r,t;« i-V - - ■■;■■ }-< ^'■'■^^'': ^?^ . -■-■■<£ ^'^M3^M^'. W^^\ ;^»^. THE LIBRARY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LOS ANGELES ' PERIODS OF EUROPEAN HISTORY PERIOD VII., 1789-1815 In Eight Volumes. Crown Svo. With Maps. PERIODS OF EUROPEAN HISTORY General Editor— ARTHUR HASSALL, M.A., Student of Christ Church, Oxford. PERIOD I. A.D. 476-918. By C. W. C. Oman, M.A., Fellow of All Souls' College, Oxford. [Already published. „ II. A.D. 918-1272. By T. F. Tout, M.A., Professor of History at Victoria University, Man- chester. III. A.D. 1272-1494. By R. Lodge, M. A., Professor of History at Glasgow University. „ IV. A.D. 1494-1598. By A. H. Johnson, M.A., sometime Fellow of All Souls' College, and Historical Lecturer to Merton, Trinity, and University Colleges, Oxford. „ V. A.D. 1598-1715. By H. O. Wakeman, M.A., Fellow of All Souls' College, and Tutor of Keble College, Oxford. [A Iready pidHished. „ VI. A.D. 1 71 5-1 789. By A. Hassall, M.A., Student of Christ Church, Oxford. ,, VII. A.D. 1789-1815. By H. Morse Stephens, M. A., Balliol College, Oxford. [Already published. ,, VIII. A.D. 1815-1878. By G. W. Prothero, M.A., Professor of History at Edinburgh University. EUROPE 1789-1815 BY H. MORSE STEPHENS, M.A. BALLIOL COLLEGE, OXFORD LECTURER ON INDIAN HISTORY AT CAMBRIDGE AUTHOR OF 'a history OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION,' ETC. PERIOD VII MACMILLAN AND CO. 1894 Second Edition , t f ( t ( c « • • • t *■ t - «. ' » « • • • • • < 'it c C « - • • • • • • c tf <■ «- C « • t • • • E C C *C ' «••••« « »t t-«« € c I ^ [ C • « •* * * • • • • • • • k • • • •« ^// rights rese^-ved AUTHOR'S PREFACE In this volume I have endeavoured to write a history of Europe during an important period of transition. I have reduced military details to the smallest possible limits, and have preferred to mention rather than to describe battles and campaigns, in order to have more space to devote to such questions as the Belgian revolution of 1789, the reorganisation of Prussia in 1806-12, and the Congress of Vienna. I have through- out tried to describe the French Revolution in its influence on Europe, and Napoleon's career as a great reformer rather than as a great conqueror. The inner meaning of the period and its general results I have sketched in a short introductory chapter, on which the rest of the volume is really a detailed historical com- mentary. The maps which accompany the volume are intended to show the changes in the boundaries of States, and not to give the position of places mentioned in the vii .'479500 viii Preface text. Every one who reads such a volume as the present must use an atlas as his constant companion, for no book of this size could possibly contain a sufficent number of maps adequate to the illustration of the events narrated. In conclusion, I must express my thanks to Mr. W. R. Morfill, Reader in Slavonic to the University of Oxford, for giving me a canon for the spelling of Russian proper names, and to the Editor, Mr. Arthur Hassall, for willing assistance and friendly encourage- ment. H. MORSE STEPHENS. Cambridge, 1893. PAGE CONTENTS INTRODUCTION The Period from 1789 to 1815 an Era of Transition— The Principles pro- pounded during the period which have modified the political conceptions of the Eighteenth Century: i. The Principle of the Sovereignty of the People; 11. The Principle of Nationality; III. The Principle of Personal Liberty— The Eighteenth Century, the Era of the Benevolent Despots— The condition of the Labouring Classes in the Eighteenth Century : Serfdom— The Middle Classes —The Upper Classes— Why France led the way to modern ideas in the French Revolution— The influence of the thinkers and writers of the Eighteenth Century in bringing about the change- Contrast between the French and German thinkers— The low state of morality and general indifference to rehgion— Conclusion, . i CHAPTER I. 1789 The Treaty of 1756 between France and Austria— The Triple Alliance between England, Prussia, and Holland, 1788— The Minor Powers of Europe— Austria : Joseph il.— His Internal Policy— His Foreign Pohcy— Russia: Catherine— Poland— France : Louis xvi.— Spain : Charles iv.— Portugal : Maria I. — Italy — The Two Sicilies: Ferdinand iv.— Naples— Sicily— Rome : Pope Pius vi.— Tuscany : Grand Duke Leopold— Parma : Duke Ferdinand— Modena : Duke Herculesiii.—Lombardy— Sardinia: Victor Amadeus ill.— Lucca —Genoa— Venice— England : George in.— The Policy of Pitt- Prussia: Frederick William 11.— Policy of Prussia— Holland- Denmark : Christian vii.— Sweden: Gustavus in.— The Holy Roman Empire— The Diet— The Electors— College of Princes —College of Free Cities— The Imperial Tribunal— The Aulic Council— The Circles— The Princes of Germany— Bavaria— Baden —Wurtemburg— Saxony— Saxe-Weimar— The Ecclesiastical Princes — Mayence— Treves- Cologne— The Petty Princes and Knights of the Empire— Switzerland— Geneva— Conclusion, . . . li Contents CHAPTER II 1 789- 1 790 PAGE The Empress Catherine and the Emperor Joseph 11.— The Turkish War —Campaign of 1789 against the Turks— Battles of Foksany and the Rymnik— Capture of Belgrade— Revolution in Sweden— Affairs in Belgium— Policy of Joseph 11. in Belgium— Revolution in Liege- Elections to the States-General in France— Meeting of the States- General : struggle between the Orders— The Tiers-Etat declares itself the National Assembly— Oath of the Tennis Court— The Seance Royale— Mirabeau's Address to the King— Dismissal of ~~"' Necker— Riot of 12th July in Paris— Capture of the Bastille— Recall of Necker— Louis xvi. visits Paris— Murder of Foullon— Session of 4th August— Declaration of the Rights of Man— Question of the Veto— March of the women of Paris to Versailles— Louis xvi. goes to reside in Paris— Effect of the Revolution in France on Europe — The Revolution in Belgium— Formation of the Belgian Repubhc— Death of the Emperor Joseph 11. — Failure of his reign— The attitude ^- of Louis XVI. to the French Revolution— The new French Constitu- ^- tion —Civil Constitution of the Clergy— Measures of the Constituent Assembly — Mirabeau— Danger threatened to the new state of affairs in France by a foreign war— Mirabeau and the French Court — Probable causes of a foreign war — Avignon and the Venaissin — Affair of Nootka Sound— The Facte de Famille— Rights of Princes of the Empire in Alsace — The Emperor Leopold master of the situation, ........ 42 CHAPTER Iir 1 790- 1 792 The Emperor Leopold— His Internal Policy— The Policy of Prussia- Leopold's Foreign Policy — Conference of Reichenbach— Leopold and the Turks— Treaty of Sistova— Leopold crowned Emperor — Leopold and Hungary— State of Parties in Belgium— Their Internal Dissensions— Congress at the Hague— Leopold reconquers Belgium —War between Russia and Sweden— Treaty of Verela— War be- tween Russia and theTurks— Capture of Ismail — Treaty of Jassy— Position of Leopold— The State of France— Mirabeau's advice- Death of Mirabeau— The Flight to Varennes— Its Results : in -^^ France — The Massacre of 17th July 1791 — Revision of the Constitu- tion — Its Results : in Europe— Manifesto of Padua— Declaration ^ of Pilnitz— Completion of the French Constitution of 1791 — The ^ Polish Constitution of 1791— The Legislative Assembly in France- The Girondins— Approach of War between France and Austria — Causes of the War— Attitude of Eiu-ope- Death of the Emperor 82 Contents xi PAGE Leopold— Murder of Gustavus ill. of Sweden— Policy of Duinou- riez— War declared by France against Austria— Invasion of the Tuileries, 20th June 1792— Francis 11. crowned Emperor— Invasion of France by Prussia and Austria— Insurrection of loth August 1792— Suspension of Louis xvi.— Desertion of Lafayette— The Massacres of September in the prisons— Battle of Valmy— Meeting of the National Convention— The Girondins and the Mountain- Conquest of Savoy, Nice, and Mayence— Battle of Jemmappes— Conquest of Belgium— Execution of Louis xvi.— War declared against Spain, Holland, England and the Empire— Catherine invades Poland —Overthrow of the Polish Constitution— Second Partition of Poland— Contrast between the resistance of France and Poland, ...-•••• CHAPTER IV 1793-1795 France at War with Europe— Altered Character of the War— The Revolutionary Propaganda— First Campaign of 1793— Battle of Neerwinden— Desertion of Dumouriez— Creation of the Committee of Public Safety— Insurrection in La Vendee- Creation of the Revolutionary Tribunal— Struggle between the Girondins and the Mountain— Overthrow of the Girondins— Second Campaign of 1793 —Loss of Valenciennes and Mayence— Civil War in France- Royalist and Federalist Risings— Loss of Toulon— Constitution of i7g3_The work of the first Committee of Public Safety— The Great Committee of Public Safety— Growth of its Power— Position of Robespierre— The Reign of Terror— The Committee of General Security, the Deputies on Mission, the Revolutionary Tribunal, the Laws of the Suspects and the Maximum— Results of the Terror— Battles of Hondschoten, Wattignies, and the Geisbcrg- Relief of Maubeuge— Recovery of Lyons and Toulon— Fall of the H6bertists and the Dantonists— Campaign of 1794— Battles of Fleurus, Kaiserslautem, and ist June 1794— Fall of Robespierre —Rule of the Thermidorians : First Phase : the Survivors of the Mountain— Conquest of Holland— The Batavian Republic— Suc- cesses on the Rhine, in Savoy, Italy, and Spain— Insurrection in Poland— The Campaign of Kosciuszko— Third and Final Partition of Poland— Contrast between the Polish and French Revolutions- Its Causes— Change in the Attitude of the Continental Powers to the French Republic— Rule of the Thermidorians : Second Phase : the Survivors of the Girondins and Deputies of the Centre —Insurrections of 12th Germinal and ist Prairial in Paris— The Constitution of the Year in. (1795)- The Treaties of Basle- France again enters the Comity of Nations, 124 xii Contents CHAPTER V I79S-I797 PAGE Results of the Treaties of Basle on the Foreign Policy of France — Constitution of the Year ill. — The Directory— The Legislature: Councils of Ancients and of Five Hundred — Local Administration of France — The Insurrection of Venddmiaire — The Rising of 13th Vend^miaire in Paris — The First French Directors, Councils, and Ministers — Dissolution of the Convention — England and the £.migris — Treason of Pichegru — Exchange of Madame Royale — Desire for Peace in France — France and Prussia — Suggestion of Secularisations in Germany — France and the Smaller States of Europe — Attitude of Russia — Campaign of 1795 in Germany — Bonapaite's Campaigns of 1796 in Italy — Battle of Montenotte — Armistice of Cherasco — Battle of Lodi — Armistice of Fohgno — Conquest of Upper Italy — Battles of Castiglione, Areola, and Rivoli — Peace of Tolentino with the Pope — Campaign of 1796 in Germany — Battle of Altenkirchen — Retreat of Moreau— Effects of the Campaign in Germany — Treaty between Prussia and France — Internal Policy of the Directory— Pacification of La Vendee — The State of France — The Directory, Councils, and Ministers in 1796 — Creation of the Ministry of Police — Alliance between France and Spain— Treaty of San Ildefonso— Battle of Cape Saint- Vincent — The Batavian Republic — Negotiations between England and the Directory — Death of the Empress Catherine of Russia — Bonaparte's Campaign of 1797 in the Tyrol— The Campaign of 1797 in Germany — Preliminaries of Leoben between France and Austria, ........ 158 CHAPTER VI 1797-1799 Elections of 1797 in France — Policy of the Clichians— Struggle between the Directors and the Clichians — Negotiations for Peace between England and the Directory — Changes in the French Ministry — Re- volution of i8th Fructidor — Bonaparte in Italy — Occupation of Venice — The Ligurian and Cisalpine Republics formed — Annexa- tion of the Ionian Islands by France — Treaty of Campo-Formio — Capture of Mayence — The Batavian Republic — Battle of Cam- perdown — Bonaparte's Expedition to the East — Capture of Malta — Conquest of Egypt — Battle of the Nile — Internal Policy of Contents xiii PAGE the Directory after i8th Fructidor — Foreign Policy — Attitude of England, Prussia, Austria, and Russia — The Helvetian Republic — Italian Affairs — The Roman and Parthenopean Republics formed — Occupation of Piedmont and Tuscany by France — The Law of Conscription — Outbreak of War between Austria and France — Murder of the French Plenipotentiaries at Rastadt — The Cam- paign of 1799 — In Italy — Battles of Cassano, the Trebbia and Novi — Italy lost to France — In Switzerland — Battle of Zurich — In Holland — Battles of Bergen — Results of the Campaign of 1799 — PoUcy and Character of the Emperor Paul of Russia — Bonaparte's Campaign of 1799 in Syria — Siege of Acre — Battle of Mount Tabor — Struggle between the Directors and the Legislature in France — Revolution of 22d Prairial — Changes in the Directory and Ministry — Bonaparte's return to France— Revolution of i8th Bru- maire — End of the Government of the Directory in France, . 187 CHAPTER VII I 799- I 804 Constitution of the Year viii. — The Consulate — The Council of State — The Tribunate— The Legislative Body — The Senate — Internal Policy of the Consulate — General Reconciliation — The Code Civil — Ministers of the Consulate — Foreign Policy of the Consulate — Russia — Prussia — The Pope — Campaign of Marengo — Campaign of Hohenlinden — Winter Campaign of Moreau and Macdonald — The Treaty of Luneville — Arrangements in Italy — Policy and Murder of the Emperor Paul of Russia — The Neutral League of the North — Battle of Copenhagen— War between Spain and Portugal — Treaty of Badajoz — Campaign of 1801 in Egypt — Peace of Amiens' between England and France— Reconstitution of Germany — Secularisation of the German ecclesiastical dominions — Reconstitution of Switzerland — Concordat between the Pope and Bonaparte — Internal Organisation of France under the Con- sulate — The new Departments — Annexation of Piedmont — The Prefectures — System of National Education — Constitutional Changes in France — Bonaparte First Consul for life — Recommence- ment of War between England and France — Causes— Position of Affairs on the Continent — Plot of Pichcgru and Cadoudal — Execution of the Due d'Enghien — Bonaparte becomes Em[XTor of the French— Francis 11. resigns the title of Holy Roman Emperor for that of Emperor of Austria, . . , , . xiv Contents CHAPTER VIII I 804- I 808 PAGE Napoleon, Emperor of the French— His Coronation as Emperor and as King' of Italy— The Imperial Court— The Grand Dignitaries, Marshals, and Imperial Household— Institutions of the Empire —Ministers and Government— The Camp at Boulogne— Pitt's last coalition— Campaign of 1805- Capitulation of Ulm— Battles of Austerlitz and Caldiero -Battle of Trafalgar— Treaty of Pressburg —Death of Pitt— Prussia declares War— Campaign of Jena— Cam- paign of Eylau— Campaign of Friedland— Interview and Peace of 'lilsit— The Continental Blockade— Capture of the Danish Flee by England — French Invasion and Conquest of Portugal— State of Sweden— The Rearrangement of Europe— Louis Bonaparte King of Holland— Italy— Joseph Bonaparte King of Naples— Battle of Maida— Rearrangement of Germany— Bavaria— Wiirtemburg— B^^clen- Jerome Bonaparte King of Westphalia— Murat Grand Duke of Berg— Saxony— Smaller States of Germany— Mediatisation of Petty Princes— Confederation of the Rhine— Poland — The Grand Ducliy of Warsaw— Conference of Erfurt, . . . .237 CHAPTER IX 1S08-1812 Napoleon's two reverses between the Treaty of Tilsit and the Congress of Erfurt— England sends an army to Portugal— Campaign of Vimeiro and Convention of Cintra— The Revolution in Spain- Joseph Bonaparte King of Spain — Victory of Medina del Rio Seco and Capitulation of Baylen — Napoleon in Spain— Sir John Moore's advance — Battle of Corunna — The Resurrection of Austria — Ministry of Stadion— Campaign of Wagram— Treaty of Vienna- Campaign of 1809 in the Peninsula— Battle of Talavera— Expedition to Walcheren— Napoleon and the Pope— Annexation of Rome — Revolution in Sweden — Revolution in Turkey — Treaty of Bucharest Greatest Extension of Napoleon's dominions — Internal Organi- sation of the Empire — The new Nobility — Internal reforms— Law Finance — Education — Extension of these reforms through Europe — Disappearance of Serfdom — Religious Toleration — Reorganisation of Prussia — Reforms of Stein and Scharnhorst — Revival of German National feeling — Marriage of Napoleon to the Archduchess Marie Louise — Birth of the King of Rome— Steady opposition of England to Napoleon — Policies of Canning and Castlereagh — Campaigns of 1810 and 1811 in the Peninsula — Signs of the decline of Napoleon's power between 1808 and 1812, . 263 Contents xv CHAPTER X 1810-1812 PAGE Causes of Growing Disagreement between Alexander and Napoleon — Intervention of Castlereagh and Bernadotte — The Attitude and Internal Policy of Prussia — Invasion of Russia by Napoleon — Battle of Borodino — Retreat of the French from Russia — Campaign of 1812 in the Peninsula — Battle of Salamanca — Policy of Bernadotte — Prussia declares War— First Campaign of 1813 in Saxony- Armistice of Pleswitz — Convention of Reichenbach — Congress of Prague — Austria declarcsWar — Second Campaign of i8i3in Saxony — Battle of Dresden — Treaty of Tophtz — Battle of Leipzig— General Insurrection of Germany against Napoleon — Campaign of 1813 in the Peninsula — Battle of Vittoria — Wellington's Invasion of France — Negotiations for Peace — Proposals of Frankfort — The Allies in- vade France — Napoleon's first Defensive Campaign of 1814 — Other Movements against Napoleon — Bernadotte — Holland — Battle of Orthez — Italy — Congress of Chatillon — Attitude of France towards Napoleon — Treaty of Chaumont — Napoleon's Second Defensive Campaign of 1814— Occupation of Paris by the Allies — The Policy of Talleyrand — The Provisional Government — Alexander's Speech to the French Senate— Napoleon declared to be no longer Emperor —Abdication of Napoleon — Provisional Treaty of Paris — Battle of Toulouse — Arrival of Louis xviii. , and his Assumption of the Throne of France — First Treaty of Paris, . . ■ . 299 CHAPTER XI 1814-1815 The Congress of Vienna— Monarchs and Diplomatists present — History of the Congress — Treaty between France, Austria, and England — The Questions of Saxony and Poland — The German Confederation — Disposition of the provinces on the left bank of the Rhine — Mayence and Luxembourg — Reconstitution of Switzerland — Re- arrangements in Italy— Questions of Murat, Genoa, and the Empress Marie Louise — Sweden — Denmark— Spain — Portugal — England's share of the spoil — The Questions of the Slave Trade and the Navigation of Rivers — Close of the Congress— Preparations against Napoleon — The first reign of Louis XVIII. in France — Napoleon's return from Elba — The Hundred Days— The Campaign of Waterloo — Occupation of Paris — Second Treaty of Paris — Napoleon sent to St. Helena— The Holy Alliance— Return of xvi Contents PAGE Louis XVIII. - Government of the Second Restoration— The Chambre Introuvable— Reaction in Spain and Naples— Territorial Results of the Congress of Vienna— The Principle of Nationality— Perma- nent Results of the French Revolution in Europe— The Problem of harmonising the Principles of Individual and Political Liberty with that of Nationality, . . . . . .33^ APPENDICES Appendix I. The Rulers and Ministers of the Great Powers of Europe, 1789-1815, ..... 364 Appendix II. The Rulers of the Second-rate Powers of Europe, 1789-1815, . . . . - .366 Appendix III. The Family of Napoleon, .... 368 Appendix IV. Napoleon's Marshals, ..... 370 Appendix V. Napoleon's Ministers during the Consulate and Empire, 1799-1814, ...... 372 Appendix VI. Concordance ofthe Republican and Gregorian Calendars, 374 Index, ......... 377 MAPS Europe in 1789. ^ Europe in 1802. I , , , , , ;- At end of book. Europe m 1810. I Europe in 1 815. J INTRODUCTION The Period from 1789 to 1815 an Era of Transition— The Principles propounded during the period which have modiiied the pohtical conceptions of the Eighteenth Century : i. The Principle of the Sovereignty of the People ; il. The Principle of Nationality ; iii. The Principle of Personal Liberty— The Eighteenth Century, the Eraof the Benevolent Despots— The condition of the Labouring Classes in the Eighteenth Century : Serfdom— The Middle Classes— The Upper Classes— Why France led the way to modern ideas in the French Revolution— The influence of the thinkers and writers of the Eighteenth Century in bringing about the change — Contrast between the French and German thinkers— The low state of morality and general indifference to religion — Conclusion. The period from 1789 to 1 815— that is, tlie era of the French Revolution and of the domination of Napoleon — marks one of the most important transitions in the history of a Period of Europe. Great as is the difference between the Transition, material condition of the Europe of the nineteenth century, with its railways and its electric telegraphs, and the Europe of the eighteenth century, with its bad roads and uncertain posts, it is not greater than the contrast between the political, social, and economical ideas which prevailed then and which prevail now. Modern principles, that mark a new depar- ture in human progress and in its evidence, Civilisation, took their rise during this epoch of transition, and their develop- ment underlies the history of the period, and gives the key to its meaning. The conception that government exists for the promotion of the security and prosperity of the governed was fully grasped in the eighteenth century. But it was held alike by i)hilosophcrs PERIOD VM. A. 2 European History, 1 789-1 815 and rulers, alike in civilised England and in Russia emerging The Sove- ^^°^'' t)arbarism that, whilst government existed for reignty of the good of the people, it must not be administered the People. -^^ ^j,^^ people. This fundamental principle is in the nineteenth century entirely denied. It is now believed that the government should be directed by the people through their representatives, and that it is better for a nation to make mistakes in the course of its self-government than to be ruled, be it ever so wisely, by an irresponsible monarch. This notion of the sovereignty of the people was energetically propounded ' during the great Revolution in France. It is not yet univer- sally accepted in all the states of modern Europe. But it has profoundly affected the political development of the nineteenth century. It lies at the base of one group of modern political ideas ; and, though in 1815 it seemed to have been propounded only to be condemned, one of the most striking features of the modern history of Europe since the Congress of Vienna, has been its gradual acceptance and steady growth in civilised countries. The second political belief introduced during the epoch The Prin- ^'^ transition from 1789 to 18 15 was the recog- cipie of nition of the idea of nationality in contradistinc- Nationality, jj^^ ^^ ^j^,^^ ^f ^^^ g^^^^^ ^^.j^j^j^ prevailed in the j last century. In the eighteenth century the State was typified I by the ruling authority. National boundaries and race limits were regarded as of no importance. It was not felt to be an anomaly that the Catholic Netherlands or Belgium should be governed by the House of Austria, or that an Austrian prince should reign in Tuscany and a Spanish prince in Naples. The first partition of Poland was not condemned as an offence against nature, but as an artful scheme devised for the purpose of enlarging the neighbouring states, which had appropriated the districts lying nearest to their own territories. But during the wars of the Revolution and of Napoleon the idea of nationality made itself felt. France, as a nation in arms, proved to be more than a match for the Europe of the old Introduction 3 conceptions. And it was not until her own sense of nationality was absorbed in Napoleon's creation of a new Empire of the West that France was vanquished by coming in contact with the Spanish, the Russian, and the German peoples in the place of her former foes, the sovereigns of Europe. The idea of nationality, like the idea of the sovereignty of the people, seemed to be condemned in 181 5 by the Congress of Vienna. The Catholic Netherlands were united with the provinces of Holland ; Norway was forcibly separated from Denmark ; Italy was once more parcelled out into independent states under foreign princes. But the Congress of Vienna could not eradi- cate the new idea. It had taken too deep a root. And another striking feature of the European history of the nine- teenth century has been the formation of new nations, resting their raison d'etre on the feeling of nationality and the identity of race. The third modern notion which has transformed Europe is the recognition of the principle of personal and individual liberty. Feudalism left the impress of its gradua- ^^^ principle tion of rights and duties marked deeply on the of Personal constitutions of the European States. The sove- ^'^^^^y- reignty of the people implies political liberty of action ; feu- dalism denied the propriety and advantages of .social and economical freedom. Theoretically, freedom of individual thought and action was acknowledged to be a good thing by all wise philosophers and rulers. Practically, the poorer classes were kept in bondage either as agricultural serfs by their lords or as journeymen workmen by the trade-guilds. Where per- sonal and individual liberty had been attained, political liberty became an object of ambition, and political liberty led to the idea of the sovereignty of the people. The last vestiges of feudalism were swept away during this era of transition. The doctrines of the French Revolution did more than the victories of Napoleon to destroy the political system of the eighteenth century. The Congress of Vienna in 18 15 might return to the former notions of government and the State, but it did 4 European History, 1 7 89- 1 8 1 5 not attempt to restore the old restrictions on individual liberty. With personal freedom acknowledged, the reactionary tendency of the Congress of Vienna was left of no effect. Liberty of thought and action led to the resurrection of the conceptions of nationality and of the sovereignty of the people, which were but for the moment extinguished by the defeat of France in the person of Napoleon by the armies of united Europe. The period which preceded the French Revolution and the era of war, from the troubles of which modern Europe was to be born, may be characterised as that of the bene- The Benevo- volcnt dcspots. The State was everything ; the lent Despots, nation nothing. The ruler was supreme, but his supremacy rested on the assumption that he ruled his subjects for their good. This conception of the AiifgekUirte Despotismus was developed to its highest degree by Frederick the Great of Prussia. ' I am but the first servant of the nation,' he wrote, a phrase which irresistibly recalls the definition of the position of Louis XVI. by the first leaders of the French Revolution. This attitude was defended by great thinkers like Diderot, and is the keynote to the internal policy of the monarch s of the latter half of the eighteenth century towards their people. The Empress Catherine of Russia, Gustavus iii. of Sweden, Charles iii. of Spain, the Archduke Leopold of Tuscany, and, above all, the Emperor Joseph 11. defended their absolutism on the ground that they exercised their power for the good of their subjects. Never was more earnest zeal displayed in promoting the material well-being of all classes, never did monarchs labour so hard to justify their existence, or effect such important civil reforms, as on the eve of the French Revolution, which was to herald the overthrow of the doctrine of absolute monarchy. The intrinsic weakness of the position of the benevolent despots was that they could not ensure the permanence of their reforms, or vivify the rotten fabric of the administrative edifices, which had grown up in the feudal monarchies. Great ministers, such as Tanucci and Aranda, hitroduction 5 could do much to hel]) their masters to carry out their benevolent ideas, but they could not form or nominate their successors, or create a perfect body of unselfish ad- ministrators. When Frederick the Great's master hand was withdrawn, Prussia speedily exhibited a condition of admini- strative decay, and since this was the case in Prussia, which had been for more than forty years under the rule of the greatest and wisest of the benevolent despots, the falling-off was likely to be even more marked in other countries. The conception of benevolent despots ruling for their people's good was eventually superseded, as was certain to be the case, owing to the impossibility of their ensuring its permanence, by the modern idea of the people ruling themselves. And, in truth, while doing full justice to the sentiments and the endeavours of the benevolent despots, it cannot honestly be said that their efforts had done much to im-„. _ ..,. The Condition prove the condition of the labouring classes by oftheLabour- the end of the eighteenth century. The great '"^ Classes, majority of the peasants of Europe were through- Serfdom, out that century absolute serfs. To take once more the example of Prussia, the only attempts to improve the condi- tion of the peasants had been made in the royal domain, and they had only been very tentative. The dwellers on the estates of the Prussian nobility in Silesia and Brandenburg were treated no better than negro slaves in America and the West Indies. They were not allowed to leave their villages, or to marry without their lords' consent ; their children had to serve in the lords' families for several years at a nominal wage, and they themselves had to labour at least three days, and often six days, a week on their lords' estate. These corv'ees or forced labours occupied so much of the peasant's time that he could only cultivate his own farm by moonlight. This state of absolute serfdom was general in Central and Eastern Europe, in the greater part of Germany, in Poland and in Russia, and where it existed the artisan class was 6 European History, 1789- 1 815 equally depressed, for no man was allowed to learn a trade without his lord's permission, and an escaped serf had no chance of admission into the trade-guilds of the cities. To- wards the west a more advanced civilisation improved the condition of the labourers ; the Italian peasant and the German peasant on the Rhine had obtained freedom to marry without his lord's interference ; but, nevertheless, it was a leading prince on the Rhine, the Landgrave of Hesse- Cassel, who sold his subjects to England to serve as mercen- aries in the American War of Independence. In France the peasant was far better off. The only serfs left, who existed on the domain of the Abbey of Saint-Claude in the Jura, on whose behalf Voltaire wuelded his powerful pen, were in a far happier condition than the German serfs ; they could marry whom they pleased; they might emigrate without leave; their persons were free; all they were deprived of was the power of selling their property or devising it by will. The rest of the French peasants and the agricultural classes generally were extremely independent. Feudalism had left them some annoyances but few real grievances, and the inconveniences they suffered were due solely to the inequalities of the copyhold system of tenure and its infringements of their personal liberty. The French peasants and farmers were indignant at an occasional day's corvee, or forced labour, which really represented the modern rent, and at the succession-duties they had to pay the descendants or representatives of their ancestors' feudal lords. The German, Polish, and Hungarian peasant, on the contrary, crushed beneath the burden of his personal servitude, did not dream of pretending to own the plot of land, which his lord kindly allowed him to cultivate in his few spare moments. The mass of the population of Central and Eastern Europe was purely agricultural, and in its poverty expected naught but the bare necessaries of existence. Trade, commerce, and manufactures were therefore practically non-existent. This meant that the cities, and consequently the middle classes, formed but an insignificant factor in the population. In hitroduction y the West of Europe, on the Rhine, and more especially in France, where the agricultural classes were more independent, more wealthy, and more civilised, existence de- The Middle manded more comforts, and a well-to-do and intel- classes, ligent commercial and manufacturing urban element quickly developed to supply the demand created. Commerce, trade, and the concentrated employment of labour produced a pro- sperous and enlightened middle class, accustomed for genera- tions to education and the possession of personal freedom. With wealth always goes civilisation and education, and as there was a larger middle class in France and ^Vestern Germany than in Central and Eastern Europe, the peasants in those parts were better educated and more intelligent. The condition of the upper classes followed the same geographical distribution. The highest aristocracy The Upper of all European countries was indeed, as it has classes, always been, on much the same intellectual and social level. Paris was its centre, the capital of society, fashion, and luxury, where Russian, Austrian, Swedish, and English nobles met on an equality. But the bulk of the German and Eastern European aristocracy was in education and refinement inferior to the bulk of the French nobility. Yet they possessed an authority which the French nobility had lost. The Russian, Prussian, and Austrian nobleman and the Hungarian magnate was the owner of thousands of serfs, who cultivated his lands and rendered him implicit obedience. The French nobleman exacted only certain rents, either copyhold quit-rents or feudal services, from the tenants on his ancestral estates. His tenants were in no sense his serfs ; they owed him no personal service, and resented the payment of the rent substituted for such service. The patriarchal feeling of loyalty to the lord had long disappeared, and the French peasant did not acknowledge any subjection to his landlord, while the Prussian and Russian serf recognised his bondage to his master. These considerations help to show why the Revolution, which was after twenty-six years to inaugurate modern Europe, 8 European History, iy^<^-i^i^ broke out in France. It was because the French peasant was more independent, more wealthy, and better educated than Why France the German serf, that he resented the political thrR^v^o^u- ''^"'^ ^ocm\ privileges of his landlord and'the pay- tion. ment of rent, more than the serf objected to his bondage. It was because France possessed an enlightened middle class that the peasants and workmen found leaders. It was because Frenchmen had been in the possession of a great measure of personal freedom that they were ready to strike a blow for political Hberty, and eventually promulgated the idea of social equality. The ideas of the sovereignty of the people, of nationality and of personal liberty, did not originate in France. They are as old as civilisation. But they had been clouded in the Middle Ages by feudalism, and, after the Reformation, had been succeeded by different political conceptions, which had crystallised in the eighteenth century into the doctrines of the supremacy of the State, of the arbitrary rule of benevolent or enlightened despots. England and Holland had developed separately from the rest of the Western World. For reasons lying deep in their internal history and their geographical position, they had rid themselves alike of feudalism and absolute monarchy ; they had developed a sense of their in- dependent nationality, and had recognised the importance of personal freedom. In England especially, the abolition of the relics of feudalism in the seventeenth century had placed the English farmers and peasants in a different economical position from their fellows on the Continent. There existed in England none of the invidious distinctions between nobleman and rotiirier in the matter of bearing national burdens, which had survived in France, and, though owing to the curiosities of the franchise the larger proportion of Englishmen had but a very small share in electing the representatives of the people, the government carried on as it was by a small oligarchy of great families possessed an appearance of political liberty, and of a wisely-balanced machine for administrative purposes. Nor must the influence of intellectual ideas, as bearing on Introduction ■ 9 problems which the French Revolution was to force on the attention of the more backward and more oppressed inteHg^tua, nations of Europe, be underrated. The great movement of French writers of the eighteenth century— Voltaire, 'J'/„tify.'"""' Montesquieu, Diderot, "and Rousseau — had been deeply impregnated with the ideas of Locke and the English political thinkers of his school. In their different lines they insisted that government existed for the good of the governed, and investigated the origins of government and the relations of man in the social state. It was their speculations which altered the character of absolute monarchy and based its re- tention on its benevolent purposes; they, too, insisted upon the rights of man to preserve his personal freedom, as long as it did not clash with the maintenance and security of civil society. The great French writers of the eighteenth century exercised by their works a smaller influence on the outbreak and actual course of the French Revolution than has been generally supposed. The causes of the movement were chiefly economical and political, not philosophical or social : its rapid development was due to historical circumstances, and mainly to the attitude of the rest of Europe. But the text-books of its leaders were the works of the French thinkers of the eighteenth century, and if their doctrines had little actual in- fluence in bringing about the Revolution, they influenced its development and the extension of its principles throughout Europe. It is curious to contrast the opinions of the great French writers of the middle of the eighteenth century, whose arguments mainly affected the general conceptions of man living in society, that is, of government, with the views advocated by the great German writers of the end of the century, who concentrated their attention upon man in his individual capacity for culture and self-improvement. Schiller, Goethe, Kant, and Herder were, further, more cosmopolitan than German. The problems of man and his intellectual and artistic development proved more attractive to the great German thinkers than the difficulties presented by the I 10 European History, 1789- 1 815 economical, social, and political diversities of different classes of society. Goethe, for instance, understood the signification of the French Revolution, and was much interested in its effects on the human race, but he cared very little about its impression on Germany. Finally, the low state of morality in the eighteenth century had sapped the earnestness in the cause of humanity of men , of all classes in all countries. Disbelief in the Morality and . i • i i i -n Religion in Christian religion was general m both the Fro- the eighteenth j-gstpnt and CathoHc countries of the Continent. century. . ._,,,. The immorality of most of the prelates in Catholic countries was notorious, and was equalled by their avowed contempt for the doctrines of the religion they professed to teach. The Protestant pastors of Germany was quite as open in their infidelity. In the famous case of Schulz, the pastor of Gielsdorf, who openly denied Christianity, and taught simply that morality was necessary, the High Consistory of Berlin held that he was, nevertheless, still fitted to hold his office as the Lutheran pastor of his village. Christianity in both Catholic and Protestant countries was replaced by the vague sentiments of morality, which are best presented in Rousseau's Profession de Foi dii Vicaire Savoyard. In reaction to this vague and dogmaless morality, there existed many secret societies and coteries of mystics, such as the Rosati and the Illuminati, who replaced religion by ornate and symbolical ceremonies. Such was the political, economical, intellectual and moral state of Europe in 1789, on the eve of the French Revolution. The whole continent was to pass through twenty-six years of almost unceasing war, at the end of which it was to emerge with new conceptions and new ideals of both political and social life. The new ideas seemed indeed to be checked, if not destroyed, in 181 5, but once inspired into men's minds they could not be forgotten, and their subsequent develop- ment forms the history of modern Europe in the nineteenth century. CHAPTER I I 789 The Treaty of 1756 between Fiance and Austria— The Triple Alliance be- tween England, Prussia, and Holland, 1788— The Minor Powers of Europe— Austria : Joseph 11.— His Internal Policy— His Foreign Policy —Russia: Catherine — Poland— France: Louis xvi.— Spain : Charles IV.— Portugal : Maria i.— Italy— The Two Sicilies: Ferdinand iv.— Naples— Sicily— Rome : Pope Pius vi.— Tuscany : Grand Duke Leopold —Parma: Duke Ferdinand— Modena : Duke Hercules ill.— Lombardy — Sardinia: Victor Amadeus in.— Lucca— Genoa— Venice— England : George III.— The Policy of Pitt— Prussia : Frederick-William 11.— Pohcy of Prussia— Holland— Denmark : Christian vii.— Sweden: Gustavus in. —The Holy Roman Empire— The Diet— The Electors— College of Princes -College of Free Cities— The Imperial Tribunal— The Aulic Council— The Circles— The Princes of Germany— Bavaria— Baden — Wiirtemburg— Saxony— Sa.xe- Weimar— The Ecclesiastical Princes— May- ence— Treves— Cologne— The Petty Princes and Knights of tlie Empire— Switzerland— Geneva— Conclusion. The States of Europe at the commencement of the year 1789 were ranked diplomatically in two important groups, the one dominated by the connection between France, Austria, Spain, and Russia; the other by the alliance between England, Prussia, and Holland. The great transformation which had been effected by the treaty between France and Austria in 1756 in the relationship between the powers of Europe was the crowning diplomatic event of the eighteenth century. The arrangements then entered into and the alliances tested in the Seven Years' War still subsisted in 1789. But the spirit which lay at the root of the Austro-French al- The Treaty liance was sensibly modified. The Treaty of 1756 o'"'756. had never been really popular in either country. In France, 11 12 Europe in 1789 Marie Antoinette, whose marriage with Louis xvi. had set the seal on the Austrian alHance, was detested as the hving symbol of the hated treaty, as r Autrichienne, the Austrian woman, and the most accredited political tninkers and writers were always dwelling on the traditional policy of France, and on the system of Henri iv., Richelieu, and Louis xiv., which held the House of Hapsburg to be the hereditary and the inevitable enemy of the House of Bourbon and of the French I' nation. The dislike of the alliance was felt with equal in- tensity in Austria by the wealthy and the educated classes. The Austrian generals resented the inefficacy of the French intervention during the Seven Years' War, and the Austrian people attributed its reverses in that war to it with as much acrimony as if France had acted as an enemy instead of as an ally. The .same sentiment actuated even the Imperial House. 'Our natural enemies, travestied as allies, who do more harm than if they were open enemies ; ' ^ such is the language in which Leopold of Tuscany, brother of Marie Antoinette, characterised the French in a letter written in December 1784 to his brother, the Emperor Joseph 11. The Emperor Joseph was himself of the same opinion. He pre- ferred his Russian ally, the Empress Catherine, to his brother- in-law, Louis XVI., King of France, and the tendency of his foreign policy was to strengthen his friendship with Russia, even at the expense of sacrificing his alliance with France. Russia, whose expansion under the great Empress had been enormous since the conclusion of the Seven Years' War, cared but little for either of the allies, and pursued independently its course of steady development. Catherine had, indeed, during most of the later years of Frederick the Great, remained in alliance with Prussia, and to some extent had been on friendly terms with England. But her natural tendency was to distrust England. Li 1780 she had placed herself at the head of the 'Armed Neutrality,' which opposed the naval pretensions 1 Joseph II. unci Leopold von Toscana. By the Ritter von Arneth : Vienna, 1872. The Triple Alliance ^/ 1788 13 of England, and in 1788 she had formally proposed a close quadruple alliance between Russia, Austria, France, and Spain. If the relations between France, Russia, and Austria were unsettled, the Triple Alliance between Prussia, Holland, and England was hardly on a more stable footing in 1 789. Prussia, since the death of Frederick the Great, had become p^ussia, really decrepit, while apparently remaining a first- England, rate military power. Though still preserving the ^" prestige of its famous King, who died in 1786, and recognising its alliance with England, Prussia in 1789 exhibited a decaying / internal administration, and a vacillating foreign policy. Eng- land had received a heavy blow by the success of the colonists in North America, and by the Treaty of Versailles, and the powers of the Continent, while envying her wealth, held her military power of but small account. This opinion prevailed even at Berlin, and the new King of Prussia gave many evidences that the alliance of England was rather dis- tasteful to him than otherwise. The third member of the alliance, Holland, was in the weakest condition of all, and it was only by invoking the armed interference of Prussia that England had maintained the authority of the Prince of Orange, as Stadtholder, in 1787. Though this interference had led to the formation of the famous Triple Alliance of 1788, in reality the English and Prussian statesmen profoundly distrusted each other, while the forcing of the yoke of the Stadtholder upon them caused the Dutch democratic party in Holland to abhor the allies and to look for help to France. The rest of the European states were bound more or less firmly to the one or the other of the two coalitions. The smaller states of Germany, aggravated or intimidated by the measures of the Emperor Joseph 11., had rallied to the side of Prussia. In the north, Denmark, whose reigning ^^^ ^j^^^ house was connected by family ties with the royal Powers of families of England and Prussia, was completely ^"''°'"^- under Russian influence, while Sweden, under Gustavus iii., 14 Europe in iy2>g I was actually at war with Catherine ii. Poland, torn by internal dissensions, and threatened with complete destruction by its neighbours, was awaiting its final partition. The southern states of Europe were almost entirely bound to the Franco- Austrian alliance. Spain had been united to France by the offensive and defensive treaty, known as the • Facte de Famille,' concluded by the French minister, Choiseul, in 1 76 1, and tested in the war of American Independence. Por- tugal, though connected with England, commercially by the Methuen treaty, and politically by a long course of protection against Spanish pretensions, was striving by a series of royal marriages to become the ally of Spain. In Italy, Naples was ruled by a Spanish prince married to an Austrian princess ; Sardinia was closely allied with France, and the remainder of the peninsula was mainly under Austrian influence. Turkey, now travelling towards decay, was looked upon by Russia and i\ustria as their legitimate prey, and met with encouragement in resistance, but not with active help, from England and France. After thus roughly sketching the general attitude of the powers of Europe to each other in 1789, it will be well to examine each state separately before entering on the history of the exciting period which followed. Great and sweeping alterations were to be effected ; many diplomatic variations were to take place. The most important result of the period of ^ the French Revolution and of Napoleon was iis influence upon the minds of men, as shown in the growth of certain political ( conceptions, which have moulded modern Europe. But great changes were also brought about in dynasties and in the geo- graphical boundaries of states, which can only be understood by a knowledge of the condition of Europe in 1 789. The figure of most importance in the beginning of the year Austria: 1 7^9 was that of the Emperor Joseph ii., and his Joseph II. dominions were those in which an observer would have prophesied a great revolution. Joseph was at that date a man of forty-seven ; he had been elected Emperor in the Joseph II. 15 place of his father, Francis of Lorraine, in 1765, and suc- ceeded to the hereditary dominions of the House of Austria on tlie death of his mother, Maria Theresa, in 1780. He was, perhaps, the best type of the class of benevolent despots. A singularly industrious, enlightened, and able ruler, his ideas were far in advance of those of his age, — so much in advance, indeed, that his efforts to impose them upon his subjects brought upon himself hatred instead of gratitude, and among the people turbulence and insurrection instead of peace and tranquillity. The history of the Emperor Joseph's ^^ ,^ u . reforms, and of the disturbances which resulted internal from them, belongs to an earlier volume of this ° "^^' series. In 1789 the whole of the hereditary dominions of the House of Hapsburg were in a state of ferment. The Emperor's scheme of welding them into an Austrian nation, by insisting on the use of the German language, by simplify- ing the state of the law and the administration, and assimi- lating the various religious and educational institutions, had roused the fire of local patriotism. In Hungary and in the Tyrol, in Bohemia, and, above all, in the Austrian Netherlands, or Belgium, there was declared rebellion, fanned by local prejudices, religious fanaticism, and the spirit of caste. The first and second of these causes were chiefly responsible in the Austrian Netherlands, the third in Hungary. The Belgians, and more especially the Braban^ons, were in arms for their local rights and ancient constitutions, which had been infringed by the Emperor's decrees. The Belgian clergy, who looked upon Joseph as worse than an infidel for his treatment of the Pope and his suppression of religious houses, were inflamed at the establishment of an Imperial Seminary in Brussels as a rival to the Roman Catholic Univer- sity of Louvain. But in Hungary it was the magnates of the country who had fought so gallantly for Maria Theresa and saved her throne, who were in an altitude of open disaffection. This was partly due to Joseph's infringement of their Consti- tution and his removal of the Iron Crown to Vienna, but still i6 Etirope in 1789 more to his abolition of serfdom. As has been already stated, serfdom in Europe was practically extinct in the western pare of the Continent, that is, in France, in Belgimn, and on the Rhine, while it increased in intensity steadily towards the east, and was as bad in Prussia Proper, Poland, and Hungary, as in Russia. ' Most merciful Emperor,' ran a petition from an Hungarian peasant to Joseph, ' four days' forced labour for the seigneur \ the fifth day, fishing for him ; the sixth day, hunt- ing with him ; and the seventh belongs to God. Consider, most merciful Emperor, how can I pay dues and taxes ?'