-••"T-ffi^fffi-Vn-.y"^,-^- -ir LIBRARY i i XT be TUniversiti? ot Cbtcaao FOUNDED BY JOHN D. KOCKEFELLER A STUDY OF THE TEMPLE DOCU- MENTS FROM THE CASSITE PERIOD A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF ARTS AND LITERATURE IN CANDIDACY FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY (department of semitics) BY DANIEL DAVID LUCKENBILL Reprinted from The American Journal of Semitic Languages, Vol. XXIII, No. 4, July, 1907 Chicago, 1907 Zbc 'Clniversity ot Cblcaao FOUNDED 1!Y JOHN D. ROCICEFELLEK A STUDY OF THE TEMPLE DOCU MENTS FROM THE CASSITE PERIOD A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF ARTS AND LITERATURE IN CANDIDACY FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY (department of SEMITICS) BY DANIEL DAVID LUCKENBILL Reprinted from The American Journal of Semitic Languages, Vol. XXIII, No. 4, July, 1907 Chicago, 1907 \ V Composed and Printed By The University of Chicago Press Chicago^ Illinois, U. S. A. o/ TO MY PARENTS 1G52G7 LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS AND BOOKS QUOTED ASC= Stevenson, Assyrian and Babylonian Contracts. ADB=Johns, Assyrian Doomsday Book. ADD— iohwfi, Assyrian Deeds and Documents. BA=Beitrage zur Assyriologie. BBR—TAvnmexn, Beitrdge zur Kenntnis der babylonischen Religion. i?£'= Babylonian Expedition of the University of Pennsylvania. VI, 1, Ranke, Legal and Business Documents from the Time of the First Dy)iasty of Babylon. X, Clay, Business Documents of MurasIX Sons of Nippur. XIV, XV, Clay, Documents from the Temple Archives of Nip- pur. XX, Hilprecht, Mathematical, etc., Texts from the Temple Library of Nippur. Breasted, A History of Egypt. £r=:Biuunow, A Classified List. BR—Koh.\ev und Peiser, Aus dem babylonischen Rechtsleben. Cff=lS.. F. Hai-per, The Code of ffammurabi. Clay, Light on the Old Testament from Babel. Cr= King and Thompson, Cuneiform Texts from the British Museum. Z)Ai7=Mus8-Arnolt, Dictionary of the Assyrian Language. -DAi? =Daiches, Altbabylonische Rechtsurkunden. i)(?"=Delitzsch, Assyrische Grammatik (zweite Auflage). Godbey, Officials of the Sargonid Period. Hommel, Geographic. Hunger, Becherwahrsagung. mrJ5=DeIitzsch, Assyrisches Handicorterbuch. iL£=Schrader, Keilinschriftliche Bibliothek. LI ff —King, Letters and Inscriptions of Hammurabi. i¥YLP=Meissner, Beitrdge zum altbabylonischen Privatrecht. Meissner, Supplement. Meyer, Sumerier und Semiten. MVAG=Mittheiliingen der vorder-asiatischen Gesellschaft. Myhrman, Die Labartu-Texte (ZA, XVI). 0£/= Hilprecht, Old Babylonian Inscriptions. Strassmaier, Inschriften von Cyrus. Inschriften von Nabuchodonosor. Tallquist, Die Sprache der Contracte Nabfindids. MaklH. Thompson, Devils and Evil Spirits. rt/^Reisner, Tempel Urkunden aus Telloh. ZA=Zeitschrift filr Assyriologie. ZK=Zeitschrift fur Keilschriftforschung. [Reprinted from The American Journal of Semitic Languages and Litera- tures, Vol. XXIII, July 1907.] A STUDY OF THE TEMPLE DOCUMENTS FROM THE CASSITE PERIOD* E-KUR of Nippur was one of the oldest and most famous temples of Babylonia. When the poet wished to impress upon the mind of his hearer the great antiquity of the world, he spoke of the creation and what went before as of the time when Nippur had not been built, e-kdr had not been erected; Erech had not been built, e-anna had not been erected. The fact that the name of this temple became the ordinary term for temple is significant. It is not possible, however, to conclude from this that e-kur was the oldest sanctuary in Babylonia. f In fact, it is always dangerous to be speculating about "the oldest" in history. Edward Meyer ;|; has drawn a more plausible con- clusion, namely, that e-kur, as its name "mountain-house" indi- cates, was the first ziggu rat -temple, and became the type after which the other temples were modeled. It is not necessary here to go into the history of Nippur and E-KUR. For this, cf. Hommel, Geographie, pp. 348 f. If Nippur ever did play an important part politically, it was before the time of Hammurabi. The period from which the documents under dis- cussion come lies more than half a millennium after this time. If we start with 555 b. c, the date of Nabuna id, and add to this date 800 years, we get 1355 b. c. as the date of Sagarakti-Surias. Adding to this a minimum of 103 years (Burna-Burias 25, Kuri- galzu 23, Nazimaruttas 24, Kadasman-Turgu 16, Kadasman-B6l 9), we get 1458 b. o. as the date of Burna-Burias (II), the contem- porary of Amenophis IV. But the date of Amenophis IV has been fixed at 1375-1350 b. c.** Historians have given up the attempt to use the dates furnished by Nabuna'id. Here we have another instance where the date he has given us cannot be recon- •The documents discussed are found in Documents from the Temple Archives of Nippur, Vols. XIV and XV of The Babylonian Expedition of the University of Pennsylvariia, by A.T.Clay. tCf. Hilprecht, BE, XX, Part 1. p. vii and elsewhere. tSumerier und Semiten in Babylonien, pp. 32 f. ^ ♦♦Cf. Breasted, Ancient Records, I, p. 43. 7 8 Temple Documents from the Cassite Period ciled with the dates obtained from other sources.* Taking the date of Amenophis IV as our starting-point, we may date these documents c. 1375-1250 b, g. For the length of the reigns, and the order of succession of the Cassite kings mentioned in these documents, see Clay, TAN, XIV, p. 3.f Clay, TAN, XIV, 39, mentions Kurigalzu, the son of Kadasman-^arbe, and Nazimaruttas, the son of Kurigalzu. From the "Synchronous History" (cf. KB, I, p. 197) we get the order: Burna-Burias; the "young" (sihru) Kurigalzu, his son; Nazimaruttas, father not mentioned. Weissbach [Babylonische Miscellen, pp. 5 f.) tries to locate Kurigalzu, the son of Kadas- man-5arbe, in the Third Dynasty, by identifying Kadasman- 3arbe and Kadasman-Bel (Kallima-Sin), not accepting the identification of Kurigalzu, son of Kadasman-JJarbe, with the "young" Kurigalzu. But there is no ground for making Kadas- man-5arbe identical with Kadasman-Bel. Hilprecht {BE, XX, Part 1, p. 52) makes the Kurigalzu of these texts the son of Burna-Burias, but fails to assign any reasons. It may be merely by chance that none of the persons mentioned in the documents dated in the reign of Burna-Burias are mentioned in those dated in the reign of Kurigalzu; but this