband trade, insisted very justifiably on searching 
 English ships in American waters, but this was resented 
 and led to war, in which Porto Bello was captured; and 
 that had something to do with the permission granted a 
 few years later to trade by the longer, but safer and more 
 convenient route round Cape Horn. 
 
 Once more, in 1762, what was known as the Family 
 Compact involved the rest of Europe in hostilities against
 
 THE FALL OF AN EMPIRE. 233 
 
 the Bourbon dynasties in France, Spain, and Italy, and 
 the war was carried both to the East and West Indies. 
 Havana and Manila were captured by the English, and 
 might have become English possessions, had not the Treaty 
 of Paris, concluded in 1763, brought the campaign to an 
 end, and made it a condition that all colonial conquests 
 were to be restored to their original owners. Minor changes 
 were frequent and numerous, but they were generally a 
 mere shuffling of the cards between England, Holland, 
 and France, leaving the Spanish possessions much as 
 they were. 
 
 The eighteenth century, as it drew to its close, found 
 the Spanish occupation of America almost as it had been 
 in the first half of the seventeenth. Then a mighty up- 
 heaval was witnessed both in North America and Europe, 
 and the War of Independence in the United States, to- 
 gether with the French Revolution, provide the sequel 
 for what followed in South America. Scarcely a mur- 
 mur was heard in the principal Spanish colonies while 
 these great events were changing the destinies of the 
 civilized world, and an onlooker who had time to think 
 must have been astonished at their apparent loyalty to 
 the mother country, oppressed though they had been, and 
 still were, while everywhere else the blow for freedom 
 was being struck. Perhaps another conclusion might 
 have been arrived at; namely, that the ancient Spanish 
 stock had so degenerated, and had become such a mean- 
 spirited race, that it dare not act like its neighbors further 
 north; but subsequent events disproved this hypothesis. 
 The Girondists and the Mountain rose and fell; Napoleon 
 became successively director, dictator, emperor still no
 
 234 HISTORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 sign of movement. Then the moment arrived for the 
 arch-disturber of Europe to overthrow the ancient mon- 
 archy of Spain, and to establish a brand-new one with his 
 brother Joseph at its head. That was the supreme crisis 
 to make a move, or forever to remain still. Spain almost 
 to a man resented the affront. Spanish America joined 
 the mother country, and refused to recognize the upstart 
 dynasty. 
 
 Still, in the midst of this death-like calm, some pres- 
 ages of the coming storm were discernible. In the first 
 place, France, by the Treaty of Basle in 1795, secured the 
 cession of the whole of Hispaniola, only, however, in a 
 few years to lose it again by its declaration of independ- 
 ence, and the formation of a black republic. In the naval 
 conflicts so frequent during that disturbed period England 
 both lost and gained. The Dutch and Spanish were both 
 unwilling confederates of Napoleon, but their connection 
 with him, nevertheless, exposed their foreign possessions to 
 the attack of his declared enemies; and England captured 
 Demerara and Essequibo in Guiana from the former, and 
 the island of Trinidad from the latter. All these were 
 trivial acquisitions, compared with the vast extent of Mex- 
 ico and Central America, Peru, and New Granada, and 
 the eastern province of Buenos Ayres. Brazil had re- 
 verted to Portugal with the firm establishment of the 
 Braganza dynasty, and was nearly all there was left of 
 its once great colonial empire. In March, 1808, the ill 
 fortune of the royal family drove them from their own 
 kingdom to find refuge beyond the seas, and Brazil be- 
 came an independent empire under the fugitive Portu- 
 guese sovereign, whose descendants remained in peaceable
 
 THE FALL OF AN EMPIRE, 235 
 
 and prosperous possession until the revolution which de- 
 throned the late ill-fated Dom Pedro. 
 
 These changes were due entirely to foreign interven- 
 tion and not to domestic unrest. The first sign of this 
 was when Francisco Miranda, a Spanish- American who 
 had fought under Washington, conceived the idea of free- 
 ing his fellow-countrymen, and took steps toward that 
 end by founding a "Gran Reunion Americana" in London 
 in 1806. But so unresponsive were the inhabitants of the 
 Spanish Main that the first active movement of the league 
 resulted in dead failure. It attracted the sympathy and 
 support, however, of two active and capable men, Bolivar 
 and San Martin, who were destined to do so much for the 
 emancipation of South America from European bondage, 
 and whose advent brought a rapid change in the feeling 
 of indifference with which the movement was regarded. 
 
 Still, the loyalty of the colonists might have been proof 
 against their blandishments had the government of Fer- 
 dinand VII., established at Cadiz in opposition to that of 
 Joseph Bonaparte, shown itself in any way conciliatory 
 toward them. Loyal though the Spaniards at home were 
 to the Bourbon dynasty, they were only willing to rally 
 round it on condition of the carrying out of many impor- 
 tant reforms in consonance with the spirit of the age ; and 
 the colonists likewise demanded that, as the price of their 
 adhesion, they should be put upon an equality with Spain, 
 and be accorded perfect liberty in their agricultural and 
 manufacturing industries; that trade should be thrown 
 open between all the countries on the American Continent 
 and with the Philippines; and that all restrictions and 
 monopolies should be abolished, and fixed duties substi-
 
 236 HISTORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 tuted in their place. Reasonable though these demands 
 now appear, they were indignantly rejected, and with one 
 consent nearly every country in Spanish America was 
 ablaze with revolution. 
 
 One of the earliest outbreaks was in Mexico, the near 
 proximity of the United States having perhaps inspired in 
 that country a more intense longing for freedom than else- 
 where. A small band of patriots had for some time been 
 watching an opportunity for asserting themselves, and 
 with Hidalgo and Allende at their head, took the ex- 
 treme step of issuing a declaration of independence on 
 the 16th of September, 1810. Spanish influence was still 
 strong, and in less than a year the outbreak was sup- 
 pressed, and the leaders executed. Others rose to take 
 their places, and just three years after the declaration of 
 independence, the first Mexican Congress was summoned 
 to meet at the town of Chilpantzongo, which was in the 
 hands of the insurgents. Morelos, the principal actor at 
 this stage of the drama, was captured and shot in Decem- 
 ber, 1815 ; but that only imposed a temporary check on 
 the movement. In the delusive hope of regaining full 
 control, Ferdinand, then firmly re-established on his throne, 
 offered concessions in 1820, but it was too late, and they 
 failed to effect a pacification. Independence was once 
 more declared in 1821, but this time at the instigation of 
 a dictator who aimed at founding an empire for himself, 
 and who did for a short period sway the destinies of his 
 country as the Emperor Iturbide I. His reign was brief, 
 and a republic was definitely established on the 16th of De 
 cember, 1823, the subsequent career of which has been so 
 checkered until quite recent times. Having been recog-
 
 THE FALL OF AN EMPIRE. 237 
 
 nized by the principal courts of Europe, Spain itself ac- 
 credited an embassador in 1839, and made no further 
 efforts to reassert its former title. 
 
 Elsewhere the struggle was less prolonged, though, 
 while it lasted, quite as exciting. At the instigation of 
 Bolivar, Venezuela proclaimed its independence in July, 
 1811, and several years later united with New Granada 
 as the Republic of Colombia. Buenos Ayres established 
 a junta in 1810, a Constituent Assembly was called in Jan- 
 uary, 1813, and entire independence of Spain was declared, 
 July, 1816. The insurrection in Chili likewise began in 
 1810, when a National Congress was summoned to meet 
 at Santiago; but the Spanish interest was strong on the 
 west coast, and it was not until San Martin crossed the 
 Andes from La Plata in 1817 that independence was made 
 good. Material assistance was afforded by the famous 
 Admiral Cochrane (Lord Dundonald), who, driven in dis- 
 grace from his native country, placed his services at the 
 disposal of the revolting Chilians, and gave them that 
 naval pre-eminence in South America which they have 
 ever since retained. 
 
 Peru proved an' even tougher job, but the combined 
 forces of San Martin and Cochrane proved irresistible, and 
 both Lima and Callao were taken in 1821. Lima, how- 
 ever, was recaptured by the Spaniards in 1823, but Boli- 
 var, marching against it from Colombia, was appointed 
 dictator, and gained so decisive a victory in 1824 that the 
 Spanish army was forced to capitulate, and by 1826 the 
 connection with the mother country was completely and 
 finally severed. Spain had vainly striven against these 
 successive misfortunes, and in 1815 sent out a consider-
 
 238 HISTORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 able force under Marshal Morillo, who gained a few tem- 
 porary successes; but his cruelties and atrocious conduct 
 only exasperated the colonists, and instigated them to 
 greater exertions. The various countries of Central Amer- 
 ica were quietly federated into the Republic of Guatemala 
 in 1823, in the absence of any Spanish troops to oppose; 
 and thus, from the northern borders of Mexico to the 
 southern confines of Chili and La Plata, the conquerors 
 of the New World were forever ejected. England was 
 the first to recognize the South American republics, and 
 entered into commercial treaties with several of them in 
 1825, after which date Spain can no longer be said to 
 have been able to claim ownership of a single acre on the 
 American Continent. 
 
 Meanwhile of a once vast colonial empire but Cuba 
 and Porto Rico remained. What were the forces at work 
 which there prevented secession? 
 
 The political economist Mr. R. J. Root, to whom and to 
 whose work on this subject we are already much indebted, 
 states that the conditions were different. The predomi- 
 nant feature of the islands was negro slavery, whereas 
 the wealth of the Spanish- American colonist lay in lands 
 which, if subject to alienation, were at least impossible of 
 removal. The Cuban planter reckoned as his most pre- 
 cious possession the flesh and blood attached to his estates, 
 and the very words "freedom" and "independence" stank 
 in his nostrils. Whatever inconvenience, therefore, he suf- 
 fered from his political connection with an effete mon- 
 archy and a decaying or decayed empire, he at least felt 
 that, while he clung to it, it would afford him protection 
 for his property.
 
 THE FALL OF AN EMPIRE. 239 
 
 A steady flood of immigration from the mother coun- 
 try maintained this connection down to the recent war. 
 The wealthiest merchants and planters have invariably 
 been of pure Spanish blood, and their contempt for the 
 Cuban Creoles, though many of them are as pure-blooded 
 as themselves, and have no taint whatever of the "tar- 
 brush," has helped to maintain them as a separate class, 
 regarded as intruders by all of Cuban birth, and hated 
 accordingly. They have of necessity invoked Spanish aid 
 and relied on Spanish authority, and have, for nearly a 
 hundred years, provided the basis for Spanish rule in the 
 island. Many of them made their fortunes and returned 
 home, leaving room for others to follow. Some made 
 Cuba their permanent domicile, but invariably with fatal 
 effects upon their offspring, for Cuban birth is almost 
 synonymous with Cuban sympathies, and, in any rising, 
 the father, who has been on the side of the crown, has 
 witnessed his sons throwing in their lot with the rebels. 
 
 Ever since the emancipation of the Spanish Main, Cuba 
 has been in a state of political unrest. Various secret so- 
 cieties have been constituted, and have received advice 
 and assistance from Mexicans, Chilians, and others who 
 had already succeeded in throwing off their own fetters. 
 In 1823 the Society of Soles struck a blow for liberty; six 
 years later it was the Company of the Black Eagle which 
 attempted success where its predecessor had failed. Both 
 were essentially Creole risings, and although those who 
 participated in them freely gave expression to their ab- 
 horrence of slavery, no assistance was either asked 01 
 received from the negroes. For these unfortunates, how- 
 ever, failure meant the tightening of their bonds; and it 
 
 II
 
 240 H1S1ORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 is not surprising to find that, in 1844, goaded to despair 
 by their sufferings, they tried an insurrection on their own 
 account, though of course it ended disastrously. 
 
 These outbreaks were all more or less localized, and it 
 was not until 1868 that a revolution broke out, destined 
 to involve the entire island, and to occupy long and weary 
 years in suppressing, if, indeed, the smoking embers can 
 be said ever to have been quenched. It was undoubtedly 
 instigated by the American Civil War, which had ended 
 in the uncompromising abolition of slavery, and so raised 
 the hopes of the friends of liberty in Cuba. Though the 
 planters and slave-owners ranged themselves, as was nat- 
 ural, on the side of law and order, their enthusiasm was 
 no longer of the keenest. They realized that the institu- 
 tion to which they clung so tenaciously was doomed, and 
 it became a question with them of doing the best they 
 could for themselves. Emancipation in the British West 
 Indies had for a time added enormously to their prosper- 
 ity, until the value ot slaves underwent so great an ap- 
 preciation that it no longer became profitable to purchase 
 them, and only actual owners" derived any benefit. For, 
 it must be remembered, there was a distinct difference be- 
 tween the slave-trade and slavery, and long after public 
 opinion revolted against, and prohibited the kidnaping 
 and traffic in human flesh, it continued to tolerate its 
 ownership, and recognized natural increase as legitimate 
 property. That African negroes were smuggled into Cuba 
 is tolerably certain; nevertheless, the numbers were too 
 small to prevent the gradual increase in value of an able- 
 bodied male slave from $250 to something like $1,750 or 
 $2,000. This was the surest means of eventual abolition;
 
 THE FALL OF AN EMPIRE. 241 
 
 for while this high price set upon the black made him 
 valuable property, and insured his better treatment, it 
 tended to make the luxury too costly, and one that could 
 eventually no longer be indulged in, as the point must be 
 reached where free labor would become cheaper. 
 
 About the time of the rebellion, the number of slaves 
 in Cuba was between 350,000 and 400,000, and their value 
 on paper was simply enormous. The $100,000,000 voted 
 by the British Parliament as compensation to the disin- 
 herited slave-owners in the British "West Indies would 
 have been but a drop in the ocean in any scheme for 
 Cuban emancipation by purchase. Indeed, to do the 
 planters justice, they never expected anything of the sort, 
 and all the more practical of them asked, was to be let 
 down gently. This was effected by the proclamation of 
 what was known as the Moret Law in 1870, which at 
 once declared free all slaves over sixty years of age, and 
 decreed that every child born after that year should be 
 free likewise. In the first instance, the planters registered 
 a distinct gain, as they got rid of a number of old and de- 
 crepit dependents no longer fit for work; but this was off- 
 set by the compulsory maintenance, until their eighteenth 
 year, of all the free offspring of their slaves. Under this 
 law, the odious institution perished in something like 
 twenty years, because its burdens gradually outweighed 
 its benefits, until the low wage for which the free negro 
 is willing to work became the more economical method of 
 production. 
 
 Thus the strongest tie between Spain and Cuba was 
 snapped, and the party of independence gained force, as 
 many planters found no longer any advantage in support-
 
 242 HISTORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 ing the authority of the crown. The rebellion dragged 
 on; the Spanish troops continually poured in having to 
 encounter the guerrilla warfare, for which the division 
 of the island afforded so many opportunities. For, con- 
 siderable though the population is, two-thirds of it has 
 always been concentrated in the western corner, of which 
 Havana is the capital, the remaining districts being very 
 sparsely peopled. It is in these rebellion always throve; 
 and the policy adopted by General Welyer, when in su- 
 preme command, was to make them a desert by destroy- 
 ing all sustenance, and forcibly removing the inhabitants, 
 who, under the name of Reconcentrados, aroused so much 
 sympathy. 
 
 Though the outbreak of 1868 was eventually suppressed, 
 it left a legacy of bitter memories and still bitterer ex- 
 actions. For, true to its policy of four centuries, Spain 
 determined that it at least would not be a loser, and sad- 
 dled the entire cost of the military operations, and nobody 
 knows what else besides, on the unfortunate island, in the 
 form of a debt amounting to about four hundred million 
 dollars. Even this might have been tolerated had any 
 attempt been made to establish an equitable system of 
 government, because an era of prosperity set in which 
 culminated in 1891, when the total exports were valued at 
 no less than $100,000,000, and there was ample margin for 
 interest on an inflated debt. But the rapacity of Catalan 
 manufacturers, no less than of government officials, upset 
 everything; and from the captain-general down to the 
 humblest trader in Barcelona, all expected to pocket some- 
 thing out of the spoils of Cuba. Nor was the plunder lim- 
 ited to Spaniards. Despite the restrictions against trading
 
 THE FALL OF AN EMPIRE. 243 
 
 by foreigners, adventurers of all nationalities managed to 
 get a foothold in Havana, and corruption preyed on cor- 
 ruption. No one, in fact, was expected to be honest, and 
 a stranger remarking upon the rascality prevailing in high 
 places, would as likely as not be met with a shrug of the 
 shoulders and the reply, Robamos todos, "We are all 
 thieves."
 
 CHAPTER XI 
 
 THE PHILIPPINES 
 
 THE FIRST JOURNEY ROUND THE WORLD FERDINAND 
 MAGELLAN THE MOLUCCAS THE ISLANDS OF THE 
 PAINTED FACES MANILA AND THE CHINESE THE 
 BRITISH INVASION SPANISH RULE 
 
 WHILE Spain was actively engaged in exploration and 
 annexation in the west, Portugal was equally busy in the 
 east. Though the Cape of Good Hope had been doubled 
 by Diaz in 1486, it was not until 1497, five years after the 
 discovery of America, that Vasco da Gama proved the pos- 
 sibility of reaching India by that route. Rapid progress, 
 for those days at any rate, was made from that time. The 
 actual neighborhood of the Cape apparently offered no at- 
 tractions; the advantages of its situation were left to be 
 realized by the Dutch a century later; and it was not until 
 Natal was reached on Christmas day, whence its name, 
 that there were any thoughts of annexation or settlement. 
 It was the East Coast of Africa which seemed to offer the 
 greatest facilities for communication and trading with the 
 opposite shores of India, and claimed attention accord- 
 ingly; and as numerous pilots were to be found there, 
 skilled in navigating vessels across the Indian Ocean, it 
 was there colonies were first established, one of which at 
 least, and the only important one remaining to Portugal, 
 Lorenzo Marques, has been the object of envy, and the 
 source of much contention in recent years. 
 (244)
 
 THE PHILIPPINES 245 
 
 From the Malabar coast in the south to Karachi in the 
 north of India, Portuguese traders grew active, but, owing 
 to the fierceness and determination of the natives, it was 
 found impossible for some years to permanently occupy 
 any territory, until Goa was established in 1510, as the 
 center of Portuguese interests. A year earlier than this, 
 Malacca had been subjugated, and the exploration of 
 Sumatra undertaken; while three years later, Francisco 
 Serrao discovered the Moluccas, the far-famed islands from 
 which Venice and Genoa had so long drawn their stores of 
 valuable spices by the overland route through India and 
 Persia, or by the Red Sea and Isthmus of Suez. To divert 
 this traffic round the Cape of Good Hope, expeditions were 
 fitted out against Muscat and Ormuz in the Persian Gulf, 
 and Aden at the entrance to the Red Sea. While, then, 
 the Spanish colonists were searching for gold in sufficient 
 quantities to make the enterprise pay, much less realize 
 fortunes, the Portuguese tapped the source of wealth of 
 the great mercantile communities of the Middle Ages, and, 
 monopolizing it themselves, rendered their country for a 
 time the richest in the world. 
 
 Of the numerous governors dispatched by Portugal to 
 the east, the Duke of Albuquerque was the most active, 
 and accomplished the greatest results. Serving under him 
 in various capacities was Ferrao Magalhaes, or Maghal- 
 lanes, a young nobleman who sought on every possible 
 occasion to distinguish himself. Returning home, he did 
 not receive the reward he considered his due ; and though 
 he continued to agitate at court, and to urge his claims, on 
 the further ground that since his arrival from the east he 
 had taken part in an African campaign and been perma-
 
 246 HISTORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 nently lamed, he was either repulsed or put off with some 
 trifling concession. This rankling in his mind, he deter- 
 mined to divest himself of his nationality, and offer his 
 services to Spam, the patron of all foreign adventurers. 
 
 By the Papal Bull, Spain was debarred from under- 
 taking any enterprise in the East. This was, of course, 
 well known to Magalhaes, or Ferdinand Magellan, as he 
 now chose to call himself, but he had carefully thought 
 the matter out, and arrived at a conclusion of his own. 
 He had heard much of the ideas which led to the dis- 
 covery of America, and though other and more important 
 matters then engaged the attention of Spain than the dis- 
 covery of Japan and China by the western route, he still 
 considered the plan feasible. He intimated to the Emperor 
 Charles V., then king of Spain, his desire to be intrusted 
 with an expedition, with which he would undertake to 
 reach the Moluccas from the west, and so prove that 
 they belonged by right to Spain. 
 
 News of this treachery reached Portugal, where it was 
 heard with the greatest indignation, and an angry corre- 
 spondence passed between the two courts. Charles's ambi- 
 tions, however, lay in European aggrandizement, for which 
 the demands upon his exchequer were heavier than he well 
 knew how to meet. His great possessions in the New 
 "World had hitherto been a drain upon his scanty re- 
 sources, as they had been upon those of his grandfather 
 before him; and although Ferdinand lived for a quarter 
 of a century after the discovery of America, he left hardly 
 sufficient money in his coffers to pay his funeral expenses. 
 Charles, therefore, listened eagerly to the proposition by 
 which he might acquire the teeming riches of the Spice
 
 THE PHILIPPINES 247 
 
 Islands, and, notwithstanding protests and warnings alike, 
 terms were finally agreed to in March, 1518, which placed 
 five ships, and a full complement of men, at the disposal 
 of Magellan. Failing any other means of putting an end 
 to the enterprise, a plot was formed for the assassination 
 of Magellan, but miscarried; and he weighed anchor on 
 the 10th of August, 1519, though delayed in his actual 
 departure until the 20th of September following. 
 
 Instructions were sent to the Brazils, already occupied 
 by Portugal, to waylay Magellan, and at all costs pre- 
 vent the continuance of his voyage; and in case he eluded 
 the vigilance of the governor of that settlement, a strict 
 watch was to .be kept at the Moluccas, and no quarter 
 given him if he ever reached there, as he was declared 
 a traitor to the crown of Portugal. He arrived at the 
 Rio de la Plata unmolested, and entered that river, of 
 great width at its mouth and for some distance along its 
 course, with the idea that it offered the long-sought 
 passage to the West. The increasing freshness of the 
 water convinced him that it was but a river, and he re- 
 turned and moved his course southward. And now his 
 real difficulties began. Winter was setting in with all its 
 rigor, and the further south he proceeded the more severe 
 became the weather. His crew was most cosmopolitan 
 in character and nationality, and included a number of 
 Portuguese, some of whom, it began to be suspected, had 
 been bribed to mutiny, if not indeed to murder their com- 
 mander. Dissensions broke out among the captains of the 
 different vessels on petty points of precedence and disci- 
 pline; and only the most determined stand by Magellan 
 himself, who did not hesitate to hang several of the crew
 
 248 HISTORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 as an example to the rest, prevented the total ruin of his 
 hopes and plans. 
 
 To make matters worse, scarcity of provisions began 
 to be experienced, and it was then decided to winter in 
 the shelter of the river St. Julian. It was in October, 
 1520, before a fresh start could be made, and on the 21st 
 of that month a channel was discovered, the careful navi- 
 gation of which for thirty-eight days, amid shoals and 
 innumerable islands, brought them, amid great rejoicing, 
 once more into the open sea, proving the theory main- 
 tained by Columbus to his dying day to be so far, at any 
 rate, correct. 
 
 But Magellan, like all his predecessors, sadly miscal- 
 culated the distance between the remote East and the far 
 West, and after taking in such supplies of provisions as 
 were obtainable, renewed his voyage with a light heart, 
 and in full expectation of reaching land in a week or two 
 at longest. Days grew into weeks, and the weeks passed 
 into months, and still no break on the monotonous hori- 
 zon. The sufferings of the crew were horrible, as food 
 and water became gradually exhausted, and they had to 
 subsist at last by gnawing anything into which they could 
 get their teeth. To turn back was certain destruction, 
 as they could not possibly last out the time necessary to 
 cover the distance already traversed. To go forward, 
 therefore, was their only chance of salvation; and after 
 a passage of ninety-eight days land was sighted on March 
 18, and the most dreaded of their dangers passed. They 
 had sailed into a group of islands, not the Moluccas as 
 they had anticipated, but the Islas de las Pintados; so 
 called from the custom of the natives of painting or tat-
 
 THE PHILIPPINES. 249 
 
 tooing their naked bodies, and subsequently re-christened 
 the Philippines, in honor of the heir to the Spanish throne, 
 who afterward reigned as Philip II. 
 
 Magellan was not destined to reap the fruits of his 
 enterprise, nor to suffer the punishment subsequently in- 
 flicted on some of the survivors. He found the natives 
 among whom he first landed friendly disposed, but rightly 
 suspected them of treachery. Desirous, however, of con- 
 ciliating them as far as possible, he entered into their 
 quarrel with a tribe in a neighboring island, and, in the 
 attack which he led against it, was slain. 
 
 Disputes arose as to who should succeed to the com- 
 mand; and what was left of the fleet, after many adven- 
 tures and the loss of a considerable number of the crew, 
 arrived at the island of Tidor in the Moluccas on the 8th 
 of November, 1521. There it was decided that the "Vic- 
 toria" should load a cargo of spices and make its way 
 to Spain by the Cape of Good Hope, in direct defiance 
 of the rights of the Portuguese, while the "Trinidad" 
 should return the way she came. A valuable cargo, con- 
 sisting of about twenty-six tons of cloves, with parcels 
 of cinnamon, sandal wood, and nutmegs, was shipped, 
 and after being nearly captured by the Portuguese off 
 the African coast, and again at the Canaries, arrived in 
 the harbor of San Lucar, as was supposed, on the 6th of 
 September, 1522, having sailed round the world in three 
 years all but a few days. Through all their troubles, a 
 careful record of dates had been kept, and the officers 
 were surprised to find that what they imagined to be the 
 6th was actually the 7th of September in Seville; and they 
 were at a loss to know how the one day had been missed,
 
 250 HISTORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 being of course unaware that this is the invariable result 
 of circumnavigating the world from East to West. 
 
 Of the total number of two hundred and eighty hands 
 originally shipped, only a remnant remained, of whom 
 seventeen, together with the captain, Juan Sebastian 
 Elcano, were on board the "Victoria." 
 
 The city of Seville received them with acclamation; 
 but their first act was to walk barefooted, in procession, 
 holding lighted candles in their hands, to the church, to 
 give thanks to the Almighty for their safe deliverance 
 from the hundred dangers which they had encountered. 
 Clothes, money, and all necessaries were supplied to them 
 by royal bounty, and Elcano and the most intelligent 
 of his companions were cited to appear at court to nar- 
 rate their adventures. His Majesty received them with 
 marked deference. Elcano was rewarded with a life pen- 
 sion of five hundred ducats (worth at that date about five 
 hundred and sixty dollars), and as a lasting remembrance 
 of his unprecedented feat, his royal master knighted him 
 and conceded to him the right of using on his escutcheon 
 a globe bearing the motto: "Primus circundedit me." 
 
 Two of Elcano's officers, Miguel de Rodas and Fran- 
 cisco Alva, were each awarded a life pension of fifty thou- 
 sand maravedis (worth at that time about seventy dol- 
 ars), while the king ordered one-fourth of that fifth part 
 of the cargo, which by contract with Maghallanes be- 
 longed to the State Treasury, to be distributed among the 
 crew, including those imprisoned in Santiago Island. 
 
 Meanwhile the "Trinidad" was repaired in Tidor and 
 on her way to Panama, when continued tempests and the 
 horrible sufferings of the crew determined them to retrace
 
 THE PHILIPPINES. 251 
 
 their course to the Moluccas. In this interval Portuguese 
 ships had arrived there, and a fort was being constructed 
 to defend Portuguese interests against the Spaniards, 
 whom they regarded as interlopers. The "Trinidad" was 
 seized, and the captain, Espinosa, with the survivors of 
 his crew, were afforded a passage to Lisbon, which place 
 they reached five years after they had set out with Mag- 
 fa all anes. 
 
 The enthusiasm of King Charles was equal to the im- 
 portance of the discoveries which gave renown to his sub- 
 jects and added glory to his crown. Notwithstanding a 
 protracted controversy with the Portuguese court, which 
 claimed the exclusive right of trading with the Spice Isl- 
 ands, he ordered another squadron of six ships to be fitted 
 out for a voyage to the Moluccas. The supreme command 
 was confided to Garcia Yofre de Loaisa, Knight of St. 
 John, while Sebastian Elcano was appointed captain of 
 one of the vessels. After passing through the Magellan 
 Straits, the commander, Loaisa, succumbed to the fatigues 
 and privations of the stormy voyage. Elcano succeeded 
 him, but only for four days, when he too expired. The 
 expedition, however, arrived safely at the Molucca Isl- 
 ands, where they found the Portuguese in full possession 
 and strongly established; but the long series of combats, 
 struggles and altercations which ensued between the rival 
 powers, in which Captain Andres do Urdaneta prominently 
 figured, left no decisive advantage to either nation. 
 