^ The iniquity of serfdom, with its practice of forced labour, was accentuated in Hungary by the constitutional custom which exempted the nobility from all taxation. The Emperor Joseph abolished serfdom in Hungary on 22nd August 1785, and inaugurated a system of removing feudal burdens, and converting forced labour, by means of a gradually diminishing tax. The condition of the hereditary dominions of the House of Hapsburg was thus, in 1789, one of seething dis- content where it was not open rebellion ; Belgian burghers and Hungarian magnates were alike infuriated by the , Emperor's efforts at reform ; and the poor serfs of Hungary and Bohemia and the working men of Belgium, whom he designed to benefit by direct legislation and financial measures, were too weak to render him any help. His hope of creating an Austrian state and an Austrian people out of his scattered dominions was fated to be thwarted \ obstacles of distance, race, and language, cannot be overcome by legislation, however wise ; and the Emperor's well- intentioned endeavours nearly lost his House its ancient patrimony. The foreign policy of the Emperor Joseph 11. was dictated by the same leading principle as his internal reforms — the desire to form his various territories into a compact state. His schemes to exchange the Austrian Netherlands for 1 Vehse's Memoirs of the Court, Aristocracy, and Diplomacy of Austria, English translation. London, 1856, vol. ii. p. 305. Josep/is Foreign Policy 1 7 Bavaria in order to unite his possessions in Swabia with the nucleus of the Hapsbure territories were frustrated , '■ ^ Joseph II. by the poHcy of Frederick the Great. His attempt Foreign to make his authority as Emperor more than Policy, nominal, and to create a real German empire based on a German patriotic feeling, proved an utter failure. Foiled in these two projects, the creation of an Austrian compact state, which he deemed practicable, and the resurrection of a mighty Germany under his headship, which he acknowledged to be but a dream, Joseph II. turned his thoughts towards Russia. The ideal of his early manhood had been his mother's foe, Frederick the Great of Prussia ; the ideal of his later years was the Empress Catherine of Russia. Both were specimens of the enlightened despots of the age; both had extended the realms they ruled; both endeavoured to form their states into compact entities ; both had succeeded in administration and in war ; and both were cynical disciples of the eighteenth-century philosophers. They were successively his models. It is characteristic of the Emperor Joseph 11. that the only picture in his private cabinet in the Hofburg at Vienna was a portrait of Frederick ; the only picture in his bedroom one of Catherine. After the death of Frederick the Great, the Emperor Joseph 11., despising his successor, expressed more loudly his admiration for Catherine. In 1787 he accompanied her in her. famous progress to the Crimea. Fascinated by her personality and dazzled by her projects, the Emperor was persuaded to ally himself with Russia against the Turks, and hoped to partition Turkey with her, as his mother, Frederick, and Catherine had accomplished the first partition of Poland. In 1788 he accordingly declared war against the Sublime Porte. But he found that the Turks, in spite of the corruj)tion of their government, were still no contemptible foes, iiis own army was demoralised by the misconduct of the aristocratic officers ; disease decimated his troops ; and the Emperor Joseph returned from the campaign of 1788 with the seeds of mortal illness in his system, but with his determination to pursue the war unabated. PERIOD VII. B 1 8 Europe in 1789 Russia, the chosen ally of Joseph 11., was in 1789 ruled by the Empress Catherine 11. This great monarch, though by birth a princess of the petty German state of Anhalt-Zerbst, ranks with Russia: Peter the Great as a founder of the Russian Empire; Catherine, morc Russian than the Russians, she understood the importance of the development of her adopted country geographically towards the Baltic and the Black Sea, and the capacity of her people^ to support her in her enterprises. She was at this time sixty years of age, in full possession of her remarkable powers, and having ruled for twenty-seven years, she had fortified her authority by experience. Peter the Great had seen the al^solute necessity that the Russian Empire should have access to the sea, and had built Saint Petersburg ; Catherine had moved southward and extended her dominions to the Black Sea. She hoped to make the Baltic and the Black Sea Russian lakes, and on that account was the consis- tent and watchful enemy of Sweden and the Turks. Upon the western frontier of Russia lay Poland. The natural ' policy of Russia was to maintain and even to strengthen Poland as a buffer between Russia and the military powers of Austria and Prussia. But the extraordinary Constitution of Poland, which provided for the election of a powerless king, and recognised the right of civil war and the power of any I nobleman to forbid any- measure proposed at the Diet by the exercise of what was called the liberum veto, kept the unfor- tunate country in a state of anarchy, unable either to defend or to oppose. It might have been possible to reform the Con- stitution, and make the Poles an organised nation, but the neighbouring nionarchs considered it easier to share the country amongst them, and had, under the guidance of Frederick the Great, carried out in 1772 the first partition, which excluded Poland from the sea, brought the borders of the three powers, Austria, Prussia, and Russia, nearer to each other, and caused Russia to become an European instead of essentially an Eastern monarchy. Catherine grasped the fact that in her present position Russia must intervene in European politics, France in 1789 19 owing to the condition of Poland, and decided to derive what benefit she could from this circumstance. In her internal government Catherine was one of the benevolent despots. The patroness of Diderot, she expressed her admiration for the new doctrines of the Rights of Man, and even summoned a convention to draw up a Russian constitution. But she knew that the new doctrines were not applicable to the Russian people, and would be absurdly inappropriate to the nomad Tartar tribes which wandered over the southern districts of the Russian Empire. She was fully aware that their village organisation protected the peasants from many of the evils which prevailed in seemingly more enlightened countries, and gave them a right and interest in the soil to which they were attached. Russia, in fact, had experienced no Reformation, no Renaissance, no awakening of the ideas of individual and political liberty, and therefore was eminently fitted for the rule of a benevolent despot. Next to the Austro-Russian alliance, the Austro-French alliance, sealed by the Treaty of 1756, was of the greatest signi- ficance to the peace and welfare of Europe in 1789. p-rance • As has been said, in neither country was the alliance Louis xvi. popular ; France and Austria were hereditary enemies ; classi- cal policy in both courts favoured a resumption of this enmity ; the friendship was rather dynastic than national, the work of Kaunitz and Maria Theresa, the Abbe de Bernis, Madame de Pompadour, and Louis xv. France still appeared a very powerful nation. Its intervention in the American ^\'ar of Independence had largely contributed to England's loss of her American colonies, and the Treaty of Versailles in 1783 had involved a confession that England was beaten by her cession of the Wesl India islands of St. Lucia and Tobago. But in spite of her seeming power, France was ] from political and economic causes really very weak. She ' had been unable in 1787 to effectually support the republican and French party in Holland, and had been forced to allow England and Prussia to reinstate the Stadtholder, the Prince of 20 Europe in 1789 Orange. In spite of her alliance with Austria, she had been obliged in pursuance of a peace policy, made necessary by her financial condition, to draw near to England, and had made a commercial treaty with her in 1786. The weakness of France arose from internal circumstances. The State and the Court were financially identical. The Court was extravagant, and the result was a chronic national deficit. Efforts had been made to meet this deficit, but all expedients, even partial bankruptcy, had failed. It was evident that a systematic attempt must be made to rearrange the finances by introducing a regular scheme of taxation to take the place of the feudal arrangements for filling the royal treasury, which with some modifications still survived. But a regular scheme of taxation, which should abolish feudal privileges, and make the government responsible to the nation for its expenditure, could not be estabhshed without the consent of the people, and the educated classes, who were both numerous and prosperous, claimed a voice in its establishment. The feeling of political discontent went deeper. The French people had outgrown their system of government ; the peasants and farmers resented the existence of the economic, social, and political privileges dating from the Middle Ages, which had survived the duties originally accom- panying them ; the bourgeois argued that they should have a share in regulating the affairs of the State ; the educated classes sympathised with both. The day for benevolent despotism was over in France ; Louis xvi. was benevolent in disposition, but too weak to reform the system under which he ruled ; and it was the system, not the person of the monarch, which the French people disliked ; it was the system as a whole which they had outgrown. Much of the strength of France rested on its intimate alliance with Spain. The two great Bourbon houses had been closely united by the ' Facte de Famille ' concluded in Spain: 17615 which bound them in an offensive and defen- charies IV. sive alliance. Spain had loyally fulfilled her part of the bargain, and had suffered much in the War of American Spain in lyZg 21 Independence against England. Spain had had the good fortuner to be ruled by one of the most enlightened of the benevolent despots, Charles in., whose minister, Aranda, was one of the greatest statesmen of his century. Aranda is best known from his persecution of the Jesuits, who had spread their influence over the minds of the Spanish people so far as to be the dic- tators of education and opinion. Their expulsion contributed to the power of the Crown, which undertook the direction of every form of national energy. Aranda was a great admini- strator ; he spent vast sums on the improvement of commu- nications and on public works, and he built up a powerful Spanish navy. The two evils which had depressed the fame of Spain, the personal lethargy of the people, due to the stamp- ing out of liberty of thought by the Inquisition, and thei poverty, caused by the influx of gold from the Spanish colonies, which prevented any encouragement of national industry, were however too great for any administrator to sub- due, without a national uprising and the development of a national love for liberty. Aranda was ably helped by Campo- manes, who founded a national system of education to take the place of the Jesuits' schools and colleges, by Jovellanos, a great jurist and political economist, by Cabarrus, a skilful financier, who founded the bank of St. Charles, and developed a system of national credit, and by Florida Blanca, who super- intended the department of foreign affairs, and succeeded Aranda in supreme power in 1774. Charles iii. died on 12th December 1788, and his successor, Charles iv., whose weak- ness of character was manifested throughout the period from 1789 to 181 5, commenced his reign by maintaining Florida Blanca at the head of Spanish affairs, with Cabarrus and other experienced ministers. Portugal was the intimate ally of England as Spain was of \ France. The hereditary connection of Portugal and England dated back for many centuries, and had been Portugal: strengthened by the Methuen Treaty in 1703, Maria i. which had made Portugal largely dependent on England. 2:2 Eiirope in 1789 The great Portuguese minister, Pombal, who had commenced the persecution of the Jesuits and had effected internal and administrative reforms, comparable to those of Aranda in Spain, had been disgraced in 1777, but the offices of State were filled by his pupils and managed on the principle, which he had initiated, of advancing the prosperity of the people. Pombal, while holding the strongest views on the importance of maintaining the royal absolutism, believed in the modern doctrines of reform ; he had abolished slavery, encouraged education, and in the received ideas of political economy had encouraged by means of protection manufactures and agricul- ,' tare. The essential weakness of Portugal rested, like that of I Spain, on the exhaustion and consequent lethargy of its people ; the Jesuits and the Inquisition had stamped out freedom of thought. Financially, also, its condition resembled that of Spain, for the sovereign derived such wealth from Brazil as to be independent of taxes, levied on the people. Politically the aim of the House of Braganza, during the latter part of the eighteenth century, had been to endeavour to free itself from dependence on England by uniting closely through inter-mar- riages with the reigning family in Spain. Queen Maria i., who had succeeded Joseph, the patron of Pombal, in 1777, was a fanatical lady of weak intellect, and in 1789 the royal power was in the hands of the heir-apparent, Prince John, who was recognised as Regent some years later, and eventually suc- ceeded to the throne in 18 16, as John vi. Italy, in the eighteenth century, was composed of a number of small states. The idea of Italian unity lived only in the minds of the 2;reat Italian writers and thinkers : it met Italy. . , ^ , r T^ X , with no support from the powers of Europe. Italy was still the home of music and the arts, which were fostered by the numerous small Courts ; but politically, owing to its sub- division, it hardly counted as a power, and its diplomacy had little weight in the European State system. It was entirely under the influence of France and Austria, and showed the tendencies of the century in the good government The Two Sicilies in 1789 23 of most of the petty rulers. The most important of the Italian states was the kingdom of the Two Sicilies, which com- prised the southern part of the peninsula and the Naples : island of Sicily. The kingdom had been granted Ferdinandiv. to Ferdinand iv., when his father, the celebrated Don Carlos, succeeded as Charles iii. to the throne of Spain in 1759. It was in Naples that Charles iii. had commenced his career as a reforming monarch, and the great Neapolitan minister, Tanucci, continued to administer the affairs of the kingdom in a most enlightened fashion during the early years of the new monarch's reign. His policy was to check the feudal instincts of the Neapolitan barons, whom he deprived of the lucrative right of administering justice, and thus to strengthen ' the influence of the Crown ; and he also opposed the pretensions of the Pope, and concurred in the suppression of the Jesuits. The power thus acquired for the Crown was wisely used ; the financial system was revised, education was encouraged, and an attempt was made to procure a general reform of the laws. The young publicist, Filangieri, whose Science of Legislation con- tained the most enlightened views on political economy and government, and who ranks next to Montesquieu as a typical political thinker of the eighteenth century, was a Neapolitan, and his speculations largely influenced the current of Italian thought. Sicily, however, remained to a great extent ^. ., , ° -" ' ° Sicily untouched by the influence of the great Neapolitan minister owing to its insular jealousy and the maintenance of its mediaeval parliament. Ferdinand iv., in 1768, married Maria Carolina, the ablest daughter of the Empress Maria Theresa, who at once assumed the most entire sway over her ill- educated and indolent husband. She secured the dismissal of Tanucci, whom she disliked on much the same grounds that her sister, Marie Antoinette, disliked the reforming French ministers, Turgot and Necker, in 1776, and after an interval replaced him by Acton, a native of France of Irish descent, who, owing to the temper of his patroness, was not able to continue efliciently the work of Tanucci. The Slates of the 24 Etirope in 1789 Church, including the Legations of Bologna and Ferrara Rome: and the principaUties of Benevento and Ponte Pope Pius VI. Corvo, wcrc also governed in accordance with the enlightened ideas of the eighteenth century. The Papacy had much fallen in influence, and had been forced to comply with the demands of Pombal, Choiseul, Aranda, and Tanucci for the suppression of its spiritual mainstay, the order of the Jesuits; but it nevertheless maintained its temporal sove- reignty in Italy. Giovanni Angelo Braschi, who had been elected Pope in 1775, and taken the title of Pius vi., was a man of singular ability and courtly manners. But he had to assent to vast reforms in Tuscany, which seriously affected the wealth of the Church in that part of the country, and had been unable, in spite of a personal visit to Vienna, to persuade Joseph II. to alter his policy towards the Papacy. His most not- able internal measures in the Papal States were the draining of the Pontine marshes, and his reconstitution of the Clementine Museum at Rome, which he placed under the charge of the eminent antiquary, Ennius Quirinus Visconti. Tuscany flourished under the rule of the Grand Duke Tuscany : Grand Duke Lcopold, brother and eventual successor of Leopold. Joseph II., the ablest administrator of all the benevolent despots. His reforms extended in every direc- tion ; with the help of Scipio de Ricci, Bishop of Pistoia, he reduced the number of bishoprics and monasteries ; he drained many of the marshes, and so benefited agriculture ; he reorganised education and encouraged the Universities of Pisa and Siena. But his greatest reforms were legal and economic. Tuscany having originated from a number of mediaeval republics, had been hitherto administered as a col- lection of semi-independent cities and districts, with their own laws and local finances. Leopold was one of the first monarchs to project a uniform code of laws for his state, which he intrusted to the great jurist, Lampredi, to compile, and he abolished all personal privileges before the law, tor- ture, the right of asylum for malefactors, confiscation of the Parma and Modena in \y?)g ' 25 property of condemned malefactors, and secret denunciations. In economics he was the pupil of the French physiocrats, and the friend of the Marquis de Mirabeau, the 'Ami des hommes,' and in consonance with their doctrines he swept away all the internal customs duties and other restrictions on industry and commerce. Lastly, Leopold, seeing that his state was not strong enough to carry on a real war, abolished the Tuscan army, to the great advantage of his finances. Next to Tuscany, the best-governed state in Italy was Parma. Fer- Parma: Duke dinand, Duke of Parma and Piacenza, was the Ferdinand, only son of Don Philip, the second son of Philip v. of Spain and Elizabeth Farnese, by Elizabeth of France, daughter of Louis XV. He was educated by the celebrated French philo- sopher, Condillac, and early in his reign showed the influence of the best eighteenth century ideas. He had succeeded his father in 1765, and continued his minister, a Frenchman, Du Tillot, Marquis of Felino, in office. Du Tillot, though work- ing in a smaller sphere, was as great a reformer as Pombal and Tanucci. He brought about the suppression of the Inquisi- tion in Parma, improved the internal administration, and encouraged education so greatly that the University of Parma, under the management of the learned scholar, Paciaudi, became one of the most famous in Europe. In 1769 Duke Ferdinand married Maria Amelia, daughter of the Empress Maria Theresa, who two years later secured the dis- missal of Du Tillot from office. This dismissal was not, how- ever, followed by a reaction, though it put a close to the progress of reform, and Parma, under the administration, first of a Spaniard, Llanos, and then of a Frenchman, Mauprat, re- tained its reputation as a well-governed state. It was otherwise with Modena, where the last Duke of the House of y^^^^^^. Este, Hercules in., reigned. This prince had sue- Duke ceeded to the duchies of Modena, Reggio, and """^"''^ "^" Mirandola in 1780, when already a man of fifty-three, and had added to them by marriage the principalities of Massa and Carrara. His only daughter and heiress, Maria Beatrice, was 26 • Europe in 1789 married to the Austrian Archduke Ferdinand, younger brother of the Emperor Joseph, and Governor-General of Lombardy. Duke Hercules was a superstitious and avaricious ruler, whose chief care was to amass money, and, politically, he followed out the wishes of Austria. While the House of Austria, by its scions or by marrias;es, ruled the greater part of Lombardy. ^,.,. ,. ^ . ^. . r Italy mdu-ectly,it possessed the direct sovereignty ot Lombardy, or, more accurately, of the Milanese and Mantua. This province profited by the salutary policy of Joseph 11., and was administered, under the governor-generalship of the Archduke Ferdinand, by a great statesman, Count Firmian, who understood and carried out the most important reforms. His patronage of the arts and of education was especially remarkable ; he laboured ardently to restore the efficiency of the Universities of Milan and Pavia, and appointed Beccaria, the celebrated philanthropist. Professor of Political Economy at the former, and Volta, the equally celebrated man of science. Professor of Physics at the latter. The only other Sardinia- monarchy of Italy, that of Sardinia, was more Victor closely related to France than to Austria. Its Amadeus III. jjjng, Victor Amadcus III., had married a Spanish princess, and two of his daughters were married to the two brothers of Louis xvi. of France — Monsieur, the Comte de Provence, and the Comte d'Artois. His dominions com- prised the island of Sardinia, Piedmont, Savoy, and Nice, and it was a great subject of complaint to his Piedmontese sub- jects that he unduly favoured his French-speaking province of Savoy, He, too, was influenced by the spirit of his century ; he encouraged agriculture and commerce ; he patronised literature and science ; he built the Observatory at Turin, and founded academies of science and fine arts ; and he undertook great public works, of which the most important was the improvement of the harbour of Nice. But in one matter he pursued an opposite policy to the Grand Duke Leopold of Tuscany, for he increased and reorganised his army, and con- structed fortifications of the most modern description at Genoa atid Venice ifi 1789 27 Tortona and Alessandria. Lastly must be noticed three Italian republics, survivals of the Middle Ages. Of these the smallest was the Republic of Lucca, which was Lucca: entirely surrounded by the Grand-Duchy of Tus- Republic, cany. Its trade suffered from the encouragement given by the Grand Duke Leopold to Leghorn ; but, on the whole, it was well governed and prosperous. It was otherwise with the two great aristocratic republics, in which the long continuance of oligarchical government had stamped out all Genoa: vestiges of political liberty. The Republic of Republic. Genoa, of which Raphael di Ferrari was Doge in 1789, was in utter decay. Its people were poverty-stricken ; its trade had gone to Leghorn and Nice ; and its laws and customs w^ere unreformed. It was so weak that it had been unable to sub- due the rebels in Corsica, who had risen under Paoli for the right of self-government, and it had ended by ceding the island to France in 1768. The Republic of Venice, of . Venice. which the Doge in 1789 was Paul Renier, had not fallen so low in the eyes of Europe. Its ])ossessions on the mainland, which extended from Verona to the Tyrol and along the east coast of the Adriatic Sea, and included the Ionian Islands, were administered for the benefit of the Venetian oligarchy, and supplied it with wealth. From Dalmatia was raised a considerable army, but the administration was wholly selfish, and did not keep pace in enlightenment with that of Lombardy, Parma, Tuscany, and Naples. On the whole, where monarchy existed in Italy, it tended in the eighteenth century to benevolent despotism ; and such rule was far more beneficial to the people than that of the antiquated republics. Politi- cally, the whole country might be reckoned as a factor in the Franco- Austrian alliance. The chief power of the Triple Alliance, which balanced the loosely-defined league of Russia, France, and Austria, was England. The severe blow which had been struck England : by the revolt of her American colonies had made °'=°''8e ^''• Great Britain appear weaker than she really was to Uie 28 Europe in 1789 powers of the Continent. The Treaty of Versailles, by which she had been obliged to make cessions to France, seemed to have set the seal on her humiliation. But in reality her finances were more affected than her fighting strength, and the English navy, which, from her insular position, must always constitute the principal element of her force, was as The Policy excellent as ever. The policy of the younger Pitt, of Pitt. ^]-jQ j-j^(j come into ofiice in 1783, was one of peace and retrenchment. The country had lasted well through the financial strain of the American War, and the chief aim of the minister was to allow its vast commercial and industrial resources to expand. As a pupil of Adam Smith, Pitt understood the great principles of political economy, and the most significant part of his foreign policy was his conclu- sion of the Commercial Treaty with France. A fiscal system, far in advance of that in any continental country, enabled the English Government to draw on the wealth of the nation more effectively than any other government, if the money was needed for patriotic purposes. In spite of his love of peace, Pitt was induced by his first Foreign Secretary, the Duke of Leeds, to take an active part in European politics, and was eventually led by the state of affairs in Holland to enter into the Triple Alliance. At home, England was unaffected by the intellectual movement which led to the French Revolu- tion. She had in the previous century got rid of the relics of feudalism, which pressed so heavily on the continental farmer and peasant, and had won the boons of individual and com- mercial liberty, and of equality before the law ; while politi- cally, though her government was an oligarchy, supported by the class of wealthy merchants and traders, an opportunity was afforded through the existence of a free press and of the system of election, however hampered by antiquated franchises, for public opinion to make itself felt. Prussia, the other principal member of the Triple Alliance, contrasted in every way with England. Seemingly, owing to the prestige of Frederick the Great's victories and that able Prussia in 1789 29 monarch's careful organisation of his army, Prussia was the first mihtary state in Europe; in reality, her repu- prus^ia. tation was greater than her actual power. Prussia Frederick was weak where England was strong. Prussia had ' '^"^ no iinancial system worthy of the name, no industrial wealth, and no national bank ; her only resources for war were a certain quantity of specie stored up in Berlin. The Prussian Govern- ment was an absolutism, in which the monarch's will was supreme ; its administration was based on feudalism, of which England had entirely and France had practically got rid, with all its mediaeval incidents of serfdom, privilege of the nobility, and social and commercial inequalities. The Prussian army was not national ; the soldiers were treated as slaves, and the officers, who were all of noble birth, were tyrants in the main- tenance of military discipline. Frederick the Great was one of the finest types of the benevolent despot of the eighteenth century, but in him the belief in the importance of his despotic power outweighed his benevolence. While wishing for the prosperity of the people, he deliberately maintained the authority of the nobility, and discouraged anydesire for change on the part of the agriculturists or citizens. The former were left at the disposal of their lords, the latter trammelled by antiquated civic constitutions. The weakness of Prussia was not only inherent in its government, but was also due to geographical causes. Its component })arts were scattered ; its Rhenish duchies and East Fricsland were, separated from its main territories by many German states ; its central districts, the Marks of Brandenburg, were sparsely populated, and cut off from the sea ; its largest provinces, Prussia Proper, Pomerania, Silesia, and Prussian Poland were, in spite of German and French Huguenot colonies, mainly Slavonic, and as backward in civilisation as other Slavonic races in the eighteenth century. In Russia, however, the Slavonic population in its barbarism yet retained sufficient local organisation to make its lot fairly endurable; in eastern Prussia, and especially in Prussian Poland, the people 30 Europe in 1789 had been brought into contact with the medigeval and Latin civiUsation, and were consequently treated as absolute serfs without the relief afforded by local institutions. The Policy of policy of Prussia, as laid down by Frederick the Prussia. Great, had both Prussian and German aspirations, and in both was utterly selfish. The example set by the cynical monarch in the Silesian wars had left a deep impress on the minds of Prussian statesmen, and the maxims of justice and international law were subordinated by them to expediency. The Prussian policy of Frederick the Great culminated in the first partition of Poland, which he had suggested, by means of which Prussia united her eastern province of Prussia Proper to Brandenburg, and cut off Poland from the sea, and the aim of his successors was to pursue this path of aggrandisement, and, by further annexations, to connect Silesia directly with Prussia Proper. The German policy of Prussia was to assume the leadership of the Empire by pretending the greatest zeal for the rights of the Princes of the Empire, and posing as their protector, and it was on this ground that Frederick the Great formed the League of the Princes. The hereditary enemy of Prussia was Austria, which, though dis- tinctly injured by the conquest of Silesia, still retained the chief influence over the Empire, and also showed a tendency to check the designs on Poland. It was Frederick the Great of Prussia who had thwarted the Emperor's scheme of exchanging the Austrian Netherlands for Bavaria, and he intrigued against Austria at the Courts both of Russia and France. It was as a counterblow to the Franco- Austro-Russian alliance that Prussia intervened in Holland, at the request of England, and formed the Triple Alliance with England and Holland in 1788. King Frederick William 11. of Prussia, who succeeded his famous uncle in 1786, was a man of feeble intellect and undecided nature, but he had thoroughly imbibed the classic ideas of Prussian policy, and regarded Austria as the inevit- able foe of Prussia, to be duped and taken advantage of on every possible occasion. His chief minister, Hertzberg, was a Holland in 1789 31 consistent enemy of Austria, but owing to the curious character of the king, the real power of the State rested not with the minister but with the royal favourites, of whom the chief at the end of 1788 were Bischofswerder and Lucchesini. Holland was the link which bound England and Prussia together. Its military power was of no account, but ■' 1 , , ^ ■ • , 1 • 1 • 1 ^ , ■ Holland. , the wealth of its inhabitants, derived from their vast commercial expansion in Asia and aptitude for banking, made the Republic of the United Provinces of the greatest im- portance. The Seven Provinces preserved the most complete autonomy ; only the veriest semblance of federation held them together. Practically, the only bond of union was in the power of the Stadtholder, which had been restored in 1747. In the more wealthy provinces, such as Holland, the commercial aristocracy, which filled the ranks of the local governments, resented the position of the Stadtholder, who held the command-in-chief of the army and navy ; but in the poorer and agricultural provinces, such as Friesland and Groningen, the landed aristocracy generally supported the Stadtholderate. In 1780 the United Provinces had joined in the Neutral League of the North, invented by Catherine of Russia to break the commercial supremacy of England, and in the war which followed they had suffered severe losses, and had been compelled to cede Negapatam in India to England in 1783 on the conclusion of peace. The Stadtholder, William v,, Prince of Orange, in whose family the office had been declared hereditary, was vehemently accu.sed of favouring England during this war, and when peace was declared a movement was set on foot, headed by the authorities of the Province of Holland, to oust him from his position, and to draw up a new constitution for the Dutch Netherlands on the same lines as that of the United States of America. This movement grew to its height in 1786; a French Legion, commanded by the Comte de Maillebois, was raised ; the Stadtholder had to fly from the Hague, and the armed intervention of France was requested. But, as has 32 Europe in 1789 been said, France, in spite of her seeming power, was too weak to intervene, and the Dutch patriots were abandoned to their fate. On the other side, that of the Stadtholder, England, through its able ambassador at the Hague, Sir James Harris, afterwards Lord Malmesbury, induced Prussia to act. England and Prussia had dynastic and political reasons for this conduct. The Stadtholder was, through his mother, a first cousin of George in., and had married a sister of Frederick William 11., while politically, the acquisition of Holland to the Franco- Austrian alliance, through the expulsion of the Stadtholder, would bring nearly the whole of Europe into that system, and would practically enclose the Austrian Netherlands or Belgium. In September 1787, therefore, a Prussian army, under the Duke of Brunswick, had occupied Amsterdam, and placed the Stadtholder firmly in power; the Dutch patriots fied to France ; the Legion of Maillebois was disbanded ; and in 1788 the work was consummated by the signature of the Triple Alliance. The two northern kingdoms, Denmark and Sweden, had adhered to the Neutral League against England in 1780, but for generations a bitter animosity had existed between them. Denmark. Denmark, which in 1789 included Norway, was in Christian vii. an extremely prospcrous condition. The philan- thropic ideas of the eighteenth century had made great way, and on 20th June 1788 a royal ordinance had destroyed the last vestige of serfdom. Efforts were made to improve the condition ' of the people by reorganising the state of the finances, law and education, and progress was made in every direction. These reforms were not the work of the King, Christian vii., who had fallen into a state of dotage, but of the Prince Royal, afterwards Frederick vi., and of his minister, Count Andrew Bernstorff, the nephew of the greatest Danish statesman of the Sweden: eighteenth century. Sweden, which in 1789 in Gustavusiii. eluded the greater part of Finland as well as Swedish Pomerania and the island of Riigen, was under the sway of one of the most enlightened rulers of the century, The Holy Roman Empire 33 Gustavus III. That monarch had in 1772, by a coup d'etat, overtKrown the power of the Swedish Estates, with their divi- sion into the two parties of the Caps and the Hats, subsidised respectively by Russia and France. He had made use of his absolutism to carry out some of the benevolent ideas of the time. He had abolished torture, regulated taxation, encour- aged commerce and industry, and diminished, where he did' not destroy, the privileges of the nobility. Had he contented himself with these internal reforms he would have won the last- ing gratitude of the Swedish people, but he insisted on playing a part in continental politics, which involved the maintenance of a large army and the consequent exhaustion of the people. Though he too had joined the League of the North in 1780, he afterwards assumed a strong anti-Russian attitude, and resolved to take advantage of the Russo-Turkish war in order to regain some of his lost provinces. Accordingly he invaded Russia in the summer of 1788, while his fleet threatened St. Petersburg. Hitherto a sketch has been given of states, which in 1789 possessed a certain unity, and were able to play a part as independent countries of more or less weight in European politics. It was otherwise with the Holy Roman Empire, which still remained in the same condition, and was ruled in the same manner, as had been arranged at the Treaty of Westphalia in 1648. True Germany, that is Ger- . many to the west of the Oder, had been under this arrangement split up into a number of Independent sove- reignties, loosely bound together as the Holy Roman Empire. The number of these petty states caused the Empire to be, from a military point of view, utterly inefficient ; the bond was too loose to allow of general internal reforms or of a consistent foreign policy ; and the federal arrangements were too cum- brous and unwieldy to allow of Germany ranking as a great power. The Imperial Diet or Reichstag consisted of three colleges, and a majority was required in each of the upper colleges to agree to a resolution, which, when confirmed by the Emperor, became a conclusutn of the Empire. PERIOD VII. c 34 Europe in 1789 The first of these colleges was that of the eight Electors, three College of ecclesiastical, the Elector- Archbishops of Mayence, Electors. Trcves, and Cologne, and five lay, the Electors of Bohemia, Brandenburg, and Hanover, who were also Kings of Hungary, Prussia, and England, the Elector of Saxony, and the Elector Palatine, who in 1789 was also Elector of Bavaria. The president of this college was the Elector-Archbishopof Mayence, as Chancellor of the Empire. The second college was that of the College of Princes, which consisted of one hundred voices. Princes, thirty-six ecclesiastical and sixty-four lay. In this college all the Electors had voices under different designations ; Hanover possessed six for different principalities, Prussia six for the duchy of Guelders, the county of Moeurs, etc., Austria three, and so on, while the Kings of Denmark and Sweden also were represented as Dukes of Holstein and of Pomerania. Less important princes differing in power from the Landgraves of Hesse, the Margraves of Baden, and the Duke of Wiirtemburg to the petty princes of Salm and Anhalt, possessed single voices, and made up the number of temporal voters in the college to sixty. The ecclesiastical princes included thirty-four of the wealthiest bishops and abbots, many of whom ruled over con- siderable territories, and of whom the most important were the Archbishop of Salzburg, the Bishops of Bamberg, Augsburg, Wiirtzburg, Spires, Worms, Strasbourg, Basle, Constance, Pader- born, Hildesheim, and Miinster, and the Abbots of Elwangen, Kempten, and Stablo. The other six voices were called collegiate, and representatives to hold them were elected by the petty lay and ecclesiastical sovereigns who abounded in Franconia, Swabia, and Westphalia, to the number of four lay and two ecclesiastical representatives. The presidency of this college was held alternately by the Archduke of Austria and the Archbishop of Salzburg. The third or inferior college College of was that of the free cities, and any opposition Free Cities, gn its part could prevent a decision arrived at by the two upper or superior colleges being pre- sented to the Emperor for his assent as a cotic/usum of the The Empire z'n lySg 35 Empire. It consisted of the representatives of fifty-two imperial free cities, divided into two 'benches,' of which the Bench of Westphaha included Frankfort-on-the-Main, Cologne, Aix-la-Chapelle, Hamburg, Bremen, and Liibeck, and the Bench of Swabia included Nuremberg, Ratisbon, Ulm, and Augsburg. The presidency of this college belonged to the city of Ratisbon, in which the Diet held its sittings. By this elaborate federative system, all sense of German unity! was lost ; the electors, princes, and free cities were represented only by delegates ; the smaller states felt themselves swamped and were obliged to look to a great power, Austria or France, ' Prussia or Hanover, to preserve their political independence. The other important institution of the Empire, the Im- perial Tribunal or Reichskammergericht, which xhe imperial sat at Wetzlar and was intended to settle disputes Tribunal, between the German sovereigns, had also fallen into desuetude. Its venality and procrastination became proverbial, and it pos sessed no machinery to put its decrees into force. At the head of the Empire was the Emperor, who was elected xhe and crowned with all the elaborate ceremonial of the i^mperor. Middle Ages. The office had been, with one exception, con- ferred on the head of House of Austria, since the Treaty ot Westphalia, but it brought little actual authority on the holder. It was as ruler of the hereditary dominions of the House of Hapsburg that the Emperor exerted some influence, not as an Emperor. Joseph 11., indeed, endeavoured to be Emperor in more than name, with the result that Frederick the Great was enabled to form the League of Princes against him. As the chief Catholic state, Austria, however, possessed a great in- fluence in the Imperial Diet, for the ecclesiastical members of the Colleges of Electors and Princes naturally inclined to support her, and it was on their votes that she relied. She even went so far as to estaljlish the Aulic Council xhe Auiic at Vienna, which intervened in cases between Council, sovereign princes, and usurped some of the prerogatives of the Imperial Tribunal of Wetzlar. The executive power of ihe 36 Europe in 1789 Empire, when it had come to a decision, was entrusted to the The circles. These circles each had their own Diet, and Circles. Jt was their duty, for instance, to raise money and troops when the Empire decided to go to war. Of the ten circles of the Empire, originally created, one, that of Burgundy, had been extinguished or nearly so by the conquests of Louis xiv., and those situated in the eastern portion were entirely controlled by the important states of Prussia, Saxony, and Austria. It was only in Western Germany, in the circles of Westphalia, Fran- conia, and Swabia that the organisation was fairly tried, and the result was signal failure, whenever those circles put their con- tingents in the field. It could hardly be otherwise, whfen, owing to minute subdivision and divided authority, a single company of soldiers might be raised from half a dozen diffe- rent petty sovereigns, each of whom would try to throw the burden of their maintenance on his colleagues. The Holy Roman Empire, in short, like other mediaeval institutions, had fallen into decay with the mediaeval systems of warfare and religion ; some of its component states, such as Austria and Prussia, or in a lesser degree Bavaria, might possess a real power ; but, as a whole, it was utterly inefficient to defend itself, and formed a feeble barrier between France and the kingdoms of Eastern Europe. The impotence of the Empire for offensive and defensive purposes did not, however, greatly affect the German people; the educated classes prided themselves on being superior to patriotic impulses, and on being cosmopolitan rather than German ; the poorer classes thought more of the internal administration which affected them than of the attitude of the Empire to European politics. The tendency towards bene- volent despotism, which distinguished the greater powers, The Princes of showcd itsclf also in the petty states of Germany in Germany, j^^g diminution, if not the abolition, of the ancient Estates and in the restraints placed on the authority of the nobility. The increased power of the sovereign was generally, if not universally, used to foster the prosperity of his subjects, The Princes of Germany 37 or at least to promote literature and art. A notice of a few of the principal rulers of Germany will justify this view. Charles Theodore, the Elector Palatine, who in 1778 had g^yaria succeeded to the Electorate of Bavaria, and united once more the territories of the House of Wittelsbach, was a most enlightened sovereign. In the Palatinate he had founded a brilliant University at Mannheim, and one of the most famous picture galleries in Europe at Diisseldorf ; in Bavaria he sup- pressed some of the numerous convents, which stifled progress, in spite of his sincere Catholicism. He took as one of his ministers the celebrated American, Benjamin Thompson, whom he created Count Rumford, and that man of science and learning endeavoured to suppress mendicity, and made efforts to bring material comforts within reach of the very poorest. Nevertheless, in some points, the Elector Charles| Theodore showed himself a bigot ; he left education entirely in the hands of the Roman Catholic priesthood and ex-Jesuits, and he allowed the Protestants in his dominionstobepersecuted. The Margrave Charles Frederick, who in 1771 re- ^^^^^ united in his person the two margraviates of Baden- Baden and Baden-Durlach, was a more thoroughly enlightened prince. He was truly a benevolent despot ; he was a student of political economy, on which he himself wrote a treatise, and applied its principles to his little state; he established a scheme of primary education; and on 23d July 1783 he abolished serfdom in his dominions, while maintaining the royal corvees and the prohibition for a subject to leave the country without obtaining his permission. The Duke ^yj-tcmbur'- Charles Eugene of Wlirtemburg formed a contrast to his neighbours. He established, like them, his own absolutism, but he used his power to impose heavy taxes and raise an army out of all proportion to the size of his duchy. He treated his subjects like slaves, and his administration was so cruel that the Aulic Council threatened to take measures against him. Nevertheless, he was a patron of literature and the arts. He built a theatre at Stuttgart and founded the Academy of Fine 38 Europe in 1789 Arts there, and he defrayed the expense of the education of the poet Schiller, who, however, afterwards satirised him and fled to Weimar. Yet Charles Eugene of Wiirtemburg appears an enlightened monarch to such princes as Duke Charles of Deux- Fonts (Zweibriicken), whose successor, Maximilian Joseph, was to succeed the Elector Palatine, Charles Theodore, and to become the first King of Bavaria, for that prince sacrificed his people to his passion for the chase, and to William ix., Landgrave of Hesse-Cassel, who sold his subjects by the hundred to the English Government to carry on the war in America. Going further east, Saxony, which had Saxony. , , , ° .