fact, in connection with what follows, is significant. In the document mentioned above, XIV, 39, one of the wit- nesses, Ekur-nadin-sum, testifies that Ninib-nadin-aljbi gave certain lands to his father; that his family held the land "from the time of Kurigalzu, the son of Kadasman-^arbe, to the time of Nazimaruttas, the son of Kurigalzu." Now, this Ninib-nadin- ahbi appears as the next witness. It is therefore extremely probable that the reigns here referred to are consecutive. This will not allow the identification of the young (sihi'u) Kurigalzu, son of Burna-Burias, of the "Synchronous History," with the Kurigalzu of these documents, unless, as is possible, the author of the "Synchronous History" was mistaken in calling Kurigalzu the son of Burna-Burias. The contemporary evidence of these documents is of greater value for us than that of the later "Synchronous History." The Kurigalzu of these documents is not the son of Burna-Burias, and their reigns are perhaps to be separated by a considerable number of years. *Cf. Meyer, op. cit., p. 10. fThe length of the reign of Sagarakti-SuriaS should be 12 instead of 22 years; see the date of XIV, 139. Temple Documents from the Cassite Period 9 Just what were the means employed by the Cassite kings to keep in touch with Nippur and its temple is not clear. Perhaps we have in Innannu, Martuku, and others the civil officials of Nip})ur, to be compared with Sin-Iddinam of the IJammurabi Dynasty (cf. King, LIH). No title was ever given this official in the letters he received from 5ammurabi, but from the contents of these letters Mr. King drew the conclusion, doubtless correct, that he was a powerful official with a large circuit. The fact that some of the payments made to Innannu were made at places other than Nippur tends to strengthen the comparison with Sin-Iddinam. The kassu (see p. 31) were perhaps the officials who looked after the king's interests in the flocks and herds connected with the temple. The other officials will be discussed as they occur in the texts. For lists of officials, etc., cf. "Names of Professions, etc.," in the introductions to the two volumes. The large flocks and herds belonging to the high -priestess and inferior priestesses indicate that these were important ecclesiastical personages.* The kings of Assyria and Babylonia frequently called themselves the high-priests, sangti rabu, of the god. Doubtless they did in some instances perform the functions of high -priest, but in most cases the title meant perhaps as much as the title "Defender of the Faith" of English sovereigns. The baru, asipu, and zammeru priests are mentioned in these texts, but no sangti. Perhaps the kings themselves held this office. These documents represent the highest development in Baby- lonian bookkeeping. In the Tempel-Urkunden published by Reisner we have good examples of the bookkeeping of the old period. When the temple gave out grain, cattle, etc., for farming, the scribe wrote down the amount and kind of grain, or the num- ber of cattle, and put under this the name of the recipient. A number of such entries were written one after the other in columns which usually covered the obverse of the tablet. On the reverse were such entries as would not go on the obverse, and the totals. The whole document may be compared with a few pages from a daybook combined with one from the ledger. The system was crude, and the scribe was no doubt compelled to use other tablets to put down his figures to find his totals. The scribe of the Cassite period had a much simpler way of recording business ♦For the laws concerning priestesses, cf. R. F. Harper, C0, Index, under " Devotee." 10 Temple Documents from the Oassite Period transactions. He would have treated the business described above in this way: A large clay tablet would have been taken, a general heading written at the top, and columns ruled ofiP. The columns would have been headed with the names of the grain or cattle; under these headings would appear the amounts received. In the last column on the right, headed "name-list," would be put the names of the recipients, and in the column immediately before this the total amount received by each person. Finally, at the bottom of the tablet the scribe would have put the totals of the different kinds of grain or cattle. (See below, p. 27, "The Flocks and Herds of the Temple.") The pay-rolls (see below) furnish us other good examples of accuracy and simplicity in bookkeeping. The notes which the scribe added to such lists and rolls are full of difficulties for us, but they were quite clear to the bookkeeper of that age. In "receipts" the word "received" is frequently omitted. Again, in lists of payments it is frequently not possible to decide whether the payments are to or by the temple. The system of "check-marks" (cf. p. 16 of the Introduction to Vol. XIV) helps us to determine this, but where these check-marks do not occur we jare compelled to look for other evidence. This appears at times as imhur, "received," placed after one or more names in the list. For example, XV, 4, is called a record of pay- ment of salaries by Clay on p. 57. But this may equally well refer to grain, wine, etc., paid to the temple as tax; cf. also XV, 74, below, p. 39. Attention will be called to similar texts when they are discussed. Clay, TAN, XIV, 136, is interesting. It is a record of balances due. The ideogram ib-kid (see p. 23) is used to designate the remainder, or balance due. In XIV, 136, the word is rib^-nu. lal-ni (?) has a similar meaning. How exactly the account of all the property of the temple was kept is seen from XIV, 108a, "1 pi of corn of the x ka tax, which Istar-riat stole." The documents will be discussed under the following heads: I, "The Legal Documents;" II, "The Property and Income of the Temple;" III, "The Disbursements of the Temple;" IV, "Miscellaneous Documents." I. THE legal documents For the nature of these documents and their relation to the archives of the temple see Clay, TAN, XIV, p. 2. Temple Documents from the Cassite Period 11 1. Adoption.— C\aj, TAN, XIV, 40: For a translation of this document see Ungnad in OLZ, October, 1906.