 But the king was in no way disheartened. A third ex- 
 pedition the last under his auspices was organized and 
 dispatched from the Pacific coast of Mexico by the vice- 
 roy* by royal mandate. It was composed of two ships,
 
 252 HISTORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 two transports and one galley, well manned and armed, 
 chosen from the fleet of Pedro Alvarado, late governor of 
 Guatemala. Under the leadership of Ruy Lopez de Vil- 
 lalobos it sailed on the 1st of November, 1542; discovered 
 many small islands in the Pacific; lost the galley on the 
 way, and anchored off an island about twenty miles in cir- 
 cumference, which was named Antonia. They found its 
 inhabitants very hostile. A fight ensued, but the natives 
 finally fled, leaving several Spaniards wounded, of whom 
 six died. Villalobos then announced his intention of re- 
 maining here some time, and ordered his men to plant 
 maize. At first they demurred, saying that they had 
 come to fight, not to till land, but at length necessity 
 urged them to obedience, and a small but insufficient crop 
 was reaped in due season. Hard pressed for food, they 
 lived principally on cats, rats, lizards, snakes, dogs, roots 
 and wild fruit, and several died of disease. In this plight 
 a ship was sent to Mindanao Island, commanded by Ber- 
 nado de la Torre, to seek provisions. The voyage was 
 fruitless. The party was opposed by the inhabitants, who 
 fortified themselves, but were dislodged and slain. Then 
 a vessel was commissioned to Mexico with news and to 
 solicit re-enforcements. On the way, Volcano Island (of 
 the Ladrone Islands group) was discovered on the 6th 
 of August, 1543. A most important event followed. A 
 galiot was built and dispatched to the islands (it is 
 doubtful which), named by this expedition the Philip- 
 pine Islands in honor of Philip, prince of Asturias, the 
 son of King Charles I., heir apparent to the throne of 
 Castile, to which he ascended in 1555 under the title of 
 Philip II., on the abdication of his father.
 
 THE PHILIPPINES. 253 
 
 The craft returned from the Philippine Islands laden 
 with abundance of provisions, with which the ships were 
 enabled to continue the voyage. 
 
 By the royal instructions, Ruy Lopez de Villalobos 
 was strictly enjoined not to touch at the Moluccas Isl- 
 ands, peace having been concluded with Portugal. Heavy 
 gales forced him, nevertheless, to take refuge at Gilolo. 
 The Portuguese, suspicious of his intentions in view of 
 the treaty, arrayed their forces against his, inciting the 
 king of the island also to discard all Spanish overtures 
 and refuse assistance to Villalobos. The discord and con- 
 tentions between the Portuguese and Spaniards were in- 
 creasing; nothing was being gained by either party. Villa- 
 lobos personally was sorely disheartened in the struggle, 
 fearing all the while that his opposition to the Portuguese 
 in contravention of the royal instructions would only ex- 
 cite the king's displeasure and lead to his own downfall. 
 Hence he decided to capitulate with his rival and accepted 
 a safe conduct for himself and party to Europe in Por- 
 tuguese ships. They arrived at Amboina Island, where 
 Villalobos, already crushed by grief, succumbed to dis- 
 ease. The survivors of the expedition, among whom were 
 several priests, continued the journey home via Malacca, 
 Cochin-China and Goa, where they embarked for Lisbon, 
 arriving there in 1549. 
 
 In 1558, King Charles was no more, but the memory 
 of his ambition outlived him. His son Philip, equally 
 emulous and unscrupulous, was too narrow-minded and 
 subtly cautious to initiate an expensive enterprise encom- 
 passed by so many hazards as materially unproductive 
 as it was devoid of immediate political importance. la-
 
 254 HISTORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 deed the basis of the first expedition was merely to dis- 
 cover a western route to the rich Spice Islands, already 
 known to exist; the second went there to attempt to es- 
 tablish Spanish empire; and the third to search for and 
 annex to the Spanish crown lands as wealthy as those 
 claimed by and now yielded to the Portuguese. 
 
 But the value of the Philippine Islands, of which the 
 possession was but recent and nominal, was thus far a 
 matter of doubt. 
 
 One of the most brave and intrepid captains of the 
 Loaisa expedition Andres de Urdaneta returned to 
 Spain in 1536. In former years he had fought under 
 King Charles L, in his wars in Italy, when the study of 
 navigation served him as a favorite pastime. Since his 
 return from the Moluccas his constant attention was given 
 to the project of a new expedition to the Far "West, for 
 which he unremittingly solicited the royal sanction and 
 assistance. But the king had grown old and weary of 
 the world, and, while he did not openly discourage Urda- 
 neta's pretensions, he gave him no effective aid. At length 
 in 1553, two years before Charles abdicated, Urdaneta, 
 convinced of the futility of his importunity at the Spanish 
 court, and equally unsuccessful with his scheme in other 
 quarters, retired to Mexico, where he took the habit of an 
 Augustine monk. Ten years afterward King Philip, in- 
 spired by the religious sentiment which pervaded his whole 
 policy, urged his viceroy in Mexico to fit out an expedition 
 to conquer and Christianize the Philippine Islands. Urda- 
 neta, now a priest, was not overlooked. Accompanied by 
 five priests of his order, he was intrusted with the spirit- 
 ual care of the races to be subdued by an expedition com-
 
 THE PHILIPPINES. 255 
 
 posed of four ships and one frigate well armed, carrying 
 four hundred soldiers and sailors, commanded by a Basque 
 navigator, Miguel Lopez de Legaspi. This remarkable 
 man was destined to acquire the fame of having estab- 
 lished Spanish dominion in these islands. He was of noble 
 birth and a native of the province of Guipuzcoa in Spain. 
 Having settled in the City of Mexico, of which place he 
 was elected mayor, he there practiced as a notary. Of 
 undoubted piety, he enjoyed a reputation for his justice 
 and loyalty, hence he was appointed general of the forces 
 equipped for the voyage. 
 
 The favorite desire to possess the valuable Spice Isl- 
 ands still lurked in the minds of many Spaniards among 
 them was Urdaneta, who labored in vain to persuade the 
 viceroy of the superior advantages to be gained by annex- 
 ing New Guinea instead of the Philippines whence the 
 conquest of the Moluccas would be but a facile task. 
 However, the viceroy was inexorable and resolved to ful- 
 fill the royal instructions to the letter, so the expedition 
 set sail from the Mexican port of Navidad for the Philip- 
 pine Islands on the 21st of November, 1564. 
 
 The Ladrone Islands were passed on the 9th of January, 
 1565, and on the 13th of the following month the Philip- 
 pines were sighted. A call for provisions was made at 
 several small islands, including Camiguin, whence the ex- 
 pedition sailed to Bojol Island. A boat dispatched to the 
 port of Butuan returned in a fortnight with the news that 
 there was much gold, wax and cinnamon in that district. 
 A small vessel was also sent to Cebu, and on its return 
 reported that the natives showed hostility, having decapi- 
 tated one of the crew while he was bathing.
 
 256 HISTORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 Nevertheless, General Legaspi resolved to put in at 
 Cebu, which was a safe port; and on the way there the 
 ships anchored off Limasana Island (to the south of Leyte) . 
 Thence, running S.W., the port of Dapitan (Mindanao Isl- 
 and) was reached. 
 
 Prince Pagbuaya, who ruled there, was astonished at 
 the sight of such formidable ships, and commissioned one of 
 his subjects, specially chosen for his boldness, to take note 
 of their movements and report to him. His account was 
 uncommonly interesting. He related that enormous men 
 with long pointed noses, dressed in fine robes, ate stones 
 (hard biscuits), drank fire and blew smoke out of their 
 mouths and through their nostrils. Their power was such 
 that they commanded thunder and lightning (discharge of 
 artillery), and that at meal times they sat down at a 
 clothed table. From their lofty port, their bearded faces 
 and rich attire, they might have been the very gods mani- 
 festing themselves to the natives ; so the prince thought it 
 wise to accept the friendly overtures of such marvelous 
 strangers. Besides obtaining ample provisions in barter 
 for European wares, Legaspi procured from this chieftain 
 much useful information respecting the condition of Cebu. 
 He learned that it was esteemed a powerful kingdom, of 
 which the magnificence was much vaunted among the 
 neighboring states; that the port was one of great safety 
 and the most favorably situated among the islands of the 
 painted faces. 
 
 The general resolved therefore to filch it from its na- 
 tive king and annex it to the crown of Castile. 
 
 He landed in Cebu on the 27th of April, 1565, and 
 negotiations were entered into with the natives of that
 
 THE PHILIPPINES. 257 
 
 island. Remembering how successfully they had rid them- 
 selves of Maghallanes' party, they naturally opposed this 
 renewed menace to their independence. The Spaniards 
 occupied the town by force and sacked it, but for months 
 were so harassed by the surrounding tribes that a council 
 was convened to discuss the prudence of continuing the 
 occupation. The general decided to remain, and, little by 
 little, the natives yielded to the new condition of things, 
 and thus the first step toward the final conquest was 
 achieved. The natives were declared Spanish subjects, 
 and hopeful with the success thus far attained, Legaspi 
 determined to send dispatches to the king by the priest 
 Urdaneta, who safely arrived at Navidad on the 3d of 
 October, 1565, and proceeded thence to Spain. 
 
 The pacification of Cebu and the adjacent islands was 
 steadily and successfully pursued by Legaspi ; the confi- 
 dence of the natives was assured, and their dethroned 
 king Tupas accepted Christian baptism, while his daugh- 
 ter married a Spaniard. 
 
 In the midst of the invaders' felicity, the Portuguese 
 arrived to dispute the possession, but they were compelled 
 to retire. A fortress was constructed and plots of land 
 were marked out for the building of the Spanish settlers' 
 residences, and finally, in 1570, Cebu was declared a city, 
 after Legaspi had received from his royal master the title 
 of governor-general of all the lands which he might be 
 able to conquer. 
 
 In May, 1570, Captain Juan Salcedo, Legaspi's grand- 
 son, was dispatched to the Island of Luzon to reconnoiter 
 the territory and bring it under Spanish dominion. 
 
 The history of these early times is very confused, and
 
 258 HISTORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 there are many contradictions in the authors of the Philip- 
 pine chronicles, none of which seem to have been written 
 contemporaneously with the first events. It appears, how- 
 ever, that Martin de Goiti and a few soldiers accompanied 
 Salcedo to the north. They were well received by the 
 native chiefs or petty kings Lacandola, rajah of Tondo 
 (known as Rajah Matanda, which means in native dialect 
 the aged rajah), and his nephew, the young Rajah Soli- 
 man of Manila. 
 
 The sight of a body of European troops, armed as was 
 the custom in the sixteenth century, must have profoundly 
 impressed and overawed these chieftains, otherwise it seems 
 almost incredible that they should have consented, without 
 protest, or attempt at resistance, to (forever) give up their 
 territory, yield their independence, pay tribute,* and be- 
 
 ' Legaspi and Guido Lavezares, under oath, made prom- 
 ises of rewards to the Lacandola family and a remission of 
 tribute in perpetuity, but they were not fulfilled. In the 
 following century year 1660 it appears that the descend- 
 ants of the rajah Lacandola still upheld the Spanish au- 
 thority, and having become sorely impoverished thereby, 
 the heir of the family petitioned the governor (Sabiniano 
 Manrique de Lara) to make good the honor of his first pre- 
 decessors. Eventually the Lacandolas were exempted from 
 the payment of tribute and poll tax forever, as recompense 
 for the filching of their domains. 
 
 In 1884, when the fiscal reforms were introduced which 
 abolished the tribute and established in lieu thereof a docu- 
 ment of personal identity (cedula personal), for which a tax 
 is levied, the last vestige of privilege disappeared. 
 
 Descendants of Lacandola are still to be met with in sev- 
 eral villages near Manila. They do not seem to have mate- 
 rially profited by their transcendent ancestry one of them 
 was serving as a waiter in a French restaurant in the capi- 
 tal in 1885.
 
 THE PHILIPPINES. 259 
 
 come the tools of invading foreigners with which to con- 
 quer their own race, without recompense whatsoever. 
 
 A treaty of peace was signed and ratified by an ex- 
 change of drops of blood between the parties thereto. Soli- 
 man, however, soon repented of his poltroonery, and raised 
 the war cry among some of his tribes. To save his capital 
 (then called Maynila) falling into the hands of the invad- 
 ers he set fire to it. Lacandola remained passively watch- 
 ing the issue. Soliman was completely routed by Salcedo, 
 and pardoned on his again swearing fealty to the King of 
 Spain. Goiti remained in the vicinity of Manila with his 
 troops, while Salcedo fought his way to the Bombon Lake 
 (Taal) district. The present Batangas Province was sub- 
 dued by him and included in the jurisdiction of Mindoro 
 Island. During the campaign Salcedo was severely 
 wounded by an arrow and returned to Manila. 
 
 Legaspi was in the Island of Panay when Salcedo 
 (some writers say Goiti) arrived to advise him of what 
 had occurred in Luzon. They at once proceeded together 
 to Cavite, where Lacandola visited Legaspi on board, and, 
 prostrating himself, averred his submission. Then Legaspi 
 continued his journey to Manila, and was received there 
 with acclamation. He took formal possession of the sur- 
 rounding territory, declared Manila to be the capital of 
 the archipelago, and proclaimed the sovereignty of the 
 King of Spain over the whole group of islands. Gaspar 
 de San Agustin, writing of this period, says: "He (Le- 
 gaspi) ordered them (the natives) to finish the building of 
 the fort in construction at the mouth of the river (Pasig), 
 so that his majesty's artillery might be mounted therein 
 for the defense of the port and the town. Also he or-
 
 260 HISTORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 dered them to build a large house inside the battlement 
 walls for Legaspi's own residence another large house 
 and church for the priests, etc. . . . Besides these two 
 large houses he told them to erect one hundred and fifty 
 dwellings of moderate size for the remainder of the Span- 
 iards to live in. All this they promptly promised to do, 
 but they did not obey, for the Spaniards were themselves 
 obliged to terminate the work of the fortifications." 
 
 The City Council of Manila was constituted on the 
 24th of June, 1571. On the 20th of August, 1572, Miguel 
 Lopez de Legaspi succumbed to the fatigues of his ardu. 
 ous life, leaving behind him a name which will always 
 maintain a prominent place in Spanish colonial history. 
 He was buried in Manila in the Augustine Chapel of San 
 Fausto, where hung the royal standard and the hero's 
 armorial bearings until the British troops occupied the 
 city in 1763. 
 
 "Death makes no conquest of this conqueror, 
 For now he lives in fame, though not in life." 
 
 "Richard III.," Act 3, Sc. 1. 
 
 In the meantime Salcedo continued his task of sub- 
 jecting the tribes in the interior. The natives of Tay- 
 tay, and Cainta, in the present military district of Mo- 
 rong, submitted to him on the 15th of August, 1571. He 
 returned to the Laguna de Bay to pacify the villagers, 
 and penetrated as far as Camarines Norte to explore the 
 Bicol River. Bolinao and the provinces of Pangasinan 
 and Ilocos yielded to his prowess, and in this last prov- 
 ince he had well established himself when the defense of 
 the capital obliged him to return to Manila.
 
 THE PHILIPPINES. 261 
 
 At the same time Martin de Goiti was actively em- 
 ployed in overrunning the Pampanga territory, with the 
 double object of procuring supplies for the Manila camp 
 and coercing the inhabitants on his way to acknowledge 
 their new liege lord. It is recorded that in this expedition 
 Goiti was joined by the rajahs of Tondo and Manila. Yet 
 Lacandola appears to have been regarded more as a ser- 
 vant of the Spaniards nolens volens than as a free ally ; 
 for, because he absented himself from Goiti' s camp "with- 
 out license from the Maestre de Campo," he was suspected 
 by some writers of having favored opposition to the Span- 
 iards' incursions in the Marshes of Hagonoy (Pampanga 
 coast, northern boundary of Manila Bay). 
 
 The district which constituted the ancient province of 
 Taal y Balayan, subsequently denominated Province of 
 Batangas, was formerly governed by a number of ca- 
 ciques, the most notable of which were Gatpagil and Gat- 
 jinlintan. They were usually at war with their neighbors. 
 Gatjinlintan, the cacique of the Batangas River at the 
 time of the conquest, was famous for his valor. Gatsun- 
 gayan, who ruled on the other side of the river, was cele- 
 brated as a hunter of deer and wild boar. These men 
 were half-castes of Borneo and Aeta extraction, who formed 
 a distinct race called by the natives Daghagang. None of 
 them would submit to the King of Spain or become Chris- 
 tians, hence their descendants were offered no privileges. 
 
 On the death of General Legaspi, the government of 
 the colony was assumed by the royal treasurer, Guido de 
 Lavezares, in conformity with the sealed instructions from 
 the Supreme Court of Mexico, which were now opened. 
 During this period, the possession of the islands was un
 
 262 HISTORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 successfully disputed by a rival expedition under the com- 
 mand of a Chinaman, Li-ma-hong, whom the Spaniards 
 were pleased to term a pirate, forgetting, perhaps, that 
 they themselves had only recently wrested the country 
 from its former possessors by virtue of might against 
 right. On the coasts of his native country he had in- 
 deed been a pirate. For the many depredations committed 
 by him against private traders and property, the Celestial 
 Emperor, failing to catch him by cajolery, outlawed him. 
 Born in the port of Tiuchiu, Li-ma-hong at an early 
 age evinced a martial spirit and joined a band of corsairs, 
 which for a long time had been the terror of the China 
 coasts. On the demise of his chief he was unanimously 
 elected leader of the buccaneering cruisers. At length, pur- 
 sued in all directions by the imperial ships of war, he -de- 
 termined to attempt the conquest of the Philippines. Pre- 
 sumably the same incentives which impelled the Spanish 
 mariners to conquer lands and overthrow dynasties the 
 vision of wealth, glory and empire awakened a like am- 
 bition in the Chinese adventurer. It was the spirit of the 
 age. * In his sea- wanderings he happened to fall in with 
 a Chinese trading junk returning from Manila with the 
 proceeds of her cargo sold there. This he seized, and the 
 captive crew were constrained to pilot his fleet toward 
 the capital of Luzon. From them he learned how easily 
 the natives had been plundered by a handful of foreigners 
 
 * Guido de Lavezares deposed a sultan in Borneo, in 
 order to aid another to the throne, and even asked permis- 
 sion of King Philip II. to conquer China, which of course 
 was not conceded to him. Vide also the history of the de- 
 struction of the Aztec (Mexican) and Incas (Peruvian) dynas- 
 ties by the Spaniards.
 
 THE PHILIPPINES. 263 
 
 the probable extent of the opposition he might encoun- 
 ter the defenses established the wealth and resources 
 of the district and the nature of its inhabitants. 
 
 His fleet consisted of sixty-two warships or armed 
 junks, well found, having on board two thousand sail- 
 ors, two thousand soldiers, one thousand five hundred 
 women, a number of artisans, and all that could be con- 
 veniently carried with which to gain and organize his 
 new kingdom. On its way the squadron cast anchor off 
 the province of Ilocos Sur, where a few troops were sent 
 ashore to get provisions. While returning to the junks, 
 they sacked the village and set fire to the huts. The 
 news of this outrage was hastily communicated to Juan 
 Salcedo, who had been pacifying the northern provinces 
 since July, 1572, and was at the time in Villa Fernandina 
 (now called Vigan). Li-ma-hong continued his course un- 
 til calms compelled his ships to anchor in the roads of 
 Caoayan (Ilocos coast), where a few Spanish soldiers were 
 stationed under the orders of Juan Salcedo, who still was 
 in the immediate town of Vigan. Under his direction, 
 preparations were made to prevent the enemy entering the 
 river, but such was not Li-ma-hong's intention. He again 
 set sail; while Salcedo, naturally supposing his course 
 would be toward Manila, also started at the same time 
 for the capital with all the fighting men he could collect, 
 leaving only thirty men to garrison Vigan and protect the 
 State interests there. 
 
 On the 29th of November, 1574, the squadron arrived in 
 the Bay of Manila, and Li-ma hong sent forward his lieu- 
 tenant, Sioco a Japanese at the head of six hundred 
 
 fighting men, to demand the surrender of the Spaniards. 
 
 12
 
 264 HISTORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 A strong gale, however, destroyed several of his junks, 
 in which about two hundred men perished. 
 
 With the remainder he reached the coast at Paranaque, 
 a village a few miles south of Manila. Thence, with tow 
 lines, the four hundred soldiers hauled their junks up to 
 the beach of the capital. 
 
 Already at the village of Malate the alarm was raised, 
 but the Spaniards could not give credit to the reports, and 
 no resistance was offered until the Chinese were within 
 the gates of the city. Martin de Goiti, the Maestre de 
 Campo, second in command to the governor, was the first 
 victim of the attack. 
 
 The flames and smoke arising from his burning resi- 
 dence were the first indications which the governor re- 
 ceived of what was going on. The Spaniards took refuge 
 in the fort of Santiago, which the Chinese were on the 
 point of taking by storm, when their attention was drawn 
 elsewhere by the arrival of fresh troops led by a Spanish 
 sub-lieutenant. Under the mistaken impression that these 
 were the vanguard of a formidable corps, Sioco sounded 
 the retreat. A bloody hand-to-hand combat followed, and 
 with great difficulty the Chinese collected their dead and 
 regained their junks. 
 
 In the meantime Li-ma-hong, with the reserved forces, 
 was lying in the roadstead of Cavite, and Sioco hastened 
 to report to him the result of the attack, which had cost 
 the invader over one hundred dead and more than that 
 number wounded. Thereupon Li-ma-hong resolved to rest 
 his troops and renew the conflict in two days' time under 
 his personal supervision. The next day Juan Salcedo ar- 
 rived by sea with re-enforcements from Yigan, and prepa-
 
 THE PHILIPPINES. 265 
 
 rations were unceasingly made for the expected encounter. 
 Salcedo having been appointed to 1 the office of Maestre de 
 Campo, vacant since the death of Goiti, the organization 
 of the defense was intrusted to his immediate care. 
 
 By daybreak on the 3d of December, the enemy's fleet 
 hove to off the capital, where Li-ma-hong harangued his 
 troops, while the cornets and drums of the Spaniards were 
 sounding the alarm for their fighting men to assemble in 
 the fort. 
 
 Then fifteen hundred chosen men, well armed, were 
 disembarked under the leadership of Sioco, who swore to 
 take the place or die in the attempt. Sioco separated his 
 forces into three divisions. The city was set fire to, and 
 Sioco advanced toward the fort, into which hand-grenades 
 were thrown, while Li-ma-hong supported the attack with 
 his ships' cannon. 
 
 Sioco, with his division, at length entered the fort, and 
 a hand-to-hand fight ensued. For a while the issue was 
 doubtful. Salcedo fought like a lion. Even the aged 
 governor was well at the front to encourage the deadly 
 struggle for existence. The Spaniards finally gained the 
 victory; the Chinese were repulsed with great slaughter; 
 and their leader having been killed, they fled in complete 
 disorder. Salcedo, profiting by the confusion, now took 
 the offensive and followed up the enemy, pursuing them 
 along the seashore, where they were joined by the third 
 division, which had remained inactive. The panic of the 
 Chinese spread rapidly, and Li-ma-hong, in despair, landed 
 another contingent of about five hundred men, while he 
 still continued afloat; but even with this re-enforcement 
 the morale of his army could not be regained.
 
 266 HISTORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 The Chinese troops therefore, harassed on all sides, 
 made a precipitate retreat on board the fleet, and Li- 
 ma-hong set sail again for the west coast of the island. 
 Foiled in the attempt to possess himself of Manila, Li-ma- 
 hong determined to set up his capital in other parts. In 
 a few days he arrived at the mouth of the Agno River, 
 in the province of Pangasinan, where he proclaimed to 
 the natives that he had gained a signal victory over the 
 Spaniards. The inhabitants there, having no particular 
 choice between two masters, received Li-ma-hong with 
 welcome, and he thereupon set about the foundation of 
 his new capital some four miles from the mouth of the 
 river. Months passed before the Spaniards came in force 
 to dislodge the invader. Feeling themselves secure in 
 their new abode, the Chinese had built many dwellings, 
 a small fortress, a pagoda, etc. At length an expedition 
 was dispatched under the command of Juan Salcedo. 
 This was composed of about two hundred and fifty Span- 
 iards and one thousand six hundred natives well equipped 
 with small arms, ammunition and artillery. The flower 
 of the Spanish colony, accompanied by two priests and the 
 Rajah of Tondo, set out to expel the formidable foe. 
 Li-ma-hong made a bold resistance and refused to come 
 to terms with Salcedo. In the meantime, the Viceroy of 
 Fokien, having heard of Li-ma-hong's daring exploits, 
 had commissioned a ship of war to discover the where- 
 about of his imperial master's old enemy. The envoy 
 was received with delight by the Spaniards, who invited 
 him to accompany them to Manila to interview the 
 governor. 
 
 Li-ma-hong still held out, but perceiving that an irre-
 
 THE PHILIPPINES. 267 
 
 sist:ble onslaught was being projected against him by 
 Salcedo's party, he very cunningly and quite unexpectedly 
 gave them the slip, and sailed out of the river with his 
 ships by one of the mouths unknown to his enemies.* In 
 order to divert the attention of the Spaniards, Li-ma-hong 
 ingeniously feigned an assault in an opposite quarter. Of 
 course, on his escape, he had to abandon the troops em- 
 ployed in this maneuver. These, losing all hope, and 
 having, indeed, nothing but their lives to fight for, fled 
 to the mountains. Hence, it is popularly supposed that 
 from these fugitives descends the race of people in that 
 province still distinguishable by their oblique eyes and 
 known by the name of Igorrote-Chinese. 
 
 "Aide toi et Dieu t'aidera" is an old French maxim, 
 but the Spaniards chose to attribute their deliverance from 
 their Chinese rival to the friendly intervention of Saint 
 Andrew. This saint was declared thenceforth to be the 
 patron saint of Manila, and in his honor High Mass is 
 celebrated in the Cathedral at 8 A.M. on the 30th of each 
 November. It is a public holiday and gala-day, when all 
 the highest civil, military and religious authorities attend 
 the "Funcion votiva de San Andres." This opportunity to 
 assert the supremacy of ecclesiastical power was not lost 
 to the Church, and for many years it was the custom, 
 after hearing Mass, to spread the Spanish national flag on 
 the floor of the Cathedral for the metropolitan archbishop 
 to walk over it. It has been asserted, however, that a 
 
 * According to Juan de la Concepcion, in his "Hist. 
 Gen de Philipinas," Vol. I., page 431, Li-ma-hong made 
 his escape by cutting a canal for his ships to pass through, 
 but this appears highly improbable under the circumstances.
 
 268 HISTORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 few years ago the governor-general refused to witness 
 this antiquated formula, which, in public at least, no 
 longer obtains. Now it is the practice to carry the 
 royal standard before the altar. Both before and after 
 the Mass, the bearer (Alferez Real), wearing his hat and 
 accompanied by the mayor of the city, stands on the 
 altar-floor, raises his hat three times, and three times dips 
 the flag before the Image of Christ, then, facing the pub- 
 lic, he repeats this ceremony. On Saint Andrew's eve, 
 the royal standard is borne in procession from the Cathe- 
 dral through the principal streets of the city, escorted by 
 civil functionaries and followed by a band of music. This 
 ceremony is known as the "Paseo del Real Pendon." 
 
 According to Juan de la Concepcion, the Rajahs* Soli- 
 man and Lacandola took advantage of these troubles to 
 raise a rebellion against the Spaniards. The natives too 
 of Mindoro Island revolted and maltreated the priests, but 
 all these disturbances were speedily quelled by a detach- 
 ment of soldiers. 
 
 The governor willingly accepted the offer of the com- 
 mander of the Chinese man-of-war to convey embassadors 
 to his country to visit the viceroy and make a commer- 
 cial treaty. Therefore two priests, Martin Rada and 
 Geronimo Martin, were commissioned to carry a letter 
 of greeting and presents to this personage, who received 
 them with great distinction, but objected to their residing 
 in the country. 
 
 After the defeat of Li-ma-hong, Juan Salcedo again 
 repaired to the northern provinces of Luzon Island, to 
 
 * Other authors assert that only Soliman rebelled.
 
 THE PHILIPPINES. 269 
 
 continue his task of reducing the natives to submission. 
 On the llth of March, 1576, he died of fever near Vigan 
 (then called Villa Fernandina), capital of the province of 
 llocos Sur. A year afterward, what could be found of his 
 bones were placed in the ossuary of his illustrious grand- 
 father, Legaspi, in the Augustine Chapel of Saint Fausto, 
 Manila. His skull, however, which had been carried off 
 by the natives of llocos, could not be recovered in spite of 
 all threats and promises. In Vigan there is a small mon- 
 ument raised to commemorate the deeds of this famous 
 warrior, and there is also a street bearing his name. 
 