^ ranked among the great states of Germany, was m a state of decline. The Electors Augustus 11. and Augustus in. had been Kings of Poland, and had ruined their hereditary dominions to support their royal dignity and position. For- tunately Frederick Augustus, who was Elector in 1789, had not been elected to the Polish throne, and had been able to do something for the prosperity of his subjects. He formed a commission to draw up a code of laws, he abolished torture, encouraged industry and agriculture, and founded an Academy of Mines. But he did not go so far, for instance, as the Mar- grave of Baden, and made no attempt to suppress serfdom. The glory of Saxony was not, however, on the eve of the French Re- volution its electoral house ; its intellectual capital was not the beautiful city of Dresden. That place was taken by Saxe-Weimar. ■' '^ . _, Weimar, where Duke Charles Augustus of Saxe- Weimar collected around him the great philosophers and men of letters who made the German name famous at the end of the eighteenth century and the beginning of the nineteenth. To his Court resorted the most illustrious Germans of the time, Goethe and Schiller, Herder, Wieland, and Musseus ; and the University of his state at Jena became the most famous in Germany. It is not necessary to particularise the other states ; it is enough to say that those in the north were generally very backward, especially the duchies of Mecklenburg, and that Hanover was left to the rule of an aristocratic oligarchy, which The Ecclesiastical States of Germany 39 allowed no reforms, although its University at Gottingen, founded by George 11., took rank with the best. The Ecclesiastical States followed also the movement of the century. The ecclesiastical rulers were often enlightened men, but they were to a great extent the slaves of their chapters. These chapters were generally filled by younger sons of the smaller princes, who insisted on the newly-elected prelates entering into the closest bonds with them to make no changes in the feudal system in the bishoprics. The prince-bishops and abbots at the close of the eighteenth century were, there- fore, generally scions of noble houses, such as, for instance, Francis Joseph, Baron of Roggenbach, Bishop of Basle, Baron Francis Louis of Erthal, Bishop of Bamberg and Wiirtzburg, the Baron of Rodt, Bishop of Constance, the Count of Hoensbroeck, Bishop of Liege, Count Augustus of Limburg, Bishop of Spires, Count Jerome Colloredo, Archbishop of Salzburg, and the Baron of Plettenberg, Abbot of Miinster. One curious point deserves notice, that in some instances, Protestant princes had the right to present to Catholic prince- bishoprics, and in 1789 the Duke of York was Prince-Bishop of Osnabriick, and Prince Peter Frederick of Holstein-Gottorp, Prince-Bishop of Liibeck. Of higher rank and more inde- pendent of their chapters were the three archbishop-electors, who were therefore more able to rule their states in consonance with the ideas of the century. The chief of these n^gyg^ce. was Baron Frederick Charles of Erthal, Archbishop- Elector of Mayence, and Prince-Bishop of Worms, the Chancellor of the Empire ex officio. This great prelate busied himself mostly with his pleasures, but his rank caused his countenance to be sought by all parties, and his adhesion to Frederick the Great's League of Princes was the greatest gain the King of Prussia made in his anti- Austrian policy. In 1789 he had completely abandoned the cares of internal and external politics to his coadjutor Charles, Baioii de Dalberg, who was to play a leading part in the history of Germany during the period of the French Revolution and Napoleon. The Archbishop- X 40 Europe in 1789 Elector of Treves in 1789 was Clement Wenceslas, a Saxon prince, and an excellent ruler, who, in 1783, even issued an edict of tolerance, allowing men of any religion to settle in his state, and exercise any trade or profession there. The last Elector-Archbishop Cologne. '■ . '■ was the Archduke Maximilian, the youngest brother of the Emperor Joseph, Archbishop of Cologne, who shared his brother's liberal opinions, and patronised his predecessor's creation, the University of Bonn, which had been founded in opposition to the ultramontane University of Cologne, for the encouragement of the modern develop- ments of science. The tendency of all these governments, lay and clerical, was to promote the prosperity of the people ; Joseph 11. was but the type of the German princes of his time ; all wished to do good for the people, but not by them ; their characters differed widely from the enlightened Margrave of Baden to the hunting Duke of Deux- Ponts ; but in their different ways and in different degrees they generally meant well. But, while the more important princes showed the tendency of the century, their poorer contemporaries were unable to do so. They were mostly in debt, owing to their efforts to rival the wealthy princes, and in order to raise money resorted to all the devices of mediaeval feudalism. The few villages over which they ruled suffered from this tyranny, and it was always possible to know when a traveller crossed the frontier into one of these ' duodecimo duchies.' Beneath the petty princes were the Ritters or Knights of the Empire, who abounded in Franconia and Swabia. These knights had no representation in the Imperial Diet, and were consequently dependent directly on the Emperor. Their poverty made them take service with the wealthy princes ; and to quote but two instances, Stein, the great Prussian minister, and Wiirmser, the celebrated Austrian general, were both Knights of the Empire. The result of this minute subdivision of Germany was to destroy the sense of national patriotism ; which was not to rise again until after Germany had passed through the mould of Napoleon's domination. Switzerland 41 The other European confederation, Switzerland, presented the same symptoms of internal decay as the Holy -t 1 d Roman Empire, but it was preserved from the same political degradation by the consciousness of its nationality and the persistence of its local governments. The eighteenth century was marked in Switzerland by struggles between canton and canton, Catholics and Protestants, nobles and bourgeois. In some cantons, such as Berne, an oligarchical system was maintained in the hands of a few noble families ; in others, such as Uri, a purely democratic form of government was pre- served, which allowed every peasant a voice in the local administration. Where feudalism had been established, the peasants were in no better condition than in the rest of Europe, but in the mountain cantons such a regime was impossible, and individual and political freedom still existed. It must be remembered that the Switzerland of the eighteenth century was not identical with that of the nineteenth. Basle was ruled as a state of the Empire by its bishop, Neufchatel belonged to Prussia, and Geneva was an independent republic. The part the latter had i:)layed in the intellectual movement ^ „ ^ i -' Geneva. of the century was most conspicuous. Rousseau was born in Geneva, and Voltaire retired and spent his last years in its neighbourhood. But Geneva had just before 1789 been the scene of a revolution resembling that in Holland. A struggle broke out between the bourgeois families, which monopolised the magistracy, and the mass of the people, which had ended in the victory of the former. The Genevese democrats were expelled, and many of them, notably Claviere, exercised a con- siderable influence on the course of the Revolution in France. The state of Europe in 1789 showed everywhere a sense of awakening to new ideas. The bonds of feudalism were ready to break asunder ; the benevolent despots had recognised the rights of individual and commercial freedom; the French Revolution was able to sow in ripe ground the two new principles of the sovereignty of the people and tlie scntiaient of nationality. CHAPTER II 1789-1790 The Empress Catherine and the Emperor Joseph 11. — The Turkish War — Campaignof 1789 against the Turks— Battles of Foksany and the Rymnik — Capture of Belgrade— Revolution in Sweden— Affairs in Belgium — Policy of Joseph II. in Belgium — Revolution in Liege— Elections to the States- General in France — Meeting of the States-General : struggle between the Orders — The Tiers Etat declares itself the National Assembly — Oath of the Tennis Court — The Seance Royale — Mirabeau's Address to the King — Dismissal of Necker — Riot of 12th July in Paris — Capture of the Bastille — Recall of Necker — Louis xvi. visits Paris — Murder of Foullon— Session of 4th August — Declaration of the Rights of Man — Question of the Veto — March of the women of Paris to Versailles— Louis xvi. goes to reside in Paris — Effect of the Revolution in France on Europe — The Revolution in Belgium — Formation of the Belgian Republic — Death of the Emperor Joseph ir. — Failure of his reign — The attitude of Louis xvi. to the French Revolution — The new French Constitution — Civil Constitution of the Clergy — Measures of the Constituent Assembly — Mirabeau — Danger threatened to the new state of affairs in France by a foreign war — Mirabeau and the French Court — Probable causes of a foreign war — Avignon and the Venaissin — Affair of Nootka Sound — The Facte de Famille — Rights of Princes of the Empire in Alsace — The Emperor Leopold master of the situation. At the commencement of the year 1789 the thoughts of European statesmen were mainly turned to the events which Catherine y^Qrc passing in the east of Europe. The alliance Joseph II between Catherine of Russia and the Emperor 1789. Joseph II. was regarded with anxiety not only by Pitt in England and by King Frederick William 11. of Prussia, but by the French ministers and by all the smaller states of Europe. The projects of Russia and Austria for the extension of their boundaries at the expense of Turkey, Poland, and 42 TJie Turkish War 43 Bavaria, were viewed with alarm, and the ambitious ideas of their rulers with dismay. The attention of educated people, who were not statesmen or politicians, but disciples of the philosophical teachers of the eighteenth century, was entirely concentrated on the progress of the Emperor Joseph's policy in the Austrian Netherlands or Belgium. Success seemed to have crowned the warlike measures of General d'Alton ; the Belgian patriots v;ere in prison or in exile ; and the philan- thropic and centralising reforms of the Emperor seemed to have ended in Belgium in the establishment of a military despotism. France was known to be in an almost desperate / financial condition ; and the convocation of the States-General • for I St May 1789, was generally looked upon as a means adopted by Louis xvi. to obtain financial relief. The great results, which were to follow the meeting of the States-General, were little expected by even the most acute political observers, and it was not foreseen that for more than a quarter of a century the interest of Europe was to be fixed upon France, and that a series of events in that country, unparalleled in history, were to bring about an entire modification in the political system of Europe, and to open a new era in the history of mankind. The campaign of 1788 had, upon the whole, terminated favourably for the Austrians and Russians in their The war with the war with the Turks. Loudon, who commanded Turks, the Austrian forces, had taken Uubitza, and penetrating into Bosnia had reduced Novi on 3d October. Francis Josias, of the House of Saxe-Coburg-Saalfeld, commonly known as the Prince of Coburg, at the head of an Austrian army, had in conjunction with a Russian force under Prince Soltikov taken Choczim on 20th September. But, on the other hand, the Turks had overrun and laid waste the Banat of Tcmesvar and routed the Austrian army in that quarter, which was under the personal command of the Emperor. The Russians had also made some progress, and on 6th December Potemkin, with terrible loss of life, and owing mainly to the intrepidity 44 European History, 1789- 1790 of Suvorov and Repnin stormed Oczakoff (Ochakov). These successes, despite his own failure, greatly inspirited Joseph, who, in a letter to Prince Charles of Nassau, made the follow- joseph's irig curious predictions in January 1789 i^ — ' If the prediction. Grand Vizier should come to meet me or the Russians near the Danube, he must offer a battle ; and then, after having defeated him, I shall drive him back to take refuge under the cannon of Silistria. In October 1789 I shall call a congress, at which the Osmanlis will be obliged to beg for peace from the Giaours. The treaties of Carlowitz and Passarowitz will serve as the basis for my ambassadors on which to conclude peace ; in it, however, I shall claim Choczim and part of Moldavia. Russia will keep the Crimea, Prince Charles of Sweden will be Duke of Courland, and the Grand Duke of Florence King of the Romans. Then there will be universal peace in Europe. Until then, France will have settled affairs with the notables of the nation ; and the other gentlemen think too much about themselves and too little about Austria.' The campaign of 1789 was far from fulfilling the expecta- tions of the Emperor Joseph. His own health had suffered too much from the privations of the previous year to enable him to take the field again in person, but he was well served by his generals. The Grand Vizier determined to adopt the offensive, and crossed the Danube at Rustchuk in The Cam- ' paign of March at the head of an army of 90,000 men, with 1789- the intention of invading Transylvania. But an unexpected event led to the recall of the most experienced Turkish general. The Sultan Abdul Hamid died at Constan- tinople on 7th April, and his nephew and successor, Selim iii., at once disgraced the Grand Vizier, and replaced him in the command of the western army and the office of Grand Vizier by the Pasha of Widdin. This incompetent commander rashly advanced, and was defeated by the Prince of Coburg and 1 Memoirs of the Court Aristocracy and Diplomacy of Austria, by E. Vehse, translated by Franz Demmler. London : 1856, vol. ii. p. 334. The Turkish War 45 Suvdrov at Foksany on 31st July in an attempt to prevent the junction of the Austrians and Russians. The alUes then took the offensive and inflicted a crushing defeat on the main Turkish army on the Rymnik, in which 18,000 Austrians and 7000 Russians routed nearly 100,000 Turks, and took all their baggage and artillery. This great victory was vigorously followed up. Loudon was appointed Commander-in-chief of the Austrian army, and he took Belgrade on 9th October, and after occupying the whole of Servia, laid siege to Orsova. For these services Joseph conferred upon him the title of general- issimo, which had only been borne before by Wallenstein, Montecuculi, and Prince Eugene. Among other results of the victory on the Rymnik, the Prince of Coburg took Bucharest and occupied Moldavia, while the Prince of Hohenlohe-Kirch- berg forced his way into Wallachia. In the eastern quarter of the Turkish frontier Prince Potemkin was equally successful. He defeated the Turkish High Admiral, Hassan Pasha, in a pitched battle at Tobac, and conquered Bessarabia, capturing Bender, and laying siege to Ismail. Doubtless Catherine and Joseph would have met with even ' greater successes, and perhaps they might have driven the Turks out of Europe, had not their attention been diverted directly by the affairs of Sweden and Belgium, and indirectly by the start- ling events which were taking place in France. The Triple Alliance looked with great disfavour on the alliance between Austria and Russia. Pitt, as has been said, prepared a great fleet, which is known in English naval history as the Russian' Armament, and Frederick William 11. began to negotiate an^ alliance with Turkey. But they limited their direct interfer- ence to inducing Denmark to make peace with Sweden. Gus- tavus III. of Sweden had, in 1788, forced his way at the head of 30,000 men into Russian Finland, and the sound Revolution of his guns had been heard in Saint Petersburg, in Sweden, which, owing to the absence of the bulk of the Russian troops, was almost defenceless. But the Swedish nobility had great influence over the army ; they disliked the war with Russia ; 46 European History, 1789- 1790 and took this opportunity to declare themselves. Under the secret leadership of Prince Charles, Duke of Sudermania, they refused to obey the king's orders, and hoped in the embarrass- ment which ensued to regain their former power. At this moment Christian vii., King of Denmark and Norway, at the instance of Catherine, invaded Sweden and prepared to besiege Gothenburg. Gustavus saw the opportunity which this invasion offered to rouse the patriotic feelings of the Swedes. He appealed to the people, and leaving the command of the army in Finland to the Duke of Sudermania, raised a fresh army ot volunteers to resist the invaders. In spite of his efforts, Sweden was in great danger of falling before the combined attacks of Russia and Denmark. The Triple Alliance now intervened promptly and decisively, and by threatening to attack Denmark by land and sea, they induced BernstorfiT, the Danish minister, to evacuate Sweden and to agree to an armistice. Gustavus iii. returned to Stockholm with the reputation of having repulsed the invaders, and summoned the Diet to meet on 2d February 1 789. Sure of the support of the Commons he proposed a new Con- stitution, or rather a new fundamental law for the Swedish monarchy, which is summed up in one of the articles : ' The king can administer the affairs of the State as seems good to him.' The nobility opposed a fruitless resistance ; Gustavus imprisoned their leaders and completed the work of his former revolution of 1772 by this coup d'etat. He then renewed the war with Russia, but the military operations of his campaign in 1789 were not marked by any event of importance. While Catherine of Russia was being distracted from the vigorous prosecution of the war against Turkey by the invasion Affairs in of the Swcdes, her ally, the Emperor Joseph, was Belgium, 1789. chiefly concerned with the state of affairs in the Austrian Netherlands or Belgium. It seemed at first as if he was to be as successful as Gustavus in changing the old constitution of the country. But there was this difference. Whereas Gustavus iii. was enacting the part of a national Affairs in Beigium 47 deliverer, and had the Swedish people on his side in his overthrow of the nobility, Joseph 11. was opposed not only by the Belgian nobles, but by the clergy and the people also. The country seemed quiet enough under the government of Count Trautmannsdorf and the military rule of the Captain-General d'Alton. The suppression of the risings at Brussels and Louvain, Malines and Antwerp seemed to have established the Austrian sway most firmly, and the leading opponents of the Emperor's policy were in exile. The Estates of the different provinces were convoked as usual, and all of them, except those of Hainault and Brabant, voted the customary subsidies. The Estates of Hainault were at once dissolved by a military force, and their constitution abolished on 31st January 1789. By this example the Emperor hoped to over- awe the wealthy and populous province of Brabant, and when it did not have the expected effect, he directed Trautmannsdorf to summon a special meeting of the Estates of Brabant, and to require them to increase the number of deputies of the Third Estate or Commons, and to grant a permanent subsidy. He also maintained his attitude towards the Church, and tried to compel Cardinal Frankenberg, the Archbishop of Malines, to withdraw his opposition to the new Imperial Seminary at Brussels, or to resign his see. The Archbishop stoutly refused to comply, and the Estates of Brabant proved equally stubborn. Joseph then decided on a sudden blow, and by his orders Count Trautmannsdorf, on i8th June 1789, declared the 'Joyeuse Entree,' or Constitution of Brabant abolished. The day was the anniversary of the battle of Kolin, in which, at the crisis of the Seven Years' War, the Austrians had defeated Frederick the Great. D'Alton thought he made a happy comparison in saying :'Thc i8th of June is a happy epoch for the House of Austria; for on that day the glorious victory of Kolin saved the monarchy, and the Emperor became master of the Netherlands.' But the victory was not to be won so easily. The two parties of opposition, the Van dcr Nootists, or partisans of Van 48 European History, 1789- 1790 der Noot, the supporter of the ancient constitutional rights, and the Vonckists, or followers of Vonck, the advocate of popular or democratic ideas, united. The Triple Alliance was as glad to hamper Joseph's activity in the East by encouraging these Belgian patriots, as it had been to leave Gustavus free to harass Catherine, by stopping the interference of Denmark in the north, and the ministers of England, Holland, and Prussia all entered into relations with Van der Noot. That partisan, encouraged by hopes of active assist- ance, formed a patriotic committee at Breda, on the Dutch frontier, and raised an army of exiles, which was placed under the command of Colonel Van der Mersch. Joseph was not to be intimidated. D'Alton put down popular riots, which broke out in various towns, notably at Tirlemont, Louvain, Namur, and Brussels, with unrelenting severity. A sweeping decree was issued on 19th October against the exiles or emigres, declaring that ordinary emigration would be punished by banishment and confiscation of property, and that joining an armed force on the frontier for the purpose of invasion would be punished by death, and that informers against emigres would receive a reward of 10,000 livres and absolute impunity.^ But all the Emperor's measures and decrees were of no effect. The meeting of the States-General in France had been fol- lowed by the capture of the Bastille and the bringing of the King of France from Versailles to Paris by a Parisian mob ; and the effects of the French Revolution on affairs in Belgium was soon to be perceived. In the bishopric of Liege, which, from its situation, always reflected and repeated any political troubles that took place in Revolution Belgium, the influence of the French Revolution in Liege. -^^g immediately felt. The inhabitants of the bishopric had long resented the rule of the prince-bishops, and felt the anomaly of being subject to an ecclesiastical sovereign. Many exiles from the democratic party in Belgium assembled in the bishopric, and on the news of the capture of the ^ V Europe et la Revolution Fran^aise, by Albert Sorel, vol. ii. p. 50. Revolutio7i 171 Liege 49 Bastille, the people of Liege needed little persuasion to renew their former insurrection. The revolution was carried out without the shedding of blood. On i6th and 17th August 1789 the people of the city of Liege rose in rebellion ; on the 1 8th ]\IM. Chestret and Fabry were chosen burgomasters by popular acclamation, the garrison was disarmed, and the citadel occupied by bourgeois national guards. On the same day the Prince-Bishop, Count Caesar Constantino Francis de Hoensbroeck, was brought into the city, and he signed a pro- clamation acknowledging the revolution and abrogating the despotic settlement of 1684. The other towns in the bishopric followed the example of the capital, and in each of them free municipalities were elected and national guards raised and armed. The Prince-Bishop, after accepting the loss of his political power, fled to Treves, and considered himself fortunate to be allowed to escape. It is now time to examine the course of the events in France, which led to such important developments upon its north-east frontier, and which distracted the attention of all the monarchs and ministers of Europe, except Catherine of Russia, from the wars in the North and East. It was owing to the increasing \ difficulty of raising money for carrying on the administra- \ tion of the State and paying the interest on the -j-he Elections national debt, and the consequent necessity for to the states- • • ,, ^ c ^ ^- J • • General. ' revising the system of taxation and reorganising the financial resources of France that Louis xvi., on the advice of his minister, Lomenie de Brienne, had vaguely pro- mised in November 1787 to summon the States-General for | July 1792, and had definitely convoked the ancient assembly | of France on 8th August 1788 to meet at Versailles on ist May 1789. But the arrangements for the elections were not made by Lomenie de Brienne, who retired from office in the same month as the States-General was convoked, but by his successor Necker, who was recalled to office as an expert financier, in view of the fact that the summons of the States- General was looked on as a purely financial expedient. The PERIOD VII. D 50 European History, 1789- 1790 procedure to be adopted in electing deputies gave rise to much anxious deliberation and heated controversy in the public press, and the Notables of 1787 were again assembled to give their advice. The burning question was as to the represen- tation of the Tiers Etat, Third Estate or Commons. The ancient representative assembly of France was known to consist of the three orders of the Nobility, the Clergy, and the Tiers Etat, and the disputed question was as to the proportion of the number of deputies of the Tiers Etat to that of the t'wo other orders. This and the other electoral questions were finally settled by the Resultat du Conseil published on 27th December 1788. It was decreed that the royal bailliages and royal senechaussees, feudal circumscriptions which had long fallen into disuse, should be treated as electoral units, and that they should elect, according to the extent of their popula- tion, one or more deputations, each consisting of four members, one chosen by the Nobility, one by the Clergy, and two by the Tiers Etat. The elections were to be made in two and sometimes in three degrees, and at each stage cahiers or state- ments of grievances and projects for reform were to be drawn up by the electoral assemblies.^ In provinces, where there were no royal bailliages or senechaussees, and consequently no Grand Baillis or Grand Senechals to preside, corresponding circumscriptions were adopted or invented. During the early months of 1789 the French people were fully occupied in the election of the deputies to the States-General. Whatever might be the opinion of the French Court or the French Ministry, the people, — and more especially the educated bour- geois of the towns and the country lawyers, — looked upon the future assembly as something more than a financial expedient; they trusted to it to draw up a new political system for the State, which should admit the representative principle and allow the taxpayer a voice not only in the granting, but in the spending of the national revenue. The working classes, ^ A History of the French Revolution, by H. Morse Stephens. Vol. i., chapter i. gives a detailed account of the method of election. Meeting of the States- General 5 1 whether in the towns or the rural districts, did not take much active interest in the elections, and their representatives in the secondary electoral assemblies were generally educated bourgeois, but they vaguely built high hopes on the meeting of the States-General, and expected it to give them land Bx higher wages. Considering the novelty of choosing represen- tatives in France, it is extraordinary that the electoral opera- tions were carried out as peacefully and as efficiently as they were. This was mainly due to the success of a little revolu- tionary movement in Dauphine, where an unauthorised and irregular assembly had met in July 1788 to protest against the abolition of the provincial Parlements by Lomenie de Brienne. That minister had left office when he was not permitted to put down the assembly in Dauphine by force, and Necker hoped to save the prestige of the monarchy by summoning a new assembly of the province in its place. But the ruse was quickly perceived ; the men who had sat in the illegal assembly were elected to its successor, and in the eyes of France the representatives of the Dauphine had won a signal victory over the Court. The new assembly in Dauphine became the court of appeal in every electoral difficulty, and its -secretary, Mounier, the leader of the Tiers Etat of France^ Owing to his energy and ability local jealousies of town against town, province against province, class jealousies and personal rivalry, were set at rest, and it was more owing to Mounier than to any one else that the deputies to the States- General were legally and quietly elected, and that the acts of the future assembly could not be stigmatised as the work of a factious or unrepresentative minority of the French nation. On 5th May 1789 the first States-General held in France since the year 16 14 met at Versailles. Barcntin, the Keeper of the Seals, and Necker harangued the collected Meeting of deputies, and the latter explained the desperate the states- financial situation of the State and the necessity °'="^''°'- for immediate action to relieve the national treasury. The representatives of the nobility and clergy then retired to 52 European History, 1789-1790 separate chambers, leaving their colleagues of the Tiers Etat in the great hall. No word was spoken about the relation of the three orders to each other. It was assumed that each order was to deliberate separately. The representatives of the Tiers Etat were placed in a most difficult position. There was no advantage in their being as numerous as the two other orders put together, if the three orders were to be independent of each other, for in that case the majorities of the privileged orders could outweigh the opinion of the majority among themselves. The question of vote par ordre, which would give each order equal authority, or vote par tete, which would allow the numerical preponderance of the Tiers Etat to take effect, had been long recognised as crucial. It had been assumed from the grant of double representation to the Tiers Etat that the Government intended to sanction the vote par tete, and the tacit acknowledgment of the separation of the orders and consequent recognition of the vote par ordre on 5th May disconcerted for the moment the popular leaders. But the deputies of the Tiers Etat, under the guidance of Le Chapelier, a Breton lawyer from Rennes, and of Rabaut de Saint-Etienne, a Protestant pastor from Nimes, Struggle ' between proceeded to take up a most skilful attitude. They the Orders, j-ggolved on a policy of masterly inactivity. They refused to form themselves into the assembly of the Order of the Tiers fitat ; they refused to open letters addressed to them under that title; they refused to elect a president or secre- ttaries ; and stated that they were a body of citizens, represen- Itatives of the French nation, waiting in that hall to be joined I by the other deputies. This attitude received the unanimous approval of the people of Paris, and threw upon the Govern- ment the onus of declaring that the double representation of the Tiers Etat was merely a sterile gift. The representatives of the two privileged orders treated the situation very differ- ently. The nobility accepted the separation of the orders to distinct chambers, and resolved to constitute their chamber The National A ssanbly 53 by 188 votes to 47, while the clergy only decided in the same sense by 133 votes to 114. Even this majority was not really significant. For, owing to a tendency which had developed during the course of the elections, the greater part of the deputies of the clergy were poor country cures, who sympa- thised with the Tiers Etat, from which they sprung, and not with the prelates and dignitaries of the Church, who belonged to the nobility. This tendency of the true majority of the clergy was well known to the leaders of the Tiers Etat and encouraged them in their passive attitude. In vain the King and Necker attempted to terminate the deadlock ; the deputies of the Tiers Etat persisted that they did not form an order, and they were reinforced by the representatives of Paris, where the elections were not concluded until the end of May. At last, on loth June, on the proposition of the Abbe Sieyes, deputy for Paris, a final invitation was sent to the deputies of the nobility and the clergy to join the deputies of the Tiers Etat, and it was resolved that whether the request was granted or refused the Tiers Etat would con- stitute itself into a regular deliberative body. The invita- tion was rejected by the nobility, and only a few cures, including the Abbe Gregoire, belonging to the Order of the Clergy, complied with it. The deputies then verified their powers, and elected Bailly, a famous astronomer and deputy for Paris, to be their president. But what sort of assembly were they? They denied that they were representatives of an Order, and they were certainly not the States-General of France. The question was hotly debated, and The Tiers I on 1 6th Tune they declared themselves the Etat declare them selves National Assembly. They then declared all the the National taxes, hitherto levied, to be illegal, and ordered Assembly, that they should only be paid provisionally. This defiant conduct disconcerted the King and his ministers, and it was announced that a Seance Royale, or Royal Session, would be held by the King in person to settle all disputed questions. On 20th June the deputies of the Tiers I^'.tat, or of the 54 European History, 1789- 1790 National Assembly, as they now termed themselves, were The Oath of excluded from their usual meeting-place. They the Tennis |.]^gi.efore met in the Jeu de Paume or Tennis 20th June. Court at Versailles, and, amidst a scene of wild excitement, swore that they would not separate until they had drawn up a new Constitution for France. By this act they practically became rebels, and the French Revolution really commenced. On 2 2d June they met in the Church of Saint Louis at Versailles, where they were joined by 149 deputies of the clergy, who thus recognised the act of rebellion. On 23d I June the Seance Royale was held. In the speech from the I throne it was announced that the King, ' of his own goodness „. „. and generosity,' would levy no taxes in future The Seance "^ o ./ ' J Royale. without the asscnt of the representatives of the 23d June, people, but it was also declared that the financial privileges of the nobility and clergy were unassailable, and 'that the States-General was to vote par ordre. This was the most critical moment in the first stage of the Revolution. If the deputies of the Tiers Etat had given way, the oath of the Tennis Court would have seemed only an idle threat. But they found a leader in the Comte de Mirabeau, deputy for the Tiers Etat of Aix, a man of extraordinary ability, who in the course of a tempestuous career had travelled much and learned much. He courageously faced the situation, and after making a reply to the Grand Master of the Ceremonies that the deputies of France would only be expelled by force, he induced the National Assembly to declare the persons of its members inviolable. Sieyes summed up the situation by telling the deputies : ' Gentlemen, you are to-day what you were yesterday.' Before this daring opposition the King gave way : on 25th June the minority of the Order of the Nobility, consisting of forty-seven deputies, headed by the Marquis de Lafayette, the friend of Washington, joined the National Assembly, and two days later the majority of that Order reluc- tantly followed their example at the command of the King.^ The rapid transformation of the deputies of the Tiers Etat The Attitude of Louis XVL 55 into a National Assembly, which defied the royal authority and 1 spoke of drawing up a new Constitution for France, exasperated the courtiers, who looked with disgust at all attempts to modify the ancien regime. The King did not share their feelings ; he was honestly desirous of doing his duty by his people, and I preferred the diminution of his royal prerogative to coming into open conflict with his subjects and to initiating a civil war. He had hitherto trusted to Necker and followed Necker's advice. But the result had not been encouraging. His minister had repeatedly put him in a false position. He had been made to speak in a haughty tone to the deputies of the | Tiers Etat at the Seance Royale on 23d June, and then to eat \ his words by directing the deputies of the Nobility to join the self-created National Assembly. This great concession seemed to have been wrung from him ; the deputies of the Tiers Etat appeared to have won a great victory in the face of the royal opposition, when in reality the King had yielded from the/ goodness of his heart. Since he found that following the/ advice of Necker had only resulted in a loss of authority, comJ bined with profound unpopularity, without improving the financial prospect, Louis xvi. not unnaturally turned his atten- tion to the enemies of the minister. These enemies were headed by the Queen, Marie Antoinette, who resented Necker's endeavours to restrain the extravagance of the Court and his admission of the need to make concessions to the will of the people, and by the King's younger brother, the Comte d'Artois, a staunch supporter of the absolute prerogative of the Crown and of the system of the ancien regime. Yielding unwillingly to the arguments of the enemies of Necker and of the National Assembly, the King determined to use force, and he began to concentrate troops in the neighbourhood of Paris and Ver- sailles. The National Assembly did not know what to do; jMounier and other leaders had formed a committee to draw up the bases of a new constitution ; but they had no force on which they could depend to resist the royal troops, and felt that they would probably be arrested and the Assembly 56 European History, 1789- 1790 dissolved long before the foundation of the Constitution was laid. At this crisis Mirabeau again came to the front. With the most daring audacity he attacked and revealed the policy of Mirabeau's the Court on 8th July, and on 9th July carried an ^t^Kin^ *° address to the King on the part of the Assembly, gthjuiy. requesting the immediate removal of the troops collected in the neighbourhood, but protesting the loyalty of the Assembly to the person of the King. But the King was Dismissal ^''^^ undcr the influence of the opponents of the of Necker. Assembly. His answer to Mirabeau's address ■ was the dismissal of Necker and his colleagues on 1 2th July, the banishment of Necker, and the appointment of the Marechal de Broglie, an experienced general, who detested the idea of change, to be Minister for War and Marshal- General of the troops in the neighbourhood of Paris. Hitherto the struggle had been between the Court and the deputies of the Tiers Etat ; the popular element was now to intervene; and the people of Paris was for the first time to make its influence felt. The news of Necker's dismissal was received in Paris with wrath and dismay. A young lawyer without practice, named Camille Desmoulins, announced the event to the crowd collected in the Palais Royal and incited his hearers to resistance. His words were eagerly applauded. The population of Paris, both bourgeois and proletariat, had watched the course of events at Versailles with unflagging interest, and the formation of a camp of soldiers in the neighbourhood with terror. The working classes, who lived near the margin of starvation, expected that the National Assembly would cause in some way a rise in wages and a decrease in the price of necessaries, and were exasperated at the prospect of the non- fulfilment of their hopes. They had already sacked the house of a manufacturer, named Reveillon, who was reported to have spoken scornful words of their poverty, on 28th April, and were ready for any mischief. From the Palais Royal, excited by the news and the words of Camille Desmoulins, started a tumultuous procession bearing busts of Necker and Capture of the Bastille 57 of the Duke of Orleans, a prince of the royal house, who had been exiled by the King for previous opposition to him, and who was regarded as a supporter of the popular claims. The procession was charged by a German cavalry regiment in the French service, commanded by the Prince de Lambesc, a near relative of the Queen, and the mob dispersed to riot and to pillage. The more patriotic rioters broke into the gunsmiths' shops to seize weapons, the rest pillaged the butchers' and bakers' shops, and burned the barriers where octroi duties were collected. This scene of riot brought about its own remedy. The bourgeois, terrified for the safety'of their shops, took up arms, and on the following day formed themselves ^ , Formation mto companies of national guards for the pre- of National servation of the peace. The guidance of this ^^^rds. movement was taken by the electors of Paris, who, after com- pleting their work of electing deputies for Paris, continued to meet at the Hotel de Ville. The 14th of July found the capital of France organised for resistance. The Gardes Frangaises, the force maintained for the security of Paris, were devoted to the cause of the National Assembly, and were resolved to fight wath the people, not against them. And it was ascertained that the soldiers in the camp were very lukewarm in their attachment to their officers, and were likely to refuse to attack the citizens. Under these circumstances an idea arose that an armed demonstration of the Parisians at Versailles would strengthen the King, whose sentiments were well known, to resist the Court party and to recall Necker. With this notion, large crowds approached the Hotel des Invalides and the Bastille, the two principal store- houses of arms in Paris. The crowd, which went to the Hotel des Invalides, had no difficulty in seizing the arms there, in spite of the opposition of the Governor. But it was otherwise at the Bastille. The mob, which col- capture of lected in the Governor's Court in that fortress and the Bastiiic. shouted for arms, was isolated by the raising of '''* ■'" ^' the outer drawbridge and fired upon by the weak garrison in 58 European History, 1789- 1790 the Bastille itself. The sound of this firing brought a number of armed men from other parts of the city ; the outer drawbridge was cut down, and preparations were being made to force a way into the fortress itself, when the garrison surrendered. 'The result of the firing upon the mob in the Governor's Court had been to kill eighty-three persons and wound many others. The sight of the corpses and the cries of the wounded excited the anger of the successful conquerors of the fortress. A panic arose, and three officers and four soldiers of the garrison were murdered. Then the more disciplined of the conquerors started to take the rest of the defenders of the Bastille to the Hotel de Ville. On the way the Governor and the Major of the fortress were murdered by the mob, and M. de Flesselles, the Provost of the merchants of Paris, who was accused of en- couraging the Governor to resist, was also slain. By these invents the people of Paris felt that they had commenced a 'war against the Crown ; entrenchments were thrown up and i/ barricades were erected in the streets ; all shops were shut up ; I the barriers were closed ; no one was allowed to leave the •■city, and preparations were made to stand a siege. But if the people of Paris were ready to fight, the King was not. As has been said, he loathed the idea of civil war, and when he heard of the capture of the Bastille and of the martial attitude of Paris, he at once gave up the idea of opposing the revolu- tionary movement by force. He dismissed his reactionary Recall of ministers and recalled Necker, and he declared him- Necker. Self ready to co-operate with the National Assembly 15 Ju y. jj^ restoring order. The first victories of the Assembly had been won by its statesmanlike inaction in the month of May and its courage on 23d June ; the victory over the party of force had been won by Paris on 14th July. The Assembly prepared to take advantage of this fresh success. On i6th July it legalised the establishment of National Guards and elective municipalities all over France, and recognising that the only way to convince the Parisians that the King had accepted the new situation and had abandoned the idea of Results of the Capture of the Bastille 59 employing force, was to induce the King to visit Paris in per- son, it proposed that he should do so at once. Louis xvi. was not devoid of personal courage, and consented. On 17 th July, accordingly, he entered Paris accompanied by The King's 100 deputies, and amidst wild acclamation put on visit to Paris, the tricolour cockade, which the Parisians had ^^ ^^^' assumed as their badge, and consented to the nomination of Bailly, the President of the National Assembly, to be Mayor of Paris, and of Lafayette to be Commander-in-chief of the Paris National Guard. These concessions, and the victory of the National Assembly and of Paris threw consternation among the court party of reaction : the Comte d'Artois and those of his adherents, who were most hated as conspicuous reaction- aries or who had advocated the employment of force, fled from the country. The immediate results of the capture of the Bastille were no less important in the provinces of France. In every city, even in small country towns, mayors and municipalities were elected and National Guards formed; in many the local citadels were seized by the people ; in all the troops fraternised with the people ; and in some there was bloodshed. This movement was essentially bourgeois ; where blood was shed and pillage took place at the hands of the working classes, the new National Guards soon restored order. The general excite- ment was so great that it is surprising that there was not more bloodshed and that peace was so quickly and efficiently estab- lished. Among these outbreaks the most noteworthy took place in Paris itself, where on 21st July Foullon Murdcrof de Doue, who had been nominated to succeed Fouiion. Necker on 12th July, and his son-in-law Berthier ^'^'J"^- de Sauvigny were murdered almost before the eyes of Bailly, the new Mayor of Paris. But these occasional town riots were speedily quelled by the armed bourgeois. Far more wide- spread and important was the upheaval in the rural districts of France. The peasants believed that the time had come, when they 6o European History, 1789- 1790 f were to own their land free from copyhold rights or the relics of feudal servitudes. Even the better-educated farmers for their own interests favoured this idea. The result was a regular jacquerie in many parts of France. The chateaux of the lords were burnt, or in some instances only the charters stored in them, and the lords' dovecotes and rabbit-warrens were generally destroyed. In certain provinces the National Guards of the neighbouring towns put down these rural out- breaks, occasionally with great severity, but as a rule they ran their course unchecked. ■X- On 4th August a deputy named Salomon read a report on these occurrences to the National Assembly, or as it is generally The Session Called from the Constitution it framed, the Con- of 4th August, stituent Assembly. His report was followed by a curious scene, which marked the transition from feudal to modern France. The scene was opened by the sacrifice by some of the young liberal noblemen of their feudal rights. Privileges of all sorts, privileges of class, of town and of province were solemnly abandoned. Feudal customs and all relics of feudalism were condemned and declared to be abolished. Even tithes were swept away, in spite of a protest froiiT Sieyes, and the ' orgie,' as Mirabeau termed it, closed with a decree that a monument should be erected to Louis xvi., ' the restorer of French liberty.' But it was not possible to restore peace and prosperity to France by the abolition of the relics of feudalism. Destruc- tion of former anomalies and of a crumbling system of govern- ment would inevitably lead to anarchy, unless accompanied by the construction of a new scheme of central and local administra- tion. It was here that the Constituent Assembly failed. The deputies were quick to destroy but slow to construct. For two months they wasted time instead of hastening to draw up The Deciara- a new Constitution for France. They first wrangled tion of the 1^ wording of a Declaration of the Rights Rights of o o Man. of Man, which they resolved to compile in imita- tion of the founders of the American Republic. They then The Suspensive Veto 6i debated lengthily whether the future representative assembly of France should consist of one or two chambers, and whether the King should have power to veto its acts. The first question was decided in favour of a single chamber, more because the English Constitution sanctioned two chambers, and the deputies feared to be thought imitators, than for any logical reason. And the debate on the second question ter- minated in the grant to the King of a suspensive veto for six months, in spite of the eloquence of Mirabeau, who saw that a monarchical constitution, which gave the King no more power than the President of the United States The Suspen- of America, would prove unworkable, because it sive veto, would divorce responsibility from real authority, leaving the former to the King and the latter to the Legislature. During the two months occupied by these debates the situation had again become critical. Necker's only idea to relieve the financial situation was to propose loans, which the Assembly granted, but which he could not succeed in raising. The King was again being acted upon by the Court party, ' which advocated the use of force and the dissolution of the Assembly, and this party was encouraged by the Queen and by the King's sister, Madame Elizabeth. He was also urged to leave the neighbourhood of Paris and to establish himself in some provincial town, where the populace could be more easily restrained by the regular troops. He would not heartily agree to either of these courses, but weakly consented once more to concentrate troops round his person. Everything advised at Versailles was soon known in Paris. The journalists, who had since the capture of the Bastille sprung up in the capital to advocate the views of the popular party, and of whom the ablest were Loustalot, editor of the Revolutmis de Paris, and Marat, editor of the Ami du Pcuple, kept warning the people of Paris against treason on the part of the King, and prophesying dire consequences if he were allowed to leave the neighbour- hood or to concentrate troops. Their words did not fall on unheeding ears. The working classes feared a siege of Paris 62 European History, 1789- 1790 again as they had done in July, and looked on the King's presence in Paris as the only means to keep down the price of necessaries. The thinking bourgeois, whether liberal deputies in the Assembly or national guards in Paris, feared a sudden forced dissolution of the Assembly, and not only the loss of the advantages they had gained but punishment for the part they had played. Both these elements were perceptible in the movement which followed. The description given in the popular journals of a banquet at Versailles, honoured by the presence of the royal family, at which the national cockade had been trampled underfoot, on ist October, roused the people of Paris to a frenzy of wrath and fear. On 5 th October a crowd of women collected in Paris, declaring that they were The march of Starving, and were led to Versailles by Maillard, the Women ^ ^^^ conqucrors of the Bastille, followed by to VersaiUes. ^ . •' 5th October, a mob. The representatives of the women mter viewed the King, and the mob prepared to spend the night outside the palace walls. Late at night they were followed by a powerful detachment of the National Guard of Paris, under the command of Lafayette, who protested that he came to save the King. Nevertheless, owing to bad management, some of the mob broke into the palace before daybreak on the morning of 6th October and murdered two of the royal body- guards. Lafayette came to the rescue and demanded that the King and royal family should come to Paris and take up their residence at the Tuileries. The King, horrified by the events of the morning, and obliged to obey Lafayette, consented, and The King the royal family, accompanied by the mob, and brought to gg(,Qrjg(i by the National Guard, at once pro- Pans. •' 6th October, cecdcd to the capital. This second victory of the Parisians was not less important than the first : on 14th July the people of Paris had terrified the King into abandoning the idea of dissolving the National Assembly by force ; on 6th October they brought him amongst them, so that if he again conceived the idea, he would be unable to execute it. The capture of the Bastille caused the most profound The Belgian Revolution Q-i, astonishment in Europe. Where the people possessed some amount of political liberty, as in the United States of America and in England, it appealed to the imagination, and the French were regarded as the conquerors of their freedom. In the neio-h- bourhood of France, in the Rhenish principalities, in Belgium, and above all in Liege, it caused a general sense of discon- tent and even riots. The despotic monarchs of Europe and their principal ministers did not pay so much attention to the capture of the Bastille as did the inhabitants of free countries ; they did not for one moment believe that the National Assembly would be allowed to alter the old constitution of France, and looked upon the whole of the popular movement with an eye of favour as likely to weaken France and prevent her from in- terfering in the affairs of the Continent. They took care, however, to suppress all similar risings in their own states. The King of Sardinia and the Elector of Mayence were especially severe; the Emperor's General d' Alton was more than severe in Belgium ; and the King of Prussia sent General Schlieffen with a strong force to restore the authority of the Bishop of Lie'ge. This attitude of the continental monarchs was encouraged by the first French emtgres,\\\\o loudly declared that the success of the Assembly was due to the culpable weakness of Louis xvi. The tidings of the events of 5th and 6tH October showed both the French emigres and the continental monarchs that they were wrong in their estimate of the Revolution. That the French royal family should be triumphantly brought to Paris and be practically imprisoned in the Tuileries under the eyes of the Parisian populace was a startling proof of the power of the people. It proportionately encouraged the supporters of all the popular movements on the French borders. Of these, the most important was that which had already made so much progress two years before in Belgium. The first The Belgian result of the removal of the King of France to Revolution. ° Oct. 1789— Pans was the Belgian Revolution of 1789, which Jan. 1790. filled almost as large a place in the eyes of contemporaries 64 European History, 1789-1790 as the French Revolution itself. Encouraged by the Triple Alliance, and more especially by Frederick William 11. of Prussia, the Belgian exiles of both wings, the supporters of Van der Noot, the advocate of the ancient Constitution, and of Vonck, the radical, had formed a patriotic army at Breda. The news of the events of 5th and 6th October determined them to act. On 23d October the army under Van der Mersch crossed the border, and on 24th October ji Van der Noot issued a manifesto declaring the Emperor Joseph deprived of his sovereignty over the Duchy of Brabant for having violated its fundamental charter. The march of the patriotic army was both rapid and suc- cessful. Bruges and Ostend opened their gates to the exiles ; \ the fort of St. Pierre at Ghent was stormed ; and the Estates \ of Flanders at once assembled, published a declaration of independence, and called on the other provinces to join in the movement. In Brabant the excitement was at its height. Trautmannsdorf in vain promised to restore the 'Joyeuse Entree,' to abohsh the Imperial Seminary at Brussels, and to declare a general amnesty. The patriots would not trust him, and Van der Mersch advanced into the Duchy and occupied Tirlemont. The people of Brussels then rose in insurrection. From 7th to 12th December was a period of long-continued riot and street fighting. Many of the Austrian soldiers deserted to the popular side, and those who remained true to their colours were shot at from windows and refused to charge. The advance of Van der Mersch set the seal upon d' Alton's discomfiture. He made a capitulation on 12th December, and marched out of Brussels, leaving his guns, military stores, and military chest containing 3,000,000 florins behind. He retreated to Luxembourg, the only province which remained faithful to the House of Austria, and his example was followed by the imperial garrisons of Malines, Antwerp, and Louvain, which were abandoned to the patriots. D'Alton himself died at Treves, it is said by taking poison, on being summoned to Vienna to be tried by a court-martial, and was succeeded in TJie Belgian Republic 65 command of the Austrian troops in Luxembourg by General Bender. On i8th December the patriot committee entered Brussels, headed by Van der Noot, who was hailed by the ' people as the Belgian Franklin. On 7th January 1790 repre- ' sentatives from all the provinces of the former Austrian Nether- lands met at Brussels under the presidency of Cardinal Frankenberg, Archbishop of Malines, and on loth January they passed a federal constitution for the ' United Formation of Belgian States,' resembling that of Holland, under Rgpubifc^" '* which each province was to preserve its internal lothjan. 