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THE LIBRARY
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BRIGHTON : 129, north street.
New York: E. & J. B. YOUNG & CO.
1895.
3
StaitforAt CcagfEitab^LonJon..
DIOCESAN HISTORIES.
CHESTER
BY THE
Rev. RUPERT H. MORRIS, D.D., F.S.A.,
PREBENDARY OF MATHRY IN ST. DAVID'S CATHEDRAL,
VICAR OF ST. GABRIEL'S, WARWICK SQUARE, S.W.
PUBLISHED UNDER THE DIRECTION OF THE TRACT COMMITTEE.
LONDON :
SOCIETY FOR PROMOTING CHRISTIAN KNOWLEDGE,
NORTHUMBERLAND AVENUE, CHARING CROSS, W.C. ;
43, QUEEN VICTORIA STREET, E.C.
BRIGHTON : 129, north street.
New York: E. & J. B.YOUNG & CO.
1895.
Richard Clav & Sons, Limited,
London & Fungay.
BX
PREFACE
The facts recorded in the following pages have been
gleaned from many different sources. The valuable
collections of manuscripts at the Public Record Office
and the British Museum have been of great service.
The Visitation Books of the diocese, which were most
courteously and generously placed at my disposal by
Mr. John Gamon, the Registrar of the diocese, have
afforded invaluable information, and much that has
been gathered from them is now published for the
first time. Selections have been made from the
Churchwardens' Accounts of different parishes in the
diocese. Peck's Desiderata Curiosa, and the volumes
of the Chetham Society, have frequently been laid
under contribution. Especial thanks are due, and are
hereby heartily tendered, to the Rev. F. Sanders for
many useful hints, and for permission to make use of
his interesting monograph, "Historic Notes of the
Bishops of Chester." Free use also has been made
of the author's Chester in Flantagenet and Tudor
Times, in treating of the Abbey of St. Werburgh.
\y'j2}y*?F^
CONTENTS
CHAPTER I.
Early traces of Christianity — Alleluia victory — Battle of
Chester — Christianity in Wirral — Sandbach, Halton, and Win-
wick crosses — "The Terror of the Northmen" — Ancient
dedications ... ... ... ... ... p. 9
CHAPTER n.
Benedictine foundations — St. Werburgh's Abbey — St. Mary's
Nunnery, Chester — Birkenhead Priory — Hospital for lepers and
the infirm — "Hilbre Light" — Austin canons — Cistercian foun-
dations at Stanlawe and Whalley, Combermere, Pulton, and
Furness— Architecture of the religious houses ... p. 25
CHAPTER HI.
The Abbey of Vale Royal — The Coming of the friars — Their
violent and riotous conduct — Foundations of chantries — Repairs
neglected — Hermits and anchorites — Privilege of sanctuary — ■
Churches used for secular purposes ... ... ••• P- 57
CHAPTER IV.
The Barons' War — Violence to churches and ecclesiastics — •
Abbots of St. Werburgh's — Ravages of the Black Death p. 79
CHAPTER V.
Political leanings of the clergy — Waning influence of the
Abbot of St. Werburgh— Suppression of monastic houses —
Abbot of Norton's Insurrection — The Pilgrimage of Grace —
Abbots of Whalley and Sawley hanged — Riotous conduct of
the religious ... ... ... ... ... p. 89
VI CONTENTS
CHAPTER VI.
Foundation of the Bishopric of Chester — Its extent — John
Bird, first bishop of the new diocese — Dr. George Cotes —
Cutlibert Scott — Visitation articles — Changes in ritual p. 102
CHAPTER VII.
Vestments and Ornaments in use 1557-1572 — The Recusants
— Bishop Downham reproved for laxity in enforcing the law —
Church fabrics ruinous — Public penance — King's Preachers —
Bishop Chaderton — Vigorous measures adopted ... p. 124
CHAPTER VIII.
Puritanism in Lancashire — Mar-Prelate Press — Non-use of
the surplice — Omission of preaching and perambulations —
Bishops Hugh Beilot, Richard Vaughan, George Lloyd —
Growing importance of the pulpit ... ... ... p. 141
CHAPTER IX.
Social life of the diocese in Tudor and Stuart periods —
Chester Mysteries — Midsummer Show — Football prohibited — ■
Wakes, Church-ales, Welsh -weddings^Rush-bearing— Cocking
^Bear-baiting — Severity of punishments — Collections for the
poor — Child marriages ... ... ... ... p. 159
CHAPTER X.
Bishop Morton — The Booh of Sports— V\^\\o\> John Bridgman
— Efforts to establish order and uniformity — Appropriation of
seats — Trials for witchcraft — Visitation of the plague — Recu-
.sants dealt with — William Prynne's scurrilous attacks ... p. 178
CHAPTER XL
Petition against Root and Branch Bill — The Cheshire Attest-
ation — Protest against seditious preaching — Cheshire clergy
deprived — The Engagement — Visits of Commissioners for Pious
Uses — Sacrament certificates ... ... ... p. 192
CONTENTS Vll
CHAPTER XII.
The Restoration — Bishop Brian Walton's reception — Bishops
Henry Feme and George Hall — Ejected ministers — Warden
Heyricke conforms — Sir GeoflTrey Shakerley's raids on con-
venticles — Bishop Wilkins "universally curious "—Incompetent
clergy admitted into benefices—" Repetitions "—Nonconforming
ministers ordained — Bishop Pearson — Monmouth's rising—'
Bishop Cartwright ... ... ... ... p. 202
CHAPTER XIII.
The Revolution — Reforms of Bishop Stratford — Society for
Reformation of Manners — Sir William Dawes — Bishop Gastrell's
N'otitia Cf.f/rtvww— Bishop Peploe — Bishop Keene builds a new
Palace — Bishops Markham and Porteus — Sundav Schools and
Observance of Sunday — The Shakers — Bishops Cleaver,
Majendie, and Sparke — Bishop Law— Augmentation of livings —
Restoration of Chester Cathedral — Foundation of St. Bees —
Bishop Blomfield— State of diocese ... ... p. 221
CHAPTER XIV.
Bishop Sumner— Subdivision of the diocese — Bishopric of
Manchester — James Prince Lee, first Bishop of Manchester —
Bishops T'imes Fraser and James Moorhouse — John Graham —
William Jacobson^Foundation of Liverpool See — John Charles
Ryle, first Bishop — Bishops .^tubbs and Jayne — Sunday
Schools ... ... ... ... ••■ p. 234
CHESTER
LV
CHAPTER I
Early traces of Christianity — Alleluia victory — Battle of Chester
— Christianity in Wirral — Sandbach, Halton, and Winwick
crosses — "The Terror of the Northmen" — Ancient dedi-
cations.
The district embraced within the diocese of Chester,
as formed by Henry VHL, was occupied at the time
of the Roman invasion by two distinct Celtic tribes —
the Cornavii, who were settled in the present Cheshire ;
and a much more numerous and powerful people, the
Drigantes, who held Lancashire, Westmoreland, and
Cumberland, as well as a considerable portion of
Yorkshire. Their religion was of the polytheistic
type, with an admixture of druidism ; but no other
traces remain of their worship than an occasional
maen /ii'r, or long stone (which has been subsequently,
in all probability, converted into a Christian emblem),
some cup and circular markings, and a few local
names, such as Belisama (the name of the Ribble),
and Aerven, the goddess of war, an early name for
lO CHESTER
the Dee. The Roman remains which have been dis-
covered from time to time at Chester, Manchester,
and other miUtary stations in this district afford no
indications of the prevalence of Christianity. None
of the inscriptions on the tombstones of the legionaries
bear the record of any Christian hope.
Many of these inscriptions preserve touching refer-
ence to the deep affection subsisting between wife
and husband, mother and child, master and slave;
but all are dedicated Dis manibus, "to the gods of
the shades." The altars, of which no less than twelve
have been found at Chester, are inscribed with names
either of the deities of Roman mythology (Jupiter
Optimus Maximus, Tanarus, a Welsh form of Tonans,
the Thunderer, Mars Conservator, Minerva, ^scula-
pius, the Genius of the Place, or of the Emperor ; the
Nymphs and Fountains), or they are dedicated to
the Bece inatres, to whom several altars have been
found in Belgic Gaul and along the banks of the
Rhine.i
There are in the Chester Museum two or three
relics of Mithraic worship, but no dedications, as at
Carlisle, to those gods with strange uncouth names
supposed to be the deities worshipped by the Bry-
thonic Celts, such as Belatin castor, Maponus, Set-
locenia, Coventina (goddess of memory), and the
like.
It is not, however, to be assumed that the Christian
faith was not taught in Cheshire and Lancashire
during the period of the Roman occupation. The
1 I am not forgetting the so-called ecclesiastical stone, which I
believe to l)e that of a. Roman matron and her attendant.
CHESTER II
two legions (the 20th and the 2nd Pia Adjutrix),
which were, hke Roman soldiers in other parts of the
empire, important heralds of the Prince of Peace,
must have had amongst them more than one who
had some knowledge of the Gospel message. But it
is more than doubtful whether this saving knowledge
radiated to any distance beyond the military stations.
The villas and other remains which have been
discovered are usually close to the great centres of
population, showing that the Romans made no
attempt to spread their influence outside a certain
area. The rest of the land, often a dreary succession
of fen and morass varied with long tracts of un-
reclaimed forest, was left to the older inhabitants, who
for the most part would keep aloof from, the Roman
camp and the great highways, and did not therefore
come under Roman influence, whether for ordinary
civilization or for religious teaching. There must,
however, have been exceptions to this. It happened,
not infrequently, if we may judge from sepulchral
inscriptions, that the legionary soldiers intermarried
with the natives, and on the completion of their
term of service settled down permanently on the lands
assigned them. Whether this leavening had a Chris-
tian tendency cannot be ascertained. It is worth
notice in this connection that the tonsure, which was
one of the points of difference between the Celtic
and the Roman Church, as practised in Britain and
Ireland, is said to be a survival of a druidic fashion.
We must pass over a long interval of years after
the final withdrawal of the 20th legion from Chester
(about 410 A.I).), before we come to any definite
12 CHESTER
Statement in connection with the religious condition
of the district.
Hardly twenty years had gone by since that final
withdrawal before the inhabitants of Cheshire must
have suffered severely from the incursions of the
Picts and Saxons. In the hastily-gathered multitude
which collected under the standard of the Bishop
Germanus, and was successful in defeating the bar-
barians, there would doubtless be many from Cheshire.
The site of the battle, Maes Garmon ("Field of
Germanus "), is not far from Mold in Flintshire, and
the church in the adjoining parish, Llanarmon yn Yal,
commemorates the visit of the Saint, Germanus. As
Mold is only some ten miles from Chester, and is so
constantly associated in later history with Cheshire,
we cannot be wrong in assuming that the " Alleluia
Victory" must have borne fruit at least in the neighbour-
hood of Chester, if not throughout the whole district.
We are on surer ground in deahng with the "Battle
of Chester." In the story of the struggle between
the Britons and the Saxons under .'Ethelfrith, which
culminated in the so-called Battle of Chester in 613,
the monks of Bangor Monachorum, or Iscoed, play
an important part. This place, now a small village
on the borders of Cheshire and Shropshire, called by
Bede Bancornburg, is identified by some writers with
Bovium, a station on the great Roman road between
Chester and Wroxeter. The names of three of its
gates are still preserved— Forth Hwgan on the north-
west, Forth Clais on the south, and High on the east.
(E. Llwyd, writing in 1699, says the fourth gate was
"in Dwngre.")
CHESTER
13
A monastic establishment of some importance was
in existence here before the arrival of the Italian
mission under Augustine (a.d. 596). A somewhat
doubtful tradition declares that Pelagius (Morgan, the
sea-born), who was born a.d. 350, belonged to this
house. The community must have been in a flourish-
ing condition to have been able to send a detachment
to Bangor Vawr in Carnarvonshire in 516, as well as
another four years later to Bangor in Ireland. It
was the last Abbot Dunawd, or Dinoth, who, with
seven British bishops, met Augustine in conference,
and with the traditional spirit of independence
refused to accept his supremacy or adopt his sug-
gestions. Augustine, angered at the repulse, retorted
that if they would not preach the Gospel to the
Saxons as brethren, they must not be surprised if
they were slain by them as enemies, words which, in
the light of subsequent events, were regarded as a
prophecy, some even going so far as to suggest that
yEthelfrith of Northumbria was instigated by Augustine
in revenge to attack the monks.
At that time this monastery was one of the largest
in Britain, consisting (according to Bede, who lived in
the century that witnessed the destruction of the
monastery) of at least 2100 monks — that is, seven
bodies of 300 each. Bede relates how, on the advance
of yEth el frith upon Chester in 613, the monks of
Bangor, anxious for the success of their fellow-country-
men, after a three days' fast sent forth 1200 of their
brethren, who made their way to the battle-field, and
there offered up prayers for victory to their nation.
./Ethelfrith watched the wild gestures of the monks
14 CHESTER
as they stood apart from the host with arms out-
stretched in prayer, and bade his men attack them
first of all. " Bear they arms or no," said the king,
"they fight against us when they cry against us to
their God." The slaughter was so complete that only
fifty escaped, the Welsh chieftain, Brochmael, who
had undertaken to protect them, having basely deserted
them. This has been called the Battle of Chester,
and it is stated by more than one writer that the
massacre of the monks took place under the walls of
Chester. But it is more probable that the scene of
the tragedy should be placed nearer to the monastery,
at Caergwrle, or, with still greater probability, at Holt,
which position on the Dee opposite Farndon bears,
in documents as late as the Elizabethan period, the
alternative name of Castrum Leonum, Castle of Lions,
the seal bearing a lion rampant. Local names along
what would be the line of march between Bangor and
Chester still preserve the memory of a terrible disaster
to the British arms. Among these may be mentioned
Maes yr lug, " the field of agony," near Worthenbury,
and Bryn Yockhi ( Yr ochain, the " hill of groaning ")
near Rossett. The faith of Woden and Thor might
appear for the time to have triumphed over the
religion of the Crucified One. The heathen Saxon
might have had some apparent justification for taunt-
ing the British Christians with the derisive question :
" Where is now thy God ? " The great monastery was
razed to the ground. This would be no great task,
for the monastic buildings of tlie Celtic Christians
were of the simplest possible character. There were
no such elaborate structures as \Villiam of Malmes-
CHESTER 15
bury, who confounds it with Bangor in Carnarvonshire,
evolves apparently out of his own imagination. He
says : " No place could show greater remains of half-
demolished churches and multitude of other ruins."
It was in fact simply constructed of wattle-work — /. e.
osiers interwoven and plastered over, which when
destroyed would leave but little trace behind. But
the spiritual influence of the faithful occupants of
this monastery did not pass away with the destruction
of their corporate home. It extended to otlier and
far distant districts. Not only had they sent forth a
number of brethren to settle in Bangor, or Benchor,
in Ireland, but Deiniol Wyn, the son of Dunawd, the
last abbot of Bangor Is Coed, founded a church at
Hawarden, still dedicated to him (St. Deiniol' s). He
established a monastery at Bangor Vawr in Carnar-
vonshire, and later was appointed by the British king,
Maelgwn Gwynedd, the first Bishop of Bangor. It
was Eurgain, the saintly daughter of this same
Maelgwn Gwynedd, who founded the church of
Northop, a few miles from Hawarden, which pre-
serves in its Welsh form the name of the foundress,
Llaneurgain ; and we cannot doubt that holy men
and women would endeavour to make their influence
felt at so important a centre as Chester.
The British Christians have been censured for their
refusal to take their part with Augustine in preaching
the Gospel to the heathen Saxons. It must be
remembered that the Britons were engaged in a life
and death struggle with the Saxon invaders for the
possession of their native land, and that they were
being thrust further and further back into tlie corners
1 6 CHESTER
of the island. Such a time of bitter anguish and hard
fighting was certainly not favourable for the preaching
and hearing of the Gospel of peace as regards either
the conquering or the conquered race. But, as we
have seen, the British Christians did not neglect the
duty of evangelization in the districts which still
remained to them. It has been suggested ^ that
Christianity was first preached to Britons in the
peninsula of the Wirral by Cyndeyrn or Kentigern in
560, about the time when, passing from Strathclyde
on the coast of Lancashire to North Wales, he
founded the monastery at Llanelwy or St. Asaph, and
that the holy man he left there as its first bishop in
573, St. Asaph, tended the infant Church in Wirral.
If this very probable suggestion is accepted, it
establishes one more bond of union between the
Church of England in England and in Wales. The
same writer goes on to show that, after the Battle of
Chester in 613, the British remnant left in Wirral
remained Christian, but, hated by the English and
hating in return, made no attempt to convert their
conquerors. The later conversion of the English is
to be attributed to St. Aidan or St. Chad.
The work was not left entirely, however, to ecclesi-
astics. It is remarkable that hardly forty years after
the light of Christian truth had been apparently ex-
tinguished by yEthelfrith's destruction of the monastery
at Bangor Iscoed, Penda, "the strong," the imper-
sonation of the power of heathendom in Middle
England, before whom the saintly Oswald and four
other kings had fallen, was to find his own daughter
1 Rev. A. E. P. Gray, \xi Journal Brit. Arch. Assoc, 1884.
CHESTER 17
and one of his sons allied to those who professed
the faith he so bitterly opposed; whilst another son,
Wulfhere, and his granddaughter, Werburga, were to
have their names associated to all time with the
evangelization of Mercia, as royal nursing-father and
nursing-mother of the Church in that important
district.
The story of their work and of Oswald the Christian
son of the heathen yEthelfrith has been told else-
where. It only remains to add some details specially
relating to Cheshire and Lancashire. Some at least
of the early Christian monuments which have been
found in these counties bear silent testimony to the
great religious revival which Avent on there in the
seventh century. The greater number of the crosses
and monuments cannot be earlier than the ninth
century, some belonging to the eleventh century ;
and it is doubtful whether the local tradition about
the Sand bach crosses — that they were erected to
commemorate the conversion of Peada, Penda's son,
to Christianity in 653 — is to be accepted unhesitat-
ingly. Whether these Sandbach crosses belong to
this early date, or are to be referred to the next
century, they preserve a most interesting group of
Christian subjects, probably the finest in all England.
The several panels include the following scenes —
the Crucifixion, with the sun and moon above, and
St. Mary and St. John below, surrounded by the
symbols of the four Evangelists; the Nativity, with
the ox and the ass kneeling before the Holy Child
in the manger-cradle ; the Virgin enthroned, holding
the Holy Child, with a saint on either side and the
B
l8 CHESTER
Holy Dove above ; Christ in glory, with an angel on
the left and St. Peter carrying the key on the right ;
Christ led bound before Pilate ; Christ carrying the
cross. ^
Another important cross, much weathered, at Halton
in Lancashire, curiously illustrates the existence at
the time of Paganism side by side with Christianity.
On the east and north faces are scenes from the
Scandinavian mythology, representing Sigurd roasting
the heart of the dragon Fafni on a spit — his horse
Grani returning home riderless after his master's death
— and Regin, the dwarf-smith, working at his forge.
On the opposite face, amongst other Christian subjects,
is to be seen Christ enthroned, with two smaller figures
clasping His feet. It is one more instance, I believe,
of the appropriation by Christians of heathen monu-
ments. Again, the sculpture on the cross at Winwick
in Lancashire has been supposed by a competent
authority ^ to refer to St. Oswald, to whom the church
at Winwick is dedicated — one panel representing his
dismemberment after his defeat by Penda, whilst the
other shows water being carried from St. Oswald's
well, which is a short distance from the church. The
rest of the early Christian monuments in Cheshire
and Lancashire found at Neston, Bromborough,
Hilbre, West Kirby, Overchurch, in the Wirral penin-
sula ; Chester, Macclesfield, Lyme Park in Cheshire ;
Bolton, Heysham, Whalley, and Lancaster in Lanca-
shire, are of much later date. No remains exist of
^ See for fuither particulars Mr. Roniilly Allen's article,
Chester Areh. Soeiety s Journal, vol. v. I'art III.
" Dr. Browne, iiishop of Stepney.
CHESTER
19
any Saxon churches in these counties. The eadier
churches were certainly built of wood or of wattle.
Stowe, in his Survey of Londo?i, has made a curious
slip in speaking of the Wirral : " These Saxons were
likewise ignorant of building with stone until the year
680, for then it is affirmed that Benet, Abbot of
Wirrall, master to the Venerable Bede, first brought
artificers of stone houses and glasse windows into this
island amongst the Saxons, arts before that time unto
them unknown, and therefore used they but wooden
buildings." Stowe is referring to Benedict Biscop,
who was of Wearniouth, not of Wirral.
However other parts of Cheshire may have fared,
it is certain that the Wirral peninsula suffered most
severely from the invasion of the Northmen, an
invasion the memory of which abides in the Norse
names preserved so markedly here as compared with
the neighbouring districts. Whilst the Christianizing
influence of the British settlers has left no other trace
than such names as Landican, Poulton-Lancelyn, the
numerous villages with the termination -by point to
the Norse immigration — such are Whitby, Kirby,
Frankby, Greasby, Pensby, Irby. Not more than
300 years had elapsed after the triumph of the Saxon
when the Saxons themselves had to suffer in turn the
miseries they had inflicted on the Britons — to see
their fair fields ravaged, their towns sacked and burnt,
their churches and monasteries ruthlessly destroyed.
It was in 1000 that King >^2thelred's fleet mustered
at Chester, and thence proceeded against the Viking
rovers who were sweeping the western waters, and
carrying off their valuable spoils from the mainland.
20 CHESTKR
And it was most proljably a little before tliat time
that the wave of iieathenism swept over the Wirral.
But the Norsemen did not long remain in heathen
darkness. They submitted to learn the religion of
the ICnglish ; and hence, with Thurstanton, which
recalls the name of the god Thor, we find also West
Kirby as well as Kirby-in-Wallasey. In the litany of
the ])eriod we are discussing, one of the suffrages was
" Deliver us, O Lord, from the terror of the North-
men." The terror of these Northmen had at an
earlier period, in 875, forced the nuns to transfer the
revered body of St. VVerburga from Ilanbury to the
safe-keeping of Chester. J5ut Chester itself suffered
later from these ruthless invaders, and the nunnery,
which had been founded to watch over the sainted
remains, after unhappy experiences, was re-edified by
yl'^Lhelfleda, the " Lady of the Mercians," for secular
canons, and later endowed more amply by King
ICdgar, who, by a charter dated 958, granted to it
certain lands. A century later, 1057, the buildings
were extensively repaired by Leofric of Mercia, who
bestowed upon the community additional privileges.
Chester could boast of a much older building in St.
John's-without-the-walls, if the tradition which ascribes
its foundation to King A'Uhelred in 6S9 has any
ground of truth. St. John's was the scene of the great
pageant when it was visited in solemn ])omp and
ceremony by King Edgar the Peace-giver, in 960, in
his imperial progress round Uritain, after being rowed
from his i)alace on the 1 )ce by the eight vassal kings,
who there did homage to him. St. John's, too, was
repaired and enriched by Leofric of Mercia, and still
CH KSTKR
later became the cathedral of Peter, the first Norman
bisho]:) of Mercin, wlio built the nave and tower piers.
Some lew miles away, in the same county, but several
years earlier, in a solitary, swampy district, another
bishoj) had taken refuge from the marauding Danes,
Plegmund, "Alfred's archbishop," who has given his
name to Plegmundstall.
The dedication of a church in Chester to St. Olave
points to a settlement of Danes at Chester itself.
This church stands, as might be expected for a
church built by the roving Danes, not far from the
river-bank, and outside what has been considered by
some to be the line of the original Roman wall before
the circuit of the city was extended by ylCthclfleda.^
1 The followirif^ list of ancient dedications will ])ei'liaps lliiow
lipjht upon the early cstabiislimeiit of Ciiristianity in ('heshiii: :
.S7. Leonard at Warniinghani and Taxal ; .SV. Helen al '["ai-
IJoiley and Witton ; .SV. Hridgel at West Kiihy and Chester ; .SV.
Mariin, Chester; .SV. Oswald, Bidston, IJackford, Chester,
Peover Lower, Malpas, Worleston, Brcreton ; .S7. Hilary,
Wallasey; St. Wilfrid, Gra])i)enhall, Davenham, Mohherly,
Northenden ; .5"/. Bovifaee, liiinhury ; St. Chad, I'arndon,
Tushingliam, Over, Wybunbury, Chadkirk, Ilandforth; St.
Edith, Shocklach ; .SV. Alban, Taltenhall ; St. David, Welten-
hall ; .SV. Lawreiiee, l'"ro(]sham, Over I'eover, Alderlcy, Stoak ;
St. IVerbttrgh, Warhurton and Chester.
2 2 CHESTER
APPENDIX TO CHAPTER I
Dr. Ormerod, in a valuable note in his History of
Chester (vol. i. i), gives the names of a large number
of ancient churches in Cheshire, omitted in Domes-
day. " In Bochelau hundred, Boiodon had a church
and a priest ; Lyimne had a church divided as at
present into moieties, and one priest ; and ' Lege,'
High Leigh, had a priest ; the last of these appears
to be the same foundation with the present Rostherne.
The later churches are Mohherky (erected on a part
of Aldford fee temp. Johan.), which belonged to
the same Saxon proprietor with a part of ' Lege,'
and probably taken out of that parish; Ashtoii, \x\
the fee of the barons of Dunham Massey, existing
temp. Ed. I.
" In Tunendune hundred no church is mentioned,
but Budtvorth had a priest ; Runcorn is altogether
passed over, but its church was in existence in the
reign of the Conqueror. Groppenhall church existed
temp. Hen. III.
" In Riseton hundred a priest is mentioned at
Bnnlniry. No notice is taken of an ecclesiastical
establishment at Tarporley or Tarvin.
" In Roelau hundred Frodsham had a church, and
Weverham a church and a priest. Tncc was probably
considered a chapel of the ancient church which
merged in the establishment of the Chester canons.
" In Dudestan hundred Far7idoti had a church and
two priests, one of whom doubtless related to the
moiety of that manor, which subsequently constituted
the vill of Aldford. The possession of Earl Edwin
may account for the omission of a church at Malpas,
but there can be little doubt of its having then
existed, and of its having been the mother church of
Shocklach, Tilston, Harthtli, as well as of Christleton.
CHESTER 23
Westward of ]\Ial]')as lie Coddini:;fon^ Waverton^
Tattoihall, and Handley, none of which are noticed
in Domesday, but the churches of the three first were
granted to Chester Abbey before 1093. Ha7idley was
given to the same abbey, temp. Rich. I. Guilden
Sutton and Plemondstall were probably dependent on
St. John's Church at the Conquest, and had churches
built by the dean and chapter of that collegiate
establishment as population advanced. Thornton le
Moors, in Dudestan, had a church and priest, and
Over, from which Little Budworth and Whitegate
■were taken out, was probably part of the great Saxon
parish of Budworth. It occurs in a charter of
Randle II.
" In Atiscros hundred (as far as the present Cheshire
is concerned) no church is noticed in Domesday, but
Dodleston was erected by the Boydells on land con-
tiguous to the remaining earthworks of their Norman
fortress, and occurs temp, Ric. I.
" In Wilaveston hundred Woodchurch, Bebington,
Neston, and Bromborough (Estham) had each severally
a priest, and, on the subdivision of the last vill, we
have evidence of the new church, founded in that
part of the manor which retained the name of the
Saxon vill, being long called catella de Estham.
" Stoke is proved to have been a dependency of the
ancient parish church merged in the house of the
secular canons at Chester, and Shotwick was probably
similarly circumstanced. Kh-kby is omitted in Domes-
day, but immediately after that survey Robert de
Rodelent grants it, with its two churches (the other
of which was most probably Hilbree), to the Abbey
of Utica.
" In INIildestvie hundred were Darenham, which
had a church and priest, and probably included
Warmiiicham, where a church was built by the
jSIainwarings.
" Newton, afterwards removed to the contiguous vill
of Middlewicii, suj)plied with a church and priest.
24 CHESTER
" Sandbach, also having a church and priest.
" Astluiry, which had a priest.
" In Warmundestrow hundred Acton had two priests,
BartJwmley one, Wyhnnhnry a church and priest.
" In Hamestan hundred Stockport and Presthury
appear to have been heads of great Saxon parishes,
but to have been destroyed by the Norman invaders.
" Cheadle and Wilmslojo were erected on lands
separated from the demesne of Earl Edwin in the
hundred, and Mottram Longdendale among the
wastes and forests of the eastern verge of the
country."
25
CHAPTER II
Benedictine foundations — St. Werburgh's Abbey — St. Mary's
Nunnery, Chester — Birkenhead Priory — Hospitals for lepers
and the infirm— " Hilbre Light" — Austin canons — Cis-
tercian foundations at Stanlawe and Whalley, Combermere,
Pulton, and Furness— Architecture of the religious houses.
In the Norman period we find great and widespread
activity in building churches, founding monasteries
for the rehgious-minded, and hospitals for the sick
and infirm. While the Conqueror found it necessary
to hold by the sword what the sword had won, and
erect strong castles to keep in subjection the people
who had resisted his rule with such desperate valour,
and nowhere more stubbornly than in Cheshire, he
was by no means loath, with the religious feeling so
characteristic of his race, to employ spiritual influence
to attach the conquered nation to his throne.
The castles built by himself or by his followers
were provided with chapels for the garrisons within,
and under the very shadow of the Norman keeps
were built grand and stately churches, chiefly for the
Norman dependants outside, and for those English
who chose to join in the more elaborate worship there
introduced. Chester, the last city in England to hold
2 6 CHESTER
out for the Saxon king, and with the capture of which
William completed the conquest of England, was by
no means an exception.
The " Ministers' Accounts " of 13 Edward I. refer
to a large and a small chapel in the castle of Chester,
and though the chapel still existing in the so-called
Julian tower was probably erected not earlier than
1237, there must have been in the castle (enlarged
and strengthened as it was by the Conqueror) left by
/Ethelfleda a chapel of some kind ; while hard by,
just without the circuit of the castle wall, but within
the castle fee, was built St. Mary's de Castro, and
given by the Norman earl, Randle Gernons (1128 —
1 155), to the Abbey of St. Werburgh.
In addition to the noble foundation of St. John's-
without-the-walls, which was selected by at least one
bishop as his cathedral church, within the walls the
rival church of St. Werburgh, under the fostering care
of successive earls, was to attain to great dignity and
magnificence. After suffering like other ecclesiastical
foundations in Cheshire and Lancashire during the
troubled Danish period, it was re-edified by ^thel-
fleda. Large endowments and valuable privileges were
conferred on it by King Edgar in 958, and by Leofric
of Mercia in 1057 ; and when Domesday was com-
piled the canons held, besides hides in several hundreds
of Cheshire, thirteen houses in Chester itself, free of
tax — one for the warden or head of the community, the
rest for the canons. These thirteen would be the few
clerks {paiiadi clerici) who, according to William of
Malmesbury, were ejected by Hugh Lupus in 1093
on the advice of Anselm, when he established in their
CHESTER 27
Stead an abbot and convent of the Benedictine rule,
appointing Anselm's own chaplain, Richard, as first
abbot. The grants made to St. Werburgh's by the
great Norman earl, with the express sanction of King
William, 1 and by his barons, illustrate the vicious
system of appropriation to which patrons commonly
had recourse when they wished to be generous to a
favourite community, the services of these churches
being performed by monks sent out from the abbey,
and the canons caring more about calling in the
offerings of the faithful than maintaining the spiritual
relationship. The list of churches granted to the
monastery is a long one : — -Bruera, Weston, Eston,
Daneford, Eastham, Neston, Eston in Derbyshire,
Tattenhall, Christelton, Clinton, Waverton Chapel,
Northenden, besides several in Wales, Holywell, etc.
There were given in addition a number of manors,
with large immunities and exemptions from the public
services so numerous and burdensome in that age,
such as attendance at the numerous courts and
payments of various tallages.
Earl Hugh further allowed the principal barons to
give tracts of land, and the inferior lords added various
gifts according to their ability, and after death a third
of their substance. Amongst the barons, knights, and
others who contended with one another in a rivalry of
generous -benefactions are William Malbanc, Robert
Fitz-Hugh, Hugh and Ralph Fitz-Norman, Richard
de Vernon of Shipbrook, Richard de RuUos, Billcheld
wife of Baldric, Ralph Venator (the huntsman), Hugh
^ I\cgc WiUidmo conccdcntc occurs more thnn once in the
charter.
2 8 CHESTER
de Mara, Robert Fitz-Serlo, Nigel de Burceio, Ralph
Fitz-Ermuin and his wife Claricia, Robert de Tre-
mons, Waeceln, nephew of Walter de Vernon, Suard
Geoffrey de Sartes, Richard de Mesnilwarin, and
Robert Putrel.
Later, in the time of Earl Richard, valuable grants
were made by William the Constable, Hugh Fitz-
Norman, Richard de Praers, Hamo de Macy, and
Roesia wife of Pigot, Roger de Mesnilguarin, Bourel,
Herbert Wombasarius, Richard the Butler, Roger de
St. Martin, William de Punterleya, and Hugh de
Vernon. In the Confirmation Charter of Earl Randle
Meschines, mention is made of gifts by his brother,
William Meschines of Dissard Church ; by Matthew de
Ruelent of Thurstanestone Church ; by Hugh Fitz-
Osbert ; by Leticia de Malpas, and William Fitz-
Andrew, several of the grants being made when they
themselves or a son took the cowl and joined the
Brotherhood.^ The tenure in some cases is stated to
be by an ear of corn, or a knife, laid annually upon
the high altar, and the charters themselves were
placed there by the earl in person with all solemnity
in the presence of his barons and knights.
This solemn dedication of property to the service
of God and to pious uses did not prevent attempts
later on to wrest from the abbey some of their valuable
possessions. Domesday records that after .the arrival
of the Normans the canons of St. Werburgh's had to
suffer from violent usurpation, A part of Staney was
one of the possessions of the monastery, but was
retained by the earl. One of the three hides of land
■ Cum vellet monachus fieri, dedit cum filiosuo monacho facto.
CHESTER . 29
at Burwardeslei held of Earl Hugh by Robert Fitz-
Hugh had been taken away, the reeves of Earls
Edwin and Morcar having sold it to one Ravechel.
These lands Earl Hugh, in his charter, confirms to
the monastery. Earl Hugh's own son, Richard,
unlike his father and very possibly after the death
of his father's friend, Richard, Anselm's chaplain,
was said to have threatened to wrest Saighton Grange
from the abbot if he returned safe from his voyage
to Normandy, and his death by drowning was re-
garded by the Brethren as a just judgment upon his
impious greed. Earl Randle Gernons acknowledges
that he has injured St. Werburgh, for in his charter
he grants, as a satisfaction for the evils done by him
to it, the manors of Eastham and Brunsburgh.^
A century later, in 1250, Roger de Montalt, justici-
ary of Chester, took advantage of his powerful office
to recover from the abbey the manors of Lawton and
Goosetrey, and the churches of Bruera, Neston, and
Coddington, which had been given by his ancestors,
the Barons of Montalt. He took possession of
Neston church with an armed force, and presented a
relative, Ralph de Montalt, clerk, to the living. After-
wards he restored the church, but only after extorting
from the monastery the manors of Bretton and Lea,
Spoune chapel, and forcing them to resign all the
tenth of Hawarden to the rector, and pensioning
Ralph de Montalt. The Chronicle of St. Werburgh
is careful to record as a warning to other intending
spoilers of the Church the judgments of Heaven on
Roger de Montalt. His eldest son died within fifteen
^ Notum est vobis quod mullum foiefeci rebus S. Weiburge.
30 CHESTER
days after the compromise, and Roger himself died
in want, his burial-place remaining unknown to the
common people.
Roger Venables, Baron of Kinderton, in 1259
made (as Sir AVilliam Venables previously in 1188)
a similar attempt to recover Astbury, which Gilbert
de Venables had given. He succeeded, but died
within twelve months by a miserable death ; and the
right of presentation was contested by the abbot
before Humphrey, Duke of Gloucester, Justice of
Chester (13 Ric. H.), and decided finally in favour of
the abbey. Once more in Edward I.'s reign, Philip
Burnel (nephew of the great Chancellor Robert
Burnel) and his wife Isabella, baroness of Malpas,
attempted to recover the manors of Saighton, Hun-
tington, Cheveley, and Boughton, held by the secular
canons before the Conquest. These manors were
especially valuable from their contiguity to Chester.
Abbot Simon of Whitchurch was able, after a pro-
tracted contest, to win his case, but at the cost of
a bond of ^200, which St. Werburgh's Chartulary
asserts to have been extorted by the unjust influence
of the Chancellor. It is quite possible that the abbot
himself owed his success in part to the favour in
which he was held by King Edward, and though the
;^2oo fine was part of a corrupt bargain, at least one
abbot (Thomas de Newport, 1363 — 1384) was found
guilty of seeking to win over members of a jury by
bribes. In the case of Abbot Simon, the payment of
the fine was compounded for by the provision of two
chaplains to pray for the soul of Philip Burnel.
Besides these manors in various parts of Cheshire,
CHESTER 3 1
especially in the VVirral peninsula, and the patronage
of valuable rectories, the abbey acquired property in
Chester itself, amounting to one-fourth part of the
city, as well as a considerable tract of the most
desirable property in the immediate neighbourhood,
forming an almost unbroken ring round the city. For
instance, Earl Hugh and his countess, Ermentrude,
gave the entire street from the Northgate to the abbey
Church, a place for one mill at Dee Bridge, and the
tithe, not only of corn, but also of chickens and calves,
pigs and lambs, butter and cheese, etc. To this his
son, Earl Richard, added other lands at the Northgate,
the tithe of all salmon taken at the bridge, site for a
mill below the bridge, and the tithe of the Earl's mill
above it.
A most valuable privilege granted was that of
taking toll and all the profits at the annual fair held
in the open space before the abbey gate. This
privilege had its origin in the fact that the church-
yard and the precincts of the abbey were perhaps the
only places of safety where, in those rude times,
traders could with any security expose their wares and
the inhabitants could meet and deal with one another
without the risk of quarrel and bloodshed. The fair
commenced on the vigil of St. Werburgh's Feast,^
and continued for three whole days. To secure
absolute freedom from interference with the success
of the fair, even known malefactors were at liberty
to come and trade or make their purchases, and
were free from arrest as long as the fair lasted, pro-
^ Al> liora tioiia vigilic Vir^inis in estate iis.jue lul itoctein
tercii did scquentis.
32 CHESTER
vided they were guilty of no new offence. This
lucrative privilege (including the fines for all for-
feitures in pleas which had to be taken into the
Abbot's Court), though confirmed by successive earls,
was disputed in later years by the civic authorities
as largely diminishing the profits of the resident
traders. Such a demur will not appear unreasonable,
when we observe that the abbot claimed that during
the continuance of the fair all articles for sale should
be exposed in the street near the abbey, and nowhere
■else. He also claimed to have the providing and
letting of all the booths used by the traders.
These booths were of the rudest description, covered
with reeds gathered by special permission on marsh-land
belonging to Stanlawe Abbey. It may be stated here,
though a little in anticipation of the ordinary history,
that the mayor and citizens long disputed these claims,
contending that they were at liberty to sell goods
anywhere else in the city during the fair as they
pleased. A final agreement was come to in 1288
(17 Ed. I.), before Reginald de Grey, the Justice, the
Prior of Birkenhead, Ralph de Vernun, and others,
that the citizens should hold a fair and erect booths
and stalls yearly at fair time, in the place extending
from the gate of the cemetery to the abbot's houses
under the cemetery wall, and in other parts. The
stalls were to be erected so as not to interfere with
access to the abbey buildings, and were to be removed
immediately after the end of the fair. The abbot in
turn agreed that the convent should not let any of
their stalls or booths to any traders in the city as long
as the stalls erected by the citizens remained unlet.
CHESTER 33
but should let to foreign traders, and even to the city
traders, if the booths erected by the citizens were in-
sufficient. In 1509, on a much more extended claim,
it was determined that the abbot was not to hold
St. Werburgh's fair or any other fair.
Another privilege upon which the Abbey of St.
Werburgh's prided itself was that it was not subject to
any other abbey, and like other religious communities
of the time, it aimed at being free from episcopal
visitation, preferring the Bishop of Rome "as being
a bishop of greater dignity," and what was more im-
portant, "at a greater distance." The history of the
abbey shows that this privilege or exemption was not
always maintained, for in 1362 the Abbot of St.
Alban's, the provincial president of the Benedictine
Order, the Prior of Coventry, and the Sub-prior of St.
Alban's visited St. Werburgh's as commissioners de-
puted by the Abbot of Evesham to inquire into the
charges brought against Abbot Richard Seynesbury.
The abbot, to avoid the scrutiny, resigned to the
Pope. Abbot William de Bebyngton in 1345 ob-
tained the mitre, and the following year exemption from
the bishop's visitation, but this exemption was
annulled by Pope Urban in 1363. Pope Clem.ent
III. (1187 — 1191), in his bull confirming the eccle-
siastical possessions, also exempts St. Werburgh's from
the penalties of a general interdict. Thus it was that
in King John's reign, while in the rest of the Palatinate
of Chester the inhabitants were excluded from visible
communion with Goil, the voice of prayer and praise
was hushed in all the churches, all sacred offices
except baptism and the sacrament to tlie dying with-
34
CHESTER
held, the Abbey Church had the special privilege of con-
tinuing her services, though even here no bell was to
ring, and the sacred offices were to be performed in
an undertone. The shrine of St. Werburgh was
held in the highest reverence, and, at more than one
crisis in the history of Chester, proved of great
service. Thus, in 1180, we are told in the life of St.
Werburgh, when a terrible fire raged —
" riteously wasting hous, chambre and hall,
Many riall places fell adowne that day,
Riche marchauntes houses brought to distruction,
Churches and Chapells went to great decay,
That tyme was brent the more part of the town," —
the abbot and convent of St. Werburgh
" Took the holy shryne in prayer and devocion ;
Syngynge the letanie bare it in procession,
Compassing the fyre in every strete and place."
The fire was stopped, and the whole body of
citizens went in procession to join in solemn thanks-
giving at the shrine of the Holy Maiden.
The abbot held a court of his own, at which his
tenants and dependants were bound to appear and
render suit and service, and to which they were re-
quired to bring their pleas. Earl Randle de Meschines
(1120 — 1128) states in his charter, that to set an ex-
ample to his successors, he came himself in person
with one plea into the Abbot's Court, hearing and
receiving a decision, not from his own judges, but
from the abbot's judges, as a mark of respect for St.
Werburgh. 1 This court was held at St. Thomas's, on
. ^ Ut in omnibus haherct beaia IVereburga jus sue? dignitatis
lupcrpclimm.
CHESTER 35
the south side of the abbey gate. This privilege was
abused by one abbot, Thomas de Newport, who was
indicted (46 Ed. III.) for having during twelve years
past compelled persons who were not his tenants to
appear at his court, and punished them there for certain
offences and debts. The question of jurisdiction of
the abbey as an independent soke, after having been
a sore grievance to the city authorities for many years,
was raised formally in 1509, and the right of holding
a court limited to cases relating to the abbey tenants
and offences committed within the abbey precincts.
Some of the terms of the final award made by the
arbitrators are worth quoting, as throwing light upon
the relations between the abbey and the citizens in
mediaeval times.^ The reduction of power, of which
^ Aug. 7, I Henry 8, 1509. Award between Abbot and City
of Chester (Harl. MS. 1989, fol. 454).
Arbitrators chosen — Sir Charles Booth, Sir Wm. Uvedall,
Kts., George Bromley Esq., and Anthony Fitzherbert, Sarjant at
law, and Wm. Rudell, the quene's attorney.
1. St. Watburge fair or any other fayre court should not
thenceforth be kept by abbot.
2. Abbot to keep all other courts within precincts of monasterie
in manner as formerlie they have beene accustomed.
3. The abbot nor any monk should be arrested in the precincts
of monasterie for any offence.
4. Abbot's servants or ministers not to be arrested within
precincts except for treason, murder, felony, or debt.
5. Abbot's servants &c. should come to answer any plaint or
suit entered before the major or sheriffes of Chester within xxiiii
houres after they shall be sent for by the major or sheriffes, and
in default of their appearance to be attached in the monastery.
6. Upon any affray committed by any inhabitants in monastery
in the city, offender being sent for before the major, shall be
sent to him. If he come not within 24 hours, to be attached in
monastery.
36 CHESTER
this award is indirect evidence, would not have been
made had not the power and influence of the mayor
7. Abbot to have all forfeitures for murders and felonies done
in monastery, and a felons goods beinge within precincte of
monastery at time of felonie done, and moietie of all felons
goods in Northgate Street without the Northgate.
8. Maior shall heare and determine all murders and felonie?
done within precinct of monasterie.
9. Coroners of city should view bodies slain or persons who
die suddenly by misfortune in the precincts of the monastei-fe,
and to inquire thereof out of the precincts of the monastery or
in the city : take abjuration of persons taking sanctuarie in
monasterie, and if they refuse to abjure and to confesse felonie,
then to be used according to law by coroners and other officers
of city.
10. All the abbots' tenants in Northgate strete shall beare
scott and lott with citie and to have the libertie that other
citizens have.