 For several years following these events, the question 
 of prestige in the civil affairs of the colony was acrimoni- 
 ously contested by the governor-general, the supreme court 
 and the ecclesiastics. 
 
 The governor was censured by his opponents for alleged 
 undue exercise of arbitrary authority. The supreme court, 
 established on the Mexican model, was reproached with 
 seeking to overstep the limits of its functions. Every legal 
 quibble was adjusted by a dilatory process, impracticable 
 in a colony yet in its infancy, where summary justice was 
 indispensable for the maintenance of order imperfectly un- 
 derstood by the masses. But the fault laid less with the 
 justices than with the constitution of the court itself. Nor 
 was this state of affairs improved by the growing discon- 
 tent and immoderate ambition of the clergy, who unre- 
 mittingly urged their pretensions to immunity from State 
 control, affirming the supramundane condition of their 
 office. 
 
 An excellent code of laws, called the Leyes de Indias, 
 in force in Mexico, was adopted here, but modifications in
 
 270 HISTORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 harmony with the special conditions of this colony were 
 urgently necessary, while all the branches of government 
 called for reorganization or reform. Under these circum- 
 stances, the bishop of Manila, Domingo Salazar, took the 
 initiative in commissioning a priest, Fray Alonso Sanchez, 
 to repair first to the viceroy of Mexico and afterward 
 to the King of Spain, to expose the grievances of his 
 party. 
 
 Alonso Sanchez left the Philippines with his appoint- 
 ment as procurator-general for the Augustine order of 
 monks. As the execution of the proposed reforms, which 
 he was charged to lay before his majesty, would, if con- 
 ceded, be intrusted to the government of Mexico, his first 
 care was to seek the partisanship of the viceroy of that 
 colony; and in this he succeeded. Thence he continued 
 his journey to Seville, where the court happened to be, 
 arriving there in September, 1587. H was at once 
 granted an audience of the king, to present his cre- 
 dentials and memorials relative to Philippine affairs in 
 general; and ecclesiastical, judicial, military and native 
 matters in particular. The king promised to peruse all 
 the documents, but suffering from gout, and having so 
 many and distinct State concerns to attend to, the nego- 
 tiations were greatly delayed. Finally, Sanchez sought 
 a minister who had easy access to the royal apartments, 
 and this personage obtained from the king permission to 
 examine the documents and hand to him a succinct re- 
 sume of the whole for his majesty's consideration. A 
 commission was then appointed, including Sanchez, and 
 the deliberations lasted five months. 
 
 At this period, public opinion in the Spanish univer-
 
 THE PHILIPPINES. 271 
 
 sities was very divided with respect to Catholic missions 
 in the Indies. 
 
 Some maintained that the propaganda of the faith 
 ought to be purely Apostolic, such as Jesus Christ taught 
 to. his disciples, inculcating doctrines of humility and 
 poverty without arms or violence, and if, nevertheless, 
 the heathens refused to welcome this mission of peace, 
 the missionaries should simply abandon them in silence 
 without further demonstration than that of shaking the 
 dust off their feet. 
 
 Others opined, and among them was Sanchez, that 
 such a method was useless and impracticable, and that 
 it was justifiable to force their religion upon primitive 
 races at the point of the sword if necessary, using any 
 violence to enforce its acceptance. 
 
 Much ill-feeling was aroused in the discussion of these 
 two and distinct theories. Juan Volante, a Dominican 
 friar of the Convent of Our Lady of Atocha, presented 
 a petition against the views of the Sanchez faction, de- 
 claring that the idea of ingrafting religion with the aid 
 of arms was scandalous. Fray Juan Volante was so 
 importunate, that he had to be heard in council, but 
 neither party yielded. At length, the intervention of the 
 bishops of Manila, Macao and Malacca and several cap- 
 tains and governors in the Indies influenced the king to 
 put an end to the controversy, on the ground that it 
 would lead to no good. 
 
 The king retired to the Monastery of the Escorial, and 
 Sanchez was cited to meet him there to learn the royal 
 will. About the same time the news reached the king 
 of the loss of the so-called Invincible Armada, sent under
 
 272 HISTORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 the command of the incompetent Duke of Medina Sidonia 
 to annex England. Notwithstanding this severe blow to 
 the vain ambition of Philip, the affairs of the Philippines 
 were delayed but a short time. On the basis of the rec- 
 ommendation of the junta, the royal assent was given to 
 an important decree, of which the most significant ar- 
 ticles are the following, namely: The tribute was fixed 
 by the king at ten reales per annum, payable by the na- 
 tives in gold, silver, or grain, or part in one commodity 
 and part in the other. Of this tribute, eight reales were 
 to be paid to the treasury, one half real to the bishop 
 and clergy, and one real and a half to be applied to 
 the maintenance of the soldiery. Full tribute was not 
 to be exacted from the natives still unsubjected to the 
 crown. Until their confidence and loyalty should be 
 gained by friendly overtures, they were to pay a small 
 recognition of vassalage, and subsequently the tribute in 
 common with the rest. 
 
 Instead of one-fifth value of gold and hidden treasure 
 due to his majesty (real quinto), he would henceforth re- 
 ceive only one-tenth of such value, excepting that of gold, 
 which the natives would be permitted to extract free of 
 rebate. 
 
 A custom? duty of 3 per cent ad valorem was to be 
 paid on merchandise sold, and this duty was to be spent 
 on the army. 
 
 Export duty was to be paid on goods shipped to New 
 Spain (Mexico), and this impost was also to be exclusively 
 spent on the armed forces. 
 
 The number of European troops in the colony was fixed 
 at four hundred men-at-arms, divided into six companies,
 
 THE PHILIPPINES. 273 
 
 each under a captain, a sub-lieutenant, a sergeant, and two 
 corporals. Their pay was to be as follows, namely: Cap- 
 tain thirty-five dollars, sub-lieutenant twenty dollars, ser- 
 geant ten dollars, corporal seven dollars, rank and file six 
 dollars per month; besides which, an annual gratuity of 
 ten thousand dollars was to be proportionately distributed 
 to all. 
 
 Recruits from Mexico were not to enlist under the age 
 of fifteen years. 
 
 The captain-general was to have a body-guard of 
 twenty-four men (halberdiers), with the pay of those 
 of the line, under the immediate command of a cap- 
 tain to be paid fifteen dollars per month. 
 
 Salaries due to State employes were to be punctually 
 paid when due; and when funds were wanted for that 
 purpose they were to be supplied from Mexico. 
 
 The king made a donation of twelve thousand dollars, 
 which, with another like sum to be contributed by the 
 Spaniards themselves, would serve to liquidate their debts 
 incurred on their first occupation of the islands. 
 
 The governor and bishop were recommended to con- 
 sider the project of a refuge for young Spanish women 
 arrived from Spain, and to study the question of dowries 
 for native women married to poor Spaniards. 
 
 The offices of secretaries and notaries were no longer 
 to be sold, but conferred on persons who merited such 
 appointments. 
 
 The governors were instructed not to make grants of 
 land to their relations, servants or friends, but solely to 
 those who should have resided at least three years in the 
 islands, and have worked the lands so conceded. Any
 
 274 HISTORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 grants which might have already been made to the rela- 
 tions of the governors or magistrates were to be canceled. 
 
 The rent paid by the Chinese for the land they occu- 
 pied was to be applied to the necessities of the capital. 
 
 The governor and bishop were to enjoin the judges not 
 to permit costly lawsuits, but to execute summary justice 
 verbally, and, so far as possible, fines were not to be 
 inflicted. 
 
 The city of Manila was to be fortified in a manner to 
 insure it against all further attacks or risings. 
 
 Four penitentiaries were to be established in the isl- 
 ands in the most convenient places, with the necessary 
 garrisons, and six to eight galleys and frigates well armed 
 and ready for defense against the English corsairs which 
 might come by way of the Moluccas. 
 
 In the most remote and unexplored parts of the isl- 
 ands, the governor was to have unlimited powers to act 
 as he should please, without consulting his majesty; but 
 projected enterprises of conversion, pacification, etc., at 
 the expense of the royal treasury, were to be submitted 
 to a council, comprising the bishop, the captains, etc. The 
 governor was authorized to capitulate and agree with the 
 captains and others who might care to undertake conver- 
 sions and pacifications on their own account, and to con- 
 cede the title of Maestre de Campo to such persons, on 
 condition that such capitulations should be forwarded to 
 his majesty for ratification. 
 
 Only those persons domiciled in the islands would be 
 permitted to trade with them. 
 
 A sum of one thousand dollars was to be taken from 
 the tributes paid into the royal treasury for the founda-
 
 THE PHILIPPINES. 275 
 
 tion of the hospital for the Spaniards, and the annual sum 
 of six hundred dollars, appropriated by the governor for 
 its support, was confirmed. Moreover, the royal treasury 
 of Mexico was to send clothing to the value of four hun- 
 dred ducats for the hospital use. 
 
 The hospital for the natives was to receive an annual 
 donation of six hundred dollars for its support, and an 
 immediate supply of clothing from Mexico to the value 
 of two hundred dollars. 
 
 Slaves held by Spaniards were to be immediately set at 
 liberty. ITo native was thenceforth to be enslaved. All 
 new born natives were declared free. The bondage of all 
 existing slaves from ten years of age was to cease on their 
 attaining twenty years of age. Those above twenty years 
 of age were to serve five years longer, and then become 
 free. AJ; any time, notwithstanding the foregoing condi- 
 tions, they would be entitled to purchase their liberty, the 
 price of which was to be determined by the governor and 
 the bishop.* 
 
 There being no tithes payable to the church by Span- 
 iards or natives, the clergy were to receive for their main- 
 tenance the half real above mentioned in lieu thereof, 
 from the tribute paid by each native subjected to the 
 
 * Bondage in the Philippines was apparently not so neces- 
 sary for the interests of the Church as it was in Cuba, where 
 a commission of friars, appointed soon after the discovery of 
 the island to deliberate on the policy of partially permitting 
 slavery there, reported "that the Indians would not labor 
 without compulsion, and that, unless they labored, they 
 could not be brought into communication with the whites, 
 nor be converted to Christianity." Vide W. H. Prescott's 
 "Hist, of the Conquest of Mexico."
 
 276 HISTORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 crown. When the Spaniards should have crops, they 
 were to pay tithes to the clergy. 
 
 A grant was made of twelve thousand ducats for the 
 building and ornaments of the Cathedral, and an immedi- 
 ate advance of two thousand ducats, on account of this 
 grant, was made from the funds to be remitted from 
 Mexico. 
 
 Forty Austin friars were to be sent at once to the 
 Philippines, to be followed by missionaries from other cor- 
 porations. The king allowed five hundred dollars to be 
 paid against the one thousand dollars' passage money for 
 each priest, the balance to be defrayed out of the com- 
 mon funds of the clergy, derived from their share of 
 the tribute. 
 
 Missionaries in great numbers had already flocked to 
 the Philippines and roamed wherever they thought fit, 
 without license from the bishop, whose authority they 
 utterly repudiated. 
 
 Affirming that they had the direct consent of his holi- 
 ness the Pope, they menaced with excommunication who- 
 soever attempted to impede them in their free peregrina- 
 tion. Five years after the foundation of Manila, the city 
 and environs were infested with niggardly mendicant 
 friars, whose slothful habits placed their supercilious 
 countrymen in ridicule before the natives. They were 
 tolerated but a short time in the islands; not altogether 
 because of the ruin they would have brought to Euro- 
 pean moral influence on the untutored tribes, but because 
 the bishop was highly jealous of all competition against 
 the Augustine order to which he belonged. Consequent 
 on the representations of Fray Alonso Sanchez, his maj-
 
 THE PHILIPPINES. 277 
 
 esty ordained that all priests who went to the Philippines 
 were, in the first place, to resolve never to quit the islands 
 without the bishop's sanction, which was to be conceded 
 with great circumspection and only in extreme cases, while 
 the governor was instructed not to afford them means of 
 exit on his sole authority. 
 
 Neither did the bishop regard with satisfaction the 
 presence of the commissary of the Inquisition, whose se- 
 cret investigations, shrouded with mystery, curtailed the 
 liberty of the loftiest functionary, sacred or civil. At 
 the instigation of Fray Alonso Sanchez, the junta rec- 
 ommended the king to recall the commissary and extin- 
 guish the office, but he refused to do so. In short, the 
 chief aims of the bishop were to enhance the power of 
 the friars, raise the dignity of the colonial miter, and 
 secure a religious monopoly for the Augustine order. 
 
 Gomez Perez Dasmarinas was the next governor ap- 
 pointed to these islands, on the recommendation of Fray 
 Alonso Sanchez. In the royal instructions which he 
 brought with him were embodied all the above men- 
 tioned civil, ecclesiastical and military reforms. 
 
 At the same time, King Philip abolished the supreme 
 court. He wished to put an end to the interminable law- 
 suits so prejudicial to the development of the colony. 
 Therefore the president and magistrates were replaced 
 by justices of the peace, and the former returned to 
 Mexico in 1591. This measure served only to widen 
 the breach between the bishop and the civil government. 
 Dasmarinas compelled him to keep within the sphere of 
 his sacerdotal functions, and tolerated no rival in State 
 concerns. There was no appeal on the spot against the
 
 278 HISTORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 governor's authority. This restraint irritated and dis- 
 gusted the bishop to such a degree, that at the age of 
 seventy-eight years he resolved to present himself at the 
 Spanish court. On his arrival there, he manifested to 
 the king the impossibility of one bishop attending to the 
 spiritual wants of a people dispersed over so many isl- 
 ands. For seven years after the foundation of Manila, as 
 capital of the archipelago, its principal church was sim- 
 ply a parish church. In 1578 it was raised to the dignity 
 of a cathedral, at the instance of the king. Three years 
 after this date the Cathedral of Manila was solemnly de- 
 clared to be a "Suffragan Cathedral of Mexico, under the 
 Ad vocation of Our Lady of the Immaculate Conception"; 
 Domingo Salazar being the first bishop consecrated. He 
 now proposed to raise the Manila see to an archbishopric, 
 with three suffragan bishops. The king gave his consent, 
 subject to approval from Rome, and, this following in due 
 course, Salazar was appointed first archbishop of Manila; 
 but he died before the Papal Bull arrived, dated the 14th 
 of August, 1595, officially authorizing his investiture. 
 
 In the meantime, Alonso Sanchez had proceeded to 
 Rome in May, 1589. Among many other Pontifical favors 
 conceded to him, he obtained the right for himself, or his 
 assigns, to use a die or stamp of any form with one or 
 more images; to be chosen by the holder, and to contain 
 also the figure of Christ, the Very Holy Virgin, or the 
 Saint Peter or Paul. On the reverse was to be engraven 
 a bust portrait of His Holiness with the following indul- 
 gences attached thereto, viz.: "To him who should con- 
 vey the word of God to the infidels, or give them notice 
 of the holy mysteries each time 300 years' indulgence.
 
 THE PHILIPPINES. 279 
 
 To him who, by industry, converted any one of these, or 
 brought him to the bosom of the Church full indulgence 
 for all sins." A number of minor indulgences were con- 
 ceded for services to be rendered to the Pontificate, and 
 for the praying so many Pater Nosters and Ave Marias. 
 This Bull was dated in Rome the 28th of July, 1591. 
 
 Popes Gregory XIV. and Innocent IX. granted other 
 Bulls relating to the rewards for using beads, medals, 
 crosses, pictures, blessed images, etc., with which one 
 could gain nine plenary indulgences every day or rescue 
 nine souls from purgatory; and each day, twice over, all 
 the full indulgences yet given in and out of Rome could 
 be obtained for living and deceased persons. 
 
 Sanchez returned to Spain (where he died), bringing 
 with him the body of Saint Policarp, a relic of Saint 
 Potenciana, and one hundred and fifty seven martyrs; 
 among them, twenty-seven popes, for remission to the 
 Cathedral of Manila. 
 
 The supreme court was re-established with the same 
 faculties as those of Mexico and Lima in 1598, and since 
 then, on seven occasions, when the governorship has been 
 vacant, it has acted pro tern. The following interesting 
 account of the pompous ceremonial attending the recep- 
 tion of the Royal Seal, restoring this court, is given by 
 Concepcion.* He says: "The Royal Seal of office was 
 received from the ship with the accustomed solemnity. It 
 was contained in a chest covered with purple velvet and 
 trimmings of silver and gold, over which hung a cloth of 
 purple and gold. It was escorted by a majestic accom- 
 
 * "Hist. Gen. de Philipinas," by Juan de la Concepcion, 
 Vol. III., Chap. IX., page 365, pub. Manila, 1788.
 
 280 HISTORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 paniment, marching to the sounds of clarions and cym- 
 bals and other musical instruments. The cortege passed 
 through the noble city with rich vestments, and leg trim- 
 mings and uncovered heads. Behind these followed a 
 horse, gorgeously caparisoned and girthed, for the presi- 
 dent to place the coffer containing the Royal Seal upon 
 its back. The streets were beautifully adorned with ex- 
 quisite drapery. The high bailiff, magnificently robed, 
 took the reins in hand to lead the horse under a purple 
 velvet pall bordered with gold. The magistrates walked 
 on either side; the aldermen of the city, richly clad, car- 
 ried their staves of office in the august procession, whioh 
 concluded with a military escort, standard-bearers, eto. T 
 and proceeded to the Cathedral, where it was met by the 
 dean, holding a Cross. As the company entered the sacred 
 edifice, the Te Deum was entoned by a band of music." 
 
 In 1886 a supreme court, exactly similar to, and inde- 
 pendent of, that of Manila, was established in the city of 
 Cebu. The question of precedence in official acts having 
 been soon after disputed between the president of the court 
 and the brigadier-governor of Visayas, it was decided in 
 favor of the latter, on appeal to the governor-general. In 
 the meantime, the advisability of abolishing the supreme 
 court of Cebu was debated by the public. 
 
 Consequent on the union of the crowns of Portugal 
 and Spain (1581 to 1640), the feuds, as between nations, 
 diplomatically subsided, although the individual antag- 
 onism was as rife as ever. 
 
 Spanish and Portuguese interests in the Moluccas, as 
 elsewhere, were thenceforth officially mutual. In the Mo- 
 luccas group, the old contests between the then rival king-
 
 THE PHILIPPINES. 281 
 
 doms had estranged the natives from their forced alli- 
 ances. Anti-Portuguese and Philo-Portuguese parties had 
 sprung up among the petty sovereignties, but the Portu- 
 guese fort and factory established in Ternate Island were 
 held for many years, despite all contentions. But another 
 rivalry, as formidable and more detrimental than that of 
 the Portuguese in days gone by, now menaced Spanish 
 ascendency. 
 
 From the close of the sixteenth century up to the year 
 of the "Family Compact" wars (1763), Holland and Spain 
 were relentless foes. To recount the numerous combats 
 between their respective fleets during this period would 
 itself require a volume. It will suffice here to show the 
 bearing of these political conflicts upon the concerns of 
 the Philippine colony. The Treaty of Antwerp, which 
 was wrung from the Spaniards in 1609, twenty-eight 
 years after the union of Spain and Portugal, broke the 
 scourge of their tyranny, while it failed to assuage the 
 mutual antipathy. One of the consequences of the "Wars 
 of the Flanders," which terminated with this treaty, was 
 that the Dutch were obliged to seek in the Far East the 
 merchandise which had hitherto been supplied to them 
 from the Peninsula. The short-sighted policy of the 
 Spaniards in closing to the Dutch the Portuguese mar- 
 kets, which were now theirs, brought upon themselves 
 the destruction of the monopolies which they had gained 
 by the union. The Dutch were now free, and their old 
 tyrant's policy induced them to independently establish 
 their own trading headquarters in the Moluccas Islands, 
 whence they could obtain directly the produce forbidden 
 to them in the home ports. Hence, from those islands,
 
 282 HISTORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 the ships of a powerful Netherlands Trading Company 
 sallied forth from time to time to meet the Spanish gal- 
 leons from Mexico with silver and manufactured goods. 
 
 Previous to this, and during the "Wars of the Flanders, 
 Dutch corsairs hovered about the waters of the Moluccas, 
 to take reprisals from the Spaniards. These encounters 
 frequently took place at the eastern entrance of the San 
 Bernadino Straits, where the Dutch were accustomed to 
 hove-to in anticipation of the arrival of their prizes. 
 
 In this manner, constantly roving about the Philippine 
 waters, they enriched themselves at the expense of their 
 detested adversary, and, in a small degree, avenged them- 
 selves of the bloodshed and oppression which for over sixty 
 years had desolated the Low Countries. 
 
 The Philippine colony lost immense sums in the seizure 
 of its galleons from Mexico, upon which it almost entirely 
 depended for subsistence. Being a dependency of New 
 Spain, its whole intercourse with the civilized world, its 
 supplies of troops and European manufactured articles, 
 were contingent upon the safe arrival of the galleons. 
 Also the dollars with which they annually purchased car- 
 goes from the Chinese for the galleons came from Mexico. 
 
 Consequently, the Dutch usually took the aggressive in 
 these sea-battles, although they were not always victori- 
 ous. When there were no ships to meet, they bombarded 
 the ports where others were being built. The Spaniards, 
 on their part, from time to time fitted out vessels to run 
 down to the Moluccas Islands to attack the enemy in hie 
 own waters. 
 
 During the governorship of Gomez Perez Dasmarmas 
 (1590-1593), the native king of Siao Island one of the
 
 THE PHILIPPINES. 283 
 
 Moluccas group came to Manila to offer homage and vas- 
 salage to the representative of the King of Spain and 
 Portugal, in return for protection against the incursions 
 of the Dutch and the raids of the Ternate natives. Das- 
 marinas received him and the Spanish priests who accom- 
 panied him with affability, and, being satisfied with his 
 credentials, he prepared a large expedition to go to the 
 Moluccas to set matters in order. The fleet was com- 
 posed of several frigates, one ship, six galleys and one 
 hundred small vessels, all well armed. The fighting men 
 numbered one hundred Spaniards, four hundred Pampanga 
 and Tagalog arquebusiers, one thousand Visayas archers 
 and lancers, besides one hundred Chinese to row the gal- 
 leys. This expedition, which was calculated to be amply 
 sufficient to subdue all the Moluccas, sailed from Cavite 
 on the 6th of October, 1593. The sailing ships having 
 got far ahead of the galleys, they hove-to off Punta de 
 Azufre (N. of Maricaban Island) to wait for them. The 
 galleys arrived; and the next day they were able to start 
 again in company. Meanwhile a conspiracy was formed 
 by the Chinese galleymen to murder all the Spaniards. 
 Assuming these Chinese to be volunteers, their action 
 would appear most wanton and base. If, however, as 
 is most probable, they were pressed into this military 
 service to foreigners, it seems quite natural that, being 
 forced to bloodshed without alternative, they should first 
 fight for their own liberty. 
 
 All but the Chinese were asleep, and they fell upon 
 the Spaniards in a body. Eighteen of the troops and 
 four slaves escaped by jumping into the sea. The gov- 
 ernor was sleeping in his cabin, but awoke on hearing
 
 284 HISTORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 the noise. He supposed the ship had grounded, and was 
 coming up the companion en deshabille, when a China- 
 man cleaved his head with a cutlass. The governor 
 reached his state-room, and taking his missal and the 
 Image of the Virgin in his hand, he died in six hours. 
 The Chinese did not venture below, where the priests and 
 armed soldiers were hidden. They cleared the decks of 
 all their opponents, made fast the hatches and gangways, 
 and waited three days, when, after putting ashore those 
 who were still alive, they escaped to Cochin-China, where 
 the king and mandarins seized the vessel and all she car- 
 ried. On board were found twelve thousand dollars in 
 coin, some silver, and jewels belonging to the governor 
 and his suite. 
 
 Thus the expedition was brought to an untimely end. 
 The King of Siao, and the missionaries accompanying 
 him, had started in advance for Otong (Panay Island) 
 to wait for the governor, and there they received the 
 news of the disaster. 
 
 Among the most notable of the successful expeditions 
 of the Spaniards was that of Pedro Bravo de Acuna, in 
 1606, which consisted of nineteen frigates, nine galleys 
 and eight small craft, carrying a total of about two thou- 
 sand men and provisions for a prolonged struggle. The 
 result was, that they subdued a petty sultan friendly to 
 the Dutch, and established a fortress on his island. 
 
 About the year 1607, the supreme court (the gover- 
 norship being vacant from 1606 to 1608), hearing that 
 a Dutch vessel was hovering off Ternate, sent a ship 
 against it, commanded by Pedro de Heredia. A com- 
 bat ensued. The Dutch commander was taken prisoner
 
 THE PHILIPPINES. 285 
 
 with several of his men, and lodged in the fort at Ter- 
 nate, but was ransomed on payment of fifty thousand 
 dollars to the Spanish commander. Heredia returned 
 joyfully to Manila, where, much to his surprise, he was 
 prosecuted by the supreme court for exceeding his in- 
 structions, and expired of melancholy. The ransomed 
 Dutch leader was making his way back to his head- 
 quarters in a small ship, peacefully, and without hostil- 
 izing the Spaniards in any way, when the supreme court 
 treacherously sent a galley and a frigate after him to 
 make him prisoner a second time. Overwhelmed by 
 numbers and arms, and little expecting such perfidious 
 conduct of the Spaniards, he was at once arrested and 
 brought to Manila. The Dutch returned twenty -two 
 Spanish prisoners of war to Manila to ransom him; but 
 while these were, retained, the Dutch commander was, 
 nevertheless, imprisoned for life. 
 
 Some years afterward, a Dutch squadron anchored off 
 the south point of Bataan Province, not far from Punta 
 Marivelez, at the entrance to Manila Bay. Juan de Silva, 
 the governor (from 1609 to 1616), was in great straits. 
 Several ships had been lost by storms, others were away, 
 and there was no adequate floating armament with which 
 to meet the enemy. However, the Dutch lay-to for five 
 or six months, waiting to seize the Chinese and Japanese 
 traders' goods on their way to the Manila market. They 
 secured immense booty, and were in no hurry to open 
 hostilities. This delay gave Silva time to prepare vessels 
 to attack the foe. In the interval, he dreamed that Saint 
 Mark had offered to help him defeat the Dutch. On 
 awaking, he called a priest, whom he consulted about
 
 286 HISTORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 the dream, and they agreed that the nocturnal vision 
 was a sign from Heaven denoting a victory. The priest 
 went (from Cavite) to Manila to procure a relic of this 
 glorious intercessor, and returned with his portrait to the 
 governor, who adored it. In haste the ships and arma- 
 ment were prepared. On Saint Mark's day, therefore, 
 the Spaniards sallied forth from Cavite with six ships, 
 carrying seventy guns, and two galleys and two launches 
 also well armed, besides a number of small light vessels, 
 to assist in the formation of line of battle. 
 
 A.11 the European fighting men in Manila and Cavite 
 embarked over one thousand Spaniards the flower of the 
 colony, together with a large force of natives, who were 
 taught to believe that the Dutch were infidels. On the 
 issue of this day's events perchance depended the posses- 
 sion of the colony. Manila and Cavite were garrisoned by 
 volunteers. Orations were offered in the churches. The 
 Miraculous Image of Our Lady of the Guide was taken 
 in procession from the Hermit, and exposed to public view 
 in the Cathedral. The saints of the different churches 
 and sanctuaries were adored and exhibited daily. The 
 governor himself took the supreme command, and dis- 
 pelled all wavering doubt in his subordinates by proclaim- 
 ing Saint Mark's promise of intercession. On his ship he 
 
 
 
 hoisted the royal standard, on which was embroidered 
 the Image of the Holy Virgin, with the motto: "Mostrate 
 esse Matrem," and over a beautifully calm sea he led the 
 way to battle. 
 
 A shot from the Spanish heavy artillery opened the 
 bloody combat. The Dutch were completely vanquished, 
 after a fierce struggle which lasted six hours. Their
 
 THE PHILIPPINES. 287 
 
 three ships were destroyed, and their flags, artillery, and 
 plundered merchandise to the value of three hundred thou- 
 sand dollars were seized. This famous engagement was 
 thenceforth known as the battle of Playa Honda. 
 
 Again in 1611, under Silva, a squadron sailed io the 
 Moluccas and defeated the Dutch off Gilolo Island. 
 
 In 1617, the Spaniards had a successful engagement 
 off the Zambales coast with the Dutch, who lost three 
 of their ships. 
 