* On adoption, cf. MAF, nos. 93-99; and Ranke, BE, VI, 1, pp. 27 f. On p. 15, Ranke gives a list of the adoption documents of the Hammurabi Dynasty, published in CT. L. 4 = a-na ma-ru-ti ilki; cf. MAP, no. 95, 5. For su-ba- AN-Ti = ilteki, cf. ibid., p. 101. L. 5: Ranke [op. cit., p. 29) calls attention to the fact that "the adopted ones are slaves." In this document we seem to have a reference to the purchase of the adopted girl, the seven shekels of gold being the purchase price; cf. no. 7 below, where a number of men and women, and a child, are sold, the price of the men being ten shekels of gold, that of the women seven, and that of the child three. LI. 6, 7: If mutim were not written with mimmation, one would be tempted to read muti[sa] and refer to CH, §§ 144, 146. Read barimuta, as suggested by Professor R. Campbell Thompson. L. 12: Palabu, "fear, respect, obey;" cf. Prince, Daniel, p. 215. L. 15: Here we have the motive for the adoption. As in the case of other peoples, the Egyptians and Greeks for example, the Babylonian made provision for the hereafter. His children would perform the necessary funeral rites, and make the customary offerings to or for the dead. If he had no children, he legally adopted one or more; cf. ZA, XVI, p. 178, 11. 24, 25. LI. 16-20: The usual formula used in adoption ; cf. the cases in MAP and Ranke, BE; cf. further §§ 185-93 in Code of Hammurabi. A-mu-ut-sa. This determines the reading of the abstract noun from amtu, "maid-servant." It occurs in Sir. Cyr., 307, 9, as AMAT-ii-tu, and is usually read amtutu; cf. Muss-Arnolt, DAL, and Delitzsch, HWB. Delitzsch reads it so with a question mark. In 11. 8 and 9 above we have AMAT-sa, which I have transliterated as amCitsa. L. 24: UR-BI = mit|jaris, "together, tlbereinstimmend." in-pA- NE-ES=itmu; written in-pad-de-mes, CT, II, 40, Bit. 91-5-9, 368; iN-PAD-DE-ES, CT, VI, 46, Bu. 91-5-9, 2477 A; in-pad, CT, IV, 49, Bu. 88-5-12, 721; it-mu-u, CT, VI, 49, Bu. 91-5-9, 2518, and CT, VIII, 45, Bu. 91-5-9, 2173; cf. DAR, nos. 18, 21. B6l, Ninib, and Nusku, the patron gods of Nippur, are regu- larly invoked in the oath of these documents. In the documents from Sippar the gods invoked are Samas, Aa, and Marduk; cf. ♦ My translation, which agrees in practically every respect with that of Uuguad, was made a year ago. I have concluded that it is not necessary to add it here. 12 Temple Documents from the Cassite Period Ranke, BE, YI, 1. In OBI we have votive inscriptions of the kings of the Cassite Dynasty. No. 62: "To Bel, his lord, Kadas- man-Turgu presented (this) for his life." No. 61: "For Ninib, his lord, Kadasman-Turgu, the son of Nazimaruttas, made this bright lapislazuli disk, and presented it for his life." No. 58: An inscription, similar to no. 61, to Nusku, by Nazimaruttas, the son of Kurigalzii. The name Ina-Uruk-risat should perhaps be read Ina-Uruk- rimat. I follow Clay's readings of the proper names, except where changes are necessary. 2. Slavery. — On slavery cf. 31 AP, pp. 6 f . ; DAE, pp. 8 f.; Ranke, BE, VI, 1, pp. 14, 19; Kohler and Peiser, BR, I; Johns, ADD, III, cap. vii; E. T. Kretschmann, TJie Slave Trade in the Time of Nahonidus (an unpublished thesis in the Library of the University of Pennsylvania).* The statement made by Meissner and Daiches that the number of slaves in ancient Babylonia was not large, needs modification. Meissner draws this conclusion from the fact that relatively few slave-contracts have come down to us. This cannot decide the question. We do not have very many dowry documents, and yet we do not conclude that there were few marriages in Babylonia. The numerous laws referring to slavery in the Code of Hammurahi (cf. "Index of Subjects," "Maidservant" and "Slave") would argue for the opposite. It is probable that in Babylonia, as in Egypt, a large portion of the population were slaves, or, better, serfs attached to the soil. We have no means of determining their number. In Egypt, in the time of Ramses III (1198-1167 B.C.) the temples owned 107,000 slaves — that is, one person to every fifty to eighty of the entire population; cf. Breasted, History of Egypt, p. 491. It is not probable that conditions in ancient Babylonia were any better than in later Babylonia, when the number of slaves or serfs was certainly large. In the documents published by Clay, Murasu, X, the overseers (Ijatri) of different classes of serfs are frequently mentioned. Most of these serfs, as their names indicate, were foreigners. They were, doubtless, the captives or descendants of the captives taken in the campaigns of the Babylonian kings. That similar conditions existed as early as the 5ammurabi Dynasty is shown by King [LIH, III, p. Ill), *An interesting parallel to the Babylonian slave-contracts is found on p. 47, K, of the A7-amaic Papyri Discovered at Assuan, edited by Sayce and Cowley. Temple Documents from the Cassite Period 13 who calls attention to "the public slaves, whose ranks were supplied from prisoners of war, and also probably from men of the native population who had been condemned to various periods of hard labor in the king's service." The Code of Haiinnurahi, § 117, shows us another way in which undoubtedly many persons were reduced to temporary slavery. Clay, TAN, XIV, 2: Transliteration: '™Tu-kul-ti-Ilu-ip-i^a-as-ra. '"u ""Ba-il-'^Nabft ses-a-ni. "a-na su-hI-I nam-mdlu-gisgal. '''sa ™<^Bel-ki-di-ni iz-zi-zu. '^u a-ka-an-ua ik-bu-u. '* nam-mdlu-gisgal li-si li-ru-ub. '^a-na ba-la-ki pu-ut-ni. '®ni-te-mi-id .... '^nam- MULU-GiSGAL lu i-hal-li-[i k] '^ . . . NAM-MULU-GisGAL '*.... a-na ™dBel-ki-di-ui. '-'"[i-nam-] din. [Witnesses, date and seals]. Translation: Tukidti-Ninib, Alsisu-ablut, Kidin-Gula, Ilantltum, their mother, Beltutuni, the wife of Alsis-ablut; five persons, the servants of BSl-kidiui, were held in the house of Bel-kidini, and Niuib-banl, sou of Ilu-ippasra, and Ba'il-Nabft, his brother, have proposed to bring forth (hire) the slaves of Bel-kidini and have spoken as follows: "Let them come forth, let them enter (our service). We will be responsible ( ?) that they do not escape from us. If a person (one) is lost, or .... , recom- pense shall be made to B6l-kidini." Owing to the condition of the text the translation of 11. 