11. The abbot's officer or constable may attach any for breach
of peace without Northgate and then committ to prison within
the great westgate of monastery to be punished according to law,
provided that if the major doe send to abbott for the said prisoner
that then he shall be delivered without delay, to be by the
major ordered according to law. , The major may attach any
for breach of peace in Northgate strete and commit them to
common gaole of citie, there to remaine during pleasure of maior.
12. Abbot's tenants in Northgate strete shall sue all personal
actions before major at their pleasure and abbot to have half of
all fines and amerciaments.
13. Abbot's tenants may sue in abbot's court if they please.
14. Abbot shall have his Leete and all things thereto belong-
ing, in Northgate strete except affrays, bloodwipes, breach of
peace and assize of bread and ale which the major shall punish
and abbot to have half fines.
15. Limits of monastery should begin at great westgate
thereof, within the same gate, and soe following within the
said wall of the monasterie, northward, nigh unto the town wall
of the city, and so following within town wall unto the postern
CHESTER 37
and aldermen been slowly but surely growing, while
that of the abbot, once the greatest authority after
the earl, had been as surely declining.
The great importance of the Abbey of St. Werburgh
is further shown in the officers who attended on the
Lord Abbot. He had for his Seneschal in the first
year of Henry VIII.'s reign no less a person than
the Earl of Derby, who, down to the Dissolution, was
willing to accept a salary of 40^^. The Lord of Bur-
wardesley held his manor as the Abbot's Champion,
in the same wall going into a place called caleyard or convent
garden, accordinge to the walls and ditches of the same : and
so to returne again to the said postern, and from thence follow-
ing within said towne wall southward toward the Estgate streete
against the end of a stone wall that abutteth nigh upon St,
Werburge lane, that lyeth from the abbey toward the Eastgate
strete so from the stile, following within the ould wall that
abutteth nigh upon the said town wall, unto the Church Stile
unto the west end of the new Church stile, at the west ende of
the new Church, including the newe houses built at the same
because they be inhabited by citizens haveinge theire entrie and
regresse unto and from the said houses towards the streete of
the saide citie, and soe following by the saide newe houses
northward within the wall of the said monastery, unto the saide
greate westgate, where the limitts began. Provided that the
limitts &c. be not hurtfull nor to the damage of the abbot &c.
for the ould precincts as appeareth by the ould walls and divers
compositions, nor prejudicial! to the Mayor &c.
16. And provided that the mayor and citizens shall have
libcrtie to carrie stones and leade or other things necessary
within the precincts of the monasterie for to make reparacion or
new buildings by the walls of the citie or for defence or safe-
garde of the same citie.
17. Copy of estreates of all amerciaments everie yeare shall
be delivered to the parson of St. Peelers, for use of the abbot,
together with half of money collected by said estreates.
38 CHESTER
and was bound on occasion to stand forward in person
or by his Seneschal in the Abbot's Court, and do
battle in defence of the convent rights and claims.
The Master-Cook was, of course, an important official
in an abbey so well known for the lavish hospitality
exercised by successive abbots, who devoted the
endowments of rectories and lands, the tithes of mills,
etc., to the maintenance of kitchen and pantry. Not
only did they entertain kings and archbishops on the
occasion of their visiting and passing through Chester,
but great nobles, brother abbots, besides the inferior
clergy and ordinary Iwayfarers, were constantly guests
at St. Werburgh's, and entertained in most generous
fashion.^
There would be naturally in connection with such
a well-endowed kitchen many valuable perquisites,
and hence it is not surprising to find the Master-Cook
in possession of a valuable estate, the greater part of
the township of Lea-by-Backford, and rich perquisites,
which are detailed in a deed of covenant recorded in
the Chartulary. Amongst these perquisites are the
tails of salmon and basse, the heads and tails of other
fish, sundry portions of beef and pork, two gallons of
beer a day, and all the dripping. The abbot, too, had
his manor-houses of Saighton and Ince, to which
he would make from time to time stately progress,
1 Thus Walter Pynchbeke, the tenth abbot (1228— 1240),
appropriated the tithes of Church Shotvvick Rectory to the
support of the kitchen, and his successor, Roger Frend (1240 —
1249), further appropriated the Chapel of Wervin to the same
purpose. Abbot Simon of Whitchurch also devoted large sums
to the refectory and kitchen.
CHESTER 39
and which he was allowed by special permission to
fortify strongly. About the former of these manor-
houses was a noble park of a thousand acres, and he
had extensive warrens elsewhere. The earlier abbots
had the privilege of hunting in the royal forests, and
several haunches of venison were sent annually to the
abbey kitchen by the King's order.
The present cathedral is the work of successive
abbots spread over a long series of years. The
original buildings of the abbey had at the end of the
twelfth century fallen into grievous disrepair, the
greater part of the church being in ruins when Geoffrey
succeeded as seventh abbot in 1194. At that date
the rebuilding had proceeded no further than the
choir, owing to want of money. The inundations
of the sea in the Wirral peninsula, and the no less
disastrous incursions of the Welsh, had considerably
impoverished the convent. Under his successor,
Abbot Hugh Grylle, the waste places were restored
and additional buildings erected, and about 1240 —
1249 the chapter-house was rebuilt on a larger scale.
It was during the abbacy of the spirited Simon of
Whitchurch, Edward I.'s favourite, that the east arm
of the Abbey Church and the beautiful Lady Chapel
were built. His namesake, Simon of Ripley, in 1485,
set about finishing the work commenced a century
before by Richard de Seynesbury, and rebuilt the
upper part of the nave and the south transept. His
successor, John Birchenshaw, who had such unpleasant
relations with the civic authorities in 1508, built up
the west front and laid the foundations of the west
tower.
40 CHESTER
The. following list of abbots will be useful : —
1. Richard, Anselm's chaplain, 1093 — 1117.
Vacancy for four years.
2. William, 1121 — 1140.
3. Ralph, 1 1 41— 1 1 57.
4. Robert Fitz-Nigel, 11 57 — 11 74.
5. Robert, 1174 — 1184.
Abbey taken by King and committed to Thomas
de Heusseburne.
6. Robert de Hastings, 1185 ; deposed, 11 94.
7. Geoffrey, 11 94 — 1208.
8. Hugh Grylle, 1208 — 1226.
g. William Marmion, 1226 — 1228.
10. Walter Pynchbeke, 1228 — 1240.
11. Roger Frend, 1240 — 1249.
12. Thomas Capenhui-st, 1249 — 1265.
13. Simon of Whitchurch (de Albo Monasterio), 1265
— Feb. 22, 1290.
King retains Abbey revenues for two years.
14. Thomas de Burchelles,^ 1291 — 1324.
15. William de Bebyngton (Bynington), 1324 — 1349.
16. Richard de Seynesbury, 1349 ; resigned, 1362.
17. Thomas de Newport, 1363 — 1385.
18. William de Mershton, 1385 — 1386.
19. Henry de Sutton, 1386 — 1413.
20. Thomas de Eardesley,^ 1413 — ■i435-
21. John Salghall, 1435— 1453.
22. Richard Oldon,^ 1453 — 1485.
23. Simon Ripley, 14S5— 1493.
1 de Lythelas in Chronicle of St. Wcrhurgh.
2 Variously spelt Yerdesley, Erdcley, Ordeley.
^ Variously spelt Oldham, Oldom.
CHESTER 41
24. John Birchenshaw, 1493; deprived, 1529.
215. 1 Thomas Hyphile, 1 , , . .
^ r rr., , r , „ I abbots 111 interval.
26. J Thomas Marshall, J
27. Thomas Clarke, last abbot, 1538. Dissolution.
Of these, the sixth abbot, Robert de Hastings,
although his election had been approved by King
Henry and Archbishop Baldwin, was unfortunate
enough to incur the hostility of the great Earl of
Chester, Randle Blundeville, who after a long contro-
versy succeeded in procuring his deposition in favour of
Geoffrey. The twelfth abbot, Thomas de Capenhurst
(i 249 — 1 265), who belonged to the family of the mesne-
lords of Capenhurst, was engaged in disputes with the
powerful nobles, Roger de Montalt and Roger de
Venables, in defence of the abbey's possessions.
Notices of the remaining abbots must be deferred to
a later chapter.
The Benedictine Order had a nunnery in Chester
dedicated to the Blessed Virgin Mary, but founded
much later than the Benedictine abbey of St. Wer-
burgh, certainly not earlier than the time of Earl
Randle Gernons (1128 — 1153). This convent also
had extensive privileges and exemptions, and was
allowed to hold its own court. The property con-
ferred upon it included two advowsons of rectories in
Wales, Llanbeblig (Carnarvon) in Carnarvonshire,^
North Wales, and Llangathen in Carmarthenshire,
South Wales.
Of the many houses of shelter, which medioeval piety
^ The patronage of the Vicarage of Llanljcblig is at present
held by the Bishop of Chester.
42 CHESTER
originated, and which were founded during the period
under consideration, that of St. John the Baptist with-
out the Northgate was founded and Uberally endowed
by Randle Blundeville for the sustentation of poor and
"silly" persons, thirteen in number, who were ministered
to by three chaplains. The brethren and sisters had
exemption from service on juries, customs, and assize
of bread, as well as other privileges. At the other
end of the city, at Boughton, was St. Giles Hospital for
lepers, founded by the same earl. The hospital, built,
for sanitary reasons, outside the city, was conveniently
situated for appeaUng to the charity of those entering
Chester from the east. In addition to this chance of
charity, the lepers were allowed for their support
certain tolls from every article of food, and every
other merchandise carried for sale in Chester market,
one or more handfuls.
The King frequently exercised his right to demand
admission for lepers whom he had appointed. Such
institutions were much needed. " The unhealthy
dwellings of the period, the coarse swillings of bad
fermented liquor, the poor and unwholesome food,
produced a continual crop of horrible skin-diseases,
which required the separation of the patient and the
strenuous help of devoted hands." It is noteworthy
that these hospitals were not so common in Cheshire
and Lancashire as in other parts of England. At
Bebington was one, referred to in a record of 1 1 Edward
I., the brethren being permitted to enclose within a
small ditch and fence five acres of forest land belong-
ing to their own waste within the limits of the Wirral
Forest.
CHESTER 43
Another hospital for lazars at Nantwich is mentioned
as having a chapel dedicated to St. Laurence : this is
in addition to an ancient hospital dedicated to St.
Nicholas, supposed to have stood in or near Hospital
Street, so called from it.
Only one hospital for lepers is recorded as having
existed throughout the extensive but thinly-populated
district of Lancashire, This is at Lancaster itself,
dedicated to St. Leonard (the usual dedication in
other counties), for a master chaplain and nine poor
persons, whereof three were to be lepers. It was
founded by King John while Earl of Moreton, and
in the Close Rolls of 4 Henry HL, permission is given
to the leprous brethren to have pasture for animals
in the royal forest of Loundesdale, as well as wood for
fuel and timber for building purposes. At Cokersand,
which was first an hermitage, there was, later, a hospital
for infirm brethren under a prior, subject to the Abbey
of Leicester, and endowed chiefly by AVilliam of
Lancaster, Baron of Kendal. In 1190 this founda-
tion was changed into an Abbey of Premonstratensian
Canons, which at the time of the Dissolution reckoned
amongst their number twenty-two religious with fifty-
seven servants.
Other hospitals, for the sick and infirm but not for
lepers, founded during this period are two with which
the name of Alexander de Stavenby, the learned
Bishop of Lichfield, is connected. His episcopate
(1224—1238) is noteworthy for the "Coming of the
Friars," whom he favoured, and the institution of
chantries. He endowed a hospital, dedicated to St.
Andrew, at Tarvin, out of the tithes of the parish
44 CHESTER
church, and another at Denwall, also dedicated to
St. Andrew, with the church of Burton. When Bishop
Smyth (1492 — 1496) turned out the Austin Canons of
St. John's Priory, and reconstituted the foundation as
a hospital for aged men, the revenues of Denwall with
the rectory of Burton were appropriated to it.
There was at Hilbre (variously called Hildeburgh
eye, Hillebyri) a church even in Saxon times, and • in
a charter of William the Conqueror, granted 1081 to
the Abbey of St. Ebrulf in Normandy, the church of
Hilbre is mentioned as previously given to this convent
(together with that of West Kirby) by Robert de
Rothelen (Rhuddlan). Leland speaks of "a cell of
monks of Chestre and a pilgrimage of our Ladye of
Hilbyri." A light was maintained at the shrine from
a very early period, to which in the reign of Henry HI. ,
John Scot, Earl of Chester, contributed ten shillings
per annum. This payment continued to be entered in
the Ministers' Accounts in Edward IH.'s reign, as paid
annually to the Abbey of St. Werburgh for maintaining
the light. The history of the oratory is connected with
an interesting incident in the life of one of the Norman
Earls of Chester. Earl Richard, Hugh Lupus's son,
was making a pilgrimage to St. Winifred's Well, when
he was attacked by a strong body of the Welsh, and
driven to seek refuge in the Abbey of Basingwerk, a
mile nearer the coast. He sent off a hurried message
to his constable, William Fitz Nigell, to come to his
succour with as large a force as possible. The
constable marched forthwith to Hilbre, intending to
take ship there across the estuary. But no ships
were to be found, and in his " extreme necessity " he
CHESTER 45
"called to hym a monke, there dwellynge contem-
platyve,
Required hym for counsayle and prayer for his charite.
The monke exhorted hym to knele upon his kne,
Humblie to beseke Werburge his patronesse
For helpe and remedy in such great distresse."
This help was surely granted, for the saint, Bradshaw
assures us, miraculously raised new sandbanks in the
estuary, over which the constable marched to the rehef
of his lord,
" And where the host passed over betwixt bondes
To this day been called the Constable sondes."
It is no matter of surprise that the light before the
holy shrine should have been gratefully maintained by
the rescued Earl's successors.
Another Benedictine foundation was at Birkenhead,
where a priory for sixteen monks, dedicated to St. James,
was established in 1150 by Hamon da Masci, third
Baron of Dunham Massey. He endowed it with the
valuable manors of Moreton, Claughton, Tranmere,
Over Bebington, Salghal Massey, the rectories of
Bidston and Backford, and one moiety of Wallasey,
the other belonging to St. Werburgh's. In addition
to the privileges of common pasture and turbary, fishing
rights, exemption from the jurisdiction of foresters, and
from suits in the Court of the Hundred of Wirral, as
well as the unsatisfactory right to wreckage, the
Birkenhead monastery had the monopoly of the ferry
between Birkenhead and Liverpool, and the providing
of accommodation and provisions for passengers. The
tolls exacted were considered exorbitant at the time,
46 CHESTER
being 2d. for each horseman, a man and his bundle
i^., a farthing for a mere passenger on foot, except on
Saturday, market day at Liverpool, when double the
toll was required.
A still earlier priory is that of St, Mary at Lancaster,
one of the alien priories, founded by Roger, Earl of
Poictiers, 1094. He made it a cell to St. Martin of
Sayes in Normandy, endowing it with the churches of
Lancaster, Heysam, Cotgreave, and Pulton le Fylde,
and the moiety of Preston, Kirkham, and Bolton.
Earl Randle Blundeville confirmed these gifts, and
other patrons subsequently added the advowsons of
Croston and Eccleston.
To the same order belonged the Abbey of Pen-
wortham, founded by Warin de Bussell in William the
Conqueror's reign, and made a cell to Evesham. The
churches of Penwortham, Farington, Leiland, and
Northmeoles were appropriated to it. Lytham was
made a cell to the Priory of Durham in Richard I.'s
reign.
Several foundations of Austin or Black Canons were
established in Cheshire and Lancashire chiefly in the
reign of Henry H. These canons were parish priests
living together under monastic rules, and observing
the canonical hours of service. Such was the order
settled by William Fitz Nigel first at Runcorn in 1133,
and then transferred by his son William to Norton in
King Stephen's reign. The first body of canons
established at Norton in all probability came from
Nostell, the first house of the order founded in
England. The connection between the two houses is
the more probable, as the older foundation owned the
CHESTER 47
neighbouring church of Winwick. The dedication of
Norton Priory was to St. Christopher, which, in
view of the legend, and the fact that the priory build-
ings looked out upon a great and stormy river, was
most appropriate. The gigantic figure of the saint
was placed under a canopy of stone (as if part of the
original house) in the front of the house, and looking
towards the river. The convent claimed, under the
charters of Henry III. and Randle Blundeville's, ex-
emption from all aids, gelds, and works in castles,
freedom from tolls of salt, pannage, and customs. The
priory became an abbey in the reign of Henry VI. The
story of the troublous end of the last abbot, in con-
nection with the " Pilgrimage of Grace," will be told
in a subsequent chapter.
Mobberley Priory of Canons Regular of St. Augus-
tine, was founded by Patrick de Mobberley about 1206,
at the beginning of King John's reign. The Prior
of Macclesfield is stated by Bishop Gastrell to have
been one of the temporal barons subject to Hugh
Lupus, Earl of Chester.
In Lancashire the Austin Canons had a priory at
Conishead or Conyngeshead, near Ulverstone, built by
Gamil de Penington in the reign of Henry II. upon
the soil and by the encouragement of William of
Lancaster, Baron of Kendal, who was a great bene-
factor to it. The priory was involved in a dispute
with Furness Abbey about its patronage, the decision
being in favour of the latter, and the number of the
monks then reduced to thirteen. Whitaker observes
that " the situation of the priory was most useful for
the purposes of hospitality, and that many a shivering
48 CHESTER
and half-drowned adventurer over the sands would
mourn the time when these hospitable doors were
closed for ever against distress and want. The situa-
tion is beautiful, but in no degree characteristic of the
features which were usually chosen for monastic retire- •
ment. For here is no deep valley, no gloomy seclusion
from the cheerful views of surrounding nature, but
a spacious and fertile domain, varied by alternate
elevations and depressions, together with woods .of
fine growth and great extent, affording partial views
of the great bay of Morecambe, and the mountains
which surround it."
It is quite characteristic of the ascetic Cistercians,
whose white robes matched well the marvellous self-
denial and purity of their lives, that they should have
selected the wilder districts of Cheshire and Lan-
cashire for their settlement. This was the case with
Stanlawe Abbey, founded by John, Constable of
Chester, and Baron of Halton, in 1178, on the eve of
his departure for the Holy Land. " Placed on a low
rock at the confluence of the Gowy and the Mersey,
in one of the most barren spots in Cheshire, it was a
fitting place for the followers of those devoted men
who looked on the loneliness and sterility of Citeaux
as its chief recommendation." The situation was by
no means a pleasant one. Even at the present day,
observes Dr. Ormerod, it is difficult to select in
Cheshire a scene of more comfortless desolation than
this cheerless marsh ; barely fenced from the waters
by embankments on the north ; shut out by naked
knolls from the fairer country which spreads along the
feet of the forest hills on the south-east; and ap-
CHESTER 49
proached by one miserable trackway of mud ; whilst
every road that leads to the haunts of men seems to
diverge in its course as it approaches the Locus
Benedictus of Stanlawe. Such was the name by
which the stern Constable of Chester directed the
Cistercian foundation to be called. He endowed it
with the manors of Aston and Staneye. Another Con-
stable of Chester, Roger, who had succeeded to the
immense possessions of the De Lascys, bestowed
upon it the advowson of Rochdale and various lands.
Other members of the same family in succession
added the advowsons of Blackburn, Eccles, and lastly
the valuable church of Whalley, which was given by
the great Henry de Lascy, Earl of Lincoln. Numer-
ous grants of land in Cheshire, and especially Lan-
cashire, were made by the inferior landowners.
With this increase of wealthy possessions the
brethren seem to have begun to long for a pleasanter
neighbourhood than sea-swept Stanlawe. This long-
ing was stimulated by a succession of misfortunes
which befell the monastery. On February 3, 1279, the
sea broke in, doing enormous damage ; a few years
later, 1287, the great tower of the church was blown
down; and in 1289, not only did the greater part of
the conventual buildings perish in a conflagration, but
the sea for the second time inundated the abbey,
remaining in the outbuildings to the depth of three or
four feet, so that it was not possible for persons to
remain there without peril. A petition was presented
to Pope Nicholas IV. for permission to remove to
Whalley, and in addition to the misfortunes already
mentioned, it was stated that owing to the continual
D
5°
CHESTER
inroads of the sea there was no safe access to or
return from the monastery for any visitors.
The translation to Whalley was strongly opposed
by the Abbot of Salleye, as bringing a rival monastery
too near them, contrary to the constitutions of the
order, and as tending to their impoverishment and
the raising of prices — butter and cheese, iron, salt,
timber, fish, and poultry. The arguments brought
forward by the Abbot of Salleye throw some light on
the monastic usages of the day. The tithes of corn
and other things were bought by the abbot at a
reduced price, which was convenient, as the brethren
were spared the expense of conveying provisions to the
abbey from long distances of forty or sixty leagues
along very badly kept roads. The dispute was settled
by arbitration in 1305, the terms being that offenders
of either monastery were to be punished by the
chapter of the monastery whose privileges were inter-
fered with, and preference in the purchase of tithe
was to be allowed to the convent of Salleye.
On April 4, 1296, after several delays, Gregory de
Northbury, as abbot, in place of Robert de Haworth,
who preferred \o remain at Stanlawe, took possession
of Whalley. Earl Henry in person laid the foundation
of the new abbey, the greater part of which was con-
secrated in 1306 by Thomas, Bishop of Candida Casa,
commissioned by the Bishop of Chester, though the
refectory and kitchen were not completed until the
end of the century, and the last finish was not put
to the stately pile until 143S.
The contrast between the old and the new home
was most striking. In place of a cheerless marsh.
CHESTER 51
which grew little but rush and reed, with the hungry
sea devastating and devouring what there was of
cultivated ground, they came to a fine expanse of
rich meadow and pasture, surrounded by an amphi-
theatre of sheltering hills, well clad with verdant
woods.
The Rectors of Whalley, the last of whom was
Petrus de Cestria, were like those of Blagborn (Black-
burn) married men (Jioini)ies uxoriafi), and at Whalley
they were called Deans, the Vicar's portion being ^100.
This title, it is suggested, was given because at the
time when Whalley church was founded the popula-
tion was so sparse, and the whole country so wild
and uncultivated, and generally inaccessible, that the
entire ecclesiastical jurisdiction was given up to the
Rector of Whalley. The rectory was held by a
kind of hereditary right, son succeeding father in due
course.
It is characteristic of the age that " the great and
good Earl " Henry took the chapel of Clitheroe Castle
by force from the mother-church of Whalley, and gave
it to his clerk William de Nunney.
CoMBERMERE Abbey, which is described in Bishop
Gastrell's Notitia Cestriensis as a Benedictine founda-
tion, was founded for the Cistercian Order by Hugh de
Malbanc, son of the Norman grantee of Wich Malbanc,
about 1 133, with the consent of Randle, Earl of
Chester, and Roger, Bishop of Chester. He endowed
with it demesne lands around Wich Malbanc (Nant-
wich), a quarter of the town, the churches of Acton
and Sandon and their dependent chapels. The usual
•exemption from various taxes and tolls and civic duties
52 CHESTER
was granted. Stanlawe Abbey and Hilton Abbey were
also subject to Combermere. William de Lee, Abbot
of Combermere, was present at the dedication of
Whalley Abbey, whilst Richard de Rodierd who
succeeded him was originally a monk of Stanlawe,
and one of those who migrated with the brethren to
Whalley.
Brother Thomas le Plumer, monk of Combermere,
is mentioned in the INIinisters' Accounts of Edward
I.'s reign as being engaged at Chester Castle in
removing the old lead on the great tower and replacing
it with new lead, his wages for twenty-one days being
fourteen shillings.
Pulton Abbev, also a Cistercian foundation, on
the banks of the Dee, about six miles from Chester,
was founded by Robert Pincerna, butler to Earl
Randle II., in 1153, for monks to pray for his lord,
then a prisoner in the hands of King Stephen, from
whom, after his frequent acts of opposition, he could
expect little mercy. When Earl Randle was arrested,
the Welsh took the opportunity to make a furious raid
upon " the province of Chester," when they were met
by Robert de Montalt, Seneschal of Chester, and
routed with the loss of many thousands in a battle
near Nantwich. This foundation at Pulton was con-
firmed by the Earl on his release, and was enriched
by the addition of a fishery and quittance from toll at
the mill.
The Welsh raids were so frequent that Earl Randle
Blundeville, about 12 14, transferred the brethren to
Dieulacresse in Staffordshire, where on his return
from the Holy Land he built them a convent.
CHESTER 53
Several legends are told of this abbey. It is said
of Earl Randle Gernons that a number of beings
under command of a powerful leader passed by tlie
cell of a hermit near Wallingford. Being asked who
they were, and what was their errand, one of the
company replied, "We are demons, and we are hasten-
ing to the death-bed of Randle to accuse him of his
sins." The demon being adjured to return within a
month and report what had been done, said on his
return that " Earl Randal for his crimes had been con-
demned to the pains of hell ; but the dogs of Dieu-
lacresse and many others with them barked so inces-
santly as long as he was there, as to fill our homes
with their clamour, until our prince in his annoyance
ordered that the Earl should be expelled from our
confines," for no greater enemy of theirs than Earl
Randle had ever entered the infernal dominions, in-
asmuch as the orisons which had been offered up
for him had released from torments the souls of
thousands who had been associated with him in these
supplications.
Another story of the same foundation illustrates
the belief of the times. Earl Randle Blundeville,
being caught in a severe storm at sea, encouraged
his comrades to hope for the cessation of the storm,
for about two a.m. the monks in his abbey of Dieu-
lacresse would just then be rising to their prayers, and
they would remember him in them, and the storm
would surely cease.
Pulton Abbey was peopled with monks from
Combermerc, and William, the first abbot of Comber-
mere, was made trustee of the lands given by its
54 CHESTER
founder. It was therefore regarded as a daughter of
Combermere.
FuRNESS is the only other Cistercian abbey in the old
diocese of Chester. Begun at Tulket in Aniounder-
ness in 1124 for monks of Savigny in France, three
years later it was removed to a beautiful spot then
called Bekangesgill, valley of the nightshade.^ King
Stephen the founder, then Earl of Moreton, gave his
forest of Furness with Walney, lands at Walton and
Ulverston, and a fishery at Lancaster. Other bene-
factors were Michael Fleming and William de
Lancastre, who had shown his pious liberality in
another district. "Few abbeys could boast of more
royal protection, in addition to that of two Popes."
Camden declares that out of this place the bishops
of the Isle of Man were formerly wont to be chosen,
Furness being the mother of many monasteries in that
island and in Ireland. This great abbey is still
magnificent in its ruins, which are justly reckoned
among the most striking of monastic remains.
Mention should be made of Cokersand Abbey,
first a hermitage, then a hospital for infirm brethren
under a prior, subject to the Abbey of Leicester,
founded in the reign of Henry II. by the same Baron of
Kendal, William de Lancastre, whose name is honoured
in connection with other benefactions. In 11 90 it
was changed to an abbey of Premonstratensian
Canons, and it received valuable grants from Earl
Henry de Lascy and John de Lascy.
As to the architecture and general structure of the
religious houses, they had many features in common,
1 On the abbey seal, sprigs of the nightshade are introduced,
CHIiSTER 55
and certainly those in Cheshire, if dependence can be
placed on the views by the brothers Buck at the
commencement of the last century, were very similar.
Each building had its foundations, its lower storey,
corners, and gables, and its one or more towers built
of stone. The upper storey was constructed of
timber and plaster after the usual fashion of Cheshire
houses. Each had its solar or large apartment rising
into the roof; while the face of the upper storey in
each was decorated with a geometrical pattern in
black and white, which gave a more domestic look
to the building, and added to the picturesqueness
of its outline. At Norton as at Combermere, Vale
Royal, and Stanlawe, the upper storey was approached
by an external flight of steps, and at Norton and
Combermere there are evident traces of cloisters.
There would be in all the gateway under the tower,
and a wall to join the close with the abbot's or
prior's lodgings at one corner. The church and the
chapter-house to the east of the main building would
be approached by a cloister, which would serve as a
covered way by which the religious might pass to the
church or to the chapter-house either for prayer or
for other purposes by night or by day. In rear of the
house would be the fish-tanks or stews, so necessary in
the domestic arrangements of the time.
• One more kind of foundation should be mentioned,
that which belonged to the community of Knights
Hospitallers of Jerusalem. One of their cells, or
subordinate foundations, otherwise called " a Com-
mandery," was said to have been established at Great
JBarrow near Chester, given by Robert de Bachefruy
56 CHESTER
in the reign of Henry 11. It would appear, however,
that the Commandery was at Yeveley in Derbyshire,
and that the advowson of Barrow was given to the
Hospitallers settled at Yeveley. To the same Com-
mandery Alfred Russell gave the domain of Verdone
in Cheshire, and Richard de Fitton that of Frodsham,
Another Commandery was at Irby in Wirral.
CHAPTER III
The Abbey of Vale Royal — -The Coming of the friars — Their
violent and riotous conduct — Foundations of chantries^
Repairs neglected — Hermits and anchorites — Privilege of
sanctuaiy — Churches used for secular purposes.
In the previous chapter some account has been
given of the rehgious houses founded in the counties
of Cheshire and Lancashire during the Norman period
and the reigns of the first Plantagenet sovereigns.
The story of one house which was estabhshed at the
close of the troublous wars with the Barons, and
which enjoyed the special favour of the religiously-
minded Edward I., is left to be told in this chapter.
The Abbey of Vale Royal owes its foundation to a
vow which Prince Edward made when on the point
of suffering shipwreck as he returned from the Holy
Land. . . "The vow was instantaneously accepted
by the Blessed Virgin, the vessel righted itself, and
was miraculously brought safe into port ; the sailors
disembarked, the Prince landing last of all, and
immediately the vessel broke in pieces, and every
fragment of the wreck vanished under the waters."
So runs the legend in the Chronicle. It is an historical
fact that Edward began in his father's lifetime, 1266,
58 CHESTER
to raise a building in the manor of Dernhall for one
hundred monks of the Cistercian Order. This colony
of brethren the Prince brought from Dore Abbey,
where he had experienced kindness during his im-
prisonment by the barons. The first settlement was
made in 1273, but preparations were shortly after
made for the new home at Vale Royal. The King
laid the first stone of the new building August 2, 1277,
upon the site of the high altar, in the presence of a
great concourse of nobles ; his consort, Queen Eleanor,
laying two other stones, one for herself and the second
for her son Alphonso, and the nobles themselves
following her example, and each laying one stone. ^
The site was consecrated by Anian, Bishop of St.
Asaph, who was assisted by the famous Chancellor,
Robert Burnel, Bishop of Bath and Wells. The
monks removed hither in 1281, but were obliged to
live temporarily in mean and strait lodgings until the
great abbey with its extensive offices was finished in
1330, at a cost of ;^3 2,000, This enormous sum had
been in great measure provided out of the revenues of
Chester, the King (Edward II.) having procured an
order of Parliament that ;^iooo yearly should be paid
out of these funds to the building amount. He
endowed it with the churches of Frodsham, Weaver-
Imm, Kirkham, and Castleton, as well as with manors
in Cheshire, Lancashire, Derbyshire, and even in South
Wales (Llanbadarn Vawr). He further secured for
1 The nobles present were Gilbert de Clare, Earl of Gloucester,
Edmund, Earl of Cornwall, John de Warrenne, Earl of Surrey,
William de Beauchamp, Earl of Warwick, Otto de Grandison,
Jlobert de Vere, and two earls from foreign parts.
CHESTER 59
the abbey, by advantageous exchanges, valuable
property, such as the manor of Bradford on the banks
of the Weaver, between Winsford and Northwich, for
which he gave the original owners the sergeancy of
the East Gate and the estate of Bruareshalgh. This
special favour of the King was not accompanied with
loyal and kindly feeling from the tenants and depend-
ants and the neighbouring landowners. It will be
useful to transcribe here some of the customs of the
manor of Dernhall which were deemed so oppressive
as to give just cause for the frequent acts of resistance
to the authority of the abbot and his bailiff.
"The natives owed suit to the abbot's court
indefinitely at the will of the lord or his bailiff, and
if warned over-night must attend in the morning. In
addition to the usual requirement to resort to the
abbey mills, and pay pannage for their hogs, the
tenants had to purchase from the abbot at his own
price the power of marrying their daughters out of the
manor, and if they themselves went astray carnally
pay their fine. At the death of any ' native,' the abbot
became entitled to his pigs and capons, his horses
at grass, his domestic horse, his bees, pork, linen and
woollen cloth, his money in gold and silver, his
brazen vessels ; but the widow, by a concession of
the abbot, was allowed to keep the metal, the abbot
having the option of purchasing the vessels. Corn
standing and gathered was to be divided between
widow and abbot. The abbot was allowed to pur-
chase a hen or a duck for 2c?'., and a duckling
in Lent for ild., and have the first offer of any
hay or corn for sale. In time of war the ' natives '
6o CHESTER
should keep watch for a time unlimited at Dernhall
Court, if watch were then kept at Chester Castle," ^
It is not to be wondered at that the abbots and
the whole monastery should, almost from the first, be
regarded with confirmed dislike as harsh and oppressive
masters. This dislike took more than once a very
pronounced form. Walter de Hereford, the second
abbot, is memorable for defeating a knight and his
armed retainers who attempted to force a passage
through the precincts of the abbey. He afterwards
showed courage in appearing in the court of Chester,
after some popular disturbances excited against his
convent by the Justice of Chester, and pleading
his cause successfully in person after his attendants
had fled. So hated was his successor, John de Hoo,
by the inhabitants of the neighbourhood, that he
sought a licence to resign. The fourth abbot, Richard
de Evesham (when a brother of the monastery), had
his horse shot under him with arrows as he was
collecting tithes. The feeling of the neighbours was
so hostile that the brethren did not venture to pass
beyond the consecrated limits. In 132 1 those who
did so were pursued by the Winningtons, Leghtons,
and Bulkeleys, and only saved their lives by flight,
1 In connection with the rights claimed over their dependants
by the abbots and priors of convents, it will be interesting to
refer to a grant made in the reign of Edward I. to the abbey of
Dieulacresse, which is preserved among the Eaton manuscripts.
Sir Robert de Pulford, Kt., gives to the abbey three naiivi or
born bond -servants, Adam and \Yilliam, sons of Thomas, and
their sister, as well as their goods and issue (sequela), transferred
by sale as if they were so many sheep or oxen (Eaton MSS.
Ed. i. no. 52).
CHESTER 6r
and on another occasion in the same year the
Oldyntons murdered John Boddeworth, a monk of
the abbey, and afterwards played at football with his
head. This unhappy state of things, it is to be
remembered, existed before the completion of the
abbey in 1330, The year before this important event
in its history, in 1329, a violent quarrel took place
between the monks and the townspeople, which
ended in the submission of the latter, who publicly
owned their misconduct with halters round their
necks, and consented to pay a heavy fine.
In 1336 a large number of the "natives" of
Dernhall and Over appeared before the Justice of
Chester as he was travelling in the neighbourhood,
and laid before him their complaints of great oppres-
sion by the abbot. This only resulted in the imprison-
ment of the ringleaders by the abbot. They next
made an attempt to appeal to the King in person,
under pretence of making a pilgrimage to the shrine
of St. Thomas at Hereford. This attempt again
ended in their imprisonment at Nottingham. At
last some of their number succeeded in laying their
grievances before the King in Parliament in London,
and Henry de Ferrars, the Justice of Chester, was
commissioned to inquire into the allegations. Once
more the abbot, with his charters and other evidence,
was too powerful for them, and was allowed to wreak
his vengeance. At length they were able to enlist
the sympathies of Queen Philippa, who was induced
to move the abbot to mercy. About this time, 1336,
Abbot_ Peter was attacked by the tenantry under the
command of Sir William Venables of Bradwall (who
62 CHESTER
had a feud with the abbot on his brother the Baron
of Kinderton's account), as he was returning home
from a distant expedition. His palfreyman was shot
dead, and after considerable bloodshed the abbot
was dragged in some ignominy before the King.
The result was that the rebellious tenants were put
in the stocks and then imprisoned at Weverham, and
Henry Pym, their leader, incurred the forfeiture of
all his lands in Dernhall, and was sentenced to
offer up a wax taper for the remainder of his life
in the church of Vale Royal at the Festival of the
Assumption.
The following year difficulty arose with one of higher
rank, and in a neighbouring county. Sir William
Clifton, feeling himself aggrieved with the abbot's
method of gathering tithes, overturned his wains,
flogged his secretary through the streets of Preston,
maimed the rector of Kirkham's hunting palfrey, and
bursting into Kirkham church with his armed retainers,
obstructed the celebration of the rite of baptism.
The abbot and his convent were by no means
guiltless. Besides the acts of oppression which were
only too patent, though the verdict was in their
favour, obtained, as was alleged, by bribery,^ in 1311
^ Bribery was not unknown at this time ; for Sir John Savage
succeeds in exacting £10 from Thomas Erdeley, Abbot of
Chester, on the threat of interfering in certain actions before the
j usticiary's court. The Abbot of Dieulacresse gave him ;i^ 100 not
to indict liim for hunting in Macclesfield Forest. Roger Venables,
persona de ecclesia de Rouestliorn, pays him 100 marks on the
same compulsion. Thomas de Newport, Abbot of St. Wer-
burgh's (1363 — 1385), is recorded to have bribed several of the
jury appointed to try a case between William dc Chevelegh and
CHESTER 63
Abbot Richard of Evesham and several of his monks
Avere indicted for receiving and sheltering a gang of
notorious burglars and robbers, and one of the monks
was ordered to be arrested as concerned in such
burglary. It is stated that the warrant could not be
served without an infringement of the liberties of the
Church, and we are told, as an illustration of the
power of the Church at that time, that on appeal
being made to the -King, he directed the Justice of
Chester, Peter de Tybtot, to respect the abbot's
privileges. Another abbot, Henry de Weryngton,
otherwise Henry Arosmith, was not so fortunate. He
was attacked by George de Wever at the head of twenty-
four armed men in Bradford Wood, on the Tuesday
before Pentecost. "Robert Pryket gave him a deep
wound in the right shoulder with a sword ; John
Bamford struck him with an iron bill ; George Wever
then pierced him twice through the middle of his
body with his sword, pinning him to the earth ;
Richard de Astull, vicar of the Church of Over, struck
him with a sword through the middle of the neck, in
the throat, and in the face. Having completed their
ghastly work, the murderers fled to Holt Castle. It is
to be noted that the abbot who was murdered in this
pitiless fashion had been indicted five years before
himself ("ad adjuvandum ipsiim Abbatem injure siio de predicto
placito"). The amount of the bribes is noted, with the names
of the jurors who came from different districts : David de
Wever received 20s.; Robert de Eulowe 20^.; Ricliard Ic
Bruyn and Thomas de Sliokelache 13^. 4</. each ; Ralph de
Eggerton los. ; John de Golhurn loj-. ; John de Rosumgreve
6s. ^d. ; David de Overton 6^, Sd. { IVc/s/i Indict. Roll, 4).
64 CHESTER
(lo Henry VI.) for having ravished Margaret Heton
at Over on Monday after All Saints' Day.
The " Coming of the Friars," while it largely sup-
plemented the spiritual teaching of the secular and
regular clergy in Cheshire and Lancashire, was
destined to interfere very considerably with the eccle-
siastical arrangements of the diocese.
Compared, in their professed poverty, to " Gideon's
host going forth with empty pitchers to fight the battles
of the Lord, men whose desires, as far as the good
things of this world went, were summed up in the
simple petition, ' Give us this day our daily bread ! '
the zeal and energy which they displayed in seeking
after men's souls, and their self-denying Hves, won for
them everywhere a ready acceptance." They were
the representatives of the Voluntary Principle ; pro-
fessing to live on public charity, they went about in
couples with wallets on their shoulders to receive in
any form the alms of the faithful. They made them-
selves acceptable to the mass of the people by their
ready wit and merry tales, and did not confine them-
selves altogether to spiritual duties. Though at first
they proved a real help to the town clergy, winning
success among the very lowest and poorest where the
parish priest had failed to make his way, in time
they began to supplant him in his general ministration,
as well as completing his impoverishment. The
monastic bodies had grown rich at the expense of
the secular clergy, securing the great tithes of the
chief parish churches, and sending out their vicars
to perform the necessary offices. The friars swept
into their capacious wallets the voluntary offerings of
CHESTER 65
the people, and when a will was being made, they were
by no means forgotten in the assignment of legacies
by persons who held them in great respect for their
austere and devout lives.
At first both Dominicans and Franciscans refused
all houses and lands. But soon they began to acquire
land for the extensive buildings which, in violation
of the principles of their order, tliey erected in the
various towns. In Chester the Dominicans, or Preach-
ing Friars, were established by Bishop Stavenby (1224
—1238). Earl Randle Blundeville gave the friars
land at Coventry for the erection of a church, and it
is very likely that he would show the same favour to
the brethren who settled in Chester, and as he died
in 1232, the date of this settlement would correspond
with the commencement of Bishop Stavenby's episco-
pate. The Bishop appears to have feared that Chester
could not support two houses of begging preachers,
for it was not until he had been persuaded by Robert
Grosseteste, Bishop of Lincoln, that he withdrew his
opposition to the establishment of the Friars Minor.
This would be about 1236, the year before his death.
The Friars Minor or Grey Friars usually chose the
poorest quarters, on the least valuable ground, and
devoted themselves specially to the case of lepers.
Their house in Chester was near the Watergate, a place
now occupied by the new Linen Hall. Their church
became in later days a spacious building with a lofty
spire. Li tlie reign of Henry VHL (20 Hen. VHL)
they had fallen into grievous poverty, for they granted
the nave and three aisles of this church to the mer-
chants and sailors of Chester for a place to store and
E
66 CHESTER
repair sails and other things requisite for their ships—
the merchants undertaking all the repairs of the fabric.
The Dominicans were settled in the south-west part
of the city, the residence of the Stanley family, the
oft-sketched Derby House, being part of the buildings.
The brethren were especially distinguished for their
skill and enterprise as water-engineers, and are men-
tioned early in Edward I.'s reign as receiving per-
mission to make an aqueduct to their house from a
spring near the gallows at Boughton.
The third order settled in Chester was that of the
Carmelites, or White Friars. They were the last of
the four mendicant orders, in all general processions
forced to give place to the others. They were intro-
duced into Europe in 12 16 by the Patriarch of Jeru-
salem. Edward I. gave them their house in London ;
but it was not until 1279 that they were established
in Chester by one Thomas Stadham. Their house
was also in the south-west of the city near the street
still called White Friars, and its steeple, of great height
and beauty, served for many years as a valuable land-
mark for sailors. The Carmelites and Dominicans are
repeatedly mentioned in the City Records as concerned
in assaults, acts of violence, and riots. It is mentioned
especially of the Carmelites in 1454, that they roamed
through the city at night armed, to the terror of the
citizens. There appear to have been occasional feuds
between the two orders, which issued in violent
assaults.
It is highly honourable to the Friars Minor that
none of them are represented as having taken any
part in these riotous and disorderly proceedings which
CHESTER 67
SO disgraced the members of the other two orders,
especially during the reign of Henry VI. The Chester
Friary, with those at Shrewsbury, Lichfield, Preston,
and Lancaster, was under the custody or Wardenship
of Worcester, one of the seven districts into which
England was divided.
In a list given by Mr. Cunningham of the monastic
houses supplying wool to the Florentine and Flemish
markets in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries,
the following Cheshire and Lancashire houses occur
in the Flemish list, which is about 1280 —
Combermere.
C[istercian].
Stanlaw, £t,6.
C.
Vale Royal,
C.
Chester, £7,^.
B[enedictine].
(Lane.) Furness, £2>Ar-
C.
To this period belongs the foundation of chantries,
the offspring of a pious regard for the souls of the
departed, stimulated by the belief in purgatory, which
had come to be commonly inculcated in the middle
ages. The grants of lands and possessions to abbeys
and churches in the eleventh and twelfth centuries
had been coupled with a condition that prayers should
be offered for the souls of the founder and his
ancestors and successors. These chantries were an
extension of this system, and a legacy for so many
masses within a certain time, or the endowment of a
chantry priest for ever, was the commonest form in
which remorse for an ill-spent life found expression.
The will of John Coly, a citizen of Chester, who died
in 141 ^ illustrates the belief in purgatory referred to.
68 CHESTER
After several other bequests to the clergy of different
churches in the city, and to the poor, he directs pay-
ment of los. to be made to the Friars Minor for four
trigintals or trentals, /. e. masses for thirty days to be
said for his soul ; 6s. Sd. to the Friars Preachers for
two treiitals ; and 6s. 8d. to the Carmelites for the same
purpose.
Some of these chantries were attached to the
churches, and were small chapels under the same
roof served by the clergy of the church, or by some
chaplain appointed for the purpose. Such were the
chantries in Manchester Collegiate Church, the Traf-
ford Chapel, dedicated before 1349 to the Blessed
Virgin by the Traffords of Trafford, the chaplain
bearing the title down to Bishop Bird's visitation in
1547 of "the Ladie prieste of Manchester"; and St.
Nicholas' Chantry founded by a De Gresley before
1311.
So also at Liverpool, within the chapel of St.
Nicholas, were two, dedicated respectively to St. John
(by John de Liverpool, r/Vr. 1326), to St. Mary (by
Henry Plantagenet, son of Henry, Earl of Lancaster),
and a third at the altar of St. Nicholas, by John of
Gaunt, arc. 1369.