 In July, 1620, three Mexican galleons were met by 
 three Dutch vessels off Cape Espiritu Santo (Samar Isl- 
 and), at the entrance of the San Bernadino Straits, but 
 managed to escape in the dark. Two ran ashore and 
 broke up; the third reached Manila. After this the gov- 
 ernor-general, Alonzo Fajardo de Tua, ordered the course 
 of the State ships to be varied on each voyage. 
 
 In 1625, the Dutch again appeared off the Zambales 
 coast, and Geronimo de Silva went out against them. 
 The Spaniards, having lost one man, relinquished the 
 pursuit of the enemy, and the commander was brought 
 to trial by the supreme court. 
 
 In 1626, at the close of the governorship of Fernando 
 de Silva, a Spanish colony was founded on Formosa Isl- 
 and, but no supplies were sent to it, and consequently in 
 1642 it surrendered to the Dutch, who held it for twenty 
 years, until they were driven out by the Chinese advent- 
 urer Keuseng. And thus for over a century and a half 
 the strife continued, until the Dutch concentrated their 
 attention in the development of their Eastern colonies, 
 which the power of Spain, growing more and more effete, 
 was incompetent to impede. 
 
 13
 
 388 HISTORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 In 1761, King George III. had just succeeded to the 
 throne of England, and the protracted contentions with 
 France had been suspended for a while. It was soon evi- 
 dent, however, that efforts were being employed to extin- 
 guish the power and prestige of Great Britain, and with 
 this object a convention had been entered into between 
 France and Spain known as the "Family Compact." It 
 was so called because it was an alliance made by the three 
 branches of the House of Bourbon; namely, Louis XV. 
 of France, Charles III. of Spain, and his son Ferdinand, 
 who, in accordance with the Treaty of Vienna, had 
 ascended the throne of Naples. Spain engaged to unite 
 her forces with those of France against England on the 
 1st of May, 1762, if the war still lasted, in which case 
 France would restore Minorca to Spain. Pitt was con- 
 vinced of the necessity of meeting the coalition by force 
 of arms, but he was unable to secure the support of his 
 Ministry to declare war, and he therefore retired from the 
 premiership. The succeeding Cabinet was, nevertheless, 
 compelled to adopt his policy, and, after having lost many 
 advantages by delaying their decision, war was declared 
 against France and Spain. 
 
 The British were successful everywhere. In the West 
 Indies, the Caribbean Islands and Havana were captured, 
 with great booty, by Rodney and Monckton, while a Brit- 
 ish fleet was dispatched to the Philippine Islands with 
 orders to take Manila. 
 
 There are many versions of this event given by differ- 
 ent historians, and among them there is not wanting an 
 author who, following the Spanish custom, has accounted 
 for defeat by alleging treason.
 
 THE PHILIPPINES. 289 
 
 On the 14th of September, 1762, a British vessel ar- 
 rived in the Bay of Manila, refused to admit Spanish 
 .officers on board, and after taking soundings she sailed 
 again out of the harbor. 
 
 In the evening of the 22d of September, the British 
 squadron, composed of thirteen ships, under the command 
 of Admiral Cornish, entered the bay, and the next day 
 two British officers were deputed to demand the surren- 
 der of the citadel, which was refused. 
 
 Brigadier-general Draper thereupon disembarked his 
 troops, and again called upon the city to yield. This 
 citation being defied, the bombardment commenced the 
 next day. The fleet anchored in front of a powder- 
 magazine, took possession of the churches of Malate, 
 Hermita, San Juan de Bagumbayan and Santiago. Two 
 picket guards made an unsuccessful sortie against them. 
 The whole force in Manila at the time was the king's 
 regiment, which mustered about six hundred men and 
 eighty pieces of artillery. The British forces consisted 
 of one thousand five hundred European troops (one regi- 
 ment of infantry and two companies of artillery), three 
 thousand seamen, eight hundred Sepoy fusileers and one 
 thousand four hundred Sepoy prisoners, making a total of 
 six thousand eight hundred and thirty men. 
 
 There was no governor-general here at the time, and 
 the only person with whom the British commander could 
 treat was the acting-governor, the Archbishop Manuel 
 Antonio Rojo, who was willing to yield. His authority 
 was, however, set aside by a rebellious war party, who 
 placed themselves under the leadership of a magistrate 
 of the supreme court named Simon de Anda y Salazar.
 
 290 HISTORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 This individual, instead of heading them to battle, fled 
 to the province of Bulacan, the day before the capture of 
 Manila, in a prahu with a few natives, carrying with him 
 some money and half a ream of official stamped paper. 
 He knew perfectly well that he was defying the legal 
 authority of the acting-governor, and was, in fact, in 
 open rebellion against his mandate. It was necessary, 
 therefore, to give an official color to his acts by issuing 
 his orders and proclamations on government-stamped paper, 
 so that their validity might be recognized if he subsequently 
 succeeded in justifying his action at court. 
 
 On the 24th of September the Spanish batteries of San 
 Diego and San Andres opened fire, but with little effect. 
 A richly laden galleon the "Philipino" was known to 
 be on her way from Mexico to Manila, but the British 
 ships which were sent in quest of her fell in with another 
 galleon the "Trinidad" and brought their prize to Ma- 
 nila. Her treasure amounted to about two million five 
 hundred thousand dollars. 
 
 A Frenchman resident in Manila, Monsieur Faller, 
 made an attack on the British, who forced him to retire, 
 and he was then accused by the Spaniards of treason. 
 Artillery fire was kept up on both sides. The arch- 
 bishop's nephew was taken prisoner, and an officer was 
 sent with him to hand him over to his uncle. However, 
 a party of natives fell upon them and murdered them all. 
 The officer's head having been cut off, it was demanded 
 by General Draper. Excuses were made for not giving 
 it up, and the general determined thenceforth to continue 
 the warfare with vigor and punish this atrocity. The ar- 
 tillery was increased by another battery of three mortars,
 
 THE PHILIPPINES. 291 
 
 placed behind the Church of Santiago, and the bombard- 
 ment continued. 
 
 Five thousand native recruits arrived from the prov- 
 inces, and out of this number two thousand Pampangos 
 were selected. They were divided into three columns, 
 in order to advance by different routes and attack re- 
 spectively the Church of Santiago, Malate and Hermita, 
 and the troops on the beach. At each place they were 
 driven back. The leader of the attack on Malate and 
 Hermita Don Santiago Orendain was declared a traitor. 
 The two first columns were dispersed with great confu- 
 sion and loss. The third column retreated before they 
 had sustained or inflicted any loss. The natives fled to 
 their villages in dismay, and on the 5th of October the 
 British entered the walled city. After a couple of hours' 
 bombardment the forts of San Andres and San Eugenio 
 were demolished, the artillery overturned, and the enemy's 
 fusileers and sappers were killed, 
 
 A council of war was now held by the Spaniards. 
 General Draper sustained the authority of the archbishop 
 against the war-party, composed chiefly of civilians, who 
 determined to continue the defense in spite of the opinion 
 of the military men, who argued that a capitulation was 
 inevitable. But matters were brought to a crisis by the 
 natives, who refused to repair the fortifications, and the 
 Europeans were unable to perform such hard labor. Great 
 confusion reigned in the city the clergy fled through the 
 Puerta del Parian, where there was still a native guard. 
 According to Zuniga, the British spent twenty thousand 
 cannon balls and five thousand shells ip the bombardment 
 of the city.
 
 293 HISTORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 Major Fell entered the city at the head of his troops 
 and General Draper followed, leading his column unop- 
 posed, with two field pieces in the van, while a constant 
 musketry fire cleared the Calle Real as they advanced. 
 The people fled before the enemy. The gates being 
 closed, they scrambled up the walls and got into boats 
 or swam off. 
 
 Colonel Monson was sent by Draper to the archbishop- 
 governor to say that he expected immediate surrender. 
 This was disputed by the archbishop, who presented a 
 paper purporting to be terms of capitulation. The colonel 
 refused to take it, and demanded an unconditional surren- 
 der. Then the archbishop, a colonel of the Spanigh troops 
 and Colonel Monson went to interview the general, whose 
 quarters were in the palace. The archbishop, offering 
 himself as a prisoner, presented the terms of capitula- 
 tion, which provided for the free exercise of their relig- 
 ion; security of private property; free trade to all the 
 inhabitants of the islands, and the continuation of the 
 powers of the supreme court to keep order among the ill- 
 disposed. These terms were granted, but General Draper, 
 on his part, stipulated for an indemnity of four millions 
 of dollars, and it was agreed to pay one-half of this sum 
 in specie and valuables and the other half in treasury bills 
 on Madrid. The capitulation, with these modifications, 
 was signed by Draper and the archbishop - governor. 
 The Spanish colonel took the document to the fort to 
 have it countersigned by the magistrates, which was at 
 once done; the fort was delivered up to the British, and 
 the magistrates retired to the palace to pay their respects 
 to the conqueror.
 
 THE PHILIPPINES. 293 
 
 When the British flag was seen floating from the fort 
 of Santiago there was great cheering from the British 
 fleet. The archbishop stated that when Draper reviewed 
 the troops more than one thousand men were missing, in- 
 cluding sixteen officers. Among these officers were a 
 major, fatally wounded by an arrow on the first day of 
 the assault, and the vice-admiral, who was drowned while 
 coming ashore in a boat. 
 
 The natives who had been brought from the provinces 
 to Manila were plundering and committing excesses in the 
 city, so Draper had them all driven out. Guards were 
 placed at the doors of the nunneries and convents to pre- 
 vent outrages on the women, and then the city was given 
 up to the victorious troops for pillage during three hours. 
 Zuniga, however, remarks that the European troops were 
 moderate, but that the Indian contingents were insatiable. 
 They are said to have committed many atrocities, and, 
 reveling in bloodshed, even murdered the inhabitants. 
 They ransacked the suburbs of Santa Cruz and Binondo, 
 and, acting like savage victorious tribes, they ravished 
 women, and even went into the highways to murder and 
 rob those who fled. The three hours expired, and the fol- 
 lowing day a similar scene was permitted. The arch- 
 bishop thereupon besought the general to put a stop to 
 it, and have compassion on the city. The general com- 
 plied with this request, and restored order under pain of 
 death for disobedience some Chinese were in consequence 
 hanged. General Draper himself killed one whom he 
 found in the act of stealing, and he ordered that all 
 church property should be restored, but only some priests' 
 vestments were recovered.
 
 294 HISTORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 Draper demanded the surrender of Cavite, which was 
 agreed to by the archbishop and magistrates, but the 
 commanding officer refused to comply. The major of 
 that garrison was sent with a message to the commander, 
 but on the way he talked with such freedom about the 
 surrender to the British, that the natives quitted their 
 posts and plundered the arsenal. The commander, rather 
 than face humiliation, retired to a ship, and left all fur- 
 ther responsibility to the major. 
 
 Measures were now taken to pay the agreed indem- 
 nity. Heavy contributions were levied upon the inhabi- 
 tants, which, however, together with the silver from the 
 pious establishments, church ornaments, plate, the arch- 
 bishop's rings and breast-cross, only amounted to five 
 hundred and forty-six thousand dollars. The British then 
 proposed to accept one million at once and draw the rest 
 from the cargo of the galleon "Philipino," if it result d 
 that she had not been seized by the British previous to 
 the day the capitulation was signed but the one million 
 was not forthcoming. The day before the capture of 
 Manila, a royal messenger had been sent off with one 
 hundred and eleven thousand dollars, with orders to se- 
 cure it in some place in the Laguna de Bay. The arch- 
 bishop now ordered its return to Manila, and issued a 
 requisition to that effect; but the Franciscan friars were 
 insubordinate, and armed the natives, whom they virtually 
 ruled, and the treasure was secreted in Majayjay Convent. 
 Thence, on receipt of the archbishop's message, it was 
 carried across country to a place in North Pampanga, 
 bordering on Cagayan and Pangasinan. The British, con- 
 vinced that they were being duped, insisted on their claim.
 
 THE PHILIPPINES. 295 
 
 Thomas Backhouse, commanding the troops stationed at 
 Pasig, went up to the Laguna de Bay with eighty mixed 
 troops, to intercept the bringing of the "Philipino" treas- 
 ure. He attacked Tunasan, Vinan and Santa Rosa, and 
 embarked for Pagsanjan, which was then the capital of 
 the Lake Province. The inhabitants, after firing the con- 
 vent and church, fled. Backhouse returned to Calamba, 
 entered the Province of Batangas, overran it, and made 
 several Austin friars prisoners. In Lipa he seized three 
 thousand dollars, and there he established his quarters, 
 expecting that the "Philipino" treasure would be carried 
 that way; but on learning that it had been transported 
 by sea to a Pampanga coast town, Backhouse withdrew 
 to Pasig 
 
 In the capitulation, the whole of the Archipelago was 
 surrendered to the British, but Simon de Anda determined 
 to appeal to arms. Draper used stratagem, and issued a 
 proclamation commiserating the fate of the natives who 
 paid tribute to Spaniards, and assuring them that the 
 King of England would not exact it. The archbishop, 
 as governor, became Draper's tool, sent messages to the 
 Spanish families persuading them to return, and appointed 
 an Englishman, married in the country, to be alderman 
 of Ton do. Despite the strenuous opposition of the su- 
 preme court, the archbishop, at the instance of Draper, 
 convened a council of native headmen and representative 
 families, and proposed to them the cession of all the isl- 
 ands to the King of England. Draper clearly saw that 
 the ruling powers in the colony, judging from their energy 
 and effective measures, were the friars, so he treated them 
 with great respect. The Frenchman Faller, who unsuc-
 
 296 HISTORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 eessfully opposed the British assault, was offered troops 
 to go and take possession of Zamboanga and accept the 
 government there, but he refused, as did also a Spaniard 
 named Sandoval. 
 
 Draper returned to Europe; Major Fell was left in 
 command of the troops, while Drake assumed the mili- 
 tary government of the city, with Smith and Brock as 
 council, and Brereton in charge of Cavite. Draper, on 
 leaving, gave orders for two frigates to go in search of 
 the "Philipino" treasure. The ships got as far as Capul 
 Island and put into harbor. They were detained there by 
 a ruse on the part of a half-caste pilot, and the treasure 
 was got away in the meantime. 
 
 Simon de Anda, from his provincial retreat, proclaimed 
 himself governor-general. He declared that the archbishop 
 and the magistrates, as prisoners of war, were dead in 
 the eye of the law; and that his assumption of authority 
 was based upon old laws. None of his countrymen dis- 
 puted his authority, and he established himself in Bacolor. 
 The British council then convened a meeting of the chief 
 inhabitants, at which Anda was declared a seditious per- 
 son and deserving of capital punishment, together with 
 the Marquis of Monte Castro, who had violated his parole 
 d'honneur, and the provincial of the Austin friars, who 
 had joined the rebel party. All the Austin friars were 
 declared traitors for having broken their allegiance to the 
 archbishop's authority. The British still pressed for the 
 payment of the one million, while the Spaniards declared 
 they possessed no more. The Austin friars were ordered 
 to keep the natives peaceable if they did not wish to 
 provoke hostilities against themselves. At length, the
 
 THE PHILIPPINES. 297 
 
 British, convinced of the futility of decrees, determined to 
 sally out with their forces; and five hundred men under 
 Thomas Backhouse went up the Pasig River to secure a 
 free passage for supplies to the camp. While opposite to 
 Maybonga, Bustos, with his Cagayan troops, fired on 
 them. The British returned the fire, and Bustos fled to 
 Mariquina. The British passed the river, and sent an 
 officer with a white flag of truce to summon surrender. 
 Bustos was insolent, and threatened to hang the officer 
 if be returned. Backhouse's troops then opened fire and 
 placed two field pieces which completely scared the na- 
 tives, who fled in such great confusion that many were 
 drowned in the river. Thence the British pursued their 
 enemy "as if they were a flock of goats," and reached 
 the Bamban River, where the Sultan of Sulu resided with 
 his family. The sultan, after a feigned resistance, fell a 
 prisoner to the British, who fortified his dwelling, and 
 occupied it during the whole of the operations. There 
 were subsequent skirmishes on the Pasig River banks 
 with the armed insurgents, who were driven as far as 
 the Antipolo Mountains. 
 
 Meanwhile, Anda collected troops; and Bustos, as his 
 lieutenant-general, vaunted the power of his chief through 
 the Bulacan and Pampanga provinces. A Franciscan and 
 an Austin friar, having led troops to Masilo, about seven 
 miles from Manila, the British went out to dislodge them, 
 but on their approach most of the natives feigned they 
 were dead, and the British returned without any loss in 
 arms or men. 
 
 The British, believing that the Austin friars were con- 
 spiring against them in connivance with those inside the
 
 298 HISTORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 city, placed these friars in confinement, and subsequently 
 shipped away eleven of them to Europe. For the same 
 reason, they at last determined to enter the St. Augustine 
 Convent, and on ransacking it they found that the priests 
 had been lying to them all the time. Six thousand dol- 
 lars in coin were found hidden in the garden, and large 
 quantities of wrought silver elsewhere. The whole prem- 
 ises were then searched and all the valuables were seized. 
 A British expedition went out to Bulacan, sailing across 
 the bay and up the Hagonoy River, where they disem- 
 barked at Malolos on the 19th of January, 1763. The 
 troops, under Captain Eslay, of the Grenadiers, numbered 
 six hundred men, many of whom were Chinese volunteers. 
 As they advanced from Malolos, the natives and Spaniards 
 fled. On the way to Bulacan, Bustos advanced to meet 
 them, but retreated into ambush on seeing they were su- 
 perior in numbers. Bulacan Convent was fortified with 
 three small cannon. As soon as the troops were in sight 
 of the convent, a desultory fire of case-shot made great 
 havoc in the ranks of the Chinese forming the British 
 vanguard. At length the British brought their field 
 pieces into action, and pointing at the enemy's cannon, 
 the first discharge carried off the head of their artillery- 
 man Ybarra. The panic-stricken natives decamped; the 
 convent was taken by assault; there was an indiscrimi- 
 nate fight and general slaughter. The alcalde and a 
 Franciscan friar fell in action; one Austin friar escaped, 
 and another was seized and killed to avenge the death 
 of the British soldiers. The invading forces occupied the 
 convent, and some of the troops were shortly sent back 
 to Manila. Bustos reappeared near the Bulacan convent
 
 THE PHILIPPINES. 299 
 
 with eight thousand native troops, of which six hundred 
 were cavalry, but they dared not attack the British. 
 Bustos then maneuvered in the neighborhood and made 
 occasional alarms. Small parties were sent out against 
 him with so little effect that the British commander 
 headed a body in person, and put the whole of Bustos' 
 troops to flight like mosquitoes before a gust of wind, for 
 Bustos feared they would be pursued into Pampanga. 
 After clearing away the underwood, which served as a 
 covert for the natives, the British reoccupied the convent; 
 but Bustos returned to his position, and was a second time 
 as disgracefully routed by the British, who then withdrew 
 to Manila. 
 
 At the same time, it was alleged that a conspiracy 
 was being organized among the Chinese in the Prov- 
 ince of Pampanga with the object of assassinating Anda 
 and his Spanish followers. The Chinese cut trenches and 
 raised fortifications, avowing that their bellicose prepara- 
 tions were only to defend themselves against the possible 
 attack of the British; while the Spaniards saw in all this 
 a connivance with the invaders. The latter, no doubt, 
 conjectured rightly. Anda, acting upon the views of his 
 party, precipitated matters by appearing with fourteen 
 Spanish soldiers and a crowd of native bowmen to com- 
 mence the slaughter in the town of Guagua. The Chinese 
 assembled there in great numbers, and Anda endeavored 
 in vain to induce them to surrender to him. He then sent 
 a Spaniard, named Miguel Garces, with a message, offer- 
 ing them pardon in the name of the King of Spain if 
 they would lay down their arms; but they killed the 
 emissary, and Anda therefore commenced the attack.
 
 300 HISTORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 The result was favorable for Anda's party, and great 
 numbers of the Chinese were slain. Many fled to the 
 fields, where they were pursued by the troops, while those 
 who were captured were hanged. Such was the inveter- 
 ate hatred which Anda entertained for the Chinese, that 
 he issued a general decree declaring all the Chinese trai- 
 tors to the Spanish flag, and ordered them to be hanged 
 wherever they might be found in the provinces. Thus 
 thousands of Chinese were executed who had taken no 
 part whatever in the events of this little war. 
 
 Admiral Cornish, having decided to return to Europe, 
 again urged for the payment of the two millions of dol- 
 lars. The archbishop was in great straits; he was willing 
 to do anything, but his colleagues opposed him, and Cor- 
 nish was at length obliged to content himself with a bill 
 on the Madrid treasury. Anda appointed Bustos alcalde 
 of Bulacan, and ordered him to recruit and train troops, 
 as he still nurtured the hope of confining the British to 
 Manila perhaps even of driving them out of the colony. 
 
 The British in the city were compelled to adopt the 
 most rigorous precautions against a rising of the popula- 
 tion within the walls, and several Spanish residents were 
 arrested for intriguing against them in concert with those 
 outside. 
 
 Several French prisoners from Pondicherry deserted 
 from the British; and some Spanish regular troops, who 
 had been taken prisoners, effected their escape. The fiscal 
 of the supreme court and a Senor Villa Corta were found 
 conspiring. The latter was caught in the act of sending 
 a letter to Anda, and was sentenced to be hanged and 
 quartered the quarters to be exhibited in public places.
 
 THE PHILIPPINES. 301 
 
 The archbishop, however, obtained Villa Corta's pardon, 
 on the condition that Anda should evacuate the Pampanga 
 Province; and Villa Corta wrote to Anda, begging him to 
 accede to this, but Anda absolutely refused to make any 
 sacrifice to save his friend's life; and at the same time 
 he wrote a disgraceful letter to the archbishop, couched 
 in such insulting terms that the British commander 
 burned it without letting the archbishop see it. Villa 
 Corta was finally ransomed by the payment of three 
 thousand dollars. 
 
 The treasure brought by the "Philipino" served Anda 
 to organize a respectable force of recruits. Spaniards who 
 were living there in misery, and a crowd of natives always 
 ready for pay, enlisted. These forces, under Lieutenant- 
 general Bustos, encamped at Malinta, about five miles 
 from Manila. The officers lodged in a house belonging 
 to the Austin friars, around which the troops pitched 
 their tents the whole being defended by redoubts and 
 palisades raised under the direction of a French deserter, 
 who led a company. From this place Bustos constantly 
 caused alarm to the British troops, who once had to re- 
 treat before a picket guard sent to get the church bells 
 of Quiapo. The British, in fact, were much molested by 
 Bustos' Malinta troops, who forced the invaders to with- 
 draw to Manila and reduce the extension of their out- 
 posts. This measure was followed up by a proclamation, 
 in which the British commander alluded to Bustos' troops 
 as "canaille and robbers," and offered a reward of five 
 thousand dollars for Anda's head; declaring him and his 
 party rebels and traitors to their majesties the kings of 
 Spain and England. Anda, chafing at his impotence to
 
 302 HISTORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 combat the invading party by force of arms, gave vent 
 to his feelings of rage and disappointment by issuing a 
 decree, dated from Bacolor the 19th of May, 1763, of 
 which the translated text reads as follows: 
 
 "Royal Government Tribunal of these Islands for His 
 Catholic Majesty: Whereas the Royal Government Tri- 
 bunal, Supreme Government and Captain-Generalship of 
 His Catholic Majesty in these Islands are gravely offended 
 at the audacity and blindness of those men, who, forget- 
 ting all humanity, have condemned as rebellious and dis- 
 obedient to both their Majesties, him, who as a faithful 
 vassal of His Catholic Majesty, and in conformity with the 
 law, holds the Royal Tribunal, Government and Captain- 
 Generalship; and having suffered by a reward being of- 
 fered by order of the British Governor in council to whom- 
 soever shall deliver me alive or dead ; and by their having 
 placed the arms captured in Bulacan at the foot of the 
 gallows seeing that instead of their punishing and re- 
 proaching such execrable proceedings, the spirit of haughti- 
 ness and pride is increasing, as shown in the Proclamation 
 published in Manila on the l?th instant, in which the 
 troops of His Majesty are infamously calumniated treat- 
 ing them as blackguards and disaffected to their service 
 charging them with plotting to assassinate the English 
 officers and soldiers, and with having fled when attacked 
 the whole of these accusations being false: Now there- 
 fore by these presents, be it known to all Spaniards and 
 true Englishmen that Messrs. Drake, Smith and Brock, 
 who signed the Proclamation referred to, must not be 
 considered as vassals of His Britannic Majesty, but as 
 tyrants and common enemies unworthy of human society,
 
 THE PHILIPPINES. 303 
 
 and therefore, I order that they be apprehended as such, 
 and I offer ten thousand dollars for each one of them 
 alive or dead. At the same time, I withdraw the order 
 to treat the vassals of His Britannic Majesty with all the 
 humanity which the rights of war will permit, as has been 
 practiced hitherto with respect to the prisoners and de- 
 serters." 
 
 Anda had by this time received the consent of his king 
 to occupy the position which he had usurped, and the Brit- 
 ish commander was thus enabled to communicate officially 
 with him, if occasion required it; and Drake replied to 
 this proclamation, recommending Anda to carry on the 
 war with greater moderation and humanity. 
 
 On the 27th of June, 1763, the British made a sortie 
 from the city to dislodge Bustos, who still occupied Ma- 
 linta. The attacking party consisted of three hundred and 
 fifty fusileers, fifty horsemen, a mob of Chinese, and a 
 number of guns and ammunition. The British took up 
 quarters on one side of the river, while Bustos remained 
 on the other. The opposing parties exchanged fire, but 
 neither cared nor dared to cross the waterway. The Brit- 
 ish forces retired in good order to Masilo, and remained 
 there until they heard that Bustos had burned Malinta 
 House and removed his camp to Meycauayan. Then the 
 British withdrew to Manila in the evening. On the Span- 
 ish side there were two killed, five mortally wounded and 
 two slightly wounded. The British losses were six mor- 
 tally wounded and seven disabled. This was the last en- 
 counter in open warfare. Chinamen occasionally lost their 
 lives through their love of plunder in the vicinity occupied 
 by the British.
 
 304 HISTORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 During these operations, the priesthood taught the ig- 
 norant natives to believe that the invading troops were 
 infidels and a holy war was preached. 
 
 The friars, especially those of the Augustine order,* 
 abandoned their mission of peace for that of the sword, 
 and the British met with a slight reverse at Masilo, where 
 a religious fanatic of the Austin friars had put himself 
 at the head of a small band lying in ambush. 
 
 On the 23d of July, 1763, a British frigate brought 
 news from Europe of an armistice and the preliminaries 
 of peace, by virtue of which Manila was to be evacuated 
 (Peace of Paris, 10th of February, 1763), were received 
 by the British commander on the 27th of August follow- 
 ing, and communicated by him to the archbishop-gov- 
 ernor for the "commander-in-chief" of the Spanish arms. 
 Anda stood on his dignity and protested that he should 
 be addressed directly, and be styled captain-general. On 
 this plea he declined to receive the communication. Drake 
 replied by a manifesto, dated 19th of September, to the 
 effect that the responsibility of the blood which might 
 be spilled, in consequence of Anda's refusal to accept 
 his notification, would rest with him. Anda published a 
 counter manifesto, dated 28th of September, in Bacolor 
 (Pampanga), protesting that he had not been treated 
 with proper courtesy. 
 
 Greater latitude was allowed to the prisoners, and 
 Villa Corta effected his escape dressed as a woman. He 
 
 * So tenacious was the opposition brought by the Austin 
 friars both in Manila and the provinces that the British 
 appear to have regarded them as their special foes.
 
 THE PHILIPPINES. 305 
 
 fled to Anda the co-conspirator who had refused to save 
 his life and their superficial friendship was renewed. Villa 
 Corta was left in charge of business in Bacolor during 
 Anda's temporary absence. Meanwhile the archbishop 
 fell ill; and it was discussed who should be his successor 
 in the government in the event of his death. Villa Corta 
 argued that it fell to him as senior magistrate. The dis- 
 cussion came to the knowledge of Anda, and seriously 
 aroused his jealousy. Fearing conspiracy against his am- 
 bitious projects, he left his camp at Polo, and hastened 
 to interrogate Villa Corta, who explained that he had 
 only made casual remarks in the course of conversation. 
 Anda, however, was restless on the subject of the succes- 
 sion, and sought the opinion of all the chief priests and 
 bishops. Various opinions existed. Some urged that the 
 decision be left to the supreme court others were in 
 favor of Anda while many abstained from expressing 
 their views. Anda was so nervously anxious about the 
 matter, that he even begged the opinion of the British 
 commander, and wrote him on the subject from Bacolor 
 on the 2d of November, 1763. 
 