16 f. is conjectural. L. 7: ardu, singular appositive; cf. DO^, ^167. BSl-kidini, a slave-dealer; cf. XIV, 1, 7, 8. kalti ; note a differ- ent meaning in CH, VIII, 71. For the ideogram nam-mulu- GISGAL, Clay, TAN, XIV, IGG, is interesting: Beltum, one of her sous, two of her daughters, total IV (written III by mistake) persons (gisgal) belonging to Marattae; Kidiu-Niuib, son of Attabuni, four of his brothers, five of his sisters, total X persons (gisgal) belonging to Kidin-Marduk; Bunna-Marduk, son of ... . bauti, Raba- sa-Gula, his brother, the daughter of Bana-sa-Marduk, one of her sons, total IV persons (gisgal) belonging to Mar-IJiluui; Dilbat-baui, four of his sisters, total V persons (gisgal) hurat (cf. Muss-Aniolt, DAL, p. 812) of Belaui; the daughter of Gubbuhi, one of her daughters, total II per- sons (gisgal) ditto; .... etum, .... rika, his brother, total II in the power of (ina lit) Idin-Nergal; grand total XXVI persons, (nam-mdld- qisqal) in the city IJal(?). Clay, TAN, XIV, 7: Transliteration: 'kal •» I-ba-as-si-ilu slinu 10 siklu hurasi. ''kal ™ E-la-mu-u simu 10 siklu ^urSsi. ^sal Bur-bu-ru-uk-tum simu 7 siklu 14 Temple Documents from the Cassite Period burSsi. ''sALdSin-a-bu-sa simu 7 siklu ^urasi. ^sal Si-i-kab-ta-at simu 7 siklu burasi. " sal Nu-hi-ma-tum simu 7 siklu hui-asi. ' sal Ti-pa-ar-sa-nam-rat simu 7 siklu ^lu-asi. * tor-sal-gab I-na-Ni-si-in-ra- bat simu 3 siklu bui'asi. ^nap^aru VIII nam-mdld-gisgal simu f mana 8 siklu hurasi. '" sag-amat-arad-ne-ne sa ^ ^ NiN-iB-na-sir. '' u nidNiN-iB-nadin-sum. '^itti ™^NiN-iB-nasir ™<3NiN-iB-nad.in-sum mar6 mAmel^Marduk. ^^lugal-e-ne-ne. '^m^iBel-ki-di-ni mar ^^^nin-ib- nadin-ahe. ^^in-si-sam sam-til-la-ne-ne[-sd]. ^^120 se-gub simu . . . . ''indgin-nadin-abe mar .... ''*5 birum .... [simu x siklu bui"asi]. ^^mUballitsu-^ . . . . -°5 imerepi .... [simu x siklu biirasi]. ^'^Iz-kur-dNergal mar ^ Nur-ili-su .... ^^Ibiltu 20 ma- na sipatu simu 5 [siklu ^urasi]. -^m Ib-ni-'^ Amurru mar ™ ^ Sin-karabi- is[mej .... '^^napbaru t mana 8 siklu ^urasi in-na-an[-lal]. ^^DD-ME-DA UD-A-GA-Bi-SD n^ d NiN-iB-n^sir mar ™ Amel-d Marduk. ^^ses- ne-ne u tor-ds-ne-ne a-na me-a-bi. -'a-ua ™I-ba-as-si-ilu u tdb-ne-ne INIM ND-MAL-MAL. ^^INIM NU-GI-GI-DA-AS MD ^ Bel ^ jjin-ib d Nusku. ^"u Bur-na-bu-ri-ia-as lugal-e. ^"dr-bi in-pa-ne-es. [Witnesses, date, and seals.] Translation: A man, Ibassi-ilu, at (lit. price) 10 shekels of gold; a man, Elamu, at 10 shekels of gold; 5 women, Burburuktum, Sin-abusa, Si-kabtat, Nubimatum, Tipai'sa-namrat, each at 7 shekels of gold; a girl, an infant in arms, at 3 shekels of gold. Total eight persons, the slaves of Ninib-nasir and Ninib-nadin-sum, at the price of | of a mana and 8 shekels of gold. From Ninib-nasir and Ninib-nadin-sum, sons of Amel-Marduk, their master(s), Bel-kidini, son of Ninib-nadin-ahe, bought (them) at their full price. 120 gur of grain [at x shekels of gold] Sin- nadin-ahe, son of ... . [paid (?)]; 5 young oxen [at x shekels of gold] Uballitsu-Marduk [son of ... . paid (?)]; 5 asses [at x shekels of gold] Izkur-Nergal, son of Ntir-ilisu [paid (1)]; 1 talent 20 mana of wool at 5 [shekels of gold (?)] Ibni-Amurru, son of Siu-karabi-isme [paid(?)]. Total, i of a mana 8 shekels of gold [they] paid. Never in future days shall Ninib-nasir, son of Amel-Marduk, his (lit. their) brother(s), or his (lit. their) son(s), for any reason have any claim or appeal against Ibassi- ilu and his sons. By Bel, Ninib, Nusku and Burnaburias the king they have taken oath. For the price of slaves cf. XIV, 40, 1. 5, above. L. 8: marat irti, "child at the breast;" cf. Ranke, BE, p. 28. L. 10: sag-amat-arad(uru) ; cf. King, LIH, III, p. 133. King suggests that URU is "employed as a general word for slave, while amat indicates the gender." A more probable explanation is that it means male and female slave, as one word; cf. lid-gud, equal to "cattle." L. 13: lugal-e-ne-ne; cf. lugal-a-ni-ir, her master, CT, II, 25, Bu. 91-5-9, 331; BAR, p. 81; MAP, p. 119; Ranke, BE, p. 19 = belisu. In CT, VIII, 27, Bu. 91-5-9, 320, we have the parallel be -el sag amtim, the master of the slave. Temple Documents from the Cassite Period 15 LI. 15 f. : The tablet is broken, but enough is left to give us the probable meaning. Bel-kidini is a dealer who buys the slaves for others, who pay the different commodities mentioned. L. 25: The usual introductory term is u(d)kur-ku. Here we have UD-ME-DA=^matima, "at any time, whenever," and ud-a- GA-Bi = umu arkisu. The meaning is clearly the same as that of the usual formula, ses-ne-ne, tur-ne-ne. It is to be noticed that only one of the owners of the slaves is mentioned in the formula. Both are thought of, and consequently the plural SES-NE-NE, etc. For the whole phrase we may compare, man-nu sa ina ur-kis ina ma-ti-ma i-za-ku-pa-a-ni igarruni (u-ni) lu nise an-nu-te lu-u aple-su-nu lu ah^-su-nu sa itti ™Lu-ku u aple-su u ah^-su di-nu dababu ub-ta-u-ni, Stevenson, ABC, no. 7. L. 26: a-na me-a-bi. Probably to be connected with ekiam ; cf. DG\ §106, and translated "for any reason." Clay, TAN, XIV, 1: Transliteration: '[1 si-hi-rum] d-tu ™*tKa-ra-du-ni-ia-a-as. ^[x ammatu] la-an-su. ^mTak-la-ku-a-na-Ka-mu-ul-la mu-ni. *itti "^A- da-gal-pa-an-ili tamkaru. ^mar Babili^^i sa Lu-ku-du^i. *m^Bel- ki-di-ni. "mar '" d>riN-iB-na-din-ahe. '*in-si-in-sam. ®sam-til-la- Bi-su. ^''20 SE-GUB Gis-BAK 5 ka. " slmu 5 siklu hurasi. '^^I-na- E-kur-ra-bi id-di-in. ^^dkur-ku [mulu-mdlu-ra]. ^*inA-da-gal[-pan- ili]. '^tur-us[ne-ne a-na me-a-]bi. '*inim nd[-mal-mal-da?]-es. "inim nu-gi-gi-?-es. '"mu ^ Sin-^adin-sum m&r •n Adi-mati-f' Marduk. "- a-ka-am-ma ik-bi a-na te-ru-ub-ti-a. " te-bu- ku-ma a-ma-ti ul lu-uni-mu-da-ku. '-mar ^ Gu-ub-bu-hi mar "" U-bar-ri il-Ii-kam-ma. '^a-ka-an-na ik-bi. '*m Nftr-belit-A-GA-CE ^'^ ses-a-ni a-bi-su. '*i-na Dftr-f^NiN-iB mi-it-ma ki-bi-ir. '®u ^Ikisa-^Adad a-bu-su. "i-na Dtir-^NiN-iB^*' u-si-ib. '^u"ifiAdad-ri-sa-su a-bu-su "*.... u-a a-li-id. -".... sa-a i-sa-lu-ma ul i-di-mi ik-bi. ^'"^^i Adad-ri- sa-su mArka-sa-ilu u-mi-is-si-ma. -^[a]-ua >" »" Translation: Da'an-Marduk, son of Appai, took Arka-sa-ilu to be cleansed by Adad-risasu, son of the ni-sdr; and they questioned Da'an- Marduk, and the name of his father as well as the name of his father he did not know. They asked him the name of his brother, and the name of his brother he did not tell. Before Sin-nadin-sum, son of Adi-mati- Marduk, he spoke as follows: "I objected to my entrance; I was not consulted at all." Mar-Gubbuhi, son of Ubarri, came and spoke as fol- lows: "Nftr-belit-Agade, his uncle, died and was buried in Dfir-Ninib, and Ikisa-Adad, his father, dwelt in Dfir-Ninib, and Adad-risasu, his brother was born, .... they questioned, and he said: ''I do not know." Adad-risasu has cleansed Arka-sa-ilu, and has given (him) to Bel-kidini. He shall not appeal the case. Arka-sa-ilu shall have no claim against Bel-kidini, because of Adad-risasu. [Seal of Arka-sailu.] The noun missuti, 1. 