In Harwood Church, in the Blackburn deanery, at
the east end of the south aisle, Thomas Hesketh
endowed St. Bartholomew's chantry about 1389; and
in Burnley Church, at the east end of the north aisle,
there was a similar foundation, dedicated by Thomas
de la Legh to the Blessed Virgin, circ. 1373. Preston
Church had the Holy Rood chantry founded by Sir
Richard de Hoghton, Kt., in 1341, which in the
CHESTER 69
seventeenth century was known as the " Hoghton
Box," a small enclosure, panelled or boarded round
as a pew, with a pavement of wood instead of
tiles.
Other chantries were endowed by licence from the
King, in consequence of the distance from the mother
church. Thus Dame Mabella, widow of Sir Wm.
de Bradeshaw, Kt, endowed one, in the parish of
Blackrod, dedicated to St. Katharine, at a distance of
five miles from the parish church. The same pious
lady endowed another chantry at Wigan. Several
were founded by unknown benefactors, for the same
reason doubtless, in the extensive parish of Whalley
between 1200 and 1300. Sir Robert Banastre in 1284
chose Newton Chapel, Winwick, as a site for a chantry
on the same grounds. To these must be added the
foundations of the Butlers at Warrington {c. 1380),
Sir Gilbert de Haydock, Kt. (1330), in Winwick; Sir
William de Hesketh's at Rufford (1346); Sir Wm.
Harington's (1360) in Leyland ; John de Winwick's
and Richard de Winwick, in Huyton ; Sir John
Delves' at Handbridge, a suburb of Chester, which
was largely endowed, 1396 ; and those in Eccles
Church (Lancashire) by Thomas del Bothe in 1368,
by Lawrence Bothe, successively Archdeacon of
Richmond and Archbishop of York, in 1450, and his
brother, ^\'illiam Bothe, also Archbishop of York, in
1460.
Some were established on an extensive scale, as
that at Bunbury, founded by Sir Hugh Calveley in
the tenth year of Richard IL, for a master and six
secular chaplains. At the time of the Dissolution,
70 CHESTER
besides the warden and chaplains, there were two
choristers. The Priory of Holand, in Wigan, was
originally a college or chantry, with a dean and
twelve secular priests. This was changed in 13 19 by
Walter, Bishop of Lichfield and Coventry, at the
petition of Sir Robert de Holand, into a priory for
Benedictine monks, disagreements among the monks
and neglect of religious duties being assigned as the
chief cause for the alteration. Complaints are not
infrequently made by the laity in this century of re-
missness on the part of religious houses to keep their
outlying chapels in repair, and continue the appointed
services otherwise than on Sundays.
Norton Priory was remiss in this way in 1425, and
again in 1452 as regards Aston Chapel, and the
Abbot of Shrewsbury much earlier (17 Edward II.)
suffered forfeiture of a piece of land near Thelvvall,
and a fishery in Merse Water, because for more than
sixty years he had intermitted the duty at a certain
chantry at Wyldgreave.
Valuable offerings were made from time to time to
these chantries, as at Eccles, where Sir Gervas Clifton
left, 1 49 1, in his will to the chantry founded by
his relative, Archbishop Lawrence Bothe, precious
altar-cloths of silk, hangings of cloth of gold,
bawdkyne, and of russet satin, formerly belonging
to the archbishop, and therefore of great value, to
be made into vestments. On the other hand, the
executors of another benefactor, John Fayrfax, Rector
of Prescot, 1393, directed such liberal provision to be
made for all comers on the day of his burial — six
oxen, twenty sheep, six quarters of wheat, and ten of
CHESTER 7 1
malt— that nothing was left for the chantry which he
intended to found and endow.
The chantry priests were but poorly housed.
" Occasionally, as at Liverpool, Burnley, and Rib-
chester, an appropriate house and garden are pro-
vided for the accommodation of the chantry priest.
But for the most part he had one or two small rooms
in a half-timbered hut, with little light, no fire-place,
and an open chimney, with turf burning on the hearth
between Michaelmas and Candlemas, and a yule log
at Christmas. A bench or a stool, a wooden bedstead,
and a mattress of straw would comprise the furniture
and household comforts of these ecclesiastics. It is
hardly to be supposed that the priest had a servant to
stock his larder, or minister to his culinary wants, and
he probably prepared his own frugal fare. This would
consist of salted meat twice a week. On the day of
his patron saint, or on some great anniversary, he
would have fresh meat and fish, and on high festivals
a double mess. Beans to boil, and oatmeal for
porridge, with ' haberdine,' ling, red-herrings, cheese,
oatcake, and apples, would be his ordinary food;
whilst eggs, coarse barley bread, and fresh fish would
be amongst the luxuries of the table, and were not
very sumptuous refections.
" The habit or costume of the chantry priest was
a coarse frieze cassock with a leathern girdle, thick
clogs, and a felt hat, or none at all. Sometimes he
carried, like the laity, a baselarde or dagger, and some-
times was not over-scrupulous in its use." ^
The hermits and anchorites were also a feature of
^ History of thi Chantries, XX., Chetham Society.
72 CHESTER
the ecclesiastical life of this period. There was below
St. John's Church, Chester, an anchorite's cell, which
was erroneously believed to have been tenanted by-
King Harold, after the Battle of Hastings. Into this
a friar was inducted formally in 1363. Another such
cell or hermitage was in Handbridge, near Chester.
John Spicer, hermit, obtains a warrant, September 9,
1358, from Edward, Prince of Wales, pardoning him
for acquiring to himself and his successors, hermits,
of Stephen de Merton, a parcel of land between the
Dee and the quarry, and building thereon a hermitage,
enclosed within a wall. Another hermitage of St.
James' stood beyond the Dee Bridge, to which leuan
ap Blethyn ap Caswet was appointed by the King as
hermit, and whose conduct and regimen the King
directs the mayor and sheriffs to inquire into (February
i6, 1455). His predecessor, John Benet, 1450, is
indicted as a common receiver of robbers, sheltering
common malefactors in his hermitage, and keeping a
common brothel.
In the earlier days, hermits usually sought the soli-
tude of deserts, or the deep recesses of the woods.
At this time they had begun to affect the places
where men most do congregate — building their huts
at the most frequented parts of the great woods, or
at the corners of the bridges. Such a little chapel
stood on the old bridge crossing the Mersey at Stock-
port, occupied by a hermit, who for a small coin offered
up prayers for the safety of the wayfarers passing over
the bridge. In a deed earlier than 1300 occurs the
name of " Thomas le Hermyte of Stockporte " ; and
in 1366 Richard Webbester obtains a licence from
CHESTER 73
the Bishop of Lichfield to "celebrate and cause to be
celebrated divine services in the oratory within his
hermitage, near Stockport." Its situation is defined
in a licence to Thomas, son of Henry de Mayncester,
chaplain, 1372, to be "built at the end of the bridge
at Stockport." A similar chapel stood on the bridge
over the Dane at Congleton.
In ploughing up a field, called the Hermitage Field,
about half-a-mile from the parish church at Tarporley,
the labourers came upon the foundation of a small
cell, built with red ashlar. The hermit had chosen
for his retirement a delightful knoll commanding the
Burton Hills and the Vale of Chester.
The reputation of these hermits was by no means
high. In the statutes they are bracketed with beggars,
wandering labourers, and vagabonds of all kinds, who
were to be imprisoned without distinction while
awaiting judgment. The only exception was for
" approved hermits," except men of religion, and
approved hermits having letters testimonial from the
ordinary. •' Piers Plowman," in his vision, while
speaking favourably of sincere anchorites, whose lives
accorded with their habit and profession, asks who
are these false saints who have pitched their tents at
the edge of the high-roads, or even in the towns, at
the doors of the alehouses, who beg under the church
porches, who cat and drink plentifully, and pass the
evenings roasting themselves by the " hot coals," and
when they have well drunk, draw them then to bed ?
And when they please they get up, roam about where
they see a chance of getting this or that present of
good food, a round of bacon, a loaf or half a loaf, a
74 CHESTER
lump of cheese, "and carieth it horn to his cote, and
cast him to lyve in ydelnesse and in ese."
Henry, Duke of Lancaster, gave to the Abbey of
Whalley 280 acres for the support of two recluses in
the churchyard of Whalley, with two women to attend
upon them. But to the "grete displeasaunce of hurt
and disclander of the abbeye, divers of the wymen
servants, have byn misgovernyd, and gotten with
chyld within the sayd plase halowyd," and the
property was consequently confiscated by King Henry
VI. These were in all probabiUty anchorites, not
hermits, ditifering in this, that they were shut up in
small cells attached to the parish church, the
ceremony of enclosing them being looked upon as
of great importance. They were obliged therefore to
depend upon the services of an attendant, and as at
Whalley, so in Chester, the anchorite of St. Chad (27
Edward I.) had a maid-servant named Cecilia, who
waited upon him. Neighbouring householders as well
as passers-by gave them food, which was delivered
to them through a curtained hole in the wall.
The privilege of sanctuary belonged not only to the
great abbey of Chester, but also to other ecclesiastical
buildings in the diocese. The city and the county of
Chester were from early times a place of asylum and
sanctuary, where offenders against the law of the land
or debtors might remain under the protection of the
earl on payment of a fine called an *' advowry." Such
an arrangement gave Cheshire a bad name in course
of time. But it was a common event in other parts
of England, that when a robber, a murderer, or any
felon found himself too hard pressed, he fled into a
CHESTER 75
church and found safety. In some churches, as at
Durham, the suppHant fugitive was required to don a
black gown with a yellow cross on the left shoulder,
as the badge of St. Cuthbert, whose peace he had
claimed. He was allowed to remain thirty-seven days,
and then, if no pardon had been granted, he was to
abjure his native land, and, subject to the supervision
of the parish constable, make his way to the nearest
coast, bearing in his hand a white wooden cross, un-
girt, unshod, bareheaded, and sail away by the first
ship which touched on that coast. It w ill be remem-
bered, that among the privileges of St. Werburgh's,
offenders against the law were allowed to come to the
great annual fair held in front of the abbey, and to
remain in Cheshire during its continuance free from
arrest for previous offences.
This right of sanctuary was a profitable arrange-
ment to the earl, abbot, and baron, as well as to the
lessee of the advowries, and was all in keeping with
the system by which serious offences, even including
homicide, adultery, and the like, were compounded
for by a pecuniary fine ; an arrangement most pre-
judicial to the moral welfare of the wealthy noble,
who could gratify his passions at no personal risk to
himself on certain payments, while the poor man
would find a wholesome restraint from such offences
in the fear of having to smart in his own person,
owing to the difficulty of finding compensation. It
will be of interest to quote here the rules for the
Sanctuary at St. Werburgh's as given in one of the
Harleian Manuscripts (2159,976). "If any person
or persons hereafter take for his tuition the Church
76 CHESTER
or any other hallowed ground within the precinct of the
same monastery, for any murder or fellonie, then we
award that the Coroner or Coroners of the said citie
for the time beinge shall at their pleasure at everie
such tyme enter and come within the precinct of the
said Monastery to the said hallowed place, and there
take and record the abjuration of the said person or
persons soe taking the said Church or the hallowed
ground, that soe taketh or asketh the grith of the
holie Church : or if in the same holie place he will
not abjure according to the lawe of the Realme, nor
confesse any murder or fellonie by him committed,
that then the Coroner &c. shall order them according
to the course of the Common law, without lett or
impediment of the said Abbot or any other the
ministers or his servants inhabitinge within the said
Monasterie."
Such a place of refuge was at the time necessary
for the innocent as well as the guilty, as affording
them the means of protecting themselves from in-
justice or a hasty dealing with accusations. Women
and persons under age appear from the Plea Rolls to
have frequently availed themselves of such shelter.
Other accused persons pleaded the privilege of clergy,
and one interesting case is recorded in the Plea Roll
(Chester) of 46 Henry III., where the accused shows in
support of his plea his shaven crown. Sometimes a
serf ran away from his master and took refuge in a
church, or an offender escaped from the officer who
had apprehended him, and was able to make terms of
surrender by paying a fine or other composition.
Besides the Sanctuary of St. Werburgh, Hoole
CHESTER 77
Heath near Chester, Overmarsh near Farndon, and
Rudheath near Middlewich were places of refuge in
Cheshire. Runcorn Church also appears to have
possessed the privilege of sanctuary as late as 1403.
Robert IMorysson, a felon, who had feloniously killed
one Thomas de Bulde, fled thither, and being after-
wards allowed to escape, involved the parish in a fine
of ;£S. Manchester shared with Chester and certain
other towns the distinction of having a sanctuary,^
but, finding that their city was being converted into
a nest of crime, the inhabitants petitioned for its
abolition. Manchester was relieved at the expense
of Chester, and Chester in turn obtained discharge of
the undesirable privilege, and passed it on to Stafford.
This relief was procured through the good offices of
the Mayor, Mr. Hugh Aldersey, who, in conjunction
with Mr. Foulk Button, took up a petition to King
Henry VHL, representing that Chester, being a port
town, and on the border of Wales, was an unfit place
for a sanctuary, and that the merchants and inhabit-
ants of Chester would suffer much inconvenience and
loss by its continuance.
Something should be said in this chapter about the
use of churches and ecclesiastical buildings generally
for what would seem other than sacred purposes.- It
^ Apparently separate from that maintained within the pre-
cincts of St. Werburgh's.
^ It is to this non-eccIesiastical use of sacred buildings that
a'lUision is made in the S/iip af Fooles.
" There are handled pleadings and causes of the law ;
There are made bargains of divers minor things,
Buyings and sellings scant worth a hawe,
And there are for lucre contrived false leasings."
78 CHESTER
is not surprising that at St. Mary's on the Hill,
Chester, an inquiry into a charge of sacrilege should
be held, but the persons appointed to conduct the
inquiry were the mayor and sheriffs, in the presence
of the Lieutenant-Governor of Cheshire.
Inquisitions post mortem, or for proof of age, as
well as other inquiries and suits, were often held
within churches, e. g. in Holy Trinity, Chester, a suit
as to certain tanned hides belonging to a shoemaker ;
in St. Peter's, Chester, a ship- captain with twelve of
his crew appeared to make a solemn protestation
before the clergy of the church that certain cargo had
been damaged by no fault of theirs or their ship, but
"by the grace of God."
In the fourteenth century, two of the churches in
Chester, and others in Stockport, Knutsford, Nantwich,
Sandbach, Warrington, and Lancaster were used for
sittings of the Earl Marshal's court, in the great
heraldic dispute between Sir Richard le Scrope and
Sir Robert le Grosvenor. The matter in question
was the right to bear "a shield azure with a bend or."
The cause was carried over several years, and amongst
the commissioners acting for the Earl Marshal was
William de Bromborough, "parson of Aldeford, who
was also Rector of St. Olave's, Chester." He resigned
his livings after the deposition of Richard H., and
obtained leave to go on pilgrimage to foreign parts.
79
CHAPTER IV
The Barons' War — Violence to churches and ecclesiastics —
Abbots of St. Werburgh's — Ravages of the Black Death.
Neither Cheshire nor Lancashire was without a
bitter experience of the sufferings entailed by the
Barons' War. Simon de Montfort had been success-
ful in enlisting the support of the valiant Llewelyn ap
Gryffydd against Henry, and in consequence of this
alliance with the Welsh, there was a great feeling of
insecurity in Chester. The city could not escape
being eagerly sought after by both parties as a post of
considerable importance, and as part of the prepar-
ations which were made to defend Chester in the
interest of the Royal Earl, Prince Edward, against the
barons, Sir William de la Zouche, the justiciary,
directed some of the buildings of St. Werburgh's
Abbey to be pulled down, and occupied the abbey
itself with an armed force. Shortly afterwards, he
heaped so many insults upon the ecclesiastical
authorities in Chester that " the whole Church [clergy]
of Chester, regular as well as secular, placed itself
voluntarily under an interdict for four days." The
justiciary, however, understood that compensation
should be paid to the abbey for land and rents.
8o CHESTER
The neighbourhood of AVarrington, where WiUiam
le Boteler's superior lord, Earl Ferrars, was a sup-
porter of Simon de Montfort, seems to have been
especially a scene of violence and confusion.
The churches were not safe from intrusion, parties
of marauders took possession of those at Leigh, Bury,
and Win wick, and, unable to hold their own (excom-
munication appearing to be of little avail), the clergy
were compelled to invoke the aid of the civil power.
During these troubles a new abbot had been elected
at St. Werburgh's, Simon of Whitchurch. Simon de
Montfort was at the time of his election, April 28,
1265, in possession of the Earldom of Chester, and
his justiciary, Lucas de Taney, opposed Abbot Simon's
admission to office for three weeks, taking tlie
revenues into his own hands, and wasting the sub-
stance of the abbey in scandalous profligacy. Simon
de Montfort, being appealed to, directed that the
abbot should be admitted, and that all the goods
that had been consumed, and the revenues accruing
during the vacancy, should be restored. This con-
cession did not please Prince Edward, and, when he in
turn obtained the upper hand, he refused to sanction
the abbot's appointment. Simon of Whitchurch,
however, was a man of tact and ability, and succeeded
in reconciling himself to the Prince. The favour
which Edward showed to Abbot Simon as Prince he
continued when he came to the throne, and in return
for valuable service rendered in furnishing men and
carriages for the expedition against Llewelyn in
Wales, he granted the abbey a special charter, re-
newed the tithe of all venison killed in the Delamere
CHESTER Si
Forest, and gave the abbot permission to hunt
anywhere in the forest.
It was in the abbacy of his friend Simon of
Whitchurch that King Edward, according to his
usual custom of offering up thanks pubHcly on the
occasion of some great deUverance from danger or
success in any expedition, commemorated at St.
Werburgh's his subjugation of Wales. He attended
at the abbey on May 26, 1283, with his Queen
Eleanor, presenting as his royal offering a valuable
cloth of gold, and he made oath to preserve the
liberties of St. Werburgh. Notwithstanding this oath,
on the death of Simon, February 22, 1290, the King
retained the revenues of the abbey for two years.
But Thomas de Byrchells, elected fourteenth abbot
January 30, 1291, put forth a claim in 1292 against
the King for the revenues during the vacancy, and
was successful in proving it.
The growing importance of the abbey is shown in
the fact that William de Bebyngton, who succeeded
as abbot in 1324, obtained the mitre in 1345, and,
the following year, exemption from the bishop's visit-
ation. His tenure of office for a quarter of a century
was otherwise uneventful, in this respect differing
from that of Richard de Seynesbury (1349 — 1362),
whose aggressive and turbulent conduct involved him
in continual disputes. So loud were the complaints
against Richard, that in 1362 the Abbot of St. Alban's,
Provincial President of the Benedictine Order, with
the Prior of Coventry and the Sub-prior of St. Alban's,
visited the Abbey of St. Werburgh's under a Com-
mission issued by the Abbot of Evesham. Abbot
F
82 CHESTER
Richard, dreading an inquiry into the dilapidations
and offences, resigned to the Pope. His successor,
Thomas de Newport (1363 — 1385), was in like
manner involved in serious charges. The Indictment
Rolls record against him cases of bribery of jurors in
a suit, violation of the Assize of Bread and Beer,
attempts to exercise unlawful jurisdiction, and even
murder or manslaughter.
William de Mershton, who held the abbacy from
July 1385 to January 13, 1386, was supposed to have
been "a Lollard and follower of Wychffe." He
would appear to have been deposed and transferred
to the Abbey of Evesham.
In the time of his successor, Henry de Sutton
(1386 — 1410), occurred a great riot in the abbey.
A number of armed men, headed by Sir Baldwyn de
Radyngton, stormed the abbey, July 25, 1393, and
took possession of it for four days, wasting the goods
found there, ill-treating and killing one of the sheriffs
of Chester, who came with the mayor to the rescue.
A week later the same Sir Baldwyn, who was one of
King Richard's faithful adherents, joined with Sir
John Stanley of Lathom, at the head of 800 armed
men and. archers of Lancaster, in a ride " in manner
of warre, with basnettes and speares within the
countie of Chester by 5 leagues from the city." John
of Gaunt taxed the Earl of Arundel in Parliament
with having connived at this rising. It would appear
as though the abbot and his convent were opposed
to the King's party. It is, however, only one of
many instances of the lawlessness of the times, which
the King's Council had made repeated efforts to
CHESTER 83
check. The evil had commenced ^immediately after
the terrible plague called the " Black Death," in
1348.
In considering the influences at work in favour of
or adverse to religion and morality during this period
we must not omit to notice this terrible pestilence,
vaguely named the Black Death, from the mortality
which marked its path. Its effects upon the social life
of this diocese must have been as serious as they
were in other parts of the kingdom. There is one
ecclesiastical return preserved in the Record Office,
which tells its sad tale.^ It contains a statement of
the number of deaths which occurred at this time
within the Archdeaconry of Richmond, with the number
of intestacies, which formed a considerable proportion
of the whole. In the parish of " Lythum " (Lytham),
of 140 deceased persons, eighty left no wills, and the
administration of their goods fell, according to the law
and usage of the time, to the Archdeacon of Richmond.
In St. Michael's parish, eighty persons died, forty of
them being intestate; in Pulton {le Fylde) sixty died,
twenty intestate ; in Preston, 3000 died, of whom
only 300 had made their wills. In Poolton (le
Sands) 800 died, 200 only leaving wills. In Kyrk-
ham there were 3000 deaths, 200 are stated to
have made wills. In Lancaster 3000 deaths are
recorded, and 400 wills; in Garstang 2000 deaths,
and 140 intestacies; in Cokerham 1000 deaths, 300
wills, and sixty intestacies. These " round " numbers
appear curious, the number of testates and intestates
^ 1349- Pestilence— Presentments of profits received by Dean
of Amounderness, together witli numbers of deaths.
84 CHESTER
does not correspond with the total, but it may be that
the remainder not accounted for had nothing to leave.
In Ribchester one hundred deaths, seventy wills, and
forty intestacies are recorded.
In another membrane attached to this return is a
statement of certain vicarages vacated by the pesti-
lence. " The Chapel de la Mangdaleygne de Preston
was 'void' for eight weeks in the time of pestilence,"
and " Sir Adam de Kyrkham, Doyan (Dean) de
Amunderness, was 'paraitour Sir Henr' de Walton,'
ercedekne de Richemound meisme le temps." Sir
Adam de Kyrkham is also executor of Sir William
Ballard, formerly Doyan d' Amounderness, and had to
give account to the archdeacon of the " voydances "
of several of the churches and of the mortuaries and
oblations in his district. The vicarage of Kyrkham
and the chapel of Gosenard were vacated twice ; the
Vicarage of Garstang twice ; the church of Lancaster
and the chapel of Stalmyn ; the Vicarage of Pulton (le
Fylde) and the chapel of Bispham ; and the priory
of " Lithum," are also mentioned as being accounted
for by Sir Adam during the vacancies. This state of
things we may be sure was not confined to the most
northern deanery of the diocese. A reference to the
lists of institutions to parishes in Cheshire shows that
in addition to the deaths which must have occurred in
the monasteries and among the capeUa7ii and inferior
clergy, a large number of the rectories and vicarages
were vacant in 1348-9. Thus in the hundred of
Northwich, Swettenham and Warmingham were
vacated twice in that year, Sandbach and Middle-
wich once. In Nantwich hundred, Wybunbury was
CHESTER
85
vacant twice, and Baddiley and St. Nicholas Chapel,
Nantwich, once. In Macclesfield hundred there was
a similar mortality at Wilmslow, Cheadle, and
Northenden. In Edisbury hundred, Frodsham,
Weverham, Over, Tarvin (twice), and Barrow lost their
vicars in the same year, as well as Backford, Bebing-
ton (twice), and Woodchurch in Wirral. In Broxton,
Lower Malpas, Tilston (twice), Handley; and in
Bucklow, Lymme, Aldford (twice), and Pulford. In
Chester, the city churches, as might be expected,
suffered heavily, St. John's chantry priest, the vicars of
St. Peter's and of Trinity, the Abbot of St. Werburgh's
(William de Bebington), and the Prioress of St.
Mary's dying in the same year, as well as one of the
prebendaries of St. John's.
The Angel of Death would be busy in the parsonage
and the monastery as well as in the cottage and the
lordly mansion, and nowhere busier than among the
filthy dens in the towns, so rank and foul owing to
the neglect of sanitary laws customary in mediseval
times. The awful visitation produced throughout
the land a state of religious paralysis. Wild-eyed
preachers declared in the deserted market-places that
the pestilence was "the Messenger of Heaven to
punish the wickedness of men." As often in times of
great disaster, this announcement led persons in the
recklessness of despair to indulge in gross debauchery
and unclean living, and it required the efforts of
many generations of good men to restore the state of
religion to what it was before the great pestilence.^
' In a deed in the possession of Mr. Ireland Blackburn, at
Hale Hall, Lancashire, which has been brought to my notice
86 CHESTER
It became exceedingly difficult to find clergy to fill
the too numerous vacancies, and as they depended to
a considerable extent upon the ofiferings of the faith-
ful laity who had been swept off with no less virulence,
the services of the Church became seriously hampered,
and the educational and social standard of the clergy
was markedly lowered. In addition to this the Black
Death had a disastrous and permanent effect upon
the economic arrangements of the time. No labourers
could be had, while the harvest rotted on the land for
lack of reapers. Labourers' wages were raised so
high as to render it necessary to pass a statute to
forbid the payment of any sum beyond the fixed
payment. Numerous instances occur of prosecutions
for evading this statute. The bailiff of the Abbot of
St. Werburgh's could not understand that, so long as
his master could afford it, he should be debarred from
getting the abbey crops in at the cost of a higher
and more tempting wage, but he was promptly fined.
The difficulty caused by the scarcity of labour was
increased by the great dearth, and Langland's pro-
phetic remarks in Piers Plonmian are not without
point at the present day in the face of the serious
problem of the unemployed, if the warning were only
heeded. " Workmen should work while they may, for
hunger hitherward hasteth him fast, then Pestilence ;
when Pestilence withdraws, Famine shall then be
judge, and Dawe the ditcher shall die for hunger,
unless God grant a truce."
by Mr. Fergusson Irvine, containing depositions taken in i4ioor
141 1 from five or six different villagers of Culcheth, all the
evidence is dated as fifty or sixty years since " the grete dethe."
CHESTER 87
The struggle between labour and capital was being
carried on vigorously in town and country. It was
intensified by the return of soldiers from the French
wars, thrown in excessive numbers upon the labour
market, disinclined from their previous life to work
in any settled occupation, and ready to take part in
any tumultuous rising. Heavy taxes imposed to
defray the extravagant expenses of the King's house-
hold increased the general discontent. Cheshire had
the unenviable notoriety of being a " spelunca latro-
num," for freebooters and malefactors, when hard
pressed, retreated into the Palatine county, where the
King's writ did not run, as to a safe sanctuary. These
persons not only committed robberies and other
enormities, but carried off young maidens, whom they
released only after the payment of heavy ransoms.
They formed themselves into armed bands, to the
terror of the peaceful inhabitants. They lay in wait
in the Cheshire woods, then very extensive, and made
nightly raids upon the persons and cattle of the
villagers. Even in the day-time neither life nor
property was safe, and in some places it was not
possible to attend the services of the Church except
under the protection of a goodly escort. Richard
issued one commission after another, but apparently
to little purpose. In 1395 the King was obliged to
write a strong letter to the sheriff of the county,
commanding him to " arrest all disturbers of the
peace, of whom there are a great number who
committed felonies innumerable, and were the more
bold to do so, inasmuch as no just punishment had
followed them."
88 CHESTER
The riotous conduct extended into the towns.
Fairs and markets were frequently the scene of great
uproar and violence. In 1399 a considerable riot
took place at Chester on the great festival of Corpus
Christi, when the city companies went in procession
through the city. A number of walkers, websters, and
master weavers assembled in front of St. Peter's
Church, armed with poleaxes and staves, and attacked
a number of their journeymen, and in the City Records
it is termed " horribilis affraia,"the persons concerned
being heavily fined.
89
CHAPTER V
Political leanings of the clergy — Waning influence of the
Abbot of St. Werburgh — Suppression of monastic houses
— Abbot of Norton's Insurrection — The Pilgrimage of Grace
— Abbots of Whalley and Sawley hanged — Riotous conduct
of the religious.
It is difficult to determine exactly the position taken
by the clergy in Cheshire and Lancashire in the
struggle between Richard and Bolingbroke. King
Richard assumed in his wanderings from Ireland
through Wales to Flint the garb of a friar, and Boling-
broke on entering the city of Chester before Richard's
surrender was received in great state by a procession
of all the clergy (o7imes viri religiosi). John Trevor,
Bishop of St. Asaph, who pronounced sentence of
deposition on King Richard, and was sent as ambassa-
(^or to Spain to justify Bolingbroke's action, defended
Chester Castle as Chamberlain of Chester. Owain
Glyndwr, in retaliation, burned down his cathedral
and palace. On the other hand, the parsons of Pul-
ford, Dodleston, Hanley, and Hawarden, as well as
the mayor and citizens of Chester, took part in the
rising under Henry Percy when he joined Glyndwr.
We hear nothing at this time of Abbot Henry de
90
CHESTER
Sutton of St. Werburgh, whose influence must have
been considerable, for he had but lately received licence
to fortify his three principal manor-houses, Saighton,
Little Sutton, and Ince.
The cause of religion must have seriously suffered
during these troublous times, which were to be con-
tinued for many long years. The first year of
Henry VI.'s reign was marked at Chester with much
disturbance and riot. A large number of artisans
of various occupations, headed by the mayor himself,
the ex-mayor, and the two sheriffs, assembled them-
selves in riotous fashion, armed, on the festival of
Corpus Christi, to the great alarm of their fellow-
citizens, so that they did not venture to leave their
houses. On another occasion the proceedings at
the Court of Pleas had to be adjourned owing to
the tumultuous following of one of the Cheshire
esquires. Houses are broken into in the prosecu-
tion of private feuds, while murder, abduction, armed
resistance to the law prevailed to an extent that
had been unknown since the troublous times of
Edward H. After the withdrawal of the English
from France, these riotous assemblies grew more
threatening. An instance may be given of what
occurred at Dodleston, near Chester, on the Sunday
after Easter, i Edward IV. Jenkyn Tervyn, late of
Over Kynerton (in the parish), attacked and inflicted
a dangerous wound on Richard Hyndeley near the
church about two o'clock. Not content with this, on
the same Sunday about five o'clock, he came with
loo men on foot and on horseback (most of them
Welshmen, armed with various weapons), and broke
CHESTER 91
into Hyndeley's house, and as he lay wounded in bed
again assaulted him so severely that he died. In
this fashion the miserable years went by stained with
bloodshed and violence, when " might " was too often
" right." An Englishman's house, his very castle in
truth, had to be defended anxiously by moat and
armed force ; cattle-lifting was no longer confined to
the Scotch and Welsh borderers, and varied frequently
by the carrying off of rich householders, who were
detained in close confinement until an ample ransom
had been paid.
The waning influence of the monastic community is
sufficiently illustrated by the issue of the struggle which
the mayors of Chester carried on successfully with the
abbots of St. Werburgh's, who for so many genera-
tions had been of the highest importance in the Pala-
tine city, second only to the Earl himself.
Abbot Richard Oldon (1453 — 1485), who was also
from 1 48 1 Bishop of the Isle of Man, was not only
imprisoned in Chester Castle for some serious offence,
and bound in a heavy sum not to make his escape,
but he was indicted in one of the city courts (the
Portmote) for removing the city boundaries by the
Northgate, and in two successive years bound over in
;^iooo to keep the peace towards the mayor. Abbot
Oldon's successor, Simon Ripley (1485 — i493),appears
to have been too busy in restoring the waste places on
his spiritual patrimony to give attention to feuds with
the civil authorities. But Abbot John Birchenshaw,
who was elected in 1493, certainly fell on evil days.
The question of the " independent soke " of the abbey
was hotly debated. A crisis arose in 1507 in con-
92
CHESTER
nection with an affray which took place in Northgate
Street, outside the Northgate. The steward of the
abbey and another official called the persons impli-
cated before them, and bound them to keep the peace
to one another. This the mayor and aldermen deemed
to be " a derogation and prejudice to the liberties of
the city." The abbot and his officers were summoned
before the King's commissioners, and the whole
question of the jurisdiction of the abbey as an inde-
pendent soke, the holding of courts, arrests, the trial
of offences, and the Hmits of the monastery was
argued before arbitrators, who gave a decision not
altogether in favour of the abbey. The dispute was
renewed in 1510, owing to the abbot's refusal to
accept the award. In 1522 the mayor was able to
procure the " putting down of the abbot " ; the contest
went on until in 1529 Abbot Birchenshaw was
deprived of office, though restored again shortly after-
wards. It does not appear whether the vacancy was
created by John Birchenshaw's death, but February 12,
1537, a licence was granted to elect an abbot, and
Thomas Clarke was chosen, March 11, 1538, as the
last abbot, being rewarded, for his ready compliance
with King Henry's wishes, by his appointment as the
first dean of the new cathedral.
Two years earlier, in 1536, the first act of spoliation
had taken place, when the lesser monastic houses were
suppressed, and their goods and property seized for the
replenishing of the autocratic King's purse and the
gratification of his greedy favourites. The feeling
against this sweeping act of confiscation and plunder
was sufficiently strong in Cheshire and Lancashire to
CHESTER 93
induce many to join in the " Pilgrimage of Grace." But
the ^vigorous action of the sheriff, Sir Piers Button,
checked its spread. The Abbot of Norton, who was
the only head of a religious house from Cheshire who
attended Convocation in person at St. Paul's when
Queen Katherine's marriage was under consideration,^
was prominent in this insurrection. On August 3, 1536,
Button writes to Cromwell that he had taken the bodies
of the Abbot of Norton and some of his servants, Randal
Brereton, baron of the King's Exchequer at Chester,
and John Hall of Chester, merchant, and had them in
his custody and keeping. These prisoners were sub-
sequently transferred to Chester Castle and very
possibly hanged.
The following report was sent by Sir Piers Button,
Kt., to Sir Thomas Audley, Lord Chancellor, on the
insurrection of the Abbot of Norton against the
King's commissioners.
" Pleasethe it yo^" good Lordshippe to be advertesed
Mr. Combes and Mr. Belles the Kynges commissyoneres
within the county of Chestere were lately at Norton within
the same county for the suppressyng of the abbey theare,
and when they had packed uppe suche juelles and other
stuffe as they had theare, and thought uppon the morowc
after to departe them, thabbot gadered a gret company to
gedere to the number of towe or thre hondred persones,
so that the sayd comyssyoners weare in fcare of their
lyves and weare fayne to take a tower theare : and ther-
uppon sent a lettere unto me asserteninge what danger
they wear in, and desyred me to com to assyst them, or
else they weare never lyke to come thence ; which lettere
' The Abbots of Chester, Vale Royal, and Combcrmere, and
the Prior of Birkenhead had sent their pro.Kies.
94 CHESTER
came to me about 9 of the clock in the same night, I
came thether with suche of my loveres and tenants as I
had neare aboute me, and found diveres fyeres made
theare, as well within the gates as without. And the said
abbot had caused an ox and other vittalles to be kylled
and prepared for suche his company as he had then
thear : and it was thought in the morowe after he had
come forthe to have had a greate number moore ; not-
withstanding I used pollessy and cam sudenly uppon
them, so that the company that weare theare fledd, and
some of them took pooles and wateres, and it was so
darke that I could not fynd them, and it was thought
yf the matter had not byn quikly handled, it wold have
growne to further inconvenience, to what danger, God
knoweth : howbeit I took the abbot and thre of channones
and brought them to the kyng's castell of Halton, and
thear comytted them to ward to the constable to be kept
as the Kyng's rebellious, upon payne of a thousand
pounds : and afterward sawe the sayd comyssioners with
their stuffe convayed thense, and William Perker, the
Kyng's servant, who is appointed to be the King's
fermore their, to be restored to his possession, whearfoare
it may be like your good lordshipe that the Kyng's
grace may have knoledge hearof, and that his pleasure
maye be further knowne theirin, which I shalbe alwayes
redy and glad to accomplishe to the uttermost of my
powere, as knowethe our Lord God who ever preserve
your good lordshipe with muche honor. At Button the
xii of October anno 1 536, by your assured
"Petrus Button, Kt."
A royal warrant issued from Henry VIII. to Sir
Piers Dutton, Sheriff, and Sir Wm. Brereton, deputy-
Chamberlain, acknowledging the report made to the
Lord Chancellor, and other letters to Lord Cromwelle,
and Sir Wm. Brereton.
CHESTER 95
"For answer whearunto ye shall understand that for-
asmuche as it apperethe that the sayd late abbot and
channones have most trayterously used them selves
agaynst us and our relme, our pleasure and comaunde-
mente is, that yf this shall fully appeare to you to bee
true that then you shall emediately uppon the right
hearof, withoute any maner further delaye, cause them to
be hanged as most arrante traytores in such sundrey
places as ye shall thinke requisete for the terible example
of all otheres herafter : and hearin faylle ye not traville
with suche dexterity as this matere maye be fyneshed with
all possyble diligense.
"Oct. 20, 1536."
Before, however, the King's commands to execute
the prisoners could be carried out, Sir Piers received
another letter, dated "Preston, Oct. 30, 1536," from
Edward Earl of Derby, which was a kind of super-
sedeas. It directs that in view of a report from the
Earl of Shrewsbury, the King's Lieutenant, the Earls
of Rutland and Huntingdon, that the Duke of Norfolk
and they "had stayed the commons of Yorkshire,"
and countermanding a muster which had been ordered
for the INIonday next coming at Whalley Abbey, and
bidding them do no harm to the commoners.
No authentic document has been found to show
whether the Abbot of Norton had the benefit of the
amnesty granted by the Duke of Norfolk, or whether
he shared the fate which certainly befell the abbots of
Whalley, Salleye, and other northern ecclesiastics, and
is said to have befallen the Abbot of Vale Royal.
The rising had been more successful in the northern
districts. Aske published an order, in pursuance of
which the monasteries suppressed were re-occupied by
96 CHESTER
the brethren. "The King's tenants were expelled;
the vacant dormitories were again peopled ; the
refectories were again filled with exulting faces."
" The Abbey of Sawley, which had been vacant since
the 14th of May, and which had been with all its
moveables sold to Lord Darcy for close upon ;^4oo,
was again occupied by the abbot and his twenty-one
brethren, and being the charitable relief of those parts,
and standing in a mountain and among three forests,
the men of Craven, Kendal, Furness, and the districts
bound themselves together to resist any attempt to
seize it from the monks a second time." ^
John Paslew, Abbot of Whalley, became implicated
in the insurrection, and was in consequence attainted
of high treason. Father Gasquet asserts, on the
evidence of Nicholas Tempest, that the oath of the
insurgents was extorted from the monks by violence.
Tempest gave evidence that he went to Whalley
Abbey "with three or four hundred men," and
" being kept out about two hours were at last let in
for fear of burning their barns and houses. And
then this examinat swore the abbot and about eight
of his religion according to Aske's oath."
The Abbot of Whalley does not appear to have
taken any active part in the rising. But he was
tried at Lancaster with two of his monks, John East-
gate and William Haydock, and William Trafiford,
Abbot of Sawley, and convicted of high treason. The
Abbot of Sawley was hanged at Lancaster on March
10, 1536-7, and his brother abbot, with Eastgate, by a
refinement of cruelty, was brought to Whalley, and
> Gasquet, Henry VIII. and the English Monasteries, ii. 107-8.
CHESTER 97
executed two days later within sight of the monastery
over which he had presided for thirty years. The
other monk suffered the same punishment the follow-
ing day, in a field a few miles from his monastery,
where his body was left hanging for some time.
The possessions of the monastery were confiscated,
and in 1537 the receiver had sold goods and got in
rents to the value of ^'957 us. jd. The monks of
Whalley, however, inasmuch as the convent was con-
sidered to be involved in the attainder of their head,
were refused any pension.
Three years later (1539) the suppression of the
greater monasteries took place. Father Gasquet, in
his great work on Henry VIII. and the English
Monasteries., has asserted that " anything like general
immorality was altogether unknown among the re-
ligious of England," and he goes on to prove that the
reports of Cromwell's Visitors, representing the religious
houses as being in the worst possible state of moral
degradation, are not founded on fact. The Chester
Records hardly bear out this statement. The number
of " capellani " in Chester alone reported for oftences
is far too large in proportion to the population, and
the character and frequent repetition of the offences
by the same individuals, indicates a grave laxity of
discipline and depraved moral sense in the eccle-
siastical authorities. The Carmelite Friars especially
were guilty of riotous conduct amongst themselves,
and towards the citizens, roaming about the city after
curfew, armed, to the terror of the peaceful inhabitants.
The Dominicans were far too frequently involved in
riots and acts of violence.
G
98 CHESTER
The brethren in the Benedictine Monastery were
repeatedly indicted for violence and insult to the
citizens, and it is remarkable how the riotous and
disorderly conduct of the monk in assaulting and
robbing the Superior of his convent should, in more
than one instance, have been no disqualification for
promotion to the headship of the abbey, and that
despite such disgraceful conduct, the offender should
be the immediate successor to the abbot so ill-treated.
Nevertheless, such cases as might be instanced by
no means warrant " the destruction of so many
hallowed and beautiful buildings, the scattering of so
many valuable libraries, the secularizing of so many
sacred sepulchres." The waste and extravagance of
the transaction are without excuse. The contents
of the houses were sold almost without reserve, the
sites granted or sold for a mere trifle to laymen, and
everything done hurriedly and unsparingly to prevent
"the rooks coming back to their nest and building
again."
The form of surrender, which was nearly the same
in most cases, was drawn up to make it appear that
it was a voluntary act, " without coaction, but for
very poverty," and concluding with an appeal to the
King's grace to be good and gracious, the signatories
hoping thus to secure some pittance for life. But
this was a vain hope. In some cases the brethren
were fortunate in obtaining help. The Warden of the
Friars Minor (Dr. Wall) became a Prebendary of the
new Cathedral of St. Werburgh's ; the Prioress of St.
Mary's, Chester, and her sister nuns received good
pensions. But the great majority of the dispossessed
CHESTER 99
had to be content with a few shillings, and were turned
out into the world to find their own living as best they
might. This was especially difficult. Not only had
they been objects of dislike to the bishops for their
defiance of authority, and to the secular clergy for
their intermeddling in their parishes, but the de-
struction of so many churches at the lime diminished
the possibility of obtaining any cure of souls.
The following is the form which was signed :
" M''- thys XV day of August in ye xxx yere of
Kynge Henry the A^III. whe the prior and convente
of the black fryers in West Chester without any coac-
cyon or consell but for very poverte have and do
resyne our house with all that to yt belonge In to the
handds of the Lord Vysytor to the Kyng's use :
beseycheynge his grace to be goode and gracyous to
us. In wytenes to thys byll whe subscrybe our nomys
Avith our proper handds the day and yere before
wryttyn
Frater Hugo Brecknocke prior ibidem prefato die.
Frater Joh'es Sargent sub-prior
Frater Joh'es Byrd
Frater Robert Romesay
Frater David Griffith."
A similar document was signed by the Warden and
Convent of Grey Friars, seven in number; and by
those of White Friars, Avho numbered ten.
The records of the Visitations amply show the
^'- pbanbi fames " which possessed Cromwell's Visitors,
while they afford an interesting insight into the com-
parative prosperity of the several churches. In
lOO CHESTER
Chester, after the abbey, which possessed its full
complement of copes and vestments and tunicles,
cloth of gold, velvet and purple tyssho, chalices and
patens, and a crysmatory, the Church of St. Mary on
the Hill had the finest collection of vestments and
ornaments, valued at ;^io 14s. 6d., being one-third
of the whole valuation in the city of Chester. Trinity
Church had vestments, etc. to the value of p^6 1 1^.,
St. Peter's 24s., while those at St. Martin's and St,
Olaves', and the Hospital of St. John and Spital
Boughton, are certified to be of so small value that
they were by the commissioners given to the poor of
the parish.
The following inventory of Church goods in Wirral,
3 Edward VI., shows the bareness and poverty to
which the parish churches were reduced by the rapacity
of the King's courtiers.
Kyrkeby Walley [Wallasey] ii chaless, a ringe of
iii belles
Burton, one chaless, a ringe of ii belles
Stoke, one chaless, a ringe of iii belles
Bakfort, ii chaless, a ringe of iii belles
Shotwycke, one chaless, a ringe of iii belles
Brombroghe, one chales, a ringe of ii belles
Wodchurche, iii chales, a ringe of iii belles
Neston, one chales with a paten, a ringe of ii belles
Heswall, one chalis with a ringe of iii belles
Bebbynton, ii challes with a ringe of iii belles
Overchurch (Upton) one chales with a ringe of ii
belles
CHESTER lOI
Thursteston, one chales with a ringe
Moreton Chapell, one chales with a ringe of i belle
West Kyrkeby, ii chales with a ringe of iii belles
Estham, ii chales with a ringe of ii belles
Byddeston, one chales with a ringe of iii belles.
T02
CHAPTER VI
Foundation of the Bishopric of Chester— Its extent— John Bird
first bishop of the new diocese — Dr. George Cotes —
Cuthbert Scott — Visitation articles — Changes in ritual.
Two years after the surrender of the Abbey of St.
Werburgh, Henry VHI. by his letters patent, dated at
Walden, August 4, 1541, founded within the site of
the dissolved monastery an episcopal see and cathe-
dral church for a bishop, dean, and six prebendaries.