1790. independence, and only foreign affairs and national defence were left to the central government. Van der Noot was chosen Minister of State, and he at once asked for the official recogni- tion of the new Belgian Constitution by the Triple Alliance, whose ministers at the Hague, Lord Auckland, Count Keller, and Van der Spiegel had, he asserted, promised to guarantee the independence of the new United States of Belgium. Frederick William 11. of Prussia endeavoured to carry out this promise. He authorised one of his officers, General Schonfeld, to organise the Belgian army, and ordered General Schlieffen at Lie'ge to enter into communication with the new govern- ment. But England and Holland, though approving the in- surrection of Belgium as affording a powerful counterpoise to the Emperor's policy in the East, were in no hurry to guarantee the new Republic, and Van der Noot then determined, under the influence of the radicals or Vonckists, to solicit the help of France, and announced the new Belgian Constitution in a significant manner both to Louis xvi. and to the President of the National Assembly. The news of the declaration of the independence of the Belgian provinces, and of the revolution which had led to it, proved to be the death-blow of the Emperor Death of the Joseph. To the Prince de Eigne, a native of joTe'^p^h!"^ Belgium, he said, just before his death, ' Your 20th Feb. 1790. country has killed me ; the taking of Ghent is my agony ; the evacuation of Brussels is my death. What a disgrace this is PERIOD VII. E 66 European History, 17 89- 1790 for me ! I die ; I must be made of wood, if I did not. Go to the Netherlands ; make them return to their allegiance. If you do not succeed in the attempt, remain there. Do not sacrifice your fortune for me ; you have children.' The dying Emperor in his despair made concessions in every direction. He humbled his pride to entreat the Pope to use his influ- ence with the Belgian clergy. He gave in to the Hungarian magnates, who demanded the repeal of his great reforms with threats of insurrection ; and on 28th January 1790 he issued his 'Revocatio Ordinationum quae sensu communi legibus adversari videbantur,' by which he revoked all his reforms in Hungary, except the edict of toleration and the decrees against serfdom ; and on 1 8th February he ordered the Crown of St. Stephen to be sent back to Pesth. He assented to the suspension of his reforming edicts in Bohemia, and even in the Tyrol, where an insurrection was on the point of breaking out. Then, feeling his life a failure, he prepared for death. He confessed and received the ordinances of the Church ; the last words he was heard to say were : ' I believe I have done my duty as a man and a prince,' and on the morning of 20th February he died. The words he wished to be written on his grave were : ' Here rests a prince, whose intentions were pure ; but who had the misfortune to see all his plans miscarry ; ' but the people of Vienna, with a deeper sense of the merits of the great ruler who had lived in their midst, placed on his statue the inscription, ' Josepho secundo, arduis nato, magnis perfuncto, majoribus prgecepto, qui saluti publicge vixit non din, sed totus.' The failure of the career of Joseph, the noblest sovereign of the eighteenth century, — one of the noblest sovereigns of any century, — was a proof of the fallacy of the eighteenth century conception of benevo- lent despotism. He had tried to accomplish in his dominions the very measures of reform which the Constituent Assembly had undertaken in France. The abolition of the relics of feudalism, the creation of a spirit of nationality, based upon the existence of uniform laws, the nationalisation of the Josephs Reforfns Cy Church and of education, the removal of all caste privileges,! whether in the payment of taxes or in eligibility for publici employment, and the maintenance of good internal administra-j tion, the primary aims and the great achievements of the Revolu- ' tionin France, were also the objects of Joseph's reforms. Butj everything was to be done for the people, nothing by thej people, and it is doubtful whether, if Joseph had been in the, place of Louis xvi., the French people would have relished the advantages he might have conferred. The spirit of locality was perhaps not so strong in France as in the hereditary dominions of the House of Austria. Dauphine and Bur- gundy did not differ from Brittany and Normandy as much as Bohemia and Hungary, Belgium and the Milanese differed from each other. Yet the abolition of local distinctions might have been resented in France, as it was in the dominions of Joseph, if it had been accomplished by the monarch, instead of being the work of elected representatives. It is indeed remarkable that, allowing for the want of exactness in the parallel, owing to the difference of local conditions, the very reforms, which rallied all France to the side of the Revolu- tion, should have led to the disastrous termination of the Emperor Joseph's reign, and it is difficult to avoid coming to the conclusion that the whole subject illustrates the grand distinction between the eighteenth and the nineteenth cen- turies, the distinction between alterations in the political, social, or economical conditions of a state made by a monarch for his people, and by a people for itself. Louis XVI., indeed, showed himself a very different type of monarch from Joseph. He wished for the good of his people as ardently as his brother-in-law, but he had during the early years of his reign been satisfied with wishing for reforms, instead of energetically initiating them. When the success of the Revolution was assured by the policy of the deputies of the Tiers Etat, by the capture of the Bastille and by his own establishment at Paris, he never thought of setting him- self at the head of the party of reform. He did not openly 68 European History, 1 789-1790 ally himself with the Tiers Etat, to vanquish the opposition of the nobles, as Gustavus iii. of Sweden had done ; he did not dream of outbidding the National Assembly for popularity by lavish promises, as other monarchs before and since have done; and he did not even try to share the credit of the representatives of the people by exhibiting an ardent zeal for reform. The horror he felt for civil war was not recognised ; his partial yielding to the Court party of reaction in July and October, though at so late a date and so half-heartedly as to nullify any chance of its success, was imputed to him as a crime ; and the difficulty presented by the fact that his dearest relatives, his Queen, Marie Antoinette, and his sister, Madame Elizabeth, were against all reform, was never fully appreciated. In consequence, the King's real wishes to please his people and avoid bloodshed were looked on as simulated by the members of the National Assembly, and not only Louis him- self, but the very principle of the French monarchy, were regarded as hostile to representative institutions. Louis xvi. was as weak as Joseph 11. was energetic, but he was equally well-intentioned ; and it was a distinct misfortune, both for himself and for France, that the value of the passive inert- ness, which he generally opposed to the reactionary schemes of his family and of the partisans of the ancien regime, was not adequately recognised. This attitude towards the King had an important effect upon the constitution which the Constituent Assembly was engaged The New in framing during the year 1790. Only the main French Con- pQ^^ts in the growth of this Constitution, which stitution. '^ ° , . - , 1789-1791. occupied the greater part of the tmie ot the Assembly from 1789 to 1791, can here be touched upon. But one striking feature must first be observed, that it was drawn up and applied piecemeal, not as an organic whole, like the later French constitutions of the revolutionary period. \ The first important principle was decreed upon 12th November 1789, when it was resolved that all the old local divisions of I France, which perpetuated the memory of the gradual growth TJie French Constitution of lygi 69 of the French provinces into France, should be aboHshed,f and that the country should be divided into eighty depart- ments of nearly equal size. It was naturally some months, before the new division was effected, and still longer before the further division of each department into districts, and each district into cantons was finished. No wiser step for converting ' France from a congeries of provinces into a nation could have) been devised. On the basis of the new divisions a new local government was established. Each department and district was to be administered by elected authorities, elaborately chosen by a system of double election. Next to the local government, the judicial system was reorganised. The Parle- ' ments were all abolished, and local courts, consisting of elected judges of departmental and district tribunals, and elected justices of the peace, were substituted. A uniform system of law was projected, and juries were sanctioned in criminal but not in civil cases. In these sweeping reforms one ' natural blemish is perceptible : from having no elected officials the other extreme was adopted of having all officials elected, j The mania for election affected the reform of the ecclesias-^ tical arrangements of France, and directly brought about the schism, which so largely contributed to the misfortunes of France during the revolutionary period. On 2d November 1789 it had been resolved, in the face of the financial distress, that the property of the Church in France should be confis- cated or resumed, as it was represented by opposite parties, while acknowledging the duty of providing and paying cures and bishops. This implied the formation of a State Church, a measure which needed the most delicate handling. On 13th February 1790 all monasteries and religious houses were suppressed ; but as there had already been a partial suppres- sion a few years previously, this would not by itself have caused a schism. It was otherwise with regard to 1^^ civii the Civil Constitution of the Clergy. It was re- Constitution solved to reduce the number of bishoprics to one ° ^ '''^^^ for each department, and that all the beneficed clergy, from 70 European History, 1789- 1790 curds to bishops, should be elected. This violation of a fundamental principle of the Catholic Church could not be allowed to pass unchallenged, and when , the Constituent Assembly found that opposition was raised, it drove matters to a crisis by ordering that every beneficed ecclesiastic should take an oath to observe the new Civil Constitution of the Clergy. This oath was generally refused by the bishops and dignitaries, and largely by the parochial clergy, and it was re- solved by the Assembly, on 27th November 1790, that all who refused the oath within one week should be held to be dismissed from their offices. The King sanctioned this decree on 26th December 1790, and the great schism in France began. It was doubtful at first whether apostolical succession could be preserved in the new Church of France. Only four beneficed bishops, including Lomenie de Brienne, Cardinal Archbishop of Sens, and Talleyrand, Bishop of Autun, out of one hundred and thirty-five, and three coadjutor bishops, or bishops in partibus, including Gobel, Bishop of Lydda, consented to take the oath, but by them the first of the elected bishops of departmental sees were consecrated. The measures of the Constituent Assembly in abolishing the old provincial divisions and law courts, and substituting new and more modern arrangements for administration, were in the nature of great reforms, though marred by the mania for election; the attempt to establish a Gallican Church, though obviously opposed to the discipline of the Catholic Church, and seriously discounted by the same mania, was patriotic, if ( not very wise ; but the arrangements for the central admini- stration were utterly absurd. In their dislike of the system of the aficiefi regime, and their fear of a strong executive, the Constituent Assembly thought it could not do enough to hamper the authority of the throne and of the central admini- stration. The King, under the new Constitution, was left power- less. He was to be the first functionary of the State, nothing more. His veto on the measures of the Legislature was to have effect for only six months ; his guards were suppressed. The French Constitution of \yg\ yi and his position made untenable for a strong monarch, and unbearable for a weak one. The ministers were invested with supreme executive authority, but more regulations were made to ensure their responsibility and limit their actual power, than to define their functions. They were to be answerable to the Lbgislature, in which they were not allowed to sit ; and their measures were to be criticised by an irresponsible repre- sentative assembly. Under such regulations the King and his ministers, that is, the executive, were put in a position of inferiority, which no vigorous man could be expected to accept, to the inevitable derangement of the whole admini- strative machine. In addition to the Constitution, the Con- stituent Assembly carried several measures of the greatest importance to a free state. All citizens, of whatever religion \ or class, were declared eligible for employment by the State ; and on 13th April 1790 a noble decree, declaring the most absolute and entire toleration of every form of religion, was carried. The Constitution of 1791 was, on the whole, a praiseworthy effort of untried legislators to give their country a representative constitution. It was marred only by the fatal jealousy of giving due authority to the executive, and the mania for election. But it was in no way democratic. For the election to all offices was to be by at least two degrees, and no man was to have a vote unless he was an 'active citizen.' To be an active citizen, a man had to contribute to the direct taxation of the country an amount equivalent in value to three days' wages in his locality. Further, to be eligible for office, a candidate had to pay taxes of the value of a ' silver mark,' which inevitably restricted all offices to the bourgeois, or very prosperous working men. Though the main occupation of the Constituent Assembly was the building up of the Constitution of 1791, it interfered only too much in matters of current administration, other acts It was soon obvious that its power exceeded that °tituent° of the King, and it has been observed that Van der Assembly. Noot announced the new Belgian Constitution alike to the 72 European History, 1789- 1790 King and the President of the Assembly, as to authorities of equal importance. The mischief produced by this constant interference was perceptible in every department of govern- ment. Mirabeau, who was a profound master of state-craft, saw through the fallacies of endeavouring to separate the legislative and executive powers in the State, and, what was implied in the preponderance of a legislature in which the ministers had no seat, to divorce authority from responsibility. He understood and approved of the English system, and as soon as the Constituent Assembly had removed to Paris in October 1789, after the establishment of the King at the Tuileries, and he had got the ear of the Court through his friend, La Marck, Mirabeau proposed the formation of a constitutional ministry, after the English fashion, from among the leading members of the Assembly. His scheme got noised abroad : the Assembly in its fear of the executive, which was afterwards consecrated in the Constitution of 1791, and stimulated by Lafayette, who dreaded the influence of a strong ministry, passed a motion on 7th November, that no member of the Assembly could take office as a minister while he remained a deputy, or for three years after his resignation. The spirit, which lay at the root of this decree, showed itself in other ways. The fear of the influence of the Crown extended itself to the army and navy, as the natural instruments of the Crown for re-establishing its former authority. The army, already disorganised by the emigration of many of its officers, was practically destroyed in its efficiency as a fighting machine by the relaxation of discipline among the soldiers, caused not only by the actual decrees of the Assembly, but by the im- punity aUowed to desertion and mutiny. The Marquis de Bouille, the general commanding at Metz, did indeed put down a military mutiny at Nancy on 31st August 1790, but his action, though applauded by the Assembly, which could not openly encourage mutiny, was isolated and not imitated. In the navy matters were even more desperate, for a larger proportion of officers deserted, resigned, or emigrated than in Mirabeau ' 73 the army, and loss of discipline is even more disastrous in a naval than in a military force. The weakness of the army was intended to be compensated by the enrolment of national guards. But these citizen soldiers could not be treated with the strictness of regular troops. They were chiefly of the bourgeois class, and had the prejudices of that class, caring more for the protection of their property than for military efficiency. In Paris they were of the most importance, owing to their numerous strength, and their commander-in-chief, Lafayette, was, owing to his position, probably the most power- ful man in France in 1790. The framing of the Constitution, and the disorganisation of the central authority and its instru- ments were the chief results of the labours of the Constituent Assembly in 1790 ; but among its minor acts should be noted the abolition of titles of nobility, liveries and other relics of social pre-eminence on 13th July 1790, as an evidence of its de- sire to extirpate even the outward signs of the ancien regime. Only one man seems to have understood the dangers to which France was drifting owing to the policy of the Constituent Assembly, and that man was Mirabeau. He had , , , . Mirabeau. done more than any man to assure the victory of the Tiers Etat in June 1789; he was the greatest orator and greatest statesman the revolutionary crisis had produced. Mirabeau, however, hated anarchy as much as he did despotism. He saw the absolute necessity of establishinga strong executive, if the crisis of 1789, the dissolution of the old authorities, the unpunished riots in towns, and the jacquerie in the rural districts were not to lead to anarchy. Foiled in his prudent scheme of selecting a strong ministry from the Constituent Assembly^ by the vote of 7 th November 1789, Mirabeau saw that it was impossible to overcome the distrust of the Assembly for the executive. He therefore turned to the Court, and in May 1790 he became the .secret adviser of the King through the mediation of his friend La Marck. In a series of memoirs 1 On Mirabeau's proposed Ministries, see A History of the French Kevolutwn, Ijy II. Morse Stephens, vol. i., \y\). 246 and 247. 74 European History, 1789-1790 or notes for the Court of surpassing political wisdom, Mirabeau analysed the situation of affairs and proposed remedies. The two main dangers were the state of the finances and the fear of foreign intervention. Mirabeau's horror of national bankruptcy was as great as his personal extravagance in expenditure. In September 1789 he advocated Necker's scheme of a general contribution, though it was accompanied by stipulations which were certain to make it almost entirely unproductive, and he personally disapproved of it \ in December 1789 he grudgingly acquiesced in the first issue of ' assignats ' or promises to pay, based on the value of the property of the Church, resumed or confiscated by the Assembly, and to be extinguished as this property was sold. In August 1790 he went yet further. Com- prehending that men are mainly influenced by their pecuniary interests, he advocated a wide extension of the system of assignats, down to small sums, on the grounds that they would then be able to reach the hands of the poorer classes and give them an interest in their maintaining their value, and would also frustrate the machinations of speculators, who began to make money by depreciating the exchange of specie against the new paper currency. But he also wisely proposed and successfully carried severe regulations for the extinction of assignats as the national property was realised, regulations which, unfortu- nately, were not strictly observed. His decree was followed in September 1790 by the retirement of Necker from office, and it is a significant proof of the change in popular opinion that the final retirement of the minister, whose dismissal in July 17S9 had brought about the capture of the Bastille, was received without excitement. The other great danger which France incurred, by the dis- organising policy of the Constituent Assembly, was the possibility of the armed intervention of foreign powers. Mirabeau thought that if national bankruptcy and the interfer- ence of foreigners could be avoided, the anarchy, which was making itself felt, might soon be quelled. He did not fear civil war ; indeed, he argued that it might be a positive The Views of Mirabeau 75 advantage, and that as long as the King did not retract his concession of a representative constitution, a large portion of his subjects would support him in winning back the legitimate authority of the executive. But foreign war was to him an evil to be feared as much as national bankruptcy. He knew the spirit of his countrymen well, and that they would in case of national disaster submit to any despotism rather than submit to the dictation or the interference of a foreign power in their internal affairs. Success in a foreign war owing to the state of the army was not to be expected, but if it did come, it would with almost equal certainty lead to the despotism of the con- quering government, whether it were the reigning monarch, his successor, or a victorious general. To avoid a foreign war it was necessary as far as possible to leave the conduct of foreign affairs in the hands of the King. This was Mirabcau's intention in the great debate on the right of declaring peace and war in May 1790, and he succeeded in getting the Assembly to sanction the initiation of peace or war as part of the duties of the King. But at this period Louis xvi. was too weak or too unwilling to understand the paramount necessity of maintaining peace. Mirabeau, therefore, got himself elected to a special Diplomatic Committee of the Constituent As- sembly, and as its reporter endeavoured throughout the year 1790 to keep France clear of international complications. Unfortunately neither Louis xvi. nor his ministers, and still less Marie Antoinette, grasped the truth of Mirabcau's memoirs for the Court. On the contrary, the one idea of the Queen was to get her brother, the Emperor Leopold, to inter- fere, and, if necessary, by force of arms to restore the power of the French monarch. The King, too, was startled at Mirabcau's ideas ; he felt no horror at the notion of a foreign \ war, but would suffer anything rather than engage in a civil war. The wise advice of the great statesman went ^^jrabeau unheeded ; both King and Queen regarded their and the connection with him as the clever muzzling of a c°""- dangerous revolutionary leader. They could not comprehend 76 European History, 1789- 1790 his desire to establish a strong executive for the sake of France, and looked on it as a bit of personal ambition. The King was not sufficiently far-seeing, nor the Queen sufficiently patriotic to understand his views. If the Constituent Assembly distrusted the Court, the King and Queen no less strongly distrusted Mirabeau. As reporter of the Diplomatic Committee, Mirabeau had three different problems to solve, in which the policy of the Assembly came in contact with foreign powers, the affairs of Avignon, the maintenance of the Facte de Famille with Spain, and the interference caused by the legislation of the Assembly with the Princes of the Empire who owned fiefs of the Empire in Alsace. The city of Avignon and the county of the Venaissin, though inhabited by Frenchmen and surrounded by French territory, were under the sovereignty of the Pope. As early as the 'orgie' of 4th August 1789 the Constituent Assembly had pronounced on the expediency of uniting both the city and the county with France. A French party was formed in Avignon ; and a free municipal constitution I after the model of those just established in France was framed and assented to by the Cardinal Vice-Legate in April 1790. The Pope, however, annulled his deputy's assent, . . with the result that fierce street fighting took place Avignon i and the in the city, which was only stopped by the mter- Venaissin. ycntion of the National Guard of the neighbouring French city of Orange. The result of these events was that I the city of Avignon, or at least the French party there, declared Avignon united to France on 12th June 1790. The inhabi- tants of the Venaissin, on the other hand, declared their attachment for the Pope, and their wish to remain subject to him. When these circumstances became known in Paris a strong party showed itself in the Assembly in favour of accepting the union of Avignon with or without the Pope's assent. Mirabeau skilfully averted the danger of a flagrant breach of international law by securing the appointment of an The Affair of Nootka Sound yy Avignon Committee, and when it became necessary to send regular troops to maintain order in the city, he secured their despatch thither without the assumption of any rights of sovereignty. Far more serious was the question which arose in May 1790, and which gave rise to the debate in the Constituent Assembly on the right of declaring peace and war, for it brought into prominence a doubt whether the Assembly should recognise the treaties made by the French monarchy. Of these treaties, the most popular in France, and The Affair the first to be brought into evidence, was the Facte °J ^°°'^^^ de Famille, which had been concluded in 1761 May 1790. by Choiseul between France and Spain. Charles iv. had succeeded his able and accomplished father, Charles in., on 1 2th December 1788. The new monarch was completely under the influence of his wife, Marie Louise, a princess of Parma, who in her turn was governed by a young guardsman, her lover, Godoy. Charles iv. made a friend of Godoy, a fact which of itself shows the essential weakness of his character. He, as well as his Queen, was, outwardly at least, deeply religious, and it was pretty certain that before long a reaction would take place at the Spanish Court against the liberal regime, which, in the previous reign, under the administration of Aranda and Florida Blanca, Campomanes and Jovellanos, had done so much for Spain. But for the first three years of his reign, Charles iv. maintained his father's experienced ministers, with the assent of the Queen, who did not dare at once to introduce her lover into the ministry, or invest him openly with power. Florida Blanca, the Spanish minister, with Spanish pride, refused to recognise the actual weakness of Spain, and was [)articularly active in maintaining her supremacy in America. When, therefore, Vancouver Island was demonstrated to be an island and not a peninsula, he claimed its possession for Spain, and also alleged pre-colonisation. But he went further. Spanish officers had seized an English ship in Nootka Sound, now St. George's yS European History^ 1789- 1790 Sound, in Vancouver Island, had destroyed an English settle- ment there, and had even insulted an English naval captain. When Pitt demanded reparation, Florida Blanca replied haughtily, and claimed the possession of the island on the grounds stated. Pitt at once sent one of the ablest English diplomatists, Alleyne Fitzherbert, afterwards Lord St. Helens, to threaten to declare war, and prepared a great fleet, known in English naval history as the Spanish Armament. Both Pitt and Florida Blanca knew that a war between Eng- land and Spain would only be seriously undertaken if France decided to intervene. Florida Blanca claimed the assistance of France under the terms of the Pacte de Famille, and Pitt, who understood that power had passed from Louis xvi. to the Constituent Assembly, sent two secret emissaries to Paris to see if the Assembly was inclined to maintain the policy of the ancie?i regime. One of these emissaries was Hugh Elliot, brother of Sir Gilbert Elliot, afterwards Lord Minto, an old schoolfellow of Mirabeau, who was expected to influence the orator, and the other, William Augustus Miles, who was to ally himself with the leading democratic deputies. The question came before the Constituent Assembly on a letter from the Comte de Montmorin, Minister for Foreign Affairs. The enthusiasm in the Assembly for the maintenance of the Spanish Alliance was extreme, defiance was hurled at England, Spain's faithful adherence to the Pacte de Famille in the Seven Years' War and the War of American Independence was remembered, and a fleet for active service was ordered to be got ready at Brest, and sixteen new ships of war built. But the first burst of enthusiasm soon cooled. Some deputies feared war would strengthen the monarchy, others did not like to be bound by the treaties, especially the dynastic treaties of the aticieji regime^ and others again, headed by Robespierre and Petion, inveighed against the idea of any offensive war. The whole question was referred to the Diplomatic Committee. Mirabeau, who knew perfectly well that Spain would not fight without the aid of France, read an able report, recommending Complications in Alsace 79 that the Facte de Famille should be changed to a simple defensive treaty, which was adopted. The Court of Spain, seeing that no help was to be got from France under these circumstances, resigned its pretensions to Vancouver Island, and consented to pay the compensation demanded by England. This diplomatic victory of England exasperated the Spaniards; Charles iv. was surprised and disgusted at the concessions made by Louis xvi., and declared them a breach of the Facte de Famille ; and by her conduct France lost the friendship of her closest ally of the eighteenth century. The third question in which the new state of things in France touched the diplomatic system of old Europe and threatened to cause international complications, The Rights of which might lead to a foreign war, was concerned Jj^^ Em"p^ire i°n with the fiefs of the Empire in Alsace. By the Alsace. Treaty of Westphalia that province had been ceded to France in full and entire sovereignty, but reserving the rights of the Empire. The complications caused by this ambiguous arrangement had raised perpetual difficulties throughout the reigns of Louis xiv. and Louis xv., and many separate treaties had been concluded with individual princes, by which they recognised the sovereignty of France in Alsace, in return for the acknowledgment of all their ancient rights. A further problem was added by the fact that the more important princely landowners in Alsace were also ruling and independent sovereigns across the French border. They were thus supreme, save for the loose over-lordship of the Emperor in Germany, and subject to the French monarchy for their domains in Alsace. Among the principal of these rulers were the three ecclesiastical electors, the Archbishops of Mayence, Treves, and Cologne, the Bishops of Strasbourg, Spires, Worms, and Basle, the Abbot of Murbach, the Dukes of Wiirtemburg and of Deux-Fonts or Zweibriicken, the Elector Falatine, the Margrave of Baden, the Landgrave of Hesse-Darmstadt, ami the Frinces of Nassau, Lciningen, Salm-Salm, and Hohcnlohc- Bartenstcin. These princes were naturally i)rofoundly affected 8o European History^ 1789- 1790 by the abolition of feudalism decreed by the Constituent Assembly, which further complicated their position. They felt as German princes, and appealed against the measures of the Assembly as contrary to international law, and violating the Treaty of Westphalia and the many separate treaties. The protests of certain of these princes were laid before the Assembly on nth February 1790, and referred by it to the Feudal Committee on 28th April. The reporter of the Com- mittee on this matter was Merlin of Douai, one of the greatest French jurists and statesmen of the whole revolutionary period. On 28th October he read his report, in which he insisted on the new principle of the sovereignty of the people. He asserted that the unity of Alsace with France rested not on ancient treaties, but on the unanimous resolution of the Alsatian people to be Frenchmen But at the same time he argued that m practice old rights ought to be maintained. Mirabeau, with his usual sagacity, saw that international com- plications might, on this ground, be adjourned, if not altogether avoided ; and it was on his motion that the Constituent Assembly resolved to uphold the sovereignty of France in Alsace, and the application of all its decrees to that province, but at the same time requested the King to arrange the amount of indemnity to be paid to the Princes of the Empire as compensation for the rights of which they were thus deprived. These princes, however with but very few exceptions, refused absolutely to accept any monetary com- pensation, and appealed to the Diet of the Empire. It was on this question, therefore, that foreign intervention most seriously threatened France at the end of 1790, in spite of the diplomatic knowledge and skill of two of her leading states- men, Mirabeau and Merlin of Douai. While Mirabeau was doing his best to keep France from the disturbance, and even disasters, which a foreign war would cause in the midst of her new development, the Queen cast all her hopes for the restoration of the power of the French monarchy on the armed help of foreign states. Louis xvi. in The Position of Leopold 8i a half-hearted fashion was opposed to foreign interference, but his younger brother, the Comte d'Artois, and the French emigres, who had estabhshed themselves on the borders of France, declared that the King was not in his right senses, and that he was forced to yield to the measures of the Constituent Assembly against his will. They felt no patriotic misgivings, and loudly invoked the assistance of all monarchs in the cause of monarchy and the feudal system. The ruler on whom the Queen chiefly relied, and to whom she appealed most fervently, the monarch to whom the emigres looked with most confidence, was Leopold, the brother and successor of Joseph ii. He held the key of the position ; he was the sovereign especially feared by the leaders of the Constituent Assembly, and as Emperor and as brother of Marie Antoinette he was expected by the royalists to intervene in the affairs of France. PERIOD VII. CHAPTER III 1790-1792 The Emperor Leopold — His Internal Policy — The Policy of Prussia — Leopold's Foreign Policy — Conference of Reichenbach — Leopold and the Turks — Treaty of Sistova — Leopold crowned Emperor — Leopold and Hungary — State of Parties in Belgium — Their Internal Dissensions — Congress at the Hague— Leopold reconquers Belgium— War between Russia and Sweden — Treaty of Verela — Wai- between Russia and the Turks— Capture of Ismail —Treaty of Jassy— Position of Leopold— The State of France— Mirabeau's advice— Death of Mirabeau— The Flight to Varennes— Its Results : in France — The Massacre of 17th July 1791— Revision of the Constitution — Its Results : in Europe — Manifesto of Padua — Declaration of Pilnitz — Completion of the French Constitution of 1791 — The Polish Constitution of 1791 — The Legislative Assembly in France — The Girondins — Approach of War between France and Austria— Causes of the War — Attitude of Europe— Death of the Emperor Leopold — Murder of Gustavus iii. of Sweden— Policy of Dumouriez — War declared by France against Austria — Invasion of theTuileries, 20th June 1792 — Francis 11. crowned Emperor — Invasion of France by Piussia and Austria — Insurrection of loth August 1792 — Suspension of Louis XVi.— Desertion of Lafayette— The Massacres of September in the prisons — Battle of Va'my — Meeting of the National Convention— The Girondins and the Mountain — Conquest of Savoy, Nice, and Mayence — Battle of Jemmappes — Conquest of Belgium- Execution of Louis XVI. — War declared against Spain, Holland, England and the Empire — Catherine invades Poland— Overthrow of the Polish Constitution — Second Partition of Poland — Contrast between the resist- ance of France and Poland. The successor of Joseph 11., the Emperor Leopold, was, except The Emperor perhaps Catherine of Russia, the ablest monarch of Leopold. his time. He had had a long experience in the art of government, for he had succeeded to the sovereignty of the Grand Duchy of Tuscany in 1765, on the death of his father, the Emperor Francis of Lorraine. While his brother Joseph 82 The Emperor Leopold 83 was kept until 1780 by Maria Theresa in leading-strings as far as the actual administration of the Hapsburg dominions was concerned, and was only able to exert his authority as Emperor, Leopold had from his boyhood been an absolute and irresponsible sovereign, and had imbibed from his educa- tion an Italian knowledge of statecraft. During his long/" reign in Tuscany he showed the finest qualities of a benevolent despot in his measures for increasing the material comforts of \ his people, combined with tact and diplomatic subtlety. His reforms were as sweeping as those of Joseph, but were so managed as not to set his dominions in a flame. With the help of Scipio de Ricci, Bishop of Pistoia, he freed the people of Tuscany from the heavy burden of an excessive number of ecclesiastics ; he reorganised the internal administration, and especially the judicial system ; and he showed such intelligence in grasping and partially applying the new prin- ciples of political economy as to be called ' the physiocratic prince.' He had been Grand Duke of Tuscany for twenty- five years, and when he succeeded his elder brother Joseph as King of Hungary and Bohemia in February 1 790, he had earned the reputation of a singularly wise and prudent statesman, and of one who, if it could be done, might be expected to restore the power of the House of Austria. He abandoned the Grand Duchy of Tuscany to his second son Ferdinand, and at once applied himself to the difficult task bequeathed to him by Joseph II. Leopold found the power of Austria seriously affected by dangers from within and dangers from without. PoUcyof He at once undid much of Joseph's work. He Leopold, recognised the difference between consolidating and unifying a nation, which was essentially one, and a congeries of nations speaking different languages, belonging to different races, and geographically widely separated. In Tuscany he had accom- plished a great work in abolishing the local franchises of the cities and building up a Tuscan state, but he understood that such a work was impossible in the divided hereditary dominions 84 European History, 1790- 1792 of the House of Hapsburg, and that the Emperor Joseph had been attempting a hopeless task. Leopold's first step was, there- fore, to restore the former state of things in such parts of his dominions as were not in open insurrection. In Austria proper, in Bohemia, in the Milanese, and in the Tyrol, the concessions of Leopold were received with demonstrations of popular gratitude. He abolished the new system of taxation and the unpopular seminaries ; he recognised the separate administrations of provinces which were essentially diverse; he gave up futile attempts at unification. But, at the same time, he maintained the edict of religious toleration, the most noble of Joseph's reforms, and introduced many slight but appreciable improvements in the local institutions which he restored. Having thus assured the fidelity of an important body of his subjects, he prepared to deal with the declared rebels in Belgium and the unconcealed opposition in Hungary. It was here that Leopold suffered most from the foreign policy of Maria Theresa and Joseph, for it was indisputable that the prevalent cliscontent and insurrection in Belgium and Hungary was fostered by the Triple Alliance, and especially by Prussia. He had a serious war with the Turks on his hands ; his ally, Catherine of Russia, was too much occupied with her wars with the Swedes and Turks and with the affairs of Poland, to come to his help ; France, excited by her internal dissen- sions, and with the Assembly indisposed to the maintenance of the Treaty of 1756, might almost be reckoned an enemy ; the Empire had been roused to distrust by the policy of Joseph, and the Triple Alliance was openly hostile. Under these cir- cumstances Prussia appeared at once the chief power on the Continent and the principal enemy of Austria, and it was with Prussia that Leopold first resolved to deal. The events of the year 1789 had greatly improved the position of Prussia on the Continent. The pretensions of Joseph to Bavaria had made Frederick William 11., as it had made Frederick the Great, the real leader of the Princes of the Empire, and the Triple Alliance had done more to The Policy of Prussia 85 improve and strengthen his position in Europe. The classic policy of Prussia was consistent opposition to xhe Policy Austria, and Hertzberg, the Prussian minister, in °f Prussia. • pursuance of this policy, had made use of all Joseph's mistakes to lower the power of the House of Hapsburg. He felt it/ necessary, indeed, to disavow a treaty with the Turks, which the too zealous Prussian envoy had signed in January 1790, but he was eager to make use of the difficulties of Russia and Austria caused by the Turkish war to forward Prussia's designs on Poland. His main aim was to obtain the cession of the important Polish cities of Thorn and Dantzic, which would give Prussia complete control of the great river Vistula. The ablest Prussian diplomatist, Lucchesini, was sent to Warsaw, and on 29th March 1790 he signed a treaty of friend- ship and union with the Poles, by which Poland was to cede Thorn and Dantzic to Prussia in return for the retrocession of part of Austrian Galicia, which had fallen to Austria at the first partition, while Prussia promised to guarantee the territory and constitution of Poland, and to send an army of 18,000 men to the help of the Poles if they were attacked. This treaty, shameless even in its epoch for its desertion of allies, breach of former engagements and absence of good faith, was highly approved by Frederick William 11. and Hertzberg. They would not have dared to conclude it but for the seeming weakness of Russia and Austria, the partners in the former partition. Russia was hampered by the Swedish and Turkish wars, and the discontent of the ceded provinces of Poland. Austria was in a still more desperate condition. With the Turkish war still unconcluded, with open insurrection in Belgium, and disaffection in Hungary, unpopular in the Empire, and deprived of the alliance of France by the unconcealed dislike of the Assembly to the Treaty of 1756, it seemed as if the House of Hapsburg must now give way entirely to the House of Hohenzollern. Of the active encouragement given to the Turks, the Belgians, the Hungarians, and the Princes of the Empire against Austria by Prussia, mention has been made. 86 European History, 1790- 1792 Not less skilful was the conduct of the Prussian ambassador at Paris, Goltz, who intrigued with the more extreme leaders in the Assembly, and especially Petion,^ against Austria, and in particular did all in his power to increase the growing un- popularity of Marie Antoinette and to insist that she was a traitor to France. Had a less able statesman than Leopold been the successor The Policy of Joscph, the schemcs of Prussia might have of Leopold, been crowned with success. But he had not ruled in the native city of Machiavelli for a quarter of a century for nothing; and he set to work to checkmate the designs of Hertzberg and Frederick William 11. His wise measures of conciliation speedily rallied the heart of the hereditary dominions to him ; and he determined to use diplomacy to establish his position in Europe before he dealt with Belgium and Hungary. He quickly perceived that Prussia's real strength lay in the support of the Triple Alliance; her financial situation was such that she dared not undertake a serious war without the active countenance of England and Holland. He knew that it was worse than hopeless to rely upon France, and therefore at once applied to England. He protested that he did not share his brother's attachment for Russia, or his schemes for the division of the Ottoman pro- vinces ; and he further hinted that he would abandon all attempt to reconquer Belgium and surrender it to France unless he received some assistance. Pitt felt the weight of these considerations; he did not care much about what happened to Poland, but he cared a great deal that the French should not occupy Belgium. When, therefore, the King of Prussia mobilised a powerful army in Silesia, and demanded through Hertzberg that Austria should on the one hand make an armistice with the Turks, and on the other restore Galicia to Poland, Leopold, trusting that he had broken the harmony of the Triple Alliance, made no elaborate warlike preparations, \ but demanded a conference. 