2, and the verb umissi, 1. 21, seem to indicate some ceremony of cleansing. L. 6: ki-me, a variant of kima; cf. r^ forms. L. 10: terubtu perhaps refers to enter- ing into the service of some man; cf. XIV, 2, 1. 11. L. 23 is perhaps to be taken more literally, "he shall not return." Adad- risasu evidently had some claim on xArka-sa-ilu which he relin- quished in favor of Bsl-kidini. Arka-sa-ilu was then in the power of Bel-kidini, who, as we have seen above, was a slave- dealer. 18 Temple Documents from the Cassite Period Clay, TAN, XIV, 127: Transliteration: 'nam-mulu [gisgal] sa™Ta-ri-bimar '"Ti-sa. *i- na aiEs-si as-bu-ma. ^"n Amel-'iMarduk "^ Ardu-nu-bat-ti is-pur-ma *u-se-lara-ma i-na ai D^j-dBele^fi. Hi-se-si-im-ma ™ Ardu-nu-bat-ti *bu-us-su im-ha-as-maim-hur. ' » Ta-ri-bu istu ai Dlir-<3 Bele i^ i. 'us- si-ma a-tar sa-nim-ma. " il-la-ak-ma us-sam-ma. '""^Ardu-nu- bat-ti is-sa-an-ni-ik. Translation: The slaves of Taribu, the son of Tisa, were dwelling in the town of Essi. Amel-Marduk sent Ardu-nubatti to bring (them) up and make (them) reside in the town of Dur-Bele. Ardu-nubatti arranged the transaction and made the agreement with him. If Taribu goes forth from Dtlr-Bele, goes to another place and dwells there, Ardu-nubatti shall be held (responsible?). L. 6: cf. mabis putisu, Nbk., 134. 4; cf. Tallquist, SN, p. 92. L. 8: a-tar, cf. Delitzsch, HWB, p. 42 abaztu(?) Clay, TAN, XIV, 129: Transliteration: 4stu babu sa ™ Ki-din-dGu-la. ^adi mu-tir-ti. 'ka-ab-li-i-ti. *massartu sa™Ta-ri-bi. ^anosipittisa mu-tir-ti, *sa ki-li a-na mu-te-ir-ti. 'us-sa-am-ma. 4t-ti sa-ni-im-ma. *id-da- ab-bu-ub-ma. ^"Ta-ri-bu. ". . . . da in-ni .... Translation: The "watch" of Taribu is from the gate of Kidin-Gula to the middle-doors. (If) the keeper of the doors of the prison shall go forth and speak with another, Taribu shall .... L. 2: Mutirti = mutireti, feminine plural of mutirru, so. dalati, 'doorwings.' Taribu (cf. preceding text) is the respon- sible party of this document. This is shown by the fact that his nail-marks instead of his seal are attached. He was probably a slave-master who had charge of the slaves of different owners. Clay, TAN, XIV, 126: Transliteration: ' m «i Adad-ba-ni mar «" ^ Adad-sum-lisir. ^'Sa- lit-tum marat ™Ki-din-DL-MAs. ^ama-a-ni. *kal ^Man-nu-ib-ba-ak- dini-su ses-a-ni. ^ Marat ™Kar-zi-ban. ^e-ge-a. ^napharu 4 kin- ni n^ Ilu-ba-ni. ^mar •" la-u-ki. '•" Am-mar-sa-^^Adad. ^"u-ma- as-si. "i-na ^i^^ Gu-zal-lum-sa-ilu. "a-si-ib. Translation: Adad-bani, son of Adad-sum-lisir; Salittum, daughter of Kidin-Ulmas, his mother; a grown person, Mannu-ibak-dinisu, his brother; the daughter of Karziban, a bride; total 4, the family-servants of Ilu-bani, son of lauki. These Ammar-sa-Adad shall free. In the town of Guzallum-sa-ilu they shall dwell. L. 4: KAL, cf. XIV, 7, 1. L. 7: Kin-ni, "family;" cf. kinatati of Clay, Murasu, X, 115, and others; also XIV, 60, p. 35, of the Introduction to XIV. L. 10: U-ma-as-si, cf. XIV, 8. The document refers to a transfer of servants. Temple Documents from the Cassite Period 19 3. A case at laic— Clay, TAN, XIV, 39: Transliteration: ' Di-nu sa f" U-zi-su .... tig-en-na Nippur ''i. -'m (i jsij^-XB .... mar "™ ^^ NiN-iB-kin-pi-su. ^u ™ E-KUR-nadin-sum .... [°i] Iz-kur-f^NiN-iB i-di-iiu. *"» E-KDR-nadiu-siim a-na danu ki-a-am ilf- bi. *50 se zer i-na ugaiu "i»Sa-ir-ri-e i^i. *n^<^NiN-iB-nadin-ab-bi mSr ™ E-til-pu. 'a-ua a-bi-ia ™ Ilu-ra-bi a-fei-su i-ta-din. *is-tu Ku- ri-gal-zu mar Ka da-as-mau-5ftr-be. "a-di Nazi-ma-ru-iit-ta-as mftr Kii-ri-gal-zu. '"ab-bu-u-a i-te-tir-ri-su u ma-am-ma ul is-bu-us. iimdNiN-iB-kiu-pi-su mar "» ^ B^j-ni-gu. >-i-na Na-zi-ma-ru-ut-ta-as ekli sa-a-su. 'H-ta-bal danu ™ ^^ NiN-iB-nadin-ab-bi i-sal-ma ™ ^ nin-ib- nadin-al^-hi a-na danu ki-a-am ik-bi. '^ekli itti ir-ri-su-ti "^nin-ib- ni-su. "'a-bi a-bi-su it-ti ah-hi-e-su e-ri-is. 'Uil itti ekli bur-ku-ti na-ad-na-as-su. "^'^Di-mah-di-'^Uras a-hi a-bi-ia. "*sa i-na Na-zi- ma-ru-ut-ta-as ekli sa-a-su. -'-'is-bu-su li-sa-lu-su. ^'danu "^ Di-iuab- di-f^Uras i-sal-ma. ^-■"Di-mah-di-'JUras a-na danu ki-a-am ik-bi. Translation: The decision which Uzisu .... the tig-en-na of Nip- pur rendered Ninib .... son of Ninib-kin-pisu and Ekur-nadin-sum .... Izkur-Niuib. Ekur-nadin-sum spoke to the judge as follows: "50 acres of laud in the fields of the city Sa-irr§, Ninib-nadin-abhi, son of Etilpu, gave to my father, Ilurabi, his brother. From the time of Kuri- galzu, the son of Kadasman-JJarbe, to the time of Nazimaruttas, the son of Kurigalzu, my fathers cultivated (the land), and no one collected the sibsu-tax. Ninib-kin-pisu, son of Bel-nisu, took possession of that field in the reign of Nazimaruttas." The judge questioned Ninib-nadin-a^^i, and Ninib-nadin-abhi spoke to the judge as follows: "Ninib-nisu, his uncle, cultivated the field in partnership with his brothers. The burkuti was not given him with the field. Dimahdi-Uras, my uncle, who collected the sibsu-tax in the time of Nazimaruttas, let them ques- tion him." The judge questioned Dimafedi-Uras, and Dimabdi-Uras spoke to the judge as follows : For some reason the rest of the suit was not recorded on our tablet. Owing to the fact that the text is not complete, it is not possible to restore the connection between the persons in the first three lines. LI. 10, 20: sabasu. Muss-Arnolt, DAL, p. 1006, quoting KB, IV, p. 145, translates la isabbas "soli nicht geheischt werden." The translation offered in KB is not this, but "korn .... steuer soil nicht eingetrieben werden" — shall not be collected. The translation in KB follows BA, II, p. 569. The word is no doubt to be connected with sibsu; of. p. 23, below. L. 15: literally, "cultivate with cultivation." L. 17: burkuti. For this word I would, with much reserve, offer some such meaning as 'deed.' For the kings mentioned in this docu- ment cf. above, p. 8. 