The church was ordered to be thenceforth styled the
Church of Christ and the Blessed Virgin Mary. The
King annexed to the Bishopric the Archdeaconries of
Richmond and Chester then lately resigned to the
King by William Knyght, Doctor of Laws,^ and placed
the entire see within the province of Canterbury. A
special portion of the abbey buildings was granted as
a palace for the Bishops of Chester, the rest of the
site and precincts of the abbey being granted to the
' Dr. Knight, Secretary of State to Henry VII. and Henry
VIII., was appointed Archdeacon of Chester in 1522, and
Archdeacon of Richmond in 1529, the revenue of the former
amounting to £']'] \os. On his consecration in 1541 to the see
of Bath and Wells, he surrendered both archdeaconries to the
King.
CHESTER 103
chapter, the first members being Thomas Clerk,
dean ; WiUiam Wall, Nicholas Bucksey, Thomas
Newton, John Huet, Thomas Radford, and Roger
Smyth, prebendaries. By a subsequent Act of Par-
liament passed in 1542, the see of Chester was placed
within the province of York, for the reason that the
Archbishop of Canterbury hath a sufficient number
of dioceses and suffragans under him and in his
province, and the Archbishop of York hath only two
suffragans, and also by reason of the long journey of
almost three hundred miles from some places in the
Archdeaconry of Richmond, " intollerable fatigation
and importable charges."
The Bishopric of Chester continued to be for many
reigns so poor that the bishops had a difficulty in
maintaining due Episcopal hospitality, and were
allowed to hold other preferment in commoidain.
The dean and chapter were endowed by the King
in 1546 with the residue of the lands and estates of
St. Werburgh's Abbey. The charter granting this
endowment was unfortunately void owing to the
omission of the word " Cestriai " after "concedimus
decano et ecclesiae Christi et beatce Marine Virginis."
Notwithstanding this omission, the dean and chapter
continued to receive the rents for a considerable time
as if the lands had been properly granted. But in
the first year of Edward VI., Dean Cliffe and two of
the prebendaries were imprisoned in the Fleet by the
procurement of Sir Richard Cotton, Controller of the
King's household, and under intimidation granted to
him most of their lands for the yearly rent of ^^603 1 7^.,
the old rent being above ^700. Walker, the ne.xt
104 CHESTER
dean, opposed this grant on the grounds of insuffi-
ciency of rent, manifest compulsion, and the act not
having been that of the entire body. After a long
dispute, in which the Earl of Leicester is stated to
have been influenced by bribes from the fee-farmers,
the lands were confirmed to the latter, subject to
certain rents, which have been continuously paid to
the dean and chapter, but which have remained
stationary, whilst other landed revenues are increased
in value.
The diocese which was constituted by the order of
Henry VIII. was of enormous extent, including large
portions of seven counties, and equal in area to four
counties of average size. Besides the county of
Chester, the new bishop's jurisdiction extended over
the whole county of Lancaster, including that northern
part of it which lies on the sea beyond Morecambe
Bay ; over tlie county of Westmoreland as flir as Shap
Fells, which belonged to the Barony of Kendal ; that
part of Yorkshire which was formerly called Rich-
mondshire j as well as certain parishes in Flintshire
and Denbighshire in North Wales.
It was divided into two archdeaconries — Chester
and Richmond, the archdeacons receiving a fixed
stipend of ;£s° C'lch, but having no jurisdiction,
which the bishop retained in his own power. The
Archdeaconry of Chester comprised the whole of
Cheshire, with that i)art of Lancashire which lies
between the Mersey and the Ribble,^ and the parishes
in Wales. It was divided into twelve deaneries—
^ In Domesday the lands which lie between the Ribble and
the Mersey are reckoned in Cesterscire.
CHESTER 105
Chester, Wirral, Bangor, Malpas, Nantwich, Middle-
wich, Macclesfield, Frodsham, Manchester, Warring-
ton, Blackburn, and Leland.
The Archdeaconry of Richmond included the rest
of Lancashire (north of the Ribble) and certain dis-
tricts of Yorkshire, Cumberland, and Westmoreland.
These were arranged in eight deaneries — Amounder-
ness, Lonsdale, Kendal, Furness,Copeland, Richmond,
Catterick, Boroughbridge.
The parishes in Lancashire were in many cases of
enormous extent. Lancashire as late as the four-
teenth century was thinly peopled and ill-cultivated,
" In the south-eastern parts extensive mosses and fens
scarcely allowed pathway for travellers, much less
pasturage or cornfields. A great part of the eastern
central and northern districts consisted of mountain
and moorland, in which the climate was bleak and
the soil bare and unpromising."
Dense forests covered large tracts of the great
parish of INIanchester. A forest of oak, elm, birch,
and thick underwood stretched over the lands of
Boughton, Cheetham, and Blackley, and eastward over
most of Bradford, Openshaw, and Gorton. The
establishment of religious houses did much to alter
the face of the country. The growth of manufactures
and trade, especially in the south-eastern parts, pro-
duced a still greater change. Manchester became so
thriving that in Henry VIIL's reign the doubtful
privilege of sanctuary was transferred to Chester,
"because the sanctuary men are prejudicial to the
wealth, credit, great occupyings, and good order of
the said town by occasioning idleness, unlawful ganigg
lo6 CHESTER
unthriftiness, and other enormities." Bolton, Black-
burn, Ashton, Oldham, and Rochdale shared in this
manufacUiring prosperity. But Liverpool consisted
in 1565 of only 138 inhabited houses, most of them
built in seven streets between its humble chapel and
its ancient castle.
The ecclesiastical arrangements, however, did not
keep pace with the growth in population or wealth.
The parishes continued to be undivided. The
chantries had supplied to some extent the deficiencies
of the parochial clergy. When these were abolished
" the people, deprived of their old pastors, and
neglected by their new ones, were left in a state of
ignorance and vice fearful to contemplate," and many
of the extensive parishes of Lancashire, which even at
that time ought to have been sub-divided, and their
chapels competently endowed and supplied with our
admirable parochial system and the reformed liturgy,
were deliberately left without any clergy.
On the suppression of the chantries in 1548 the
number of the clergy in Manchester, including the
chantry-priests, amounted to twenty-two ; in Winwick
parish to fourteen; in Blackburn to the same number,
and in Preston to eleven. At Bishop Downham's
visitation in 1562 there were not more than two or
three clergymen in each of the large parishes in his
diocese, and the greater part of the old chapels, with
their wide chapelries, had not even one.
King Henry was successful in finding a very able
man to administer this huge diocese. This was John
Bird, a member of an old Cheshire family, born
about 1 48 o. He was a friar of the order of Carmelites,
CHESTER 107
or White Friars. Of this body he was elected Pro-
vincial at the early age of thirty six (in 15 16), for the
usual period of three years, and for a second time
after a like interval of three years, in 1532, this
second election to a post of such distinction and
responsibility bearing witness to his reputation among
the brethren of the English Province, which then
numbered no less than fifty-two houses. To this
qualification of experience in discipline and direction
there was added some considerable knowledge of
episcopal duties, and acquaintance with the clergy of
his future see, for in 1537 John Bird was consecrated
by Cranmer as suffragan of Rowland Lee, Bishop of
Lichfield, with the title of Bishop of Penrith. For
the two or three years which elapsed between this
appointment and his elevation to the episcopal
throne at Bangor, he was entrusted with the chief
management of the enormous Mercian bishopric,
because the Bishop of Lichfield, in his capacity of
President of the Marches of Wales, lived mostly at
Ludlow, and was unable to give much personal
attention to the needs of the diocese. He is regarded
as a man of flexible opinions, prepared always to
swim with the tide, and he therefore, as might be
expected, was found a useful agent by the King in
civil and ecclesiastical aftairs. Thus he was sent to
confer and argue with the reformer Thomas Bilney,
in 1531, before his execution. Four years later he
was joined with Bishop Fox and Thomas Bedyl in a
commission, which endeavoured to persuade Katherine
of Aragon to renounce the style and title of Queen
for that of " Princess Dowager and widow of Prince
lo8 CHESTER
Arthur." In 1539, when he was Bishop Suffragan of
Penrith, he was engaged once more in the King's
matrimonial concerns, and sent on an embassy to
Germany to negotiate the marriage with Anne of
Cleves ; and the following year, after he had been
promoted to the see of Bangor, he was complaisant
enough to subscribe in Convocation the decree in
favour of repudiating the very marriage which he had
been to a great extent instrumental in bringing about.
This same complaisance and easy principle he mani-
fested in his own matrimonial affairs. After his trans-
lation to Chester in 1541 he took to himself a wife,
though well stricken in years, but on being deprived
of his bishopric by Queen Mary on the ground of
being a married man, he promptly repudiated his
wife, and tried hard, but in vain, to induce the Queen
to allow him to retain his see.
The same want of principle was shown in his
religious views. He was one of the most active in
carrying out the orders of the Privy Council of
Edward VI, about the alteration of the Church
Services, and in connection with the Commission
appointed, 7 Edward VI., to take an inventory of
the goods and ornaments of the churches in his
diocese, he was instrumental in seizing a large
quantity of plate and jewels belonging to different
churches in his diocese, which he sent to London as
spoil to satisfy the insatiable greed of the courtly
reformers. Thus in the city of Chester, copes and
tunicles of cloth of gold, rich vestments of "grene
and red and purple tyssho," chalices, pattens, jewelled
crosses and " crysmatories," and bells were all swept
CHESTER 109
off from the churches and sold nominally for the
King's Majesty's use, but actually for the benefit of
the King's counsellors, those ornaments alone being
excepted as being "of so smalle value that they were
distributed unto the poore." The total sum of the
ornaments, copes, vestments, and goods in the churches
of Chester sold by the commissioners amounted to
£,TyO IS. id. It is stated in Harl. MSS. 2150, 268,
that on August 10, i Queen Elizabeth, John Byrd,
Byshopp, and Thomas Tayler, Clarke, were indicted
for taking a wooden crucifix out of St. Oswald's
Church (a part of St. Werburgh's Cathedral), but
there seems some difficulty about the date, as Bishop
Bird was buried at Great Dunmow in October 15,
155^^. quite a month before Elizabeth succeeded to
the throne.
Having been in King Henry's time a strenuous
supporter of and preacher for the King's supremacy,
he signalized himself in the next reign by publishing
strong controversial treatises on "Justification by
Faith," and "Against the Mass and Transubstanti-
ation." When Queen Mary came to the throne, he
was quite prepared to be " made of a young Protestant
an old Catholic," but this pliancy did not save him
from being ejected from the see of Chester. It is
stated that he owed to the Crown the large sum of
^1087, and he was fain to appeal to Bishop Bonner
of London for some place of emolument, bringing
with him, as a present, a dish of apples and a bottle
of wine. He alleged that he had married against
his will, "to flatter with the time," and his repre-
sentations were so plausible as to induce Bonner to
no CHESTER
appoint him his suffragan, and present him to the
Uving of Great Dunmow in Essex, where he died in
1558. Bale, also a Carmelite friar, who had approved
highly of his proceedings in Edward VI.'s reign,
termed him later, in his Exposition on the Apocalypse,
one of the ten horns. We learn from the not very-
flattering picture drawn of him by Fox, that he had
" but one eye."
The following particulars from the Churchwardens'
Accounts of St. Mary's on the Hill, Chester, indicate
the changes in ritual which took place just before and
during John Bird's episcopate. The early entries illus-
trate the way in which the clergy educated the people
by exhibiting to them the great mysteries of religion
symbolically. Thus in 1536 there are payments for
" two ccrdys to the pascall," /. e. the large candlestick
used at Easter, " nayles, pynes, and thred to heng
the (Easter) sepulcur," for "sepulchre lights." At
Christmas, besides a special decoration of holly called
the " hollies " (or holyn) with candles stuck in it, there
was some kind of scenic arrangement, in which the
moon and stars figured prominently. Thus, in 1540,
"paide for nayles and tymber to make the mone
under the holyn," and "paide for hanging the roppe
in the pulle (pulley) for the holyn," and " for making
a skaffolde to take down the mone." Also, in 1544,
" paid for candles to ye sterr and to ye holyn." In
1539 there is a curious entry "for settyng uppe and
schestyng (chesting) the holy goste," and in 1540,
"paide for wyre to sett uppe the holy goste," by
which is meant the figure of a dove symbolizing the
Holy Ghost. There are several entries in these
CHESTER 1 1 1
years of payment for frankincense, and sergesses or
large wax candles weighing 20 lbs. each. In 1539
the churchwardens are engaged in raising up the high
altar, and when it was completed they entertained their
neighbours at the cost to the parish of fourpence.
The holy water stock was set up this year.
In 1543 occui: the entries, "For fylling of the
fonte, i]d. ; " and "for tymber boght to make the pylpyt,
xxd.; item unto the kerver (carver) for makyng of
pylpyd and the grese (steps) to the same, viij^. ; for
workeyng of a star [stair] under the pylpyd, ijV." The
pulpit the following year was ornamented, for vujd. is
paid to " the carver for settynge flowres on ye pulpitt."
In 1544 we have the first reference to the Bible,
when " a cheyne to the Byble " was paid for.
Several entries occur of the repairing and gilding
of crosses for carrying in procession. "For iiij
newe procession boks for ye qwere x\]d. " is paid.
Frequent payments are made by husbands for
"kneeling places," not for themselves but for their
wives, the price being usually xljd. There are
occasional references to the rood-loft, but in 1547
the holy rood was taken down, and in the same year
we have the first record of " white-liming " or white-
washing the church, in order to get rid of any paintings
or other ornamentation that might be on the walls.
Following on this, other indications occur of the
progress of the Reformation. In 1549 a Book for
the Communion and two Psalters, and the "Para-
phrases " are purchased by the wardens, while in the
next year the lead from the holy water stocke is sold
for five shillings, the altars are taken down, and the
112 CHESTER
church floor tiled at considerable cost. A further
sum was expended on mending the glass windows, in
which the old stained glass, with inscriptions beseech-
ing prayers for the souls of those who had given them,
had probably been broken.
In 1552 the wardens pay vijs. for the " newe
comenean boke that was boght last," and xij^. to
Sir Wylliam " for byndynge and cordyng of the same
boke," and xx^^. to the same "for mendyng of the
bybull boke and for the coveryng of the same," as
well as iu]d. "for a skyne for coveryng of the same
boke." In 1553, when Queen Mary had succeeded
her brother, xvj^. is " paid to the carvar for a frame
to the tabull of the hee (high) altar," and xx^. for
"gyllydynge of a nemyche (an image) of owre lade
(lady), 6d. for setting up the angell." ^ Gathered in
the parish towards the " payeinge for the makyng of
the rode, 8s. 4^.;" this cost 12s., for "gilding the
rode, 13^." Paid "for the holy water bockytt " 3^^. 3^.,
and " the berege for leynge up of the alltar s^one, \}d."
The great change had come. The Prayer-book as
used in the time of Edward VI. was proscribed by
Proclamation, and all copies of it were " within fifteen
days (where such books remain) to be brought or
delivered to the Ordinary, at the said Ordinary's will
and disposition to be burnt."
Bishop John Bird was then this Ordinary, but
though he with all haste sent off his wife, and renounced
" Protestant " tenets, he had to give place to a man
of sterner stuff. Dr. George Cotp:s, one of the
' In 1556, this is " Paytl for tlie Angefl tfiat the sacrament ys
in, xiij</."
CHESTER 113
prebendaries of his cathedral. Born in Yorkshire, he
was elected in 1522 a Probationary Fellow of Balliol,
and afterwards a Fellow of Magdalen. He continued
for several years his residence at Oxford, being
Proctor in 1531, and Master of Ealliol from 1539 to
1545, always a champion of the "old learning." He
was consecrated Bishop of Chester on April i, 1554J
by Gardiner, Bishop of Winchester, Archbishop
Cranmer being in the Tower, and the Archbishopric
of York remaining still vacant. The ceremony (of
which a contemporary account has been preserved)
took place in the church of St. Mary Overies, five
other bishops being consecrated on the same occasion,
viz. John White, Warden of Winchester, to the see
of Lincoln ; Gilbert Bourne to Bath ; Henry Morgan
to St. David's ; James Brooks to Gloucester ; and
Maurice Griffin to Rochester. "All was performed
with extraordinary state and ceremony, the church
hung with cloth of arras and other costly carpets,
and the Te Deum Laudamus excellently sung."
Bishop Cotes was allowed to hold the moiety of
the Rectory of Cotgrave, Nottinghamshire, in com-
?nenda/n, because the revenues of Chester were in-
sufficient to support the dignity of the episcopal
office. He was present in Parliament when both
Houses decided by a formal vote to return to the
Roman obedience, and received on their knees from
Cardinal Pole as legate the absolution which freed the
land from the guilt incurred by its schism. He
preached a serm.on a^ St. Paul's Cross on December
16, the subject being " of the blessyd Sacrement of
the Auter." It was his misfortune to be tlie chief
II
114 CHESTER
agent in passing sentence of death upon George Marsh,
the only victim in the diocese of Chester who suffered
during Dr. Cotes' episcopate the atrocity of stake and
faggot. George Marsh was a native of Dean near
Bolton in Lancashire, and was ordained about 1542.
He was arrested for his " Protestant " teaching at
Sniithell's Hall, near Bolton, and sent to Lathom House
to be tried by the Earl of Derby. By him he was
committed to Lancaster Gaol, but was afterwards
removed to Chester, where he was examined for the
second time in the Lady Chapel. He was burned at
the Spital, Boughton. Considerable feeling was shown
in Chester in his favour, and one of the sheriffs, Mr.
John Cowper, attempted a rescue, but he was beaten
off by the other sheriffs, and obliged to make his way
into Wales. Marsh's bones were collected by sympa-
thizers and buried in St. Giles' burial-ground. It is
stated that Bishop Cotes preached a sermon in the
cathedral, declaring that Marsh was a heretic, burnt
like a heretic, and was firebrand in hell. This
martyrdom took place on April 24, 1555, and in a
few months (in December of the same year) Bishop
Cotes followed him to the grave — according to Dr.
Bliss " a good man and a most learned divine, only
possessed with an overwarm zeal for his religion."
His successor, Cuthbert Scott, was still more
forward in resisting the spread of the reformed doc-
trines. Elected a Fellow of Christ's College, Cambridge,
i'^ i537> ^fter some years' absence in Yorkshire as a
parish priest, he returned to his university in 1553, on
his ai)pointment to the Mastership of Christ's College.
He had acquired a great reputation as a theologian,
CHESTliR
"5
and in 1554 was selected as one of the representatives
of Cambridge University on the Royal Conunission to
dispute with Archbishop Cranmer and Bishops Ridley
and Latimer. Two years later, just before his nomi-
nation to the see of Chester, April 2, 1556, he was one
of '• a great rout of Popish doctors before whom John
Hullier was tried for heresy at St. Mary's, Cambridge,
and condemned to the fire." In the next year he was
placed at the head of a commission to visit his univer-
sity for the purpose of extirpating any traces of heresy,
and as such he was concerned, still more unhappily
than his predecessor, in an infamous act of persecution,
an extraordinary ceremony which illustrates the bitter
feeling engendered at the time by religious differences.
Bucer, once Regius Professor of Divinity at Cam-
bridge, had been buried in St. Mary's, and Fagius, a
distinguished Hebraist, in St. Michael's Church. These
churches were laid under an interdict, as being defiled
with the bodies of heretics. " The two dead men
were publicly cited to appear before the Visitors either
personally or by proxy. The citations were duly affixed
to the public buildings, and after being cited three
several times at the successive sittings of the Commis-
sion, of course without appearing, they were pronounced
guilty of heresy, and the Bishop of Chester, after an
address to the court, which included the Vice-Chan-
cellor and all the regents and other members of the
university, as well as the mayor, aldermen, and
council, read from a scroll the sentence. Their
bodies were to be disinterred; they were to be
degraded from holy orders, and handed over to the
secular arm to be burnt. This sentence was carried
Il6 CHESTER
out on the 6th of February ; the bodies were carried
into the market-place, and there the coffins set on end
and chained to a stake and burned to ashes.
St. Mary's Church was hallowed on the following
Sunday by Bishop Scott. " He first hallowed a large
tub of water, into which he put salt, ashes, and wine,
and going round the outside of the church once, and
inside thrice, he sprinkled the building with the con-
secrated water, concluding with a sermon." He ap-
pears to have been an eminent preacher, for he was
appointed to preach at Paul's Cross on February 6, 1558
(soon after the loss of Calais, and apparently in connec-
tion with that national calamity), before the Lord Mayor
and Corporation, many judges, and sixteen bishops.
When Queen Elizabeth succeeded to the throne.
Bishop Scott stoudy opposed her measures, speaking
especially against the Royal Supremacy and the new
Prayer-book. He took part in a conference between
the body of reformers (who had just returned from
their exile) and th3 bishops under the Lord Keeper
Bacon as moderator. The result of the conference
was that the champions of " the old learning " were
fined : the Bishop of Lichfield in the heavy sum of
^333 6s. M. ; Carlisle ;^25o; Chester ^133 6^-. 8/ ;
Dr. Cole, Dean of St. Paul's, 500 marks; Dr. Harpsfield
jQ4,o ; and Dr. Chedsey 40 marks. On June 21, 1559,
he was deprived as a recusant ; and on May 13, 1560,
being adjudged a " forward person," he was committed
to the Fleet. There he remained for four years, but
being released on certain terms, he escaped to Belgium,
and died at Louvain in 1565.
The Visitation Articles of 1554, 1556, and 1557
CHESTER 117
will throw some light upon the condition of parishes,
and the ornaments, etc. considered necessary, during
the episcopate of Bishop Cotes and Bishop Scott.
A large proportion of churches, with nave and
chancel, are reported to need repair ; the windows in
many requiring to be glazed; the churchyard neg-
ligently kept, and overrun with swine and other beasts
seeking for pasture. This is the case with Christie-
ton, Burton, IMynshull, Wrenbury, Aston, Chelford,
Hanmer, Bartomley, Wallasey, Frodsham, Stoke,
Wyburnbury, Holme, Great Budworth, Grappenhall,
Sanbach, IMiddlewich, Lawton, Gostree, Bowdon,
Bebington, Heswall, Neston, Bunbury, Prestbury,
Mobberley, Mottram, Wigan, Ashton, Walton, Warring-
ton, Leyland, Standish, Croston, Chorley, Prescott,
Huyton, Northmeoles, Legh, Sutton, Churchkirk,
Woodchurch, Dersbury. Neston, both in 1554 and
again in 1557, is reported to be without a lych-gate.
Several are stated to lack all the ornaments;
Weverham, Upper and Lower Peover, Heswall,
Colne, Rostorn, Bowdon. In Wyburnbury the altars
are not built, the windows not glazed, the prescribed
books wanting, and the churchyard in a ruinous con-
dition. Ince, Churton, Walton, Stoke, Bebington,
Runcorn, Frodsham, Deane, Bolton, Flixton, Myn-
shull, Heswall, and Wrenbury have no image of the
Crucified One hanging before the high altar. San-
bach, Hdlsall, Northmeoles, Eccleston (Chester), and
Runcorn have none of the books as directed. War-
rington is also in need of vestments; Bui ton wants
an amice and a surplice ; and the churchwardens of
St. Mary's on the Hill, Chester, are admonished to
I 1 8 CHESTER
" find a cope, a vestment, a banner, a picture of the
Cross bie St. James' Day." In Rosthorne there are
"wanting: Imprimis, a paxe; Item, an albe ; Item,
a vay]e. Item, the high altar ys to be repayred, and
not dycent. Item, the chansell ys owt of reparation,
both ye wyndowes and the roufife. The Churche ys
owt of reparatyon, both the wyndow and the rouffe.
Worthinburie has no surplice for the holy water clerk."
In Eccleston (Leyland Deanery) the rector is pre-
sented for having no curate ; Anthony Leyton for
carrying off two altars ; and James Collinge and
Richard Debdale for taking away three great cande-
labra lately hanging in the nave of the church.
William Thompson also took away the figure of the
Crucified One ; and at St, Oswald's, Chester, Geoff'rey
Huxley carried off part of the tabernacle in spite of
the churchwardens. At Thornton one Gilbert User
disturbed the service by striking the bells while the
curate was in the pulpit. At Dodleston one Nicholas
Granend created a disturbance with his drawn sword,
and was punished with a fine and two days' penance.
At Holt six persons were presented in 1557 for
disturbing the congregation during sermon time.
Complaints are made of "chiding" in the church-
yard (at Rossendale), of buying and selling there
during service time, and making the churchyard a
common market (at Sefton, Croston, and Prescott),
of beasts feeding there (at Liverpool).
Mention begins to be made of " Sacramentaries " ^
at Liverpool, Prestwich, Bolton, Rochdale, Bartomley.
^ Absentant se a divinis ; sunt saciamentarii et spreverunt
eucharistiam.
CHESTER 1 1 9
At Mylnegate, Thomas Voile is presented for re-
taining possession of an English Bible. He confesses
to have done so, but says that he has sold it. He is
fined los. 6d.
At Aston, William Cleyton is presented for disturb-
ing divine service, and not receiving the consecrated
bread {panem servatioii) or the holy water. Eight
persons are reported in St. Peter's, Chester, for not
frequenting their parish church, and one, Robert Hill,
for working during divine service on Sundays and
holy days. In St. Michael's parish, George Binson
is fined dd. for the same offence, and for offering his
goods for sale ; and Nicholas Buvins, a shoemaker, and
five others admit that all of the same occupation " do
sett open their shoppes untill ix. of the clocke opon
holidaies," There are three like charges at Wigan,
The bulk of the presentments, however, consists of
offences against morality — fornication, adultery, or
disagreement between husband and wife, or wrangling
between neighbours. Witton, Astbury, Middlewich,
AVigan, Farndon, and Colne have far the highest
number of offenders in the first-named category.
The penalty was, in addition to a fine to be paid to
ecclesiastical uses, viz. for the repair of the church
fabric, in one case Chester Cathedral, or the mending
of the high-roads, public penance to be performed
by both parties. This penance was to be done in
the parish church, for two, three, or even four suc-
cessive Sundays. The penitents, wearing a long linen
shroud, with a placard on their breast detailing the
offence, and walking up the church, barefooted and
bareheaded, and carrying a lighted candle, were re-
I20 CHESTER
quired to kneel down during the Litany, and there
remain after the reading of a homily, and ask pardon
of God. One unhappy creature was required to do
such penance on six days : twice in Colne parish church,
twice in Bryndley [s/c for Burnley], and twice in the
new church of Pendle. At Padiham, in 1557, eight
days' penance were enjoined : two at Padiham, two at
Colne, two at Samsburye [Samlesbury], and two at
Clitheroe. A fine of 16s. A,d. was also imposed, for
the repair of Chester Cathedral. At Preston one
offender convicted of adultery, besides performing
penance on three successive Sundays, was ordered to
appear in penitential garb in the market-place on the
Saturday before the third Sunday.
It is noteworthy, in connection with the later
prosecutions for witchcraft, that in 1556 at Altham,
in the Blackburn deanery, William Dunerdill and
Jeneta his wife were presented for fortune-telling,
propter divinacioneni.
PROCURACIONES GEORGII [COTES]
EP[ISCOPI], 1554.
Decanatus Cestrie.
St. Peter, 2s. ; St. Oswald, 6j-. %d. ; Trinity, 4^'. \(i. ;
St. Mary, \os. ; Eccleston, 3^-. \d. ; Pulford, 2^-. ; Dod-
leston, 4^^. ; Waverton, 6s. %d. ; Cristilton, 8^. ; Torpur-
ley, 8^. ; Plemistowe, 6s. ; Thornton, 6s. Zd. ; Ince,
6^-. Zd. ; Capella de Bruera, "^s. A^d.
Dec. Wirrall.
Shotwik, 3J-. Zd. ; Ncston, 6^. Zd. ; Hcswall, 6s. \od. ;
Thurstaston, 20c/.; Kyrkbc, 6.f. \\d.; Walizeye, Js.
4*^/. ; Bebington, Ss. ^d. ; Estham cum Brombrogh
app., IOJ-. \\d. ; Stoke, 4^. ; Bacford, 3.V. 6d. ; Wood-
ghirch, Js. 6d. ; Bidstone, y. 8d.
CHESTER 121
Dec. Malpas.
Malpas, 20S. ; Tatnall, 6s. Sd. ; Tilston, 6s. 8<f. ;
Codington, 3^. 4^. ; Handley, 3^. 4^/. ; Aldford, 6s. 2>d,
Dec. Bangor.
Bangor, loi". ; Hanmere, los.
Dec. Frodsham.
Frodsham, ?>s. ; Ronckornet Budworth, 25^. i,d. ;
Weverham, 6s. M. ; Rostorn, 9.f. 4<f. ; Bawdon, \os. ;
Lyme et Wburton, 4^-. ; Grapnall, 2S. Sd.
Dec. Vici Malbani.
Acton, 32^. ; Bertumleye, los. ; Aldlem, 10s. ; Bun-
burie, 13^'. ^.d.
Dec. Medio Vico.
Astbury, lOJ-. ; Medii Vici, 13^'. A^- ', Sonbage, ys.
6d. ; Vicaria Eiusdcm, 35'. ; Davenham, 13^-. \d. ;
Swetnam, is. ; Lawton, zod. ; Brerton, 20c/. ; War-
menham, 6^'. Zd.
Dec. Macclesfeld.
Moberleye, 6s. %d. ; Taxall, 3.C. \d. ; Gawsworth, \id. ;
Presburie, 13^. \d. ; Chedill, io.r. ; Mottram, 6s. Zd. ;
Aldcrley, 6^. 8^. ; Wihiislowc, 6s. 8d. ; Northen, 6s.
8d. ; Stopford, 13^. ^d. ; Vicaria do Mottram, 3^. 4^.
Dec. Mamicestrie.
Bolton, 12^. 4d.; Eccles, ioj. ^d. ; Prestwich, icy.
6d. ; Burie, 7s. 2d. ; Medilton, 7s. 2d. ; Rachdall, los.
4^. ; Ashton, ^s. 6d. ; Flixton, 7s. ; Radcliff, 3^. 4^.
Sum. ^3 1 3 J. 8^/.
Dec. Blagburn.
^^1^alley, 40.C. ; Blagburne, 26.r. 8^.
Dec. Werington.
Wcrington, 6s. 8d. ; Winweke, los. ; Lcgh, 6.v. 8^. ;
Wigan, \os. ; Ormskirkc, lo.c. ; Halsall, 6^. 8d. ;
Aghton, 3^. 4d. ; Scfton, los. ; Walton, 10^. ; Child-
wall, 6s. 8d. ; Huytcn, 3^-. ^d. ; Prescott, 6s. 8d. ;
Northmclis, 3^. ^d.
Dec. Leylandc.
Standish, 12s. 8d. ; Lcyland, I2i-. 8^/. ; Pcnwortbam,
122 CHESTER
I2J-. 5(1 ; Croston, i2s. 8(/. ; Eccleston, 12s. Sd. ;
Brynhull, 3^. 4d.
Archid. Richmond'.
Dec. Andernes [Amounderness].
Lithani, y. ; Kirkham, 20^-. ; Mich's [Michael's], 13^.
4d. ; Cokerham, 6s. 8d. ; Ribchester, 10s. ; Cheping,
10s. ; Preston, 20s. ; Garstange, 13^-. 4^. ; Lanc[aster],
26s. Sri. ; Pulton, ly. 4d.
Dec. Lonsdall.
Clapam, 13^-. 4d. ; Thornton, 13^. 4c/.; Sedbart,
20^. ; Lonsdale, 205'. ; Wetington, 6s. 8d. ; Tunstall,
13^-. 4.d. ; Bentham, 13^-. 4.d. ; Tatham, 5^ ; Mellen,
20s. ; Claghton, 5^-.
Dec. Fornes [Furness].
Cartmcll, ; Ulverston, 13^. 4d. ; Pennengton,
4^. ; Urswike, los. ; Aldingham, 13.?. id. ; Dalton,
10s. ; Kirkbeirelith.
Dec. Cowpland.
Millome, 20i-. ; Witingham, los. ; Whitbecke, 13^-.
4d. ; Botill, 1 3^-. 4d. ; Corney, 6s. ; Walberwaith, 5J-. ;
Mulcaster, 13^-. 4d. ; Dregg, S-f. ; Gosforth, 13^-. 4d. ;
Irton, 6^. Sd. ; Ponsbie, 13^-. 4.d. ; Bekermett, 13J.
6^d.; Cleter, 12s.; Egremond, 13s. \d.; Haill, 6^'.
8d. ; Synt Bees ;//// Morsbe, 6.?-. M. ; Distington, 55. ;
Haveryngham, 6s. 8d. ; Workington, 20^-. ; Brigham,
20s. ; Deane, 13^. ^d. ; Lampluff, 13.?. 4d. ; Arleckden,
13^-. 4d. L^-Z I3-^- 2^-
Dec. Kendall.
Kendall, 20s.; Ev'sham, 13^-. 4d.; Bethn, 13^. 4//.;
Burton, \zs. 4^. ; Waverton, 13^-. ^d. ; Bolton, 13^.
4d. ; Heisham, 5^. ; Halton, 5^.
Dec. Richmond.
Gilling, 13^-. 4</. ; Brignall, 10^. ; Danbie, 13.?. \d. ;
Melsambie, 13^-. \d.; Barnyngham, 13^. 4d.; Rich-
monde, 13^-. \d. ; Aynderbie, 20^. ; Stretforth, 6^.
M. ; Langton, \os. ; Kirkbe ravenswath, \os. ; Croffe,
20s. ; Smeton, 13 J. 4c/. ; Magna cooton, 13.T. ^d. ;
CHESTER 1 2
O
Marskc, los. ; Romdalkirk, 13^. 4d. ; WiclitT, los. ;
Rokbe, 6s. Sd. ; Manfeld, 13^. 4^. ; Medilton tias,
I3.f. 4.t/.; Kirkbe super Wiske, 13s. 4^.; Grynton,
13X. 4//.
Dec. Borogrigis.
Knavisbrogh, 20s. ; Ripleye, 20s. ; Goldysbrogh, I3J-.
4//. ; Hnnsingor, I3.r. 4^. ; Hamerton, 13^. 4^. ; Alver-
ton Maliuerley, 13.?. 4^. ; Wixley, 13s. ^d. ; Ffernham,
1 3 J. 4d. ; Copgraue, 135-. \d. ; Staveley, 6^. M. ;
Marton, 13^-. 4^.; Kirkbe super mora, 13^. \d.\
Cundall, 13^. 4^. ; Magna Usburn, 13^. ^d.
Dec. Caterick.
Wensley, 20s.; Estwitton, 13.V. \d.', Aiskerth, 20s.;
Coverham, 135-. \d. ; Middilham, \os. ; Thornton
Steward, i^s. 4c/.; Fingall, 2o.f. ; Walehowse, 20s.;
Tautfeld, 13^-. 4//. ; Kyrkleten, I3.$-. d^d. ; Scruton, I3J-.
^d. ; Burneston, 13J. \d. ;'Bedall, 20^-. ; Downham, ds.
Sd. ; Kyrkbeflctam, 6s. 8d. ; Hawkiswell, 13^-. 4.d. ;
Spenethorn, 20s. ; Brompton, 20s. ; Catarike, 20s. ;
Waith, I3.S-. 4d. ; Well pro cw^., \3s. \d. ; Pick-
hall, 20J'.
NoTK. — The above list is valuable as furnishing the names of
parishes existing at the time, and their comparative importance,
124
CHAPTER VII
Vestments and Ornaments in use 1557-1572— The Recusants-
Bishop Downham reproved for laxity in enforcing the law —
Church fabrics ruinous — Public penance— King's Preachers —
Bishop Chaderton — Vigorous measures adopted.
Whatever opinion we may hold of Queen Eliza-
beth's private views on religious subjects, in her
public policy she was not a " Protestant," though a
Reformer, but disposed to stand on the old ways,
and, as she announced in the proclamation of her
title, "Defender of the Faith," "the trewe, ancient,
and Catholic faithe."
She deemed it her highest wisdom at first to allow
matters ecclesiastical to go on very much as in her
sister's reign, with as little change as possible. This
was clearly pointed out in the Address to Parliament
which Sir Nicholas Bacon gave in her name. "No
party language is to kept up in this kingdom ; the
names heretic, schismatic, papist, and such like are
to be laid aside and forgotten : on the one side, there
must be a guard against unlawful worship and super-
stition, and, on the other, things must not be left
under such a loose regulation as to occasion indiffer-
ency in religion and contempt of holy things." In
this the Queen set an example herself, attending mass
CHESTER 125
in the royal chapel as regularly as her sister had
done, but prohibiting the elevation of the Host.
But all else remained at first as in the previous
reign, the ancient ceremonies continued,^ the crucifix
remained on the altar, tapers were liglited, and incense
burnt as in former days. Her subjects in the country
generally approved of this policy. The changes
made in the parish churches were few, and such as
they were, carried out without much difficulty or
opposition. This is borne out by the churchwardens'
accounts which have been preserved. In St, Mary's
on the Hill, Chester, under the date 1557, there are
payments " For frygancens (frankincense) iiij''. For
the skowryng of the censers i'*. For ij ledes for the
ij haly water stocks v^ For fillyng of the fount at
Ester and Wesson tyed ij'^. For makyng of a stere
xx'"; pentyng and gyldyng of the same stere xx''.
Wyer ii"^ ob. [25']. Rope to the stere ix'*. Candylls
for the stere and the holyn iij'. Makyng of iij""- waxe
to the hye alter iij^ Makyng of ix""- of waxe for the
Rode lofte ix''. Wier to the rode lofte ij** ob." This
was in Mary's reign. In 1558-9, after Elizabeth
had succeeded, similar entries occur. " ij"* is paid for a
corde to ye Roode clothe for Pame [Palm] Sondaye.
iiij'' for frankynsence. ij'' for scouring of ye sence
(censer) and to candellar [two chandeliers], xv'' for
ye makynge of ye waxe for a ster. For a ponde of
candells for to go A vesetynge [to go a visiting]
^ Bishop Tunstall, writing to Secretary Cecil, August 19,
1559, declares that lie "cannot consent to the visitation of his
diocese, if it is to extend to pulling down altars, defacing
churches, and taking away crucifixes."
126 CHESTER
iiij*^ ob. For ye Hallohynge (hallowing) of Cor-
poras and ij hauler clothys x^ For ye makynge
of ye waxe for the holle yere for ye heauter [altar]
xxi'^. 1559 for mendynge of to albys [two albs] iiij''."
But in the same year we find " iiij^ vj'^ payd for ye
comenyon boke," and " ij*^ payd to Rychard Colle for
ye taking done of ye rode," while "hordes to the
comynion table and hordes to make formes and feete
to them," cost v^ iij*^. In 1562 a further sum of "iij^
x'^ is payd for takynge downe the Rodlofte, and ij' for
takyngedown the Altars." At the same time xiiij'' are
paid for the "10 Commaundements and vi'' for mak-
ynge ii rochets for ye boys, and iiij'' for makynge a
Rotchete for the Clarke." In 1572 "An Exposition of
Mathew Novvells Cathechisme and a boke of Articles"
are obtained at a charge of vj^ ij"*. And the following
year " iij"" ij'* ob. are recayved of Mr. Knoles for xi'' of
brasse beinge ye Buckett and ye owld cense [censer]."
In 1574 a churchwarden mentions as "remayninge in
my coustodie towe whye chandleres and tow sakaringe
belles and one whyte bone Boxe with a silver hoocke
and halder." In the same year vj"^ is paid " for a desk
to laye the bybell one [on]."
The churchwardens' book for a neighbouring church,
St. Michael's, contains a long list of "implements"
and vestments belonging to the church in the second
year of Elizabeth, and that same list is practically
identical with the one for 1564. Thus for the first
six years of Elizabeth's reign, the vestments and
ornaments, which had been in use in the reign of
Mary, and in that of Henry VIII., were still existing,
and may or may not have been employed in the
CHESTER 127
regular course of the services. . It was not till 1565
that these were sold by the parish, and after that date
no vestment beyond the ordinary surplice is recorded
or alluded to.
Articles handed over to the new churchwardens of
St. Michael's, Chester, April 23, 1564: —
"A silver and gilt chalice, weighing 18 oz. A cope of
scarlet, embroidered. A vestment of green satin of
Bruges. Another red vestment of say and all things
belonging thereto. Two banners. 3 altar-cloths of linen
cloth. A painted cloth, which covered the rood. The
best frontal of yellow satin of Bruges with a fringe. Three
other frontals. 3 flaxen towels and a golden cushion. A
cross of brass. Two sacring bells and two cruets. A
painted cloth of the 12 apostles. An old canvas cloth
which was next the stone altar. A cear cloth of.. .red
branched work. The Bible with a book of Erasmus. A
Communion Book, and a Book of the Homilies in the
Passion week. A Judas of wood 'that the candeles was
stikt on.' A Judas that the pascal (the large candle made
at Easter) stood on. A staff that the pascal was made
on. Thirteen small pascal staves. Three coffers and the
poor man's box. A frame that was the sepulchre. An
altar stone that is in the coffer. A coffer in the rood loft.
Four stumps of torches. A cake of wax weighing 13 lbs.
A holy water stone. A brasen censer and a pax. A
small sanctus bell. Six small brass rods. A holy water
bucket of brass. A cross staff of brass, and the banner
of the Cross."
Many of these are recorded as having been sold in
the following year, 1565.
In this policy of accepting the stains quo ante
Elizabeth would have continued but for the over-
bearing and insulting altitude of the Pope, which had
the effect of driving her to " conciliate the Protestants,
128 CHESTER
and save from their extravagance as much as she
could of Catholic truth."
As early as the first year of her reign it was found
necessary to pass an Act dealing with Recusancy,
imposing a penalty for non-attendance at church,
consisting of the formal censures of the Church, and
a fine of one shilling to the poor for every offence.
This Act was made much more stringent in the
twenty-second year, and in the north the Bishops of
Chester were repeatedly reproved for not being active
in enforcing the Act of Uniformity, and hunting down
popish recusants, the Council and the High Commission
being much stricter than the bishops in enforcing
obedience to the law. For this neglect Bishop
Downham was reported to the Council in 1560, the
first year of his episcopate. In 1562 he was associ-
ated with the Earl of Derby in a " Commission for
Ecclesiastical Causes, to enforce the acts for the
uniformity of Common Prayer, and restoring to the
Crown the ancient jurisdiction over the estate ecclesi-
astical and spiritual."
Bishop Downham appears to have been negligent
in other respects as well, for report is made to
Archbishop Parker that Blackburn and Whalley
parishes had been grossly neglected, and against the
Bishop himself it was alleged that he taxed his clergy
for visitation fees, but avoided the trouble of a
visitation. The Bishop urges as his plea for this
neglect that he did not like to trouble his clergy by
summoning them to a meeting. It is not surprising,
therefore, that in 1567 he should have been sharply
rebuked by the Queen for not providing for the
CHESTER 129
churches in his diocese, as well as for his remissness
in prosecuting recusants.
In the following year, February 3, 1568, it was
necessary to quicken the action of the Commissioners
by a letter from the Queen, which was followed on
the 2ist of the same month by a peremptory letter
to the Bishop alone. In November of the same year
he reports progress to Cecil, and speaks of the good
service done by the preaching of the Dean of St.
Paul's. But two years later, November 12, 1570, he
is summoned again for remissness.
The following selection of presentments from the
visitation in 156 1-2 throws some light upon the
condition of the churches in the early days of Bishop
Downham's episcopate. The church fabric is re-
ported to be " ruinous " at Bury, Witnesley, Deane,
Maxfeld (Macclesfield), Warrington, Blackburn (win-
dows also), Clideroe, Lawe, Walton, and Northmeles ;
church and churchyard at Bolton, Chedill, and
Mobberley.i At Eccles, Warrington, Altam, and
Winwick the chancel is defective. Pendell is stated
to be without a curate, and the vicar of Maxfeld
neglects divine service ; at Eccles he is non-resident,
and does not preach according to the Queen's
Injunctions. The curate too at Eccles is presented
for not expounding to the parishioners the Lord's
Prayer, the Ten Commandments, and the articles of
faith (the Creed), and for not teaching boys the
Catechism. The Rector of Winwick and the Vicar
of Deane do not preach, nor does their brother at
' The names, very variously spelt in different folios, are given
as they occur in the original record.
I
130 CHESTER
Eccleston, and the latter also gives no alms to the
poor.
The youths in Manchester j^arish church are not
taught, and the Dean and his colleagues are presented
for not receiving in due order the Communion on
Sundays.
The order of 1549 forbade "all buying and selling,
gaming, or unfitting demeanour in church or church-
yards, especially during the Common Prayer, the
sermon, and reading of the homily."
Despite this regulation, the churchyard is made a
market-place very commonly, e.g. at Warrington,
Eccles, Standishe, Legh, Macclesfield, and even in
the church itself at Mobberley fighting has taken
place. A large number of presentments for fornica-
tion is entered, especially at Stopford (Stockport),
Bolton, Manchester, and Bury. The penalty imposed
in several cases was " to fast 3 PYidays afore Ester
twice off bred and drink, on Good Friday bread and
water, and to gyf xii^. to the reparacion of the Cathe-
dral Church, and xii^. to the poor awms box on Good
Friday." Occasionally the fine is devoted to the
repair of the highways, as at Brindley an offender was
directed to pay to the poor-box in his parish church
55-. and 4s. to keep up the public roads. An adulterer
had to say the seven penitential Psalms on Easter
day, and offer to the poor-box 35'. 4^., and the same
sum to the church fabric.