1 Sorel, IJEurote et la Revolution Fran^aise, vol. ii. p. 69. Confere?ice of ReicJienbach Sy The King of Hungary and Bohemia thoroughly understood the character of the Prussian king and the intrigues of his courtiers and ministers ; he knew that Hertzberg The Confer- was the real enemy of Austria, and that Frederick R^lchenbach. WilHam was unstable and easily persuaded. He June 1790. felt that his own strength lay in diplomacy, not war. On 26th June the two Austrian envoys, Reuss and Spielmann, arrived at the headquarters of the Prussian army in Silesia at Reichenbach, and demanded a conference. Rather to the disgust of the Prussians, their allies of the Triple Alliance insisted on being present, and a regular congress was held, at which Hertzberg and Lucchesini represented Prussia, Reuss and Spielmann, Austria, Ewart, England, Reden, Holland, and Jablonowski, the Poles. Even the Hungarian malcon- tents and the Belgian rebels, relying on the promises of Frederick William, ventured to send envoys. The conclu- sions of the congress justified Leopold's diplomatic skill. When Hertzberg laid the Prussian demands in full before the assembled envoys, to his surprise Jablonowski declared that the Poles would never cede Thorn and Dantzic, while the representatives of England and Holland not only advo- cated the maintenance of the s/a/us quo, but refused the co-operation of their governments in Prussia's schemes for aggrandisement. The policy of Hertzberg and Kaunitz, of perpetuating the rivalry of Prussia and Austria, had failed. Leopold was far too acute to leave these matters to mini- sters. He placed himself in direct communication with the King of Prussia and his personal favourites, Lucchesini and Bischofswerder ; he argued that the interests of the two great German states both with regard to Poland and France were identical, and on 27th July 1790 the Convention of Reichenbach was signed, by which Austria promised at once to make an armistice with the Turks, and eventually to conclude peace with them under the mediation of the Triple Alliance, while, on the other hand, the powers of the Triple Alliance guaranteed the restoration of the Austrian authority 88 European History, 1790- 1792 in Belgium. It was more privately arranged that Prussia should withdraw from encouraging discontent in Hungary and Belgium, and support Leopold's candidature for the Imperial throne. This great diplomatic victory did more than merely check the active enmity of Prussia ; it established the ascendency of Leopold over the weak mind of Frederick William; and it eventually, in May 1791, brought about, not indeed his actual dismissal from office, but the removal of Hertzberg, the sworn foe of Austria, from the charge of the foreign policy of Prussia. The first actual consequence of the Convention of Reich- enbach was the conclusion of an armistice between Austria and the Turks. The war had never been looked on with favour by Leopold, who regarded Joseph's infatuation for Leopold and the graudiosc schemes of Catherine of Russia as the Turks, absurd, and the dismemberment of Turkey as impracticable, and at the present time undesirable. He had not attempted to press matters against the Turks, and had withdrawn many of his best troops under Loudon from the seat of war to Bohemia to strengthen his position at Reichenbach. The Prince of Coburg, who succeeded Loudon, aided by an earthquake, took Orsova, and laid siege to Giur- gevo, but he was defeated in his camp after a severe battle on 8th July 1790. This defeat was only partially compensated by a victory won by Clerfayt, and by the capture of Zettin by General de Vins on 20th July. Under these circum- stances Leopold was not sorry to conclude an armistice for nine months at Giurgevo on 19th September. Shordy after- wards a congress of plenipotentiaries from Austria, Turkey, and the mediating powers met, as had been arranged at The Treaty Reichcnbach, at Sistova. The negotiations lasted of Sistova. for many months ; Leopold insisted on the cession 4th Aug. i79i.^y Turkey of Old Orsova and a district in Croatia, which would make the Danube and the Unna the boundary between Austria and Turkey ; Prussia at first strongly protested against any cession to Austria ; the congress even for a time Leopold croivned Emperor 89 broke up; and it was not until Leopold adroitly got Lucchesini, the Prussian envoy, on his side, that the important Treaty of Sistova upon the terms desired by Leopold was concluded on 4th August 1 791. By this treaty the hereditary dominions of the House of Hapsburg were relieved from the danger of foreign war ; the next result which Leopold drew from the Convention of Reichenbach was the re-establishment of the Austrian ascendency in Germany. Assured of the support of Prussia, Leopold travelled to the Rhine. On 30th September 1790 he was unanimously elected King of the Romans ; on 4th October he solemnly entered Frankfort, and on Leopold 9th October he was crowned Emperor. But it Emperor was not enough for him to be crowned Emperor ; gth Oct. 1790. he had to destroy the bad effect of his brother Joseph's attitude towards the Empire ; he had to become the real as well as the nominal head and leader of the German princes, and to win back the advantages which Prussia had secured by forming the League of Princes. The opportunity was afforded to him by the disinclination of the German princes, who owned territories in Alsace, Lorraine, and Franche Comte, to accept the com- pensation offered to them by the French Constituent Assembly. Their protests took the shape of a clause in the ' capitulation ' laid before him and accepted by him on his election as Emperor by which he promised to intervene on behalf of the Empire for the preservation of the rights, sanctioned by the Treaty of Westphalia, of the princes, whose interests were affected. Leopold thus seized this opportunity to pose as the head of the German Empire, and on 14th December 1790 he wrote a very strong letter to Louis xvi., in which he said : ' The territories in question have not been transferred to the kingdom of France ; they are subject to the suj)reinacy of the Emperor and the Empire : no member of the ICmpire has the right to transfer that supremacy to a foreign nation. It follows, therefore, that the decrees of the Assembly arc null and void so far as concerns the Empire and its members, go European History, 1790- 1792 and that everything ought to be replaced on the ancient footing.' 1 After being crowned Emperor at Frankfort, Leopold re- turned to Vienna and proceeded to establish his power firmly Leopold and i^^ Hungary. The discontent aroused in the most Hungary, backward part of his dominions by the Emperor Joseph's measures had not been appeased by that monarch's wholesale retractation, nor even by the return of the Crown of St. Stephen. The Hungarian nobles regarded Joseph's re- tractation as a sign of weakness, and, encouraged by the intrigues of Prussia and the difficulties in which Leopold was involved by the war with the Turks, resolved to obtain more sweeping concessions. The example of France exerted an influence even in Hungary, and the following sentences from a memorial,- presented to Leopold by the people of Pesth, might have been written by a Parisian popular society : ' From the rights of nations and of man, and from that social compact whence States arose, it is incontestable that sove- reignty originates from the people. This axiom our parent Nature has impressed on the hearts of all ; it is one of those which a just prince (and such we trust Your Majesty will ever be) cannot dispute ; it is one of those inalienable, imprescrip- tible rights which the people cannot forfeit by neglect or disuse. Our constitution places the sovereignty jointly in the king and people, in such a manner that the remedies necessary to be applied according to the ends of social life for the security of persons and property, are in the power of the people. We are sure, therefore, that at the meeting of the ensuing Diet, Your Majesty will not confine yourself to the objects mentioned in your rescript ; but will also restore our freedom to us, in like manner as to the Belgians, who have conquered theirs with the sword. It would be an example big with danger to teach the world that a people can only protect or regain their liberties by the sword, and not by ^ Sorel, V Europe et la Revolution Franqaist, vol. ii. p. 194, footnote. ^ Coxe's Hist, of House of Austria, ed. 1847, vol. iii. p. 552, footnote. L eopold and Hungary g i obedience.' The Hungarian Diet, which Leopold had summoned for the ceremony of his coronation, and to which the people of Pesth alluded in this remarkable address, was largely attended. The Hungarian nobility regarded its con- vocation as a further sign of weakness, for none had been held since the accession of Maria Theresa, and prepared an inaugural act or compact, which would have reduced the kings of Hungary to a similar position to that occupied by the kings of Poland. Full of confidence in themselves they even went so far as to send envoys, as has been mentioned, to the Congress of Reichenbach. Leopold, however, had no intention of yielding to these demands ; his only desire was to gain time until he had secured his position by diplomacy. Meanwhile he tried to stir up opposition in Hungary itself, by encouraging the other nationalities in the kingdom, such as the inhabitants of Croatia and the Banat. But when the Congress of Reichenbach was over, the armistice of Giurgevo concluded, and his coronation as Emperor performed, Leopold proceeded to deal with the Hungarians. He first ordered the army of 60,000 men, which he had concentrated in Bohemia to support his attitude against the Prussians, to Pesth, and then directed the Diet to remove to Presburg for his coro- nation as King of Hungary. He then declared that nothing would induce him to accept the proposed new constitu- tion, or to consent to an infringement of the Edict of Toleration, and that he would only consent to the terms of the inaugural acts of his grandfather, Charles vi., and his mother, Maria Theresa. The Hungarian nobles, Leopold overcome by his firmness and the presence of his crowned troops, yielded ; the Emperor appointed his fourth Hungary, son, the Archduke Leopold, to be Palatine of 15111 Nov. Hungary in the place of the late Prince Ester- '^^°' hazy ; and it was from him that he received the Crown of St. Stephen on 15th November, on the terms he had stipulated. Having gained this victory by his firmness, Leopold pro- ceeded to win popularity by a timely concession, and proposed 92 Enropean History, 1790- 1792 a law, obliging every future king to be crowned within six months of his accession. This concession was received with , the wildest enthusiasm, as it obviated the possibility of conduct resembling that of Joseph 11. ; the Diet granted the Emperor a gift of 225,000 florins instead of the usual 100,000 florins; and the disaffected attitude of the nobility was changed for one of hearty admiration and gratitude. The bourgeois of Pesth and their declarations were disavowed ; the echo of the French Revolution, which had been heard there, was quickly stifled ; and the Hungarian nobility, well contented with Leopold, dechned to encourage the popular aspirations. The difficulties which the Emperor Leopold encountered in Hungary were trifling to those which faced him in Belgium. But in this quarter time had worked for the House of Haps- burg, and when the Congress of Plenipotentiaries, arranged at the Congress of Reichenbach, met at the Hague in October 1791, the situation had entirely changed. The victory of the Belgian rebels in 1789 had been followed by internal dissen- Parties in sions, which appeared directly the new Constitu- Beigium. tion was proclaimed. The first difference was , between the Van der Nootists, or Statists, as they termed themselves, and the Vonckists. The latter, inspired by the j success of the French Revolution, advocated a thoroughly ' democratic constitution, and the organisation of a new elec- tive system of local administration, to the great disgust of the Statists, who desired simply the restoration of the old order of things, but with the central government controlled by elected assembly instead of being in the hands of the House of Hapsburg. Curiously enough popular feeling ran in a direc- tion very different from that followed in France. Influenced by the priests, the Belgian people, and more especially the mob of Brussels, were convinced that the Vonckists were atheists ; the democrats were attacked in the streets, maltreated and imprisoned ; the bourgeois National Guards refused to pro- tect them ; they were proscribed by Van der Noot and the party in power ; and after many riots and disturbances Vonck Affairs in Bclgiuvi 93 fled to France in April 1790. These events greatly weakened the Belgian Republic, for the democratic party, which had been energetic in the revolution, numbered in its ranks many of the ablest and most enlightened men in the country. But even more serious was the result abroad, for the National Assembly of France and Lafayette were surprised and disgusted at the persecution of the democrats, and the sympathy of the French people was entirely alienated from the Belgian leaders. Still more striking in its effect was the conduct of the Van der Nootists towards the gallant officer, Van der Mersch, who had commanded the patriot troops in the invasion of October 1789. Not satisfied with superseding him by the Prussian general, Schonfeld, the Van der Nootists had him arrested on a charge of disorganising the Belgian army and imiirisoncd at Antwerp, to the great wrath of the people of Flanders, of which province Van der Mersch was a native. The conquer- ing party was further divided. The nobility and clergy, headed by the Due d'Aremberg, were jealous of the ascend ency assumed by Van der Noot, and of the continued omnipotence of the Assembly at Brussels. Under these circumstances it was a significant fact that the Austrian troops in Luxembourg under the command of Marshal Bender were able with the help of the people themselves to occupy the province of Limburg. In October 1790 the Congress, which had been resolved on at Rcichenbach, met at the Hague. The Austrian pleni- potentiary was the Comte de Mercy-Argenteau, the most accomplished Austrian diplomatist and ambassador at Paris, and the representatives of England, Prussia, and congress at Holland were Lord Auckland, Count Keller, and the Hague, the Grand Pensionary Van der Spiegel. Leopold ^ ' ^^^°' now reaped the advantages of his skilful diplomacy at Reichenbach. England and Holland understood that the new Emperor was a very different man from his predecessor, and Prussia dared not act without them. As he had promised, Leopold solemnly announced his intention to restore all 94 European History, 1790- 1792 the charters, laws, and arrangements, which had existed in Belgium in the time of his mother, Maria Theresa, under the guarantee of the three powers, and further promised a general amnesty if his authority was recognised by 21st November. The Belgian States-General made no reply to Leopold, and the Emperor proceeded to concentrate 45,000 men under Bender in Luxembourg. Then the Belgian leaders applied to the Congress at the Hague for a prolongation of the armistice and the restoration of the state of government exist- ing in the time of Charles vi. and not in that of Maria Theresa. These demands were supported by the representatives of the Triple Alliance, but rejected by the Austrian ambassador. On 2 1 St November the Belgian States-General elected the Arch- duke Charles, the third son of the Emperor, to be hereditary Leopold Grand Duke, but the time had gone by for com- , reconquers promiscs, and ou the following day Bender entered e gium. Belgium. The experiences of a year of revolu- tion made the Belgian people not unwilling to return under the sway of Austria ; the cities surrendered without a blow, and on 2d December 1790 Brussels capitulated. Van der Noot fled with his chief friends, and Belgium was won back by Leopold as easily as it had been lost by Joseph. On 8th December the Comte de Mercy-Argenteau assented to the restoration of the liberties recognised in the inaugural act of Charles vi., but Leopold disavowed his ambassador and in- sisted on the authority possessed by Maria Theresa at the close of her reign. Under these circumstances the mediating powers refused their guarantee, a refusal which rather gratified the Emperor than otherwise, as it freed him from the fear of foreign interference. Not only in Belgium itself, but in the neighbouring bishopric of Liege also, Leopold established Austrian ascendency. The princes of the Circle of the Empire, which adjoined, were dissatisfied with the conduct of The Austrians Prussia and General Schliefifen, and appealed to at Liege, jj^g Emperor. He was only too glad to assert his authority; Schlieffen evacuated the territory; and on 13th The Treaty of Verela 95 January 1791 it was occupied by an Austrian force, which re-established the Prince-bishop in all his former authority. The entire reversal of Joseph's policy by Leopold, the arrangements made at Reichenbach, and the friendly attitude of the new Emperor towards the powers forming the Triple Alliance, deprived Russia of her only ally at a Russia and time when the Empress had on her hands two Sweden. exhausting wars with Sweden and Turkey. The former was the most serious. Gustavus iii., freed from the dangers of a Danish invasion, and by his coup d'etat from the formidable plots of his nobility, rejoined his army in Finland and prepared to carry on the war vigorously by land and sea. His army was too small to effect much in spite of his near approach to St. Petersburg, and his chief confidence was in his fleet. This fleet was soon blockaded in the Gulf of Vyborg by the Russian admiral, the Prince of Nassau-Siegen, one of the most famous soldiers of fortune of the century; an attempt it made to break out on 24th June 1790 was repulsed, and the Russians even hoped to force it to capitulate. But, to their surprise, the Swedes broke the blockade on the 3d July, though with a loss of 5000 men, and on 9th July won a great naval victory in Svenska Sound, in which the Russians lost 30 ships, 600 guns and 6000 men. But this victory led to no corresponding diplomatic result. Catherine, defeated though she was, made overtures in no humiliated spirit to the King of Sweden, and proposed to him that, instead of quarrelling with his neigh- bours, he should turn his attention to the state of affairs in France. The chivalrous and romantic king was not unwilling to listen to her suggestions ; he had, during a visit to Paris, been much impressed by Marie Antoinette, and was full of pity at the situation of the royal family of France and of dis- gust at the progress of the Revolution. He felt. Treaty of too, that the war with Russia was not popular Vereia. among his people, and on 14th August 1790 he A"b'4iIii79o. signed a treaty of peace at Verela, by which the status elgium, looked on Holland as an easy and particularly wealthy prey. He believed that by conquering I20 European History, 1790- 1792 Holland, France would have in her hands a means of forcing England to keep the peace. His views were supported by Danton, who was sent on mission to Dumouriez' headquar- ters. The contrary was the result. Pitt sincerely wished for peace, and was essentially a peace minister, but he had no idea of allowing the faithful ally of England, Holland, to be overrun and held to ransom by the French. The opening of the Scheldt had crowned the long series of French breaches of international law, and Pitt resented the assumption of the Convention that the law of nature, as interpreted by them- selves, was to take the place of the law of nations. Pitt's hand was also forced in two directions ; the philippics of Burke had roused the fears of English property-holders against the spread of French principles ; and George iii. was as anxious as any Continental monarch to preserve the dignity of kings. Pitt and his foreign minister, Grenville, gradually became convinced that the French meant to fight England, and that war was in- evitable, and Chauvelin, the French ambassador, was ordered to leave London. The French leaders were under a miscon- ception with regard to the spread of their ideas in England ; they knew that a large body of educated men sympathised with them, and expected a national democratic rising which should overthrow not only Pitt, but the English monarchy. They did not understand that an English parliamentary opposition, in spite of its words, is as staunchly loyal as the ministry, and that it would never foment or encourage insurrection. Under these circumstances and deluded by these misconceptions France declared war against England and Holland on ist February 1793. Many smaller nations entered on the fray. Sweden under the prudent government of the Regent Duke of Sudermania, Denmark under Christian vii. and Bernstorff, and Switzerland declared their neutrality. But Portugal, where the heir-apparent, afterwards King John vi., had become regent for his mother, Maria Francisca, who was insane; Tuscany, whose Grand Duke, Ferdinand, was a brother of the Emperor ; Naples, or rather the Two Sicilies, I Conquest of Poland 1 2 1 whose king was a Bourbon, and whose queen was a sister of Marie Antoinette, all declared war on the French Repubhc. Catherine of Russia wore mourning for Louis xvi. and invei'^hed on the wickedness of the French republicans, and proceeded to take advantage of the occupation of the rest of Europe in the affairs of France to prosecute her schemes on Poland. Last of all, the Holy Roman Empire, which had decreed the armament of the contingents of the circles, on 23d November 1792, after the news of the capture of Mayence, solemnly, and with all the circumlocution inseparable from the movement of the unwieldy machine, declared war against France on 22d March 1793. While regenerated France was at bay with nearly the whole of Europe, regenerated Poland was being conquered by a single power. While Europe pretended to fight Catherine France on behalf of the principle of monarchy, invades Catherine invaded Poland, because by the Con- stitution of 3d ]\Lay 1 791 it had strengthened its monarchy. France was attacked because it was asserted to be in a state of anarchy, Poland because it had by wise reforms tried to put an end to an historic system of constitutional anarchy. As soon as Catherine had made peace with the Turks at Jassy, and Austria and Prussia were engaged in war with France, she intervened to overthrow the new Polish Constitution. It was not difficult to find Polish nobles who resented the abrogation of the old system, and, under Catherine's encouragement, Branicki, Felix Potocki, and some others formed the Con- federation of Targovitsa, and protested against the abolition of the liberum veto and the reforms of 3d May 1791. They then asked Catherine to send a Russian army to their assist- ance. She willingly complied, and on i8th May 1792 pub- lished a manifesto, stating that she was the guarantor of the ancient Polish Constitution, and stigmatising the reformers of 1 79 1 as Jacobins. Suvorov at once entered Poland nt the head of 80,000 Russians and 20,000 Cossacks, and by force of numbers defeated the Polish army under Joseph 122 European History, 1790- 1792 Poniatowski at Zielence on i8th June 1792, and under Kosciuszko at Dubienka on 17th July. These defeats caused the reformers of 1791, including Kollontai and Kosciuszko, to go into exile ; their place at the Diet was taken by the leaders of the Confederation of Targovitsa, and the Constitution of 3d May 1 791 was abrogated. The conquest of the Polish patriots by Russia greatly excited the King of Prussia and the Emperor, and was one of the causes which induced Frederick William to order Brunswick to retreat after his trifling check at Valmy. The Polish patriots appealed to Prussia for help under the terms of the alliance of 1790, but the King only answered that he had not recognised the Constitution of 3d May 1 791, and that the Polish leaders were Jacobins and imitators and allies of the French revolutionary leaders. A Prussian army, therefore, entered Poland to co-operate with Second par- the Russians and to share the spoil. A treaty of tition of partition was signed by Catherine and Frederick 24th Sept. William on 4th January 1793, by which Russia 1793- was to annex eastern Poland, including the whole of Minsk, Podolia, Volhynia, and Little Russia, and Prussia was to have Posen, Gnezen, Kalisch, and the cities of Dantzic and Thorn. Austria was too hotly engaged in the war with France to be able to claim a share, but the conduct of Prussia at this time in excluding her from the partition of Poland was never forgotten nor forgiven, and increased the hereditary feel- ing of distrust between the two powers. The Emperor Francis regarded himself as duped, and Prussia by acting alone broke the solemn engagements entered into with Leopold, and commenced the policy which was to end in the conclusion of the Treaty of Basle with the French Republic. Though the second partition of Poland was agreed upon in 1792, it was not consummated until the following year. A Diet was called at Grodno, and there, in the presence of the Russian soldiers, Stanislas Poniatowski and the Diet consented in silence, on 24th September 1793, to the arrangements made between Russia and Prussia. On i6th October Catherine signed a Contrast betzvccn France and Poland 123 treaty, guaranteeing the liberty of Poland, that is, the abuses of the old Constitution, which were certain to give Russia the opportunity of finishing the work of blotting out the Poles as an independent nationality from the map of Europe. The close of the year 1792 thus witnessed at the same time the overthrow of Poland and France in arms against foreign aggression. Each country was to make a violent effort for independence. The French were to be successful, because under the influence of personal and political freedom every Frenchman felt it his duty to resist foreign interference; Poland was to fail, because it was not the Polish people, but only the enlightened Polish nobles and bourgeois, who appreciated the situation,* CHAPTER IV 1793-1795 France at War with Europe— Altered Character of the War — The RevoUi- tionary Propaganda — First Campaign of 1793— Battle of Neerwinden — Desertion of Dumouriez — Creation of the Committee of Public Safety — Insurrection in La Vendue — Creation of the Revolutionary Tribunal — Struggle between the Girondins and the Mountain — Overthrow of the Girondins — Second Campaign of 1793 — Loss of Valenciennes and May- ence — Civil War in France — Royalist and Federalist Risings — Loss of Toulon — Constitution of 1793 — The work of the first Committee of Public Safety — The Great Committee of Public Safety — Growth of its Power — Position of Robespierre — The Reign of Terror— The Committee of General Security, the Deputies on Mission, the Revolutionary Tribunal, the Laws of the Suspects and the Maximum — Results of the Terror — Battles of Hondschoten, Wattignies, and the Geisberg — Rehef of Mau- beuge — Recovery of Lyons and Toulon — Fall of the Hebertists and the Dantonists — Campaign of 1794 — Battles of Fleurus, Kaiserslautern, and ist June 1794 — Fall of Robespierre — Rule of the Thermidorians : First Phase : the Survivors of the Mountain — Conquest of Holland— The Batavian Republic — Successes on the Rhine, in Savoy, Italy, and Spain — Insurrection in Poland — The Campaign of Kosciuszko — Third and Final Partition of Poland — Contrast between the Polish and French Revolutions — Its Causes — Change in the Attitude of the Continental Powers to the French Republic — Rule of the Thermidorians : Second Phase : the Survivors of the Girondins and Deputies of the Centre — Insurrections of 12th Germinal and ist Prairial in Paris — The Constitu- tion of the Year in. (1795) — The Treaties of Basle — France again enters the Comity of Nations. The first months of 1793 found France at war with Europe. ThouLfh such minor states as Denmark and France at ^ War with Sweden and Venice declared their neutrality, they Europe. manifested no desire to assist the French Republic, and their neutrality was but of slight service. It was other- The Revolutionary Propaganda 125 wise with the neutrality of Switzerland. The Swiss cantons had nearly been drawn into the general war by the support given to the revolutionary party in the Republic of Geneva by the French ministry, which included among its members Claviere, a Genevese exile. The canton of Berne went so far as to occupy the city of Geneva, and it was only by the exercise of much diplomatic skill that open war was avoided. The neutrality of Switzerland made the land blockade of the French Republic of no avail. Through secret agents in Switzerland, arms, provisions, and necessaries were obtained from Southern Germany, and diplomatic relations were main- tained with the democrats residing in the states of the belli- gerent powers. The declaration of war by the Holy Roman Empire completed the armed opposition of the greater countries of Europe against France. Of these countries Russia alone sent no army or fleet against the Republic, and Catherine satisfied herself with stating that she was engaged in conquering Jacobins in Poland. The character of the war in 1793 differed from that waged in 1792. In 1792 France was invaded on behalf of Louis xvi., and the fighting was carried on according to the principles which had existed in the eighteenth century. But in 1793 the powers were at war with France for a different and more far- reaching reason. The revolutionary propaganda, that is, the idea consecrated in the decree of the Convention on the 19th of November 1792, that France was to spread among all countries the new doctrines of liberty, equality, ^ng^^j ^j,^^. and fraternity, vitally affected every government acterofthe in Europe. England in particular, which had '^^'■• studiously kept aloof while the Revolution was pursuing its course at home, only felt obliged to interfere when the new rulers of France announced their intention of disregarding all principles of international law, and of converting other nations to their doctrines. It was this common opposition to the revolutionary propaganda which united the powers of Europe against France in 1793. England made herself the paymaster 126 European History, 1793-1795 of the coalition. She lavished money freely, not only in sub- sidies to Prussia and Austria, but to less important countries, such as Spain and Sardinia. With this community of aim necessarily came a community of action. The war against France became a matter of principle and not of intrigue. This new attitude was marked by changes of ministry both in Prussia and in Austria. The failure of the invasion of 1792 disgusted Frederick William 11. with his advisers. The Duke of Brunswick fell into open disgrace, and Schulemburg, the foreign minister, made way for Haugwitz. At Vienna, Count Philip Cobenzl, the Vice-Chancellor of State, who had man- aged foreign affairs owing to the old age of Kaunitz, was dismissed, and his place was taken by Thugut, a man of low origin, whose sole political object was the humiliation of France, and his guiding principle a horror of French prin- ciples. Even in the secondary states similar ministerial changes took place, of which the most remarkable was the dismissal of Aranda in Spain, who was succeeded in power by Godoy, the Queen's lover. The first result of the formation of the coalition was a deter- mined attack upon Dumouriez' position in Belgium, That First Cam- general had hitherto not despaired of detaching paignofi793. Prussia from Austria, but the execution of Louis XVI. destroyed his last hope. Both Prussia and England de- clined to listen to his lavish promises; his army had wasted away while in winter quarters ; the first volunteers returned to their homes in thousands when France was freed from the invaders ; the troops he retained were deprived of all necessaries by the disorganisation of the French War Office ; and the people of Belgium, finding that their country was annexed to the French Republic, in spite of their patriotic desire for independence, showed their hostility in every way, and harassed instead of aiding the French troops. Under these circumstances, Dumouriez' invasion of Holland failed, as it was certain to fail. His right wing, which was besieging Maestricht under the command of General Miranda, was defeated by the Desertion of Diunouriez 127 Austrians under the command of the Prince of Coburg, and he had to withdraw his advanced divisions, for fear of being cut off from France. He was rapidly pursued. An English army, under the Duke of York, joined the Austrians, under the Prince of Coburg, and Dumouriez was utterly defeated by the allies at Neervvinden on the 21st March 1793. Battle of The defeat became a rout, and the French were ^^ March"' driven from Belgium as speedily as they had con- 1793- quered it. Dumouriez then made a fruitless effort to lead his army against the Convention. He arrested four deputies and the Minister for War who had been sent to suspend him from his command, but, finding that his army would not follow him, he deserted to the Austrians on the 5th April. The effect of Dumouriez' reverses, and, finally, of his deser- tion, on the temper of the Convention was most striking. The enthusiasts who believed in the inauguration of a Effect on the new era, who boasted that free Frenchmen, even convention, without arms and discipline, would be able to defeat all foreign armies, and who considered that the career of the Rei)ublic was certain to be one of victory, were rudely awakened. The need of the creation of a strong government was forced upon the attention of the Convention. Danton, recurring to the views of Mirabeau, proposed that a new ministry should be chosen from among the members of the Legislature. But the republicans had the same horror of the power of the executive as the constitutionalists, and Danton's motion was rejected. Nevertheless, it was quite impossible that an unwieldy assembly and a discredited ministry could defend France with any degree of success. As early as January 1793, a Committee of General Defence had been elected by the principal committees of the Conven- tion ; this was replaced, on the news of the defeat at Neer- vvinden, by a Committee of General Defence of twenty-five members chosen directly by the Convention; this was still too unwieldy, and on the news of the desertion of Dumouriez, the first Committee of Public Safely of nine members, \ 128 European History, 1793- 1795 exercising supreme executive authority, was appointed. But the question was, how was the Committee to be The Commit- ^ • u- tee of Public enabled to rule. Its first duty was to raise soldiers Safety. j.^ j^^^g,. ^^^ enemies upon every frontier. For this purpose eighty-two deputies of the Convention were sent through France, two and two, to raise by volunteering where possible, but by conscription if other measures failed, 300,000 men. This call for recruits caused disturbances in many parts of France ; in La Vendue it started civil war. It was to protest against the conscription, and not to defend the Church or the Insurrection mobility, that the people of La Vendee rose in in- in La Vendee, surrection. But the leadership of the movement, ^^^■^' which had at first been taken by gamekeepers and postillions, was speedily assumed by members of the ancient French clergy and nobility. Cohesion was thus given to the insurgents, and a large and important district in the west of France maintained for a time a successful opposition to the decrees of the Convention. But the reverses and desertion of Dumouriez not only caused, for the first time in the history of the Revolution, the creation of a real executive, it caused also the forging of the weapons by which that executive was in the future to establish the Reign of Terror. On 9th March the Revolutionary Tribunal of Paris was established. Its special object was the summary punishment of all enemies of the Revolution. On the 4th of April the Convention decreed that a maximum price of food should be fixed. Extended powers were granted to deputies sent on mission to the armies or to the departments ; and an army, consisting of the very poor, or sans ailottes, was proposed. While these measures, which did not take full effect for some months, were being debated, the Convention was torn by the opposition between the Girondins and the deputies of the Mountain. The details of the struggle are not important. The arguments used by the Girondins were that their enemies were responsible for the massacres of September in the prisons, that they were under the influence of the Commune Overthrow of tJie Girondins 129 of Paris, and that they encouraged anarchy. The Mountain, on their side, alleged that the Girondins were concealed royalists, because they had voted against the execution of Louis XVI., that they were federalists, who desired to destroy the unity of the Republic, and that they preferred a weak to a strong government. The struggle was mainly carried on in the tribune of the Convention ; Robespierre attacked Brissot, Vergniaud, and Guadet, and these orators replied by attacking Robespierre and Danton. The latter for a time endeavoured to avoid breaking with the Girondins, but he was so violently impeached for his conduct while on mission in Belgium, and accused of being an accomplice of Dumouriez, that in self-defence he was forced to take up the gauntlet. He had been elected to the first Committee of Public Safety, and though his constitutional indolence prevented him from becoming its most important member, he shared with Cambon, the financier, the chief responsibility of the new method of government. Meanwhile, worse news kept coming from every frontier. It was felt to be both injudicious and unpatriotic for the Convention to be occupied in personal squabbles when the fate of France was in the balance. The Commune of Paris decided to intervene. The deputies who sat in the Plain, or Centre of the Convention, were more influenced by the eloquence of the Girondins than by the energy of the Mountain, and it was with regret that they felt obliged to yield to the Commune of Paris. On the 31st May 1793, regular troops and national guards, under the direction of Hanriot, the commander of the the Girondins. National Guard of Paris, surrounded the Tuileries, ^'^ J""^ 1793. to which the Convention had removed on the loth May, and the Commune demanded that the leading Girondins should be expelled from the Convention, and sent for trial before the Revolutionary Tribunal. The coup d'e/at was completed on the 2d June, when these demands were complied with, and from that date the Girondins as a political party in the Convention ceased to exist. PERIOD VII. I 130 European History, 1793- 1795 The desertion of Dumouriez left the way clear for the Second Cam- Austriaiis and English to invade France. They paignofi793. advanced slowly and did not attempt, like the Duke of Brunswick in the previous year, to mask the frontier fortresses and move straight upon Paris. On 24th May the French camp at Famars was stormed; on 12th July Conde, on 28th July Valenciennes, were taken after making an obstinate resistance, and the allies were thus firmly established in France. Then, fortunately for the Convention, the allied commanders-in-chief quarrelled. The Duke of York, acting under the orders of the English ministry, besieged Dunkirk, which port he desired to hold for the disembarkation of supplies. The Prince of Coburg, with the Austrians, refused to assist in the siege of Dunkirk, and invested Le Quesnoy. Further south the Prussians captured Mayence on the 2 2d of July, and a mixed army of Austrians and troops of the Empire under Wiirmser forced their way into Alsace. At both ends of the Pyrenees Spanish armies invaded the French Republic. In the eastern Pyrenees nearly the whole of Roussillon was conquered, and in the western Pyrenees the passage of the Bidassoa was forced. These repeated reverses in so many quarters did not destroy the courage of the Convention or of the French people, but they proved that hastily raised un- disciplined masses can never be a match for trained soldiers. The successes of Dumouriez and Custine had been as much the result of accident and of the hearty reception given to them by the natives of the districts they invaded as of talent and bravery, but the first defeats showed how thoroughly the pohcy of the Constituent Assembly had sapped the discipline of the French army. To add to the dangers which threatened France during the Civil war in summcr of 1793, civil war in many quarters re- France, doubled the perils caused by the foreign invasion. The war in La Vendee increased in magnitude almost daily, and the soldiers of the Republic were frequently defeated by the hardy peasants who fought in guerilla fashion among their Civil War in France 131 woods and marshes. Throughout Brittany and in the moun- tains of Auvergne similar movements took place, generally guided by priests and country gentlemen ; but except in La Vende'e there was no serious royalist manifestation. But the expulsion of the Girondins from the Convention had given rise to another movement of even greater importance. The insurrections in La Vendee and similar risings in country or mountain districts were the work of ignorant peasants ; the movement in favour of the Girondins was headed by wealthy and intelligent cities. The news of the cotip d'etat of the 2d of June was received with consternation in most of the chief cities of France. Girondin journals had long preached the wickedness of the Commune of Paris, and that the leaders of the Mountain were either anarchists or ambitious men aiming at power. These words now had their effect. Several of the deputies proscribed on the 2d of June escaped into the pro- vinces, and a group of them, collected at Caen in Normandy, endeavoured to organise an army against the Convention. Other cities followed the example. Marseilles arrested the representatives on mission ; Bordeaux refused to receive the deputies sent to it ; Lyons started a counter-revolution and executed Chalier, the leader of the local democratic party ; and several cities agreed to send detachments of local troops to form a central army against the Convention at Bourges. For a few days matters looked most threatening for the victorious members of the Mountain, but they were well served by the deputies on mission. The Norman army was easily defeated at Pacy on the 13th of July ; Bordeaux and Marseilles quickly submitted, and Lyons was invested. But the success of the Mountain was due to something more than the vigour of its representatives in the provinces. The general sentiment in France was that the conduct of the Girondins in causing civil war showed the very excess of want of patriotism ; even if the Commune of Paris had done wrong in interfering with the Convention, the Girondins had behaved worse in attempting to rouse the provinces, and owing to this sentiment many depart- 132 European History, 1793- 1/95 merits and many cities speedily repented of the encouragement they had given to the Girondin designs, and withdrew their sup- port to the proposed concentration of local troops at Bourges. The deputies of the Mountain met the unparalleled dangers / The constitu- of foreign and civil war with undaunted courage. tionofi793. Their first measure was to draw up with extreme I rapidity a republican constitution, which is known as the ! Constitution of 1793. As it never came into effect, the details I of this proposed system of government need not be described. But the fact that it was drawn up, promulgated, and sent before the primary assembhes of the people, deprived the Girondin insurgents of one of their chief weapons. They had asserted that the Mountain admired anarchy and wished to retain power for the Convention and themselves. To these allega- tions the issue of the Constitution of 1793 was an adequate • reply. But it was quite impossible, according to the leaders of the Mountain, for the Convention to let go of the reins of power. A general election at such a time would but increase the difficulty of the situation. So, while declaring the existence of the new Constitution, it deferred putting it into effect, and strengthened the authority of its new executive, the Committee The work of of Public Safety. The advantages to be derived the first Com- ^^.^^^ ^^ concentration of authority in a few hands Public Safety, became quite clear to the Convention after the expulsion of the Girondins. It may be doubted whether the distinguished orators who directed Girondin opinion, from their constant apprehension of the dangers of a strong executive to individual liberty, would ever have perceived them. The existence of the Committee made it possible for representatives on mission and other agents of government to have a central authority on which to rely. It was the Committee which directed the short campaign in Normandy which overthrew the most promising movement of the escaped Girondin deputies ; it was the prudence of a member of the Committee, Robert Lindet, which pacified Normandy, after the victory had been won, by ruthlessly tracking down the ringleaders The Cojiunittec of Public Safety 133 and generously sparing those who had been led away ; it was the Committee which first attempted to re-establish discipline in the armies and to supply them with provisions and munitions of war; and it was on the motion of the most important member of the first Committee, Danton, that the fatal decree of the 19th of November, which consecrated the revolutionary propaganda, and gave good reason for the continued opposi- tion of foreign powers, was repealed. This good work in all directions showed the members of the Convention that they were acting in the right direction. On loth July 1793 the first Committee was dissolved on the motion of Camille Desmoulins, but a new Committee with similar powers was at once elected. This Committee, which may be called the Great Committee of Public ^^^ ^^.