20 Temple Documents from the Cassite Period 4. Contracts.— C\^j, TAN, XIV, 42: Transliteration: ' dup-pi ri-ki-is-ti. ' sa ™ In-na-an-nu. ^a-na am6i rikke pi. *UKA-ziD-DA. ^ir-ku-su. ** kurunnu ul ta-am-ma. ' GAR (akalu) ul ba-ni-ma. ^ i-na ba-lu '" Raba-sa-dNergal. ^ gar sikaru u me-ri-is-tum. '"i-nam-di-in-ma. " i-na-du-u. '"i-ba-ka-nu. '^nap- ba-ar. '*si-ka-ri. '^sa is-tu arbuArahsamna. '^ sa satti 1 kan, ^'a-na ka-ab-ri. ^^ i-ka-na-ak. [Date and seals of the rikku and ka-zid-da officers.] Translation: The tablet of contract which Innannu drew up with the rikku and ka-zid-da officers. In case the wine is not good and the bread is not clean, without (the consent of?) Raba-sa-Nergal, he (In- nannu) shall give bread, wine and new-wine, and they shall deliver them, they shall .... All of the wine from the month Araljsamna of the year one, shall be sealed for the kabri. L. 9: Me-ri-is-tum, the uBual meaning is "planting." Here perhaps an m-formation from the root of IcilTl ; of. the Sou- danese marlsa, "date-wine" (Doughty, Arabia Deserta, p. 629). L. 12: Do we here have a verb corresponding to bukanu? L. 17: Kabri, of. kapri, 'cup' (Muss-Arnolt, DAL, p. 423). Clay, TAN, XIV, 123: Transliteration: '1 alpu ri-it-ti ki-i [2 siklu hurasi]. -1 inieru ki-i 2 siklu hurasi. ^ it-ti °^ Tab-sil-li mar "^ Ab-ta-a-na-ilu ^ ^ nin-sar- murassu-rSmii. ^in-si-sam. ^a-na sam til-la-bi-su. '60 til-li-e samni ra-bu-ti. ^ki-i 4 [siklu hurasi] i-di-in. ^ul i-tar-ma ™Tab-sil- lum. "^as-sum alpu im^ru ul i-ra-gu-um. "u ™" 'I Nin-ib-mu-bal-lit i-na li'u-su .... ='=^itti 12 sa 'n Iddiua-'^Nerg'al a-ua mu-uh-su ru-ud-du-u itti sa 20 biruni 160 gur seum sa 1 alpu 8 gur seum sa ™ Ib-ni-dKUR iddina (na) a-na .... ^^25 biruni sa Dur-ku-ri-gal-zu sa i-na satti 17 ^^^^a-na e-ri-si u tu-iir-ri ua-ad-uu itti 21 sa a-na ir-ri-si sa a^Ardu-Belit .... ^M-na duppi sa a'Ardu-Belit '''sa-at-ru su-lu-u kat "'Amel-dMarduk duppi su-ma- ti ma-^i-ir is-si-ra-am-ma a-na "» '^ Marduk-nasir i-nam-din (in). ^^30 birum sa istu tamtim il-ku-ni(?) ana Mar-'"ki-lam-da-ku ka-an-gu a-na e-risi u tu-ur-ri na-ad-nu duppi su-ma-ti [ma-hi-ir]. ^® is-si-ra-am-ma a-na '" -ri- ti." This refers, perhaps, to a gur of grain due at some former time, but not paid at that time. LI. 16 f. : a note concerning, "mu, 2 gur of AS-AN-NA which Restusu received in the month second Adar, and for which he gave a receipt (?) ka-na-ki." The latter may be a place-name; cf. Pl-na-a-ri. L. 17: "3 gur of AS-AN-NA which Kadi-da-bi-bi received, ma-[lji-ii"J- The sealed document of our house he took out (su-si-i)." For mu cf. XV, 152, 11. XIV, 14: payments to certain persons. XV, 37: cf. Introd. to XIV, p. 6. XV, 38c; "The as-an-na which was paid at Kar- Astabbakantuk as 5 ka revenue." From the check-marks and the note at the end it seems best to regard the persons mentioned as recipients. The note reads: "the as-an-na grain which was received at a former time was paid to the royal family (zer-6kalli)." L. 19: a note, "For their food in harvest- time he shall give it." XV, 39: "as-an-na grain which was paid out of the ffrain of Irlmsu-Ninib at Kar-Astabbakantuk as 5 ka revenue." L. 5: "48 ka without interest (bu-bu-ut-tu-tum ; cf. p. 45) by the hand of Ibni-Ea-sarru, mftr-RAT (cf. p. 45)." L. 15: ''jr ka to Mitliasu for flour." LI. 16 f., note: "In the transaction the flour was not given su-u-i-bal ( ?)." XV, 40: L. 5, mas-sar-ti, cf. p. 45. XV, 41: L. 3, "for the wages of the servants of our house." XV, 42: cf. p. 40. L. 6, "In addition, 1 gur e-bi-ir-ta sa kat "■"^^ rikk6 p'." L. 14, cf. 7 • • • 7 44 Temple Documents from the Cassite Period below. XV, 44: cf. p. 27. For 11. 18-22 c£. above, p. 26. XV, 46: cf. pp. 23, 39. XV, 47: "Grain of the full tax which was paid out of the 10 gur mal-sar-ti [cf. p. 45] of the palace." L. 5, "for the great expedition to Isin (?)" (a-na ga --alaku GAL sa I-si-in^^i). L. 7, cf. XV, 39, 15. L. 14, cf. sibsu above, p. 23. XV, 51: L. 15, "for 3 farmers who are with the oxen" (cf. XIV, 57). XV, 52: L. 7, "for wages of 3 pikdi, herdsmen" (but cf. XIV, 199). XV, 53: see under AS-AN-NA, p. 25. XV, 56. XV, 64: L. 10, "6 gur 60 ka still due the rikku official." XV, 69: "payment of salaries from the 1st to the 2d Ulul." XV, 71: salary for the rikku and ka- ziD-DA officials for certain months. L. 6, "for our house," L. 7, "for the (our?) wages of our house, Raba-sa-Nergal received." L. 9, "ki-i kat = by order of." XV, 73: cf. XIV, 57 and XV, 81. XV, 75: "Oil of the 10 ka tax taken away, zi-ga. It belonged to Dispu-Ekur." This is not necessarily a pay-roll. The temple may have held oil belonging to this man and carried on business with it. XV, 80: Perhaps a pay-roll. L. 10, "A^i- bani u-se-en-ni 11^, sanft" (cf. XIV, 5, 1. 2). L. 11, mas-sar- tum sa i-na ku-ri-e-ti tab-ku. For kuretu cf. II R., 60, 17. XV, 81: cf. 73. XV, 83: "Payments made by Restusu, for the temple(?), through Sin-res." XV, 90: ^® har-ra, some form of prepared grain, not "grain at interest." L. 42, mas- sar-tum, see p. 45. XV, 92: payments, including "wages of 7 women," 1. 10. XV, 94: ^Junubi receives grain for mak- ing payments, including some to soldiers. L. 2, ^® bal, see p. 25. XV, 95; XV, 103: salaries, and 1. 10, wagon-hire. XV, 105: see ku-kar. XV, 119; XV, 122: payments of salary, interest, and for conducting the business of the storehouse, ni- ki-is kari. Nikis seems to be a word similar in meaning to nikasu, "business;" cf. XV, 42, 14; 73, 17; 130, 8; 150, 14, etc. LI. 6, 8, ^= gal, a grain; cf. XV, 131, 7. XV, 127; XV, 130; XV, 132: L. 10, a-tak-na, meaning not clear. L. 11, "payment (kurmatu) for 10 ox hides, to the^^^^^SA." This is the dealer in hides, bones, sinews, etc. SA = buanu, gidatu. XV, 133: "payments to two patesis." For the grains see above. XV, 1.35: "Payments made by Innannu at Kar-Adab to the rikku official," etc. L. 6: "for the house of Innannu at Nip- pur." L. 7: "ki-mu har-ra for the storehouse of the palace Nunakte brought to Kar-Astabbakantuk." XV, 136 ; XV, 140: Temple Documents from the Cassite Pebiod 45 payments of different kinds of flour to Erba-Marduk ; ef. p. 27. "as-an-na flour, white flour, mi-ir-ku flour." L. 9: in-sar " he wrote it ( ? ) ; " cf . XIV, 156, 8 ; 159, 19. XV, 176 ; XV, 179; XIV, 59: payments of grain, rent, etc. XIV, 113: pay- ments of salaries, horse-fodder, arrears in wages, etc. It will be noticed that many of the above documents are not strictly pay-rolls. They were inserted here because they are in part such. They might equally well have been discussed under the following: 4. Payments for miscellaneous purposes. — XV, 6: "The grain of the 5 ka tax, which was brought from the town Mar-Ba'li and paid out at Bit-Ilanuti. 