The offender did not often get off with a mere
money payment, but had to smart in person. He or
she had to do public penance on two or more Sundays,
and in one case the culprit was condemned to stand
CHESTER
131
in tlie market-place at Manchester with bare head on
Saturday, the day of greatest business. The presentment
for neglect of preaching is noteworthy, as Elizabeth at
first discouraged preaching, and considered three or
four preachers sufficient for a whole county. In the
proclamation issued at the beginning of her reign, she
<' thought it necessary to charge and command all
manner of her subjects, as well those that be called to
ministry in the Church as all others, that they do
forbear to preach or teach, or to give audience to any
manner of doctrine or preaching, other than to the
Gospels and Epistles of the day and the Ten Com-
mandments in the vulgar tongue, without exposition
or addition of any manner of sense or meaning to be
applied or added." We shall see later how often the
importance of preaching had to be impressed upon
the Queen and her Council, and it will be convenient
here to refer to the special arrangement which had
already been made for such preaching in the diocese
of Chester.
A special body of "King's Preachers" had been
appointed in the early part of Edward VI. 's reign.
When the lands of the Collegiate Church at Man-
chester were transferred to Edward Earl of Derby,
it was stipulated that part of the rents should be
applied to the support of four itinerant ministers, who
were to be sent at stated intervals to preach the
reformed doctrines in the remoter parts of Lancashire.
The original annual grant was ^40 to each preacher,
the selection being left to the Earl of Derby.
In Elizabeth's reign the amount voted for this
purpose was ;!£^2oo, which was to be bestowed upon
132 CHESTER
the support of these itinerant preachers, or given to
the clergy placed in charge of poor chapelries.
Amongst the names who held the office of King's or
Queen's Preacher were Dr. Pendleton, Bradford the
Martyr, Pilkington, Bishop of Durham, Saunders, the
Bishop's "most loving and gentle master," Richard
Midgeley, Isaac Ambrose of Preston, Nathanael
Heywood of Ormskirk, who received the appoint-
ment " through the singular goodness of his lady, the
Countess of Derby," William Bell. These men, aided
by the puritanism of the clergy of the chief towns
and their successors, left Lancashire "downright
Protestant."
The following document which was issued in 1621
by King James may conveniently be recited here —
" Right Rev'' Father in God and Trusty and Well-
Beloved We greet you well. Whereas out of our
zeal to God's glory and a care of Many Thousands of
our subjects within ye county of Lancaster (there
being a great want of Maintenance for Preachers in
most places of y' shire) We have appointed 200" of
our free gift and during our pleasure to be paid yearly
to 4 preachers who are to preach in ye several parts
of ye county among ye Impropriations there, by ye
Appointment of ye Bishop of y* Diocese : We now
understand y' ye said preachers after they are admitted
to those places do accept of other Benefices remote
from thense : and namely James Martin, one of ye
said preachers, hath now lately accepted of ye Cure
of ye Town and Parish of Preston : yet intendeth to
hold our said pension contrary to our gracious mean-
ing in bestowing ye same. We have therefor thought
CHESTER 133
fitt to let you know that our pleasure is y' henceforth
those jjensions be paid to none but such as do
wholly and only attend those Impropriations for
which we conferred ye same. And y' if any of
these 4 preachers now have or hereafter shall have
any benefice with cure of souls (unless it be some
vicarage lying amongst those Impropriations where
he is appointed to preach) that you presently nominate
and assign some other sufficient and conformable
Minister to his pension. And our pleasure is yt you
our Receiver of our said County or any other our
officers whom it may concern do make paiment and
allowance thereof to such preachers only as our said
Bishop shall appoint. Given at Westminster ye 2nd
of June, 1 62 1."
At Chester, which was strongly Protestant, and as
such in complete harmony with the Chamberlain of
Chester, the Earl of Leicester, who posed as the
champion of Protestantism, the Act against recusancy
was strictly enforced, and in the Mayor's books many
presentments are entered. Thus in 1569, Richard
Scrivener is bound in the heavy sum of ;^4o to
"be of honest and decent behaviour and order as
well against all Prechers, Professors of the Gospell,
Curats and Mynistres within the said citie, and also
against all officers and ministers of our said soveraigne,
and upon every Sunday and Holy daie from hens-
forth be present at every sermon within the Parish
Church, and there during the same in desent order
to remain unlesse urgent busines be the cause of the
contrary."
A number of persons in 1575 were presented
134
CHESTER
and fined 6s. Sd. for not coming to their parish
church.
In 1577 most of the crosses in and about Chester,
at the Bars, the North Gate, and near Spital, Boughton,
were pulled down except the High Cross. This was
done in obedience to the Archbishop's Visitors, by a
zealous sheriff, Mr. Mutton, whose death a few years
later was attributed by some to his iconoclastic
zeal.
After Bishop Downham's death, at the close of
1577, the see of Chester remained vacant for another
period of two years. In a letter of the Bishop of
London to Sir Christopher Hatton, recommending
Doctor Chaderton for the bishopric, the diocese is
compared to "an unruly family without a steward,
which will, by this long delay that happened, be
hardly drawn to' good order." This comparison was
fully justified, for the Seminarist priests from the
Continent were meanwhile taking abundant advantage
of the absence of "a steward," and worked so
zealously in promoting the interests of Rome, that
the new bishop found the duty of repression,
negligently and unsympathetically carried out by
Bishop Downham, more than ever difficult to perform.
Dr. William Chaderton, who was appointed in
1579, was a native of Manchester, and educated at
Manchester Grammar School, whence he proceeded
to Cambridge University, being successively Fellow
of Christ's College, in 1558, Margaret Professor of
Divinity, 1567, President of Queen's College, 1568,
and Regius Professor of Divinity in 1569. He came
under the notice of Queen Elizabeth on the occasion
CHESTER 135
of her visit to Cambridge, in 1564, when, as one of
the ripest and most learned of the Fellows, he was
selected to take part in a formal disputation. Queen
Elizabeth's objections to a married clergy were as
strong as those of her sister Mary,^ and it is amusing
to recall that Dr. Chaderton, who had expressed him-
self so adversely to the married state, should, in 1560,
write to Lord Leicester asking his "good lykinge and
consent " of his intended marriage. It was Dr.
Chaderton who had declared in a wedding sermon
that the choice of a wife was " full of hazard, not
unlike as if one in a barrel, full of serpents, should
grope for one fish. If he escape harm of the snakes,
and light on a fish, he may be thought fortunate.
Yet let him not boast, for perhaps it may prove but
an eel." Leicester's reply to his chaplain's letter is
cautiously worded, giving consent generally, but
leaving the matter to his own decision "as your
owneself is moved therin, and wishing his speyd to be
such as may alwaies turn to his greate comfort and
consolation." It does not appear whether, in his
choice of the lady he married (Katherine, daughter
of John Revell of London), he was fortunate enough
to find a goodly " fish to his comfort and consolation."
But his marriage proved to be no obstacle to his
advancement.
After obtaining a prebend at York in 1574, and
^ 1561, Aug. 9. The Queen's injunction wai issued that
" the wives and children of all governors, prebendaries, or
students of Cathedral Churches or Colleges residing within
houses belonging to the same shall not be permitted to remain
or abide therein."
136 CHESTER
another at Westminster in 1576, he was nominated
Bishop of Chester in 1579. On account of the
poverty of the bishopric, he was allowed to hold
in comnmidam the Rectory of Bangor Monachorum
in Flintshire (which he exchanged for that of Thornton
le Moors) and the Wardenship of the College at
Manchester. Sir John Harrington, referring to
the leading position which he took in university
affairs, describes him as a learned and grave doctor,
able to lay aside his gravity in the pulpit, well-
beloved by his scholars for not affecting any sour or
austere fashion, either in teaching or governing. On
the other hand, Bering, the friend of Thomas Cart-
wright, the Puritan, charges him with having little
constancy, either in his Hfe or in his religion.
His new position called for the exercise of all his
ability and strength of character. His new diocese
contained far the largest portion of recusants of all
the dioceses in England : out of 8,512 persons certified
to be such in England, no less than 2,442 resided in
the diocese of Chester. Again Cheshire appears to
have acquiesced much more readily than did Lancashire
in the religious changes of the period. Thus in the
Visitation Records of 1592, whereas in the Lancashire
part of the volume whole pages are frequently occupied
with lists of Popish recusants, and there is hardly a
parish that does not return at least a dozen, in
Cheshire it is no uncommon thing to find a dozen
parishes without a single recusant. The bulk of the
Cheshire cases were on the Welsh border in Holt,
Farndon, and Worthenbury parishes. In one Recusant
roll, Cheshire has in all one hundred and fifty names,
CHESTER 137
which compares very favourably with Lancashire, where
the number was seven hundred.
Bishop Chadertoa had already had experience of
the obstinacy of Puritan Nonconformists as the head
of a Cambridge college, and henceforward for sixteen
long and busy years he was to enforce the ecclesiastical
laws against the other extreme party, not being
allowed to relax his vigilance for a single moment
without a reminder from the Privy Council or the
Archbishop of York. He was associated on the
Ecclesiastical Commission, June 10, 1580, with the
Archbishop of York and Henry Earl of Derby, and
directed to proceed first and more strictly against the
gentry in Lancashire than others, because they led the
rest to defect. Three weeks later a further mandate
was issued by the Council, that as the recusants did
not regard the small penalties formerly laid on them,
the Commissioners were to impose heavier fines, and
the chief offenders were to be confined in the Castle
of Halton, on account of the remissness in the
ordinary prisons, where the keepers were reported to
allow them too much liberty.
It would appear that Bishop Chaderton's active
and vigorous measures had produced a certain effect,
for William Lord Burghley writes on July 23, 15 So,
commending him and Lord Derby in that Lancashire,
which had been reported to be in very great disorder,
had by their "godlie proceedings been very well
reformed, and great hope of better obedience by such
your painful perseverance." In the same letter Lord
Burghley goes on to say (as though he feared that
the Bishop was inclined to severity), " Remember St.
138 CHESTER
Paul, tefupestive, intempestive. Somewhere you must
be a Father, somewhere as a Lord. For so the
diversitie of your flocke will require. With the meanest
sort, courtesie will serve more than argument, with the
higher sort auctoritie is a match." The same wise
counsel, showing a spirit of toleration remarkable for
the time and under the circumstances of the day, was
given in the matter of " Wafer Bread." " Yt were
good to teach them that are weake in Conscience in
esteeming of the Wafer Bread, not to make a differ-
ence. But yf there weaknes continue, yt were not
unwise, in our opinion, charitably to tollerate them as
Children, with milk."
Bishop Chaderton's disposition was in accord with
this. For though strict and earnest in the perform-
ance of his duties, he was a cautious and temperate
prelate, not hostile to the more moderate of either
Romanists or Puritans, nor inclined to bring undue
pressure upon them.^ But it would seem as though
the Romanist party provoked severity.
Cardinal Allen, a native of Rossall, in North Lan-
cashire, was most active in directing the campaign of
the Romish emissaries.
Li reviewing the lamentable manifestations of
religious feeling at this period, it must not be forgotten
that Protestantism and loyalty had been made almost
synonymous by the promulgation of Pope Pius' Bull of
Deposition, branding Queen Elizabeth as " a bastard
and excommunicated heretic,",and absolving her sub-
^ Archbishop Sandys complains in a friendly letter — " Vou
are noted to yelde to much to general Fastings, all the Daie
preachinge and Trayinge."
CHESTER 139
jects from all allegiance to her. The establishment
of a seminary of priests at Douay, the Jesuit mission
under Parsons and Campian, who were frequently
entertained at the houses of the leading county
families, the discovery of one plot after another against
the Queen's life, continued to inflame the public mind,
already exasperated against the Papacy by the cruel
butcheries in Flanders and the massacre on St.
Bartholomew's day. We cannot, therefore, be sur-
prised that the Queen and her advisers should
determine to "proceed roundly with recusants as
refused conformitie." Elizabeth at this juncture
abandoned her objection to preachers, and allowed
Walsingham to write to the Bishop, " I perswade my-
self yf those parts were well furnished with a compe-
tent number of good learned preachers, the recusants
would be inwardlie in haste as conformable as they
be outwardlie in bodie. Do what lieth in you to call
into your Diocese such ministers as maie be a helpe
to you in the ministry of the Worde."
Bishop Chaderton had taken up his abode at the
College of Manchester, as the most convenient centre
for action ; but after two years' vigorous adminis-
tration (during which he was obliged to call for the
Queen's licence of absence from Parliament) the
Council write, April i, 1582, to the justices of
Cheshire and Lancashire complaining, " notwithstand-
ing the meaures taken, there was little result, divers
remayne still obstinate; " and in June 1582 they call
for greater strictness—" the obstinacy of great ones
almost everywhere keep back the lower sort from
conforming ; they should be indicted at the quarter
140 CHESTER
sessions, and those refusing to appear outlawed." It
is abundantly clear from the State Papers that the
greater part of the wealthy families in Lancashire were
distinctly in favour of the Roman obedience; and
although steps were taken to ensure the presence of
all justices at the sessions, there was great remissness
and want of earnestness in putting the law into opera-
tion. But though many ancient Lancashire families
were reduced to poverty by the heavy sums levied on
them,i and though children were taken from their
parents to be brought up in the reformed faith, neither
fine nor imprisonment nor even outlawry was able to
overcome their obduracy; and in 1590 the Bishop was
fain to confess that the number of recusants is great
and daily increases, and there may be seen usually
every Sunday and holiday as many people to repair to
places suspected as to the parish church.
1 Mrs. Margaret Ravenscroft in 1592 was fined ;i^240, and Mrs.
Anne Mallam of West Kirby the same sum, while Mrs. Alice
Whittmore of Leighton was mulcted in a fine amounting to
^^■960.
141
CHAPTER VIII
Puritanism in Lancashire — Mar-Prelate Press — Non-use of the
surplice — Omission of preaching and perambulations —
Bishops Hugh Bellot, Richard Vaughan, George Lloyd-
Growing importance of the pulpit.
The name " Puritan " was given to the English dis-
ciples of the foreign reformers, probably in derision of
the superior purity of doctrine and discipline which the
more rigid among them claimed as their characteristic.
They wished to bring the English Church more into
conformity with the Genevan type. They maintained
that they accepted the Word of God alone as their rule
of life, and regarded all but the simplest and barest
ritual to be of human invention and superstitious.
All symbolism in religion was condemned. They
would have no sign of the Cross in baptism, or ring
used in the marriage service. The surplice was a rag
of Popery. The observance of saints' days and chant-
ing with organs were popish abominations. The two
ordinances of Baptism and the Lord's Supper they
accepted in name, but denuded of that grace attached
to them severally by the Catholic Church. The
clergy were ministers of the Word, and preaching the
great ordinance of the Church. Some of these Puritans
142 CHESTER
formally separated from the Church of England in
1566; others remained in her Communion, evading
the laws, and supported by Leicester and Walsingham,
as well as by a strong party in the House of Com-
mons. The public printing-presses were all closed
against them, and a certain party amongst them set
up a private press. To prevent discovery, it was
moved from place to place. First set up at Moulsey
in Surrey, then at Kingston-on-Thames, then succes-
sively at Fawsley Court in Northamptonshire and at
Coventry, it was finally run down at Manchester, and
the whole plant captured. The publications, which
mark a distinct era in the history of Puritanism, were
a series of bitterly satirical tracts, signed by Martin
Mar-prelate, containing virulent attacks upon the
bishops and the " Bounsing Priests," which occasioned
the passing in 1593 of a severe statute against
Nonconformity.
Lancashire, while in some parts it continued to
have throughout Elizabeth's reign a large number of
Roman Catholics, and furnished a greater proportion
of recusants than any other district in England, had
also in the south-eastern divisions an equally large
number of Puritans of the most pronounced and
uncompromising type.
" The busy traders and manufacturers of Salford-
shire, having formed mercantile connections in Hol-
land and Germany, became acquainted with the great
changes in the religion of those countries. Better
educated than their rustic neighbours, and having more
money to spare and more opportunity to spend it,
they purchased books, conversed with foreigners,
CHESTER 143
occasionally travelled to continental fairs, knew more
than their priests, prided themselves on a sturdy inde*
pendence of thought, and became many of them
firm and zealous adherents of the Reformation."
Bolton soon acquired the name of the Geneva of
Lancashire, Manchester and Rochdale not being far
behind in like zeal.
In the hundreds of West Derby and Leyland, the
leading families were chiefly Roman Catholic, with a
respectable minority of Puritans, made up by a few
smaller landed proprietors, the yeomen and traders in
villages, and a considerable party in the towns. In
the hundreds of Salford and Blackburn the Puritans
had the majority. Amongst the leading families
active in their prosecution of recusants were the Booths
of Barton and Dunham-Massey, the Hollands of
Denton, the Birches, the Worsleys ; while the town of
Blackburn, next to Bolton and Manchester, was the
most Puritan town in Lancashire, though in the
neighbourhood the Roman Catholics were numerous
and powerful. The hundreds of Amounderness and
Lonsdale contained a much larger proportion of
Roman Catholics, the Puritan party being distinctly
weak.
This condition of affairs will explain the difficulties
which Bishop Chaderton encountered in administer-
ing his immense diocese. He has been called " the
Puritan bishop of Chester," " showing," according to
Antony h. Wood, " more respect to a Cloak than a
Cassock." But notwithstanding this, and his partiality
(according to Archbishop Sandys) for " prophcsyings
and all the daie preachings," he had great trouble with
144 CHESTER
the Puritans, who were as obstinate in their noncon-
formity as the other party. Whitney, the Cheshire
poet, dedicated one of his emblems to him, entitUng
it Vigilantia et Custodia, having the device of a
church with a cock on the tower and a Hon at the
door— the cock to rouse the sleeping, and the lion to
defend the flock from foes.
This confession of failure on the part of the Bishop
is confirmed by the adverse report which the Council
of the North sent up to the Privy Council in 1591, on
the condition of Lancashire and Cheshire.^
" Small reformation has been made there by the
Ecclesiastical Commission, as may appear by the
emptiness of churches on Sundays and holidays, and
the multitude of bastards and drunkards ; great sums
have been levied under pretence of the Commission,
but the counties are in worse case than before, and
the number of those who do not resort to divine
service greater. The people lack instruction, for the
preachers are few, most of the parsons unlearned,
many of those learned not resident, and divers un-
learned daily admitted into very good benefices by the
Bishop.
" The youth are for the most part trained up by such
as profess papistry ; no examination is had of schools
and school-masters. The proclamation for the appre-
hension of seminaries, Jesuits, and mass priests, and
for calling home children from parts beyond the sea,
is not executed, nor are their Lordships' letters com-
manding the Justices to call before them, quarterly, all
parsons, vicars, curates, churchwardens, and sworn
^ Domestic State Papers, 1591-94.
CHKSTER 145
men, and examine them on oath how the statutes of
I & 23 Ehz. as to resorting to churches are obeyed,
that at the next quarter sessions information may be
given against the offenders. Some of the coroners
and justices and their famihes do not frequent church,
and many of them have not communicated at the
Lord's Supper since the beginning of Her Majesty's
reign. The seminaries in many places have Litely
offered disputations against the settled religion ; but
nothing hath been said to them ; the people who
resort to church are so few that preachers who were
determined to preach on Sundays and holidays have
refrained for lack of auditors; the people so swarm in
the streets and alehouses during service time, that many
churches have only present the curate and his clerk,
and open markets are kept in service time. Since the
statutes of A° 18 bastards have been more plentiful,
but no punishment has been administered. The
statute for punishment of rogues and provision for
the poor is not put in force, so that there are many
lusty vagabonds. Marriages and christenings are
celebrated by seminary and other priests in corners,
and no examination made thereof, and in some parts
children that have been baptized according to law
have been afterwards re-baptized by priests. Divers
mass priests, having been apprehended, refuse to be
examined upon oath as to where they have frequented,
and by whom they have been cherished, so that the
state of the country is not thoroughly known, and
until their haunts have been discovered, it is impos-
sible to reform it. Very few or none of the stewards
of the leets, etc. have informed the people within their
146 CHESTER
precincts of the statute of A° 5, against foreign juris-
diction, although charged to do it ; and the youth are
not sworn to Her Majesty in the Leet Courts accord-
ing to law.
" Alehouses are innumerable, and the law for sup-
pressing and keeping them in order is unexecuted,
whereby toleration of drunkenness, unlawful games,
and other great abuses follow. Although their Lord-
ships have often written to the justices for redress,
small or no reformation has followed, and cock-fights
and other unlawful games are tolerated on Sundays
and holidays, during divine service, at which justices
of the peace and some Ecclesiastical Commissioners
are often present. The recusants have spies about the
Commissioners, to give intelligence when anything is
intended against them, and some of the bailiffs attend-
ing upon the Commissioners are entertained for that
purpose, so that the recusants may shift out of the way,
and avoid being apprehended ; some examples ought
to be made of the bailiffs as a terror to others ; as also
of some of the Commissioners and justices, who have
grants of the goods and lands of the recusants, so that
the recusants may not forfeit them, in case they are
touched for any illegal cause. It will be hard for the
Lord President of the North to keep in order York-
shire and the other counties adjoining, so long as
Lancashire remains unreformed. The issues, forfeit-
ures, and outlawed goods being let to farm in Lanca-
shire, the farmers make very easy compositions with
such as forfeit any issues, and with those outlawed
for recusancy and other causes ; the justices and
sheriffs tax and return very small issues upon the
CHESTER 147
offenders, and the goods of persons outlawed are
seldom or never seized nor they apprehended ; so
that the law works no redress in that county."
Then follows a list of fourteen justices of peace in
Lancashire, of whom three are Ecclesiastical Commis-
sioners who are suspected of favouring papacy, with
the names of their dwelling-places, state of their
families and tenants, etc., etc.
The three richest rectories in Lancashire, Winwick,
Wigan, and Middleton were held by Puritans, as were
the three great vicarages, Rochdale, Whalley, and
Blackburn. In these parishes were many chapelries,
also occupied by Puritan ministers. The promoters
of the Manchester exercises were all zealous Puritans.
In the Visitation Reports of 1588 — 1592 there are
frequent presentments of the non-use of the surplice ;
the Book of Common Prayer, and the Communion
Book, and even occasionally the chalice, are reported
to be wanting or in bad repair.
The surplice was not used in 1589-90 by very many
of the clergy of the diocese. This was made the
subject of strong complaint against the Collegiate
Church of Manchester by Archbishop Piers, May 31,
1590. "None of the Fellows, ministers, or choristers
do wear surplices in time of prayers and ministration
of Sacraments, which is undecent and offensive in such
a Collegiate Church," and in urging Bishop Chaderton
to reform the abuses there and elsewhere, he bids him
" first begin in your own College at Manchester." The
same neglect is found at the Bishop's own visitation
to exist at Prestwich, Rochdale, Middleton, Ashton-
under - Lyme and Ashton - super - Mersey, Norton,
148 CHESTER
Grappenhall, Malpas (by both rectors), Waverton,
Swettenham, Macclesfield, Acton, Astbury, Winwick,
and both in 1589 and 1592 at Legh, Weverham, and
Stockport. At Mobberley and Alderley the clergy
" weare the surplice but now and then."
Complaint is made repeatedly of the omission of
preaching and of perambulations. At Coddington
and Baddiley there was no pulpit. At Dodleston the
rector is no preacher, but the wardens affirm as a
sufficient excuse that they have twelve sermons yearly.
In other parishes (Shocklach, Guilden Sutton) they ask
for quarterly sermons, while at Ince " they had had noe
quarter sermons these eight years."
Catechising is commonly omitted, and parents are
admonished for not bringing their children to be
catechised. The church fabric in several parishes is
reported to be in bad order, and sometimes not kept
clean, but the presentments of this nature are by no
means as numerous as in previous years. At Codding-
ton, where " the roodlofte standeth undefaced and full
of idolaterie pictures," the wardens are admonished
(September 26, 1592) to deface the pictures and rood-
loft before the Feast of the Annunciation. Jewel's
Apology and the two books of the Homilies are ordered
to be provided. The Bible of largest volume is wanted
at (amongst other places) Childwall, Middleton, Daven-
ham, Waverton, Middlewich, Neston.
The Rector of Waverton is presented for admitting
" divers to the sacraments that will nott saie the Cate-
chisme and other questions, and such that weare evill
livers uppon there promis of amendmente," and at
Bangor in Flintshire "the Curate doth minister the Com-
CHESTER 149
munion to divers aged xx yeares or above that are
thought could not saie the Lordes praier bie herte, the
articles of faith, or the tenn commandments." Working
on Sundays and holidays is punished. At Davenham
Richard Doanne is presented " for causing his people
work upon the Saboath and hollidaies baking of bred,
stackinge of haie." Humphrey Gibbon of Northenden
is presented " for plowing upon 2 holidaies in Easter
weeke Twesdaie and uppon Male daie." John Gibbon
junior is presented for " affirming that the saide Hum-
phrey might work uppon the Hollidaies and that the
Preachers taught soe, and tawnted the Churchwardens
and s worne men for findinge falte thereat." Another man
in the same parish, charged with harrowing and sowing
on Easter Tuesday, admitted that he did it, but that "he
was at divine service and did hit afterwards for want
of other tyme and the latenes of the yere." At Nant-
wich "Richard Chester carieth an ape abroade on the
Saboath daies and is absent from Church. Warned
that he shall hereafter more dutiefully frequent the
Church and not use play with his Ape upon the Lord's
day."
The Puritans were rapidly gaining strength, and
making their influence felt with the Government of the
day. A formal complaint was made in 1590 (one of
a series sent to the Privy Council) by preachers and
ministers of the " enormities in the County of Lancas-
ter and some parts of Cheshire." After referring to
the continual recourse of Jesuits and seminary priests,
and the number of persons suspected of attending
masses daily, they complain of " private marriages and
baptisms by massing priests, of wakes, ales, maigames,
150 CHESTER
Rushbearings, Bearbaitings, Doveales, Bonfiers, piping
and daunsinges freely exercised on the Sabboth.
Those reformed of recusancy come so seldom to
church, behave unconformably, withdrawing to the
furthest part of the church from the Word, bestowing
themselves in their private prayers, talking or mis-
spending the time. The service is disturbed by con-
tinual intercourse of people in and out ; some come
when service is half done, many depart before the
end. Private prayers are used, crossing, knocking
of breast, handling of beads, whilst outside a great
tumult of people remain in the churchyard. Dis-
orders at the Easterly Communion are frequent. Many
intrude to receive who have not been at divine service
or at any part of prayers before Communion. Many
refuse to take the Sacrament with their hands, but
proffer to receive it with their mouths at the hand of
the minister. There is great irreverence to get speedy
dispatch; many depart before the end; of 1000 or
2000 not one score will remain to give thanks with the
minister."
"The chapels of ease (three times as many as the
parish churches and more), through backwardness of
evil-affected people in conferring due maintenance
on the minister, are many of them utterly destitute
of any curates, and grow into utter ruine and desola-
tion. Many under pretence of their chapels refrain
from their parish church, and so come not at all.
Therefore many grow into utter atheism and bar-
barism."
In 1595 Chaderton was translated to the see of
Lincoln, and was succeeded by Hugh BcUot, Bishop
CHESTER I 5 I
of Bangor. A Cheshire man, third son of Thomas
Bellot of Great Moreton, he held in 1584 the rectory
of Caerwys in Flintshire, and the vicarage of Gresford
in Denbighshire, and in the following year he was
nominated to the see of Bangor, through the influence
of Lord Burleigh, whose steward and trusted friend
was Thomas Bellot, brother of the future bishop.
It is interesting to note that while he held this see,
he assisted Dr. William Morgan in bringing out the
Welsh translation of the Bible. Richard Vaughan,
then rector of Lutterworth, afterwards Bishop of
Chester, co-operated also in this work. Bishop
Bellot did not live long after his translation to
Chester, dying, at the age of fifty-four, on June 13,
1596, hardly eight months after receiving the tempor-
alities, and was buried in the chancel of Wrexham
Church. He is said to have been very strict in
dealing with the Romish recusants, but no record is
to be found of any special instances of this severity.
He is reported also to have prohibited the presence
of a woman in his household.
For the third time within fifty-six years the see of
Chester was filled by the appointment of a Bishop of
Bangor, Richard Vaughan succeeding Bishop Bellot
in the English diocese, as he followed him in the
occupancy of the Welsh see. The Queen, however,
allowed the interval of a year to pass after Bellot's
death before she made the appointment, April 23,
1597. Richard Vaughan was a native of Carnarvon-
shire. Owing to his relationship to Bishop Aylmer of
London, he was fortunate in obtaining speedy pre-
ferment. Sir John Llarrington describes him as " very
152
CHESTER
prompt and ready in speache and withall facetious."
An enemy to all supposed miracles, he spoke of the
Queen's touching for the evil in such a way as, if it
had been told the Queen, " she would never have
made him Bishop of Chester."
Besides the part which he took in furthering the
publication of Dr. Morgan's Welsh translation of the
Bible, he was associated with some Cambridge
divines in the drawing up of the " Lambeth Articles,"
which were so remarkable for their pronounced
Calvinism. During his episcopate of seven years he
was called upon to check the extravagances and
insubordination of his clergy, who had in very many
instances, especially the rectors of the great Lancashire
parishes, favoured strongly the Genevan school of
thought. He appears to have been earnest enough
in following up the popish recusants, though, like
Bishop Chaderton, he has to acknowledge failure.
In a report, January 14, 1598, he states that he has
used his best endeavours with the sheriff to apprehend
recusants (for non-payment of their share for the Irish
expedition) but without effect. They had so many
spies and kindred and alliances that it was almost
impossible to seize them. Those who are confined
in Lancaster gaol are very ill kept, they have liberty
to go where and whither they list, hunt, hawk, and
go to horse-races. He urgently presses for the
appointment of preachers. The Queen impresses
upon Lord Burghley, on his appointment to be
President in the North, the importance of stringent
measures. "It appears that within the last five or
six years whole parishes have grown recusant, not six
CHESTER 153
households within six miles being found obedient.
Through toleration and negligence, wilful papists are
unpunished. Dangerous recusants have been liberated
by the High Commissioners without the privity of
most of the Council. Meaner persons are called by
a hundred a day to the High Commission, whilst
the greater are not called, or compound privately."
How very hot was the pursuit we may learn from
a letter of July 3, 1599, from John Feme to Secretary
Cecil, describing a hunt for recusants at German
Abbey, a favourite place of resort for the Romish
party. Floors, ceiUngs, pavements, and double walls
were broken up and vaults of strange conveyance
found out. " At the stair-head was a post as thick
as a man's body, on which the house seemed to bear,
but it was really a removable hinge, locked from
beneath, covering a hole at which a man might
descend."
Bishop Vaughan succeeded in obtaining from King
James in 1603 a grant of ;!^2oo per annum for the
stipends of four preachers to " instruct the people in
true religion." The appointments made by him were
of persons with Calvinist leanings, and their preaching
did much to strengthen the hands of the Puritan
party. He found it therefore necessary to check
some of their extravagances, which were as dangerous
to the well-being of the Church as the political
intrigues of the opposite party. ^ In the Visitation
Records, together with notices of persons not com-
municating or absenting themselves from church,
^ He silenced twenty-one of his clergy in Lancashire and
twelve in Cheshire.
154 CHESTER
occur presentments relating to church ornaments and
neglect of preaching. At Woodchurch, " neither ten
Commandments nor anie other sentences of Scripture
are placed in the Church." At Bebington no covering
for Communion table, and Ten Commandments not
placed. "Joan Goodiker, widow, useth bye reporte
to praie on beads. Affirmeth she have bourned her
beades." " The Vicar of Eastham hath not yett his
ecclesiasticall apparell ; the Curate of Stoke goeth not
perambulations nor weareth ornaments as is appointed
by the Church. At Bidston the Curate hath no
cloake with sleeves, and there as well as at Burton
there are no monethlie sermons ; at Bidston they have
had but one sermon these three yeares ; and at
Westkirbie the Rector did never read devyne service
in his parish Church, the Parson never preached,
neyther have they four sermons quarterlie."
After the Hampton Court Conference, and the
promulgation of the Canons of 1604, severer measures
were taken. Bishop Vaughan, on October 3, 1604,
summoned a number of the disobedient clergy before
him at Aldford, a few miles from Chester, whither he
had removed from Chester in consequence of the pre-
valence of the plague. Amongst the leaders of Non-
conformity were Richard Midgley (then deprived of the
Vicarage of Rochdale, though still licensed to preach),^
1 Of him Archbishop Whitgift stated (when Dr. Chaderton
begged King James at the Hampton Court Conference that
Midgley might be allowed to minister without the surplice) that
entreaty could not be made for a worse man, since "by his
irreverent use of the eucharist, in dealing the bread out of a
basket, every one putting in his hand and taking out a piece,
CHESTER 155
and his son John Midgley, Vicar of Bolton, Thomas
Hunt, minister of Oldham,^ Richard Rothwell, and
Edward Walsh, Vicar of Blackburn. These were all
publicly admonished by the Bishop, and required
to conform to the Liturgy and ceremonies of the
Church, and also to subscribe, ex animo, the three
articles in the 36th Canon. They were all cited
to appear again at the same place on November 28,
but one only complied with the order. They appear
to have been " Revolters after Subscription."
In the interval between the first and second
citation Bishop Vaughan was nominated to the see
of London, and during his three years' govenmient
of that important diocese, by his tact and conciliatory
disposition, though he was obliged to suspend or
deprive the nonconforming Puritans, he contrived
to retain their respect and even aifection.^
"Without accepting the unmeasured praises of
some of his eulogists, there seems no reason to doubt
that Bishop Vaughan was a man of great worth. In
he made many loathe the communion and refuse to come to
clmrch."
^ He is reported in 1608 for that "heweareth not the surplice
in time of public prayers and in ministering the Sacraments,
useth not the sign of the Cross in Baptism, neither doth he meet
the dead corpses of such as come to be buryed at the Church
Steele." In Nicholas Assheton's journal {Chcthain Society), p. 6,
it is recorded, 1617, Play 17, "some little unkyndness 'twixt
Mr. Watmough (Rector of Bury) and Mr. Greenhalgh, because
Mr. Watmoughc nor his curate went meete ye dead corps of
Mr. Greenhalgh's child at ye church Steele (style), or some such
matter." In this violation of the rubric on the part of the
rector and his curate we can trace incipient puritanism.
2 Rev. F. Sanders, in Historic Notes of Bishops of Chester.
156 CHESTER
an age when clergy and laity took pleasure in
despoiling and plundering the churches, it is pleasant
to read that both in Bangor and at Chester he
repaired the cathedrals. He ever used gentleness
in preference to severity, and seems to have won the
devoted friendship of those brought into contact with
him. Fuller describes him as ' a very corpulent man,
but spiritually minded ; an excellent preacher and
pious liver. Nothing could tempt him to betray the
rights of the Church to sacrilegious hands, not sparing
sharply to reprove some of his own order on that
account.'"
The diocese of Chester was once more to be
presided over by a Welshman, George Lloyd, sixth
son of Meredydd ap John of Llanelian yn Rhos in
Denbighshire. In the Register of the University of
Cambridge the surname is given as Floyd or Fludd,
the Welsh LI, as often, being represented by Fl. He
had already a connection with Chester, for his brother
David was mayor in 1593, and another brother,
Edward, carried on a mercer's business there. He
himself was appointed to the post of Divinity
Lecturer in the Cathedral, which he held for several
years, and the well-known house with carved front in
Watergate Street is called Bishop Lloyd's house. He
was appointed Bishop of Man in 1600, and on
Vaughan's translation to London in 1604 he was
nominated to the see of Chester. In his first year of
office the whole country was disturbed by the discovery
of the Gunpowder Plot, which led to a renewal and
a more stringent enforcement of the pains and penal-
ties against popish recusants. Of these Lancashire
CHKSTER 157
and Cheshire contained still a very considerable pro-
portion, but, as in the former reign, no effect was
produced by the heavy fines and stern persecution
which were employed against them. The Puritans,
on the other hand, were treated with great mildness
by Bishop Lloyd, and their leading preachers were
allowed to continue undisturbed. Nicholas Byfield,
a powerful preacher and writer on behalf of the
doctrinal Puritans, was permitted to remain for
several years as Rector of St. Peter's, Chester, having
as one of his congregation the strict Puritan, John
Bruen of Stapleford.
The Churchwardens' Accounts of the various
churches preserve notices of the growing import-
ance of the pulpit. At St. Mary's and St. Michael's,
Chester, in 1606, Randle Holme is engaged to
"gild the books of the Pulpite," and in 1600 the
churchwardens of St. Mary's bought at London for
135-. 4d. a fine " pulpet cushine of purple Branchte
velvet with silke fringe, and a lyning of blewe sayd."
At Wilmslow in 1609, 30^. were paid for " the Canopie
to the Pulpete," etc.
At St. Oswald's, 1606, benches were set up before
the Communion table, and in 1609 i2d. was paid for
" xxiiij°'' foote of halfe sparrs which made the feete
for the formes before the Communion table." An
entry may be added here from the same accounts
under 1616, "making the new seats for the Commu-
nicants in the Chansell iij" ij%" and 1619, "mending
the seat about the Communion Table xi'' ."
It should, however, be stated that in 16 16 occurs the
payment of " iiij'' For rushes for Communicants to
158 CHESTER
kneele upon," and in 1619, "Formatts for Communi-
cants to kneele upon 11'' x''."
Bishop Lloyd was called upon (as was Bishop
Chaderton) to impose a military levy upon the
clergy of his diocese in the insurrection of 1608,
when the poorer incumbents were required to pro-
vide a caliver or musket furnished, and the richer
clergy, such as the Rectors of Wigan and Winwick
and Middleton, were obliged to find a light horseman
fully equipped.
159
CHAPTER IX
Social life of the diocese in Tudor and Stuart periods— Chester
Mysteries— Midsummer Show— Football prohibited— Wakes,
Church-ales, Welsh-weddings — Rush-bearing — Cocking —
Bear-baiting — Severity of punishments — Collections for the
poor — Child Marriages.
No account of the religious condition of the diocese
of Chester would be complete without some de-
scription of the " Mystery Plays," which had a very
important influence upon the social and religious
life of the people, as well as upon the development of
literature. They belong to that group of plays which,
however they differ in detail and in dialogue, are only
varied arrangements of a single series of scriptural
scenes, and which was, as it were, the common property
of the Western Church. The several plays of the
cycle have one central idea, Christ, the Saviour of
the World— Christ promised ; Christ come ; Christ cru-
cified ; Christ risen ; Christ to come again. Thus the
Chester plays were arranged in twenty-five pageants
which, after setting forth the Fall of Lucifer, the
Creation and Fall, the flood, Abraham's Sacrifice,
the Episode of Balaam and Ealak, are concerned
chiefly with incidents in the New Testament, and the
l6o CHESTER
apocryphal legends connected with our Lord's life
which were current in the Middle Ages.
The tradition of their composition accepted in the
reign of EHzabeth, and given by Archdeacon Rogers,
who died in 1595, is that "these playes of Chester
were the work of one Rondoll, a monke of the Abbaye
of S. Warburg in Chester, who redused the whole
storye of the Bible into English stories in meter, and
this monke in a good desire to do good published the
same. Then the first Mayor of Chester, Sir John
Arneway, K'-, he caused the same to be played."
An earlier statement put forth by William Newhall,
Clerk of the Pentice (Town Clerk) in 1531, represents
the English version to be one made by the said
William Newhall from the Latin. They were " devised
and made by one Sir Henry Fraunces, sometime
monk of this dissolved monastery, who obtayned and
gate of Clement, then being bisshop of Rome, a
thousand daies of pardon to every person resortyng
in pecible maner with good devocon to here and see
the sayd plaies from tyme to tyme."^
He adds "that they were devised to the honour
of God by lohn Arneway, then Maire of this City of
Chester, and his brethren and hoU cominalty therof,
to be brought forthe, declared and plead at the costs
and charges of the craftsmen and occupacons of the
said citie, whiche hitherunto have from tyme to tyme
used and performed the same accordingly." The
name of Henry Fraunces, who is said to have obtained
from Pope Clement VI. the licence for exhibiting the
Chester mysteries, occurs, as senior monk after the
^ See Chester in Plantagenet and Tudor Reigns, p. 317.
CHESTER l6l
sub-prior, William de Mershton, in an agreement of
May 5, 1377, between Thomas de Newport, Abbot of
St. Werburgh, and John Shalcross, Rector of Taxal
(1365— 1383). The same name, Henry Fraunces,
occurs in an agreement between Simon, Abbot of St.
Werburgh, and John de Birchel, Rector of Gawsvvorth,
1262. This evidence, taken with the unhesitating
statement respecting the share in it of John Arneway ^
(Mayor 1268 — 1277), goes far towards establishing
the story which attributes high antiquity to these
performances.
The earliest allusion, with date, to the plays is in
the Bakers' Charter, 1462, where it is recited that
"there hath bene tyme out of mind a company of
bakers — and to be redy to pay for the costs and
expences of the play and light of Corpus Christi as
oft tymes as it shall be assessed by the same stewards
for the tyme being." In the Painters and Glaziers'
Charter reference is made to the fact that they have
been " of one brotherhood for the costs and expenses
of the plaie of the Shepperds Wach with the Angells
hymne."
In 147 1 a charter of incorporation is granted to the
Saddlers' Company, one condition being that they
keep up their play.
The Chester cycle of twenty-five plays is arranged
for a three days' performance, in Whitsun Week, the
first nine on Monday, the nine following on Tuesday,
and the remainder on Wednesday. The first group set
forth the Creation of the World and Fall of Man, with
types and foreshadowings of the Coming Saviour, and
^ He was not knighted. The title Sir is unauthorized.
L
l62 CHESTER
concluding with His birth, the vision of the Shepherds,
and the Adoration of the Magi.
The subject of the second day is Christ's Passion
and Resurrection, answering to the Ober Ammergau
Passion play, which is nothing else but the middle
portion of the usual set of mediaeval mysteries, re-
formed and purified.
On the third day the plays set forth the beginning
of the Christian Church, and the close of the present
dispensation by the Advent of Christ.
The expenses of each play were defrayed by a levy
on the members of the company to which it was allotted,
and care appears to have been taken in this allotment.
Thus the " Flood " appropriately falls to the Water-
leders and Drawers of Dee ; the Butchers, as dealing
with the lust of the Flesh, are selected to set forth
Christ's Temptation ; the Last Supper is exhibited by
the Bakers, who are bidden to " cast good loaves
abroad with a cheerful harte"; the Fletchers and
Stringers describe Christ's scourging and whipping.
They were represented on a high scaffold with
two stages, a higher and lower, upon four wheels. In
the lower they dressed themselves, though occasionally
it was made to serve for Hell ; whilst the upper was
covered in, so as to form a third stage on the top,
representing Heaven. They acted the plays in suc-
cession in the four principal streets, beginning with
the first pageant at the Abbey Gate. Then it was
wheeled from thence to the Pentice at the High Cross
before the Mayor, and before that was done the
second came, and the first went into the Watergate
Street, and from thence into the Bridge Street, and
CHESTER 163
"soe all, one after another, till all the pagiantes were
played appointed for the first daye, and so likewise
for the seconde and thirde day." ^
The concourse of spectators from all the country-
side must have been immense. High prices were
charged for convenient places to view the performances.
The cost of the movable stages was sometimes
divided between more than one company, and they
were put away, after the festival, in buildings hired for
the purpose.
Before the plays commenced, proclamation was
made throughout the city by mounted messengers
(accompanied by the Stewards of the Companies)
who read the " Banes," which set forth the matter of
the plays in brief.
In a copy of these " Banes " preserved among the
Harleian JMSS. are some lines which were erased, very
possibly, in Edward VI. 's reign —
" Also maister maire of this Citie
Withall his brethryn accordingly
A solempne procession ordent hatli he
To be done to the best
Appon the day of Corpus Christi
The blessed sacrament caried shalbe
And a play sett forth by the clergye
In honour of the fest.
Many torches there may you see
Marchaunts and craftys of this citie
By order passing in their degree
A goodly sight that day
They come from Saynt Maries on the Hill
The Church of Saynt lohns untill
And there the sacrament leve they will
The sauth [sooth] as I you say. "
1 Archdeacon Rogers in Harl. MSS.
164 CHESTER
From this we may gather they had an ecclesiastical
origin, and were played at first, doubtless, in Latin or
Norman French, within the abbey church, by the
monks and clerks attached to the minster, as a means
of popular instruction in sacred history and religious
doctrine. In this way they did spread abroad among
an ignorant people a general knowledge of the leading
outlines of the Christian faith. Before long, through
the church door they slipped out into the streets and
open places of public resort, followed by crowds of
eager spectators. Then they were brought down more
nearly to the intelh'gence of the common people,
translated into the mother tongue, and, as human
nature asserted itself and insisted upon being allowed
.to laugh, comic scenes were introduced. The
reluctance of Noah's shrewish wife to obey her liege
lord, and go into the Ark, was a stock comic scene ;
Balaam's troubles with his ass ; Herod's bluster and
swagger, to end with his being carried off by a demon,
were looked for with eagerness — -it was not wrong to
make fun of the devil. The Shepherds' Play, which
was always a favourite play in the cycle, opens with
a bustling scene of rustic humour. The crowd would
follow with keen interest the wrestling-bout in which
the three Shepherds are thrown one after another by
the boy Trowle ; their attempt to imitate with their
rude voices the sweet voices of the angels' song,
" Gloria in Excelsis," and their quaint explanation of
the words in Latin, which, as a matter of course, they
take for granted to be the language used in heaven.