^^^ Safety, remained in power for more than a year. Committee of Danton was not a member of it, partly because he " '•= * ^*y- believed he could do better work outside, partly because of his dislike of continued labour; Cambon also was not re-elected, preferring to confine himself to the charge of the finances of tlie Republic as the principal member of the Financial Com- mittee. The nine members originally elected in July were Barere, who acted as reporter throughout its tenure of office, and was therefore in some respects the most important of them all ; Jean Bon Saint- Andre, who took charge of naval matters ; Prieur of the Marne and Robert Lindet, whose main duties were to provide for the feeding of the armies ; Herault de Sechelles, the chief author of the Constitution of 1793, who busied himself with foreign affairs ; Couthon, Saint-Just, Gasparin, and Thuriot. Robespierre entered the Committee in the place of Gasparin on the 27th of July; Carnot and Prieur of the Cote-d'Or were added on the 14th of August to superintend the military operations on the frontiers; Billaud- Varenne and Collot-d'Herbois were added on September the 6th to establish the Reign of Terror ; and on the 20th of September Thuriot retired. The steps in the growth of the supremacy of this second Committee of Public Safety are 134 European History, 1793" 1/95 significant. On the ist of August 1793 Barere read his first report to the Convention. In it he proposed the most energetic, not to say sanguinary, measures. The war was to be carried on with the utmost energy ; La Vendee was to be destroyed ; and Marie Antoinette was to be sent for trial before the Revolutionary Tribunal. On the same day Danton pro- posed that the Committee should be formally recognised as a provisional government, and that the ministers should be directed to act as its subordinates. This motion was not ^ carried, but the entire control over the resources of France, and the lives of Frenchmen, which Danton contemplated, was secured without the passing of a formal decree. The Con- vention seems to have been very glad to rid itself of the work of government. It accepted without a murmur every measure proposed by the Committee of Public Safety ; it re-elected the members month after month ; it threw all responsibility upon them and registered all the decrees they proposed. As has been said, it definitely gave them the charge of the military \operations by the election of Carnot and Prieur of the Cote- i'Or, and it established the unity of their internal administra- ;ion by the election of Billaud-Varenne and Collot-d'Herbois. The rule of the second or Great Committee of Public / The Position Safety is generally known as the Reign of Terror. / of Robes- The Committee itself divided the chief functions I P"^"^" of government among its members. The special I functions of all, except those of Robespierre, Couthon, and Saint-Just, have been already noticed. Robespierre was the only one amongst them who had any reputation outside, or indeed within, the walls of the Convention. His conduct dur- ing the session of the Constituent Assembly, his clear-sighted opposition to the war with Austria, his sagacious views on the subject of the treatment of the King, his war against the Girondin federalists, his oratorical talent, and above all his reputation for being absolutely incorruptible and sincerely patriotic, made him the man of mark among the Committee. He was well aware of the importance of his position. His Position of Robespierre 135 colleagues on the Committee used him as their figure-head to represent them on great occasions, and he made it his busi- ness to lay down the general principles which underlay the system of revolutionary government — that is, of the Reign of Terror. But though to the Convention and to France at large Robespierre was the most conspicuous member of the Committee of Public Safety, he really exercised but very slight influence on the actual work of government. He had no department of the State given into his charge ; he had not the necessary fluency or facility to take Barere's place as ordinary reporter ; he was not on terms of friendship with the majority of his fellow-workers ; he was made use of, but was neither trusted nor liked by the real governors of France. It was to their benefit that the system of the solidarity of the Committee was established, which gave to all their measures the sanction of Robespierre's great reputation for incorrupti- bility and patriotism. The majority of the Committee had no positive views on government; they tried to do the work which lay to their hands in the best way they could ; Robes- pierre alone hoped to evolve out of the Reign of Terror a new system of republican government. His only real friends in the Committee were the two men least suited to give him effectual help, for Couthon was a cripple, and unable to attend with the necessary assiduity, and Saint-Just was but five-and- twenty, the youngest of the Committee, and was generally absent from Paris on special missions. The system by which the Great Committee of Public Safety regulated the Reign of Terror was based The Reign of upon two important institutions. The first of Terror, these was the Committee of General Security which sat at Paris, and was elected from the members of the Convention, and which exercised general police control over all France. On great occasions its members sat with the committee Committee of Public Safety as a Committee of of General Government, but its special functions were to deal ^'=""*y- with men, while the Committee of Public Safety dealt with 136 Etiropean History, 1793-1795 measures. Danton, who was the principal creator of the supremacy of the Great Committee of Public Safety— though he himself refused to join it— saw the importance of subordi- nating in fact, if not in name, the Committee of General Security to the Committee of Public Safety. On nth Sep- tember 1793 a Committee of General Security had been elected, containing certain deputies of independent character, and Danton, fearing a rivalry would arise between the two Committees, at once obtained its dissolution, and secured, on September the 14th, the election of a Committee of General Security which would act in harmony with the great Com- mittee. The members elected at this time were with but few exceptions re-elected every month. The second instrument by which the Great Committee ruled Deputies on wcre the deputies on mission. The practice of Mission, sending deputies on special missions originated in August 1792. It had grown in importance, and the deputies proved their value in their vigorous suppression of the Girondin movement in the provinces in the summer of 1793. The power of deputies on mission was more than once specifically declared to be unlimited. On grounds of public safety they were not only permitted, but were ordered, to alter the com- position of local authorities, whether municipal or depart- mental. They had full powers to arrest and to make requisi- tions. They were consistently supported by the Committee of Public Safety sitting at Paris, and the greatest latitude was given to them in administering the local government. As long as they preserved the peace and sent up plenty of supplies of money, and, when demanded, of recruits to Paris, their methods of government were not minutely inquired into. Besides the deputies on mission employed in the internal administration, another important body of similar representa- tives were kept at the headquarters of the different armies. These deputies likewise had unlimited authority. They could arrest even generals-in-chief at their absolute will ; they could degrade officers of any rank 3 they could interfere with The Reign of Terror 137 military operations ; and could overrule the orders of a general in the field. The Committee of General Security and the deputies on mission ruled by means of inspiring terror. This terror was based on the existence of the Revolutionary Tribunal in Paris, and of its imitations termed revolutionary or military commissions in the provinces, and the armies. The Revolutionary Tribunal took cognisance of all political offences, and its sentence was almost invariably death. Nearly every Frenchman or Frenchwoman could be brought within the net of the Revolutionary Tribunal by the Law of the Suspects. By this law, which was most carefully drafted by Law of the Merlin of Douai, any one who for any reason could Suspects, be suspected of disliking the new state of affairs could be arrested. All relatives of emigres or of noblemen came into this category as well as all former functionaries and officials of whatever sort. But since the Law of the Suspects was not sufficiently wide to impress the ordinary bourgeois, more espe- cially the petty bourgeois, with terror, a new weapon was forged in the Law of the Maximum. This law was Law of the put into operation in September 1793. The laws Maximum, of political economy could not be seriously affected by such a measure as the Law of the Maximum, which fixed maximum l)rices at which all articles of prime necessity were to be sold. Such a law was certain to be evaded ; but its existence, and the fact that evasions of the Law of the Maximum brought the offender under the Revolutionary Tribunal, was enough to establish the Reign of Terror over the petty bourgeois. There were other means for extending the system which need not here be particularised, such as the necessity of every person carrying a card with him giving a full history of his conduct during the Revolution, the encouragement of denunciations by the bestowal of rewards, and similar precau- tions. The Revolutionary Tribunal was provided witli victims under these measures by the Committee of General Security, and by the numerous little Revolutionary Committees sitting in every section of Paris, and in every city, district, and village 138 European History, 1793-1795 throughout France. The Revolutionary Committees consisted of tried Jacobins, and were in the provinces appointed by the deputies on mission. They were frequently purified by the expulsion of any member who gave evidence of moderate opinions. The Revolutionary Committees filled the prisons — it was the business of the Revolutionary Tribunal to empty them. This it did with much expedition. The death sen- tences of the Revolutionary Tribunal of Paris, which only averaged three a week from April to September 1793, aver- aged thirty-two a week from September 1793 to June 1794, and 196 a week in June and July 1794. This increase was very gradual ; it became an established system to send batches of victims to the guillotine every day ; and the numbers in these batches increased steadily. The Committee of Public Safety, through its agent, the Committee of General Security, did not much care who were executed as long as a consider- able number went to the scaffold every day. Exceptions to this rule are, however, to be noted in the executions of Marie Antoinette on i6th October 1793, of twenty-one Girondins on 31st October, of certain generals, such as Custine, Houchard, and Biron, and of the Duke of Orleans and j Bailly, which intimidated courtiers, deputies, generals, and exrConstituants. - This system of terror was not suddenly evolved — it was the j result of gradual growth. The two men mainly responsible I for systematising it and carrying it into effect were Billaud- j Varenne and CoUot-d'Herbois, who were specially added to j the Committee of Public Safety to superintend the internal I administration of France. On loth October 1793, on the i motion of Saint-Just, the Constitution of 1793 was declared j suspended, and revolutionary government, that is, the Reign of Terror, was ordered to continue until a general peace. On loth December Billaud- Varenne read a report which defined the system, of which the most important clause was the sub- stitution of national agents nominated by the government, — that is, by the deputies on mission, — to take the place of the Capture of Toulon 1 39 elected procureurs-syndics of the districts. The Reign of Terror in the provinces varied greatly. Some proconsuls, such as Carrier at Nantes and Le Bon at Arras, carried out their government in the most bloodthirsty fashion, but the 'Noyades,' or drowning of prisoners wholesale at Nantes, must not be regarded as typical of the terror in the provinces. Many proconsuls, such as Andre Dumont, contented them- selves with threats, and while filling their prisons with suspects declined to empty them by means of the guillotine. Other proconsuls, such as Bernard of Saintes, preferred to send an occasional batch of prisoners to Paris to having a revolutionary tribunal of their own ; but in every case except those of Carrier and Javogues, which were too atrocious to be passed over, the Committee of Public Safety gave its agents in the provinces a free hand to rule as they would so long as they maintained internal tranquillity and passive obedience to the decrees of the revolutionary government. While the government of the Committee of Public Safely was being organised at Paris and in the provinces, Results of disasters succeeded each other with rapidity both the Terror, on the frontiers and in the interior of France. The Prussians, after the capture of Mayence, only advanced a short distance into France ; but the Austrians made steady progress in the north-east in conjunction with the English, and, under Wiirmser, penetrated Alsace and stormed the lines of Wisscmbourg. The Comte d'Artois avowed his intention to place himself at the head of the insurgents in La Vendee, at Lyons, and in the mountains of Auvergne. The English also promised to send armed assist- ance in every direction. But the younger brother of Louis xvi. thought it enough to make promises — he did absolutely nothing to fulfil them. The English on their part confined themselves to one important operation. They had on the outbreak of war despatched a fleet to the Mediterranean under the command of Lord Hood, and on the 4th of August 1793 the insur- gents at Toulon, in the course of their opposition to the Con- vention, surrendered their city to the allied English and Spanish 140 European History, \'jc)yi'/g$ fleets. In Lyons the same progress of opposition was to be observed. The original insurgents had professed federalist opinions, but when the Convention sent an army against them open royalists took the place of the federalists. The vigorous action of the new government soon freed the French Republic from its foreign and internal foes. Carnot, on taking charge of military measures, saw that the only means of defeating the invaders was to take advantage of the numbers of his soldiers and to act in masses. Acting on this policy General Houchard Battles of raiscd the siege of Dunkirk and defeated the Eng- Hondschotcn jj^^ ^^^ Hanovcrians in the battle of Hondschoten and vvat- tignies. 1793. (8th September). In spite of his victory Houchard was disgraced for not following it up with vigour. Jourdan, his successor, carrying out the same policy, concentrated his army against the Austrian s, raised the siege of Maubeuge, and de- feated the Austrians at Wattignies (i6th October). These victories did not drive the Anglo-Austrian army out of France, but they stopped the progress of the allies and caused them to stand upon the defensive. Farther south the same vigour was displayed. Saint-Just restored discipline in the armies of the Rhine and the Moselle. Hoche, at the head of the latter, won the victory of the Geisberg (25th September) over the Austrians and Prussians, while Pichegru, at the head of the Army of the Rhine, relieved Landau and drove Wiirmser across the Rhine. Almost at the same time a powerful army, of which the best regiments were the former garrison of Valenciennes, captured Lyons on the 9th of October, and on the i8th of December Toulon was retaken by an army under the command of General Dugommier. It was at the siege of Toulon that Napoleon Bonaparte first made himself conspicuous and won the rank of general of brigade. The republican armies were equally successful against the Spaniards. The Army of the Eastern Pyrenees, under D'Aoust, recovered Roussillon, while that of the Western Pyrenees, under Miiller, drove the Spaniards across the Bidassoa. In La Vendee equal success was achieved. The former garrison of Mayence, which was composed of opposition to the Committee 141 excellent soldiers who had gained experience and discipline from their long resistance to the Prussians, destroyed the Vendean armies, and the insurrection of the province was severely punished by Carrier at Nantes and by the infernal columns which, under General Turreau, were directed to devastate the country. These repeated successes in every quarter reconciled the French people to the hideous regime of the Reign of Terror. Its despotism was excused because of its success, and its absolute authority reluctantly submitted to as a neces- sary evil. At Paris the supremacy of the Committee of Public Safety l\ and the Reign of Terror met with opposition in Fan of the two distinct quarters. On the one hand the ^^^bertists /-I r -n ■ 1 ■ 1 - ^^^ Danton- Commune of Pans, which was prmcipally in- ists. fluenced by the Procureur-Syndic, Chaumette, and his sub- stitute, Hebert, soon began to resent the loss of its former authority. The Commune had actually carried out the coup d'etat which overthrew the Girondins, and had expected to reap the chief advantage for itself. In order to form a party it demanded that the revolutionary government should cease and that the Constitution of 1793 should be put into force. But this cry did not raise a sufficiently powerful support. The leaders of the Commune, therefore, allied them- selves with the most extreme democratic party, which met generally at the Cordeliers Club. This extreme party professed absolutely atheistic principles. It proclaimed the Worship of Reason ; it celebrated that worship with orgies in the cathedral of Notre Dame; it induced Gobel, Bishop of Paris, to resi^-n his see; it carried its opposition to Christianity to an extreme ; and started a system of persecution against the Christian religion. In home politics it did not defend the socialistic notions which had found some currency in Paris but it nevertheless declared itself the party of the sans culottes, and denounced all rich men and bourgeois as selfish egotists and enemies of the people. In foreign policy it adopted tlie doctrines of the revolutionary propaganda and declared it the 142 European History, 1 793-1 795 destiny of France to destroy ail tyrants. Tlie Committee of Public Safety, as soon as its power was iirmly organised, resolved to overthrow this party of opposition by striking at its leaders. Robespierre attacked them in the Jacobin Club, and caused them to be excluded as atheists and enemies of all government ; Danton denounced the Worship of Reason as a disgraceful masquerade ; Camille Desmoulins exhausted his \esources of eloquence and sarcasm to hold them and their doctrines up to reprobation in the Vieux Cordelier. As soon as the extreme party, which is commonly called the Hebertist party, after its most conspicuous leader Hebert, the editor of the Pere Duchesfie, was thoroughly discredited, the Com- mittee of Public Safety struck. On 24th Ventose (14th March 1794) Hebert and his principal supporters were arrested on the report of ^aint-Just. They were at once sent for trial before'the Revolutionary Tribunal, and on 4th Germinal (24th March) they were guillotined. The Hebertists fell because they opposed the despotism of the new government. The Dantonists, who followed them to the guillotine, fell because they believed the Reign of Terror to be carried too far. Danton had done more than any man to bring about the supremacy of the Great Committee of Public Safety. Convinced as he was that only a strong executive could possibly disentangle France from the dangers which l)eset her on every side, he had consistently advocated the creation of a strong government. Though not himself a member of the Great Committee, he had believed it to be his duty to support its power on every possible occasion. He had not only been the chief author of its supremacy, but the principal creator of the system by which it ruled. But he began to believe, in the beginning of the year 1794, that the Reign of Terror was being too stringently exercised. He was quite in accord with Billaud-Varenne and Collot-d'Herbois in considering it necessary to frighten the people of France into acquiescence with the new order of things, but he did not consider that it was necessary to shed so much blood to Execution of Danton 143 accomplish the work of fright. His friend Camille DesmouHns had in the Vieux Corddkr not only exposed the Hebertists, but had hinted at the need for mercy and the advantages of appointing a Committee of Mercy. The Great Committee of Public Safety was not only determined to maintain its autocratic power, but to defend its system of government. Danton's influence in the Convention was still sufficiently great to give the members of the Committee a cause for uneasiness. It therefore resolved, in order to stop all murmuring against the Reign of Terror, and to establish a reign of terror over the Convention itself, to make an example of the most vigorous patriot in France. On loth Germinal (30th March 1794) Danton, Camille Desmoulins, and their chief adherents were arrested, and on i6th Germinal (5th April 1794) the Dantonists followed the Hebertists to the guillotine. These two blows ensured the supremacy of the Committee of Public Safety and the continuance of the Reign of Terror. The Great Committee of Public Safety knew that its tenure of power rested on its successful conduct of the foreign war. Throughout the interior tranquillity prevailed Campaign except in La Vendee, where the sanguinary of 1794. measures adopted perpetuated a guerilla warfare. The Frencli troops were, in 1794, in a very different condition from that in which they had been left at the commencement of 1793. The measures of terror which pacified France had been in the army the cause of the restoration of discipline. Constant fighting had converted the men into efficient soldiers. Excellent officers had come to the front during the campaign, and, owing to the rapidity of promotion, most of the generals were young and energetic men. All that was best in France had gone to the front. There, and there alone, men who might have fallen under the terrible Law of the Suspects at home, were not only safe themselves, but by their presence in the ranks of the Republic protected their relatives. All the resources of France were laid at the disposal of her armies. The country became one vast arsenal. ']'he soldiers were 144 European History, 1793-1795 well fed, clothed, and armed, and the ablest administrators were employed in rendering them efificient. The result of this concentration of France upon the foreign war was success in every quarter. In the spring of 1 794 the various armies took I the offensive, the Army of the North, under Pichegru, marched by the northern line into Belgium, while a new army, after- wards called the Army of the Sambre-and-Meuse, which was formed out of the Army of the Ardennes, and a wing of the Army of the Moselle penetrated Belgium from the south. Before these two armies the English and Austrians fell back. They were rapidly pursued, and on the 26th of June 1794 Jourdan won the battle of Fleurus. This victory, Fieurus. like the victory of Jemmappes the year before, laid June 26, 1794. ]3£]gjmy| open to the French armies. Brussels was reoccupied ; the English and Dutch retired into Holland ; the Austrians fell back behind the Meuse. Meanwhile, the Army of the Moselle, under Rene Moreaux, stormed the Prussian position at Kaiserslautern, and with the Army of the Rhine drove the Austrians across that river. The Army of Italy, which had taken Toulon, also took the offensive, and de- feated the Piedmontese at Saorgio. Dugommier, with the Army of the Eastern Pyrenees, turned the tables on the Spaniards, and crossing the mountains penetrated into Cata- lonia, while the Army of the Western Pyrenees invaded Spain in that quarter, and threatened San Sebastian. The only checks which the Great Committee received were at sea. Whether it was because it is more difficult to im- provise a navy than an army, or because sufficient attention was not paid to the republican navy, it is impossible to decide, but it is quite certain that the sailors of the Republic did not rival the soldiers in success, though they did in valour. One reason for this was that all the best sailors preferred the lucrative work of preying upon the commerce of the world in frigates and privateers to serving in the regular fleets, where no prizes were to be made. The two principal French fleets were those stationed at Toulon and at Brest. An ineffectual Battle of the \st of June 1794 145 eflfort had been made by Sir Sidney Smith to burn the Toulon fleet when the English and Spaniards evacuated that port. Nevertheless, a new fleet was soon prepared, but its action against the English and the Spaniards who blockaded the coast were ineff"ectual. The English on leaving Toulon had proceeded to Corsica. That island had been raised against the Convention by the native patriot, Paoli, who invited the English to come and take possession in the name of George in. In Corsica, owing to the weakness of the French Mediterranean fleet, the English remained unmolested for nearly a year. The Brest fleet, however, came to blows with the English Channel fleet, under the command of Battle of the Lord Howe. The United States of America had '^* °f June, agreed to pay part of the debt which they owed France for money lent during the War of American Independence in grain, and a convoy was sent to protect the grain-ships. Lord Howe was directed to cut off this convoy, and the French fleet left Brest to ensure its safe arrival. From one point of view, the action of the French fleet was crowned with success, for the convoy arrived safely, but the fleet itself was utterly de- feated by Lord Howe on the ist of June 1794. Since the object had been attained, the Committee of Public Safety claimed credit for the action in which the fleet had been engaged, and the reports which Barere read daily from the tribune of the Convention were invariably of battles won and of feats of valour. The brilliant successes which followed the establishment of the power of the Great Committee of Public Safety justified its despotism in the eyes of France, but as soon as FaUofRobes- those successes had freed France from the in- ^^T^^^' P}*^ Thermidor vaders, it was generally felt that the weight of the (27th juiy) Reign of Terror was intolerable, and that it had '794- become unnecessary. It was at this period of most brilliant military triumphs that the Terror grew to its greatest height in Paris. On 22d Prairial (loth of June 1794) a law was passed to accelerate the procedure of the Revolutionary Tribunal, PERIOD vii. k 146 European History, 1793- 1795 and the number of deaths upon the guillotine increased to an average of 196 a week. Robespierre, who, as has been said, was more of a statesman than his colleagues upon the Com- mittee of Public Safety, who were simply administrators, understood the tenor of feeling in France, He believed that the time was coming when the Reign of Terror should cease, and a new Reign of Virtue, carrying into effect the maxims of Rousseau, could be established. The working members of the Committee allowed Robespierre to theorise to his heart's content ; as long as he did not interfere with them, he might advocate what principles he pleased. The first evidence of Robespierre's new tendency appeared in his establishment of the Worship of the Supreme Being. He was a profoundly religious and virtuous man, and the chief cause of his hatred of Hebert and Danton was his belief that they were immoral atheists. On i8th Floreal (7th May 1794) Robespierre made his most famous speech in the Convention, by which he induced the Convention to officially acknowledge the existence of a Supreme Being and the immortality of the soul. The speech was followed on 20th Prairial by a great festival in honour of the Supreme Bemg, at which Robespierre presided. This was the day when his power seemed greatest, but many of his colleagues laughed at his assumption of virtue and at his posing as a high priest. He perceived clearly that he could not establish his chimerical Reign of Virtue without destroying the scoffers who refused to believe in him and his doctrines. He absented himself for six weeks from the meet- ings of the Committee, and prepared a speech by which he hoped to induce the Convention to proscribe his opponents. On 8th Thermidor (26th July 1794) he read this speech to the Convention, and attacked covertly, and without mentioning many names, not only certain of his colleagues in the Com- mittee of Public Safety, but also the majority of the Committee of General Security and of the Financial Committee. These men, who had been governing France while Robespierre was theorising, would not tamely submit to be ejected from power Fall of Robespierre 147 and guillotined. On the evening of the same day Robespierre read his speech to the Jacobin Club, which was the head- quarters of the puritans who believed in the possibility of a Reign of Virtue. But on 9th Therm idor the accused depu- ties determined to act. It was not only the working members of the Committees, but also the friends of Danton, the inde- pendent deputies of the Mountain, and the members of the Centre, who felt threatened, and their attitude was speedily declared. Saint-Just began to read a report accusing Billaud- Varenne and CoUot-d'Herbois by name, but he was inter- rupted, and Robespierre himself, with Couthon, Saint-Just, and two other deputies were, after a stormy scene, ordered under arrest. But the puritan party were not only strong in the Jacobin Club; they dominated the Commune of Paris ever since the overthrow of the Hebertists. Hanriot, the com- mandant of the National Guard of Paris, rescued Robespierre and the other imprisoned deputies, and took them to the H6tel-de-Ville, where a scheme of government was discussed. The Convention did not wait to be attacked. It declared Robespierre and all his adherents to be outlaws, and Barras, Freron, and Leonard Bourdon collected columns of regular troops and national guards to attack the H6tel-de-Ville. The Convention was completely successful. The people of Paris, like the people of all France, persisted in considering Robes- pierre as the author of the Reign of Terror, while not only his enemies but his colleagues threw upon him the responsi- bility for all the atrocities included under the name of the Terror. Though personally he had very little influence in the Commillec, he was represented and regarded as its master. Consequently no hand was raised to protect Robespierre and the puritans; the H6tel-de-Ville was easily occupied by Barras; Robespierre was wounded in the mouth by a gendarme, and on loth Thermidor (28th July) he was guillo- tined, and was accompanied or followed to the scaffold by the small group of colleagues who had been impeached with him, and by the majority of the Commune of Paris. 148 European History, 1 793-1 795 The death of Robespierre did not lead to . a change of The Rule of government, but it led to an alteration in the the Thermi- gygt-gm bv which the government was admini- donans. -' -^ ^ First Phase, stcred. The deputies who had been most instru- mental in the revolution of Thermidor belonged to the Moun- tain, and expected to retain power in their hands ; but they saw the necessity of preventing such a permanence of power as had existed during the previous year. It was, therefore, resolved that the Committees of Government — that is, the Committees of Public Safety and of General Security — should be renewed by a quarter every month, and that the retiring members should not be eligible for re-election until a month had passed. The survivors of the Great Committee still believed in the system of government by terror, but their new colleagues understood that now that France was vic- torious the country would no longer submit to such rigorous measures of repression. The victory of Fleurus had done away with the necessity of continually employing the guillo- tine. The system of terror was therefore tacitly abandoned; the supremacy of the Committees continued ; the Law of the Suspects was unrepealed ; the Revolutionary Tribunal con- tinued to exist \ representatives were still sent on mission with unlimited powers ; but the succession of executions ceased, and the method of government, though arbitrary, was no longer sanguinary. The men who ruled France from Thermidor (July) 1794 to Ventose (March) 1795 were all deputies of the Mountain, men of the type of Carnot and Robert Lindet, the most sagacious of the members of the Great Committee of Public Safety. The most conspicuous of the new men of this period were Merlin of Douai and Treilhard, who took charge of the foreign policy. These statesmen, while Carnot superintended the carrying on of the war with his accustomed vigour and success, finally broke with the propagandist doc- trines which had made the war of unparalleled magnitude and bitterness, and Merlin of Douai, on 14th Frimaire (4th December) 1794 read a report in the name of the Committee Conquest of Holland 149 of Public Safety, declaring that the Republic did not wish to be at war with Europe for ever, and laying down the bases on which treaties of peace honourable to France could be made. While the Thennidorians were administering the government strongly and honourably, they were beset with cries of vengeance against the Terrorists of the previous year. They felt it necessary to yield to the general outcry, and on 21st Brumaire, Year in. (nth November 1794), Carrier, the most ferocious of the proconsuls of the Terror, was sent before the Revolutionary Tribunal. He was tried and eventually executed for his crimes. The agitation was stronger against the organ- isers of the Terror, Billaud-Varenne, and CoUot-d'Herbois, with whom were associated in the popular hatred Barere, the reporter, and Vadier, who had been the most conspicuous member of the Committee of General Security. Both the doctrines and the men of the Terror had still plenty of sup- porters in Paris, who now dominated the Jacobin Club, which was therefore closed by the Thermidorians in December 1794. Almost at the same date the Law of the Maximum was repealed. In the same month the survivors of the seventy- three deputies who had protested against the proscription of the Girondins, and consequently been imprisoned, were re- called to their seats in the Convention. Meanwhile the series of victories which had commenced during the rule of the Great Committee of Public or ■ 1 T-.- 1 ,11^, Conquest of Safety contmued. Pichegru at the head of the HoUand. i Army of the North pursued the English and their ^794-5- ' Dutch and Hanoverian allies. On the 9th of October he took Nimeguen, and forcing his way across the frozen rivers drove the English through Holland. He occupied Amsterdam, and then with his hussars took the Dutch fleet, which was unable to leave its moorings in the Texel owing to the ice. By the end of January 1795 the whole of Holland was in the posses- sion of the French. The Stadtholder, the Prince The Batavian^ of Orange, fled to P^ngland, and the English troops Republic, were soon after withdrawn. The conquest of Holland was 150 European History, 1793-1795 of the greatest service to the Thermidorians, for it enabled them, by drawing upon the wealth of that country, to relieve the financial distress of the French Republic. With regard to Belgium there was no difficulty in coming to a decision as to its future, for the Decree of Reunion passed in the days of Dumouriez' success remained unrepealed, and the Austrian Netherlands were therefore organised as part of the French Republic. It was otherwise with regard to Holland. The Thermidorians did not desire to further aggravate the fears of Europe by annexing that country, but at the same time they were quite resolved that it should not again fall under the power of the English. Reubell and Sieyes, two ex- Constituants who had remained in obscurity during the Reign of Terror, were despatched to Holland to see what could be done. They found many Dutch admirers of the doctrines of the French Revolution, and speedily conciliated the burghers of the Dutch cities, who had always resented the power of the Stadtholder. With the help of these parties and of the Dutch patriots who had been exiled in 1787, and who now returned from France full of enthusiasm for demo- cracy, they organised a Batavian Republic on the model of the French Republic, and in March 1795 a Treaty of Peace and Alliance was signed between the French and Batavian Successes Republics. In other quarters the French Re- in other public was likewise triumphant. Maestricht was quarters. taken by Kleber on the 4th of November 1794. Jourdan with the Army of the Sambre-and-Meuse, defeated the Austrians under Clerfayt at Aldenhoven on the 2d of October, and marching south occupied Aix-la-Chapelle, Bonn, Cologne, and Coblentz. Meanwhile the Army of the Moselle, under Ren^ Moreaux, finally drove the Prussians out of France and occupied the Palatinate and the whole of the Electorate of Treves. On the southern frontier there were similar suc- cesses. The Army of the Eastern Pyrenees, which had invaded Catalonia, stormed the Spanish camp at Figueras on the 20th of November 1794, and took Rosas on the 3rd The Polish Instwrection 151 of February 1795. In the first of these actions the French General Diigommier was killed in action. Moncey, with the Army of the Western Pyrenees, took Bilbao, Vittoria, and San Sebastian. The Army of Italy won the victory of Loano on the 24th of November, which opened communi- cation with Genoa. The Army of the Alps finally reached the summits of Mont Cenis and the Little St. Bernard, and drove the Piedmontese before it. While the French nation had thus after much suffering: and long submission to the Reign of Terror secured poiand. its independence and made itself feared by ^794-5 Europe, a Polish insurrection had taken place which was not crowned with the same success. The second partition of Poland, which was consummated in 1793, has been described. But the Polish nation was not inclined to acknowledge its extinction without another blow. Many Polish exiles came to France, and the leader of the Polish patriots, Kosciuszko, received a flattering reception, though no promise of active help. On the 23d of March 1794 Kosciuszko entered Cracow and raised the standard of national independence. This news caused a general r'sing in Prussian Poland, where the new administrators of Prussia had behaved with extreme cruelty. Stanislas Poniatowski, King of Poland, acting under the influence of the Russian general commanding at Warsaw, Igelstrom, disavowed Kosciuszko and declared him a rebel. But the Polish people welcomed Kosciuszko as a liberator. He defeated the Russians at Raclawice on the 4th of April 1794, and after a further victory occupied Warsaw on the 19th. Both Russians and Prussians prepared to defend the provinces they had annexed in 1793, and laid siege to Warsaw in July 1794. By the beginning of September all Prussian Poland was in a flame of insurrection ; Frederick William 11., who was conducting the siege in person, rapidly retreated and summoned to his assistance a large proportion of the troops hitherto employed against France. But though the Prussians iiad temporarily retired, Catherine of Russia determined, at all 1^ 152 Ejtropean Histojy, 1793- 1/95 hazards, to conquer the Poles. She gathered a great army from all parts of her empire, and placed it under the command of the most famous of the Russian generals, Suvdrov. Caught between the army of Suvdrov and the army of Fersen, who had succeeded Igelstrom in command of the Russians already in Poland, the Polish patriots were utterly defeated at Maciejowice on the 12th of October 1794, when Kosciuszko was wounded and taken prisoner. On the 4th of November, Praga, the suburb of Warsaw on the right bank of the Vistula, was stormed by Suvdrov, and on the 9th of November the capital surrendered. Catherine determined to complete the work of the destruction of Poland. Stanislas Poniatowski was removed from Poland on the 7th of January 1795, and on the 25th of November 1795 ^"^^ abdicated the throne. The division of the spoils caused much trouble to the [ allies. The Austrians, who had been left in the lurch at the second partition, claimed a share, and, like the Prussians, weakened their armies on the frontier of France in order to de- Extinction ^^"^ their claims on Poland. By the final partition, of Poland, which was arranged between the powers in 1795, 1795- Prussia received Warsaw and the surrounding palatinates ; Austria received Cracow and the rest of Galicia, and the Russians were content with rectifying their frontier from Grodno to Minsk. It is interesting to contrast the simultaneous failure of the Poles and success of the French. The cause lay in the fact that the great bulk of the Polish people were serfs, to whom it mattered little what master they served, whereas the French people had long thrown off the bonds of personal serfdom, and had just succeeded in getting rid of the last shackles of the privileged classes. The Polish Constitution of 179 1 was the work of a few enlightened noble- men and priests, and was gladly accepted by the educated bourgeois of the cities, but the peasants were in too degraded a condition to understand what personal liberty meant. In France every peasant, every farmer had profited by the Revolution, and was wedded to its cause not only for political TJic CJiangcd Attitude of the Powers of Eut-ope 153 reasons, but because of the purchases of ecclesiastical property which he had made. The national feeling in France em- braced the whole people, and made France successful against her foreign foes ; the national feeling in Poland only existed among a minority of the population, and the result was that Kosciuszko was unable to attain the triumph which he so well merited. The successes of the French Republic and the failure of the Polish national movement affected the attitude change in the of the coalition both towards France and towards !.""-"'^s °5 Continental its own members. The Prussians, ever since the Powers, defeat of Brunswick in 1792, had openly expressed their belief that the Austrians were betraying them and using them as catspavvs. Frederick William 11. for a long time battled against these views, which were held by the chief Prussian statesmen, such as Haugwitz and Alvensleben, by the most respected Prussian generals such as Kalkreuth and Mollendorf, and by his own personal clique gf favourites, headed by Lucchesini. In the year 1793 ^i^ had confined his operations against France to the siege of Mayence, while his best troops were directed on Poland, and in 1794 he had still further reduced the number of his soldiers upon the Rhine. England, which had paid large subsidies to the Prussian government, resented this conduct, and declared its intention of withdrawing all subsidies unless Prussia would do as she was directed. Frederick William 11. declared that he would not receive the English subsidies on these terms ; but the truth was, that his attention was far more occupied by the gains he hoped to get in Poland than with the prosecution of the war against France. Austria, also, where Thugut had in 1794 become the nominal as well as the real director of the foreign policy of the Emperor Francis, was getting tired of the war with France. Prussia's conduct in making the second partition of Poland in 1793, and leaving the Emperor out, had sown the seeds of discontent. Thugut was determined that the same thing should not occur again, and, therefore, when the Polish insurrection broke out 154 European History, 1 793-1 795 in 1794, Austria also denuded her armies upon the French frontier. Tliis attitude of Prussia and vVustria does not entirely account for tlie victories of the French republican armies, but it explains to some extent the ease with which those victories were obtained. Spain also was weary of the war. Godoy felt that his tenure of office was imperilled by the existence of two French armies in Spain which might easily march upon Madrid, and the Queen, and therefore the King, was entirely under the influence of Godoy. Many of the princes of the Holy Roman Empire likewise wished to see the war at an end, for it was their states upon the left bank of the Rhine which were occupied by the French armies ; it was their states upon the right bank of the Rhine which would be invaded by the passage of that river, whereas the home dominions of Austria and Prussia were far to the east, and not likely to be reached by an invading army. England was the only power which seriously desired to prosecute the war, for in England a national feel- ing of repulsion against the French had arisen. The English government, however, was unable to strike any effective blow ; Hoche defeated a body of emigres landed from English ships at Quiberon Bay in July 1794; the continental powers who received subsidies were not very earnest in doing the work for which they were paid ; the French occupation of Holland had deprived England of the only base from which an army could act in Europe ; and the English government had there- fore to be contented with blockading the French ports and occupying the French West Indian Colonies. The recall of those sympathisers with the Girondin party, The Rule of who had been imprisoned, in December 1 794 was dorilns.'""'" followed in March 1795 by the recall to their Second Phase, seats in the Convention of the outlawed Girondin leaders, of whom the most conspicuous were Lanjuinais and Louvet. The return of these victims increased the clamour against the surviving Terrorist leaders and proconsuls who had ruled France in 1 793-94 at Paris, or on mission in the provinces. Hot debates took place on the necessity of punishing what hisurrcction of \st Prairial 155 was now termed ' Robespierre's tail.' In Paris a powerful section of the populace — namely, the young bourgeois, who were commonly called the Jeunesse Doree, or after their leader Freron the Jeunesse Freronienne — never ceased to demand the punishment of the Terrorists. Popular sympathy Avas generally with the Jeunesse Doree; conspicuous Jacobins of the Terror were beaten in the streets ; the heart of Marat was taken from the Pantheon and thrown down a sewer ; and the busts of Marat, who was regarded as the apostle of Terrorism, were everywhere broken. The former rulers of Paris, the old members of the Jacobin Club and the Revolutionary Com- mittees, were not inclined to submit to popular vengeance without striking a blow. On 12th Germinal, Year insurrection III. (ist April 1795) they raised an insurrection ^^^^J °^''' in the turbulent Faubourg Saint-Antoine, and the ist April 1795. insurgents broke into the Convention shouting ' Bread and the Constitution of 1793.' The only result of this riot was that Billaud-Varenne, Collot-d'Herbois, Barbre, and Vadier were ordered to be deported to French Guiana without trial. The persecution of the Terrorists continued. A commission was appointed to inquire into the acts of the former proconsuls ; power passed into the hands of the returned Girondins and the members of the Plain or Centre. Certain of the remaining deputies of the Mountain, supported by the Jacobins of Paris, then resolved on a second insurrection. On ist Prairial, Year in. (20th May i7oO the Convention was , \ ^ I ■'•J' _ Insurrection again invaded by a Saint-Antoinc mob, headed of ist Prairial. by women who had gained the unenviable name ^°^*''^^^'^^^' of the ' Furies of the Guillotine.' A deputy named F^raud was taken for Freron and murdered on the spot, and throughout the day the hall of the Convention was occupied by a howling mob, which vainly endeavoured to compel the President, Boissy-d'Anglas, to pass the decrees they desired. Meanwhile the Committees of Government prepared to act with vigour. With the help of some regular troops quartered in Paris, of the national guards of the bourgeois sections, and of the 156 European History, 1793- 1795 Jeunesse Doree, they expelled the mob, and on the following days a force composed of these elements under the command of General Menou, an ex-Constituant, disarmed the revolu- \ tionary sections. The victory of the Committees was the victory of the enemies of the Reign of Terror. Some of the former Terrorist deputies were condemned to death and com- mitted suicide, others were impeached and placed under arrest, and the Mountain as a party ceased to exist. The expulsion of the deputies of the Mountain caused the Committees of Government to be filled by the members of the Centre, the men who during the Reign of Terror had been peacefully occupied in the legislative and educational reforms, which were the most lasting works of the Convention. Of these new members the most typical is Cambaceres, the great jurist and principal law reformer of the period, on whose labours Napoleon compiled the Code Civil. While the Committees were engaged in the work of government, a commission of eleven deputies was appointed to draw up a new Constitution which should avoid the errors of its predecessors. The chief authors of this Constitution, which is known as the Constitu- tion of the Year in., were Boissy-d'Anglas and Daunou. The direction of foreign policy was still mainly conducted Treaties of by Merlin of Douai, who was now aided in this Basle. 