2 gur, the price of an ass, to Sad- barhu, the kassu; 2 gur, the price of a chair of miskanna wood; 60 KA for a pair of boots, senu. 2 gur, not paid, ib-kid. 66 KA by the hand of Pirsati acting as agent ( ?)." For tur-rat, cf. XV, 19, 12; 39, 5; 135, 5; XIV, 95, 6. Perhaps it is a com- pound like mar-sipri. XV, 7: L. 2, li-te-ik-ku-u, perman- sive, I, 2. L. 5, "2 gur by boat." XV, 19: "The grain of the 6 KA tax which was brought from Zarat-iM and returned free of interest (?), a-na bubuttati turru. The grain was paid for salary and wages, boat-hire, for the guard of the great-gate, ma- ^ar abulli." XV, 28: L. 6, "grain paid as wages for six soldiers who stood guard (?) before the gate in the months Airu and Siman(?)." XV, 66; XV, 67: Line. 4, "for mas-sar- tum." Here it seems to mean wages of some kind; cf. Muss- Arnolt, DAL, p. 612; but cf. XV, 76, "grain of the full tax which was paid out of the massarti of the month Tebitu of the year 17." L. 4, "1 gur, the price of a kabri garment;" cf. XIV, 157, 84. XV, 99; XV, 100: L. 4, "seed for sowing(?), z6r ir-sum, three fields, Ijar-bu (cf. p. 35). XV, 101; XV, 106: L. 7, "2 gur 77 ka out of the 6 ka tax for ripsu, to Mannu-balu-x4.dad. 2 gur 93 ka of ripsu, tiic unpaid ripsu, together with 1 GUR of ripsu paid and delivered by Mannu-balu- Adad." XV, 109: L. 3, •• fodder for fattening oxen, alpu se (see p. 39). XV, 112; XV, 115; XV. 120; XV, 123; XV, 143; XV, 145; XV, 152: L. 7, "white oxen." L. 10, note con- cerning mu (cf. p. 43): "Nusku-ida-abul, the slave of Ninib- karrad, who is detained, ka-lu-u in the city IM." L. 15, "for 8 months' wages of the 'palace-slave' ardu-ekalli, from Duzu to Sabatu"-=^8 months inclusive. XV, 154: L. 41, "for the 46 Temple Documents from the Cassite Period sak-sup-par;" cf. XV, 13, 4 L. 44, si-il-lu-u; cf. p. 314. XV, 156: L. 2, "for provisions for a journey." L. 10, ku-uk- ku; cf. Muss-AvnoWs Lexicon. L. 22, "shepherd of the zu(?)- ra-ad." L. 23, ib-sik. XV, 157; XV, 160; XV, 164; XV, 168: L. 22, a-an is equivalent to ma and ki-i; cf. Br. 11391, ki-i takes the place of simu in some texts, cf. XIV, 128a. XV, 169. The heading of column 5 gives us the name of a grain, ha( ?)-ar-za-na. XV, 170; XV, 187: "payments made out of the grain of Belani by Innannu." This shows that many of these documents may be private instead of temple documents. XV, 192; XV, 192a; XV, 197: L. 4, "feed for 4 teams, gar-lal, brought from Selibi, il-li-ku-ni." L. 11, "feed for 2 teams for the plow(?), i?KAK-KA." XIV, 21; XIV, 23; XIV, 50; XIV, 48o; XIV, 106a; XIV, 1066. XIV, 43: "Grain of the 6 KA tax, horse-feed for the month Tebitu. 95 ka for 5 gar-gal, teams, for the 10th day (18 ka per team)." For gar-lal cf. XIV, 56a and XIV, 12. Probably a synonym of lal and ^? lal, simittu. XIV, 92; XIV, 107: "For a pilgrimage to Parak- mari;" cf. XIV, 148: "2 ka for te-e-ni;" cf. DeWizsch, HWB, p. 698. XIV, 130: L. 2, "for light," nu-ru. This is an account of oil "taken away," zi-ga; cf. XIV, 148 and XIV, 73, 1. 14. XIV, 133: Probably a list of grain or sheep payments for sacrifices, ginti and nike, in different temples. L. 2 men- tions Ekur; 1. 7, Parak-mari, for the sacrifices there; cf. XIV, 148. XIV, 134: cf. Introduction to XIV, p. 3. XIV, 138; XV, 200. Mostly taken up with payments of salaries. Col. 6, 1. 1, ki-is- bu u ri-im-ku, "for libations to the dead"(?). XIV, 148: The first line is perhaps to be restored to gis-bar- sE-BA and translated "grain from the wages-tax, grain from the 5 KA tax, sesame, names." Under these headings are put the amounts of grain given for the temples, etc., which make up the last column. These temples, or rather temple and shrines, are: E-kur; E-ki-ur, cf. Br. 9739, and Zimmern, BBE, I, p. 8; E-su- ME-Du; E-'iNusku; E-**Adad; Mar-™Sum-mu-lji (the persons whose names follow the temple names were no doubt the agents of these temples); E-^Sin; E-^Ea; E-^Gula; E-^nin-ib ( ?); E-'^KA-MA-Ni-su, cf. 5r. 705, ^Ka-ma-ni-zi ; E-'iNergal; E-'^Mar- duk; E-*^Samas; E-'^un-gal (of) Nippur (correctly given by Clay, XV, p. 56, under "Deities," and not to be changed into kar-gal, as Hilprecht has attempted to do in BE, XX, Part 1, Temple Documents from the Cassite Period 47 p. 18). There is no context which would permit a translation of su-bu-la-tum from wabalu of 1. 1(5. LI. 18ff.: "for ofPerings in E-'i UN-GAL (of) Nippur [cf. above, 1. 14] E-'»Gula, E-^»Adad." LI. 21-23, 25, 26(?), 27: "for offerings to Istar, Adad, gamas, Gula, NiN-SAR, Marduk, Nusku, and Sin." The meaning of u-Ri after the names of these divinities is not clear; cf. perhaps, Br. 604(). L. 24 is not clear, but is not to be restored to nikti, etc., unless the scribe made the mistake. The tablet clearly reads gu-ga-bi, etc. L. 28: "for offerings to Samas of Dtir-Ninib." L. 29: "for a kid." LI. 31 ff.: ^'payments at Parak-mari [cf. XIV, 133, 3, 6 and Bi\ 6900] to Mar-Burra-Sali for a horse; to Mar-Iluki for ditto." For ni-pi cf. ni-pi-sum (tak), a vessel used in incantations; XV, 21, 29 (p. 40, above). LI. 36 ff., a note, "from the 21st of Sabatu to the 30tli of Adar ^ ka per day." L. 42, "for a horse of an udie;" cf. p. 35. L. 43, "of the sir'ibisu of the king;" cf. XIV, 98, 11, for "siribi." L. 44, "for light (?), nu-ri" (cf. XIV, 73, 14) of the king. L. 45, "for light of our temple (house)." L. 46, "for the king." L. 47, "for our house." L. 48, "for sani of the smith a-ra-bi ki u sil(ki)." L. 49, "for sani of the smith a." L. 50, "for silki;" cf. Muss-Arnolt, DAL, p. 763, Mangold? L. 51, "for honey, mu-ut-ta-ki." L. 52, "for ku ( ?) -ub-ri-ti." L. 53, "for mar-su-ti." L. 54, Marat-Na'suti. IV. miscellaneous DOCUMENTS XIV, 4: an omen-tablet; cf. Clay, Light on the Old Testament from Babel, p. 312. XIV, 12: From such words as gar-lal (cf. above, p. 41) and pi^at this obscure document seems to have to do with sheep or cattle. The personal names are Cassite. XIV, 73: L. 2, "for the ab-ta-rum," an official ( ?) ; 1. 