" Wliat song was this, say ye,
That they sang to us all three ?
CHESTER 165
It was gloie — glore — with a glye
It was neither more nor less."
" It was glory, glory with a glo," breaks in the First
Shepherd, " and much of Cehis was there too." Thus
word by word they spell out the heavenly message.
" Much he spoke of glass," says one. " Nay, it was
neither glass nor glye," replies another. " Will ye
hear how he sang Cehis ? " asks the Third Shepherd.
" And after of Pax or Peace he piped," afifirms the
first. " Yea, and he sang more too, he sang also of
a Deo. Methought it healed my harte."
There is no sense of irreverence in all this. The im-
pression intended to be conveyed, and which no doubt
came in a degree to the spectators, was that of adora-
tion and awe coupled with thanksgiving for the good
gift. It is characteristic of the age to which the perform-
ances originally belong, that they all determine to for-
sake their shepherd life. Trowle counsels them for their
misdeeds amends to make. He will betake himself
wholly to that childe, and find an " anker " or hermitage
near by, where he may watch and wait in his prayers.
The Second and Third Shepherds resolve to go forth
and preach in every place, while the First Shepherd
will go barefoot into the wilderness and there bemoan
his sins. The religious teachers of that age set forth
" a fugitive and cloistered virtue " as the highest form
of the religious life. The mediseval mind had not
grasped the truth that
" Wc need not bid for cloistered cell,
Our neighbour and our work farewell."
The scenery and other stage furniture would be of
the most primitive kind. When the Star appears in
1 66 CHESTER
the East, it is made to move by a little angel carrying
it away in his arms, and the Kings follow it by coming
down from the stage, mounting on horses in the street,
and riding round for a few minutes among the spec-
tators.
Well-trained minstrels were provided, with pipe,
tabre, and flute, and good voices, engaged for con-
siderable sums from the Abbey choir.^ From the Abbey,
and St. John's and St. Mary's, would come their
choicest vestments, copes and tunicles and altar-cloths,
though William of Wykeham had denounced the
clergy who lent the vestments of the Church for this
purpose as guilty of sacrilege.
There are, as might be expected, several anachro-
nisms, as when Noah's wife swears " Be Christe ! " and
Noah " By St. John."
The Puritans denounced these plays as altogether
abominable, a profanation of the sacred Scriptures,
and made earnest and continued efforts to suppress
them. In 157 1 they prevailed upon Archbishop
Grindal of York to issue an inhibition, which was,
however, disregarded, and Sir John Savage, then
mayor, was brought before the Privy Council in 1575,
^ 1561. To Sir lo : lenson for songes xii(/.
To the five boyes singing ... ... ... ii.s'. vir/.
1567. To two of the Clarkes of the Minster ... vnuf.
1569. For the Clergy for our songes ... ... iiiij. ii(/.
To the Clarke for the lone of a Cope, an
Altar Cloth, and Tunicle xr/.
1575. For Copes and Clothe xiifl'.
To John Shawe for lone of a Doctor's
gowne and a hode for our eldest Doctor xii(/.
Chester in Plantagcnct and Tudor Times, p. 311,
CHESTER 167
with a previous mayor, Mr. Hankey, for " causing the
plays to be set forward." They continued to be acted
at irregular intervals as late as 1607, and in the copy
of the Banes for 1600 apology is made for containing
" some things not warranted by Holy Writ," but —
" As all that see tliem shall most welcome be,
So all that hear them, wee most humbly praye
Not to compare this matter or storye
With the age or tyme wherein we presently staye,
But in the tyme of ignorance, wherein we did stray."
Before their final suppression by the Puritans as
" Popish plays," certain revisions and omissions had
taken place. The play of the Assumption, which was
acted before Lord Strange at the High Cross in 1488,
and before Prince Arthur in 1497, both at the Abbey
Gates and at the High Cross, and also in 1515 in St.
John's Churchyard, was evidently one of the Chester
Cycle, and is referred to in the Banes as being pro-
vided by " the worshipful wyves of the towne." It is
omitted from Bellin's transcript in 1600, and was in
all probability discontinued in Edward VI.' s reign, in
deference to the religious feeling of that time.
The Mystery Plays had, for their original object,
the distinct purpose of setting before the mind of the
community the leading outlines of the Christian faith.
They had, further, an influence on general education.
It was not as mere spectators that the Chester public
assisted at these Mysteries. The performance was a
local work of art, in which the entire city had a per-
sonal share. The actors were their own fellow-citizens.
In the Midsummer Show which ultimately displaced
the Mystery Play, there was no higher purpose than
l68 CHESTER
to amuse the people. For a time the two represent-
ations went on together, but when the Puritans were
successful in their objections, some features of the
Mystery plays were adopted.
In the annual procession through the city, some
of the actors would ride, dressed in character. The
Company of Butchers had the Devil dressed in
feathers to go before them (from their play of the
Pinacle or Temptation). The Smiths, who had played
the Purification, engaged the learned Doctors and
a child representing Jesus mounted on horseback,
whom they call in their accounts " the little god," and
who was decorated with ribbons, and had his face
gilded. The Barbers and Barber Surgeons, to whom
was allotted "Abraham and Isaac," had to provide
" one to ride Abraham, a yonge striplinge boy to ride
Isaacke." Balaam and his Ass appeared at the head
of the Linen-drapers and Bricklayers,
Perhaps we have a survival of this custom in the pro-
cession which heads the Oddfellows and Foresters when
they " walk," headed by mounted officers and a boy on
horseback gaily bedecked witTi rosettes and ribbons.
The great features of the show were the marvellous
structures, figures of monstrous size in pasteboard and
buckram, tricked out with tinsel, gold and silver leaf,
each carried by two or more men. At Chester, as in
other parts of England, there was a dragon with six
naked boys beating at it. It is said of such a custom
in Oxfordshire, that the dragon was carried about in
memory of a famous victory by the King of the West
Saxons over Ethelbald King of Mercia, who lost his
standard surmounted by a golden dragon. It may
CHESTER 169
well be that the introduction of the dragon has an
historical reason which is lost in the rnists of antiquity.
Puritan feeling objected even to this quasi-dramatic
representation, which savoured of sin, and one of the
mayors of this way of thinking put an end to these
pageants, and broke up the giants and other "pro-
perties." "Henry' Hardware, Mayor in 1599, was
not liked by the Commons, because he caused the
giants in the Midsummer Show to be put down and
broken and not to goe, the Devil in his fethers which
rode for the Butchers he put away, and caused a boy
to ride as other companies did, and the cuppes and
Cannes and Dragon and naked boyes, but caused a
man in complete armour to goe before the Show in
their stead." This prohibition did not last long, for
his successor in the Mayoralty, 1600, " restored agayne
all the ancient customs he found the firste tyme he
was mayor [1584], and put down by Mr. Hardware."
An early statute of Richard H., renewed aftewards
more than once, prohibited the games of tennis,
football, quoits, dice, kailes, and the like, to serving-
men and labourers, and frequent presentments occur
of persons disobeying the law. It was, of course, with
the view of providing for the defence of the kingdom,
and giving more time for archery. It is interesting to
note how football, so popular a game in the nordi,
should have brought on those engaged in it a penalty
of xii^. The offence was aggravated by its being
committed on Sundays and holydays, and during
divine service. In Manchester, 1609, at the Court
Leet, complaint " is made of great disorder heretofore
in our town, and the inhabitants greatly wronged and
170 CHESTER
charged with making and amending of their glass
windows broken yearly, and spoiled by a company
of lewd and disordered persons using that unlawful
exercise of playing with the footeball in y" streets,
breaking many men's windows and glass at their
pleasures and other great enormities." Another game
forbidden with football was called "giddye gaddye
[tip-cat], or the catts pallett, which is prohibited in
the churchyard or in any street."
Among the curious ordinances of Northwich
Grammar School, while the scholars are directed to
" refresh themselves," according to old custom there
and elsewhere at Christmas and Easter, by barring
out their master, they are bidden to practise archery
and eschew bowling, card-playing, and quoiting.
Wakes and Church-ales, Welsh-weddings and Bid-
ales, were favourite occasions for festive gatherings in
Cheshire and Lancashire. The wakes were doubtless
originally the festivals of the dedication of the parish
church. Church-ales and bid-ales arose from the
desire which the churchwardens had to raise funds
for the church expenses and the repair of the fabric.
By way of enlivenment to the people, they brewed a
certain portion of strong ale to be ready for the
gathering, when it was sold to the visitors, the better
sort of whom, in addition to what they paid for drink,
contributed something towards the collection. By
this means it is said " poor parishes have cast their
bells, repaired their tower, beautified their churches,
and raised stocks for the poor." Bid-ales were used
to set up an honest man decayed in his estate. In
Chester the mayor and aldermen found it necessary
CHESTER 171
to put a severe check on all the kinds of "ales,"
whether so called or held under the name of priest-
offerings, gospel-singing, or Welsh-weddings. The
cratherin<rs were the cause of much riot and disorder,
and consequently fines were imposed equally upon
those who "got them up," and upon those who
attended. Rush-bearing, which is still observed in
Aldford, Farndon, and in the Macclesfield Forest, is
a kind of wakes.^ It is doubtless a survival of the
method of providing for a substitute for the modern
carpet, but it is to be noticed that it also includes
the decorating the graves of deceased friends.
WiLMSLOw Churchwardens' Accounts :
1 600. Paid for a pint of wine at Wilmeslowe
Wakes for Holy Communion ... \d.
1621 and 163 1. Paid for dressinge the
Church against the Rushbearinge . . . ij^.
i66i and 1664. Paid for getting forth of all
the mats, rushes, and makinge the
Church cleane against the Rush-
bearinge ... ... ... .•■ iij-''-
1663. Spent the 15th day of August in
attending to see good order at the
Rushbearinge ... ... ... iiij^.
1670. For sweeping the Church before the
Rushbearing ... ... ... ij^?.
^ The vicar of Wildbo.ir Clough, MacclesfieKl, writes that
part of the proceedings takes place in the churchyard. The
Forest Church is situated 1,345 feet above the sea-level. Tlie
offertory at the last Rush-bearing Service (September 9, 1894),
collected at the churchyard gate, amounted to ;i^i5 2s. 6d.
172 CHESTER
For mowing and getting up Rushes
to dress the Church ... ... is.
Prestbury Accounts :
1622. Spent at the Rushbearinge xiiijV.
1727. Paid to a Sidesman att a Rush-
bearing ii-y- vi^.
1732. July 5 and 15. Spent on 9 severall
Townships at the Rushbearings
when they brought rushes and
flowers £^is.^d.
Wakes and rush-bearing were a custom at Mottram,
and at Taxal the rush-cart is mentioned as late as
1762 and 1774.
Some of the amusements of the age were by
no means so harmless or humane. Among the
relics of national barbarism was that of cocking or
cock-fighting. Provision was made for this game at
Chester, as in London and other large towns. The
plot of rising ground outside the walls went from
early times by the name of Cockfight Hill, and
William, Earl of Derby, in 1619, "made a faire cock-
pit under S'. John's in a garden by the water side,
to which resorted gent: of all parts, and great cocking
was used a long while."
Bear-baiting was not unknown in Cheshire and
Lancashire. The Congleton accounts record—
1613. Paid men to fetch Shelderden with
his bears at Whitsuntide, but he
refused to come because there was
cocking ... ... ... ••• u'. 3^.
CHESTER 173
1613. Paid Mr. Horden to fetch Brock,
who came with his bears and was
paid 6^. 8^. because Shelderden
refused to come.^
At Chester this cruel sport was finally forbidden,
38 Eliz. The expense had been defrayed out of the
city funds, though the clergy had repeatedly de-
nounced it from the pulpit. At last it was enacted
that " hensfurth within this city there shalbe neither
play nor bearebeat upon the cities charges, and that
noe citizens upon payn of punishment shall repayre
out of this city nor out of the Liberties or pariches
thereof to any play or bearebeat."
Bulls were baited at the High Cross in Chester,
and especially at the outgoing of the mayor, who
furnished the barbarous sport. Henry Hardware in
1599 took up the bulbring, but it was continued
under later mayors. It was not till the year 1754
that the Corporation withdrew their sanction of this
cruel and debasing pastime by absenting themselves.
An ineffectual attempt was made later to abolish it
altogether, but it continued until the year 1803, when
it was finally suppressed.
Such were some of the amusements of " Merry
England" in the Tudor and Stuart periods. But
there is a darker side to the picture. If men and
women were gayer, and gave themselves up for the
1 A proverb is current of Congleton that the townspeople sold
their Bible to buy a bear ; but the correct version is that they used
some money which had been saved up to buy a new Bible for the
churcli in purchasing a bear, and were content to use the old
worn-out Bible.
1 74 CHESTER'
time to wakes and goodly pageants, there were very
severe punishments for those who came under the
ban of the law, and little mercy was shown. The
punishments were, on the whole, severer than in the
Plantagenet period. The gallows at the two entrances
into the city of Chester, and in other large towns, were
never without their grisly burden, left there hanging
in chains as a terror to evil-doers. On the gates of
the city were stuck the quarters of criminals.
It was no light punishment in those days to be
condemned for even a few hours to the common gaol
under the Northgate at Chester. It was in very truth
a very hole of a dungeon, noisome and pestilential,
and never without a considerable number of occu-
pants, chained with heavy fetters and depending, to
a great extent, upon charity for food. Even the
heartless Dudley, Earl of Leicester, 1578, was forced
to remind the mayor and justices of Chester of the
ordinary law of humanity. " It is very pitiful to heare
of that prisoners are dedd by famyne since the last
assizes, and those that be lyvinge are very many, and
veryteble in like peril of death."
In Manchester Constables' Accounts reference is
often made to the Lower Dungeon, which was beneath
the ordinary dungeon on Salford Bridge, approached
by a ladder, and in all probability below the level of
the water. Mention is also made of the "Cage," in
which prisoners were confined in the daytime, fitted
with iron bars through which they appealed to passers-
by for charity. In 16 18, no less than seventy- four
persons, forty-six men and twenty-eight women, are
stated to have been whipped in Manchester. This
CHESTER 175
would give an average of more than one a week, so
that the inhabitants must have been well accustomed
to the sight of men and women "stripped naked from
the middle upward, and openly whipped until his or
her body be bloody." Those who had been whipped
were given passes stating that the culprit had been
punished as a rogue and vagabond, and the place to
which such person is limited to go and within what
time. Some mercy was shown at times, for there are
many entries of cripples being conveyed in a wheel-
barrow or hand-barrow from one district to another.
Besides the stocks and the pillory, with its barbarous
mutilation of ear-slicing and ear-marking, and the cuck-
stool for scolds and wrangling dames, there was the
brank or scold's bridle, of which there appears to be
more specimens left in Cheshire and Lancashire than
elsewhere. This was a kind of open helmet, with a
flat piece of iron projecting which pressed upon the
unruly tongue and kept that member quiet, while
other pieces of iron went round and over the head,
and then padlocked. A chain was attached, by which
the woman was led through the town. Some of the
branks had the tongue-piece which was inserted in
the mouth studded with small spikes, so that every
movement would be attended with torture.
This form of punishment was used in Congleton as
late as 1823.
The statute passed in Elizabeth's reign providing
work for the poor, and the system of collections in
churches for the poor, were duly carried out in the
diocese. Many benevolent persons gave or left sums
of money in furtherance of this laudable object, and
176 CHESTER
great trouble seems to have been taken in administer-
ing the funds.
The Manchester Court Leet Accounts for 1653
contain an interesting record of the foundation of an
Enghsh Library in Jesus Chapel, on the south side of
the Collegiate Church. It received a handsome be-
quest from Humphrey Chetham. The library gradu-
ally fell into decay, and in 1S30 nothing remained of
the first Free Library in Manchester but the desks, a
few tattered books, and remnants of loose chains.
The records in the Chester Diocesan Registry
contain a large number of references to Child
Marriages,^ and show how frequently a harvest of
domestic unhappiness resulted from these ill-assorted
unions. Amonar the cases recorded is that of Joan
Chaderton, daughter of William Chaderton, Bishop
of Chester. She was married in 1582, in the Bishop's
palace, at the age of nine, to Richard Brooke, who
had nearly completed his eleventh year. The marriage
was ratified in 1586 by the consent of the young folk,
but twenty years later it is said that the bishop had no
great comfort of that matrimony of his only daughter,
who was then living apart from her husband.
John Rigmarden at the age of three was married
to a bride of five. He was carried in the arms of a
clergyman, who coaxed him to repeat the words in
the service. Before he had got through his lesson,
the child declared he would learn no more that day.
The priest answered, " You must speak a little more,
and then go play you."
1 For full (letrxils, cf. Child Marriages, Divorces, etc., by Dr.
Fuinivall in Early I'^ng. Text Society, Orig. Series, No. 108.
CHESTER 177
In 1538-9 Robert Parre of Backford was married
at the age of three to Elizabeth Rogerson. He was
" hired for an apple bie his uncle to goe to the
church," and was borne thither " in the armes of
Edward Bunburie, his uncle, who held hym in hys
armes the tyme that he was maried to the said
Elizabethe, att which tyme the saide Robert colde
scarce speke."
In 3^ Hen. VIII. (1541), Alexander Woodward,
" under the age off eghte yeris," was married, in the
parish church of Wigan, to Cicelie, "about the age
off X yeris and under xi."
Several instances occur of such marriages in 1609,
1619-20.
"These child marriages were absolutely binding,
and no further ceremony was required to make the
parties man and wife. They had simply to come
together when they reached their years of discretion."
M
178
CHAPTER X
Bishop Morton — The Book of Sports — Bishop Jolin Bridgman —
Efforts to establish order and uniformity — Appropriation of
seats — Trials for witchcraft^ — -Visitation of the plague —
Recusants dealt with — William Prynne's scurrilous attacks.
Gerard Massie, Rector of Wigan, was appointed
by King James to succeed Bishop Lloyd in 1616, but
before he could be consecrated, he was taken ill and
died in London. After a few months' delay, the King
selected Dr. Thomas Morton, Dean of Winchester, to
fill the vacant see. He was the son of Richard
Morton, alderman and mercer, of York, and had in
that city as his school-fellow, the conspirator, Guido
Fawkes. Dr. Morton came to Chester with a great
reputation for learning and earnest devotion. His
Apologia Catholica, on " the marks of a true Church,"
a defence of the Church of England against the
Romanists, published in 1605, pointed him out as
one of the ablest living controversialists against Rome.
Casaubon, whom he met in London, wrote to his
friend Heinsius that there were only three men in
England who deserved the name of theologian, Bishop
Andrews of Ely, Dean Overall of St. Paul's, and Dean
Morton of Winchester. It happened that after his
CHESTER 179
consecration, July 7, 16 16, he fell ill of a dangerous
fever, and proceeding at once to his diocese on his
recovery, was met at the borders and brought into the
city of Chester by " a great number of knights and
other of the best gentlemen of the County, beside the
Clergy." He found the diocese in a disorganized
condition owing to his predecessor's laxity, and pro-
ceeded forthwith to inculcate obedience to Church
discipline. It was characteristic of his method that
he sought to do as much by argument as by compul-
sion. For this purpose he called a conference of the
leaders among the Puritan clergy,^ and discussed
with them the three points which most grieved their
conscience, the Use of the Surplice, the Sign of the
Cross at Baptism, and Kneeling at Holy Communion.
He published a pamphlet with a " Relation of the
Conference : the Defence of the Three Innocent
Ceremonies." This appeared in 16 19, the year after
his translation to Lichfield.
His name is especially associated with the famous
declaration popularly known as the Book of Sports,
which King James directed him to draw up. The
King, in the course of one of his progresses from
Scotland, stopped for a Sunday, August 1 7, at Hoghton
Tower in Lancashire. Here a petition was jiresented
to him from a great number of Lancashire peasants
and tradesmen, praying that they might be no longer
debarred from their lawful recreations and honest
exercises after evening prayer on Sundays. Shortly
before the King's arrival an attempt had been made
by some of the magistrates, in accordance with the
^ The principal was the Vicar of Bunbury, William Hinde.
l8o CHESTER
Puritan view of Sunday, to suppress these amusements.
King James promised indulgence to his good people
within the county of Lancaster.
The villagers, however, acting upon this promise, in
revenge for the restrictions which had been put upon
them, gave way to greater licence than before. Instead
of contenting themselves with archery, leaping, May-
games, and dancing in the afternoon as aforetime, they
gathered in noisy groups near the church door while
the morning service was proceeding, and did their
best to distract the attention of the worshippers by
the sharpest notes of their music and by their boister-
ous laughter. The King consulted Bishop Morton,
and by his advice it was ordained that while nothing
should be permitted which might disturb the congre-
gation during the hours of divine service, it was left to
every man's conscience to decide whether or no he
would take part in the amusements after the evening
service was over. No compulsion was to be used.
But it was stipulated, as a check upon recusancy, that
no one who absented himself from the service, or did
not continue in the church throughout the service,
or did not attend his own parish church, should be
allowed to take part in the afternoon's amusements.
The two latter restrictions were intended to exclude
Puritans, who often went to church after the reading
of the prayers, and frequently journeyed to distant
churches to hear their favourite preachers.^
^ An important clause is as follows: "And as for our good
people's lawful recreation, our pleasure likewise is that, after
the end of divine service, our good people be not disturbed,
letted, or discouraged from any lawful recreation, such as danc-
CHESTER l8l
This declaration, which had been called forth by the
peculiar circumstances of Lancashire, the King deter-
mined to publish to the whole kingdom, but owing to
the strong opposition excited, the order for the general
reading was withdrawn.
Two years after this incident. Bishop Morton was
translated to Lichfield, He is described as small of
stature, upright in person, and sprightly in motion,
preserving the vigour of youth in extreme old age ;
of a sweet and serious countenance ; grave and sober
in speech, manifesting a gentleness which won all
hearts and disarmed enmity. His habits were ascetic.
He slept on a straw bed, and rose at four a.m., never
retiring to rest till ten p.m., drank wine but seldom and
then sparingly, and only took one full meal in the day.
He never discarded the Episcopal habit, even when it
was perilous to wear it.
King James was fortunate in the selection of his
chaplain, John Bridgman, as a successor to Bishop
Morton. Born at Exeter, the eldest son of Thomas
Bridgman, he began at an early age to secure prefer-
ment, and after holding a prebend at Exeter and at
ing, either men or women, archery for men, leaping, vaulting, or
any otiicr such harmless recreation, nor for having of .May-games,
Whitsun-ales, and morris-dances, and the setting up of maypoles
and other sports therewitli used, so as the same be had in due
and convenient time without impediment or neglect of divine
service, and that women shall have leave to carry rushes to
church for the decorating of it according to their old custom. But
withal we do here account still as prohibited all unlawful games
to be used on Sundays only, as bear and bull-baiting, interludes,
and (at all times in the meaner sort of people by law prohibited)
bowling."
l82 CHESTER
Peterborough, besides divers important rectories and
vicarages, he was appointed in 1615 to the valuable
living of Wigan. When he was appointed to the
bishopric of Chester, he retained this rectory in
commendam, as well as his prebendal stalls at Exeter
and Lichfield, exchanging later the Exeter prebend
for the Rectory of Bangor Monachorum. He was a
staunch adherent of his friend Laud in doctrine and
discipline, and laboured assiduously to establish order
and uniformity in his diocese. This characteristic
was shown in his method of dealing with the seating
of Wigan parish church, which was a " burning ques-
tion" in the town. It is interesting as an early instance
of appropriation of seats in church. He found that the
parishioners were claiming a right to certain seats.
But " it appeared by the oaths of divers old men that
within the memory of man there were few or no seats
in the church, and to that day many seats were used
by divers men which stood over burials of other
kindreds, and therefore, notwithstanding their pre-
tence, he was sure they had no proper right to
particular places ; yet because he aimed only at the
beauty and decency of the church in the new seating,
he promised not to question their places for that
time, but on the understanding that he will neither
confirm their claim nor give them title or right to
any place, but leave them in their disordered places,
so that the seats be uniform. Only he advised them
to rank the best in the highest seats, and to place on
the one side only men, and on the other side their
wives in order, and to seclude children and servants
from sitting with their masters or mistresses." He
CHESTER 183
had a similar dispute about seats to settle at St.
Oswald's, Chester (the south transept of the cathe-
dral). The same spirit of order he sought to enforce
in the cathedral body. The Dean and Chapter were
required to observe the rule of residence, to resort to
divine service in surplice and hood, and to preach
in their turns. The INIinor Canons and members
of the choir were to attend with regularity and punctu-
ality — " every one that shall come tardy after the
. Confession is said, or goe out before the end of
Divine Service, to be punished with a fine." The
organist's neglect in teaching the choristers is repre-
hended. " Plitmln sacra fames " appears to have been
felt at Chester, for the Receiver or Treasurer is warned
against dilapidating the church or taking away any
of the lead.
Bishop Bridgman's episcopate is associated with
the witchcraft trials which disgraced the Stuart period.
In 1 61 2 a number of wretched' women from the
neighbourhood of Pendle Forest in Lancashire had
been hanged at Lancaster upon a charge of witch-
craft. About 1634 fresh stories were circulated about
the " practices " of witches, which were confessed, after
careful investigation, to have been started by a
mischievous youth, son of Edmund Robinson, mason,
of Newchurch, who, " hearing talk of the witch feast
kept at Mocking Tower in Pendle Forest about
twenty years since, made up the stories of the later
meeting to avoid his mother's correction for not
bringing home her kine ; but perceiving that many
folks gave ear to him, he grew confident in it more
^nd more."
184 CHESTER
Upon this wicked invention seven persons (one
man and six women) were condemned, but the judge
having doubts about the truth of the charges, commu-
nicated with the Council, who directed Bishop Bridg-
man to examine into the case of the condemned.
He reported that three, John Spencer, AHce Higgin,
Jennet Loynd, had died in gaol ; a fourth was sick,
past hope of recovery. Of the remaining three,
Margaret Johnson, a widow of sixty, confessed to
having been a witch six years, brought thereto by the
vexations of bad neighbours, but the Bishop declares
her to be of weak mind and memory. The other two
denied the charge. Frances Dicconson wife of John,
a husbandman in Pendle Forest in Whalley, attributed
the accusation to petty malice on the part of neigh-
bours, with whom she had a quarrel about butter.
The other, Mary Spencer, aged twenty, of Burnley,
said that her father and mother had been condemned
last assizes for witches. Before her imprisonment she
used to go to Brierely Church, could repeat the Lord's
Prayer and the Commandments. As to the story about
her calling her pail to follow her as she ran, she
would often trundle it downhill, and call it to come
after her if she outstripped it. When she was in
court she could have explained everything, " but the
wind was so loud and the throng so great as she
could not hear the evidence against her."
The last touch completes the tragedy of the
situation. We see, as by a lightning flash, the forlorn
and unfriended girl, to whom the laws of her country
denied the services of an advocate, baflled by the
noisy babble around her in her efforts to speak a wor^
CHESTER T85
on behalf of her innocence, her very judge, the
Bishop, prejudiced against her. Accused and accusers
were summoned to London, and there the women
were examined by the King's surgeon and five others,
and ten certificated midwives. A certificate is given,
July 2, 1634, Surgeons' Hall, Mugwell Street, that
they find on the bodies of Janet Hargraves, Frances
Dicconson, and Mary Spencer nothing unnatural nor
anything like a teat or mark, nor on the body of
Margaret Johnson anything which could be appealed
to as evidence that her blood had been sucked.
In the spring of the following year four more
women were condemned to death as witches at the
Lancaster Assizes. Bishop Bridgman was again
directed to investigate the case. He found that two
had already died in gaol, and of the others, one had
been condemned on the accusation of a madman, and
on the evidence of a beggar-woman of ill repute.
A violent outbreak of the plague in 1605 caused
very great loss of life in Manchester and the neigh-
bourhood, as well as in Chester and the surrounding
district, where it had been severely felt since September
1602.
Hollinvvorth, writing about 1650, thus refers to it :
" 1605. The Lord visited the towne (as 40 yeares
before [1564] and 40 years after [1645]) ^^'ith a sore
pestilence : there died about 1000 persons, amongst
which was Mr. Kirk, chaplaine of the Colledgc, and
his wife and foure children : all the time of the sick-
nesse Mr. IJurne preached in the towne so long as
he durst (by reason of the unrulinesse of infected
persons and want of government), and then hee went
1 86 CHESTER
and preached in a feeld neare to Shooter's brooke, the
townspeople beeing on one syde him and the country
people on another."
Fairs were generally discontinued. The court of
Exchequer, for th-e County Palatine of Chester, was
transferred to Tarvin, and the Assizes held at
Nantwich.
In 1 63 1 a fresh outbreak of the plague in the
country round Chester caused the discontinuance of
the annual fair, and in 1648, before the citizens of
Chester had scarcely recovered from the hardships of
the long siege, it raged so violently that upwards of
2000 persons died of it, and the city became so
deserted that grass grew in the streets at the High
Cross.
In the Churchwardens' Accounts of St. Mary's,
Chester, in 1603, 8^. was "paid for pitch, rosen, and
frankincense to perfume ye Church after Tom his
goinge out of the steeple," and a further sum of 21^.
"for makinge a Cabbin for Tom."
The following year M. was expended on " frankin-
cence and pitch to perfume the church ; 20^. was
paid to Bedforde, clerke of St. Peter's, for making up
the accomptes for the Collections for the Cabbins,"
which were built at the waterside, near the New
Tower, and in the quarries without the walls, for the
isolation of the infected.
In 1605 " Paid for v. pounds of pitche to perfume
the churche after the buryall of Wydowe Tropp, for
she dyed of the sicknesse, viij^."
Bishop Bridgman treated the Puritans in his diocese
2X the beginning of his episcopate with marked lenj-
CHESTER 187
ency, endeavouring to win them over to obedience
by persuasion and reason. An instance is given of
this in the case of Thomas Paget, minister of Black-
ley, who had been cited already by Bishop Morton
for his disobedience to the Church rubrics. He was
asked by Bishop Bridgman to give his reasons for
refusing to kneel at Holy Communion, and quoted
our Lord's words, " In vain do they worship Me,
teaching for doctrines the commandments of men."
The Bishop replied that he expected a more learned
argument, founded on the reclining posture of our
Lord and His disciples at the institution of the
Sacrament. Then stretching himself at full length
on a bench by the side of the table, and leaning on
his elbow, he asked whether it was decent and proper
for a congregation to partake of the Sacrament in
that recumbent position. Still refusing to comply,
Mr. Paget was suspended for two years. Samuel
Eaton, of West Kirby, the founder of Congregational-
ism in Cheshire, was suspended in 163 1, and went to
New England. Richard Mather, of Toxteth Park
Chapel, near Liverpool, rather than " wear the popish
livery of the surplice, or betray the simplicity of the
gospel by any approval of ceremonial worship," left
for Boston in America. To such emigration George
Herbert, in his C////;r/; J////Va;//, published 1631, refers
in the lines —
" Religion stands on tiptoe in our land,
Ready to pass to the American strand."
But the licence which the Puritans claimed, and the
disorders consequent upon it, made it impossible for
1 88 CHESTER
a bishop like Dr. Bridgman, with his regard for
decency and order, to overlook such defiant dis-
obedience. He earnestly expostulated with his friend
and then neighbour, Mr. Angier, minister of Ringley,
and though there was a bond of intimacy between
their wives, the Bishop advised him, after suspension,
twice in one year, had no effect, to leave Ringley and
seek preferment at Denton, less directly under the
Bishop's eyes. But he was not always so lenient, and
the Churchwardens' Accounts of several parishes in
the diocese bear silent testimony to his determined
purpose of enforcing obedience.
At Prestbury we read, under 1634, " Spent at severall
times about the bishopp's warrant for the apprehension
of John Scurrior and others, who were not conform-
able to our Church of England, iij^. y.d.
" 1625. For making Billetts to every Chappell in
the parishe concerning recusants and nonconformists,
xvj^."
At St. Mary's, Chester: " 1635, ^^^^ ^o the Con-
sistory court for nott goeinge to the uttermost bounds
of the parish every Rogation weeke, xxij^.
•' 1620. John Bradshaw, esq., James Gosnell, and
24 others of the parish of Bolton cited before Bishop
Bridgman at Chester for not communicating at Easter
or for not receiving kneeling. Enjoined to receive
upon Easter Sunday or Good Friday next."
This strictness of administration naturally provoked
the Puritans, and it is not surprising to find that
efforts were made to find occasion against him. An
illustration of this may be given from the church-
wardens' books of St. John's, Chester, where, under
CHESTER 189
1637, it is recorded, "Paid the ringers for not
ringing when the Bishop came to view the Church,
James Martin, who had been put out from the
King's preachership at Ormskirk and the vicarage of
Preston, in a letter to the Council, 1633, charges
Bishop Bridgman with pillaging the county under
colour of commutations of penance, and with partiality
in the treatment of certain persons. The charges
were considered of importance enough to warrant
inquiry before the Court of High Commission, which
was ordered to assemble as speedily as possible. The
Council (June 30) reported that "many of them were
frivolous and scandalous," and some were admitted
by Sir Henry Martin to be " unwarrantable and
impertinent."
The King writing November ig to Archbishop Laud
and the High Commission, in reference to the suit
depending against the Bishop concerning the moneys
(;^i 0,000) pretended to be in his hands for commuta-
tions and some miscarriage in his ordinary jurisdiction,
states that he finds it not so heinous as he first had
reason to suspect, and considering that the Bishop is
a person of eminency in the Church, and one of whose
good affection to the King's service he had often
had experience, directs all prosecution in that Court
against the P>ishop to cease.
Secretary ^Vindebank notes a month later, that the
Bishop was admonished not to carry too heavy a hand
on Wigan — the inhabitants groan under the Bishop's
hand. They were here when the King was in Scot-
land to make their own grievances, but they saw things
190 CHESTER
carried with such violence for the Bishop that they
durst not stir.
The Lord-Keeper at the same time writes to the
Bishop, that his Majesty having dealt so graciously
with him, and put an end to questions which might
have been of trouble to him, he advised the Bishop
to forget any ill conceit and show no ill affection to
those of his diocese that have been required to de-
clare their knowledge upon the business lately in
question. His charity and gravity shall not need
persuasion or further advice.
William Prynne makes him the subject of a violent
attack in his pamphlet, New Discovery of the Prelate's
Tyranny. The tyranny consisted of this, that some
citizens of Chester who had made a demonstration in
favour of Prynne when he was passing through Chester
on his way to prison at Carnarvon, were punished for
it by fine and imprisonment.
A few months later the Houses of Parliament passed
an order to sequester the estates of the bishops and
other dehnquents, and Bishop Bridgman was fined
;^30oo. When the Parliamentary forces surrounded
Chester in 1645, he left his house in the hands of his
son Orlando, and retired to Morton Hall, near
Oswestry, where he died in 1652.
In the administration of what was the most difficult
diocese in England at the time, he displayed the
greatest judgment and forbearance. "He was essen-
tially a scholar and a gentleman. He set a good
example in the reparation of churches by his own
work at Wigan and elsewhere. His munificence was
seen by his costly gifts to his cathedral. He acquired
CHESTER 19 1
the respect of the great bulk of the clergy and laity in
his diocese, and received from the richer and more
influential of the laity much valuable assistance in
prosecuting his works of charity and reformation."
The account which he compiled of the statistics of
his immense diocese, known as Bishop Bridgman's
Ledger, is a most valuable and important record.
192
CHAPTER XI
Petition against Root and Branch Bill — The Cheshire Attestation
— Protest against seditious preaching — Cheshire clergy
deprived — The Engagement — Visits of Commissioners for
Pious Uses — Sacrament Certificates.
Cheshire was forward in opposing the new method
of Church government which was to supersede
episcopacy (afterwards called "Root and Branch
Bill") as proposed in 1641. In the petition presented
to the House of Lords by Sir Thomas Aston, Bart.,
on behalf of the County Palatine, the petitioners,
while expressing a hope that the Lords " will regulate
the rigour of ecclesiastical courts, deprecated the new
system by which they feared the desire was to intro-
duce an absolute innovation of Presbyteriall govern-
ment, whereby wee who are now governed by the
Canon and Civill Lawes, dispensed by twenty-six
ordinaries (easily responsall to Parliament for any
deviation from the rule of Law), conceive wee should
become exposed to the more arbitrary government of
a numerous Presbytery, who, together with their ruling
elders, will arise to neere 40,000 Church governors."
The petition was subscribed by " four noblemen, four
score and odde knights and baronets, knights and
CHESTER 193
esquires ; divines, threescore and ten ; gentlemen, three
hundred and odde ; freeholders and other inhabitants
above six thousand, all of the same county." A counter-
petition was stated to be got up by the anti-episco-
palians, with double the number of subscribers, but
it has been doubted whether this was not spurious.
Another petition was sent up from Cheshire in 1642,
and presented by the Lord- Keeper, signed by 94
lords, knights, justices, and esquires, 440 gentlemen
of quality, 80 divines, and 8936 freeholders and
others. The prayer was that " there be admitted no
Innovation of Doctrine or Liturgie, and that some
speedy course be taken to suppress such Schismatiques
and Separatists whose factious spirits doe evidently
endanger the peace both of Church and State."
The miserable end for which long preparation had
been made in the pulpit and the press, and not least
of all by the fanatic preachers of Lancashire and
Cheshire, had come. The Solemn League and
Covenant declared one of its objects to be the
extirpation of Popery and Prelacy,^ and in furtherance
of this design the form of worship according to the
doctrine and discipline of the Church of England was
to be abolished. The clergy who refused to accept
' This document is generally considered to be exclusively
confined to Scotland. But it was also signed in England, in
accordance with the clause of the treaty. At Woodchurch, in
the Wirral Peninsula, is preserved the list of signatures of eighty
parishioners, headed by the rector. It is described as "The
National Covenant taken by the parishioners of Woodchurch, >.'"-.c.,
the 14th day of March, 1646. Wee, the inhabitants of the
Parish of Woodchurch, with our hands lifted up unto the Most
High God, doe sweare," &c.
N
194 CHESTER
this Covenant were to be deprived. Walker, in his
Sufferings of the Clergy^ gives a list (but not a complete
one) of the clergy in Cheshire who were sequestered
in 1643-4 for refusing the Covenant. The number
is about thirty. Besides Bishop Bridgman he names
Dean Mallory, Archdeacon Snell, four prebendaries,
the rectors or vicars of Barrow, Woodchurch, Hart-
hill, Audlem, Astbury, Over, Mobberley, Gawsworth,
Bowden, Christleton, Cheadle, Tattenhall, Eastham,
Aldford, Malpas, Nantwich, Brereton, Alderley,
Wilmslow, Frodsham, West Kirby, St. Mary's,
Chester. Of Mr. Eaton, Rector of Aldford, it is said
that he was "dispossessed by a party of soldiers, who
most barbarously carried out his wife and placed her
on a dunghill, where they so much insulted and
abused her that she grew distracted, and died in that
condition."
Parliament followed up the issue of the Directory
in place of the Book of Common Prayer, by an
ordinance directing the formation of classes, and the
division of England and Wales into Presbyteries.
This plan was only carried out in London and
Lancashire. The year 1646 has been termed the
" Bustling Year," from the struggles between the
Presbyterians and Independents. In no part of
England was the struggle keener than in the diocese
of Chester. The Independents appear to have
obtained a considerable foothold in Cheshire, though
there, as elsewhere, the intended ministers were mainly
Presbyterians. Fifty-nine Cheshire ministers joined
in 1648 in the "Cheshire Attestation" against
Independency, but it had in the interval spread in
CHESTER
^95
the county and become too strong to be suppressed.
On the other hand, in Lancashire the Presbyterian
form was the most popular. It is interesting to note
how the Council of State, who owed their position in
a great measure to the vigorous denunciation of
Episcopacy by the preachers, complain in 1650, when
an attempt was made to substitute the "Engagement"
for the "Covenant," of the "pulpit incendiaries."
" The mischief (of seditious preaching) had spread
into many parts, and has had too much effect upon
some of the well-meaning, yet in no place have their
boldness come to that height or their endeavours
wrought so great a change in perverting men's minds
as in Lancashire — a place that through all the heat
of the war, and in the greatest power of the enemy,
did so much for their own liberty and for the cause
maintained by Parliament against that tyranny.
Insurrections and commotions are too frequent, and
the Justices of Assize are directed to make strict
inquiry after the preachers of these seditious preachings,
and take information of what their expressions have
been in their praying and preachings against the
present Government, or concerning any matter of
State, ivhich things are not their proper work."
Richard Bradshaw, writing from Chester to President
Bradshaw, March 2, 1650, reports that "there is not
one justice of peace, mayor, recorder, or other, except
Mr. Aldersey and myself, that have either taken the
Engagement or given countenance to them that have ;
the commonalty, who are chiefly led by the example
of their governors, have not yet subscribed, but some
few excise officers and half-a-score of the best affected.
196 CHESTER
The reason of the people's backwardness is chiefly the
frequent deterring arguments from pulpits, whence
the rigid Presbyterians shake the minds of men,
setting the Engagement directly in opposition to the
Covenant, charging Covenant breaking and perjury
upon all that have subscribed, and labouring to render
them odious to the people. They assert that by
authority of Parliament they pressed the Covenant
upon their people, and now being persuaded that the
present Engagement clashes with it, they are bound
to warn the people of their danger. If under this
pretence of duty they amuse the people, and some
speedy course be not taken to restrain them, in this
county and Lancashire, the prejudice may be great."
He advises the sending of two or three able ministers
to clear the equity of subscribing, as consistent with
the real ends of the Covenant.
The Churchwardens' Accounts in the various
parishes in the diocese bear silent witness to the
intense interest with which this sad struggle was
followed, in which King and subjects were engaged,
which set father against child, brother against
brother, and which resulted in the brutal deface-
ment and degradation of so many sacred buildings,
hallowed by the worship of many successive genera-
tions.
It is not surprising to find that the church bells
in Chester were used more than once to an-
nounce the public joy at some success of the Royalist
army.
Under the date 1643 i'^ the accounts of St. Mary's,
Chester — •
4
CHESTER 1 97
P(l. for Ringinge for Rejoyceinge for his
Majesties victories the 8th of Jvily, by
a warrant from the Mayor and Com-
missioners ... ... ... ... iiij^.
Pd. for Ringinge the evening after the
publique thanks giveinge the 25th of
July, after the enemy was gone from
before this citty, by commaund of ye
mayor... ... ... ... ... i]s. v'y/.
Pd. for ringinge for joy of the victory neere
Middlewich on St. Steven's Day ... iji'. vj^/.
Pd. for ringinge at the Cominge in of
Prince Rupertt, March the nth,
1643 ij^- vj^/.
Pd. for ringinge the 25th of March for joy
of the victory by Prince Rupertt over
the Enemy at the seige of Newark,
by speciall commaund of the Mayor
and governor ... ... ... ... iij.f. iiij^/.
But these accounts also tell of other than joyful
events. We find entries of the carrying out of the
order which condemned the use of fonts as super-
stitious, and directed " that children be baptized
from a bason, not in the places where fonts, in the
time of popery, were unfitly and superstitiously
placed ; " of the introduction of the " Directory for
Public Worship" in place of that "pious, ancient,
and laudable form of Church service composed by
holy martyrs and worthy instruments of reformation,
in the conscionablc use whereof many Christian hearts
have found unspeakable joy and comfort, wherein the
198 CHESTER
famous Church of England, our dear mother, hath
just cause to glory."
So ran the Cheshire petition of 1641, signed by
over 7000 inhabitants of the county. Now every
copy of that time-honoured manual was to be given
up to be burned, and the use of it made penal. The
King's arms in the church are pulled down ; an hour-
glass is purchased for the preacher, and beautified
with gilding, for preaching takes precedence of the
ordinance of Common Prayer, and kneeling places
for worshippers are succeeded by seats for those who
come to hear.^
We find notices of the visit of the Commissioners
appointed under the Act for providing maintenance of
preaching ministers and other pious uses ; the com-
mission for Lancashire was issued March 29, 1650,
and sixteen inquisitions were held : three at Man-
chester, six at Wigan, three at Lancaster, three at
Preston, and one at Blackburn,
^ In Didsbury Parochial Chapel :
1645. Paid for one pewter basson to baptise cliildren in iij.f. v^;'.
Paid for the Directorie for Mr, Bradshawe.
In Wibnslow :
Received for the lead of the ffont ... ... ... iij.f.
For the organ case, railing, and cover for ould ffont x\]s.
For a pewter bason ... ... ... ... ... ij.f. viijr/.
Iron worke to sett the basson in ... ... ... ys.
For an hour glasse ... ... ... ... ... js.
1650. For the diabolishinge of the Kinges arms
according to an order from the Parliament did
injoyne it to bee done ... ... ... ... ij-f.
The churchwardens of Goostrey paid 2s. for tlieir copy of the
Directory in 1645-6, and in 1650 2s. for a pewter dish or bason
to baptize in.