1795. department by Cambaceres, Sieyes, and Reubell. Their great work — indeed the great work of the Thermidorians — was the conclusion of the Treaties of Basle. The causes of these treaties have been shown in the examination just made of the changed attitude of the powers of Europe towards the French Republic. The agent of the French Republic in Switzerland, Barthelemy, was the diplomatist who negotiated the series of treaties. Switzerland had throughout the Reign of Terror been the centre of diplomatic action, for in Switzer- land alone France could meet the representatives of foreign powers. The first and the most important of the Treaties j of Basle was that between France and Prussia, which was j signed upon the 5th of April 1795. By it not only was peace The Treaties of Bask 157 concluded between the contracting powers, but a line of demar- cation was agreed to be drawn by which Prussia might secure safety from French invasion for the states of Northern Ger- many. One point only was left in abeyance by Barthelemy and Hardenberg, the negotiators of this treaty. The French 1 Government insisted that France, in reward for her exer- tions, and in compensation for the long war, should receive ' her natural limits of the Rhine. Prussia's territory upon the left bank of the Rhine was very small in amount, and it was agreed that the amount of compensation she should receive for ceding it to France should be left unsettled for the pre- sent. Frederick William ir., who posed as a guardian of the Holy Roman Empire, refused openly to assent to the doctrine that France should reach the Rhine and thus consecrate the infringement of the limits of the Empire. He had no desire to appear ready to consent to any such arrangement, for he felt that such a policy would leave to Austria the posi- tion of protector of the Empire. The Treaty of Basle with Prussia was succeeded at the same place by a treaty with Spain on the 2 2d of July, and finally by a treaty with the most energetic of the petty princes of the Empire, the Land- grave of Hesse-Cassel, on the 29th of August. Peace had already on February 9th been made with Tuscany, which had most unwillingly declared war on France under pressure from England. Of these treaties, the most important was that with Spain, which was excessively popular at Madrid, and won for Godoy the high-sounding title of ' Prince of the Peace.' Thus, after three years of war, France re-entered the comity of nations and broke up the coalition formed against her inde- pendence. ' CHAPTER V 1795-1797 Results of ihe Treaties of Basle on the Foreign Policy of France— Constitu- tion of the Year in— The Directory— The Legislature : Councils of Ancients and of Five Hundred— Local Administration of France— The Insurrection of Venddmiaire— The Rising of 13th Vcndemiaire in Paris— The First French Directors, Councils, and Ministers— Dissolution of the Convention— England and the Emigrh — Treason of Pichegru — Exchange of Madame Royale — Desire for Peace in France — France and Prussia- Suggestion of Secularisations in Germany — France and the Smaller States of Europe— Attitude of Russia— Campaign of 1795 in Germany — Bonaparte's Campaigns of 1796 in Italy— Battle of Montenotte— Armi- stice of Cherasco— Battle of Lodi— Armistice of Foligno— Conquest of Upper Italy — Battles of Castiglione, Areola, and Rivoli— Peace of Tolentino with the Pope — Campaign of 1796 in Germany — Battle of Altenkirchcn — Retreat of Moreau— Effects of the Campaign in Germany Treaty between Prussia and France — Internal Policy of the Directory — Pacification of La Vendue — The State of France — The Directory, Coun- cils, and Ministers in 1796 — Creation of the Ministry of Police — Alliance between France and Spain— Treaty of San Ildefonso — Battle of Cape Saint-Vincent — The Batavian Republic — Negotiations between England and the Directory — Death of the Empress Catherine of Russia — Bona- pai'te's Campaign of 1797 in the Tyrol— The Campaign of 1797 in Ger- many—Preliminaries of Leoben between France and Austria. The conclusion of the Treaties of Basle in the spring and Result of the summcr of 1795 brought France once more Treaties of into a recognised position among the nations Basle. ^^ Europe. The idea of a revolutionary propa- ganda had been entirely abandoned by the leading Thermi- dorians, who looked upon it as the first duty of the French Government to secure peace for France. All the great states- men of the revolutionary period, from Mirabeau to Danton 158 The Constitution of the Year III 1 59 and Robespierre, had protested against the absurd notion that it was the mission of France to secure the pre-eminence of democratic ideas throughout the whole of Europe. Events had shown that it was a task of quite sufficient difficulty to secure the prevalence of such ideas in France. The aban- donment of the revolutionary propaganda broke up the league of old Europe against new France. When the Prussian state, and still more the ancient monarchy of Spain, had consented to make peace with France, the rest of the powers of the Continent felt that they could no longer affect to treat the French republicans as beyond the pale of humanity, or the French Republic as having destroyed the title of France to be reckoned as a nation. The Thermidorians, not satisfied with their diplomatic suc- cess, constructed a new government for France, constitution of The authors of the policy, which resulted in the the Year iii. Treaties of Basle, were also the sponsors of the ' Constitution of the Year iii.' The task of drawing up the bases of a new Constitution was referred upon 14th Germinal, Year iii. {t^q. April 1795) to a committee of seven deputies, but the details were worked out by a subsequent commission of eleven. Among the seven the most important were Sieyes, Cambaceres, and Merlin of Douai, who were also at this period the three prin- cipal members of the Committee of Public Safety. Just as in making the Treaties of Basle, they and their colleagues had re- curred to the fundamental ideas and policy of the old French Monarchy, so in the new Constitution they exhibited the influ- ence of bygone ideas. The experience of the Constituent and Legislative Assemblies, and of the Convention until the forma- tion of the Committee of Public Safety, had shown the utter inadequacy of intrusting supreme executive and administrative authority to an unwieldy deliberative assembly. The power of the monarchy in all modern states has rested upon the con- viction of the importance of consolidating, as far as possible, the executive authority ; the founders of the United States of America understood this truth, and invested their President i6o European History, 1 795-1 797 with power resembling that exercised by kings ; and the Con- vention, when it yielded to the voice of Danton, and conferred supreme authority upon the Committee of Public Safety, had reaped the advantage in its victories upon all the frontiers. Even the most obtuse of the deputies who sat in the Con- vention had learnt this lesson. And the founders of the Constitution of the Year iii. had no difficulty in carrying the most important point in their programme. This was the entire separation of the executive and legislative powers. The Constitution of 1791, in its jealousy of the monarchy, had practically deprived the king and his ministers of all real authority, while leaving him the entire responsibility. The Constitution of 1793 had placed all executive authority in the hands of the Legislature. The Constitution of the Year III. endeavoured to separate the executive and legislative authorities. Under the new arrangement the executive was placed in the hands of five Directors. One was to retire The Directory. ,..,,. , . , . every year and was not eligible for re-election ; his successor was to be chosen by the Legislature. In order to secure an entire separation between the members of the Directory and of the Legislature, no member of the latter could be elected a Director until twelve months had elapsed after the resignation of his seat. The Directors were to appoint the Ministers, who were to have no connection what- ever with the Legislature, and who were to act as the agents of the Directors. The individual Directors were to exercise no authority in their own names. They were to live under the same roof in the Palace of the Luxembourg at Paris. They were to meet daily, and the will of the majority was to be taken as the will of the whole. They were to elect a President every month, who was to act as their mouthpiece at the recep- tion of foreign ambassadors and on all occasions of ceremony. |rhe control of the internal administration, the management of the armies and fleets, and all questions of foreign policy were entirely left to the Directors. But treaties, declarations TJie Constitution of the Year in i6i of war and similar acts had to be ratified by the Legislature. The Directors had nothing whatever to do with the work of legislation, and their assent was not needed to new laws. With regard to the revenue, the administration of the finances and of the treasury rested with the Directors, but they could not impose fresh taxes without the assent of the Legislature. The Legislature, under the Constitution of the Year in. con- sisted of two chambers — the Council of Ancients and the Council of Five Hundred. It is a curious com- The Legisia- mentary upon the debates which took place in ^"'■^■ the Constituent Assembly in August 1789, when the establish- ment of two chambers was rejected with scorn as being an obvious imitation of the English Parliament, that in 1795 this very principle was almost unanimously adopted. The ex- perience of the three great revolutionary assemblies had con- vinced Sieyes and his colleagues of the inexpediency of leaving important measures to be decided in a single chamber. The delay necessitated by a law being obliged to pass before two distinct dehberative bodies now appeared most advantageous, when compared with the headlong precipitation which had marked all the earlier stages of the Revolution. The Council of Ancients was to consist of men forty-five years old and upwards, and, therefore, presumably not liable to be carried away by sudden bursts of enthusiasm. For the Council of Five Hundred there was no limitation of age, and elderly men were not precluded from being returned to it. The Council of Five Hundred consisted, as its name implies, of five hundred deputies ; the Council of Ancients of two hundred and fifty. Dictated by experience, also, were the measures taken for the election of deputies. In order to avoid the inconvenience which had resulted from the election of an entirely new body of representatives at one and the same moment, as had happened in 1791, it was resolved that one-third of the two Councils should retire yearly. Deputies were to be chosen by an elaborate system of primary and secondary assemblies PERIOD VII. L 1 62 European History, 1/95 -1797 held in each deparlment of France, and a property qualifica- tion was demanded both for the electors and the deputies. With these safeguards Sieyes and his colleagues believed they had secured a practical means of obviating all the errors of the past. The Council of Five Hundred had allotted to it as its special function the initiation of all fresh taxation and the revision of all money bills. The Council of Ancients was the court of appeal in diplomatic questions, such as the declaration of war. In actual legislation the consent of the majority of both chambers was needed for a new law. For their most important function — the yearly election of a new Director — the two chambers were to form one united assembly. By this Constitution, the conspicuous drawbacks of the two , . , . . former Constitutions, namely, the enforced weak- Local Admini- _ -" ' stration of ncss of the cxccutive and the undefined powers France. ^j- j.j^^ Legislature were avoided. But the local administration established by the Constitution of 1791 had proved so excellent that it was only slightly modified and not radically altered. The great achievement of the Constituent Assembly — the abolition of old provincial jealousies by the division of France into departments — was maintained. The wise step which had been taken by the Great Committee of Public Safety in abolishing the directories of the depart- ments and of the districts was sanctioned, and the council- generals were left to act alone. The main distinction between the administrative systems of 1791 and 1795 was that the elected procurcurs- syndics and prociireurs - genermix - syndics, established by the former, were replaced by officials nominated by the supreme executive at Paris. These officials went under the name of agents during the Directory, but possessed the same authority and carried out the same functions as the sous-prcfets and prefets afterwards appointed by Napoleon. The courts of justice, whether local, appellant, or supreme, established by the Constitution of 1791, were left untouched by the Constitution of the Year iii. Position of the Convention 163 In spite of the glories of the conquest of Holland, the passage of the Rhine, the victory of Quiberon, ^j^^ insurrec- and the invasion of Spain, — in spite of the even tion ofVende- greater credit justly earned by the Treaties of ™'^"'^- Basle, — in spite of the new Constitution, which, if faulty in places, was superior to those which had preceded it — the Thermidorians were intensely unpopular in France. The re- collection of the Reign of Terror weighed upon the imagina- tions of the people even after the death of Robespierre, the deportation of Billaud-Varenne, and the closing" of the Jacobin Club. The Convention was still in the minds of men shrouded by the remembrance of the innocent blood that had been shed. The inauguration of the new constitutional system was looked upon as an opportunity for driving the members of the Con- vention from power, and threats of vengeance were every- where heard against them. Intriguers, some of them possibly royalists, who desired the return of the Bourbons, but most of them bourgeois or aristocrats who had personal reasons for de- siring revenge, hoped to take advantage of this general feeling to overthrow the Republic. But the mass of Frenchmen were sincerely republican, and were clear-sighted enough to perceive that the return of the Bourbons would be followed by the loss of the material advantages that had been gained by the sale of the lands of the Church and the nobility. The members of the Convention understood the intentions of the in- triguers, and understood also that the French people sincerely loved the Republic. They proceeded to frustrate the designs of their enemies by decreeing that two-thirds of the new Legislature must be elected from among the deputies of the Convention. The intriguers in Paris, thus foiled in their expectations of a certain majority in the new Legislature, tried to rouse the people of Paris into active insurrection. There can be no doubt that not only in Paris, but throughout France, the action of the Convention in ordering the election of so large a proportion of the old de])utics was profoundly un- popular, but it was one thing to dislike a measure and another 164 European History, 1795- 1797 thing to involve France in a fresh revolution. In the pro- vincial towns there was universal grumbling but no active opposition. In Paris, however, where the intriguers abounded, it was hoped that the jeunesse doree, who had played so great a part in the previous winter, assisted by the bourgeois Sec- tions, would be able by making an imposing display of force to compel the Convention to revoke the obnoxious decree. This project of the agitators in Paris was soon known in Fighting in the Convention, and had the result of causing the Paris,i3thVen- (jiyj(jg(j forces of the Thcrmidorians to close up demiaire (5th . , . '^ October 1795). their ranks. The three chief groups m this party were the returned Girondins, the leaders of the Plain, and the former adherents of the Terror. The leaders of all these groups united in the presence of a common danger, for they felt that the dissolution of the Convention without some such measure of security as the re-election of the two-thirds to the forthcoming Legislature would lead to their own proscription. They therefore appointed Barras, who had commanded in the attack upon the H6tel-de-Ville upon the 9th Thermidor of the previous year, and overthrown the supporters of Robes- pierre assembled there, to watch over their safety. Barras summoned to his assistance Napoleon Bonaparte, who was then in Paris engaged in protesting against his recall from the Army of Italy. The antecedents of this young general, his well-known Jacobin principles and his former friendship for Augustin Robespierre, had led to his recall and to his being placed upon the unemployed list. Barras had under his command the garrison of regular troops quartered in Paris and the armed guards of the Convention. The Royalist agitators counted on the jamcsse doree and the bourgeois Sections. Bonaparte perceived that in numbers each party was evenly matched, and he at once sent for the artillery quartered at Meudon. The Convention declared itself en J>^rfnanetice, the troops were stationed round the Tuileries, Bonaparte's guns were mounted in the gardens and the Place du Carrousel. The attack on the Convention was made on The first Directors 165 the 13th Vendemiaire (5th October) in a very slovenly manner. No effort had been made to concentrate the force of the assailants at a given moment, and as the first column marched carelessly down without recognised leaders, it was fired upon and almost entirely cut to pieces by Bonaparte's artillery. Nevertheless column after column of devoted national guards approached the Tuileries with the utmost gallantry to meet the same fate. The insurrection of 13th Vendemiaire cannot be compared with the other famous insurrections of the 14th July 1789 and loth August 1792, for not one of the defenders of the Convention was wounded. It was a butchery, not a battle. The Convention, conscious of its unpopularity, and not de- siring to increase it, made but slight efforts to discover and punish the leaders of the insurrection of 13th Vendemiaire. Only a few military executions, after trial by court-martial, of a few prisoners taken with arms in their hands were permitted, and no vigour was shown in hunting down even the most con- spicuous agitators. It was resolved at once to proceed to the election of the first Directors under the new system, xhe First Sieyes refused to be one of them. It was Directors, generally agreed, though not formally declared, that the first Directors should all be deputies of the Convention who had voted for the death of Louis xvi., and who might therefore be presumed to be faithful to republican institutions, if not from inclination at least from fear. The five deputies actually elected were — Barras, whose conduct on the 9th Thermidor, and on the 13th Vendemiaire, had obtained for him the gratitude of the majority of the deputies ; Reubell, an ex-Constituant and an Alsatian, who was behaved to have a special knowledge of foreign affairs ; Revelliere-Lepeaux, another ex-Constituant, a member of the Committee of Public Safety, a good lawyer, and the future inventor of a new religion ; Carncjt, the famous military member of the Great Committee of Public Safety, who was selected for his strategic ability ; and Lclourneur, an ex-officer of Engineers, like Carnot, who was 1 66 European History, 1795- 1797 expected to act as his assistant. To the Council of Ancients and the Council of Five Hundred were elected among the two-thirds chosen from the Convention the more conspicuous Thcrmidorians, including Sieyes, Cambaceres, Tallien, and Trcilhard. The six first ministers were appointed by the Directors on 14th Brumaire (5th November). They were Merlin of Douai and Charles Delacroix, two ex-deputies of the Convention who had not been elected to the new Legis- lature, appointed to the Ministries of Justice and of Foreign Affairs, Aubert-Dubayet, a distinguished general, to the Ministry of War, and Faypoult, Benezech and Admiral Truguet to the Ministries of Finance, the Interior, and the Marine. The first Directors elected and the new Legislature con- _. , ^. stituted, the Convention had to decree its own Dissolution '_ ofthe dissolution. The three years during Avhich it had Convention. ^^^ ^^.^ pg^haps the most important and most critical in the whole history of France. The Convention had not merely witnessed the rise and- fall of many cliques and many parties ; it had allowed the Reign of Terror to be estab- lished, and had punished its inventors with death or deporta- tion. It had passed through nearly every variety of government, and had seen France in her greatest degradation and at the height of her success. Its last act, passed on the very day on which it dissolved itself, 4th Brumaire (26th October), was worthy of its best and greatest days, for it was an act declaring a complete amnesty for all political offences, or supposed offences, since the declaration of the Republic. The successful establishment of the Directory and the England and victory won ovcr the royalist agitators on 13th the Emigres. Vendemiairc had a profound effect upon the policy of England. Hitherto Pitt and Grenville, inspired by their agent in Switzerland, Wilham Wickham, had believed in the vain promises of the royalist emigres, and had hoped by their means to restore the Bourbon monarchy in France. The headquarters of the royalist agitators were, as they had always been, in Switzerland. Neither the Comte de Provence, who, The Treason of Pidicgru 167 since his nepliew's death, called himself Louis xviii., nor the Comte d'Artois were really deceived by the hopes held out by their royalist friends. But the English ministers, deluded* by the extravagant promises of the emigres and by the reports of Wickham, considered the prospects of an overthrow of the Republic to be excellent. They had shown their confidence in the emigres by the active assistance they had given to the expedition to Quiberon Bay, and still more by the large sums of secret-service money which had been expended in Switzer- land. The efforts of the royalist emigres took two directions ; on the one hand, they had fomented the feeling of discontent in Paris which had culminated in the insurrection of 13th Vendemiaire, and, on the other, they had attempted to affect the loyalty of the generals of the Republic. The general on whom they counted most was Pichegru, the con- Treason of queror of Holland. This general, like Dumouriez Pichegru. in 1793, was more ambitious to attain wealth and power for ' himself than success for the Republic. During his sojourn in Paris in the spring of 1795 he ^'^'^^ formed a close alliance j with the royalist agitators in the capital, and on proceeding to take up the command of the Army of the Rhine-and-Moselle he entered into direct communications with the Prince de Conde, the general commanding the emigre army in Germany. Conde promised Pichegru the government of Alsace, the Chateau of Chambord, a million livres in cash, an income of two hundred thousand livres a year, and the rank of Marshal of France, if he would undertake to restore the Bourbons. Great hopes were built upon these negotiations, and the Comte de Provence left Verona to take part in them. ]]ut the success of these intrigues was nullified by the victory of 13th Vendemiaire ; the Margrave of Baden-Baden refused to allow the Pretender to enter his territory ; Wickham was unwillingly convinced that the purchase of the general did not involve the purchase of his army; and the Directory, as soon as it had firmly seized the reins of power, recalled Pichegru, whose transactions with Conde had been more than suspected, and i68 European History, 1795-1797 replaced him by a thorough repubhcan, Moreau. These failures convinced Pitt and Grenville that there was no advantage to be gained in trusting to the promises of the hnigrcs. The Directory, on assuming power, resolved to continue the policy of the Thermidorians, and not to recur to the notions of the revolutionary propaganda. It desired to show Europe that France was ready to enter into the comity of nations, and did not presume for the future to interfere with the internal arrangements of other countries. It, therefore, on grounds of humanity, took up again the negotiations which had been commenced in July 1793 for the release of the children of Louis XVI., and, using Spain as an intermediary, communi- cated directly on this subject with the bitterest enemy of France — Austria. The death of the Dauphin, commonly called Louis xvii., had left only one of the children of Louis XVI. and Marie Antoinette in the hands of the Republic. The Thermidorians had, at the instigation of one of their leaders, Boissy-d'Anglas, seen the expediency of proving to Europe that the French republicans were not barbarians, by offering to surrender the person of Madame Royale to her Austrian relatives. This project was carried out by the Directory. On 20th December 1795 Madame Royale was „ , , exchanged in Switzerland for the four deputies Madame and the Minister of War whom Dumouriez had °^^ ^' handed over to the Austrians, and for another deputy, Drouet, the former postmaster at Sainte-Menehould, who had been taken prisoner by the Austrians in 1793. The exchange of Madame Royale was a manifest evidence of the desire of the Directors to conclude peace. The Prussian ambassador at Paris reported to his government on 28th December 1795, 'The general cry in Paris is, "Make peace and you vv^ill have money and bread." ' ^ Peace, indeed, ^ Preiissen unci Frankreich von 1795 bis 1807 : Diploinatisclic Corre- spondenzen. Ed. by P. Bailleu, vol. i. p. 41. France and Prussia 169 was the desire not only of the people of Paris, but of the people of all France, of the majority in the new ^ggire for Legislature, and of the Directory. It was hoped Peace in that the Treaties of Basle were but the prelimin- ^'■^"'=^- aries of a general peace throughout Europe. But the two remaining enemies of the French Republic, England and Austria, did not see their way to meeting the Directory half- way. Pitt and Grenville argued that a peace made with the Directory would be only of the nature of a truce. They were ready enough to make peace, but considered it inadvisable to negotiate with a government which seemed to them in its essence unstable. Owing either to the intrigues of the emigres, or to their own knowledge of politics, they grasped the fact that the new government of France was constructed on a faulty basis, and that a peace concluded with it would not be lasting. The attitude of Austria was somewhat different. Thugut, the Austrian minister, believed that France was exhausted, and that by a continuance of war substantial concessions could be wrung from her. Reubell, the Director who took charge of the conduct of Foreign Affairs, expressed himself as follows to the Prussian ambassador at Paris : ' The war with Austria troubles us less than the war with England. Our means for supporting the former are ready, but not williout having ex- hausted all the resources of the Republic. It will be probably the last effort of the two belligerent powers. . . - Our plan of campaign is almost settled ; the war will be defensive in Germany and offensive in Italy. It is important to us to detach Austria from England and Sardinia from Austria.' ^ Contrary to their wish, therefore, the Directors found them- selves obliged to continue the war with England and Austria. While continuing the war with these two powers, the French Directory, like the Thermidorians, hoped to obtain France and not only the neutrality of Prussia and Spain, which Prussia, had been secured by the Treaties of Basle, but their active co-oijeration. One of its first diplomatic endeavours was lo ^ Baillcu, op. tit. vol. i. u. 48. I/O European Hisloiy, 1795-1797 enter into close relations with Prussia. Some of the ministers of Frederick William 11., notably Alvensleben, were in favour of an alliance with France ; but the King himself, though he had been forced by the emptiness of his treasury, and his pro- jects on Poland to make peace with the French republicans, looked on the idea of making an alliance with them with horror. In this attitude he was supported by his two ablest ministers, Haugwitz and Hardenberg. By the terms of the Treaty of Basle Hardenberg had secured the preponderance of Prussia in northern Germany. A line of demarcation or neutrality was drawn across Germany, and the northern states, which were thus freed from the fear of a French invasion, looked to Prussia as their leader and saviour. An excuse for not forming an offensive and defensive alliance with France was found in the occupation by the French troops of the Prussian territories on the left bank of the Rhine. Prussia would only negotiate on the basis of the restoration of the status qtio ante belluDi^ and the French Directory, like its predecessors, the Thermidorian Committee of Public Safety and the Great Committee of Public Safety, insisted on the cession to France of all territory up to the Rhine. The Directors, had they wished, could not have opposed the universal feeling in France in favour of making the Rhine the frontier, and proposed that Prussia should take compensation for its cessions on the left bank of the Rhine, by secularising the bishoprics and abbeys of northern Germany and annexing their territories. This proposal, which would bring in its train the overthrow of the Constitution of the Holy Roman Empire, could not be sponsored by Prussia. The policy of Frederick the Great had been to assume that Prussia, not Austria, was the true defender of the rights of the Empire, and his nephew, in spite of Alvensleben's representations, feared to break with the here- ditary policy. The arrangement with regard to the line of de- marcation had placed Prussia in the position of the guardian of the Empire ; the acceptance of the French propositions would have made her seem its destroyer. The attempts of the France and Europe 171 Directory, and afterwards of the Consulate, to secure an alliance with Prussia, were therefore foredoomed to failure. The victories of the French Republic were received with more than toleration in the smaller states of ^ France and Europe, which feared the aggressions of Austria, the Smaller Prussia, and Russia far more than any invasion ^*^*'^^- by the French. Switzerland had profited greatly by the strict neutrality it had maintained. The wealth of France had poured freely into the cantons for the purchase of provisions and other necessaries ; the residence of the diplomatists of Europe at Berne, the headquarters of Wickham, and at Basle, the headquarters of the French minister Barthelemy, had also been profitable to the country, while the Swiss, ready as ever to accept money from all sides, were enabled to make very considerable gains. Of the Princes of Italy, Ferdinand, Grand Duke of Tuscany, and brother of the Emperor, had, to the disgust of the Court of Vienna, made a separate peace with the French Republic in February 1795; Ferdinand of Naples had followed his example, and the King of Sardinia alone remained in armed opposition to France. With Portugal the Directory and the Committee of' Public Safety, refused to treat, for, like the French statesmen throughout the eighteenth century, the Directors regarded Portugal as merely a province of England. With the smaller northern powers the Directory estab- lished the most friendly relations. Christian vii. of Denmark had always maintained his neutrality, and through the French minister, resident at his Court, many important secret negotia- tions had passed with Prussia. In Sweden, Charles, Duke of Sudermania, the guardian of the young King Gustavus iv., aljandoned the policy of Gustavus iii., and now made a treaty of friendship and a commercial treaty with the French Republic. The only other state to be mentioned is Turkey. The Turks looked upon the events which were passing in the West of Europe with unconcern ; still they were inclined to be friendly with the French Republic, because it was engtigcd in fighting with Austria, and thus distracted the attention of one of the hereditary enemies of the Sublime Porte. 172 European History, 1795- 1797 Catherine of Russia, now at the close of her long reign, still regarded the French Revolution as affording a happy opportunity for her to pursue her schemes on Poland without active interference from Prussia or Austria. Her one desire was that France should continue the war, and for this reason she cordially received at her court the Comte d'Artois, and encouraged the presence of French emigres. The Treaties of Basle had greatly offended her, for Prussia was thus left free to interfere in Poland, but Catherine was too wise to attempt to do more than intrigue with the affairs of Western Europe. She had no idea of intervening actively. The campaign of 1795 on the Rhine frontier is chiefly im- Campaign portant in regard to the treason of Pichegru. The of 1795. Elector of Bavaria, who was at the same time the Elector Palatine, had, as has already been said, been uni- formly friendly to the French. It was by his connivance that two of the most important fortresses upon the Rhine, Mann- heim and Diisseldorf, were surrendered to Pichegru and Jourdan respectively. Meanwhile Marceau besieged the fortress of E^hrenbreitstein, and Kleber the city of Mayence. There can be little doubt, though it is not absolutely proved by documents, that it was because of the negotiations he had commenced with the Prince de Conde that Pichegru did not advance into Germany. Jourdan, who did advance with the Army of the Sambre-and-Meuse, therefore found himself unprotected on his right, and was forced to retire with con- siderable loss. Marceau succeeded in taking Ehrenbreitstein, but the same treacherous inaction of Pichegru allowed the Austrian General Clerfayt to force Kleber to raise the siege of Mayence. It was on 20th October 1795 that Jourdan recrossed the Rhine ; on the 29th Kleber was driven from before Mayence ; and on the 30th Pichegru was defeated and driven behind the Queich. The first operations of the French armies under the Directory were, thus, owing to Pichegru's treachery, unsuccessful, and on the 21st December an armistice was made between the French and the Austrians on the Rhine. Campaign of '['j<^6 in Italy 173 In the north, owing to tlie Treaties of Basle, there were no military operations of importance during the autumn of 1795, and the French army maintained its position on the frontier of Holland. In the south considerable alterations were made. The treaty of peace with Spain enabled the experienced and war- like soldiers of the two armies of the Pyrenees to be despatched to reinforce the Army of Italy, which was also joined by the bulk of the troops of the Army of the Alps. General Scherer, who commanded the Army of Italy, pushed forward, and by a victory at Loano on the 24th November 1795, opened up a direct communication with Genoa and cut off the Sardinians from the sea. In the four armies of the Directory which had thus taken the place of the thirteen armies of the Republic, there were under arms at the close of 1795 about 300,000 men under experienced generals, excluding what was known as the Army of the Interior, which guarded Paris and garrisoned the chief cities of France. ^ Reubell, in his conversation with the Prussian ambassador at Paris, openly declared that the chief military campaign in effort of France in 1796 was to be made in Italy, itaiy, 1796. Hitherto the Army of Italy had been overshadowed ^"^^^ stage, by the operations of the armies engaged upon the Rhine ; but the Directory now desired to attack Austria in a vital place. Upon the Rhine they were in reality waging war with the Empire and not with Austria. Mayence, for instance, was the capital of an Elector, not an Austrian city, and blows struck in that quarter affected the Empire and the petty princes of the Empire far more than they did Austria. But in Italy the House of Austria owned an important possession in the Milanese. Between the Milanese and the French Army of Italy was Piedmont, the principal state of the King of Sardinia. Victor Amadeus iii. of Sardinia was the only petty monarch in luirope who had not attempted to make peace with the French Republic. In his resentment at the loss of Savoy and Nice he had thrown himself into the arms of Austria, and iiad borrowed an Austrian general, Colli, to command his sninll 174 Enropcnn History, 1795- 1797 but well equipped army. This was the situation when Napoleon Bonaparte, who had been nominated to the com- mand of the Army of Italy by the Directory, on the proposi- tion of Barras, to whom he had rendered such signal service on 13th Vendemiaire, arrived to take up his new command on the 27th of March 1796. He understood the policy of the Directory, and determined to crush the King of Sardinia first, in order to be free to attack the Austrians in the Milanese. He therefore turned the Maritime Alps and separated the Austrian from the Sardinian army. The rapidity of his success was such as to surprise the Directors. After turning the Alps Bonaparte struck north and defeated the Sardinians at Montenotte, Millesimo,and Dego on the 12th, 13th, and 15th April, stormed their camp at Ceva on i6th April, and finally defeated them . . . , at Mondovi on 2 2d April. He then threatened Armistice of ^ _ _ cherasco. Turin, and the King of Sardinia signed an armistice ^P"^ ^^' '795- ^yith him at Cherasco on 28th April, abandoning to the French army his most important frontier fortresses. As the first result of these military operations the King of Sardinia sued for peace, which he was only granted on recognising the cession to France of Savoy and Nice, and as a second result General Bonaparte was enabled to attack the Austrians in Lombardy without leaving a hostile power behind him. The operations of the second stage of the famous campaign of 1796 were as rapid and as completely successful. On the ^, „ . 8th May Bonaparte crossed the river Po by skil- The Campaign . . . . in Italy. fully mislcadmg the Austrians as to his intentions. Second Stage. ^^^ ^^ j^^j^ y^^^ l^g forced the passage of the Adda at Lodi, where he won one of his most famous victories. The Austrian General Beaulieu felt himself incapable of hold- ing the lines of the other rivers, and fled into the Tyrol. Bonaparte first occupied Milan, and then forced the Dukes of Parma and of Modena to submit to his demands, and to send ambassadors to treat for peace at Paris. To these petty princelets Bonaparte behaved with the utmost arrogance; not satisfied with making large requisitions of money and Battle of CastigUonc 175 provisions, he selected their finest pictures and works of art, and directed them to be sent to Paris. Far more important, from his spiritual position, though not of greater military strength, was the Pope. The French armies occupied the Legations of Ferrara and Bologna, and Bonaparte then threatened to march on Rome. In terror Pope Pius vi. concluded, on the 24th June 1796, an armistice at Foligno, by which he aban- doned Ancona, and promised to send to Paris a requisition of 20,000,000 livres, with many manuscripts and works of art. The conquest of Italy revealed to Europe the French Re- ' public in a new light. It showed the monarchs, and especially I the rulers of little states, that the revolutionary propaganda which they had hated and dreaded so much had given way to an even more dangerous military policy, directed by a 1 victorious and ambitious general. I But Austria was not going to be driven out of Italy by a single campaign. The beaten army of Beaulieu was reor- ganised by General Melas, and reinforced bv ^, ^ . , - ' , . . ^ The Campaign 30,000 picked men from the Rhme. This army, in itaiy. amounting in all to 70,000 men, was placed Third stage, under the command of Marshal Wiirmser, who, at the end of July, debouched from the Tyrol and invaded Italy by the two sides of Lake Garda. Bonaparte, whose army did not exceed 40,000 men, broke up the siege of Mantua which he had formed, and utterly defeated the Austrians in the great battle of Castiglione on 5th August 1796. Wiirmser fell back, l)ut in September, the following month, he invaded Italy by the valley of the Brenta, and threw himself into Mantua. Bonaparte, now considering himself for a time freed from the danger of another Austrian attack, made an effort to reconstitute Northern Italy. Several of the cities, notably Modcna, Bologna, and Ferrara, had declared themselves republics, but Bonaparte could see no advantage in little rei)ublics, and summoned a general assembly of deputies from the whole of Lombardy to meet at Milan. This assembly was disposed to form a Lomijard Republic, but before it 176 European Historr, 1795- 1797 could complete its deliberations Bonaparte had to fight another Austrian army. The Austrians, disgusted and surprised by these successive defeats, prepared to make a great effort. For the first time, The Campaign the Emperor appealed directly to the patriotism in Italy. of the people, and more especially of the nobility, age- ^ j^g^y army was equipped, which, if not so numerous, was more enthusiastic than the former armies, and was placed under the command of General Alvinzi. Bona- parte had received few or no reinforcements, and felt himself unable to face an army of 60,000 men. He waited, there- fore, patiently in his headquarters at Verona while Alvinzi advanced slowly down the Brenta. Having learnt experience from their former defeats, the Austrians were in no hurry to come to blows, even with the small French army in front of them. Alvinzi entrenched himself in a formidable position on the heights of Caldiero, and repulsed a French attack upon the 12th of November. Another such check meant the ruin of the French army. Bonaparte decided to turn the position. Advancing along the causeway through the marshes upon Alvinzi's left, he fought the celebrated battle of Areola on the i6th of November, and Alvinzi, finding his position untenable, retreated into the Tyrol. Even yet the Austrians were not finally discouraged, Wiirmser held out in Mantua ; the Pope, incited by the Court ^^ ^ .of Vienna, did not observe the Armistice of The Campaign ' in Italy. Foligno, and determined to raise the Italian Fifth Stage, populacc against the French ; and it was resolved to make a final effort. In the depth of winter Alvinzi advanced down the eastern shore of Lake Garda, but was stopped and utterly defeated at Rivoli on the 14th January 1797. Provera, who had endeavoured to relieve Wiirmser by the Brenta, while Alvinzi occupied the main French army at Rivoli, was also defeated, and on 2d February 1797 Mantua surrendered. These successive blows destroyed the military power of Austria in Italy, and Bonaparte began to make Campaign of lygG in Germany \yy plans for invading Austria itself. But before he started it was necessary to establish peace behind him. The treacherous behaviour of the Pope showed that His Holiness could not be trusted, and it was only under the pressure of a French advance upon Rome that Pius vi. signed a treaty treaty of of peace with the French at Tolentino on 19th Toiemino. —-. • • Feb IQ 1*707 February 1797. By this treaty Bonaparte's hues ' ' of communication were secured ; the people of Lombardy were his enthusiastic admirers, and everything promised a speedy and successful advance upon Vienna. As Reubell had stated to the Prussian ambassador, the chief effort of the French armies was directed in the year 1796 against the Austrians in Italy. But the campaign in operations in Germany were nevertheless of ex- Germany, treme importance ; not on account of what was '^^ ' achieved, but because of their effect on the policy of the Princes of the Empire. Carnot, who was left in entire charge of military affairs by the Directory, combined a skilful plan of cami)aign. He directed the Army of the Rhinc-and-Moselle, now under the command of Moreau, and the Army of the Sambre-and-Meuse, still under the command of Jourdan, to make a simultaneous advance into the heart of Germany, and to unite their forces upon the Danube. The generals were sufficiently able, and the troops sufficiently experienced in war, to carry out this movement ; but at the head of the Austrians, for the first time since the outbreak of the war, there appeared a general of real military genius. The Arch- duke Charles, the third son of the Emperor Leopold, and the brother of the reigning Emperor, Francis 11., was only a young man, but he proved himself to be a profound strategist. On the ist June 1796 he announced to the French generals that the armistice, which had lasted six months, was at an end. Jourdan at once advanced from Diisseldorf, and after taking Frankfort and Wiirtzburg invaded Franconia. The Archduke Cliarlcs immediately ojiposed him with his whole army, and Jourdan had to fall back after a three weeks' campaign. I'ERIOD VII. u 178 European History, 1795 -1797 Moreau was not able to cross the Rhine until 24-25 June 1796. The operation was one of extreme difficulty, which was chiefly overcome by the skill and gallantry of Desaix. Moreau then proceeded to carry out Carnot's orders ; he advanced with great rapidity ; he defeated the Prince de Conde and his army of emigres at Ettlingen ; he occu})icd Stuttgart, and forced his way into Bavaria, reaching the Danube in the month of August. To oppose him the Archduke Charles marched rapidly to the south, and Jourdan once more left Diisseldorf and invaded Franconia. The Archduke Charles soon understood the intentions of Carnot, and took up a central position between the two French armies at Ingolstadt. He waited until the French generals had penetrated far from their base of operations, and then, leaving but a weak divi- sion in front of Moreau, he attacked Jourdan in force. The French Army of the Sambre-and-Meuse was overcome by the weight of numbers ; on the 3d of September it was driven from Wiirtzburg, and on the 20th of September defeated at Altenkirchen, where Marceau, one of the most renowned of the young generals of the republican period, was killed. Having driven back Jourdan, the Archduke Charles turned upon Moreau. That general had imprudently continued to advance into Bavaria, and did not perceive until late in Sep- tember the critical position in which he had been left by the retreat of Jourdan. When he did perceive it, he extricated himself by one of the most famous retreats known in military history. For forty days he fell back through a hostile country, with bad roads, and offering almost innumerable difficulties from its lofty mountains and dense forests, and harassed by the presence of a victorious Austrian army attempting to cut off his retreat, and eventually he recrossed the Rhine on the 24th of October. From a military point of view, apart from the intrinsic interest presented by the operations of the armies, the chie importance of the campaign of 1796 in Germany lay in the. fact that it occupied a considerable force of Austrian troops, Secret Treaty between France and Prussia 179 which were thus prevented from being sent as reinforcements to the Austrian army in Italy. From the diplomatic E3-ej.tgQf^he point of view, the campaign had results almost campaign in rivalling those achieved by Bonaparte in Italy. The Germany, advance of the French threw the states of Southern Germany into the hands of Prussia. They felt a natural sentiment of jealousy at perceiving the states of Northern Germany escap- ing the horrors of war, owing to the line of demarcation established by the Treaty of Basle. Many of the smaller states, and at least one of the larger states, Saxony, implored the intervention of Prussia. Frederick William 11., only too glad to pose as the guardian of the Empire, made use of all his influence to induce the French Directory to consent to the further extension of the line of demarcation. Reubell, the Director who took charge of foreign policy, was possessed by the idea that Prussia and France were natural allies, and induced the Directory to meet the views of Frederick William 11. ; but in return he demanded that Prussia should enter into an offensive and defensive alliance with the French Republic. The King of Prussia, in his hatred of Jacobin principles, was inclined to reject this proposal, but his ministers, notably Haugwitz and Alvensleben, persuaded him that it was impossible to refuse entirely. A compromise was arranged, and on 5th August 1796 a secret supplement to the Treaty of Basle was signed between France and Prussia, By this secret convention Prussia definitely promised to recognise the limits of the Rhine for the French Republic, and in return France guaranteed that at a general peace not only the King of Prussia should receive compensation for the territories he surrendered, by the cession of some ecclesiastical states, but also that his brother-in-law, the Prince of Orange, should receive a sovereignty in Germany, to make up for the loss of the Stadtholderate in Holland. It proved impossible to ex- tend the line of demarcation to the southern states of Germany as long as the Austrian army of the Archduke Charles remained there. And therefore the petty rulers i8o European History, 1795-1797 endeavoured to make peace with France on their own account. The Duke of Wiirtemburg and the Margrave of Baden both opened negotiations, and since the Elector of Bavaria had fled into Saxony on the advance of Moreau, the Estates of Bavaria signed a treaty of peace with the French general at Pfaffenliofen on the 7th September 1796. But the successes of the Archduke Charles and the retreat of Moreau put an end to these peaceful dispositions. The Elector of Bavaria refused to ratify the treaty his Estates had made ; the Duke of Wiirtemburg dismissed the minister who had conducted his negotiations ; and in spite of all the efforts of Prussia, the predominance of Austria continued in Southern Germany. The successes of Bonaparte in Italy, and the operations of the French armies in Germany which, though they had Internal ended in retreat, had not been discreditable to the n'irl'cto"/^'^^ generals or soldiers, reacted very favourably upon 1796. the position of the Directory. The French, as a nation, have always been dazzled by military glory, and since the armies of the Directory were victorious, they were inclined to look upon the government of the Directory as excellent. But military successes did not merely add to the reputation of the Directors ; by means of them their financial diffi- culties were relieved. The doctrine that invading armies should Kve upon the resources of the invaded countries was a most convenient one. Not only did the armies in Italy and Germany maintain themselves free of cost to the Direc- tory, but the generals sent large sums of money to Paris. It was therefore unnecessary to impose fresh taxes or issue more paper money. But the relief of iinancial distress was not the only result of the government of the Directory in 1796; it restored internal peace. Hoche, after his defeat of the emigres at Quiberon Bay in 