3, "for the ki-du-u," another official (?). XIV, 120: A list of men and their occupations: L. 23 gives the total of the foregoing amel-batti, "spear-bearers" (?); in addition, 6 NU-si. Perhaps "the man of the front," p&nu, mahru; cf. nu-ab, nisakku, Br. 1979, and nu-gis-sar. XIV, 128: "Wool (bu-ku-nu) which is due from (?) the year of accession, inspected, bi-i-tfi i" the month Simanu, year 1." XIV, 140: "2 gur 108 Ka duh-bu belonging to L^bburi, which Ninib-b6l-aplu used for conducting his business, ta (ana) nikasasu ipsu ukln." XIV, 142. XIV, 150: dimetum; cf. Muss-Arnolt, DAL, p. 256. XIV, 48 Temple Documents from the Cassite Period 163: a list of wooden articles, jars of seed, vegetables, etc. Whether given to the temple or received from it, is uncertain. L. 13, " . . . . kan-da-as, for si-'-tum (las.) and as (dil)- lum;" cf. 11. 14, 15, 21. L. 14, ersu; cf. 1. 21. L. 15, i? luluppi; cf. Br. 11414; Muss-Arnolt, BAL, p. 482. L. 16, su- bu-ur-tum; cf. pi. of same word, 1. 18. L. 17, kas gis-dub-na. L.18,"totall8 . . . .Pinu-ur-bi;"cf.l.23,"adi2su-ub-bu-ra- tum." L. 19, "1 bed a-ma-ra-tum, a-am;" cf. Br. 11486, 7; adi 1 immeru ? t1 ^? TU-u. L. 20, "a tablet of miskanna wood, si-'-tum pi-ti-il-tum; pitiltum is a cord, but the connection here is not clear. LI. 19 and 20 evidently go together, as is seen from the total, and the dittos a-am of 11. 21 and 22 which refer to 1.19. L. 23, "total 3 beds, i?nu-ur-bi." L. 31, i?kip-pa-tum; cf. Muss-Arnolt, DAL, p. 424. L. 32, "12 vessels (sappu) of oil." L. 34, probably, "total x Nur-gamas." L. 38, "2 posts (dimmu)." L. 39, '?ad-du; cf. Br. 4177 ff. L. 40, "1 tallu- vessel of pikandi. L. 41, "2 tallu- vessels of seed of (?)." L. 42, "3 tallu- vessels of provisions for the god of the stream (?), besides 1^ . . . ." L. 43, "1 tallu-vessel of seed of the edu;" cf. DAL, p. 19. L. 44, "1 stitu-vessel of a-si-i plants." L. 45, "1 tallu-vessel of zibu-plants;" cf. DAL, p. 273. L. 46, "a? KU-KU-BU-vessels of clean ( ?) seed,°^^KU-KU-BU;"Z)J.Z/, p, 378, "a measure of oil." It does not follow that such a specific mean- ing is to be assigned to this word because the context in TA, (London), 5, 25, speaks of oil. The word is more general. L. 48, "1 tallu-vessel of buluppi;" cf. Br. 11854. L. 50, "■X KU-KU-BU-vessels of ^ami-plants;" cf. DAL, p. 320. L. 51, "ic sutu-vessels of la-am be-lum." The following difficult texts deal with metals : XV, 13 : "^ mana of zag-SA for the covering (?) ba-til of a chariot, Erbatum the saksuppar received from Martuku." XIV, 121: "10| shekels of dark gold, hurasl sami, weighed out for a cup [cf. sappu] by Marduk-sar-ilani. ^ shekel, the remainder, (leavings from the working) of the gold, Zakirum receives for pay." zi-ba-a-ti, plural of sibtu, "interest," etc., here "pay." XIV, 122: "^ shekel of gold from Marduk-mukinnu, li shekels of gold from the master of the house, bel-biti, total 3 shekels of gold, for pay for making a cup of 10| shekels, 22i she of gold, Zakirum received." XIV, 63: "i al-lu ba-dil [cf. XV, 13 above] for ka-ra gal-du (strong . . . . ) of su-si-ri(?). Mar-Kalbi Temple Documents from the Cassite Period 49 received." XV, 172: "^ al-lu ba-dil; B ka of oil; 1 mana of ornaments, sindu; 1 mana of zag-sa; 1 mana of zag-lu ; 1 mana of bronze; 3 ox-hides; ku-kar is-si, paid for wood( ?)." XIV, 9a; "10 bronze bolts, 2 mana 18 shekels in weight, sa-gal-lum" (cf. ZK, II, 32-1). XIV, 124: "3^ mana of weighed bronze, 1 mana, 10 shekels, etc., total 11 mana, 5 shekels of bronze belonging to the 'house of the seal of the palace,' the palace 'library,' su-us-si su-za-a." The meaning of "4 gir-rat .... ," 1. 9, is not clear. L. 10, "1 ki-bir-ri 2| ni . . . . ;" 1. 11, "u-di-e sa barrftni, equipment for the road;" so perhaps also 1. 13, si-ri-in-na-tum sa barrftni. L. K), "for the equipment (i-kar-ti, lit. 'decora- tion') of the king's chariot." XIV, 123rt; Bronze paid out for different purposes. L. 8, bi-in-du; cf. Strassmaier, Nhk., 10,2. L. 12, "14 shekels kA (cf. XV, 78), 2 mana ki ? li gam-ru." XIV, 149: "1 ma[na .... besides, 2 shekels in zig6 Iba-si- nu, 'ax,' besides 6 shekels ditto." L. 5, "for a present, a-na ni- di- it- ti." XIV: "Oil of the wages tax for, literally of bi-ri- ti 11 ba-ru-ti." Have these words to do with the Becherwahr- sagung of the barti? Cf. XIV, 156, oil a-na bi-ri-ti. The reading of 1. 2 (cf. XIV, 155) is not clear. Pai ifO'^^^\^^^^ VITA I, Daniel David Luckenbill, was born June 21, 1881, in Berks County, Pennsylvania. My father, Rev. B. F. Luckenbill, is a minister of the gospel in the Reformed Church in the United States. My early education was received in the public schools of my native state. In 1899 I graduated from Lehigh, now Beth- lehem, Preparatory School, and entered the College Department of the University of Pennsylvania. I graduated from this insti- tution with the degree of A.B. in 1903. Immediately after graduation I took up post-graduate work in the Semitic languages at the same university, having been appointed Harrison scholar in Semitics for the year 1903-4. Later I was appointed Harrison fellow in Semitics for the years 1904-6. My studies were pursued under Professors Jastrow, Clay, Hilprecht, Lamber- ton, and Dr. Ranke. I continued my study of Egyptology under Professor Erman at the University of Berlin during the summer semester of 1905. In the summer of 1906 I entered the Uni- versity of Chicago, having been appointed fellow in Semitics for the year 1906-7. Here I devoted my time to Egyptology under Professor Breasted, and Assyriology under Professor Harper. I desire, in this place, to express my sincere gratitude to all my teachers, and especially to Professors Clay, Jastrow, and Harper. THIS BOOK IS DUE ON THE LAST DATE STAMPED BELOW AN INITIAL FINE OF 25 CENTS WILL BE ASSESSED FOR FAILURE TO RETURN THIS BOOK ON THE DATE DUE. THE PENALTY WILL INCREASE TO SO CENTS ON THE FOURTH DAY AND TO $1.00 ON THE SEVENTH DAY OVERDUE. MAR 19 1938 .m 28 19^ LIBRARY USE AUGl 319Gd /leDja AUG 1-^91 1 8 2002 REC'D LD AUG 1 3 1959 ^Dee^Sflf^ REC'D LD DEC 6 - 1959 JUL i9^W LD 21-95»ft-7,'37 I'D 0Vb29