CHESTER 199
The Commissioners for Pious Uses visited Knuts-
ford July 29, 1657, and the churchwardens of
Wilmslow paid for them and their men in meat and
drink, los. August 27, 1657, "Paid at Knutsford
when wee were there the 3rd tyme concerninge the
poore, before the Commissioners for Pyous Uses, for
our meate and drinke, being in number thirteen
persons, 4.S. ^d." The inquiry went on until January
26, 1657-8, and many entries of expenses in connection
occur.
The people were growing speedily tired of the new
Church regime. It was too stern and sour for their
taste. In Cheshire and Lancashire, where boisterous
games, ales and wakes, cocking and other sports were
so popular, the prohibition of all public meetings
on pretence of recreation, as horse-racing, hunting,
hawking, cock-fighting, football playing, especially
produced a desire for change.
The death of Cromwell in September 1658 was
followed in a kw months by the Cheshire rising
under Sir George Booth. Though it failed at the
time through mismanagement, the design aimed at
was soon after accomplished, and when the Con-
vention Parliament recalled Charles II., and the King
came to his own again, in no part of England was
the event welcomed with greater gladness than in the
diocese of Chester. How joyously would the bells
ring in again the old order of things ! How un-r
grudgingly would the cliurchwardens defray the ex-
pense of setting up in the church the Royal Arms
which they had been forced to " diabolish " ! How
welcome were the quiet, tender, devotional service^,
200 CHESTER
the Common Prayer in the church in place of the
long political sermons and extemporaneous prayers
which they had been compelled to listen to ; the
reverence in the presence of holy things instead of
the disorder, ruin, contempt, profanity, and irreverence
which had marked the years of Puritan rule ! How
significant are the entries in the books of St. Mary's,
Chester :
1660. Paid to the Clerke of Pentice
for makeinge a warrant to search
for ye Communion table ... 6d.
Spent on the Constables in goeinge
about to search for the table 1 ... 4^.
1 661. Paid for mendinge the service
booke for the Clerke ... ... i^'. 8<;/.
Paid to the Deane for a prayer-book \s. ^d.
Goostrey Church :
1 66 1. For Booke of Common Prayer
and Carriage ... ... ... Ss. od.
Booke of Homilies, booke of Articles
and Canons ... ... ... gs. od.
To Mr. Eaton for buying ye Surples -£i 14s. od.
In St. Mary's, Chester, under the same date, the
charge is ^£2 4s. od.
The following copy of a " Sacrament Certificate " is
worthy of record here. A very large number of similar
certificates is preserved in the Muniment Room of the
Chester Corporation.
^ The Prayer-books had been burnt or destroyed whenever
they could be found.
CHESTER 20 1
Wee William Thompson Rector and minister of the
parish & parish church of St peter in the citty of Chester
& citty of the saem city & John Pemberton churchwarden
of the said p'ish & p'ish church doe hereby certify that
William Morris dark of the said p'ish & p'ish church upon
the Lord's day commonly called Sunday the 6th day of
this instant July immediatly after Divine service & sermon
ther did in the p'ish church aforesaid receive the Sacra-
ment of the Lord's Supper according to the usage of the
Church of England In witness herof wee have hereunto
subscribed our hands the tenth day of July in the yeare of
our Lord one thousand six hundred seventy & three.
William Thompson Rector & minister of the pis'h &
p'ish church of St Peter in CHESTER aforesaid.
John Pemberton Churchwarden of ye said p'ish & p'ish
Church.
Samuel Broster of the citty of Chester Gent Owen Shone
of the same city Barber Chyrurgeon upon enquirie made
by this court doe severally make oath that they doe know
William Morris in the above written certificate named &
who now present hath delivered the same into this Court
& doe further severally make oath that they did see the
said William Morris receive the Sacrament of the Lord's
Supper at the time day & place in the said certificate in
that behalfe expressed and certified and that they did see
the certificate above written subscribed by the said
William Thompson and John Pemberton And further
doe say upon their oath or their oathcs that all other
matters or things in the said certificate recited mentioned
or expressed are true as they verily believe & to the best
of their knowledges Samuel Broster Owen Shone
JUR' in CUR' decimo quarto die Julii 1673 anno
regni regis CAROLIs'c'di nunc anglie &c. decimo quinto.
202
CHAPTER XII
Tlie Restoration — Bishop Brian Walton's reception — Bishops
Henry Feme and George Hall — Ejected ministers — Warden
Heyrick conforms — Sir Geoffrey Shakerley's raids on Con-
venticles — Bishop Wilkins, " miiversally curious" — Incom-
petent clergy admitted into benefices — -"Repetitions" —
Nonconforming ministers ordained — Bishop Pearson — Mon-
mouth's rising — Bishop Cartwright.
The Bishop whom Charles II. nominated to the
see of Chester at the Restoration was Brian Walton,
the learned editor of the great Polyglot Bible. He
was born in Yorkshire in 1600. After holding the
rectories of St. Giles-in-the-Fields and Sandon in
Essex, as well as a prebend in St. Paul's Cathedral,
he was obliged in the troublous times to betake him-
self to Oxford for refuge. Here he formed the design
of his great work, and in 1652 laid his proposals
before the Council of State, who, while being "of
opinion that the work propounded by him is very
honourable and deserving encouragement, find that
the matter of his desires is more proper for the con-
sideration of Parliament than the Council." The
work, which was in six folio volumes, the first of
which appeared in 1654, the second in 1655, the
CHESTER
203
third in 1656, and the remainder in 1657, was dedicated
to Cromwell, but at the Restoration the King's name
was substituted.
In March, after his consecration to the see of
Chester, he was appointed one of the commissioners
at the Savoy Conference. In the autumn he pro-
ceeded to Chester, and the enthusiasm with which he
was received is some measure of the revulsion of
feeling in the country generally at the supersession of
Puritanism by Episcopacy. Some of the citizens
travelled as far as Lichfield to meet him. Almost all
the gentry of the county, as well as the Militia, joined
the cavalcade. Five troops of horse met him at
Nantvvich, and the third day the clergy of the county
and city, with the mayor and corporation, welcomed
him, amidst the acclamation of the people. He
found the palace in great ruin after the war. A portion
of it had been used as a prison, and he therefore
petitions the King that the prisoners may be removed
to the Castle, as the repairs, which cost afterwards
upwards of ;^iooo, could not be taken in hand as
long as the palace continued to serve for a common
gaol.
After a short stay in Chester, the Bishop returned
to London, where he fell sick and died on Nov. 29,
1 66 1.
His successor, Henry Feme, also a Yorkshireman,
had likewise a very short tenure of ofiice. Consecrated
on February 9, 1662, he died on the i6th of March
following. This year saw the Act of Uniformity passed,
and it fell to Bishop Feme's successor, George Hall
(1662 — 1668), son of Bishop Joseph Hall of Norwich,
204 CHESTER
to carry it out in his extensive and difficult diocese.
The history of reHgious opinion in the two counties
during the reigns of EHzabeth, James I., and Charles
I., as well as in the interregnum, shows that such an
Act would be in no way palatable to ministers whose
anti-Church feeling had been so pronounced. Of the
2088 ministers ejected for refusing to comply with
this Act, about a hundred resided in Lancashire, and
of these thirteen conformed later. Several Noncon-
formists in Lancashire contrived in one way or
another to retain their livings without complying
with the requirements of the Act, but this would be
where the minister was so popular that no one would
lay an information against him. In Cheshire the
number of ejected ministers was sixty-two, according
to Calamy fifty-two.
There is no reason to suppose that Bishop Hall
showed undue severity in enforcing the Act, though
Dr. Halley most unjustly insinuates that, " without a
particle of his contemplative father's sweetness, he
seems to have regarded it as a filial duty to retaliate
and avenge the wrongs of his persecuted sire upon all
Presbyterians who came under his power." The
same writer calls vSunday, September 14, 1662, a sad
and humiliating day when Warden Heyricke entered
the desk clad in a surplice, and as a conformist read
the new service-book according to the requirements
of the Act of Uniformity. He who had been the
daring leader of the Presbyterians, who had presented
the Lancashire remonstrance to Charles L, who had
denounced Laud from the pulpit, and roused the
people to resist in arms the unconstitutional authority
CHESTER 205
by which the ceremonies were imposed, who had
signed the Solemn League and Covenant and exhorted
the people to append their signatures to his own,
who had obtained the establishment of Presbyterian
discipline throughout Lancashire, " who went to
prison rather than submit to the demands of Crom-
well — that great preacher stood before his congregation
to contradict the professions of his long life, and to
renounce the covenant which many of his hearers had
subscribed at his instigation."
The Act of Uniformity of 1662 was supplemented
in 1664, July I, by the Conventicle Act, which
was occasioned by the rumours of conspiracy and
insurrection which were commonly circulated.
The following year, Oct. 31, 1665, the Five Mile
Act was passed to "restrain Nonconformists from
inhabiting corporations." These Acts were enforced
with stern rigour, and the gaols were filled, not only
with ministers, but with members of their congre-
gations.
Reports are made of the success obtained in
suppressing conventicles. Sir Geoffrey Shakerley,
governor of Chester Castle, describes with great glee
a raid which he made upon one at Bosley, and later
another at Congleton.
" 1669, June 5. Sir Geoffrey Shakerley to William-
son. Hearing that one Garside^ — amongst divers
others — that had long fled from authority by shifting
from county to county and changing his apparel, was
^ This John Garside Sir Geoffrey pulled out of the pulpit
because he would not read the Book of Spoils, r.nd then had
him conveyed to Chester Castle and imprisoned.
2o6 CHESTER
keeping a conventicle at Bosley Chapel, five miles
from Chester, I took a friend and one of my own
men and went to the place, where I found him in the
act of his pretended devotion with about two hundred
persons, from whom I received much opposition but
more abuse by their foul language, I secured Garside,
who confessed that he had never been in orders, and
sent him to prison for refusing to give security to
answer the law for this unlawful assembly. I hope
to see the laws executed upon some more of the
ringleaders. Their insolence is grown to that height
that some of the chief of the female disciples said
openly that the King tolerated their meeting, and that
they therefore wondered I disturbed them : it will
much lessen his Majesty's authority in his subordinate
madstrates if some severe course be not speedily
taken to restrain those confident expressions and
practices."
A fortnight later he reports—
"Since I took the Conventiclist at Bosley Chapel,
I have taken another at Congleton, where were one
hundred people assembled, and their chief speaker one
Boden, a pitiful, broken butter-merchant, has been
committed to prison for refusing to give security to
answer his unlawful practices. The way we take to
punish these people and prevent their meeting is by
committing and binding them over to the next sessions,
and proceeding against them by indictment for keep-
ing riotous and unlawful assemblies. There is one
Ambrose Price, a notorious and dangerous fellow
upon this account, who made his essay both at Bosley
and at Congleton, where he resides: and as mayor
CHESTER 207
and his brethren were very remiss in his apprehension,
I shall be forced to issue a warrant, as deputy lieu-
tenant, to some officer of the militia."
This " spirited " action, for which he is highly com-
mended by another correspondent,^ was not altogether
successful, for Sir Geoffrey Shakerley, reporting the
assemblage of great numbers of sectarians, notwith-
standing all endeavours used to the contrary, asks for
instructions how to proceed against them.
On July 5 he dispersed a meeting at the house of
Dr. Thomas Harrison, who had been chaplain to Henry
Cromwell and the preacher in Chester cathedral.
He describes how, breaking open the doors, " some we
took hid under beds, others locked up in closets and
hid in corners and private places of the house, in all
sixty men and women, whom I brought before the
mayor."
Quakers now come under notice as giving trouble.
They were established in Wilmslow parish as early as
1654, and continued there in considerable numbers
nearly to the present day.
1654. Paid unto Mr. Daine [Dean] at the
Middlewich for the takeinge of 4
examinacons concerning Quakers ... vs.
1656. Distributed by Mr. Brerelon parson
and the Churchwardens xx^. which
was forfeited by the Quakers for their
Saboth Breaking.
1673. Spent when the Lords Bailifes should
^ " If his Majesty had as active and vigilant justices in all parts
of his dominions, there would be less fear of liimults and
rebellions."
2o8 CHESTER
have met us concerning the Quakers
for the payinge of their Church Lay ... is. Sd.
1675. Spent when we sued the Quakers
li'. 6d., for serving the Executive 2s.
4d., when we went to straine [distrain]
1676. When we went about the Brief for
Northampton and selling the Quakers
goods ... ... ... ... ... 2S. od.
As an instance of the annoying conduct of the
Quakers at this time, Mr. Burshall states : " 1660,
June 9. Two Quakers came into my church [Acton]
with a lanthorn and candle while I was preaching.
Their design was to have lighted a sheet of paper
which they had, as a sign of God's anger burning
against us."
One hundred and forty-seven were seized for
" seditious meetings," and imprisoned in the palace
at Chester, Feb. 21, 1660-61. Sixteen Quakers
committed at Chedworth, March 19, 1660-61, for
refusing to take the Oath of Allegiance, and eight
more April 2, but all were released by the King's
Proclamation on his Coronation.
Bishop Hall, after an episcopate of six years, spent
mainly in attempting to restore order in his distracted
diocese, died August 23, 1668, to be succeeded by
a man of widely different character, John Wilkins
(1668 — 1672). He came to the diocese with a far
greater reputation and more widespread popularity
than the learned Bishop Walton. John Evelyn speaks
of him as " that most obliging and universally curious
CHESTER 209
Dr. Wilkins." His " curiousness " consisted in his
distinguished mathematical and scientific abihties,
which led him naturally to take a foremost part in
the foundation of the Royal Society. His " obliging "
disposition enabled him to pass satisfactorily to
himself through the various changes, political and
religious, of the times, and to succeed in being always
on good terms with the powers that be. After
having served in 1638 as chaplain and tutor in the
household of Charles Lewis, elder brother of Prince
Rupert, he married in 1656 Cromwell's sister, and by
Richard Cromwell was nominated to the Mastership
of Trinity College, Cambridge. During the Civil
War he sided with the Parliamentarians, and accepted
the Presbyterian Covenant. When that was replaced
by the " Engagement," he readily subscribed to it,
and thereby secured the friendship of the Independent
Party. When the wheel turned round, and the King
came to his own again, Dr. Wilkins was ready to
turn, and able to make his peace with the Royalists.
He subscribed to the Act of Uniformity, was appointed
successively to a prebend in York, to the Deanery of
Ripon, a prebend at St. Paul's, a stall at Exeter
Cathedral, and finally in 1668 nominated Bishop of
Chester. This versatility of political and religious
views was accompanied with great amiability of char-
acter, which secured for him the warm friendship of
all with whom he was brought into contact.
In the administration of his diocese he was de-
cidedly lenient to the Nonconformists, as his pre-
decessor was uncompromising. He would not disturb
the aged Angicr, Uishop Bridgman's friend, Vicar of
o
2IO CHESTER
Denton, Cuthbert Harrison, the Presbyterian min-
ister of Singleton, he allowed to preach in his own
house near Kirkham. The same tolerance he showed
to the Nonconformists at Dean and Rainford in
Prescot parish. At the latter place, Mr. Bradshaw,
the ejected minister of Hindley, succeeded in preach-
ing without hindrance, by an unworthy evasion.
Having some friends among the conforming clergy,
he procured their occasional services, when they read
the Book of Common Prayer, which he could not
conscientiously read himself. Thus the churchwarden
at the Visitations was able to reply in the affirmative
to the question, " Have you the Common Prayer read
in your chapel ? " and though several attemj^ts were
made to disturb Mr. Bradshaw, Bishop Wilkins
always protected him.
Being pliant himself, he was successful in inducing
by his arguments many of the Nonconformists to come
in. Thus CoUey of Bruera, Richard Edwards of
Christleton, Samuel Edgeley of Thornton, are men-
tioned as having been won over to Conformity.
Adam Martindale relates that the Bishop, " observing
what a great number of drunken ministers there were
in his diocese, and especially near Wigan, was resolved
to turn such out or at least suspend them, and to fill
their places with better men : and having a good
opinion of some of us that he took to be moderate
Nonconformists, he proposed terms to us, to which
we returned a thankful answer, showing our willing-
ness to comply in anything tliat would not cross our
principles."
Dr. Halley remarks (it is to be feared ujjon good
CHESTER 2 1 1
grounds) that in the urgency occasioned by so many
churches becoming vacant at one time, the ecclesi-
astical authorities were compelled to admit very
incompetent persons into the benefices, rather than
leave the parishes entirely destitute of religious ordin-
ances. Uneducated men, some of whom could hardly
read the liturgy, irreligious men who had no concern
for the spiritual interests of the people, immoral men
who were a scandal to their ofifice, often occupied the
places which had been worthily filled by learned, holy,
and devoted pastors. Some could not preach, some
would not preach, some had better not have preached.
It is no wonder that in this deficiency of pastoral
oversiglit, some even of these who were favourably
disposed to the Church of England should resort for
spiritual edification to those earnest men who had
refused to conform to the ordinances of that Church.
It was quite in accordance with the above proposal
that he should take a leading part in the " Compre-
hension and Toleration of Dissenters," which he
discussed with Baxter and Manton. This scheme
of Comprehension was rejected by Parliament, who
in 1670 passed instead a new and more stringent
Act against conventicles. In Lancashire especially
the practice had been growing of itinerant preach-
ing. The ejected ministers would give what were
called "repetitions," i.e. repeat the outlines of their
sermons or the sermons of others to their friends
on Wednesday evenings and on Sunday evenings.
What were at first domestic exercises grew into public
services, social meetings into large gatherings, and an
organiiied Nonconformity was gradually developed.
212 CHESTER
This became formally estabFished in Lancashire in
1672, after the promulgation of the King's Declaration
of Indulgence. In other parts of the country that
announcement of the King was not welcomed very
heartily. It was suspected that it was made to favour
the Roman Catholics, under pretence of tolerating
Protestant Dissenters. The heir to the throne was a
Papist. Emissaries from Rome were working in many
parts of the kingdom, and in no part more actively
than in Lancashire. Jesuits and seminary priests
appeared in greater numbers than ever since the days
of the Spanish Armada.
Some thirty-six Presbyterian ministers and six Inde-
pendents in Lancashire, after careful consideration,
gratefully accepted the Declaration, and took the
decided step of formally separating from the Estab-
Hshed Church, and according to Dr. Halley " on
October 29, 1672, in the house of Mr. Robert Eaton,
of Deansgate, in Manchester, was conducted what I
have no doubt was the first ordination in England of
nonconforming ministers."
The same year, three weeks later, Bishop Wilkins
died, universally regretted, especially by the Noncon-
formists. Newcome speaks of the sad news of the death
of the " learned, worthy, pious, and peaceable Bishop
of Chester." John Angier laments "the good Bishop
Wilkins, a great loss ; he died comfortably, and re-
joiced in his moderation whilst he was a bishop."
Burnet refers to Iiis joining at Cambridge with those
who studied to propagate better thoughts, to take men
off from being in parties, or from narrow notions, from
superstitions, conceits, and fierceness about opinions.
CHESTER 2 1 3
"John Wilkins," observes a recent writer/ "was
certainly one of the most eminent and interesting
prelates who have presided over the see of Chester.
Though he cannot be reckoned among the consistent
and heroic type of Churchmen, his great scientific
attainments, his tolerance in an intolerant age, and
his general kindliness, unite to form a character which
must ever be regarded with love and admiration."
Bishop Wilkins was succeeded by another eminent
divine, distinguished in a different department of
literature, the ablest representative among Englishmen
of the seventeenth century of systematic theology,
John Pearson (1673— i6S6). It is interesting to
observe that the new prelate, although born at Great
Snoring in Norfolk, had already a connection with
Chester, being a grandson on the mother's side of
Bishop Vaughan. Amongst his University exercises
he had written some elegiac verses in memory of
Edward King, whose death by drowning on the
voyage from Chester to Ireland was bemoaned by
Milton in his Lycidas.
Dr. Pearson came to Chester with a great reputa-
tion as a learned theologian. Even in his school-days
he began to lay the foundations of that profound
knowledge of the Patristic writings which caused him
to be pronounced "one of the most learned divines
of the nation,"- "whose very dross is golden."^
His famous work, the Exposition of the Creed, had
been published in 1659. Originally consisting of a
' Rev. F. .Saiuleis, in his Historic Notes of the JUsliops of
Chester.
- Evelyn. 3 Bentley.
214 CHESTER
series of parish lectures, it became, with the vahiable
notes in illustration of the argument, the most per-
fect (within its limits and scope) and complete
treatise on theology which ever came from an English
pen.
It was natural that he should be selected to take
part in the Savoy Conference, and to form one of
a Committee appointed to draw up the service for
May 29, the prayer for the High Court of Parliament.
He was also one of three engaged in finally revis-
ing the additions and amendments to the Book of
Common Prayer.
He was also able in 1672 to render valuable
aid to the advocates of Episcopacy in the Church of
England by his Vindicicc Epistolai'iim S. Ignatii. It
has been described as " one of the best public bul-
warks of our Ecclesiastical State, proving against the
contention of the Presbyterians that the testimony of
this ancient Father to an Episcopacy dating from
Apostolic times was undoubtedly authentic."
The following year his high qualifications to be a
Father of the Church were tardily recognized by his
nomination to the see of Chester, his consecration
taking place in Lambeth Chapel, February 9, 1673.
His episcopate of thirteen years was uneventful. Dr.
Halley, in his History of Nonconfoj'tnity, remarks that
"he was too much occupied with his Exposition of the
Creed [the first edition of which, however, had been
published fourteen years before], and other literary
works, to do much good or harm in his diocese.
Nonconformity, if little the better, was none the worse
under his neghgent administration." Burnet states
CHESTER 215
that Ijishop Pearson "was not active in his diocese,
but too remiss and easy in his Episcopal functions,
and was a much better divine than a bishop."
The records of the diocese are too imperfect to give
much information about his management of the diocese,
but it is certain that he was much hindered by bodily
infirmity, for at least eight years before his decease,
after a second stroke of paralysis, in 1686, from taking
any active part in its administration. The stately
monument in Chester Cathedral to the autlior of the
Exposition of the Creed is due to the earnest efforts
of a former Minor Canon, Rev. E. Dyer Green, who
was successful in obtaining subscriptions not only
from the members of Oxford and Cambridge Uni-
versities, but also from our American cousins.
In 1683 Chester was the scene of a " No Popery"
riot, in connection with the visit of the Duke of
Monmouth, who had a considerable following in
Cheshire, but more especially amongst the Dissenters
of Lancashire. The mob which followed him about
the city forced their way into the cathedral, destroyed
what painted glass there was remaining, broke open
the vestry, tore up the surplices and hoods, beat the
font in pieces, pulled down the ornaments, and broke
the organ.
The Duke is said to have hatched liis plot of
insurrection at Bidston, and he stood godfiithcr to
the infant daughter of tlie Mayor of Chester, but the
churchwardens and parishioners of St. John's, Chester,
do not appear to have shared the common enthusiasm
for him, and soon after api)ears the entry in the Church-
wardens' Accounts —
2l6 CHESTER
Paid ringers the day we received the news
that the Duke of Monmouth was
defeated is. od.
Paid Christopher Eykin for ringing upon
the day of Thanksgiving for the happy
victory over the Duke of Monmouth 12^. od.
Wigan shared in this public joy, for " is. was paid
to Richard Mort for a dozen of ale that day wich
Monmouth was taken, for the ringers."
Just before the nomination of Bishop Pearson to the
see of Chester, the Duke of York had declared himself,
to the great distress of the nation, a convert to the
Church of Rome. On the Bishop's death in July
1686, much anxiety was entertained as to the character
and views of the successor whom James, now King,
would select. It is curious that his choice should
fall upon Thomas Cartwright (1686— 1689), the
grandson of the notable Puritan who had contended
so vigorously with Whitgift in Elizabeth's reign :
as a boy brought up at Northampton under the
strongest Puritan influences, and as an undergraduate
at Oxford entered at a college the principal of which
was one of the leading Puritans of the University. All
this did not prevent Cartwright from becoming an
ardent Royalist at the Restoration, and no clergyman
preached more assiduously the doctrine of absolu-
tism. " The King hath indeed," were his words when
preaching at Ripon in 1686, "promised to govern by
law, but the safety of the people (of which he is the
judge) is an exception implied in every monarchical
promise."
CHESTER 217
AVhen he was nominated, not long after this expres-
sion of opinion, to the sec of Chester, several of the
bishops urged Sancroft to delay his consecration.
After he had taken possession of the bishopric, he
continued to uphold the doctrine of the absolute
authority of the Crown, and from his subservience to
the King's wishes, without being a Papist, he was
regarded as a most dangerous enemy to the Church of
England. In his diary occur several entries which
show how watchful he was on the subject of the King's
supremacy. A Mr. Money, 1687, preached "in the
cathedral, and I admonished him to mend his prayer,
in which he gave not the King his titles, and to be
wary of reflecting so imprudently as he did upon the
King's religion."
Mr. Peake, Vicar of Bowdon, ventured to preach a
sermon in the cathedral on the duty of governors
before Lord Clarendon and Lord Derby, instead of a
Lenten sermon. It was " an indiscretion " which the
Bishop could with difficulty forgive, despite the
earnest intercession of Lord Derby and Mr. Thomas
Cholmondeley.
King James found in him a most strenuous ally on
his behalf, not only in the dispute with the Fellows of
Magdalen College, but also in obtaining addresses of
thanks for his " Declaration of Liberty of Conscience."
The town of Wigan voted such an address, but
generally throughout his diocese he met with little
success. He was regarded with so much suspicion in
consequence of his supposed share in advising the
King to publish this Declaration, that in his presence
discussion on these matters was avoided, " nobody
2l8 CHESTER
caring to talk before him." Only thirty of his clergy
in his vast diocese could be induced to comply with
the King's command, nor were the parishioners of
Wigan (any more than the curate-in-charge of Bark-
ing) in accord with the views of their episcopal
Rector, for io5'. was paid to the ringers " that day
nevvse came the [seven] bishops were freed."
Cartwright's diary shows tliat he was on friendly
terms with the leading families of the county, that he
enjoyed good feeding, and was himself much given
to hospitality. But unscrupulous and unprincipled as
he was, it must be acknowledged that he was active
enough in his diocesan work, and was particular in
requiring decency and order in the conduct of the
services of the Church.
" 1687, Jan. 29. I admonished Mr. Otway, the
precentor in the church, of his neglecting services
and anthems, and his teaching of the quire : and he
refusing to amend and be the packhorse, as he called
it, to the quire and choristers, I told him I should
take care to provide a better in his room, and one
that should attend God's service better.
" Feb. 15. I rebuked, as they deserved, Mrs. Brown
(and three other ladies) for talking and laughing in the
church, and they accused Mr. Fullerton for being as
guilty as themselves."
Jan. 26. He notices with apparent disapproval
that " no prayers had been said in Euxton chapel for
twenty years last past."
He was honoured by King James with a visit,
August 27, 1687, when the King heard Mass in Chester
Castle Chapel. On the 28th, the King touched for the
CHESTER 219
King's Evil 350 persons in the choir of the cathedral,
and again on the day of his departure he " healed "
450 persons in the choir.
When James fled to France in December 16S8,
Cartwright, knowing his great unpopularity, found
it necessary shortly after to make his secret way to
St. Germains, to join the master whose designs and
wishes he had so servilely carried out. He accom-
panied James to Ireland in 1689, went with him to
Dublin in March, and on Easter Day was present at
the services in Christ Church Cathedral. He died of
dysentery at Dublin, April 15, 1689.-
^ The following extracts from Churchwardens' Accounts are
of interest, as showing tlie concern naturally sliown in the
country parishes in this important crisis of the national life.
WlLMSLOW :
1688. Spent on the Ringers and others that day that
my Lord Delamere returned with his souldiers,
the first time he had been with the Prince of
Orange ... ... ...
Paid to the man that brought the Declaration
of the Liberty of Conscience
Paid to the same man that brought orders to
put King William and Quine [sic] Mary's names
into the Common Prayer Book ...
Paid to the Ringers upon the Coronation [an
unusually large sum] ... ...
Spent, when we had the news that King James
was removed, on the Ringers for ringing
Prestbury :
1685. Pd. to the Ringers upon the takingc of the
late Duke of Monmouth ... ... ... ... 12s.
Pd. to the Ringers upon the day appointed
for a thanksgivcinge to Almighty Cod for do-
fcateing of the late Duke of MonmiHilh ... /Cl o
4s.
6./.
8.f.
8^.
I2.f.
4./.
AS.
8,/.
2 20 CHESTER
1688, Pd. for K. James Declaration w'^'^ was Ordered
to be Reade in the Church .. ... ... Sif.
Pd. unto and spent upon the Ringers upon
the newes of Proclayming King William and
Queene Mary, King and Queene of England ... 7 ^
To Ringers upon Coronation Day ... ... 120
For their meat and drinke ... 80
For ourselves and for 2 dozen of ale W^'^ wee
sent to the people at the Bonefyre ... ... 7 6
221
CHAPTER XIII
The Revolution — Reforms of Bishop Stratford — Society for
Reformation of Manners — Sir William Dawes — Bishop
Gastrell's Notitia Cestrc7isis — Bishop Peploe — Bishop Keene
builds a new Palace — Bishops Markham and Porteus — Sunday
Schools and Observances of Sunday — The Shakers — Bishops
Cleaver, Majendie, and Sparke — Bishop Law — Augment-
ation of Livings — Restoration of Chester Cathedral — Found-
ation of St. Bees — Bishop Blomfield — State of Diocese.
The accession of William and Mary brought about
a great change in the administration of the diocese.
King James had intended to show another marked
favour to Cartwright by translating him to Salisbury,
and Dean Arderne, who made such an " excellent
speech," conceived in the spirit characteristic of his
Bishop, was selected to succeed him. This intention
was frustrated by King James's flight, and for some
months after Cartwright's death, the diocese remained
without a chief pastor. After being refused by John
Scott, the author of The Christian Life, the bishopric
was accepted by Nicholas Stratford (16S9 — 1707).
A native of Heme! Hempstead, Hertfordshire, he
was appointed in 1667, by the inllucnce of Arch-
bishop Dolben, with whom he was connected in
marriage, to the VVardenship of the Collegiate Church
222 CHESTER
of Manchester, which he held until 1684, During
these seventeen years he had striven to carry out his
duties with earnestness and consideration. Succeeding
Herrick, who, though he outwardly conformed, took
little or no pains to restore the ancient comely order
of the Church service, Stratford had much to reform.
The communicants had been accustomed to receive
the elements in the choir, and not kneeling before
the altar. He induced the parishioners to observe
the rule that "all communicants should come up to
the rails to receive the Holy Sacrament." The sur-
plice, which had been disused during Herrick's
Wardenship, was to be worn by the chaplains at all
services, at churchings, christenings, weddings, and
burials, which should be in and about the church.
The music and chanting was improved. He enjoined
upon the incumbents of the parish of Manchester to
take care of their registers, and attend to the rubrics
in the Prayer-book, then so greatly disregarded.
He was, despite this enforcement of order, very
popular with the members of the Chapter and other
neighbouring clergy. But Manchester, formerly a
hotbed of Puritanism, had become a stronghold of
the supporters of Stuart absolutism. Stratford's gentle
and considerate treatment of Dissenters offended these
zealots ; and his attitude and feeling about Judge
Jeffreys' proceedings excited such hostility that he
determined to resign tlie Wardenship in 1684.
On his appointment to the Bishopric of Chester,
he reports to the Archbishop of York " that for thir-
teen years last past [since Bishop Pearson's second
visitation, 1677] no visitation has been made by any
chp:ster 223
bishop of this diocese ; that by reason of this long
neglect many things are scandalously amisse, and very
much need correction : yt I have endeavoured to
gett ye best information of what is amisse, and if y»'
Grace permit me to visit, I shall by God's assistance
endeavour to ye utmost of my power to reform and
correct all disorders." This promise he faithfully
carried out, working away quietly and unostenta-
tiously. He resided constantly in his diocese, but
mixing very little in the general life of the Church
outside. He repaired the cathedral, and took a
creditable part in the Roman controversy, upon which
he published several pamphlets. It is said that he
was " especially tender to his clergy, whom he loved
and treated as brethren, and never rebuked but in a
spirit of meekness." Dr. Halley describes him as "a
High Churchman, but a very good and charitable
Christian. Although very strict and careful in en-
forcing the most exact and scrupulous observance of
all the forms of the Established Church, he was gentle
and forbearing with conscientious Nonconformists.
Of a spirit averse to persecution, he laboured to
satisfy their scruples, and to conciliate them by a
meek and courteous, though firm, defence of the
legally - appointed ritual and services. Strong in
Church principles, he adhered faithfully to the great
doctrines of the Reformation, and was more deter-
minately opposed to Papists than to ruritans."
A marked feature of his episcopate was the atten-
tion he paid to the formation of the societies for the
" Reformation of Manners," the first of which was
started by him at Chester. A monthly lecture was
224 CHESTER
established at the cathedral in connection with this
society, the first lecture being preached by the Bishop.
He founded, in 1700, the Blue Coat Hospital in
Chester, for the maintenance and instruction of
poor lads, on the model of the Chetham Hospital
in Manchester.
The episcopate of Bishop Stratford's successor, Sir
William Dawes (1708 — 17 14), does not call for much
notice. Born in Essex in 167 1, he was appointed
to the see at the unusually early age of thirty-seven.
Throughout his career, important office had been
conferred upon him when much younger than any
of his predecessors. He was nominated to the
Mastership of St. Catherine's, Cambridge, when only
twenty-five, under the age for taking the necessary
degree of D.D., in the usual course. This difficulty
was removed by royal mandate conferring the degree.
A year later he became Vice-Chancellor of the Uni-
versity of Cambridge. In 1708, Queen Anne, to the
great annoyance of her Whig ministers, appointed
him to the bishopric of Chester, allowing him to hold
i7i conunendam his Mastership of St. Catherine's.
" Without being a man of transcendent ability, he was
universally spoken of in terms of the highest esteem."
He was a staunch Tory, celebrated for his preach-
ing, which was always plain and unaffected, without
any pretence of learning, advocating in uncompro-
mising terms the divine right of kings.
On his translation to York in 17 14, Queen Anne
nominated to Chester one of the most excellent
bishops who ever presided over that see, Francis
Gastrcll (1714-1725). Like some others of his
CHESTtR 225
predecessors, he came to the diocese with a con-
siderable reputation as an able writer and preacher.
He proved also to be an active and zealous bishop,
ministering discipline firmly but always reasonably,
and careful to an unusual degree in the selection of
clergy for the larger parishes in his diocese. Many
of the livings were very poor. He gave large sums
towards their augmentation, and was, especially, charit-
able in his care for the destitute families of several
poor clergymen. His great work, Notitia Cesirensis,
a record of each parish in the diocese of Chester, has
been justly pronounced to be the noblest document
extant on the subject of the ecclesiastical antiquities
of the diocese. He was also instrumental in securing
the valuable collection of the Randle Holmes' MSS.
for the British Museum, which were purchased at the
Bishop's instigation by his friend the Earl of Oxford,
and now form a part of the Harleian collection.
Bishop Gastrell's successor, Samuel Peploe (1726 —
1752), was a man of very different stamp, directly
op])osite to him in views, a consistent supporter of
Whig principles. He was a latitudinarian in his creed,
and an outspoken champion of the principles which
placed the House of Hanover on the throne. He
owed his advancement to an incident which illustrates
his firmness of character. When Preston was occupied
in 1 7 15 by the Jacobite troops, some of them entered
the parish church whilst Peploe was reading morning
prayers. A soldier, sword in hand, required him to
substitute James for George in the Prayer for the King.
Peploe continued reading prayers, only pausing to say,
"Soldier, I am doing my duty, do you do yours."
2 26 CHESTER
He was obliged to give up his place at the prayer-
desk to the chaplain of the Jacobites. This act of
loyalty brought about his promotion. Three years
after (171 8), he was appointed to the Wardenship of
the Collegiate Church of Manchester. A difficulty
arose about his degree, which was required to be that
of Bachelor of Divinity, and, as he refused to proceed
at his University, he obtained the degree at Lambeth.
Bishop Gastrell contested the legality of this degree,
and the dispute was only ended by a decree of the
Court of King's Bench establishing the legatine power
of the Archbishop of Canterbury. During Peploe's
Wardenship, political feeling ran high, and expressed
itself by a difference in dress. " Ladies in plaid
petticoats and gentlemen in plaid waistcoats, repre-
senting Stuart preferences, frequented the Collegiate
Church, except when the Warden preached ; while
other ladies with orange ribands, and other gentlemen
with orange handkerchiefs, worshipped in St. Anne's
Church, or in the Cross Street Meeting-House. In
the Collegiate Church, when the prayer for King
George was mumbled over, the people rose from their
knees ; in St. Anne's that prayer was repeated with
especial emphasis and fervour. Such was the religious
life of Manchester in the early part of the last
century."
Peploe as Warden was continually at variance with
his Chapter. As Bishop he was much more successful,
though his strong will and warm temper brought him
at times into collision with them unnecessarily. " He
will always be regarded as a strong and unflinching
man in politics, and a feeble and incompetent prelate,
CHESTER 227
advocating opinions and seeking to inculcate prin-
ciples totally incompatible with the ritual and dogma
of the Church which he was pledged to support."
With this it should be remembered tliat during the
twenty-seven years of his episcopate he built, rebuilt,
or consecrated no less than thirty-nine churches.
Bishop Peploe died at Chester in 1752.
His successor. Dr. Edmund Keene (1752 — 1771),
is noteworthy in connection with the diocese only
for the passion for building, which marked still more
his tenure of the see of Ely. He built, at a cost of
;^2ooo , a new episcopal palace, which has now been
displaced by the King's School.
Bishop Markham, who succeeded in 1771, having
held successively the Head-mastership of Westminster
School, the Deanery of Rochester, and of Christ Church,
Oxford, as well as a prebend at Durham, was too
heavily weighted to do justice to his episcopal duties,
for he continued to hold the Deanery of Christ Church
with his bishopric, and to these heavy charges was
added the tuition of the Prince of Wales and the
future Duke of York. His promotion to the Archi-
episcopal see of York in 1777 was in reward for the
satisfaction he had given as preceptor of the royal
princes.
The advancement of Bishop Markham's successor,
Beilby Porteus (1777 — 1787), has been ascribed in
the first instance, but with insufficient ground, to a
flattering epitaph which Porteus wrote on George H.
Horace AValpole attributes his selection for the see
of Chester to an able sermon on the Fast. His
University distinctions, remarkable industry, and
2 28 CHESTER
high character, are sufficient to explain how he won
favour at Court. The letter which he published,
when Rector of Lambeth, on the general neglect of
Good Friday, produced a very marked impression in
London, and brought about a distinct improvement
in the observance of the day. On taking up his work
in Chester he took up very warmly the question of
Sunday-schools, and the more religious observance of
Sunday, which was threatened by the rapid growth of
debating societies and promenades and concerts on
Sundays.
The agitation for the abolition of negro slavery,
and the mitigation of the horrors of the Middle
Passage, as well as the Propagation of the Gospel in
Foreign Parts, found in Bishop Porteus an ardent and
influential supporter. In 1783 he was selected to
preach before the S.P.G. the annual sermon, his
subject being "The Civilization and Conversion of
the Negroes in the British West India Islands."
He was, meanwhile, not neglectful of the interests of
his own clergy, establishing an annual subscription for
the relief of the poorer incumbents, whilst Dissenters,
of whom he had a considerable proportion in his
diocese, had to thank him for the earnest support he
gave to the Bill for the further relief of Protestant
Dissenters as regards subscription. He is classed
by Mr. Abbey amongst the evangelical party, though
Canon Overton states that though he did not share
many of the prejudices which many of his brother
prelates conceived against the Evangelical clergy, and
was on terms of closest intimacy with many of them, he
can hardly be reckoned among their number. Hannah
CHESTER
229
More speaks of his life as "a tissue of good actions.
His industry is incredible, the end of one useful
employment is only the beginning of another. His
mind is always alive when any project of public good
or private benevolence is on foot."
The Constables' Accounts of Manchester contain
several references to the Shakers, a body of religious
fanatics, led by John Lees and his daughter Anne
Lees, which came into notoriety at this time (1772-73),
by the eccentricity of their behaviour.
1 77 1, July 14. To apprehending 5 Shakers
on Sunday last, 24 persons dd.
each for Assistants ... ... i2:f. od.
To John Moss for expences on this
and other such like sundry fines ... ds. M.
1772, Oct. 19. To repairs makinggood the
breaches at Lees' in Toadlane in
order to apprehend a gang of
Shakers lockt up there ... ... z^s. 2d.
May 30. To Anne Lees a Shaker ap-
prehended for disturbing the Con-
gregation in the Old Church de-
taining her in the Prison room two
days 2s., maintaining her with
meat and drink and her attendant
2S. 2,d., wages 2^. ... ... ... 6^'. 3^/,
On the translation of Bishop Porteus to London in
1788, Chester received one of the "Greek IMay
Bishops," William Cleaver (1788 — 1800). During his
short episcopate he only paid occasional visits to his
diocese, residing chiefly in Oxford. It is, however,
230 CHESTER
noticed that he encouraged among his clergy by the
erection of parsonage-houses that residence of which
he did not set the example, and that he showed
much benevolence, and was discriminating in the
distribution of patronage. In 1800 he was translated
to the see of Bangor, being succeeded by Henry
William Majendie (1800-9), and Bowyer Edward
Sparke (1809 — 181 2).
George Henry Law (18 12 — 1824), appointed by the
Prince Regent to succeed Bishop Sparke on his
translation to Ely, is the first instance of a north-
countryman occupying the episcopal seat at Chester.
The new bishop was descended from a family of
Westmoreland " statesmen," and belonged to a family
distinguished for brilliant successes at Cambridge
University, two brothers, as well as the future bishop
himself, obtaining the place of Second or Third
Wrangler, and the Senior Chancellor's medal. During
the twelve years of his episcopate he personally visited
every parish in his extensive diocese (which would
include his own birthplace), and specially devoted his
energies to carry out the scheme inaugurated by
Bishop Porteus, augmenting the value of small
livings and improving the parsonage-houses and
churches. He turned his attention also to the
restoration of the cathedral, which from long neglect
had fallen into great decay. The work, by no means
satisfactory in result from an architectural or anti-
quarian point of view, was carried out in a solid and
substantial manner under the direction of Mr. Harri-
son. He also did much for the spiritual building of
his charge, by founding in 1817 St. Bees, the oldest
CHESTER 231
of the theological colleges, for the education and
training of candidates for Holy Orders.
He was succeeded by another " Greek Play Bishop,"
Charles James Blomfield (1824 — 182S), one of the
most distinguished and energetic i)relates who have
filled the see of Chester. The activity, tact, and judg-
ment which marked his administration fully justified
his selection for the office of a bishop. The state of
the diocese when he took charge of it is fully set forth
in his first Charge, deUvered in 1825. He speaks of
the poverty of benefices and the consequent non-
residence of incumbents, neglect of churches and
glebe-houses, and destitution of clerical families ; the
indifferent character and inadequate salaries of curates ;
infrequency in the celebration and irregularity in the
performance of the sacred offices of the Church ; the
incapacity and negligence of churchwardens ; the
intrusive zeal of some of the more active clergy, and
the prevalence of unclerical dress, pursuits, and
amusements among others ; the use of sham titles,
and untrue or careless testimonials to candidates for
orders ; the short stay of bishops in the see owing to
its inadequate endowment, and lastly, as the natural
consequence of all the rest, the general obloquy now
heaped upon the Church, which was the more sting-
ing because it was in part deserved, and which made
every faithful one among her sons feel as though with
one hand he must hold the sword, while with the
Other he repaired the breaches of the sanctuary.
These evils were the consequences of many years*
neglect. The Bishop's difiiculties were increased by
the rapidly-growing population of tlie diocese, the
232 CHESTER
great difiference of character in the people, and their
occupations in the various districts.
He set to work at once to raise the standard of
examination for Holy Orders; made careful inquiries
into the " title " given and the amount of stipend paid.
He was not slow in expressing his disapproval of the
employment of clergymen in secular occupations which
would interfere with their sacred duties, and fox-hunt-
ing parsons, then somewhat common in Cheshire,
were especially discountenanced. He himself relates
how, asking a poor man in the Lake District whether
the clergyman ever visited him, the answer was, " Yes,
frequently " ; but it turned out that the reason of the
pastor's frequent visits lay in the fact that there were
a good many foxes in the hills behind the house. ^
Bishop Blomfield lived himself in an atmosphere of
work, and few of those around him could long escape
the contagion of his example, though some were too
ready to term him tyrannical, meddlesome, of puri-
tanical austerity.
On his translation to London in 1828, the ad-
dresses of his clergy indicate sufficiently how highly
they esteemed his earnest efforts for order and
decency. " You have raised the scale of ministerial
qualifications, and quickened the zeal of ministerial
services. That which you have required from us,
you have yourself performed ; you have gone before
us in the path of every duty." Well might his suc-
^ As an instance of this mixture of secular pursuits with the
clerical profession, it may be mentioned that one clergyman was
postmaster in a large town, another was engaged in an extensive
agency, a third was, or lioj^ed to become, Mayor of Macclesfield.
CHESTER 233
cesser, Dr. Sumner (1828 — 1S48), remark, "I feel
myself happy in succeeding to a road so admirably
smoothed and prepared."