 Major Fell seriously quarreled with Drake about the 
 Frenchman Faller, whom Admiral Cornish had left un- 
 der sentence of death for having written a letter to Java 
 accusing him of being a pirate and a robber. Drake pro- 
 tected Faller, while Fell demanded the execution of the 
 prisoner; and the dispute became so heated that Fell 
 was about to slay Drake with a bayonet, but was pre- 
 vented by some soldiers. Fell then went to London to 
 complain of Drake, hence Anda's letter was addressed 
 to Backhouse, who took Fell's place. Anda, who months
 
 306 HISTORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 since had refused to negotiate or treat with Drake, still 
 insisted upon being styled captain- general. Backhouse 
 replied that he was ignorant of the Spaniards' statutes 
 or laws, but that he knew the governor was the arch- 
 bishop. Anda thereupon spread the report that the Brit- 
 ish commander had forged the preliminaries of peace 
 because he could no longer hold out in warfare. The 
 British necessarily had to send to the provinces to pur- 
 chase provisions, and Anda caused their forage parties 
 to be attacked, so that the war really continued, in spite 
 of the news of peace, until the 30th of January, 17<U. 
 On this day the archbishop died, sorely grieved at the 
 situation, and weighed down with cares. He had en- 
 gaged to pay four millions of dollars and surrender the 
 islands, but could he indeed have refused any terms? 
 The British were in possession; and these conditions were 
 dictated at the point of the bayonet. 
 
 Immediately after the funeral of the archbishop, Anda 
 received dispatches from the King of Spam, by way of 
 China, confirming the news of peace to his governor at 
 Manila. Then the British acknowledged Anda as gov- 
 ernor, and proceeded to evacuate the city; but rival fac- 
 tions were not so easily set aside, and fierce quarrels en- 
 sued between the respective parties of Anda, Villa Corta 
 and Ustariz, as to who should be governor and receive the 
 city officially from the British. Anda, being actually in 
 command of the troops, had the game in his hands. The 
 conflict was happily terminated by the arrival at Marin- 
 duque of the newly appointed governor-general from 
 Spain Don Francisco de la Torre. A galley was sent 
 there by Anda to bring his excellency to Luzon, and
 
 THE PHILIPPINES. 307 
 
 he arrived at Bacolor, where Anda resigned the govern- 
 ment to him on the 17th of March, 1764. 
 
 La Torre sent a message to Backhouse and Brereton 
 the commanding officers at Manila and Cavite stating 
 that he was ready to take over the city in due form. La 
 Torre thereupon took up his residence in Santa Cruz, 
 placed a Spanish guard with sentinels from that ward 
 as far as the Great Bridge (Puente de Barcas, now called 
 Puente de Espana), where the British advance guard 
 was, and friendly communication took place. Governor 
 Drake was indignant at being ignored in all these pro- 
 ceedings, and ordered the Spanish governor to withdraw 
 his guards, under threat of appealing to force. Back- 
 house and Brereton resented this rudeness, and ordered 
 the troops under arms to arrest Drake, whose hostile 
 action, due to jealousy, they declared unwarrantable. 
 Drake, being apprised of their intentions, escaped from 
 the city with his suite, embarked on board a frigate, and 
 sailed off. 
 
 La Torre was said to be indisposed on the day ap- 
 pointed for receiving the city. Some assert that he 
 feigned his indisposition, as he did not wish to arouse 
 Anda's animosity, and desired to afford him an oppor- 
 tunity of displaying himself as a delegate at least of the 
 highest local authority by receiving the city from the 
 British, while he pampered his pride by allowing him 
 to enter triumphantly into it. As the city exchanged 
 masters, the Spanish flag was hoisted once more on the 
 fort of Santiago amid the hurrahs of the populace and 
 artillery salutes. 
 
 Before embarking, Brereton offered to do justice to
 
 308 HISTORY OP SPAIN. 
 
 any claims which might be legitimately established 
 against the British authorities. Hence a sloop loaned 
 to Drake, valued at four thousand dollars, was paid for 
 to the Jesuits, and the three thousand dollars paid to ran- 
 som Villa Corta's life was returned. Brereton remarking 
 that, if the sentence against him were valid, it should 
 have been executed at the time, but it could not be com- 
 muted by money payment. At the instance of the Brit- 
 ish authorities, a free pardon was granted and published 
 to the Chinese, few of whom, however, confided in it, 
 and many left with the retiring army. Brereton, with 
 his forces, embarked for India, after dispatching a packet- 
 boat to restore the Sultan of Sulu to his throne. 
 
 During this convulsed period, great atrocities were 
 committed. Unfortunately the common felons were re- 
 leased by the English from their prisons, and used their 
 liberty to perpetrate murders and robbery in alliance with 
 those always naturally bent that way. So great did this 
 evil become, so bold were the marauders, that in time 
 they formed large parties, infested highways, attacked 
 plantations, and the poor peasantry had to flee, leaving 
 their cattle and all their belongings in their power. Sev- 
 eral avenged themselves of the friars for old scores others 
 settled accounts with those Europeans who had tyrannized 
 them of old. The Chinese, whether so-called Christians 
 or pagans, declared for and aided the British. 
 
 The proceedings of the choleric Simon de Anda y Sal- 
 azar were approved by his sovereign, but his impetuous 
 disposition drove from him his best counselors, while 
 those who were bold enough to uphold their opinions 
 against his were accused of connivance with the British.
 
 THE PHILIPPINES. 309 
 
 Communications with Europe were scant indeed in those 
 days, but Anda could not have been altogether ignorant 
 of the causes of the war, which terminated with the 
 Treaty of Paris. 
 
 On his return to Spain, after the appointment of La 
 Torre as governor-general, he succeeded in retaining the 
 favor of the king, who conferred several honors on him, 
 making him Councilor of Castile, etc. In the meantime 
 Jose Raon, who replaced La Torre, had fallen into dis- 
 grace, and Anda was appointed to the governor-general- 
 ship of the islands. 
 
 There is perhaps no imperiousness so intolerant as that 
 of an official who vaunts his authority by the reflected 
 light of his powerful patron. Anda on his arrival avenged 
 himself of his opposers in all directions. He imprisoned 
 his predecessor, several judges, military officials and others ; 
 some he sent back to Spain, others he banished from the 
 capital. Thus he brought trouble upon himself. From 
 all sides hostile resistance increased. He quarreled with 
 the clergy; but when his irascible temper had exhausted 
 itself in the course of six years, he retired to a convent 
 of the Austin friars, where he expired in 1776, much to 
 the relief of his numerous adversaries. 
 
 Consequent on the troubled state of the colony, a seri- 
 ous rebellion arose in Ylogan (Cagayan Province), among 
 the Timava natives, who flogged the commandant, and 
 declared they would no longer pay tribute to the Span- 
 iards. The revolt spread to llocos and Pangasinan, but 
 the ringleaders were caught, and tranquillity was restored 
 by the gallows. 
 
 A rising far more important occurred in Tlocos Sur,
 
 310 HISTORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 The alcalde was deposed, and escaped after he had been 
 forced to give up his staff of office. The leader of this 
 revolt was a cunning and cute Manila native, named 
 Diego de Silan, who persuaded the people to cease paying 
 tribute, and declare against the Spaniards, who, he pointed 
 out, were unable to resist the English. The city of Vigan 
 was in great commotion. The vicar-general parleyed with 
 the natives; and then, collecting his troops, the rebels 
 were dispersed, while some were taken prisoners; but the 
 bulk of the rioters rallied and attacked, and burned down 
 part of the city. The loyal natives fled before the -flames. 
 The vicar-general's house was taken, and the arms hi it 
 were seized. All the Austin friars within a large sur- 
 rounding neighborhood had to ransom themselves by 
 money payments. Silan was then acknowledged as chief 
 over a large territory north and south of Vigan. He 
 appointed his lieutenants, and issued a manifesto declar- 
 ing Jesus of Nazareth to be captain-general of the place, 
 and that he was his alcalde for the promotion of the 
 Catholic religion and dominion of the King of Spain. His 
 manifesto was wholly that of a religious fanatic. He 
 obliged the natives to attend mass, to confess, and to see 
 that their children went to school. In the midst of all 
 this pretended piety, he robbed cattle and exacted ran- 
 soms for the lives of all those who could pay them; he 
 levied a tax of one hundred dollars on each friar. Under 
 the pretense of keeping out the British, he placed sen- 
 tinels in all directions to prevent news reaching the ter- 
 rible Simon de Anda. But Anda, though fully informed 
 by an Austin friar of what transpired, had not sufficient 
 troops to march north. He sent a requisition to Silan to
 
 THE PHILIPPINES. 311 
 
 present himself within nine days, under penalty of arrest 
 as a traitor. While this order was published, vague re- 
 ports were intentionally spread that the Spaniards were 
 coming to Ilocos in great force. Many deserted Silan, 
 but he contrived to deceive even the clergy and others 
 by his feigned piety. Silan sent presents to Manila for 
 the British, acknowledging the King of England to be his 
 legitimate sovereign. The British governor sent, in re- 
 turn, a vessel bearing dispatches to Silan, appointing him 
 alcalde mayor. Elated with pride, Silan at once made 
 this public. The natives were undeceived, for they had 
 counted on him to deliver them from the British; now, 
 to their dismay, they saw him the authorized magistrate 
 of the invader. He gave orders to make all the Austin 
 friars prisoners, saying that the British would send other 
 clergy in their stead. The friars surrendered themselves 
 without resistance and joined their bishop near Vigan, 
 awaiting the pleasure of Silan. The bishop excommuni- 
 cated Silan, and then he released some of the priests. The 
 Christian natives having refused to slay the friars, a secret 
 compact was being made, with this object, with the moun- 
 tain tribes, when a half-caste named Vicos obtained the 
 bishop's benediction to go and kill Silan; and the rebel- 
 lion, which had lasted from December 14, 1762, to May 
 28, 1763, ended. 
 
 Not until a score of little battles had been fought were 
 the numerous riots in the provinces quelled. The loyal 
 troops were divided into sections, and marched north in 
 several directions, until peace was restored by March, 
 1765. Zuniga says that the Spaniards lost in these riots 
 
 about seventy Europeans and one hundred and forty 
 
 14
 
 312 HISTORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 natives, while they cost the rebels quite ten thousand 
 men. 
 
 Space will not permit us to cite all the revolutionary 
 protests which ensued. In the time of Legaspi the sub- 
 mission of the Manila and Tondo chiefs was of but local 
 and temporary importance. Since then, and in fact since 
 the very beginning up to the present time, the natives 
 have only yielded to a force which they have repeatedly 
 tried to overthrow.
 
 CHAPTER XII 
 THE HISPANO-AMERICAN WAR 
 
 THE "MAINE" THE COURT OF INQUIRY THE PRESIDENT'S 
 MESSAGE DEWEY AT MANILA HOBSON AND THE 
 "MERRIMAC" CERVERA'S RUN TO RUIN THE CAPIT- 
 ULATION OF SANTIAGO THE MISSION OF PEACE 
 
 WHEN General Weyler assumed command in Cuba he 
 issued, October 21, 1896, the following proclamation: 
 
 "I order and command: 
 
 "First All the inhabitants of the country now outside 
 of the line of fortifications of the towns shall within the 
 period of eight days concentrate themselves in the towns so 
 occupied by the troops. Any individual who after the ex- 
 piration of this period is found in the uninhabited parts 
 will be considered a rebel and tried as such." 
 
 At the time when the order was issued there was liv- 
 ing within the western province a population of four hun- 
 dred thousand men, women and children. The result of 
 the order was to sweep them from their homes and fields 
 and confine them in open-air prisons. No food whatever 
 was supplied to them. As a result more than half of 
 them died. 
 
 The indignation aroused became widespread. Weyler 
 was recalled. At the time, especially in Havana among 
 the officials who had been his adherents and who resented 
 his recall, there was an expressed hatred of the United 
 
 (313)
 
 314 HISTORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 States. That hatred it is generally understood resulted, 
 on the night of February 15, 1898, in the blowing up of 
 the "Maine." 
 
 The dispatch of this vessel to Cuban waters was 
 a friendly act arranged by our government and that 
 of Spain as one of a series of visits to be paid by the 
 ironclads of the two countries to each other's harbors. 
 While the "Viscaya" was en route for New York the 
 "Maine" went to Havana. The harbor there was subse- 
 quently shown to have been sown with explosives. 
 
 The findings of the Court of Inquiry, which was then 
 held, as embodied in the report of the Foreign Relations 
 Committee, set forth that the destruction of the "Maine" 
 was either compassed by the official act of the Spanish 
 authorities, or was made possible by negligence on their 
 part so willful and gross as to be equivalent to criminal 
 culpability. 
 
 The line of argument is as follows: It is established 
 that the "Maine" was destroyed by the explosion of 
 a submarine mine in position under her in a Spanish 
 harbor, at a place where she had been moored to a buoy 
 by the express direction and guidance of the Spanish 
 authorities. 
 
 The report of the Spanish board of inquiry, which 
 reported, after the most inadequate examination, that the 
 explosion was due to the fault of the officers of the 
 "Maine," and took place within the vessel itself, was 
 declared to be manifestly false, and calculated to induce 
 public opinion to prejudge the question. Taking this to- 
 gether with the fact of the duplicity, treachery, and cru- 
 elty of the Spanish character, the Senate concluded that
 
 THE HJSPANO-AMEE1CAN WAR. 315 
 
 the Spanish authorities must be held responsible for the 
 crime, either as its direct authors or as contributors 
 thereto by willful and gross negligence. 
 
 Spain offered to refer the question as to the cause of 
 the loss of the "Maine" and their responsibility for the 
 catastrophe to arbitration. The President made no reply. 
 
 On April 11, anterior circumstances already sufficiently 
 recited, joined to the findings of the American Commis- 
 sioners, resulted in the President sending a message to 
 Congress, in which he said: 
 
 "The long trial has proved that the object for which 
 Spain has waged the war cannot be attained. The fire 
 of insurrection may flame or may smolder with varying 
 seasons, but it has not been, and it is plain that it can- 
 not be, extinguished by present methods. The only hope 
 of relief and repose from a condition which can no longer 
 be endured is the enforced pacification of Cuba. 
 
 "In the name of humanity, in the name of civilization, 
 in behalf of endangered American interests which give us 
 the right and the duty to speak and to act, the war in 
 Cuba must stop. 
 
 "In view of these facts and of these considerations, I 
 ask the Congress to authorize and empower the Presi- 
 dent to take measures to secure a full and final termi- 
 nation of hostilities between the government of Spain and 
 the people of Cuba, and to secure in the island the estab- 
 lishment of a stable government capable of maintaining 
 order and observing its international obligations, insuring 
 peace and tranquillity, and the security of its citizens 
 as well as our own, and to use the military and 
 naval forces of the United States as may be necessary 
 for these purposes. 
 
 "WlLLJAM McKlNLEY."
 
 316 HISTORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 On April 19 Congress passed the following: 
 
 Joint resolution for the recognition of the independ- 
 ence of the people of Cuba, demanding that the 
 government of Spain relinquish its authority and 
 government in the island of Cuba, and to with- 
 draw its land and naval forces from Cuba and 
 Cuban waters, and directing the President of the 
 United States to use the land and naval forces of 
 the United States to carry these resolutions into 
 effect. 
 
 "Whereas, The abhorrent conditions which have ex- 
 isted for more than three years in the island of Cuba, so 
 near our own borders, have shocked the moral sense of 
 the people of the United States, have been a disgrace 
 to Christian civilization, culminating, as they have, in 
 the destruction of a United States battleship, with two 
 hundred and sixty of its officers and crew, while on a 
 friendly visit in the harbor of Havana, and cannot longer 
 be endured, as has been set forth by the President of the 
 United States in his message to Congress of April 11, 1898, 
 upon which the action of Congress was invited; therefore 
 be it resolved, 
 
 "First That the people of the island of Cuba are, and 
 of right ought to be, free and independent. 
 
 "Second That it is the duty of the United States to 
 demand, and the government of the United States does 
 hereby demand, that the government of Spain at once 
 relinquish its authority and government in the island of 
 Cuba, and withdraw its land and naval forces from Cuba 
 and Cuban waters. 
 
 "Third That the President of the United States be, 
 and he hereby is, directed and empowered to use the en- 
 tire land and naval forces of the United States, and to 
 call into the actual service of the United States the militia 
 of the several States to such an extent as may be neces- 
 sary to carry these resolutions into effect.
 
 THE HISPANO-AMERICAN WAR. 317 
 
 "Fourth That the United States hereby disclaims any 
 disposition or intention to exercise sovereignty, jurisdic- 
 tion or control over said island, except for the pacifica- 
 tion thereof, and asserts its determination when that is 
 accomplished to leave the government and control of the 
 island to its people." 
 
 The ultimatum embodied in the foregoing being re- 
 jected by Spain, diplomatic relations were severed and 
 hostilities ensued. 
 
 On May 1, at daybreak, the Asiatic squadron, com- 
 manded by Commodore Dewey, arrived at Manila from 
 Hong Kong. At Cavite, within the harbor, protected by 
 four batteries, lay the Spanish fleet. It was commanded 
 by Admiral Patricio Montojo. The squadron proceeded 
 up the bay unmolested and made for the naval station. 
 Two mines were exploded, but ineffectively. At five 
 o'clock and ten minutes the Spaniards opened fire. Com- 
 modore Dewey set the signals, and his entire squadron 
 advanced to short range. The squadron consisted of the 
 following cruisers and gunboats: "Olympia," "Balti- 
 more," "Boston," "Raleigh," "Concord," "Petrel," and 
 "McCulloch." 
 
 At 5.30 the "OlympiaV 8-inch guns opened, and the 
 squadron swung in front of the Spanish ships and forts 
 in single file, firing their port guns. Then, wheeling, they 
 passed back, firing their starboard guns. This maneuver 
 was repeated five times, the entire American fleet passing 
 all the Spanish ships and batteries at each maneuver, and 
 each time drawing in closer and closer and delivering fire 
 at more deadly range. During two hours and a half there 
 was tremendous resistance by the Spaniards. They had
 
 318 HISTORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 eleven ships and five land batteries in full play, against 
 six American warships. But the American marksman- 
 ship was faultless. Every shot seemed to count against 
 ship or shore battery, while most of the Spanish powder 
 was burned in vain. At 7.45 A.M. the American fleet 
 withdrew to ascertain damages and permit the smoke to 
 clear. It was seen then that several Spanish ships were 
 crippled or burning, and it was found that the Ameri- 
 can vessels had suffered hardly at all. Admiral Dewey 
 called his captains into consultation and arrangements were 
 made for another attack. At 10.40 the attack was renewed, 
 the "Baltimore" leading. She advanced right upon the 
 enemy, shelling them constantly, and the other Ameri- 
 cans followed, working their guns as rapidly as they could 
 load and fire. The effect of this assault was terrific. Ship 
 after ship of the Spaniards sunk or was run ashore to 
 keep them from sinking or falling into American hands. 
 At 12.45 P.M. the Spaniards struck their colors in token 
 of surrender. Admiral Patrick) Montojo fled to Manila, 
 and most of the survivors fled with him. This ended the 
 work of May 1. 
 
 On May 2, Commodore Dewey landed a force of ma- 
 rines at Cavite. They completed the destruction of the 
 Spanish fleet and batteries and established a guard for 
 the protection of the Spanish hospitals. The resistance 
 of the forts was weak. The "Olympia" turned a few 
 guns on the Cavite arsenal, and its magazine at once ex- 
 ploded, killing some and wounding many. This prac- 
 tically ended the fire from the batteries,, the Spanish 
 artillerists fearing to face the American gunners. "Re- 
 member the 'Maine'!" was the word continually passed
 
 THE HISPANO- AMERICAN WAR. 319 
 
 between the ships, and every American officer, every 
 "Jackie," was eager to do his utmost. 
 
 After Manila and the defeat of Admiral Montojo, the 
 successive and concluding events of the Hispano- Ameri- 
 can war include Admiral Sampson's bombardment of San 
 Juan; Hobson's heroic experiment with the "Merrimac"; 
 General Shafter's campaign; the destruction of Cervera's 
 squadron; the capitulation of Santiago; General Miles's 
 tour in Porto Rico, and the overtures for peace. These 
 events may be conveniently summarized as follows: 
 
 The bombardment of San Juan was the result of a 
 reconnaissance. The Spanish fleet, under command of 
 Admiral Cervera, which it was the purpose of the Ameri- 
 cans to capture or destroy, subsequently sought and 
 found shelter within the harbor of Santiago, the entrance 
 to which Admiral Sampson then proceeded to invest. 
 There, while waiting to engage the enemy, it was thought 
 wise to attempt to block the harbor and so prevent a pos- 
 sible escape. The plan originated with Lieutenant Hob- 
 son, and its execution was left to him. On the night of 
 June 3, with a picked crew of seven volunteers, he steamed 
 up in the collier "Merrimac" to the harbor's entrance and 
 sank her. From the fleet the progress of the "Merrimac" 
 was eagerly followed. 
 
 At 3.15 the first Spanish shot was fired, coming from 
 one of the guns on the hill to the west of the entrance. 
 The shot was seen to splash seaward from the "Merri- 
 mac," having passed over her. The firing became gen- 
 eral very scon afterward, being especially fierce and rapid 
 from the batteries inside on the left of the harbor, prob- 
 ably from batteries on Smith Cay. The flashes and re-
 
 320 HISTORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 ports were apparently those of rapid- fire guns, ranging 
 from small automatic guns to four-inch or larger. For 
 fifteen minutes a perfect fusillade was kept up. Then the 
 fire slackened and by 3.30 had almost ceased. There 
 was a little desultory firing until about 3.45, when all 
 became quiet. Daylight came at about five o'clock. 
 
 At about 5.15 A.M., a launch, which under Cadet 
 Powell had followed the "Merrimac," in order if possible 
 to rescue Hobson and his men, was seen steaming from 
 west to east, near or across the mouth of the harbor. She 
 steamed back from east to west and began skirting the 
 coast to the west of the entrance. The battery on the hill 
 to the left opened fire on her, but did not make good prac- 
 tice. The launch continued her course as far westward 
 as a small cove and then headed for the "Texas," steam- 
 ing at full speed. Several shots were fired at her from 
 the battery on the left as she steamed out. 
 
 It was broad daylight by this time. Cadet Powell 
 came alongside the "Texas" and reported that "No one 
 had come out of the entrance of the harbor." His words 
 sounded like the death knell of all who had gone in on 
 the "Merrimac." It seemed incredible, almost impossible, 
 any of them could have lived through the awful fire that 
 was directed at the ship. Cadet Powell said that he had 
 followed behind the ship at a distance of four or five hun- 
 dred yards. Hobson missed the entrance of the harbor at 
 first, having gone too far to the westward ; he almost ran 
 aground. The launch picked up the entrance and directed 
 the "Merrimac" in. From the launch the collier was seen 
 until she rounded the bend of the channel and until the 
 helm had been put to port to swing her into position across
 
 THE HISPANO-AMERICAN WAR. 321 
 
 the channel. There was probably no one in the fleet who 
 did not think that all seven of the men had perished. In 
 the afternoon, much to the surprise of every one, a tug 
 flying a flag of truce was seen coming out of the entrance. 
 The "Vixen," flying a tablecloth at the fore, went to meet 
 the tug. A Spanish officer went aboard the "Vixen" from 
 the tug and was taken aboard the flagship. Not long 
 afterward a signal was made that Murphy of the "Iowa" 
 was saved and was a prisoner of war. About four o'clock 
 another signal was made from the flagship: "Collier's 
 crew prisoners of war; two slightly wounded. All well." 
 It can be easily imagined what relief this signal brought 
 to all hands, who had been mourning the death of all 
 these men. The Spanish officer said also that the prisoners 
 were confined in Morro Castle. He said further that Ad- 
 miral Cervera considered the attempt to run in and sink 
 the "Merrimac" across the channel an act of such great 
 bravery and desperate daring that he (the Admiral) thought 
 it very proper that our naval officers should be notified of 
 the safety of these men. Whatever the motive for send- 
 ing out the tug with the flag of truce, the act was a most 
 graceful one and one of most chivalrous courtesy. The 
 Spanish officer is reported to have said: "You have made 
 it more difficult, but we can still get out." 
 
 The daring evinced by Hobson was instantly recog- 
 nized, but the importance of his achievement was not ap- 
 preciated until July 3, when Cervera's desperate attempt 
 to escape, would, in all likelihood, have been partly suc- 
 cessful but for the fact that his vessels were obliged to 
 leave the harbor in single file. 
 
 Let us, however, recapitulate in their order the events
 
 322 HISTORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 which followed the sinking of the "Merrimac," news 
 whereof was received on June 4. On June 5, a bom- 
 bardment of the Morro Castle, commanding the mouth 
 of Santiago Harbor, took place, but no serious impression 
 seems to have been made upon the fortress at that time, 
 although some neighboring earthworks were destroyed. 
 Two days later, there was a more effective bombardment 
 of the harbor fortifications by Admiral Sampson, but the 
 Morro Castle still held out and protected the entrance to 
 the port by its ability to deliver a plunging fire. On 
 June 9, it was known that twelve thousand men, or 
 about half of our regular army, together with a number 
 of volunteer regiments, under General Shafter, had set 
 sail from Tampa, and, on the following day, the Span- 
 iards began preparations for & vigorous defense of San- 
 tiago against a land force by means of carefully planned 
 intrenchments. On June 11, a body of United States 
 marines landed at Guantanamo Bay, and, on the three 
 ensuing days, sustained successfully determined assaults 
 by the Spaniards. On June 15, the "Vesuvius," carry- 
 ing a pneumatic gun, which discharges a tube loaded with 
 dynamite, arrived off Santiago, and fully justified the ex- 
 pectations of her inventor by the efficient part which she 
 took in the bombardment. Since June 7, the Spaniards 
 had attempted to repair the Santiago forts, and had, to 
 some extent, succeeded in doing so; consequently, on June 
 16, Admiral Sampson ordered the ships to open fire on 
 them again, and, in this assault, is said to have dis- 
 charged five hundred thousand pounds of metal. It was 
 not until June 22, or thirteen days after his departure 
 from Tampa, that General Shafter landed his troops at
 
 THE HISPANO-AMERICAN WAR. 323 
 
 Baiquiri, a point on the coast some miles southwest of 
 Santiago. There was furious fighting during the three 
 following days, and there was a grievous loss of life on 
 the American side, infantry and dismounted cavalry hav- 
 ing been ordered or allowed to attack intrenchments with- 
 out artillery support. The necessity of heavy siege guns 
 was at once clear to professional soldiers, but these could 
 not be moved from the transports to the shore, because 
 only one lighter had been brought from Tampa, and even 
 that one had been lost. This loss could have been quickly 
 repaired, had not General Shatter refused to take with 
 him from Tampa the signal train that had been made 
 ready for him, on the ground that he "only wanted men 
 who could carry muskets." The result of this indifference 
 to a branch of the service which constitutes the eyes, 
 ears and voice of a modern army, was that it required 
 two days to transmit a request from Shafter 's head- 
 quarters to the point where the cable could be used. 
 On June 29, not having, as yet, any heavy siege guns 
 in position, and not having so surrounded the city as 
 to prevent the re -enforcement or escape of its garrison, 
 General Shafter telegraphed to Washington: "I can take 
 Santiago in forty-eight hours." On July 1 and 2, Gen- 
 eral Shafter made resolute assaults upon the Spanish in- 
 trenchments and carried many of them, advancing his 
 own lines very much nearer the city. The advantage 
 thus gained, however, had cost him a considerable frac- 
 tion of his force. The whole number of Americans 
 killed, wounded and missing during the land operations 
 reached ten per cent of the number with which Gen- 
 eral Shafter landed on June 22. Of these land engage-
 
 324 HISTORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 ments the most notable were those of Aguadores, El 
 Caney and San Juan. 
 
 The battle of San Juan is described as follows: 
 The dawn of July I found the troops of Wheeler's 
 division bivouacked on the eminence of El Pozo. Kent's 
 division bivouacked near the road back of El Pozo. 
 Grimes's battery went into position about two hundred 
 and fifty yards west of the ruined buildings of El Pozo 
 soon after sunrise and prepared gun pits. Grimes's bat- 
 tery opened fire against San Juan a little before 8 A.M. 
 The troops of the cavalry division were scattered about on 
 El Pozo Hill in the rear and around the battery, with- 
 out order and with no view to their protection from the 
 Spanish fire. This condition rectified itself when the Span- 
 iards, after five or six shots by the American battery, 
 replied with shrapnel fire at correct range and with accu- 
 rately adjusted fuses, killing two men at the first shot. 
 After some firing soon after 9 A.M. Wheeler's division 
 was put in march toward Santiago. Crossing Agua- 
 dores stream, it turned to the right, under General Sum- 
 ner, who was in command at that time owing to General 
 Wheeler's illness. Scattering shots were fired by the Span- 
 iards before the arrival of the first troops at the crossing, 
 but their volley firing did not commence until the dis- 
 mounted cavalry went into position, crossing open ground. 
 Kent's division followed Wheeler's, moving across the 
 stream, and advanced along the road in close order under 
 a severe enfilading fire. After advancing some distance, 
 it turned off to the left. Lieutenant Ord (killed in battle) 
 made a reconnaissance from a large tree on the banks of 
 the stream.
 
 THE HISPANO- AMERICAN WAR. 325 
 
 At about one o'clock, after a delay of nearly two hours 
 waiting for the troops to reach their positions, the whole 
 force advanced, charged, and carried the first line of 
 intrenchments. They were afterward formed on the crest 
 and there threw up intrenchments facing the second line 
 at a distance of from five hundred to one thousand 
 yards. 
 
 We pass to the memorable naval combat of July 3, 
 which annihilated Cervera's squadron, and dealt the death- 
 blow to Spain's hope of making head against America on 
 the sea. There is, of course, no foundation for the report 
 that Admiral Cervera resolved to fly, because he knew that 
 Santiago would be immediately taken. The truth is that, 
 on July 2, he received peremptory orders from Madrid to 
 leave Santiago at once, no matter what might be the con- 
 sequences ; to engage the American fleet, and to make his 
 way, if possible, to Havana, where he would raise the 
 blockade. These orders he did his best to execute on the 
 morning of July 3, having been informed by signal that 
 Admiral Sampson's flagship, the "New York," and a 
 large part of the American fleet, were lying at some dis- 
 tance toward the east, and that only the "Brooklyn," 
 "Texas" and "Iowa" would have to be encountered if 
 the escaping ships moved westward. There was a mis- 
 take in this computation, for the "Oregon" also took 
 an important part in the action, and so did the little 
 "Gloucester," a converted yacht, which did not hesitate, 
 single-handed, to engage both of the torpedo-boat destroy- 
 ers. With such information as he could procure, how- 
 ever, Admiral Cervera believed that his ships could out- 
 sail all of those blockading the mouth of the harbor, ex-
 
 326 HISTORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 cept the "Brooklyn," and that, if the "Brooklyn" could 
 be disabled, some, at least, of his vessels could escape. 
 Accordingly, orders were issued by the Spanish admiral 
 to proceed at full speed to the westward after clearing 
 the entrance, and to concentrate fire upon the "Brook- 
 lyn." In the attempt to carry out this programme, the 
 four warships, "Maria Teresa," "Almirante Oquendo," 
 "Vizcaya" and "Cristobal Colon," followed by the tor- 
 pedo-boat destroyers "Pluton" and "Furor," in the order 
 named and in single file, pushed with all steam up through 
 the narrow passage which had been left by the sunken 
 "Merrimac." The concerted endeavor to disable the 
 "Brooklyn" failed, and it turned out that both the "Ore- 
 gon" and "Texas" were faster than the "Cristobal Co- 
 lon," which was much the swiftest of the Spanish squad- 
 ron. The "Maria Teresa," the "Almirante Oquendo" and 
 the "Vizcaya" were successively riddled and put hors de 
 combat by the rapid and accurate firing of the American 
 ships, and were beached by their officers to avoid, not so 
 much surrender, as the danger of explosion. The "Cris- 
 tobal Colon" succeeded in reaching a point about fifty 
 miles from Santiago, when it was headed off not only by 
 the protected cruiser "Brooklyn," but also by the iron- 
 clads "Oregon" and "Texas." From that moment, es- 
 cape was seen to be impossible, so the commander beached 
 his ship and hauled down his flag. This closing incident 
 of the battle took place at 1.20 P.M., almost exactly four 
 hours after the leading vessel of the escaping column, the 
 "Maria Teresa," had passed the Morro. Meanwhile, the 
 little "Gloucester," under Commander Richard Wain- 
 vvright, had stopped both of the torpedo-boat destroyers,
 
 THE HISPANO- AMERICAN WAR. 327 
 
 received their fire, and detained them until an ironclad 
 came up. 
 
 It will be observed that the Spanish squadron did 
 not have to contend with the whole of the American 
 fleet, but that, on the contrary, the forces engaged were, 
 on paper, much more nearly equal than is generally un- 
 derstood. The Americans had the first-class battleships 
 "Oregon" and "Iowa," the second-class battleship "Tex- 
 as," the protected cruiser "Brooklyn" and the converted 
 yacht "Gloucester." The Spaniards, on their part, had 
 one armored cruiser, three protected cruisers, and two 
 torpedo-boat destroyers. It is certainly a remarkable fact, 
 and one almost without a parallel in naval annals, if we 
 except Dewey's achievement at Manila, that not a single 
 one of the Spanish vessels should have managed to es- 
 cape. The honor of the almost unique victory at San- 
 tiago belongs, beyond a doubt, to Commodore Schley, 
 for, at the beginning of the action, Admiral Sampson, in 
 his flaghip, the "New York," was out of sight, and he 
 remained out of signal distance until almost the end. 
 
 Almost immediately after these incidents an expedition 
 under command of General Miles proceeded to Porto 
 Rico, where, on the southwest coast, at the little village 
 of Guanica, a landing was effected on July 25. 
 
 Twenty -four hours later the Spanish government, 
 through M. Jules Cambon, the French embassador at 
 Washington, made a formal proposal for ending the war 
 and arranging terms of peace.
 
 CHAPTER XIII 
 SPANISH ART, LITERATURE, AND SPORT 
 
 I 
 
 PAINTING AND ARCHITECTURE 
 
 EARLY Spanish paintings are feeble imitations of Ital- 
 ian and Flemish art. They lack the simplicity of the one 
 and the realism of the other. In color they are somber 
 and monotonous two qualities which characterize the 
 whole Spanish school. The value of this school has been 
 curiously overrated. Comparatively speaking of brief ex- 
 istence, it has produced but two great painters Velasquez 
 and Murillo. Their contemporaries, Zurbaran, del Mazo, 
 Ribera, Alonso Cana, Herrera and Roelas, were men of 
 ability, no doubt, but they were not masters. 
 
 Excellent examples of Velasquez and of Murillo are to 
 be found to-day in the Museum of the Prado at Madrid, 
 and in the Art Gallery of Seville. The cathedrals and 
 churches generally contain works of the principal paint- 
 ers, both of the early and later times; but placed, as a 
 rule, in "Retablos" or altar pieces, they are poorly ex- 
 posed and difficult to view. 
 
 DON DIEGO VELASQUEZ DE SILVA, or simpry VELAS- 
 QUEZ, the greatest painter that Spain has produced, was 
 born at Seville, in 1599, of parents of Portuguese origin, and 
 died at Madrid in 1660. He married in his youth the daugh- 
 ter of FRANCISCO PACHECO, a painter of inferior merit, but 
 a learned writer on art, from whose advice and instruction 
 he derived much advantage. Velasquez showed from his 
 childhood a genius for painting. He began by copying care- 
 fully from nature, still life, and living models, forming him- 
 self upon the study of pictures by Ribera and by Italian
 
 SPANISH ART, LITERATURE, AND SPORT. 329 
 
 masters of the Naturalistic school, which had been brought 
 from Italy to Spain. The best examples of his first manner 
 are "The Adoration of the Kings" and his famous "Bor- 
 rachos," or drunkards, in the Madrid Gallery. In them the 
 influence of Caravaggio and Ribera is very evident. In the 
 twenty-third year of his age he came to Madrid, and, attract- 
 ing the notice of influential persons, was soon taken into the 
 service of Philip IV. an enthusiastic lover of art, and him- 
 self a painter. He remained there for the rest of his life, 
 and his pictures were almost exclusively painted for his royal 
 patron and for the grandees of the Spanish court. A friend- 
 ship with Rubens, who was in Madrid as embassador from 
 the King of England, in 1628, and two visits to Italy, in 1629 
 and 1648, led him to modify his early manner. From the 
 study at Venice of the masterpieces of Titian and Tintoret, 
 he acquired a greater harmony and transparency of color, 
 and a freer and firmer touch, without departing from that 
 truthful representation of nature which he always sought to 
 attain. On his second visit to Italy he chiefly studied in 
 Rome. He again changed his style: his coloring became 
 more what the Italians term "sfumato," or hazy; and he 
 returned, to some extent, to his early general soberness of 
 tone, rarely introducing bright colors into his last pictures. 
 Velasquez's second and third manners, as well as his first, 
 are fully represented in the Madrid Gallery, which contains 
 no less than sixty of his pictures, or almost the whole of his 
 genuine works. The "Borrachos" have already been men- 
 tioned as an example of his first manner. The fine portrait 
 of the Infante Don Carlos, second son of Philip III., is an- 
 other. In his second manner are the "Surrender of Breda," 
 perhaps the finest representation and treatment of a contem- 
 porary historical event in the world ; the magnificent portrait 
 of the Count of Benavente, and the four Dwarfs. In his 
 third, the "Meninas," and the " Hilanderas. " By studying 
 these pictures the student will soon be able to distinguish 
 between the three manners of the painter, and to decide for 
 himself as to the genuineness of the many pictures which 
 pass for Velasquez's in the public and private galleries of 
 Europe. 
 
 It was principally as a portrait-painter that Velasquez 
 excelled. Although he wanted the imagination of Titian, 
 and gave less dignity and refinement than that great master 
 to his portraits, yet in a marvelous power of rendering nature, 
 and in truthfulness of expression, he was not his inferior. In
 
 330 HISTORY OF SPJIN. 
 
 the imaginative faculties he was singularly deficient, as his 
 "Forge of Vulcan," the "Coronation of the Virgin," and 
 other works of that class in the Madrid Gallery, are sufficient 
 to prove. However, the "Crucifixion," in the same collec- 
 tion, is a grand and solemn conception, which has excited 
 the enthusiastic admiration of some critics. Velasquez was 
 essentially a "naturalistic" painter. In the representation 
 of animals, especially dogs, and of details such as armor, 
 drapery, and objects of still-life, he is almost without a rival. 
 His freedom of touch and power of producing truthful effects 
 by the simplest means are truly wonderful. His aerial per- 
 spective, his light and shade, his gradations of tone and 
 color, are all equally excellent, and have excited the admira- 
 tion of Wilkie, and of the best judges of art. 
 
 The high offices which Velasquez held at court gave him 
 but little time to paint. The number of his pictures is, there- 
 fore, comparatively small. They were principally executed 
 for the royal palaces ; those which have escaped the fires that 
 destroyed so many great works have been removed to the 
 Madrid Museum. The portraits which are attributed to him 
 in many public and private collections out of Spain are, for 
 the most part, by his pupils, or imitators and copyists. One 
 of the most skillful of the latter was a certain Lucas, who, 
 not many years ago, succeeded in deceiving many collectors. 
 
 Among his best scholars were: JUAN BAUTISTA DEL MAZO 
 (d. 1667), his son-in-law. How nearly he approached his 
 master may be seen by his admirable portrait of D. Tiburcio 
 de Redin, and the view of Saragossa, in which the figures 
 have even been attributed to Velasquez, in the Madrid Gal- 
 lery. PAREJA, his half-caste slave, and afterward freedman 
 (d. 1670), who imitated his master in his portraits, but not 
 in his religious and other subjects, in which he followed the 
 Dutch and Italian painters of the time; as in his "Calling of 
 St. Mark, ' ' in the same gallery. CARRENO, a member of a 
 noble family (b. 1614; d. 1685), who succeeded Velasquez as 
 court painter, and who is chiefly known by his portraits of 
 the idiot king (Charles II.), his mother, Mariana of Austria, 
 Don John of Austria (not the hero of Lepanto), and other 
 royal and courtly persons of the period. Spanish writers on 
 art rank him with Vandyke, to whom, however, he was 
 greatly inferior. His coloring is generally insipid, and want- 
 ing in vigor. 
 
 BARTOLOME ESTEBAN MURILLO was born at Seville in 
 1616. He studied under Juan del Castillo, a very indifferent
 
 SPANISH ART, LITERATURE, AND SPORT. 331 
 
 painter, but formed his style, like Velasquez, on the works of 
 Ribera and the Italian naturalistic painters. Like that great 
 master, too, he modified his "manner" three times, as he 
 gained in experience and. knowledge. From his boyhood 
 he painted pictures which were sold in the market-place of 
 his native city, and bought by dealers; chiefly, it is said, for 
 exportation to the Spanish colonies in America. After ob- 
 taining a considerable reputation at Seville, he went to Ma- 
 drid to improve himself by the study of the works of the 
 great Italian masters in the royal collection. Their influ- 
 ence led him to modify his first style, called by the Spaniards 
 frio (cold), in which he had imitated the brown tints, dark 
 shadows, and conventional treatment of drapery of Ribera; 
 but he did not abandon it altogether. It may still be traced 
 in his second, or calido (warm) manner, as in the celebrated 
 "Holy Family," called "del Pajarito," in the Madrid Gal- 
 lery. The advice of Velasquez, who treated him with great 
 kindness, and the works of Titian and Rubens, led him to 
 adopt a warm, harmonious and transparent coloring, and a 
 more truthful rendering of nature; at the same time his 
 drawing became more free, if not more correct. His third 
 manner is termed by the Spaniards vapor oso (misty), from 
 a gradual and almost imperceptible fusion of tints, produc- 
 ing a kind of hazy effect. In it are painted, for the most 
 part, his well-known "Miraculous Conceptions," the Virgin 
 standing on the crescent moon attended by angels. The 
 .three manners of Murillo are neither so well defined nor so 
 easily recognized as those of Velasquez. He never com- 
 pletely abandoned one of them for the other, and in his last 
 pictures he frequently returned to the calido style. As a 
 painter of portraits and landscapes, he was inferior to Velas- 
 quez. It was only in religious subjects, and especially in his 
 Holy Families, that he surpassed him. His Virgins are 
 taken from the common type of Andalusian beauty, slightly 
 idealized ; but he gives to them an expression of youthful in- 
 nocence and religious sentiment which makes him the most 
 popular of Spanish painters. The Spaniards are naturally 
 proud of him. They believe that he unites the best qualities 
 of the greatest masters, and surpasses them all. All other 
 critics place him second to Velasquez, who unquestionably 
 possessed a more original genius. Comparisons between 
 these two great painters are, however, more than usually 
 pointless and misleading, the two men being essentially 
 different in feeling, taste, and manner.
 
 332 HISTORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 Returning to Seville, after his first and only visit to 
 Madrid, Murillo established himself there for the rest of 
 his life, painting, with the help of scholars, many pictures 
 for churches and convents in Spain and her colonies. In 
 the Peninsula, his best works are now only found at Madrid 
 and in his native city. The French invaders and the pict- 
 ure-dealers carried the greater number away. Among those 
 most worthy of note at Madrid are the "St. Elizabeth of 
 Hungary tending the Sick," and the "Patrician's Dream," 
 now in the Academy of San Fernando, and the two ' ' Immac- 
 ulate Conceptions" in the Gallery: at Seville, "St. Thomas 
 of Villanueva distributing Alms to the Poor," in the public 
 Museum; the "St. Anthony of Padua" in the Cathedral; and 
 the pictures in the Caridad. Of his well-known sunburned 
 beggar-boys and girls there are none, that we know of, in 
 Spain ; many of those in European collections are probably 
 by his favorite pupil, VILLAYICENCIO, in whose arms he died 
 at Seville in 1682. There is a picture by this painter, who 
 was of a noble family, and rather an amateur than an artist, 
 in the Madrid Gallery, representing a group of boys at play. 
 It has no great merit, but shows how he attempted to imitate 
 his master in this class of subject. He was born in 1635, 
 and died in 1700. The imitations and copies of Murillo by 
 TOBAR (d. 1758) are so successful that they frequently pass 
 for originals. The same may be said of some by MENESES, 
 who died early in the 18th century. 
 
 Among the contemporaries of Murillo was IRIARTE (b. 
 1620; d. 1685), one of the few landscape-painters that Spain 
 has produced. His landscapes were much esteemed by 
 Murillo, but they are not entitled to rank with the works of 
 any of the great masters in this branch of the art. The 
 Madrid Gallery contains five examples of them. 
 
 The following painters may be mentioned among the best 
 and most characteristic of the second class in the Spanish 
 school: FRANCISCO DE ZURBARAN, born in Estremadura 
 in 1598, died at Madrid, 1662, was essentially a religious 
 painter, and his somber coloring and the subjects of his pict- 
 ures are characteristic of Spanish bigotry and of the Inquisi- 
 tion. In Spain he is chiefly known by his altar-pieces for 
 churches and convents ; out of Spain by his monks and friars. 
 A few figures of female saints prove that he was not insensi- 
 ble to grace of form and beauty of color. But he is usually 
 mannered, and without dignity. A disagreeable reddish hue 
 pervades his larger pictures. He formed himself, like his
 
 SPANISH ART, LITERATURE, AND SPORT. 333 
 
 contemporaries, on the study of the Italian painters of the 
 Naturalistic school. Philip IV. is said to have named him 
 "Painter of the King, and King of Painters." He enjoyed 
 the first title, but did not merit the second. His best work in 
 Spain is, perhaps, the "Apotheosis of St. Thomas Aquinas," 
 in the Seville Museum. It is a grand, but somewhat stiff 
 and unpleasing composition. Zurbaran is badly represented 
 in the Madrid Gallery. The "Christ Sleeping on the Cross" 
 is the most popular in it. One or two of his works are to be 
 found in the Academy of San Fernando. 
 
 ALONSO CANO (born at Granada, 1601; died there, 1667) 
 enjoys the highest reputation in Spain after Zurbaran. He 
 was painter, sculptor, and architect, and, moreover, carved 
 and painted wooden figures of the Virgin and Saints, an art 
 in which he attained great success and renown. Many ex- 
 amples of his skill may be seen at Granada. One of the 
 most celebrated is the statuette of St. Francis in the sacristy 
 of the Cathedral of Toledo. Cano was a violent, but not 
 unkindly man, constantly engaged in quarrels and lawsuits. 
 He ended by becoming a canon of the Cathedral of Granada, 
 after narrowly escaping from the clutches of the Inquisition. 
 His drawing is carefully studied, but is frequently exagger- 
 ated, and wants ease and flow; his coloring conventional and 
 somewhat weak; but there is a delicacy of expression and 
 refinement in his works which have earned him the praise of 
 some critics. The Madrid Gallery contains a few of his pict- 
 ures: among them a "Dead Christ"; but he is best seen at 
 Granada. 
 
 FRANCISCO -HERRER A EL VIEJO, or the. elder (b. 1576; 
 d. 1656). His principal works are at Seville and out of Spain. 
 The Madrid Gallery contains nothing by him. Spanish writ- 
 ers on art attribute to him the introduction into Spain of a 
 new style of painting, characteristic of the national genius. 
 It was vigorous, but coarse, and has little to recommend it 
 even to those who admire the Italian eclectic school. Like 
 Cano, he was a man of hot temper, quarreled with his pupils, 
 among whom was Velasquez, and was thrown into prison on 
 a charge of coining false money. He was released by Philip 
 IV. on account of his merits as a painter. His best work in 
 Spain is the "Last Judgment," in the church of St. Bernardo 
 at Seville, which is praised for its composition and the cor- 
 rect anatomy of the human form. Herrera painted in fresco, 
 for which he was well fitted from his bold and rapid execu- 
 tion ; but his works in that material have mostly perished.
 
 334 HIS1ORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 FRANCISCO HERRERA EL, Mozo, or the younger (b. 1622; 
 d. 1685), son of the former, studied at Rome, where he was 
 chiefly known for his pictures of dead animals and still life. 
 The Italians nicknamed him "Lo Spagnuolo dei pesci," from 
 his clever representations of fish. He was a painter of small 
 merit; weak and affected in his drawing, color, and compo- 
 sition. The Madrid Gallery contains but one of his pictures 
 the "Triumph of St. Hermenegildo. " Like his father, he 
 painted frescoes, some of which are still preserved in the 
 churches of Madrid. He was also an architect, and made 
 the plans for the "Virgen del Pilar" at Saragossa. 
 
 JUAN DE LAS ROELAS, commonly known in Spain as "El 
 Clerigo Roelas," was born at Seville about 1558, and died in 
 1625. He studied at Venice; hence the richness and bril- 
 liancy of color in his best works, as in the fine picture of the 
 "Martyrdom of St. Andrew," in the Museum of Seville. In 
 the churches of that city are some altar-pieces by him worthy 
 of notice. He is scarcely known out of Spain, or, indeed, 
 out of Seville, although he may be ranked among the best 
 of the Spanish painters of the second rank. The picture in 
 the Madrid Gallery attributed to him, if genuine, is a very 
 inferior work. 
 
 JUAN DE VALDES LEAL, born at Cordova in 1630, died 
 at Seville 1691, was a painter of considerable ability, but of 
 a hasty and jealous temper, which he especially displayed 
 toward Murillo, the superiority of whose work he would not 
 acknowledge. His pictures are rare, and are best seen at 
 Seville. The Caridad in that city contains two, representing 
 the "Triumph of Death," which are powerful, but coarse. 
 He was also an engraver of skill. 
 
 FRANCISCO RIZZI, the son of a Bolpgnese painter who had 
 settled in Spain, was born at Madrid in 1608, and died there 
 in 1685. He was a rapid and not unskillful painter, and was 
 employed to decorate in fresco, in the Italian fashion, the 
 churches and royal palaces of the capital. His well-known 
 picture in the Madrid Gallery representing the "Auto da 
 Fe" held in the Plaza Mayor before Charles II. and his 
 queen, Marie Luisa of Orleans, in 1680, although awkward 
 and formal in composition, is cleverly painted. 
 
 CLAUDIO COELLO, died 1693, was chiefly employed by 
 the Spanish court in portrait-painting and in decorating the 
 royal palaces for triumphs and festivities. His best known 
 and most important picture, in the sacristy of the Escorial, 
 is the "Santa Forma," or "Removal of the Miraculous Wafer
 
 SPANISH ART, LITERATURE, AND SPORT. 335 
 
 of Gorcum," in which he has introduced portraits of Charles 
 II. and of the officers of his court. It is crowded and un- 
 skillful in composition, but has merits which show that he 
 had preserved the best traditions of the Spanish school of 
 painters, of whom he was almost the last. 
 
 The history of Spanish painting closes with the seventeenth 
 century. During the eighteenth there appeared a few feeble 
 painters who imitated, but were even immeasurably behind, 
 the Luca Giordanos, Tiepolos, and other Italians whom the 
 Bourbon kings invited to Madrid to decorate the new royal 
 palace, and to make designs for the royal manufactory of 
 tapestries. The first who attempted to revive Spanish art 
 was FRANCISCO GOYA (born in 1746), a vigorous but eccen- 
 tric painter and etcher in aqua fortis, not wanting in genius. 
 He studied at Rome, and returning to Spain executed fres- 
 coes, with little success, in churches at Madrid and else- 
 where. He became "pintor de camara," or court painter, 
 to the weak Charles IV. and vicious Ferdinand VII. In 
 numerous portraits of these kings and of members of the 
 Spanish Bourbon family he made them, perhaps with delib- 
 erate malice for in politics he was an ardent liberal even 
 more hideous than they were. His large picture of Charles 
 IV. and his family in the Madrid Gallery is the best, but by 
 no means an attractive example of his skill, and is in parts, 
 especially in the details of costume, not altogether unworthy 
 of Velasquez, whom he sought to imitate. But his genius 
 was chiefly shown in his etchings, in which, in a grotesque, 
 and not always decent way, he lashed the vices and corrup- 
 tion of his country, and vented his hatred against its French 
 invaders. The Spaniards are very proud of Goya. The 
 author of the "Guide to the Madrid Gallery" discovers in 
 his works a union of the best qualities of Rembrandt, Titian, 
 Paul Veronese, Watteau, and Lancret ! He was, no doubt, 
 a powerful and original painter, and his touch is often mas- 
 terly ; but he was incorrect in his drawing, and his color is 
 fret^ ently exaggerated and unnatural. His designs for the 
 tapefetries in the royal palaces are generally weak and ill- 
 drawn ; but they are interesting as representations of national 
 manners and costume. Goya died in voluntary exile at Bor- 
 deaux in 1828, having left Spain disgusted with the political 
 reaction which set in on the restoration of the Bourbons, and 
 with the persecution of the best and most enlightened of his 
 countrymen . His works have of late years been much sought 
 after, especially in France. His etchings, consisting chiefly 
 
 15
 
 336 HISTORY OF 'SPAIN. 
 
 of political caricatures (caprichos), scenes in the bull-ring, 
 the horrors of war, etc., are rare. A new edition has re- 
 cently been published of the "Caprichos" from the worn-out 
 plates. 
 
 Goya may be considered the founder of the modern Span- 
 ish school of painting, which has produced Fortuny, Madrazo, 
 Palmaroli, and a number of other clever painters who have 
 achieved a European reputation. It is not, however, in Spain, 
 but in the private collections of London, Paris, and New 
 York, that their principal works are to be found. Spaniards 
 have little love or knowledge of art, and the high prices it is 
 now the fashion to pay for Spanish pictures are beyond their 
 means. 
 
 The history of architecture in Spain is similar to that of 
 France and other countries of northern Europe, with, how- 
 ever, the essential difference that Moorish art in the Middle. 
 Ages attained in Spain as great an importance as in the East, 
 and when combined with Christian art, a new style was 
 formed, known by the name of Morisco or Mudejar, which 
 is not met with out of the Spanish Peninsula, and is of great 
 interest. 
 
 Spanish architecture may be divided, after the prehistoric 
 period, and invasions of the Phoenicians and Carthaginians, 
 in the following manner: 
 
 1. Roman period, until the invasions of the Goths. 
 
 2. Latin Byzantine style, fifth to end of tenth century. 
 
 3. Moorish architecture, eighth to fifteenth century. 
 
 4. Romanesque style, eleventh, twelfth, and part of thir- 
 teenth century. 
 
 5. Pointed architecture, thirteenth, fourteenth, fifteenth, 
 and part of sixteenth century. 
 
 6. Mudejar style, thirteenth, fourteenth, fifteenth, and 
 part of sixteenth century. 
 
 7. Renaissance or Plateresque style, Graeco-Roman, and 
 Churrigueresque. 
 
 Several of the inscriptions which have come down to us 
 of the Roman period (see "Corpus Inscrip.," Vol. II., Emil 
 Hiibner) mention different buildings of public utility and 
 adornment which were in course of construction in Spain. 
 The number which still remains is very great, and may be 
 found in almost every province ; many have, however, been 
 sadly mutilated. The finest are undoubtedly the aqueduct 
 at Segovia (constructed of huge stones, and still used for
 
 SPANISH ART, LITERATURE, AND SPORT. 337 
 
 carrying water to the town), the Bridge of Alcantara (Es- 
 tremadura), with its triumphal arch in the center and temple 
 at one end, and the walls of Lugo and Astorga. The gen- 
 eral structure of these monuments and their ornamentation 
 are the same as those of ancient Rome : it is well known that 
 the Romans imposed their art on the countries which came 
 under their dominion. 
 
 Two remarkable specimens exist of the Visigothic period : 
 the church of San Roman de Hornija (near Toro), 646, and 
 San Juan de Banos (near Venta de Banos), 661. Although 
 these churches have suffered much from later additions, they 
 still retain a great part of their construction and part of the 
 primitive building. A great number of fragments remain 
 in Spain of this period. They must be examined in order to 
 judge this architecture. Some are capitals of columns in the 
 Cathedral of Cordova and some churches at Toledo, and dif- 
 ferent friezes and fragments which have been applied to 
 different uses at Toledo and Merida. The votive crowns 
 found at Guarrazar, now at Cluny (Paris) and armory of 
 Madrid, give an excellent idea of the ornamentation of the 
 Visigoths. Several examples of architecture remain poste- 
 rior to the Visigoths, and anterior to the Romanesque style 
 of the eleventh century. The most important are the churches 
 of Sta. Maria Naranco and St. Miguel de Lino, near Oviedo, 
 Sta. Christina de Lena (Asturias), a very remarkable speci- 
 men of Byzantine construction, and the churches of San 
 Pedro and San Pablo, Barcelona. 
 
 The invasion of the Arabs in 711 caused their architecture 
 to extend itself in the Peninsula. Its adaptation to churches 
 and other buildings of the Christians created a new style, 
 known as Mudejar. The finest specimen of Oriental archi- 
 tecture in Spain is the mosque at Cordova (ninth century). 
 Byzantine models were copied there in the same manner as 
 at Jerusalem, Damascus, and Cairo. The small mosque at 
 Toledo (Cristo de la Luz) is of the same period, and part of 
 the church of Santiago de Penalva ( Vierzo), the only example 
 which is known of a Christian church built in the Moorish 
 style. 
 