As a speaker and debater he had a high reputation
for eloquence, and took part in several important
debates on the question of Roman Catholic Emanci-
pation, and the relief of Dissenters. He supported
the repeal of the Test and Corporation Acts, and was
favourable toother proposals which tended to remove
irksome obligations on Nonconformists.
234
CHAPTER XIV
Bishop Sumner — Subdivision of the diocese — Bishopric of
Manchester — James Prince Lee, first Bishop of Manchester
—Bishops James Fraser and James Moorhouse — ^John
Graham — WilHam Jacobson — Foundation of Liverpool See
—John Charles Ryle, first Bishop— Bishops Stubbs and
Jayne— Sunday Schools,
Bishop Sumner's administration of the diocese
during the long period of twenty-one years (1828 —
1848) was eminently successful, and for the most
part uneventful. Whilst he strove firmly and con-
sistently to carry on the plan of reform so ably
inaugurated by his predecessor, Bishop Blomfield,
his conciliatory manners and strict justice won for him
the dutiful respect and willing obedience of his clergy,
and checked any tendency to hostility on the part
of the Nonconformists. But one most important
event specially distinguished this period. The
remarkable growth of population and extension of
industrial pursuits in the northern portion of the
enormous and unwieldy diocese of Chester called for
immediate rectification of diocesan arrangements.
The Third Report of the Ecclesiastical Commissioners
in 1836 dwelt with emphasis on this need, and under
the provisions of the Act 6 and 7 William IV,
CHESTER 235
c. 79, the first step was taken in relief in 1836,
when the diocese of Ripen was constituted, and all
its picturesque and extensive Yorkshire territory
severed from the diocese of Chester. Under the
same Act, and in furtherance of an Order in Council
made August 1S47, the whole of Westmoreland,
consisting of the deaneries of Kendal and Kirkby
Lonsdale, was assigned to the see of Carlisle,
together with the deanery of Copeland in Cumberland,
and that part of Lancashire which lies to the north of
Morecambe Bay, viz. the deaneries of Furness and
Cartmell. This rectification took effect on the death,
in 1856, of Dr. Percy, Bishop of Carlisle.
Earlier than this, under the same Act, in 1847, the
Siocese of Manchester was formed, all the remainder
of Lancashire to the north of the Ribble being
assigned to Manchester. The endowment of the new
see gave rise to a bitter controversy. The above-
mentioned Act of 6 and 7 William IV. provided
that the two sees of St. Asaph and Bangor should be
united on the first vacancy, and that the income of
the see suppressed should be appropriated to the
endowment of the new see of Manchester, just as
the sees of Gloucester and Bristol had been
united for the benefit of Ripon. This scheme was
regarded by the clergy concerned as cruelly im-
politic and unjust, and was opposed by them in fre-
quent remonstrances and petitions. Their protest was
warmly supported by the late Earl of Bowis, who
succeeded in carrying a bill in the House of Lords
for the preservation of the two sees intact — a result
which, in the light of the recent attacks on the Church
236 CHESTER
in Wales, must be regarded as most fortunate in the
interests of the Church at large.
The first bishop of Manchester was James Prince
Lee (1848 — 1869). After a brilliant career at Cam-
bridge University, where he was accounted one of
the most distinguished classical scholars, he was
appointed Head-Master of the King's School, Bir-
mingham, where he had amongst his pupils no less
than three eminent prelates (Archbishop Benson,
Bishop Lightfoot of Durham, and Bishop Westcott).
He was consecrated in Whitehall Chapel, January 23,
1848. His appointment was not altogether popular
in the new diocese, and many of the clergy received
him with ill-concealed distrust and covert opposition.
The qualities which won for him success at Birminghan!
were not altogether appreciated in Manchester. He
introduced many admirable improvements in the
organization of the diocese, as was testified by his
successor. Bishop Fraser,i ^j-kJ ^s at Birmingham, he
took the warmest interest in the education movement.
But he was apt to confine himself to his formal
duties, and the Lancashire clergy, who had found in
Bishop Sumner a gentle, conciliatory ruler, resented
the somewhat autocratic methods of their new
diocesan. At the same time it must be acknowledged
that Bishop Prince Lee repeatedly showed great
^ "We owe to Bishop Lee our organization ; in which respect
I venture to think we are not surpassed by any diocese in the
land. . . . The framework of the diocese, in all its essential
completeness at the present hour, was planned and compacted by
the first occupant of the see. I have not found it necessary to
vary one of the lines upon which that organization was laid
down. "^Bishop Fraser's Charge, i88o, pp. 4, 5.
CHESTER 237
kindness and consideration to the younger and poorer
clergy. He was especially active in Church extension :
his first Church he consecrated on the day of his en-
thronement, and his one hundred and thirtieth on the
Saturday before he died.
From the formation of the Diocese in 1848 to
December 21, 1S69, Bishop Lee consecrated no
newi churches, the cost of erection, exclusive of
endowments and cost of sites, being ;!^45 1,344. In
many cases the addition of tower or other enlargement
has greatly increased this outlay. Twenty new
■churches were built and consecrated in lieu of
former churches at a cost of ^90,825. During the
same period 163 new district parishes and ecclesiasti-
cal districts were formed.
His successor, James Fraser (1869 — 1885), was
remarkable for his geniality and capacity for making
and keeping friends. His excellent work in
■connection with the Royal Commission on Education
in 1858, and other similar work in 1856-7 and 1870,
brought him prominently into notice, and appeared to
qualify him in a special degree for the oversight of
this most difficult diocese, where the education
question was a burning subject, and the attitude
of Nonconformists in great measure hostile. The
work of Church extension was carried on by him with
unflagging zeal. During his episcopate 105 new
•churches, containing 60,340 sittings, built at a
cost of ^^730,079, were consecrated, twenty-one new
churches in licu of former churches at a cost of
;^227,20o, 117 new district parishes and ecclesiastical
•districts formed, and the whole fabric of diocesan
238 CHESTER
machinery — conferences, Board of Education, Building
Society — created and brought into perfect working
order. Bishop Fraser threw himself into every social
movement of the day, addressing meetings several
times a day, and losing no opportunity of meeting
working men, whether at their mills, or in the evening
gatherings at mechanics' institutes. It was said of him,
"omnipresence was his forte, and omniscience his
foible." He said rash things, and laid himself open
to frequent attack, but the criticism of him was mostly
of a friendly and appreciative nature, and his absolute
frankness and fearlessness of speech won the hearts
of his people.
He was involved (187 8 — 1882), much to his distress,
in the painful dispute about ritual known as the
Miles Platting case, in connection with vv^hich the
vicar of Miles Platting, Rev. S. F. Green, was consigned
in 1 88 1 to Lancaster Gaol for contempt of court.
Another important case, which caused him even more
pain and perplexity, was that of the appointment of
Mr. Gunton to the rectory of St. John's, Cheetham
Hill, Mr. Gunton having published unsound views
on the Humanity of Christ.
Bishop Fraser, in his Charge of 1872, gratefully
acknowledges the noble part played by individual
Churchmen in these great efforts of church building.
" Families in Manchester, whose names have passed
into a proverb for public spirit and a wisely-directed
liberality — the Birleys, the Heywoods, the Gladstones
— have taken whole districts under their fostering
care, and furnished them with churches, schools,
parsonage-houses, and all the materiel (so to call it) of
CHESTER 239
a Christian civilization. Nor should I omit from this
catalogue the great landowners, who, like the Earl of
"Wilton and Lord Egerton of Tatton, never refuse to
help forward any good cause of this kind which can
establish upon them a legitimate claim " (p. 78).
It should be here added, that the diocese of
Manchester, which was first divided into two arch-
deaconries, Manchester and Lancaster, now consists
of three, the archdeaconry of Blackburn being formed
in 1877 out of the archdeaconry of Manchester, and
consisting mainly of the deaneries of Blackburn and
Leyland.
Bishop Eraser's death came suddenly, while he
was meditating the resignation of the see. The
respect shown at his funeral by various religious
bodies outside the Church of England was most
noteworthy, and justified the title which he had
obtained of " Bishop of all Denominations." A
Churchman remarked at his death, " I am quite sure
he has knit together the various bodies of Christians
in Lancashire in a way which will never be entirely
lost."
James Moorhouse, who was appointed bishop in
1885, brought to bear most successfully upon the
intricate problems of life in the greatest industrial
community in England the practical experience which
he had gained in the administration of a populous
London parish, combined with the freshness of treat-
ment called for in the colonial diocese of Melbourne,
and the Bishop's abundant resource and unwearied
activity are much appreciated by the busy Manchester
merchants.
240 CHESTER
In the eight years between 1886 and 1894 Bishop
Moorhouse has consecrated 42 new churches, with
accommodation for 16,876, at a cost of ;;^4o,46i.
The great increase in the population of the diocese
of Manchester, and the remarkable efforts made in
Church extension during the episcopates of Bishops
Lee, Fraser, and Moorhouse, to cope with this
increase, will be best shown by the following
particulars. In 1821 the population was 737,34°)
which had risen in 185 1 to' 1,405,919, and nearly
doubled itself again in 1891, the census being
2,644,822. The number of churches at the same
periods was 184 in 1821, 322 in 1851, and 518 in
1891. The chief increase was in Manchester deanery,
where for a population of 459,621 in 1821 there were
81 churches; for 981,084 souls in 1851 there were
provided 158 churches, and in 1891, 294 churches for
1,809,232. There was a similarly rapid increase in
the Blackburn deanery. In 182 1, 28 churches for
138,114 souls; in 1851, 56 churches for 219,115 ; and
in 1 89 1, 93 churches for 504,481 souls.
Meanwhile the diocese of Chester, now reduced to
more manageable compass, was being administered
by John Graham (1848 — 1865) and William Jacobson
(1865 — 1884). Bishop Graham (who had obtained
at Cambridge high distinction as a classical scholar
and mathematician) was Master of Christ College,
and Chaplain to the Prince Consort, acting as chair-
man of his committee when the Prince Consort was a
candidate for the Chancellorship. As Bishop, his
leading idea was to preserve peace in his diocese, and
though on occasion he could be properly firm, his
CHESTER 241
courtly grace and conciliatory manner, while it won
over the Nonconformists, gave offence to the High
Church party in the diocese.
The Nonconformists were likely to continue to
be treated with consideration and favour by Bishop
Graham's successor, who in his earlier years had been
associated with them in an especial degree. Bishop
Jacobson's education from the first had been con-
ducted under the auspices of the Nonconformists.
At the age of nine sent to a school at Norwich kept
by a Baptist, thence to Homerton College, he was
subsequently, as an undergraduate at St. Edmund's
Hall, befriended by Mr. Dawson Turner, a Quaker.
In due course he became, in 1848, Regius Professor
of Divinity at Oxford, a post which he held until his
appointment to the see of Chester, June 23, 1865. A
High Churchman of the old school, he passed through
the crisis of the Oxford Movement without taking any
prominent action in it. Always extremely reserved
and cautious in expressing decided opinions. Bishop
Jacobson administered his diocese with tact and
judgment, gaining the universal respect of his clergy
for his unfailing justice. But despite this caution and
reserve, he was not altogether able to avoid giving
offence. " Although he had personally no liking for
new or extreme ritual, he made it clearly understood
that he would discountenance prosecutions, and that
he viewed with displeasure laxity and defect in order.
His call to conformity otTended the Low Church
party, and in the earlier years of his episcopate he was
twice mobbed by Orangemen in Liverpool on his way
to consecrate churches intended for the performance
c)
242 CHESTER
of an ornate service." He did not long survive his
resignation, virhich took place in 1884.
One special feature which marked his episcopate
was the formation of the diocese of Liverpool, a
scheme which he warmly supported. The need for
this further subdivision of the old diocese was every
year becoming one of pressing urgency. The growth
of population in Liverpool and its neighbourhood was
enormous, as may be gathered from a comparison of
the number of churches 200 years ago in the area
now included in the diocese of Liverpool with the
number at the present time. Where in 1650 there
were 37 churches, and in 1850, 122; there are in
1895, 205 benefices, and new churches are yearly
being consecrated. The scheme for a separate
bishopric for Liverpool was, after lengthened discus-
sion, made possible by the passing of Sir Richard
Cross's bill in 1878, and carried to a successful issue,
mainly by the great energy, sagacity, and patience of
Mr. J. Torr, the member for Liverpool; and in 1880
John Charles Ryle, Vicar of Stradbroke, was appointed
the first bishop over the part of Lancashire between
the Ribble and the Mersey, the same tract, inter
Ripam et Mershajn, which was held in the time of
Domesday by the Norman grantee, Roger of Poictou,
and which came by purchase, in 1230, into the pos-
session of Randle Blundeville, the great Earl of
Chester.
A second important event during Bishop Jacobson's
tenure of the see was the restoration of Chester
Cathedral. Much ha.d been done by Dean Anson to
the interior. In 1868 the work was put into the
CHESTER
243
hands of Sir Gilbert Scott, and carried out at a cost
of over ;^i 00,000. This immense sum was raised
mainly by the untiring exertions of Dean Howson,
generously aided by Canon Blomfield, and the
munificence of the Duke of Westminster and others.
In 18S4 William Stubbs, Canon of St. Paul's, and
Regius Professor of Modern History, was drawn from
his learned retirement to undertake the more exacting
duties of a bishop. Though his occupancy of the see
was short (1884-9), Bishop Stubbs was able before his
translation to Oxford to inaugurate several important
measures, notably, a much-needed Pension Fund for
Cheshire clergy, and a scheme for erecting a number
of new churches in the rapidly-growing district of
Stockport. He was succeeded by Francis John Jayne
(1889 — ), who brought with him into his diocesan
work the same vigour of administration, many-sided
activity, practical common-sense, and geniality of
character which marked his career as a tutor at
Oxford, as Principal at St. David's College, Lampeter,
and as vicar of the great parish of Leeds. Whilst the
various organizations in the diocese have been main-
tained in good working order, and stimulated by
words of hearty encouragement and wise counsel,
Bishop Jayne has taken from the first a very pro-
minent part in the discussion of questions relating
to Elementary Education, Social Life, and Church
Defence, and the name of the Bishop of Chester will
hencefonvard be inseparably associated with the
enterprising scheme of Temperance Reform which he
has been most indefatigable in bringing before the
country at large.
244 CHESTER
As a last, word, it is interesting to note the mar-
vellous change which has been brought on the face of
the north-western counties of England ecclesiastically
since the Visitation of Bishop Cotes in 1554, as
recorded in page 120. Then the total number of
benefices throughout the district under review (which
included large portions of seven counties) was 211.
To-day, after repeated subdivisions, the diocese of
Chester alone has 265 benefices, with 408 parochial
clergy. Without counting the incumbencies in the
districts assigned to Ripon and Carlisle, there are at
the present day in the three dioceses (Manchester,
Liverpool, and Chester) which represent the original
diocese of 1554, no less than 1758 parochial clergy.
This provision for public worship represents most
imperfectly the great progress made in caring for the
spiritual edification of the people of the north-western
counties. Much might have been said about the
establishment of Sunday Schools, which are a marked
feature in the religious life of Manchester ^ especially
and Lancashire generally ; of the foundation of St.
Aidan's College, the work of the various charitable
organizations, the education boards, the colleges at
1 Sunday Schools were started in Manchester as early as
1784, only three years later than the year in which Mr. Raikes
of Gloucester inaugurated the movement. A sermon of 17S5
speaks of " the singular and extraordinary success " of the move-
ment. ' ' The improvement of the children in learning has been
wonderful, and in religious knowledge still more surprising."
"The number of applications which have been received by the
Society at Manchester for a specimen of our plan from many
parts of the kingdom, and some quarters of Wales, prove that
this grain of mustard seed is growing into a tree whose branches
may spread around for the healing uf the nations."
CHESTER 245
Chester and Warrington for the training of teachers in
elementary schools.
The Church has indeed been zealous, in successive
generations, to "enlarge the place of her tent, and
stretch forth the curtains of her habitations " in places
once wild and dreary wastes or morasses, now occu-
pied with a teeming population. Yet the command
is still, " Spare not, lengthen thy cords and strengthen
thy stakes"; " There remaineth yet much land to be
possessed."
246
BISHOPS OF CHESTER.
(see founded 1541.)
DATE.
1. 1541 John Bird, D.D., Oxon. ... Deprived by Queen Mary
1554. Buried at Great
Dunmow, Essex, 1558
2. 1554 George Cotes, D.D., Oxon. ... Died at Chester, 1555
3. 1556 Cuthbert Scott, D.D., Camb. Deprived and died at
Lou vain, 1565
4. 1561 William Downham, D.D., Died in Nov. 1577.
Oxon. Buried in Chester
Cathedral
5. 1579 William Chaderton, D.D. , Translated to Lincoln
Camb.
6. J595 Hugh Billet or Bellot, D.D., Buried at Wrexham
Camb.
7. 1597 Richard Vaughan, D.D. , Camb. Translated to London
8. 1605 George Lloyd, D.D., Camb. ... Buried in Chester Cathe-
dral
9. 1616 Thomas Morton, D.D. , Camb. Translated to Lichfield
and Coventry, 1619
10. 1619 John Bridgman, D.D., Camb. Held the see until Epis-
copacy was suspended
by the Commonwealth.
Died about 1652, and
was buried at Kinners-
ley, Shropshire
11. 1660 Brian Walton, D.D., Camb. Died in London. Buried
in St. Paul's Cathedral,
1661
12. 1661 Henry Feme, D.D., Camb. ... Died in London before
he took possession of
the see
13. 1662 George Hall, D.D., Oxon. ... Died at Wigan, and was
buried in the Parish
Church there, 1668
14. 1668 John Wilkins, D.D., F.R.S., Died in London, and was
Camb. buried at St. Lawrence
Jewry
CHESTER 247
15. 1673 John Pearson, D.D., F.R.S., Died at Chester. Buried
Camb. in the Cathedral
16. 1686 Thomas Cartwright, D.D., Died in Ireland, and was
Oxon. buried in Christ Church,
Dublin, 1689
17. 1689 Nichoias Stratford, D.D., Died in 1707, and was
Oxon. buried in Chester
Cathedral
18. 1708 Sir Wm. Dawes, Bart., D.D., Translated to York
Camb.
19. 1714 Francis Gastrell, D.D., Oxon. Died 1725. Buried in
Christ Church, Oxford
20. 1726 Samuel Peploe, D.D., Oxon. Died 1752. Buried in
Chester Cathedral
21. 1752 Edmund Keene, D.D., Camb. Translated to Ely, 1771
22. 1771 William Markham, D.C.L., Translated to York, 1777
Oxon.
23- 1777 Beilby Porteus, D.D., Camb. Translated to London,
1787
24. 1788 William Cleaver, D.D , Oxon. Translated to Bangor,
1800
25. 1800 Henry Wm. Majendie, D.D., Translated to Bangor,
Camb. 1809
26. 1810 Bowyer Edward Sparke, D.D., Translated to Ely, 1812
Camb.
27. 1812 George Henrv Law, D.D., Translated to Bath and
Camb. ' Wells. 1824
28. 1824 Charles J. Blomfield, D.D., Translated to London,
Camb. 1828
29. 1828 John Bird Sumner, D.D., Translated to Canter-
Camb. bury, 1848
30. 1848 John Graham, D.D. , Camb. ... Died at Chester, 1865.
Buried in the Ceme-
tery, Chester
31. 1865 William Jacobson, D.D., Died at Chester, 1884.
O.xon. Buried in the Cenie-
tery, Chester
32. 1884 William Stubbs, D.D., LL.D., Translated to Oxford
Oxon. 1888
33. 1889 Francis Johnjayne, D.D. , Oxon.
248
RECTORS AND WARDENS OF MANCHESTER.
RECTORS
Before 1194 Ranulphus de Welling
Albert de Neville
1261 Peter Greslet
1284 William de Marchia
1292 Walter de Langton
1299 Otto Grandison
1301 Geoffrey de Stoke
1313 John de Cuerden
John de Arden
1323 Adam de Southwick
1327 John de Clandon
1 35 1 Thomas de Wyke
1373 Thomas de la Warre
WARDENS
Before 1422 John Huntingdon
1459 John Booth
1465 Ralph Langley
1481 James Stanley
1485 James Stanley (second of that name)
1509 Robert Cliff
1515 Richard Alday
1 5 18 George West
1535 George Collyer
1537 Laurence Vaux
1558 William Birch
1570 Thomas Herle
1578 John Walton
1579 William Chadderton (Bishop of Chester 1579 ;
Bishop of Lincoln 1595)
1595 John Dee
1608 Richard Murray
1636 Richard Heyrick, deprived in 1646, reinvested
1660
1667 Nicholas Stratford (Bishop of Chester 1689)
1684 Richard Wroe
1718 Samuel Peploe (Bishop of Chester 1726 — 1752)
1738 Samuel Peploe, junr.
1781 Richard Assheton
1800 Thomas Blackburne
1823 Thomas Calvert
1840 Hon. William Herbert, last Warden and first
Dean of Manchester
INDEX
Abbey of St. Werburgh, an inde-
pendent " Soke," 35 ; King re-
tains revenues, 8i. See under
St. Werburgh.
Abbots of St. Werburgh, Hst of,
4C
Absolutism, Manchester strong-
hold of, 222
Advowry, 74
Advowsons of rectories, 41
Aerven, 9
^thelfleda, 20, 26
.<Ethelfrith of Northumbria, 12,
13
.(Ethelred, 20 ; fleet musters at
Chester, 19
Aidan, St., preaches Christianity
in Wirral, 16
Alderley, 194
Aldersey, Mr. Hugh, petition, 77
Aldford, 85, 194
Alfred's archbishop, Plegmund,
21
Alien priories, 46
Alleluia Victory, 12
Allen, Cardinal, 138
Altars found in Chester, ro ; St.
Nicholas, 68 ; Stone, 112
Ambrose, Isaac, 131
Amusements in Tudor and Stuart
periods, 176
Anchorites, 71, 72, 74
Ancient churches in Cheshire
omitted in Domesday, 22
" Angcll tliat the sacrament ys
in," 112
Angler, Mr., Vicar, 189, 209
Anian, Bishop of St. Asaph, 58
Anselm, 26, 27
Apologia Cat hoi tea, 179
Appropriation, system of, 27 ;
early instance of seats in church,
183
Archdeaconry of Chester, 104 ;
Richmond, 83, 105
Architecture of religious houses,
54
Arderne, Dean, 221
Arneway, John, 161
Arundel, Earl of, 82
Astbury, 119, 194
Aston, 70, 117, 119
Attestation, Cheshire, 194
Audlem, 194
Audley, Sir Thomas, 93
Augustine, 13
Austin Canons founded, 46
Austin priory at Conishead, 47
Bachefruy, Robert de, 55
Backford, 85
Baddiley, 85
Baldwin, Archbishop, 41
Baldvvyn de Radvngton, Sir, 82
Ballard, Sir Will'iam, 84
Banastre, Sir Robert, 69
Bancornburg, 12
Banes of Chester plays, 163
Bangor Monachorum (or Iscoed),
12
Barons' War, 79
Barrow, Great, 55, 85, 194
Bartholomew's Chantry, St., 68
I'artoniley, 117-18
Bason to baptize children, pewter,
197-8
Battle of Chester, 12, 14
Bearbaiting, 174
Bebington, 42, 85, 100, 117
Bebyngton, William de, 33, 85
Bees, St., founded 1817, 230
Bekangesgill (Valley of Night-
shade), 54
Belisama, 9
Bell, William, 131
Bei.i.ot, Hugh, Bishop, share in
250
INDEX
Welsh translation of Bible,
152-3
Bells rung for Royalist victories,
196-7 ; release of seven bishops,
218 ; Monmouth's defeat, 218
Benedict Biscop, 19
Benedictines, foundation, 45 ;
violence, 98
" Benet, Abbot of Wirral," 19
Benet, John, hermit, sheltering
malefactors, 72
Berege, 112
Bible, a cheyne to the, 11 1
Bid-ales, 171
Bidston, loi ; Monmouth's plot
hatched at, 215
Bilney, Thomas, 107
Birchenshaw, John, 39, 91 ; de-
prived, 92
Bird, John, 99, 106
Bishopric of Chester founded, 102
Bishops of Chester, 234 ; ' ' Greek
Play," 229
Bispham, 84
Black Death, 83
Blackrod, 69
Blomfield, Charles James,
first Charge, 231
Bloodvvipes, 36
Blue Coat Hospital, Chester, 224
Blundeville, Randle, 53. Si'c
under Randle
Boddewoith, John, 61
Bolton, 18, 117, 118
Book of Homilies, 200
Book of Sports, 180, 205
Booth, Sir George, Cheshire,
rising under, 199
Bosley Conventicle, 205-6
Bothe, Lawrence, 6g, 70 ; Thomas
del, 69 ; William, 69
Bovium, 12
Bowdon, 117, 194,217
Bradford, Wm. , 131 ; manor of, 59
Bradshavv', Richard, 69, 195, 210
Brank, or scold's bridle, 177
Brecknocke, Hugo, 99
Brereton, Mr. , 194, 207 ; Randal,
93 ; Sir William, 94
Bkidgman, John, 182, 194 ;
treatment of Puritans, 188,
191 ; charged with dishonesty,
190
Brief for Northampton, 208
Brigantes, 9
British remnant left in Wirral,
Christian, 16
Brochmael, 14
Bromborough, 18, 100; Sir "Wil-
liam de, 78
Bruareshalgh, estate of, 59.
Bruen of Stapleford, John, 157
Bucer, 115
Rucksey, Nicholas, 103
BuUbaiting, 175
Bunbury, 69, 137
Burghley, Lord, letter, 117
Burnel, Philip, 30 ; Bp. Robert, 58
Burnley, 68
Burton, no, 117
Burwardesley, Lord of, 37
Bussell, Warin de, 46
Butlers at Warrington, 69
Byfield, Nicholas, Puritan Rector
of St. Peter's, Chester, 159
Byrcheles, Thomas de, 81
Calveley, Sir Hugh, 69
" Candells to s:o a visiting," 125
Capenhurst, Thomas de, 41
Carmelites, riotous conduct, 66,
97
Cartwright, Thomas, 216 ;
Diary, 218
Castrum Leonuni-Holt, 14
Caswet, leuan ap Blethyn ap, 72
C'atechizing omitted, 149
Censers, 125
Chad, St., preached Christianity
in Wirral, 16
Chaderton, William, 134 ;
marriage, 135 ; on Ecclesiasti-
cal Commission, 136 ; com-
plaints against, 138 ; com-
mended, 137; "Puritan Bishop,"
143
Champion, Abbot of Chester's, 37
Chantries, 68 ; suppressed in
1548, 106
Chantry, Holy Rood, 68 ; St.
Nicholas', 68 ; Wigan, 69 ;
Wyldgreave, 70 ; St. John's,
85 ; priest poorly housed, 71 ;
costume, 71
Chapel on bridge at Stockport,
72 ; Preston, 84
INDEX
251
Chapels of ease in ruin, 152
Cheadle, 85, 194
Cliedwortli, 208
Chelford, 117
Cheshire petition, 192-3-8
Chester, 67, passii/? ;•: Castle,
52 ; Cathedral, work of succes-
sive abbots, 39; restored, 230;
charter void, 103 ; chapter
house rebuilt, 39
Chorley, 117
Christianity in Wirral, 16
Christian monuments in Cheshire
and Lancashire, 18
ChVistleton, 117, 194
Church-ales, 171-2
Churches bare, 100 ; white-limed,
III ; used for secular purposes,
77
Church goods inventory, 100 ;
lay, 208
Churchwarden's accounts, no,
159, 187-9, 219
Churchyards — buying, selling,
gaming, 129; "chiding" in,
118
Cistercian foundations, 52, 54
Clarke, Thomas, first Dean of
Chester, 92
Cleavek, William, 229
Clergy in Cheshire sequestered,
194 ; secular pursuits of, 232
Clifte, Dean, imprisoned, 103, 116
Clifton, Sir William, 62 ; Sir
Gervas, 70
Cockfighting, 174
Cokerham,83 ; Cokersand Abbey,
43. 54
CoUey of Bruera, 210
Coly, John, will, 67
Colne, 117, 119, 120
Combermere, Abbey of, 55, 67 ;
Abbot of, 52 ; Thomas I'lumer,
monk of, 52
" Coming of the Friars," 43, 64
Commandery, 55 ; at Irby, 56 ;
Yeveley, 56
Commissioners for I'ious Uses,
199
Communion Table, search for,
200
" Comprehension and Toleration
of Dissenters," 2x1
Congleton, 205, 206 ; Hear, 173
Congregationalism in Cheshire,
188
Constable of Chester, John, 48
Conventicles, Suppression of,
205-6
Cook of Abbey, his perquisites,
38
Cornavii, 9
Corporas, Hallovvynge of, 125
Corpse meeting at Church Steele,
157
Cotes, George, 113; Procura-
cions, 120
Cotton, Sir Richard, 103
Council of North reports on
Lancashire and Cheshire, 144-8
Covenant, National, taken by
parishioners of Woodcliurch,
193
Cowper, John, Sheiiff of Chester,
114
Cross-Hatton, 18 ; Sandbach, 17 ;
Winwick, 18 ; pulled down, 133
"Crucified One, Image of the,"
117
Croston, 117, 118
Customs of Dernhall Manor, 59
Cyndeyrn or Kentigern, 16
Dane river, 73
Dawes, Sir\Villiam, 224
Deag Matres, 10
Dean and Chapter to observe rule
of residence, 184
Deane, 117, 129
Declaration of Indulgence ac-
cepted by the Presbyterian
ministers, 212
Declaration of Liberty of Con-
science, 219 ; read, 220
Dedications, ancient, 21
Deiniol Wyn, 15
Delves, ^r John, 69
Derby, Earl of, 37, 95, 131
Dernhall and Over, ' ' natives "
of, 61
Dersbury, 117
Dieulacresse, Pulton monks trans-
ferred to, 52
Dinolh (Dunawd), 13
Diocese, enormous extent, 104 ;
state, 231
252
INDEX
Directory for public worship,
197-8
Dissenters, relief of Protestant,
228
Dodleston, 89, 90, 118
Dominicnns, 65, 66 ; riotous, 97
Dore abbey, 58
Dove-ales, 151
Dress, difference in, denoting
politics, 226
Dutton, Foulk, 77 ; Sir Piers,
suppresses Pilgrimage of
Grace, 93
Eastgate, John, 96
Eastham (Estham), lor, 194
Eaton, Mr. , Rector of Aldford, 194
Eaton, Samuel, of West Kirby,
founder of Congregationalism
in Cheshire, x88
Eccles, 69, 70, 129
Eccleston (Chester), 117 ; (Ley-
land), 118, 129
Edgar the Peacegiver, 20
Edgeley, Samuel, of Thornton,
210
Edward, King, favours Abbot
Simon, 80 ; thanksgiving for
conquest of Wales, 81
Edwards, Richard of Christleton,
210
Eleanor, Queen, presents cloth of
gold, 81
Elevation of Host prohibited, 124
Elizabeth withdraws objection to
preachers, 138
"Engagement, The," 195, 209
Erdeley, Thomas, 62
Evesham, Richard de, 60
Eurgain, 15
Fafni, 18
Fagius, 115
Fair before abbey gate, Chester,
31-2
Farndon, 119
Fayrfax, John, Rector of Prescot,
70
Ferne, Henry, 203
Ferrars, Earl, 80 ; Henry de, 61
Fitton, Richard de, 56
FitzNigell, William, 44, 46
Fleming, Michael, 54
Flixton, 117
Fonts condemned as supersti-
tious, 197
Forest of Loundesdale, 43
Fornication, presentments for,
129
Fortune-telling, 120
Fox, Bishop, 107
Fox-hunting parsons discoun-
tenanced, 232
Fraunces, Sir Henry, 162
Frend, Roger, 38
Friars Minor, Church in poverty,
65 ; Warden, 98
Frodsham, 85, 117, 194
Furness Abbey, 54, 67
Garside, John, 205-6
Garstang, 83-4
Gastrell, Francis, 224^ con-
tested legality of S. Peploe's
degree, 226 ; his Register of the
Diocese, 226
Gaunt, John of, 68, 82
Gawsworth, 194
Geoffrey, Abbot, 39
Germ anus, 12
Gernons, Earl Randle, 26, 41 ;
acknowledges he has wronged
St. Werburgh's, 29
Giles, St., Hospital for Lepers, 42
Glyndwr Owain, 89
Good Friday, general neglect of,
228
Gosenard, 84
Gostree, 117
Grani, 18
Grappenhall, 117
Great Budworth, 117
Green, Rev. E. Dyer, 215
" Grese " = stairs, in
Grylle, Hugh, abbot, 39
Hall, George, 203 ; John of
Chester, 93
Halley, Dr., history of Noncon-
formity, 210, 214, 223
Halsall, 117
Halton Castle, 94 ; Cross, 18
Handbridge, 69
Handley, 85
Hanmer, 117
Harington, Sir William, 69
INDEX
^53
Harold, Kins. 72
Harrison, Mr., 230; Culhbcrl,
210 ; Dr. Thomas, 207
Harthill, 194
Harwood, 68
Hastins^s, Robert de, 41
Hawarden Church, dedicated to
Deiniol, 15
Haydock. Sir Gilbert de, 69 ;
\Villiam, 96
Heraldic disptite, Scropc and
Grosvenor, 78
Herbert, George, on Puritan
Emigration, 188
Hereford, Walter de, 60
Hermitage, 43, 72, 73 ; Field,
73
Hesketh, Thomas, 68 ; Sir Wil-
liam de, 69
Heswall, 100, 117
Heyricke, Warden, 204, 222
He'vsham Cross, 18
Hil'bre ^Hildeburgh eye, Hille-
byri), 18, 44 ; Pilgrimage of
our Lady of, 44
Hinde, William, 180
Hoghton, Sir Richard de, 68 ;
" Hoghton Box," 69
Holand', Sir Robert de, 70;
Priory of, 70
Holme, Randle, 159 ; manu-
scripts purchased, 225
Holt Castle, 14, 63
Holy Water bockytt, 112 ;
Stocke, III
" Holyn," no
Hoole Heath, a sanctuary, 77
Hospitallers of Jerusalem, 55
Hospitals for lepers, 43; very
few in Lancashire, 42
Hour glasse, 198
Huet,'lohn, 103
Hugh Lupus, Earl of Chester, 26
Huyton, 69, 117
Hyndeley, Richard, 90
Ince, 117; Abbot's Manor forti-
fied, 90
Independents, 194 ; in Lanca-
shire, 212
Inquisitions, fost-mor/cm, held
in clmrclies, 78
Isabella, IJaroncss of Mulpas, 30
Jacohson, William, 247
I AYNK, Francis John, 247
John's, St., without the Walls,
Chester, 20. 72, 215 ; Priory,
44 ; without Norlhgate, 42
Katherine, St. , 69 ; of Aragon, 107
Kekne, Edmund, passion for
building, 227
King, Edward, 213
King's Arms "diabolished," 198 ;
evil, 219 ; preachers, 131-2
Kirkham (Kyrkham), 62 ; Sir
Adam de, 84
Kneeling places rented, in
Knight, Dr., Archdeacon of
Chester and Richmond, 102
Labourers' wages, 86
Lancashire, parishes of, enor-
mous in e.vtent, 105
Lancaster, William of, 43, 47,
54 ; Henry, Duke of, 74
Landican, 19
Lascy, Henry de, 49, 54 ; John
de, 54
Lathom House, 114
Law, George Henry, 230
Law ton, 117
Lee, James Prince, 236
Leete, Abbot's, 36
Legh, 117 ,
Legions and legionaries, Roman,
n ; tombstones, 10
Leicester, Earl of, 104, 132
Leofric of Mercia, 20
Leonard, St., usual dedication of
Leper Hospitals, 43
Leyland, 117
Library founded, 178
Liverpool, 118; in 1565, 106;
John de, 68
Livings, value of small, 230
Lloyd, Gkokgk (Floyd, Fludd),
158 ; House, 159
Lollard, 82
Lytham (Lythum), 83 ; Priory, 84
Macclesfield (Maxfield), 18, 129
Maelgwn Ciwynedd, 15
Maea liir = long stone, 9
Maes Garmon, 12; yr Ini;. 14
Majkndik, Hknkv William,
230
254
INDEX
Mallory, Dean, 194
Malpas, Lower, 85, 194
Manchester, 129 ; a sanctuary,
■ 77 ; Collegiate Church, 68 ;
Constables' Accounts, 176, 229;
" Ladie Prieste," 68
Markham, William, 227
Married priests, Queen Eliza-
beth's injunction, 136
Mars Conservator, altar to, 10
Marsh, George, burned at
Chester, 114
Martin, James, 132, igo
Martin, Mar-prelate, Press, 143
Masci, Hamon de, 45
Massie, Gerard, 179
Master barred out at Northwich,
171
Meetings prohibited, 199
Merse Water, 70
Mershton, William de, 82
Meschines, Randle de, 34
Middlewich, 84, 117, 119
Midgeley, Richard, 131
Ministers, ejected, 204; drunken,
210 ; incompetent, 211 ; Non-
conforming, ordained, 212
Mithraic worship, 10
Mobberley, 117, 194; Priory,
47 ; Patrick de, 57
Montalt, Roger de, 29, 41 ;
Robert de, 52
Montfort, Simon de, 79
Monmouth, Duke of, visits
Chester, 215 ; godfather to
Mayor's daughter, 215 ; thanks-
giving for defeat, 219
Moorhouse, James, 246
More, Hannah, 229
Moreton Chapel, loi
Morton, Thomas, 179 ; Recep-
tion, 180 ;
Mottram, 117
Mystery plays denounced by
Puritans, 168
Nantwich, 85, 194
Nativi or born bondservants,
60
Nestor, i8, 100, 117
New discovery of Prelate's
tyranny, 191
Newhall,' William, i6i
Newport, Thomas de, 30, 35,
62, 82
Newton, Thomas, 103 ; Chapel,
Winwick, 69
Nonconformity, 204 ; organized,
211
•' No Popery riots," 215
Norse immigration, 19
Northenden, 85
Northmeoles, 117
Northop (Llaneurgain), 15
Norton Priory, 47, 55, 70 ;
Abbot of, 93
Notitia Cestrensis, 225
Olave, St., of Danish origin, 21
Oldon, Richard, Abbot, 91
Ornaments and vestments, 100
Oswald, St., 17, 18; Church,
Chester, 118
Over, 85, 194 ; Overmarsh, 77 ;
Overchurch, 18, 100
Padiham, 120
Paraphrases, iil
Parishes destitute of religious
ordinances, 211
Parsonages erected and improved,
230
" Pascall," no
Paslew, John, Abbot of Whalley,
attainted, 96
Peada converted, 17
Pearson, John, 213 ; monu-
ment, 215
Pelagius, 13
Penance enforced, 119, 130
Penda, 16, 18
Pendell, 129
Penington, Gamil de, 47
Penrith, Bishop of, 107
Penwortham, Abbey of, 46
Peploe, Samuel, 225
Perambulations omitted, 149
Perker, William, 94
Peter, Bishop of Mercia, 21 ;
Abbot, 61
Peter's, St., Chester, 78, 85, 119
Piers Plowman, 86
Pilgrimage of Grace, 47, 93 ; to
St. Winifred's Well, 44
I'ilkingtnn, Bisho[H)f Durham, 131
Pincerna, Robert, 52
INDEX
255
Pitch and frankincense to per-
fume churches, 187 -
Plague, outbreak of, 186-7
Plantagenet, Henry, 68
Play. Shepherd's, 166 ; of Assump-
tion, 168
Plegmund, " Alfred's Arch-
bishop," 21
Plegmundstall, 21
" Pluiiibi fames," 99
Poor, work for, 178
PoKTEUS, RiciLBY, 227 ; advo-
cated abolition of slavery,
S.P.G., 228
Poulton Lancelyn, 19
Preaching, omission, 130, 149 ;
irregularities, 151 ; Elizabeth's
objection to, withdrawn, 138 ;
grant for, 156 ; growth of
itinerant, 211
Preaching ministers, mainte-
nance, 198
Premonstratensian canons, 43,
54
Presbyteries in LxDndon and Lan-
cashire, 194
Prescott, 1 17-18
Iresentinents at visitations, 156
Prestbury, 117, 219
Preston, 68 — 120 ; occupied by
Jacobite troops, 225
Prestwich, 118
Privilege of Clergy, 76
Procession books, in
Proclamation on Coronation,
King's, 208
Prvnne, W'illiam, 191
Pu'lford. 85
Pulpit, growing importance of,
Pulton Abbev, 53 ; le Ffylde,
83-4
Punishments severe, 176
Puritanism in Cheshire and Lan-
cashire, 141-2
Pym, Henry, 62
Pynchbeke, Walter, 38
Quakers, 207-8
Randle Blundeville, Karl, 41,
4<J. 52
Recusants, 124, 136, 140; hunt
for, 155 ; and Nonconformists,
181
Refuge, places of, 77
Regin, 18
Religious houses, 54
" Repetitions," 211
Richard, Earl, 29 ; of Evesham,
Abbot, 63
Riots at Chester, 90 ; in Abbey,
82
Ripley, Simon, Abbot, 91
Robert de Rothelen, 44 ; Rome-
say, 99
Roger of Poictiers, 46
Rogers, Archdeacon, 161
Roman remains, 10
Rood, taking down, 126 ;
" Clothe," 125
Rood-loft, taking down, 126 ;
un defaced, 150
Rostorn, 117
Rudheath, a sanctuary, 77
Rufford, 69
Runcorn, 46, ■]■], 117
Rushbearing, 151, 172-3
Rushes for Communicants, 160
Ryle, John Chaklks, 242
Sacramentaries, 118
Sacrament certificate, 200
Sacrilege, charge of, 78
Sanbach, 117 ; Crosses, 18
Sanctuary at St. Werburgh's, 75 ;
privilege of, 74
Sargent, John, 99
Savage, Sir John, 62
Sawiey Abbey sold to Lord
Darcy, 96 ; W'm. Trafford,
Abbot of, hanged, 96
Scandinavian mythology, scenes
from, 18
Scott, Cuthbert, 114
Secular clergy impoverished by
monastic bodies, 64
Seditious meetings, 208
See vacant, 133
Sefton, 118
Seminarist priests, 133, 138
Seneschal of St. Werburgh, 37
Sepulchre lights, no
Sergesscs, 1 1 1
Sevncsbury, Richard dc, 33, 39,
81
= 56
INDEX
Shakerley, Sir Geoffrey, 205
Sliakers, 229
" Ship of Fooles," jj
Shops open on holidays, 119
Shotwick, 100
Simon of Whitchurch, 39, 80
Sniithell's Hall, 114
Snell, Archdeacon, 194
Sparke, Bowyer Edward, 230
Stadham, Thomas, 66
Stalmyn, 84
Standish, 117
Stanlawe Abbey, 32, 48, 55, 67
Stanley, Sir John, of Lathom, 82
Stavenby, Alexander de, 43, 65
Stoke, 100, 117
Stratford, Nicholas, 221
Sumner, John Bird, 233-4
Sunday, observance of, 228 ;
Schools, 228
Surplice, non-use of, 149, 157
Sutton, Abbot Henry de, 82, 90
"Tabernacle, The," 118
Tanarus, Jupiter, 10
Taney, Lucas de, 80
Tarporley, 73
Tattenhall, 294
Tempest, Nicholas, 96
Thornton, 118
Thurstanton, 20, loi
Tilston, 85
Trafford Chapel, 68
Trevor, John, Bishop of St.
Asaph, 89
Tulket in Amounderness, 54
Tunstall, Bishop, 125
Tybtot, Peter de, 63
Vale Royal, Abbey of, 57, 67
Vaughan, Richard, 154 ;
draws up Lambeth Articles,
summons clergy to Aldford,
157
Venables, Roger, 30 ; Sir Wil-
liam, 30, 61
Vindiciaj Epistolarum S. Igna-
tii, 214
Violent usurpation of ecclesiastic
property, 28
Visitation articles, 116
Wafer Bread, 137
Wall, Dr. William, 98, 103
Wallasey, Kirby in, 20, 100, 117
Walton, Brian, enthusiastic
reception, 203 ; Sir Henry de, 84
Walton, 117
Warrington, 80, 117
Welsh raids, 52 ; weddings, 171
Werburgh, St., 17; shrine of,
reverenced, 34 ; abbey acquires
property, 31 ; importance, 37,
81 ; limits of, 36 ; free from
episcopal visitation, 33 ; right
to hold a fair disputed, 32, 33,
35 ; abbot, 85 ; put down, 92
Weryngton, Henry de. Abbot of
Vale Royal, 63
West Kirby, loi, 194
Wever, George de, 63
Weverham, 85, 117
Whalley Abbey, 18, 74 ; recluses
in churchyard, 74 ; monks
refused pension, 97 ; abbot
hung, 96
Whipping, severe, 177
Whitney, 144
Wigan, 117, 119, 216, 218
Wilkins, John, 208, 212, 213 ;
" curiousness," 209
William of Malmesbury, 14, 26
Wilnislow, 85, 194, 219
Winvvick, 69, 80 ; Cross, 18 ;
John de, and Richard de, 69,
129
Witchcraft trials, 184-6
Witton, 119
Woodchurch, 85, 100, 117, 194
Wool supplied by monastic
houses, 67
Wrenbury, 117
Wulfhere, 17
Wybunbury, 84, 117
Zouche, Sir William de la, 79
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