 During the eleventh and twelfth centuries this architect- 
 ure underwent radical modifications in Spain, in the same 
 manner as in the East, and a new style arose which is very 
 different to the earlier one. No writers on this subject have 
 explained this transformation in the East in a satisfactory 
 manner: it is not easy to study this transition in Spain, for
 
 338 HISTORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 it coincides with the time in which the Spanish Moors were 
 not rich or powerful enough to build large constructions, as 
 they did in the thirteenth century, after the kings of Gra- 
 nada had settled there. At this period of their art the forms 
 of capitals, which partook of a Byzantine and classical form, 
 changed. Tiles are used to decorate the walls, which are 
 covered with an ornamentation in relief in stucco, in which 
 are introduced inscriptions in Cufic and African characters; 
 the ceilings are decorated with inlaid woodwork and stalac- 
 tical pendentives in stucco. This style ends with the con- 
 quest of Granada, 1492. The Alhambra is the most impor- 
 tant example of this architecture, and following it the Alcazar 
 of Seville. 
 
 Owing to the gradual conquests by the Christians of 
 towns belonging to the Mohammedans, several of them 
 continued to be inhabited by Moors, who kept their customs 
 and religion. They were called Moriscos or Mudejares. 
 The chief industries of the country were in their hands, and 
 several churches and other buildings of importance were 
 built by them. They accommodated their architecture to 
 European or Christian necessities, and created a new style 
 (Mudejar), a mixture of Christian and Moorish art, which is 
 only to be found in the Spanish Peninsula. The finest speci- 
 mens are of the fourteenth century. The religious construc- 
 tions of this period are remarkable for their brick- work in 
 towers and apses, and fine wooden ceilings, artesonados. 
 Examples exist at Toledo, Seville, and Granada. The in- 
 teresting synagogues built by Moriscos are at Toledo and 
 Segovia. As specimens of civil architecture, the finest are 
 Casade Pilatos (Seville), Palace of Mendoza (Guadalajara), 
 Archbishop's Palace (Alcala), Casa de Mesa (Toledo). This 
 style continued in vogue during the greater part of the six- 
 teenth century, although late Gothic was everywhere pre- 
 dominant. A most striking example in which the three 
 styles Moorish, Flamboyant, and Renaissance are com- 
 bined, is to be found in a chapel of the cathedral of Sigiienza. 
 
 The Romanesque style of architecture was imported in 
 the eleventh and twelfth centuries from France, even more 
 directly than in other countries, owing to the immense influ- 
 ence exercised by a large number of prelates and priests, who 
 came from Cluny and Cister, and the French princes and 
 families who settled in Spain. The general features of this 
 architecture are similar to those of France : the differences 
 exist chiefly in the general plan ot the churches rather than
 
 SPANISH ART, LITERATURE, AND SPORT. 339 
 
 in their construction and ornamentation. The choirs in 
 Spanish cathedrals are placed in the central nave, a tradi- 
 tional remembrance of the early basilica. In some localities, 
 Segovia, Avila, and Valladolid, some of these churches have 
 external cloisters, an Oriental or Italian modification, which 
 never occurs in France or the north of Europe. Romanesque 
 examples are very numerous in Spain. Some, such as the 
 doorway of the Cathedral of Santiago (Galicia), and the Old 
 Cathedral (Salamanca), are not surpassed by any similar 
 buildings in Europe. Specimens are only found in the north- 
 ern provinces, as the south was not conquered from the 
 Moors until the thirteenth century. Interesting examples 
 exist in Asturias, Galicia, Castile, Aragon, and Cataluna. 
 The cloisters of Gerona and Tarragona are unrivaled. Of 
 the many striking examples of Transition from Romanesque 
 to Early Pointed, the finest are the old cathedral of Lerida, 
 the cathedrals of Tarragona and Santiago, and the collegiate 
 church of Tudela. 
 
 The specimens of Pointed style in Spain present no other 
 variety than the choirs in the centers of the cathedrals. Al- 
 though this style was imported from France early in the 
 thirteenth century, in the same manner as in Germany, Ro- 
 manesque churches continued to be built, and Pointed archi- 
 tecture was only finally adopted at the end of the century. 
 The finest cathedrals in Spain of this architecture are those 
 of Toledo, Leon, and Burgos. A great number of civil and 
 religious buildings of this style are to be met with in Spain, 
 in which the art-student will find constant elements of study : 
 it underwent the same modifications in Spain as in other 
 countries, until it reached, in the fifteenth century, its latest 
 period, the Flamboyant style. This style lasts longer in 
 Spain than in other countries, and acquires great importance. 
 The cathedrals of Salamanca (la neuva) and Segovia, both 
 built in late Gothic, were begun in the sixteenth century, 
 when in other parts of Europe and even in Spain itself Italian 
 Renaissance models were largely imported. Spanish cathe- 
 drals are undoubtedly, with the exception of Italy, the most 
 interesting in Europe ; for although they cannot compete in 
 architectural details with those of France, they are vastly 
 superior in regard to the objects they contain of ecclesiastical 
 furniture of every kind iron railings, carved stalls, mon- 
 strances, church-plate, vestments, pictures, and sepulchers. 
 Toledo and Seville cathedrals are museums in their way. 
 
 Italian models were copied in Spain from the end of the
 
 340 HISTORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 fifteenth century. The portals of Santa Cruz at Valladolid 
 and Toledo are of this period. Gothic architecture contin- 
 ued, however, for several years to alternate with this style. 
 The combination of these styles produced an important series 
 of models known in Spain by the name of Plateresco. 
 
 The revival of the fine arts coincided in Spain with the 
 greatest power and richness of the country. The marriage 
 of Ferdinand and Isabella united Castile, Aragon, and the 
 kingdom of Naples. The conquest of Granada completed 
 the political unity of the country : the discoveries of Colum- 
 bus, Cortes, and Pizarro brought riches from a new world, 
 and the union with the House of Austria, the Flemish States, 
 an immense power, which it enjoyed during the reign of 
 the Emperor Charles V. Renaissance architecture is better 
 represented in Spain than in any other country except Italy. 
 In almost all towns of importance admirable examples of 
 this style will be found. The finest are at Salamanca : the 
 University, Santo Domingo, Casa de las Conchas, and Sal- 
 inas, San Marcos (Leon), Casa de Ayuntamiento (Seville), 
 Valladolid, Saragossa, Burgos, etc. 
 
 The cathedral and palace of Charles V. (Granada) may 
 be quoted as an example of pure Grseco-Roman style. Part 
 of the Alcazar at Toledo belongs to this same period. The 
 tendency to copy classical models increased daily. The Mon- 
 astery of the Escorial may be considered the most important 
 specimen of this school. In the seventeenth century the 
 Borromenisco style was imported from Italy. The Pantheon 
 at the Escorial is a good example. This architectural decay 
 increased in Spain with great rapidity, and in no country did 
 it reach to such an extravagant point. It lasted during the 
 seventeenth and part of the eighteenth centuries. In Spain 
 this style is called Churrigueresque, after the architect Chur- 
 riguera. Examples will be found everywhere. The Trans- 
 parente (Cathedral of Toledo), retablos of San Esteban 
 (Salamanca), Cartuja (Granada), and fagade of Hospicio 
 (Madrid), may be considered the most remarkable. 
 
 The creation of the Academy of San Fernando, the 
 French architects who accompanied Philip V., and the 
 efforts of Charles III. to favor classical studies, produced 
 the same pretentious and classical reaction as in the rest of 
 Europe. The Palace and Convent of Salesas (Madrid) are 
 specimens of the first movement. The Museo and Observa- 
 tory of Madrid belong to the end of the last and beginning 
 of the present century.
 
 SPANISH ART, LITERATURE, AND SPORT. 341 
 
 SPANISH LITERATURE 
 
 THE history of Spanish literature commences at the end 
 of the eleventh or beginning of the twelfth century, when 
 the dialect emerged from the corrupted Latin, and became 
 an independent language capable of producing literary works. 
 
 The origin of the language may be traced to the writers 
 of the sixth, seventh, to the eleventh century. They wrote 
 in the more or less barbarous Latin of the period. The most 
 important authors of this time were San Isidore and his 
 pupils, St. Eugenio, St. Ildefonso, St. Eulogio, Alvaro, San- 
 som, Pero Alonso, and Oliva. The writers of the Roman 
 period, Porcio Latro, Seneca, Lucan, Martial, Pomponius 
 Mela, Collumela, Silius Italicus, and Quintillian, though 
 born in Spain, must be numbered among classical authors. 
 The Spanish language is derived in a direct manner from the 
 Latin, though it has been enriched by a great number of 
 words belonging to the different nations which have occupied 
 the whole or part of the Peninsula. Iberian, Punic, Greek, 
 Visigothic, Hebrew, and Arabic words are met with in large 
 numbers. The abundance of these last has induced some 
 critics to infer that the origin of the language is Semitic, but 
 its grammatical structure is undoubtedly Latin. The abun- 
 dance of Oriental words does not influence its organization, 
 or produce any further result than to add nouns to the 
 language. 
 
 Spanish literature is generally divided into three groups 
 twelfth century to end of fifteenth; sixteenth to seven- 
 teenth; eighteenth to the present day. 
 
 It is highly probable that Spanish poetry began by com- 
 memorating the heroic deeds of Pelayo and other heroes who 
 fought against the Moors ; but we can trace nothing to that 
 period. The earliest compositions which have reached us 
 are, a "Charter of Oviedo," 1145 (the "Charter of Aviles," 
 1155, has been proved to be a forgery), and two poems on 
 the Cid, the favorite hero of popular Spanish poetry, 1040- 
 1099. The best of these poems is the one beginning: El mio 
 Cid (vide Ticknor). Though incomplete, it constitutes a real 
 epic poem, and if examined in detail appears to have been 
 written at the beginning of the twelfth century. Three con- 
 temporary works have reached us : "La Vida de Santa Maria
 
 342 HISTORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 Egipciaca," "El Libro de los tres reyes d' Orient," and "Los 
 tres reyes magos. " The first two were evidently written 
 under a French influence; "Los tres reyes magos" was 
 written for recital in a church. 
 
 The same intellectual development appears in Spain in 
 the thirteenth century as in Italy and France. The univer- 
 sities of Palencia and Salamanca contributed toward it. The 
 tendency of the writers of this period is to imitate classic au- 
 thors. A priest, Gonzalo de Berceo, is the first poet of any 
 importance in the thirteenth century, 1230 : he wrote a large 
 number of verses on religious subjects. His poem to the 
 Virgin contains some poetical passages. Two poems ap- 
 peared shortly afterward, "El Libro de Apollonio" and "El 
 Libro de Alexandre," by J. Lorenzo Segura, adapted from 
 the history of Alexandre Le Grand, by Chatillon. The poem 
 "Fernan Gonzalez" is of the same period: it is free from for- 
 eign influence. Prose is improved at the beginning of the 
 century by the translation from Latin of the "Fuero Juzgo," 
 and other historical and didactical works. 
 
 Don Alonso el Sabio, 1221-1284, absorbs the scientific and 
 literary life of Spain during his time : the most eminent of 
 his countrymen, Spaniards, Jews and Moors, gathered round 
 him. So many works have appeared under his name that it 
 is incredible they should all have been written by him. Prob- 
 ably only the poems, "Las Querellas," written in the Castil- 
 ian dialect, are his. An extensive Universal History, the 
 first written in Europe in a vernacular language; the "Leyes 
 de Partidas," a series of legal works; "El Saber de Astrono- 
 mia," a cyclopedia of this science as it stood at that time; 
 the "Cantigas," a poem containing upward of four hundred 
 compositions to the Virgin, written in the Galician dialect 
 and in the Provengal style, and several other works, have 
 passed hitherto as proceeding from his pen. 
 
 Don Sancho el Bravo, a son of Don Alonso, wrote the 
 "Lucidario" and "Libro de los Castigos," a moral treatise 
 dedicated to his son. The "Libro del Tesoro" and "La Gran 
 Conquista de Ultramar" were translated at his instigation 
 from the Latin. The Infante, Don Juan Manuel, 1282, a 
 nephew of Don Alonso, wrote several works on different 
 subjects. The finest is the interesting collection of fables, 
 "El Conde Lucanor." They are earlier than the Decame- 
 rone or Canterbury Tales. 
 
 Spanish poetry revived in the fourteenth century. The 
 archpriest of Hita, 1330-1343, wrote thousands of verses on
 
 SPANISH ART, LITERATURE, AND SPORT. 343 
 
 different subjects. Rabbi Don Santob, 1350, a Spanish Jew, 
 dedicated to his friend, King Peter the Cruel, his principal 
 poetical works. The best is on the "Danza de la Muerte," a 
 favorite subject of that time. Pero Lopez de Ayala, 1372- 
 1407, who wrote the "Rimado de Palacio," and Rodrigo 
 Yanez, the author of the "Poema de Alonso XL," end the 
 series of poets of the fourteenth century. Romances of chiv- 
 alry became popular in Spain in the fifteenth century : their 
 popularity lasted until the sixteenth, when Cervantes pub- 
 lished his "Don Quixote." "Amadis de Gaula" was the first 
 work of importance of this kind; "Palmerin de Oliva," etc., 
 follow it. The Coronicas belong to this period. They are 
 semi-historical narratives, in which the leading events of 
 each reign are described. 
 
 Provencal style was introduced into Spain early in the 
 fifteenth century. It became very popular owing to the pa- 
 tronage of Don Juan II. , 1407-1454. The most important 
 courtiers imitated the king's example, and poems have 
 reached us by Don Alvaro de Luna, Don Alonso de Car- 
 tagena and others. The Marquis of Villena and Macias be- 
 long to this period. Fernan Perez de Guzman wrote at this 
 time his "Livros de los claros varones de Espana," and Juan 
 de Mena, an excellent poet, his "Laberynto" and "Dialogo 
 delos siete Pecados mortales." The last poet of the reign of 
 Don Juan II. is the Marquis of Santillana. Several wrote 
 late in the century: the most excellent among them being 
 Jorge Manrique, whose "Coplas" on the death of his father 
 are admirable. Novels begin at this time, generally copied 
 from Italian models. The finest is- "La Celestina," written 
 in acts like a drama, one of the best works in Spanish litera- 
 ture. 
 
 Romances or ballads are the most original form of Span- 
 ish poetry. They constitute the popular epic poem, and are 
 the most spontaneous productions of the Spanish language. 
 
 The revival of literature coincides in Spain with the period 
 of its greatest power and prosperity. The early part of the 
 sixteenth century is called "el Siglo de oro." An Italian in- 
 fluence is predominant. Castillejo keeps to the earlier style 
 in his charming compositions: "Dialogo entre el autor y su 
 pluma, ' ' and ' ' Sermones de Amores. ' ' Boscan and Garcilaso 
 were the first to introduce the Italian measure into Spanish 
 verse. Some poets wrote in both these styles. Gregorio 
 Sylvestre is among the best of them ; an excellent poet, but 
 very little known.
 
 344 HISTORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 Garcilaso was the earliest lyrical poet, 1503-1536. His 
 verses are pure in style, in the manner of Virgil and Horace. 
 His life is interesting: he fought by the side of Charles V., 
 and was killed at the assault of the fortress of Frejus (Nice). 
 One of his contemporaries, Hurtado de Mendoza, a soldier 
 and statesman, popularized classical studies. His best works 
 are the "Rebellion delos Moriscos" and the well-known "La- 
 zarillo de Tormes." The classical style is now universally 
 adopted in Spain. Fray Luis de Leon was undoubtedly the 
 best poet of this period. His ode on the "Ascension" and his 
 "Poema a la Virgen" may certainly be reckoned among the 
 best compositions in the language. Several poets of an infe- 
 rior order belong to the sixteenth century. Cesina, Acuna, 
 Figueroa, Medrano, La Torre, Mesa and Alcazar are among 
 the best. Their works are clever in parts, but are generally 
 unequal. This characteristic becomes a leading feature in 
 Spanish poetry. At the end of the seventeenth century lyrics 
 began to decay, but no author carried affectation and exag- 
 geration to such a height as Gongora, 1561-1627: a gifted 
 poet, full of charm in his simple compositions (vide transla- 
 tions by Archdeacon Churton), though most obscure in his 
 * ' Soledades' ' and ' ' Polif emo. ' ' This style was called in Spain 
 culteranismo, and not even the best dramatic authors of the 
 seventeenth century were free from its defects. The imitators 
 of Gongora continued until the eighteenth century, although 
 here and there a poet like Rioja tried to check the movement. 
 
 Epic poetry in Spain is inferior to the dramatic and lyrical 
 styles. The specimens which exist are cold and devoid of 
 inspiration. "El Monserrate," by Virues; "La Cristiada," 
 by Hojeda; "La Vida de San Jose," by Valdivieso, and 
 "El Bernardo," by Balbuena, may be quoted as examples. 
 "La Araucana," by Ercilla, contains some poetical passages, 
 but in general is hardly more than a historical narrative. 
 ' ' La Gatomaquia, ' ' by Lope de Vega, though a burlesque, is 
 considered by many critics the best epic poem in the Spanish 
 language. 
 
 Dramatic literature unites, perhaps, the highest condi- 
 tions of originality and power. Its earliest productions are 
 the liturgical representations of the Middle Ages, "Misterios" 
 or "Autos." Although works of this kind are mentioned as 
 early as the thirteenth century, the first which have a dis- 
 tinct dramatic character are the "Coplas" de Mingo Revulgo 
 and "El Dialogo entre el Amor y un vie jo." These compo- 
 sitions were written under the reign of Henry IV. At the
 
 SPANISH ART, LITERATURE, AND SPORT. 345 
 
 latter part of the fifteenth century a series of dramatic works 
 already existed. Juan de la Encina began the history of the 
 Spanish drama. Lucas Fernandez was a contemporary writer, 
 and shortly afterward Gil Vicente. Torres Naharro, 1517, 
 
 Ei Wished his "Propaladia," which contains eight comedies, 
 ope de Rueda founded the modern school, and he is imi- 
 tated and improved by his followers. The drama does not 
 attain its highest importance until Lope de Vega (] 562-1635), 
 the most prolific of Spanish poets. He tells us he had writ- 
 ten fifteen hundred plays, without counting "Autos" and 
 " Entremeses. " Cervantes says that forty companies of ac- 
 tors existed at this time in Madrid alone, consisting of no less 
 than one thousand actors. In 1636, three hundred compa- 
 nies of actors acted in different parts of Spain. Lope de 
 Vega is rather unequal as a dramatic author; but "El mejor 
 Alcalde el rey," "La Estrella de Sevilla," "La dama boba," 
 "La moza de cantaro," entitle him to rank among the best 
 European dramatists. Three authors share Lope's glory, 
 Tirso, Calderon and Alarcon. 
 
 No Spanish dramatist has surpassed Tirso in his facility 
 of treating the most varied subjects in admirable versifica- 
 tion. His comedy of "Don Gil de las calzas verdes" is as 
 good as his dramas of "El Rey Don Pedro en Madrid," "El 
 condenado por desconfiado, " or "El convidado de piedra." 
 The popular type of Don Juan is taken from this drama. 
 Alarcon is undoubtedly the most philosophical Spanish dram- 
 atist. His comedy, "Las paredes oyen," is admirable, and 
 "La verdad sospechosa," so much admired by Corneille, as 
 he tells us himself, when he took the plot for his "Menteur. " 
 Calderon is the most popular dramatic author. He idealizes 
 more than his predecessors, and his genius embraces the most 
 varied subjects. His comedies are charming; as examples, 
 "La dama duende" and "Casa con dos puertas" are among 
 the best. ' ' El medico de su honra' ' is full of dramatic power, 
 and nothing can be more poetical than "La Vida es sueno." 
 (Vide MacCarthy's translations.) The best imitators of the 
 great dramatists are Rojas and Moreto: "Garcia del Casta- 
 nar" by the former, and "Desden con el Desden" of the 
 latter, are equal to the dramas of the great masters. 
 
 The earliest Spanish novels are "Lazarillo de Tormes," 
 by Hurtado de Mendoza, and the "Diana Enamorada," by 
 Monte Mayor. They are followed by "El Picaro Guzman 
 de Alfarache" and "El Escudero Marcos de Obregon," by 
 Aleman and Espinel. A great number of novels were writ-
 
 346 HISTORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 ten in the following century, but were all eclipsed by Cer- 
 vantes' "Bon Quixote," which is too well known to need 
 any comment. 
 
 Several authors in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries 
 cultivated different literary styles. Quevedo is the most re- 
 markable of them. He was the quaintest and most original 
 of humorists. He wrote a number of works of real merit, 
 none of which has been so popular as his "Satiras" in prose 
 and verse. 
 
 Political and moralist writers of the sixteenth and seven- 
 teenth centuries are very numerous. Of these Guevara, Sta. 
 Teresa, Fray Luis de Granada, Gracian, Saavedra Fajardo, 
 Mariana, Morales, Zurita, and Solis are the most remarkable. 
 
 The end of the seventeenth century was the worst period 
 of Spanish literature. Philip V., the first king of the House 
 of Bourbon, 1700, did his utmost to improve the intellectual 
 culture of the country. The Biblioteca Real was founded in 
 1711, and the Academias de la Lengua, Historia, and Bellas 
 Artes in 1714 ; several literary reviews also appeared. The 
 best poets of this period are Antonio de Toledo and Gerardo 
 Lobo. The only productions, however, of any literary merit 
 are the critical works of Flores, Masdeu, Mayans and others. 
 During the reign of Charles III., 1759-1788, Melendez wrote 
 some tolerable verses. He is followed by Fr. Diego Gon- 
 zalez, Cienfuegos, Nicolas de Moratin and others. The most 
 original writers of the end of the eighteenth century are, how- 
 ever, undoubtedly Leandro Moratin and Ramon. The two 
 comedies, "El Si de las ninas" and "El Cafe," by the for- 
 mer, are charming, and the "Sainetes," by De la Cruz, in 
 the manner of Plautus, continue to be very popular in Spain. 
 
 Spanish literature of the present century possesses no defi- 
 nite character, although several writers can bear comparison 
 with the best Spanish authors of other periods. Every school 
 and style has been copied: Byron, Schiller, Goethe, Victor 
 Hugo, and Dumas. The earliest author of any importance 
 is Quintana, a correct and inspired poet. His odes on "La 
 Imprenta," "Panteon del Escorial," and "Batalla de Tra- 
 falgar" are very good. Martinez de la Rosa, Lista, and Nl- 
 casio Gallegos form a group of able versifiers. Espronceda 
 is a constant imitator of Byron, although his legend of "El 
 Estudiante de Salamanca" is original, and a very fine com- 
 position. Zorrilla is the best representative of the romantic 
 school of 1 830-40 : his works are sometimes unequal, and his 
 legends are his best lyrical compositions. His finest dramas
 
 SPANISH ART, LITERAJVRE, AND SPORT. 347 
 
 are "Don Juan Tenorio" and "El Zapatero y el Rey." The 
 "Romances" and drama of "Don Alvaro de Luna," by the 
 Duke of Rivas, have been very popular ; but no author is so 
 deservingly so as Breton de los Herreres, an excellent writer, 
 who has left behind nearly one hundred comedies, some of 
 which, "Marcela," : 'Muerete y veras," "El pelo de la 
 dehesa," etc., are perfect in their way. 
 
 Ill 
 SPORT 
 
 THE Bull-fight, or rather Bull Feast (Fiesta de Toros), is 
 a modern sport. Bulls were killed in ancient amphitheaters, 
 but the present modus operandi is modern, and, however 
 based on Roman institutions, is indubitably a thing devised 
 by the Moors of Spain, for those in Africa have neither the 
 sport, the ring, nor the recollection. The principle was the 
 exhibition of horsemanship, courage and dexterity witn the 
 lance, for in the early bull-fight the animal was attacked by 
 gentlemen armed only with the Rejon, a short projectile 
 spear about four feet long. This was taken from the origi- 
 nal Iberian spear, the Sparus of Sil. Ital. (viii. 523), the 
 Lancea of Livy (xxxiv. 15), and is seen in the hands of the 
 horsemen of the old Romano-Iberian coinage. To be a good 
 rider and lancer was essential to the Spanish Caballero. 
 This original form of bull-fight (now only given on grand 
 occasions) is called a Fiesta Real. Such a one Philip IV. 
 exhibited on the Plaza Mayor of Madrid before Charles I. of 
 England; Ferdinand VII. in 1833, as the ratification of the 
 Juramento, the swearing allegiance to Isabella II. ; and Al- 
 fonso XII., on his marriages, January 23, 1878, and No- 
 vember 29, 1879. 
 
 These Fiestas Reales form the coronation ceremonial of 
 Spain, and the Caballeros en Plaza represent our champions. 
 Bulls were killed, but no beef eaten ; as a banquet was never 
 a thing of Iberia. 
 
 The final conquest of the Moors, and the subsequent ces- 
 sation of the border chivalrous habits of Spaniards, and espe- 
 cially the accession of Philip V., proved fatal to this ancient 
 usage of Spain. The spectacle, which had withstood the in- 
 fluence of Isabella the Catholic, and had beaten the Pope's 
 Bulls, bowed before the despotism of fashion, and by becom-
 
 348 HISTORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 ing the game of professionals instead of that of gentlemen it 
 was stripped of its chivalrous character, and degenerated into 
 the vulgar butchery of low mercenary bull-fighters, just as 
 did the .rings and tournaments of chivalry into those of 
 ruffian pugilists. 
 
 The Spanish bulls have been immemorially famous. Her- 
 cules, that renowned cattle-fancier, was lured into Spain by 
 the lowing of the herds of Geryon, the ancestor (se dice) of 
 the Duque de Osuna. The best bulls in Andalusia are bred 
 by Cabrera at Utrera, in the identical pastures where Ger- 
 yon's herds were pastured and "lifted" by the demigod, 
 whence, according to Strabo (iii. 169), they were obliged, 
 after fifty days' feeding, to be driven off from fear of burst- 
 ing from fat. Some of the finest Castilian bulls, such as ap- 
 pear at Madrid, are bred on the Jarama, near Aranjuez. 
 
 Bull fights are extremely expensive, costing from one thou- 
 sand five hundred dollars to two thousand dollars apiece; 
 accordingly, except in the chief capitals and Andalusia, 
 they are only got up now and then, on great church fes- 
 tivals and upon royal and public rejoicings. As Andalu- 
 sia is the headquarters of the ring, and Seville the capital, 
 the alma mater of the tauromachists of the Peninsula, the 
 necessity of sending to a distance for artists and animals in- 
 creases the expense. The prices of admittance, compared to 
 the wages of labor in Spain, are high. 
 
 The profits of the bull-fight are usually destined for the 
 support of hospitals, and, certainly, the fever and the frays 
 subsequent to the show provide patients as well as funds. 
 The Plaza is usually under the superintendence of a society 
 of noblemen and gentlemen, called Maestranzas, instituted 
 in 1562, by Philip II., in the hope of improving the breed of 
 Spanish horses and men-at-arms. 
 
 The first thing is to secure a good place beforehand, by 
 sending for a Boletin de Sombra, a "ticket in the shade." 
 The prices of the seats vary according to position ; the best 
 places are on the northern side, in the shade. The transit of 
 the sun over the Plaza, the zodiacal progress into Taurus, is 
 certainly not the worst calculated astronomical observation 
 in Spain : the line of shadow defined on the arena is marked 
 by a gradation of prices. The sun of torrid, tawny Spain, 
 on which it once never set, is not to be trifled with, and the 
 summer season is selected because pastures are plentiful, 
 which keep the bulls in good condition, and the days are 
 longer. The fights take place in the afternoon, when the
 
 SPANISH ART, LITERATURE, AND SPORT. 349 
 
 sun is less vertical. The different seats and prices are de- 
 tailed in the bills of the play, with the names of the combat- 
 ants, and the colors and breeds of the bulls. 
 
 The day before the fight the bulls destined for the spec- 
 tacle are brought to a site outside the town. No amateur 
 should fail to ride out to the pastures from whence the cattle 
 (ganado) are selected. The encierro, the driving them from 
 this place to the arena, is a service of danger, but is ex- 
 tremely picturesque and national. No artist or aficionado 
 should omit attending it. The bulls are enticed by tame 
 oxen, cabestros, into a road which is barricaded on each 
 side, and then are driven full speed by the mounted conoce- 
 dores into the Plaza. It is so exciting a spectacle that the 
 poor who cannot afford to go to the bull-fight risk their lives 
 and cloaks in order to get the front places, and the best 
 chance of a stray poke en passant. 
 
 The next afternoon (Sunday is usually the day) all the 
 world crowds to the Plaza de toros; nothing, when the tide 
 is full, can exceed the gayety and sparkle of a Spanish public 
 going, eager and dressed in their best, to the fight. All the 
 streets or open spaces near the outside of the arena are a 
 spectacle. The bull-fight is to Madrid what a review is to 
 Paris, and the Derby to London. Sporting men now put on 
 all their majp-finery ; the distinguished ladies wear on these 
 occasions white lace mantillas ; a fan, abanico, is quite neces- 
 sary, as it was among the Romans. The aficionados and 
 "the gods" prefer the pit, tendido, the lower range, in order, 
 by being nearer, that they may not lose the nice traits of 
 tauromaquia. The Plaza has a language to itself, a dialect 
 peculiar to the ring. The coup d'ceil on entrance is unique; 
 the classical scene bursts on the foreigner in all the glory of 
 the south, and he is carried back to the Coliseum under Corn- 
 modus. The president sits in the center box. The proceed- 
 ings open with the procession of the performers, the mounted 
 spearmen, picadores; then follow the chulos, the attendants 
 on foot, who wear their silk cloaks, capas de durancillo, in a 
 peculiar manner, with the arms projecting in front; and, 
 lastly, the slayers, the espadas, and the splendid mule-team, 
 el tiro, which is destined to carry off the slain. The profes- 
 sion of bull-fighter is very low-caste in Spain, although the 
 champions are much courted by some young nobles, like the 
 British blackguard boxers, and are the pride and darlings of 
 all the lower classes. Those killed on the spot were formerly 
 denied the burial rites, as dying without confession, but a
 
 350 HISTORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 priest is now in attendance with Su Magestad (the conse- 
 crated Host), ready to give always spiritual assistance to a 
 dying combatant. 
 
 When all the bull-fighting company have advanced and 
 passed the president, a trumpet sounds ; the president throws 
 the key of the cell of the bull to the alguacil or policeman, 
 which he ought to catch in his feathered hat. The differ- 
 ent performers now take their places as fielders do at a 
 cricket match. The bull-fight is a tragedy in three acts, 
 lasts about twenty minutes, and each consists of precisely 
 the same routine. From six to eight bulls are usually killed 
 during each "funcion"; occasionally another is conceded 
 to popluar clamor, which here will take no denial. 
 
 "When the door of the cell is opened, the public curiosity 
 to see the first rush out is intense ; and as none knows whether 
 the bull will behave well or ill, all are anxious to judge of 
 his character from the way he behaves upon first enter- 
 ing the ring. The animal, turned from his dark cell into 
 glare and crowd, feels the novelty of his position; but is 
 happily ignorant of his fate, for die he must, however skillful 
 or brave his fight. This death does not diminish the sustained 
 interest of the spectators as the varied chances in the progress 
 of the acts offer infinite incidents and unexpected combina- 
 tions. In the first of the three acts the picadores are the 
 chief performers; three of them are now drawn up, one 
 behind the other, to the right at the tablas, the barrier be- 
 tween the arena and spectators ; each sits bolt upright on his 
 Rosinante, with his lance in his rest, and as valiant as Don 
 Quixote. They wear the broad-brimmed Thessalian hat; 
 their legs are cased with iron and leather, which gives a 
 heavy look ; and the right one, which is presented to the bull, 
 is the best protected. This greave is termed la mona the 
 more scientific name is gregoriana, from the inventor, Don 
 Gregorio Gallo just as we say a spencer, from the noble 
 earl. The spear, garrocha, is defensive rather than offen- 
 sive; the blade ought not to exceed one inch; the sheath- 
 ing is, however, pushed back when the picador anticipates 
 an awkward customer. When the bull charges, the picador, 
 holding the lance under his right arm, pushes to the right, 
 and turns his horse to the left ; the bull, if turned, passes on 
 to the next picador. This is called recibir, to receive the 
 point. If a bull is turned at the first charge, he seldom 
 comes up well again. A bold bull is sometimes cold and 
 shy at first, but grows warmer by being punished. Those
 
 SPANISH ART, LITERATURE, AND SPORT. 351 
 
 who are very active, those who paw the ground, are not 
 much esteemed ; they are hooted by the populace, and exe- 
 crated as goats, little calves, cows, which is no compliment to 
 a bull; and, however unskilled in bucolics, all Spaniards are 
 capital judges of bulls in the ring. Such animals as show 
 the white feather are loathed, as depriving the public of their 
 just rights, and are treated with insult, and, moreover, 
 soundly beaten as they pass near the tablas, by forests of 
 sticks, la cachiporra. The stick of the elegant majo, when 
 going to the bull-fight, is sui generis, and is called la chivata ; 
 taper, and between four and five feet long, it terminates in 
 a lump or knob, while the top is forked, into which the 
 thumb is inserted. This chivata is peeled, like the rods of 
 Laban, in alternate rings, black and white or red. The 
 lower classes content themselves with a common shillalah ; 
 one with a knob at the end is preferred, as administering a 
 more impressive whack. "While a slow bull is beaten and 
 abused, a murderous bull, duro chocante carnicero y pega- 
 joso, who kills horses, upsets men, and clears the plaza, 
 becomes deservedly a universal favorite ; the conquering hero 
 is hailed with "Viva toro! viva toro! bravo toro!" Long 
 life is wished to the poor beast by those who know he must 
 be killed in ten minutes. 
 
 The horses destined for the plaza are of no value; 
 this renders Spaniards, who have an eye chiefly to what 
 a thing is worth, indifferent to their sufferings. If you 
 remark how cruel it is to "let that poor horse struggle in 
 death's agonies," they will say, "Ah que! na vale na" 
 ("Oh! he is worth nothing"). When his tail quivers in the 
 last death-struggle, the spasm is remarked as a jest, mira 
 que cola ! The torture of the horse is the blot of the bull- 
 fight : no lover of the noble beast can witness his sufferings 
 without disgust ; the fact of these animals being worth noth- 
 ing in a money point of view increases the danger to the 
 rider; it renders them slow, difficult to manage, and very 
 unlike those of the ancient combats, when the finest steeds 
 were chosen, quick as lightning, turning at touch, and escap- 
 ing the deadly rush: the eyes of these poor animals, who 
 would not otherwise face the bull, are bound with a handker- 
 chief like criminals about to be executed ; thus they await 
 blindfold the fatal rip which is to end their life of misery. 
 If only wounded, the gash is sewed up and stopped with 
 tow, as a leak ! and life is prolonged for new agonies. When 
 the poor brute is dead at last, his carcass is stripped as in
 
 352 HISTORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 a battle. The high-class Spaniard admits and regrets the 
 cruelty to the horses, but justifies it as a necessity. The 
 bull, says he, is a tame, almost a domestic animal, and 
 would never fight at all unless first roused by the sight of 
 blood. The wretched horse is employed for this purpose as 
 a corpus vile; and the bull, having gored him once or twice, 
 becomes "game." 
 
 The picadores are subject to hairbreadth escapes and 
 severe falls : few have a sound rib left. The bull often tosses 
 horse and rider in one run ; and when the victims fall on the 
 ground, exhausts his rage on his prostrate enemies, till lured 
 away by the glittering cloaks of the chulos, who come to the 
 assistance of the fallen picador. These horsemen often show 
 marvelous skill in managing to place their horses as a ram- 
 part between them and the bull. When these deadly strug- 
 gles take place, when life hangs on a thread, the amphithe- 
 ater is peopled with heads. Every expression of anxiety, 
 eagerness, fear, horror, and delight is stamped on speaking 
 countenances. These feelings are wrought up to a pitch 
 when the horse, maddened with wounds and terror, plunging 
 in the death-struggle, the crimson streams of blood streaking 
 his sweat-whitened body, flies from the infuriated bull, still 
 pursuing, still goring : then is displayed the nerve, presence 
 of mind, and horsemanship of the undismayed picador. It 
 is, in truth, a piteous sight to see the poor dying horses tread- 
 ing out their entrails, yet saving their riders unhurt. The 
 miserable steed, when dead, is dragged out, leaving a bloody 
 furrow on the sand. The picador, if wounded, is carried out 
 and forgotten los muertos y idos, no tienen amigos (the 
 dead and absent have no friends) a new combatant fills the 
 gap, the battle rages, he is not missed, fresh incidents arise, 
 and no time is left for regret or reflection. The bull bears 
 on his neck a ribbon, la devisa ; this is the trophy which is 
 most acceptable to the querida of a buen torero. The bull 
 is the hero of the scene, yet, like Milton's Satan, he is fore- 
 doomed and without reprieve. Nothing can save him from 
 the certain fate which awaits all, whether brave or cowardly. 
 The poor creatures sometimes endeavor in vain to escape, 
 and leap over the barrier (barrera), into the tendido, among 
 the spectators, upsetting sentinels, water-sellers, etc., and 
 creating a most amusing hubbub. The bull which shows 
 this craven turn un tunante cobarde picaro is not deemed 
 worthy of a noble death, by the sword. He is baited, pulled 
 down, and stabbed in the spine. A bull that flinches from
 
 SPANISH ART, LITERATURE, AND SPORT. 35o 
 
 death is scouted by all Spaniards, who neither beg for their 
 own life nor spare that of a foe. 
 
 At the signal of the president, and sound of a trumpet, 
 the second act commences with the chulos. This word 
 chulo signifies, in the Arabic, a lad, a clown, as at our cir- 
 cus. They are picked young men, who commence in these 
 parts their tauromachian career. The duty of this light di- 
 vision is to draw off the bull from the picador when endan- 
 gered, which they do with their colored cloaks ; their address 
 and agility are surprising, they skim over the sand like glit- 
 tering humming-birds, scarcely touching the earth. They 
 are dressed, a lo majo, in short breeches, and without gait- 
 ers, just like Figaro in the opera of the "Barbiere de Sevilla." 
 Their hair is tied into a knot behind, mono, and inclosed in 
 the once universal silk net, the redecilla the identical reticu- 
 lum of which so many instances are seen on ancient Etrus- 
 can vases. No bull-fighter ever arrives at the top of his pro- 
 fession without first excelling as a chulo (apprentice), then 
 he begins to be taught how to entice the bull, llamar al toro, 
 and to learn his mode of attack, and how to parry it. The 
 most dangerous moment is when these chulos venture out 
 into the middle of the plaza, and are followed by the bull to 
 the barrier, in which there is a small ledge, on which they 
 place their foot and vault over, and a narrow slit in the board- 
 ing, through which they slip. Their escapes are marvelous ; 
 they seem really sometimes, so close is the run, to be helped 
 over the fence by the bull's -horns. Occasionally some curi- 
 ous suertes are exhibited by chulos and expert toreros, which 
 do not strictly belong to the regular drama, such as the suerte 
 de la capa, where the bull is braved with no other defense but 
 a cloak: another, the sal to tras cuerno, when the performer, 
 as the bull lowers his head to toss him, places his foot be- 
 tween his horns and is lifted over him. The chulos, in the 
 second act, are the sole performers; another exclusive part 
 is to place small barbed darts, banderillas, which are orna- 
 mented with cut paper of different colors, on each side of the 
 neck of the bull. The banderilleros go right up to him, hold- 
 ing the arrows at the shaft's end, and pointing the barbs at 
 the bull; just when the animal stoops to toss them, they dart 
 them into his neck and slip aside. The service appears to 
 be more dangerous than it is, but it requires a quick eye, a 
 light hand and foot. The barbs should be placed exactly on 
 each side a pretty pair, a good match buenos pares. Some- 
 times these arrows are provided with crackers, which, by
 
 354 HISTORY OF SPAIN. 
 
 means of a detonating powder, explode the moment they are 
 affixed in the neck, banderillas de fuego. The agony of the 
 tortured animal frequently makes him bound like a kid, to 
 the frantic delight of the people. A very clever banderillero 
 will sometimes seat himself in a chair, wait for the bull's ap- 
 proach, plant the arrows in his neck, and slip away, leaving 
 the chair to be tossed into the air. This feat is uncommon, 
 and gains immense applause. 
 
 The last trumpet now sounds ; the arena is cleared for 
 the third act; the espada, the executioner, the man of death, 
 stands before his victim alone, and thus concentrates in him- 
 self an interest previously frittered among the number of 
 combatants. On entering, he addresses the president, and 
 throws his montera, his cap, to the ground, and swears he 
 will do his duty. In his right hand he holds a long straight 
 Toledan blade, la spada; in his left he waves the muleta, the 
 red flag, the engano, the lure, which ought not (so Romero 
 laid down) to be so large as the standard of a religious brother- 
 hood (cofradia), nor so small as a lady's pocket-handkerchief 
 (panuelito de senorita) : it should be about a yard square. 
 The color is red, because that best irritates the bull and con- 
 ceals blood. There is always a spare matador, in case of ac- 
 cidents, which may happen in the best regulated bull-fights; 
 he is called media espada, or sobresaliente. The espada (el 
 diestro, the cunning in fence in olden books) advances to the 
 bull, in order to entice him toward him citarlo a la suerte, 
 a la jurisdiccion del engano to subpoena him, to get his head 
 into chancery, as our ring would say ; he next rapidly studies 
 his character, plays with him a little, allows him to run once 
 or twice on the muleta, and then prepares for the coup de 
 grace. There are several sorts of bulls levantados, the bold 
 and rushing; parados, the slow and sly; aplomados, the 
 heavy and leaden. The bold are the easiest to kill; they 
 rush, shutting their eyes, right on to the lure or flag. The 
 worst of all are the sly bulls ; when they are mar raj os, cun- 
 ning and not running straight, when they are revueltos, 
 when they stop in their charge and run at the man instead 
 of the flag, they are most dangerous. The espada who is 
 long killing his bull, or shows the white feather, is insulted 
 by the jeers of the impatient populace; he nevertheless re^ 
 mains cool and collected, in proportion as the spectators and 
 bull are mad. There are many suertes or ways of killing 
 the bull ; the principal is la suerte de frente the espada re- 
 ceives the charge on his sword, lo mato de un recibido. The
 
 SPANISH ART, LITERATURE, AND SPORT. 355 
 
 volapie, or half -volley, is beautiful, but dangerous; the mata- 
 dor takes him by advancing, corriendoselo. A firm hand, 
 eye, and nerve form the essence of the art ; the sword enters 
 just between the left shoulder and the blade. In nothing is 
 the real fancy so fastidious as in the exact nicety of the plac- 
 ing this death- wound ; when the thrust is true buen estoque 
 death is instantaneous, and the bull, vomiting forth blood, 
 drops at the feet of his conqueror, who, drawing the sword, 
 waves it in triumph over the fallen foe. It is indeed the tri- 
 umph of knowledge over brute force; all that was fire, fury, 
 passion, and life, falls in an instant, still forever. 
 
 The team of mules now enter, glittering with flags, and 
 tinkling with bells, whose gay decorations contrast with the 
 stern cruelty and blood ; the dead bull is carried off at a rapid 
 gallop, which always delights the populace. The espada 
 wipes the hot blood from his sword, and bows with admir- 
 able sangfroid to the spectators, who throw their hats into 
 the arena, a compliment which he returns by throwing them 
 back again. 
 
 When a bull will not run at all at the picador, or at the 
 muleta, he is called a toro abanto, and the media luna, the 
 half-moon, is called for; this is the cruel ancient Oriental 
 mode of houghing the cattle (Joshua xi. 6). The instrument 
 is the Iberian bident a sharp steel crescent placed on a long 
 pole. The cowardly blow is given from behind; and when 
 the poor beast is crippled, an assistant, the cachetero, pierces 
 the spinal marrow with his cachete puntilla, or pointed dag- 
 ger with a traitorous stab from behind. This is the usual 
 method of slaughtering cattle in Spain. To perform all these 
 operations (el desjarretar) is considered beneath the dignity 
 of the matadores or espadas ; some of them, however, will 
 kill the bull by plunging the point of their sword in the 
 vertebrae, el descabellar the danger gives dignity to the 
 difficult feat. The identical process obtains in each of the 
 fights that follow. After a short collapse, a fresh object 
 raises a new desire, and the fierce sport is renewed through 
 eight repetitions; and not till darkness covers the heavens 
 do the mob retire to sacrifice the rest of the night to Bacchus 
 and Venus, with a passing homage to the knife.
 
 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES 
 
 NO. I 
 
 Carthaginian Domination in Spain 238 to 200 B.c. 
 
 Roman Domination 200 B.C. to 414 A.D. 
 
 Visigothic Domination 414 A.D. to 711 A.D. 
 
 Visigothic Kings 
 
 A.D. 
 
 Ataulfo 414, D. 417 
 
 Sigerico 417 
 
 Walia 420 
 
 Teodoredo 451 
 
 Turismundo 454 
 
 Teodorico 466 
 
 Eurico 483 
 
 This king, after conquering the 
 Suevi and other races, is con- 
 sidered the founder of the mon- 
 archy. 
 
 Alarico D. 505 
 
 Gesaleico 510 
 
 Amalarico 531 
 
 Teudis 548 
 
 Teudiselo 549 
 
 Agila 554 
 
 Atanagildo 567 
 
 Liuva I 572 
 
 Leovigildo 586 
 
 After destroying the barbari- 
 ans that still remained in the 
 country, he was the first king 
 who ruled over the whole of the 
 Peninsula. 
 
 Recaredo 1 601 
 
 Summoned the 3d Council of 
 Toledo, renounced Arianism,and 
 became the first Catholic king of 
 Spain. 
 
 Liuvall 603 
 
 Witerico 610 
 
 Gundemaro 612 
 
 Sisebuto 621 
 
 Recaredo H 621 
 
 Suintila 631 
 
 Sisenando 635 
 
 Tulga '. 640 
 
 Chindasvinto 650 
 
 Recesvinto 672 
 
 Wamba 680 
 
 Ervigio 687 
 
 Egica 701 
 
 Witiza 709 
 
 Don Rodrigo 711 
 
 The Moors entered Spain and 
 defeated Don Rodrigo at the bat- 
 
 (356) 
 
 tie of Gnadalete, who disappeared 
 there. The M oors occupied in the 
 two following years almost the 
 whole of the Peninsula, and gov- 
 erned under the dependence of 
 the Caliphs of Damascus. 
 
 Moorish Rulers in Spain 
 
 Emirs dependent on the 
 Caliphs of Damascus 711-715 
 
 Independent Caliphate es- 
 tablished by the Omme- 
 yah family, the capital be- 
 ing Cordova 755-1009 
 
 Kings of Taifas, governors 
 of the provinces which de- 
 clared themselves inde- 
 pendent during the last 
 Caliphate, Hischen n 1009-1090 
 
 The Almoravides from Af- 
 rica established them- 
 selves in the Moorish ter- 
 ritory of the Peninsula.. 1090-1157 
 
 The Almohades conquered 
 the Almoravides 1157-1212 
 
 Kings of Granada. The 
 Moorish domination is 
 reduced to the kingdom 
 
 of Granada 1226-1493 
 
 The rule of the Moors in Spain 
 ends in 1492, at the conquest of 
 Granada. 
 
 Kings of Asturias, Leon, and 
 
 Castile 
 
 Pelayo (the re-conquest be- 
 gins) 718, D. 737 
 
 Favila 739 
 
 Alonso I., el Catolico 757 
 
 Favila I. (fixes his Court at 
 
 Oviedo) 768 
 
 Aurelio 774 
 
 Silo 783 
 
 Mauregato 788 
 
 Bermudo I., el Diacono 795 
 
 Alonso II., el Casto 843 
 
 Ramiro 1 850 
 
 Ordouol 866
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 357 
 
 Alonso HI., el Magno 910 
 
 Divided the kingdom of Galicia, 
 Leon, and Asturias, among his 
 sons, the three following kings. 
 
 Garcia 913 
 
 Ordono U 933 
 
 Fruela H 924 
 
 Ordono fixed his Court at Leon, 
 and here end the named kings of 
 Asturias. 
 
 Alouso IV., el Monge 930 
 
 Ramiro II 950 
 
 Ordono HI 955 
 
 Sancho I., el Craso. . 967 
 
 Ramiro III 983 
 
 Bermudo n 999 
 
 Alonso V., el Noble 1038 
 
 Bermudo HE 1037 
 
 The territory of Castile, which 
 formed a separate state, gov- 
 erned by Condes, passed to Dona 
 Sancha and Don Fernando I., 
 who entitled themselves Kings of 
 Castile and Leon. 
 Fernando I. and Dona Sancha.. 1065 
 
 Sancho U., el Fuerte 1073 
 
 Alfonso VI 1108 
 
 (Conquered Toledo in 1085.) 
 
 Dona Urraca 1136 
 
 Alfonso VJI., el Emperador 1157 
 
 At his death the kingdoms of 
 Castile and Leon are divided 
 among the six following kings : 
 
 Sancho HI. (Castilla) 1158 
 
 Fernando H. (Leon) 1188 
 
 Alfonso Vffl. (Castilla) 1214 
 
 Alfonso IX. (Leon) 1230 
 
 Enrique I. (Castilla) 1217 
 
 Dona Berenguela, who abdi- 
 cated the crown of Castile in 
 favor of her son, Fernando HI., 
 \vho inherited also the crown of 
 Leon from his father, Alfonso IX. 
 Fernando HI., King of Castile 
 
 and Leon 1352 
 
 He conquered Cordova, Jaen, 
 and Seville. 
 
 Alonso X., el Sabio 1384 
 
 Sancho IV., el Bravo 1295 
 
 Fernando IV., el Emplazado . 1313 
 
 Alonso XI 1350 
 
 Pedro I., el Cruel 1369 
 
 Enrique H., el Bastardo 1379 
 
 Juan 1 1390 
 
 Enrique HI., el Doliente 1407 
 
 Juan H 1454 
 
 Enrique IV., el Impotente 1474 
 
 Dona Isabel, la Catolica 1504 
 
 Fernando V. de Aragon 1516 
 
 Dona Juana, la loca 1555 
 
 Felipe I., e Hermoso, first king 
 of the house of Austria 1505 
 
 Carlos V., Efirperador 1558 
 
 Felipe H 1598 
 
 Felipe IH 1621 
 
 Felipe IV 1665 
 
 Carlos H 1700 
 
 Felipe V. (first king of the house 
 
 of Bourbon) abdicated in 1734 
 
 Luis 1 17*4 
 
 Felipe V 1746 
 
 Fernando VI 1759 
 
 Carlos m 1788 
 
 Carlos IV., abdicated 1808 
 
 Fernando VII 1833 
 
 Isabel H., dethroned 1868 
 
 Gobierno Provisional 1871 
 
 Amadeo de Saboya.. .abdicated 1873 
 
 Spanish Republic , 1874 
 
 Alfonso XII died 1886 
 
 Kings of Navarre. 
 
 The inhabitants of Navarre be- 
 gan the re-conquest from the 
 middle of the 8th century. Their 
 rulers were called condes, or 
 kings, until Sancho Abarca wid- 
 ened the territory ; from that 
 time they are always called kings 
 of Navarre. 
 
 Sancho Abarca 980-994 
 
 Garcia HI 1000 
 
 Sancho III., el Mayor 1088 
 
 Garcia IV 1057 
 
 Sancho IV 1076 
 
 Sancho Ramirez V 1092 
 
 This king, and the two that fol- 
 lowed, were likewise kings of 
 Aragon. 
 
 Pedro 1 1106 
 
 Alfonso, el Batallador 1134 
 
 Garcia Ramirez IV 1150 
 
 Sancho VI., el Sabio 1194 
 
 Sancho VH., el Fuerte 1334 
 
 Here begin the kings of the 
 House of Champagne. 
 
 Teobaldo 1 1353 
 
 Teobaldo H... 1270 
 
 Enrique 1 1273 
 
 Juana I 1304 
 
 On her marriage with Philip le 
 Bel, Navarre passed to the house 
 of France. 
 
 Luis Hutin 1316 
 
 Felipe ie Long 1330 
 
 Carlos I. de Navarra, IV. 
 
 de Francia 1339 
 
 Juana H 1343 
 
 Carlos H. d'Evreux 1387 
 
 Carlos III 1435 
 
 Dona Blanca y Juan 1 1479 
 
 Francisco Febo 1483 
 
 Catalina 1512
 
 358 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 Fernando V. of Navarre took 
 possession in 1512 of Navarre, 
 and it was then incorporated with 
 Castile. 
 
 Kings of Aragon. 
 Aragon belonged to the king- 
 dom of Navarre until Sancho in. 
 gave it to his son Ramiro. 
 
 Ramirol 1035, D. 1063 
 
 Sancho I 1094 
 
 Pedro 1 1104 
 
 Alfonso I., el Batallador 1134 
 
 Ramiro II., el Monge 1137 
 
 Aragon and Cataluna are united. 
 
 Petronila 1162 
 
 Alfonso II 1196 
 
 Pedro II 1213 
 
 Jaime L, el Conquistador 1276 
 
 Pedro III 1285 
 
 Sicily is united to Aragon. 
 
 Alfonso m 1291 
 
 Jaime II 1327 
 
 Alfonso IV 1336 
 
 Pedro IV 1387 
 
 Juan I 1395 
 
 Martin 1410 
 
 Fernando, el de Antequera 1416 
 
 Alfonso V 1458 
 
 Juan II 1479 
 
 Fernando el Catolico. 
 
 Aragon passes to the crown of 
 Castile. 
 
 Counts of Barcelona. 
 In the 8th and 9th centuries 
 Cataluna belonged to Charle- 
 magne and his successors. Wil- 
 fredo was the first independent 
 Conde. 
 
 Wilf redo el Belloso 864-898 
 
 Borrell I 912 
 
 Suniario 917 
 
 Borrell II. and his brother Miron 992 
 
 Ramon Borrell 1018 
 
 Ramon Berenguer 1 1025 
 
 Ramon Berenguer II 1077 
 
 Berenguer and Ramon Beren- 
 guer HI 1113 
 
 Ramon Berenguer IV 1131 
 
 Ramon Berenguer V. married 
 Dona Petronila de Aragon, and 
 this kingdom was incorporated 
 with the Condado de Cataluna. 
 
 NO. II 
 
 Contemporary Sovereigns 
 
 The periods have been selected during which leading events in Spanish 
 
 history have occurred. 
 
 A.D. 
 
 Spain. 
 
 England. 
 
 France. 
 
 Rome. 
 
 800 
 
 Alonso II. el Casto 
 
 Egbert 
 
 Charlemagne 
 
 Leo III. 
 
 877 
 
 Alonso III. el Magno 
 
 Alfred 
 
 Louis II. 
 
 John VU. 
 
 996 
 
 Ramiro III. 
 
 Ethelred II. 
 
 Hugh Capet 
 
 Gregory V. 
 
 1075 
 
 Sancho II. 
 
 William the 
 Conqueror 
 
 Philip I. 
 
 Gregory VU. 
 
 1155 
 
 Alfonso VII. 
 
 Henry IL 
 
 Louis VII. 
 
 ( Adrian IV. 
 ( Breakspeare 
 
 1245 
 
 San Fernando 
 
 Henry in. 
 
 St. Louis 
 
 Innocent IV. 
 
 1345 
 
 Alfonso XI. 
 
 Edward in. 
 
 Philip VI. 
 
 Benedict VL 
 
 1360 
 
 Pedro el Cruel 
 
 Edward IU. 
 
 John II. 
 
 Innocent VL 
 
 1485 
 
 Isabel la Catolica 
 
 Henry VII. 
 
 Charles VIII. 
 
 Innocent VIIL 
 
 1515 
 
 Fernando de Aragon 
 
 Henry VIII. 
 
 Francis I. 
 
 LeoX. 
 
 1550 
 
 Carlos V. 
 
 Edward VI. 
 
 Henry II 
 
 Paul HI. 
 
 1560 
 
 Felipe II. 
 
 Elizabeth 
 
 Charles IX. 
 
 Pius IV. 
 
 1644 
 
 Felipe IV. 
 
 Charles I. 
 
 Louis XIV. 
 
 Innocent X. 
 
 1705 
 
 Felipe V. 
 
 Anne " 
 
 Lonis XIV. 
 
 Clement XI. 
 
 1760 
 
 Carlos in. 
 
 George in. 
 
 Louis XV. 
 
 Clement XIII. 
 
 1808 
 
 Fernando VII. 
 
 George III. 
 
 Napoleon I. 
 
 Pius VII. 
 
 1840 
 
 Isabel II. 
 
 j 
 
 Louis Philippe ) 
 Napoleon III. j 
 
 j Gregory XVI 
 1 and Pius IX. 
 
 1877 
 
 Alfonso XII. 
 
 T7ir>t'Al*l ft 
 
 French Republic 
 
 Leo Xm. 
 
 1886 
 
 Cristina, queen- 
 
 \ ll^lAJilc* 
 
 
 
 
 regent 
 
 
 
 
 
 1886 
 
 Alfonso XIII. 
 
 

 
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