1795, devoted himself to the pacification of Brittany and La Vendee. The chief credit due to the Directors is that they left the young general a free hand. While putting down armed insurrection, and defeating the Vendean chiefs whenever they appeared, Hoche used the The State of France in 1796 181 most conciliatory measures towards individuals. His policy, as he himself declared in one of his proclamations, was to make the Republic loved. While punishing brigandage severely, he conveniently forgot all past offences as long as the offenders occupied themselves peacefully; and on the 15th of July 1796 the Directory was able to announce to the Legislature that the whole of France was at peace. In truth, all political disturbances were at an end. The majority of the French people frankly accepted the Republic, and seemed to care very little what was the actual form of the republican government. But though political disturbances were over, the troubled times through which France had passed had left only too much scope for private animosity. In the south armed bands, resembling the Companies of Jehu of 1795, pre- tended to be acting for the defence of religion, when they were really moved by desire of plunder and booty. In the centre the pretext of religion was not alleged, but armed bands of brigands collected in the forests and the mountains, and, like the banditti in Italy, pillaged travellers on the high roads, and held whole villages to ransom. These evils steadily diminished with the consistent enforcement of the law, but it was some years before France became absolutely safe for travellers. Of less importance were the insurrections fomented by the extreme democratic party. Democracy was discredited by the recollection of the Reign of Terror, and the plot of Babeuf in May, and an attack on the camp at Grenelle in November 1796, were easily suppressed. By the terms of the Constitution of the Year iii. no change in the Directory or the Legislature was to be pj^st changes made until February 1797. By this arrangement 'f^ the Dircc- a period of consistent government was secured. Legislature*! The Directors, on the whole, acted harmoniously 1797- together. The pre-eminence of Reubell and Carnot was gener- ally recognised ; Barras occupied himself chiefly with his pleasures; Revelliere-Lepeaux was engaged in establishing his new religion of Theo-philanthropy, which was warmly taken 1 82 European History, 1795 -1797 up in the towns, but found no followers in the villages ; and Letourneur simply acted as Carnot's lieutenant. In the Legisla- ture the chief leaders, such as Sieyes, Cambace'res, and Boissy- d'Anglas, showed occasionally their jealousy of their former colleagues in the Convention ; but, on the whole, they did not try to interfere with their measures. The only heated debates which took place in the Council of Five Hundred were on the nature of the disturbances in the south of France. These were roundly asserted by the opposing parties to be caused by in- trigues of priests, or by intrigues of Jacobins. Freron, who had been sent by the Directory to settle these troubles, was very violently attacked, and with difficulty exculpated himself from the charge of political partisanship. But, on the whole, the debates in both branches of the Legislature were very tame. Nevertheless there appeared, during 1796, the germ of what in 1797 was known as the Clichian party, so called from its meeting at the Club de Clichy. This party was not openly royalist, but the chiefs of the French emigres, supported by the funds supplied by Wickham, believed they could use it to serve their own purposes, as they had made use of the agitators in Changes in the Paris Sections in 1795. ^^ the ministry no the Ministry, changes of great importance were made in 1796 ; Ramel, the former colleague of Cambon in the Financial Committee of the Convention, replaced Faypoult as Minister of the Finances ; and Petiet, a former commissary-general, was appointed Minister of War in succession to Aubert- Dubayet. Of more importance was the creation of a seventh ministry, of General Police, in January 1796, for it was an evidence of a new spirit, and the first symptom of the elabo- rate scheme for muzzling public opinion, which was developed to its height bv Fouche at a later date. Merlin of Douai left the Ministry of the Interior for three months to organise the new department, and was succeeded in April 1796 byCochon de Lapparent, a former member of the Convention. It has been said that the Directors endeavoured in vain to form an offensive and defensive alliance with Prussia. They Alliance between France and Spain i8 J were more successful with regard to Spain. The power of Godoy, who for the negotiations at Basle had France and been created Prince of the Peace, rose to its height. Spain. General Perignon, who had been sent as ambassador to Madrid by the Directory, skilfully flattered the vanity of the new prince, and, to the astonishment of all Europe, an offensive and defensive alliance was signed between the French Republic and the ancient Bourbon monarchyof Spain at San ^ ^ ^ Treaty of San Ildefonso, on the 19th of August 1796, by which iidefonso. Spain agreed to declare war against England, and 19th Aug. 1796. the French promised to assist in the conquest of Portugal, which was to be divided between the two allies. From a military point of view the alliance with Spain did not yield any advantage to France, but from a naval standpoint it proved of incalculable value. The English were obliged to abandon Corsica, their only foothold in the INIediterranean, and to concentrate their fleet at Gibraltar. The Spanish navy, to which much attention had been paid throughout the eighteenth century, had certainly improved, and, united with a few French men-of-war, far outnumbered the English Mediter- ranean Fleet. This was the year of the great English naval mutiny at the Nore, and the profound discontent which pos- sessed the English sailors was equally perceptible at Gibraltar. But fortunately the English admiral. Sir John Jervis, was a man of singular ability, who understood the English sailor perfectly. He showed no mercy to ringleaders, but main- tained (Hscipline, and even made it popular by looking after the men's food, and appealing to their patriotic feelings. He understood that, on the eve of a battle, the sailors would cease their disaffection. Accordingly he kept at sea for several months after the junction of the French and Spanish fleets, announcing his intention to offer battle ; and when Battle of discipline was restored he utterly defeated the St. Vincent. French and Spaniards off Cape St. Vincent, on the 14th of February 1797. By this victory, in which Nelson greatly dis- tinguished himself, the Spanish fleet was practically destroyed 184 European History, 1795- 1797 for offensive purposes, and the high hopes that the Directory had built on the naval assistance of Spain were frustrated. England had promptly, as in former days, come to the help of Portugal, and sent an army under the Hon. Sir Charles Stuart to defend the country, and a general, the Prince of Waldeck, to reorganise the Portuguese army. While the Directory made an alliance with Spain, and hoped to make one with Prussia, its sentiments of hostility TheDirec- . t • • , i t i. j tory and towards England remained undmimishecl. It had England, ^^^j^ expectcd in France that the conquest of Holland and the formation of the Batavian Republic, in close alliance with the French Republic, would have struck a more serious blow at the prosperity of England than it had really done. As a matter of fact, the loss of Holland proved but a slight commercial disaster ; the commerce of the North of Europe, which passed through English hands, merely moved from Amsterdam to Hamburg, and the English merchants suffered little. From a naval point of view, the French possession of Holland made it necessary for England to set on foot a power- ful fleet to watch the Dutch navy in the Texel, while she also had to maintain a fleet blockading the French port of Brest in addition to her Mediterranean fleet. The English govern- ment was more profoundly affected by Bonaparte's victories in Italy than by the loss of Holland. In November 1796 Lord Malmesbury was sent to Paris to discuss the bases of a peace. He began to negotiate for the restoration of the stains quo ante beUum, and demanded the surrender of Belgium to the Emperor. Such terms were ridiculous ; the French Diiectors, even had they wished, would not have dared to with- draw from their policy of making the Rhine the frontier of France. The diplomatic habitudes of Lord Malmesbury were regarded by the Directors as proofs of his double-dealing, and he was abruptly ordered to leave Paris on the 20th December 1796. There was little real expectation of peace on either side. At the very time Lord Malmesbury was in Paris the Directory was preparing a naval expedition in Brest harbour. Death of tlic Empress Calherine 185 It was announced that the expedition was intended for the West Indies, and it was placed under tlie command of Hoche. On the 1 6th of December it set sail for Bantry Bay, for the Directory had really recurred to the old French idea of attack- ing England through Ireland. But a terrible storm scattered the French Fleet, and only two or three ships reached Bantry Bay, and they returned to France without effecting a landing. Though the history of Europe during the year 1796 is chiefly bound up in the policy and military achieve- Death of mcnts of France, the close of the year witnessed '^^^'^"'"^ . J 01 Russia. the disappearance of the greatest monarch of Nov. 17, 1796. Eastern Europe. On the 17th November 1796, Catherine of Russia died. The importance of her reign belongs to the period prior to the French Revolution, and her attitude towards the series of events grouped under that title, was chiefly dictated by the course of events in Poland. She was suc- ceeded on the throne of Russia by her son, the Emperor Paul. The new monarch soon gave evidence of the aberration of intel- lect which led him into the strange excesses that brought about his assassination. His first step in foreign politics was to decline to assist Austria with his armies, and he even withdrew a Russian fleet which his mother had recently sent to the assistance of England. In conversation he expressed his detestation of the French as Jacobins, but none the less he opened nego- tiations with the Directory by means of his ambas.sador at Berlin, Kolichev, who communicated freely with the French ambassador Caillard. In the commencement of the year 1797 the interest of Europe was concentrated upon Bonaparte and his army. Being master of Italy he now determined to invade 1 , J • r 1 -r r • Bonapartc's the home domams of the House of Austria. He Campaign begged the Directory to act with energy in Ger- °^ '797- many in order to prevent reinforcements being sent against him. The Emperor recalled his brother, the Archduke Charles, from the Rhine, and placed in him command of the Austrian army in the Tyrol. On the i6th of March 1797 Bonaparte 1 86 European History, 1795 -1797 forced the passage of Tagliamento. Joiibert, who was acting independently in the district of Friuli, made his way by that route into the Tyrol, and joined hisgeneral-in-chief at Kla- genfurt on the 13th of March. With the combined army Bonaparte pursued the Austrians. He defeated the Archduke Charles at Neumarkt and Unzmarkt, and on 7th April he entered Leoben. The Archduke Charles felt it impossible to oppose the French longer, and on the 17th of April 1797 pre- liminaries of peace were signed at Leoben. Simultaneously with Bonaparte's advance the Armies of the „ . Rhine-and-Moselle under Moreau, and of the Campaign ' of 1797 in Sambre-and-Meuse under Hoche, were set in Germany, j^iotion. The latter advanced from Diisseldorf, defeated the Austrians in five engagements, took Wetzlar, and was already marching on Giessen in Hanover when his pro- gress was stopped by the news of the signature of the Pre- liminaries of Leoben. Moreau, on his side, had not been able to cross the Rhine until 20th April, and had made no further offensive movement, when he was ordered to cease operations. By the Preliminaries of Leoben the war between France Preliminaries and Austria, which had lasted without intermission of Leoben. for five years, came to a termination. By the Con- pri 17, 1797- ygj^^iQj^ signed at that place, Austria agreed that the Rhine should be recognised as the frontier of France, which in- volved the cession of Belgium. In Italy the Emperor promised to give up the Milanese, and to receive Venice in compensa- tion. These were the territorial bases agreed to, and General Bonaparte was intrusted by the Directory with the task of con- cluding a definitive peace with Austria. But this Convention only bound Francis 11. as head of the House of Hapsburg, not as Emperor. It was therefore agreed that a congress should be held at Rastadt, at which terms of peace should be arranged between the French Republic and the Empire. The Preliminaries of Leoben crowned Bonaparte's great victories, and the monarchs of Europe quickly recognised that they had no longer to deal with the French Republic, but with the young Corsican general. CHAPTER VI 1797-1799 Elections of 1797 in France — Policy of the Clichians— Struggle between the Directors and the Clichians^Negotiations for Peace between England and the Directory — Changes in the French Ministry — Revolution of i8th Fructidor — Bonaparte in Italy — Occupation of Venice — The Ligurian and Cisalpine Republics formed — Annexation of the Ionian Islands by France — Treaty of Campo-Formio — Capture of Mayence — The Eatavian Re- public — Battle of Camperdown — Bonaparte's Expedition to the East — Capture of Malta— Conquest of Egypt — Battle of the Nile — Internal Policy of the Directory after i8th Fructidor— Foreign Policy — Attitude of England, Prussia, Austria, and Russia — The Helvetian Republic — Italian Affairs — The Roman and Parthenopean Republics formed — Occupation of Piedmont and Tuscany by France— The Law of Conscription — Out- break of War between Austria and France — Murder of the French Pleni- potentiaries at Rastadt — The Campaign of 1799 — In Italy — Battles of Cassano, the Trebbia and Novi — Italy lost to France — In Switzerland — Battle of Zurich — In Holland — Battles of Bergen — Results of the Campaign of 1799 — Policy and Character of the Emperor Paul of Russia — Bona- parte's Campaign of 1799 in Syria — Siege of Acre — Battle of Mount Tabor — Struggle between the Directors and the Legislature in France — Revolution of 22d Prairial — Changes in the Directory and Ministry- Bonaparte's return to France— Revolution of i8ih Brumaire — End of ihc Government of the Directory in France. In the month of May 1797 a new Director and a new third of the Legislature were, in accordance with the Constitution of the Year iii., elected in France. These elec- _,. ^, ; . . The Elec- tions were entirely favourable to the Clichian tionsofiycr party. This party, which had gradually grown up '" ^'■3"'^e- since the dissolution of tiie Convention, and took its name from the Club de Clichy, was led by men of very considerable ability. The sentiment which united them was a loathing of 1B7 1 88 Eitrflpean History, \797-i799 the memory of the Reign of Terror and a desire to expel from power those who had taken part in it. Tliis sentiment was very general in France, and the new legislators returned to the Council of Ancients and the Council of Five Hundred were, with but few exceptions, men who had not sat in the Convention. Many of them were former members of the Constituent and Legislative Assemblies, and had a consider- able knowledge of parliamentary tactics. Foremost among this group was Barbe-Marbois, who had, under the Bourbon monarchy, been intendant of San Domingo, but the deputy belonging to it who attracted most attention was General Pichegru. The first success of the Clichian party was won in the election of the new Director. The retiring Director on whom the lot had fallen was Letourneur, and to fill his place was chosen Barthelemy, a former marquis, and the diplomatist who had negotiated the Treaties of Basle. This election was very significant. It seemed to presage a consistent peace policy. It afforded a guarantee that the proscription of the nobles of the ancien regime was to be ended. In foreign policy it was indeed the aim of the Clichians to bring about a universal peace. Their home policy was \ Policy of the neither so definite nor so logical. In their hatred cuchians. of the Terrorists there can be no doubt that the wiser heads among the Clichians desired a return to a monarchical government. Pichegru and the more self-seeking among them thought that they could obtain money and power by a new revolution. Never were the prospects of a counter-revolution more promising. The Clichians, recog- nising the impossibihty of restoring the Bourbon Monarchy in its former authority, were in favour of a constitutional, limited monarchy after the English pattern. But Louis xviii., and the Comte d'Artois, buoyed up by the hopes of the emigres refused to make the slightest concession ; they would not acknowledge the Constitution of 1791 ; they would not even promise to consent to the slightest limitation of the old monarchical power. Under these circumstances the Clichians The Directors and the Clidiians 1 89 had to look for a king elsewhere. A few, among whom may possibly be counted Pichegru, were ready to accept Louis xviii. on his own terms. A larger party were in favour of the Duke of Orleans, son of Philippe Egalite, and in the future King of the French as Louis Philippe. Others favoured the accession of a Prussian prince, and negotiations were opened at Berlin to see whether Prince Francis, the nephew of Frederick William 11., would accept the throne. With such divisions of opinion, there was no doubt that the internal policy of the Clichians, even though backed by large subsidies from England, which passed to them through Switzerland, was certain to bring about no result. Nor was their peace policy more likely to succeed. The wars of the French Republic had organised a body of valiant and experienced soldiers whose trade was war, and to whom the idea of peace was repugnant. Both Bona- parte and Hoche, the two greatest generals of the Directory, naturally looked with suspicion and dislike upon the policy of the Clichians. It need hardly be said that the attitude of the Clichians was one of open hostility to the four original Directors. Their one adherent in the Directory, Barthelcmy, proved to be a very weak support, and his brother Directors soon saw struggle that it was unnecessary to trouble themselves between uie about him. The four remaining original Directors and the were united in their dislike of the new theories, and ciichians. also as regicides had reason to fear their success. A severe struggle was therefore imminent between the majority of the Legislature and of the Executive. A crisis had arisen which tested the political theories which had found their expression in the Constitution of the Year iii. The Legislature endeavoured to encroach upon the authority of the Directory; the Directors refused to yield one jot of their power. The first active measure of hostility in the Councils was an attack upon the Foreign Minister, Charles Delacroix. Pitt had decided to make a second attempt to bring about peace be- tween England and France, though without much expectation 1 90 European History, lygy-iyc^g of its success, and a conference was opened at Lille on the Negotiations 4^^ July 1797) at which Lord Malmesbury was pre- fer Peace ggnt as the English plenipotentiary. He presented, England and on behalf of England, almost the same demands the Directory, as had been rejected in the previous December, and the negotiations were speedily broken off. Using this as a pretext, the hostile majority in the Council of Ancients and Council of Five Hundred accused the Directors of not sincerely wishing for peace, and threw the chief blame for the rupture of the conference on their minister, Delacroix. The Directory yielded. Charles Delacroix was sent as ambassador to Holland, and was succeeded as Foreign Minister by Talleyrand. This skilful and subtle diplomatist saw that the rivalry between the two powers in the State must lead to an open rupture. He sided strongly with the Directors ; he communicated with Hoche and Bonaparte, and there can be little doubt that he was one of the principal, if not the prin- cipal, author of the coup-d'elat or revolution which followed. The dismissal of Delacroix was perhaps the most important epi- sode ; but the other ministers were likewise violently attacked by the Councils, and in addition to the Foreign Office every department of State, except the ministries of Finance and Justice, changed hands in July 1797. Frangois de Neufchateau became Minister of the Interior, General Scherer Minister for War, Pleville de Peley Minister of the Marine, and Lenoir- Laroche, who was succeeded in a few days by Sotin de la Coindiere, Minister of Police. The revolution of the i8th Fructidor was one which created The Revoiu- but little interest among the people of France. It tion of i8th ^y^g t}^g result of an intrinsic weakness in the Con- Fructidor. . . (4thSeptem- stitution, not of a popular movement. Two co- ber 1797.) equal powers can never exist in the government of a State : when a collision takes place one must be overthrown. In their measures for overthrowing or muzzling the leaders of the opposition in the Legislature, the four senior Directors could not agree. Carnot, the greatest of them all, disliked Revolution of iZtli Friictidor 191 any interference with the Constitution, and looked upon the employment of force as Ukely to lead to great disasters. The other original Directors, Barras, Reubell, and Revelliere- Lepeaux, were, however, perfectly agreed. They were deter- mined to use the regular troops that formed the garrison of Paris ; Hoche, from Holland, sent them a sum of money; and Bonaparte instructed one of his best generals, Augereau, to act according to their orders. Accordingly, on the morning of the 1 8th Fructidor (4th September 1797) fifty-five of the leaders of the Clichian party in the Legislature, including both Barbe-Marbois and Pichegru, were arrested, and were at once deported, with the ex-minister of Police, Cochon de Lap- parent, and several other individuals, without trial, to Cayenne\ and Sinnamari. The same harsh measures were not taken\ with regard to the two dissentient Directors, Carnot and Barthelemy, who were given every facility for escaping from France. This revolution was carried out without the shedding of a single drop of blood, and the success of the Directors was acquiesced in by the people of France. Merlin of Douai, the great jurist and statesman, and Francois de Neufchateau, a dramatist and former member of the Legislative Assembly, were elected as the new Directors in the place of Carnot and Barthelemy, and were succeeded in the ministries of Justice and the Interior by Lambrechts and Letourneur. After the conclusion of the Preliminaries of Leobcn Bonaparte returned to Italy and established himself at Montebello, near Milan. He was appointed Bonaparte plenipotentiary of the French Republic to con- >" it^'y- elude a final treaty with Austria, but the negotiations lasted for many months. During this time the young general was chiefly engaged in settling Italy. He first made a terrible example of the city of Verona, where the people occupation had risen in revolt during his campaign in the of Venice. Tyrol, and had murdered the wounded French soldiers left in their city. He next occupied Venice, and exacted from it 192 European History^ 1/97-1799 a heavy contribution in money. Having thus estabhshed his power throughout northern Italy, Bonaparte began to set up new governments. On the 15th of June 1797 he insisted on the dissoUition of the ancient government of Genoa, and The Ligurian formed that city and the surrounding districts into Republic. a new Ligurian RepubHc. Piedmont, by the terms of the Treaty of Cherasco, was left to the King of Sardinia, but Bonaparte at once formed Lombardy, Modena, Reggio, Bologna, Ferrara, the Romagna, Brescia, and Mantua into one The Cisalpine State, which he named the Cisalpine Republic. Republic. The Constitution of this new Republic, which was modelled on the Constitution of the Year iii., was pro- mulgated on the 9th of July 1797. In these measures Bonaparte had carefully avoided any annexations by France. It was otherwise with regard to the Ionian Islands, which were ceded to the French Republic by Venice. Corfu was occupied on the 28th of June 1797, and Bonaparte believed that by this cession the French fleet in the Mediterranean would be able to close the Adriatic Sea. During the months in which Italy was being thus recon- structed, the Austrian plenipotentiary, Cobenzl, was skilfully delaying the signature of a definitive treaty between France and Treaty of Austria. In truth, the Austrians, like the English, Campo- Thugut, like Pitt, hoped that the Clichian party lyth'october would win the day. The successful coup d'etat of 1797- 1 8th of Fructidor destroyed his hopes, and on 17th of October 1797 the Treaty of Campo-Formio was signed. The bases laid down by the Preliminaries of Leoben were generally followed. The frontier of the Rhine for France was solemnly recognised. The new arrangements in Italy were also agreed to, and to Austria was ceded Venice and all the territories of Venice in Istria and Dalmatia and up to the Adige, in compensation for the loss of the Milanese. The Emperor also engaged to use his influence at the Con- gress of Rastadt to secure peace between France and the Holy Roman Empire. The Treaty of Campo-Formio really Capture of Mnyetice 193 struck a more severe blow at the Empire than at the House of Austria. The cession of the Rhine frontier to France imphed the loss to the Empire of the electorates of Treves, Mayence, and the Palatinate, while it only deprived Austria of her mutinous and rebellious subjects in Belgium. A secret clause was also added to the Treaty, by which the French Republic promised to guarantee the whole of Bavaria to the House of Austria, in return for the immediate evacuation of all the fortresses which the Austrians occupied upon the Rhine. Immediately upon receiving the news of the Treaty of Campio-Formio the Directory equipped a special army under the command of General Hatry for the capture of Mayence, the only place on the left bank of the Rhine not in the possession of France. Deprived of the assistance Capture of of Austria, the troops of the Empire and of the j^th^^"" m- Elector of Mayence could make but little resist- benygy. ance, and on 29th of December 1797 Mayence was once more surrendered to the French Republic. The Batavian Republic, which had been established in 1795 in Holland, was also considerably affected by the HoUand. revolution of 1 8th Fructidor. The Dutch Legis- The Batavian lature had been influenced by every current of ^^" feeling in France, and during the predominance of the Clichians had made no real effort to support their French allies. After the conclusion of the Convention of Leoben, and the consequent cessation of hostilities in Germany, the Directory despatched Hoche to Holland. He there busied himself with another effort for his favourite scheme for the invasion of England. For this purpose he relied upon the powerful Dutch fleet, which was being blockaded by an English squadron under Admiral Duncan in the Texcl. During the mutiny at the Nore in the summer of 1797 the position of the blockading English fleet had been very critical, and on one occasion it is stated that two English ships were left to watch fifteen Dutch. Directly after the revolution of Fructidor, the Directors, who did not feel certain of the support of Moreau, removed Hoche from PERIOD VII. N 194 European History, 1797-1/99 Holland and placed him in command of the united Armies of the Rhine-and-Moselle and the Sambre-and-Meuse under the title of the Army of Germany. Hardly had he taken up his command when the most distinguished rival of Bona- parte died on the i8th of September 1797. Though deprived of the active superintendence of Hoche, the government of the Batavian Republic, under the influence of the vigorous war policy of the new Directory, ordered the Dutch fleet to Battle of leave the Texel. It was met at sea by Admiral camperdown. Duncan off the dunes or downs of Kampe 1797.°''^° " (Camperdown), and entirely defeated after the most hotly contested naval battle of the war. The naval policy of the Directory had thus resulted in the destruction of the Spanish fleet in the battle of Cape St. Vincent and of the Dutch fleet in the battle of Camperdown. On the 5th of December 1797 General Bonaparte arrived Bonaparte in Paris. The death of Hoche had left him in Paris. without a rival, and the revolution of the i8th of Fructidor had been so entirely the result of the assistance of the army that its greatest general was practically the master of the poHtical situation. The Directors received him with transports of enthusiasm and gave him a public reception, but, nevertheless, they were overawed by the extent of his reputa- tion and afraid that he might attempt to take an active part in politics. He was appointed to the command of the Army of the Interior, which was intended for the invasion of England. Bonaparte, like Hoche, sincerely wished that such an invasion should be effected, but he understood the extraordinary diffi- culty inherent in any attempt to transport an army across the Channel in the presence of a powerful fleet. He therefore advised the Directory that it would be wiser not to attack England directly, but to make an effort to overthrow her power in Asia. It seemed to him more practicable to invade India than to invade England. His imagination was stirred by the conception of an expedition to the East, and the Directory was only too glad to remove from France for a time its most able and ambitious general. Bonaparte in Egypt 195 On the 9th of ^Tay 1798 Bonaparte left Toulon at the head of a picked force of his veterans of Italy, and Expedition accompanied not only by his favourite generals, to Egypt. 1798. but also by some of the leading savants and men of letters of France. On the 9th of June the fleet reached Malta, and on the 1 2th the Knights of St. John of the Hospital, who had held the island ever since the Middle Ages, surrendered it to the French general. Leaving a garrison in Malta, Bonaparte then proceeded to Egypt. He disembarked in front of Alexandria on the 1st of July, and upon the 4th he occupied that city. He then advanced on Cairo, and on the 21st of July he defeated the Mamelukes at the Battle of the Pyramids, and on the 24th he occupied Cairo. The English fleet in the Mediterranean, under the command the Nile, of Nelson, had been intended to stop the expedi- ^^"^ August. tion to Egypt, but it had been misdirected, and was unable to t prevent the disembarkation of the French forces. On the ist of August, however, Nelson appeared before Alexandria, and in , the battle of Aboukir Bay, generally known as the Battle of the Nile, he destroyed the French fleet. This victory entirely cut off Bonaparte and his army from France. The English held the Mediterranean, and for many months prevented the despatch of either news or reinforcements. In November they strengthened their position in the great south European sea by the occupation of Minorca by an army under the Hon. Sir Charles Stuart, and in 1800 the French garrison in Malta sur- rendered to General Pigot and Captain Sir Alexander Ball. Before Bonaparte left Paris the time had come round for the election of a new Director. The lot fell upon ,„♦„ \ i Internal Francois de Neufchateau to retire, and his place Policy of was filled by Treilhard, a former member of the ^"^ directory. Constituent Assembly and of the Convention. Treilhard had been himself one of the leading Thermidorians, and since the close of the Convention he had been employed first as Minister in Holland and then as one of the French j^lenipotentiarics at the Congress of Rastadt. There is little doubt that Sieyes 196 European History, 1797- 1799 might have entered the Directory had he so wished, but he preferred to act in a different capacity. Francois de Neuf- chateau at once returned to his former office of Minister of the Interior, and the only other alteration in the ministry was the appointment of Admiral Bruix to be Minister of Marine. The Directory, inspired by its victory on the i8th of Fructidor, did not hesitate to infringe the terms of the Constitution of the Year in. The Royalists or Chchians had not dared to appear at the elections to the Councils in 1798, and the democrats had been able to elect whom they wished. But the Directors did not intend to be subject to the democrats any more than to the Clichians, and without the slightest show of legality they quashed many of the elections to the Councils and gave the vacant seats to their own nominees. This dis- regard of the law was also shown in other branches of the internal policy of the Directory. The Directors, in spite of the Constitution, interfered with the finances, and, by the advice of Ramel, followed Cambon's example of declaring a partial bankruptcy. This, however, had but little effect in France, for, owing to the depreciation in the value of the government paper money, very litde interest was expected by the creditors of the State. In purely internal administration the weariness of the French people of political disturbances enabled the agents of the Directory to maintain the public peace without difficulty. The lack of capital in the country was compensated by the fact that the government was the only great employer of labour, and the spoils of the con- quered countries enabled it to pay the workmen sufticiently. It seems surprising that this bankrupt government should have been acknowledged without opposition throughout France, but the cause is to be found in the universal attention paid to the course of foreign affairs. The Peace of Campo-Formio had, as has been shown, left France face to face with England, and it was to strike a blow at the power of England that Bonaparte proceeded to Egypt. For the same reason the Directory carried out the favourite Sieyes at Berlin 1 97 scheme of Hoche, and despatched a force to Ireland under General Humbert in August 1798, which was The Foreign forced to surrender to Lord Cornwallis in Sep- Policy of the tember. But though the powers of the Continent "^^'^ °^'^' had been compelled to acknowledge the military superiority of France, they were only seeking a loophole by which to enter once more upon a general war. The departure of Bonaparte seemed to offer them a good opportunity, and pretexts were not wanting for the formation of a new coalition against France. The English ministry understood this attitude of the Continental powers, and their emissaries were busy in all the Courts of Europe. The Directors knew of these efforts of Pitt and did their best to counteract them. The keynote of the French policy was, as it had always been, to make an ally of Prussia. For this purpose Sieyes, who, though not in office, was probably the most influential man in France, obtained his nomination to a special embassy to Berlin. He hoped by mixed measures of conciliation and of menace to induce Frederick William in. of Prussia, who had suc- ceeded his father in November 1797, to enter into an offensive and defensive alliance. But that monarch, in spite of the^ weakness of his personal character, had absolutely determined to maintain his father's policy of strict neutrality, and neither the arguments of Sieyes nor those of Mr. Thomas Grenville, the brother of the English Foreign Minister, could induce him to swerve from it in either direction. The efforts of England were crowned with more success at Vienna and St. Petersburg. The Emperor Francis, and still more the Austrian people, were profoundly disgusted by the triumphs of the French, and flattered themselves that their defeats had been due to the genius of Bonaparte more than to the valour of the French soldiers. On the conclusion of the Treaty of Campo- Formio, Bonaparte had, without consulting the Directory, nominated General Bernadotte to be the J'Yench Ambassador at Vienna. The Austrian people took this appointment as an insult ; Bernadotte, though well received by the Emperor 1 98 European History, 1797- 1799 and his ministers, soon found that he was most unpopular in Vienna, and on the 13th of April 1798 the Viennese mob collected in front of the French Embassy, insulted the ambas- sador, and tore down the insignia of the French Republic. In spite of this insult the Directors did not at once declare war against Austria, but it afforded a pretext for dwelling on the inborn hatred of the Austrians for the French in their pro- clamations to the French people. Since such was the dis- position of the Austrian people, it need hardly be said that the English envoy was heartily welcomed at Vienna. At St. Petersburg the application of Pitt for armed help was favour- ably received. The Emperor Paul, though already showing siens of the brutal insanity which was to lead to his assassina- tion, still preserved the prestige of being the heir of the great Catherine. His ministers were those of Catherine ; his policy was based on hers. But whereas Catherine had steadfastly re- fused to go to war with France, Paul showed a decided in- chnation, which was fostered by his generals, to see whether the Russian army would not be more successful than the Prussian or the Austrian against the seemingly invincible French republicans. The French Directory, though recognising that it might have The Helve- ^°°" *° contend again with the power of Austria, tian Republic, and for the first time with that of Russia, neverthe- Apni 1798. j^gg roused without any reason fresh enemies upon the French frontiers. Its greatest mistake at this period was its interference with the affairs of Switzerland. For this inter- ference there was no real cause, but the Directors could not resist the temptation of inflicting their special form of republic upon the Swiss. The organisation of most of the cantons of Switzerland was essentially feudal and oligarchical. The government of each canton and of each city was in the hands of a very few families, and the people were in much the same condition politically, socially, and economically as the people of France before the Revolution. The Swiss peasants had caught the contagion of revolution from France, and in the TJie Helvetian Republic 199 beginning of 1798 the people of the Pays de Vaud rose in insurrection against the authority of the Canton of Berne. This rising was followed by popular tumults in other cantons, and the peasants everywhere destroyed the signs of the feudal system and declared themselves in favour of ' Liberty — Equality — Fraternity.' The popular leaders appealed to France for help, and a powerful army under the command of General Brune invaded Switzerland. The militia of the cantons was speedily routed ; Brune occupied Berne and sent the national treasury to Paris, and a freely-elected Constituent Assembly was summoned. This assembly proclaimed an Helvetian Republic, one and indivisible, with a Directory, two Councils, and Ministers, in imitation of the French, the Cisalpine, and the Batavian Republics, to take the place of the old Swiss federal constitution. Great reforms were speedily accomplished ; on the 8th of May 1798 internal customs-houses were abolished, and on the 13th of May torture was forbidden in judicial processes ; on the 3d of August marriages between persons of different religions were declared legal ; and eventually all feudal rights were suppressed. Great as were these reforms, they were not entirely acceptable to the Swiss people. The mountaineers of Uri, Schweitz and Unterwalden, the descend- ants of the founders of the ancient Swiss liberties, objected to be freed under the influence of French bayonets, and the cry of national patriotism soon raised an army against the French liberators of the peasants. The French troops had to remain perpetually under arms, and the Helvetian Re- public, in spite of the popular freedom which it secured, was hated even by the peasants whom it had relieved. The hatred for the French name was increased by the arbitrary conduct, and it was asserted by the corrupt behaviour, of Rapinat, the French commissioner, who was a near relative of Reubell, the Director. The intervention of the Directory had, therefore, in Switzerland, roused a people in arms, even though it had been dictated by the best of motives. 200 European History, 1 797-1 799 When Bonaparte left Italy he had been succeeded in the Italian command of the French troops which occupied the affairs. frontiers of the Cisalpine Republic by General Berth ier. This general, desirous of emulating the successes of Bonaparte, took the opportunity of the murder of the French ambassador at Rome, General Duphot, to occupy the Eternal City. The Pope, Pius vi., fled from Rome to the Carthusian ^, „ monastery at Pisa, and the Roman people declared The Roman -' ' -r, \ v Republic. themselves to be once more the Roman Kepubhc. February 1798. (^^j^g^^jg and Tribuncs, as in ancient days, were elected; the Directory, full of classical recollections, recognised the Roman Republicwith transports of enthusiasm; andGeneral Berthier took the opportunity to send large sums of money to Paris. The King of Naples, or to speak more accurately, the King of the Two Sicilies, regarded the new republic with any- thing but favour. Encouraged by English and Austrian envoys, and still more by the news of Nelson's victory at the Battle of the Nile, he determined to attack Rome. He placed one of the most distinguished of the Austrian generals. Mack, at the head of his army, and, without declaring war, occupied Rome on the 29th of November 1798. The French troops for the moment had to retire. But Championnet, who had succeeded Berthier, quickly concentrated his army, and on the 15th of December he occupied Rome in his turn. Championnet then took the offensive ; he invaded the Neapolitan territory, and he quickly conquered all Ferdinand's dominions in Italy. The King fled to Sicily, and in January 1799 the Parthenopean TheParthe- Republic was Solemnly installed at Naples. The RT^ubiic *^^° remaining independent states of Italy were January 1799. also occupicd by the French armies. The one of these. Piedmont, was conquered without any declaration of war or any pretext by General Joubert in November 1798, and Kino; Charles Emmanuel iv. fled to Sardinia. The other, Tuscany, in spite of the desire of the Grand Duke to remain at peace with France, was the next victim, and on the 25111 of March 1799 the French troops occupied Florence. Renewed War between Austria and France 201 The occupation of the whole of Italy and of Switzerland did not increase the military strength of France; on The Law of the contrary, the proceedings of the Directory only Conscription, i aroused the most profound disgust and fear in ^ ^^ ' ^''^ ' Austria, Russia, and England. The Directors felt that a far more terrible war than they had yet been engaged in was about \ to break forth, and it may be assumed that, on the eve of hostili- \ ties, they even regretted the absence of Bonaparte. Enormous numbers of soldiers would be necessary in a new war. Trained and experienced officers and non-commissioned officers existed, but the difficulty was how to fill the ranks. It was no longer possible to have recourse to the measures of the Convention, to the levee en masse, and to the appeal for volunteers with the cry that the country was in danger. The Republic had now become a military power, and the question was how to recruit its armies, not how to rouse the whole population. On the 19th of Fructidor, Year vi. (5th September 1798), the Councils' of the Ancients and of Five Hundred, on the application of | the Directory, passed the first Law of Conscription. By this law all Frenchmen between the ages of twenty and twenty-five with certain exceptions were declared to be subject to military service. They were divided into five classes, and one or more classes could be called out by the executive audiority after receiving the consent of the Legislature. This law is the starting-point of the military levies which formed the army of Napoleon, and the principle of conscription was thus laid down many months before Bonaparte became First Consul. Mention has been made of the riot at Vienna which caused the departure of the French ambassador, Berna- The Outbreak dotte. He was not replaced by the Directory, of War. 1799. and long negotiations took place on the subject of the com- pensation due to the Republic for this insult. But neither party was in earnest. Both the French Directory and the Emperor Francis were preparing for the contest. The first overt act of war took place at the commencement of 1799, wlien the Austrian troui^s, under the command of the 202 European History, 1797-1799 Archduke Charles, occupied the passes of the Grisons, and it jlvas in this quarter that before war was actually declared the first engagements were fought. In Italy General Scherer was attacked at Verona by the Austrian General Kray, and in Germany General Jourdan fell back into the Black Forest. In both of these quarters many skirmishes took place, and eventually on the 25th of March 1799 the Archduke Charles Battles of defeated Jourdan in a pitched battle at Stockach. stockachand ^ fg^ (jj^yg later, on the 5th of April, Scherer was 25th March defeated at Magnano. Meanwhile the Congress of and 5th April. Rastadt was Still sitting, and Austria was nominally at peace with France. The conclusion of a treaty between France and the Empire, which was the subject of the delibera- tions at Rastadt, was necessarily a difficult matter to negotiate, for it involved nothing less than the entire reconstitution of the Holy Roman Empire, a reconstitution which could only be carried out by the secularisation of the bishoprics. Eventually, in the month of April 1799, after the engagements of Stockach and Magnano, the French plenipotentiaries at Rastadt under- stood that it was hopeless to expect to conclude a treaty with the Empire. They therefore asked for their passports to France. These passports were refused. As they left Rastadt the French plenipotentiaries were attacked by some Austrian hussars ; two of them, Roberjot and Bonnier d'Alco, were killed, and the other, Jean Debry, left for dead. This odious violation of international law and the rights of ambassadors took the place of a formal declaration of war, and roused not only the Directory but the French people to the most strenuous exertions. Meanwhile the Emperor Paul of Russia declared war against France, and ordered three armies to be despatched to the scenes of action. The campaign of 1799 was fought out in three localities, ^^ „ in all of which the Russians played a most pro- The Campaign y j i- in Italy. mincnt part. In Italy a Russian army, under the ^^^^' command of one of the most famous generals in Europe, Suvorov, reinforced the Auslrians after the battle of The FrencJi driven from Italy 203 Magnano. Suv6rov forced the passage of the Adda at Cassano on the 27 th of April, and rapidly drove Moreau, who had succeeded Scherer in command, across northern Italy. On the 2Sth of April Suvorov entered Milan, and the Cisalpine Republic at once expired. On the 27th of May he entered Turin, and after leaving besieging armies before Mantua and Alessandria, shut up the remnants of Moreau's army in Genoa. But the army of Moreau was not the only French army in the Italian Peninsula. Several powerful divisions, under the name of the Army of Naples, were concentrated in Rome and Naples to support the newly-formed Roman and Parthenopean Republics. Macdonald, who had succeeded Championnet in the command of this army, rapidly concentrated and threatened to take the Austro-Russian army in flank. Suvorov withdrew from Turin and turned to his left to meet his new assailant. On the banks of the Trebbia a three days' battle was fought from Bauie of the the 1 7 th to the 19th of June. The issue of the battle Trebbia. itself was doubtful, but Macdonald, finding himself ^^ "^^ unsupported by Moreau from Genoa, was obliged to retreat into Tuscany. Fearing to be cut off, he then forced his way along the difficult passage between the mountains and the sea, and joined Moreau, after collecting every French soldier from the garrisons in the south of Italy. The retreat of the French was followed by an outburst against the Italian republicans. The Parthenopean Republic was at once overthrown, and King Ferdinand of the Two Sicilies wreaked cruel vengeance on his subjects. Pope Pius vi. had been removed from his retreat near Florence to Valence, and the French Directors had some idea of keeping him prisoner as a hostage in the same way as Napoleon afterwards imprisoned his successor. But the old Pope could not bear the sufferings of Death of his imprisonment, and died at Valence on the 29th Pope Pius vi. of August 1799. Rome, deprived of the presence ^9''^^"s- 1799- of the Pope and the Cardinals, fell under the dominion of the Roman nobles, who followed the example of the King of the Two Sicilies in persecuting the rcpubhcans. Meanwhile the 204 European History, 1797-1799 French Directory appointed General Joubert, who was beUeved to be the best of the former subordinates of Bonaparte, to take command at Genoa of the rehcs of the armies of Moreau and Macdonald. With these soldiers he burst out of Genoa to raise the siege of Alessandria, but on the 15th of August he Battle of ^^ '^^ utterly defeated by Suvorov at Novi in a great Novi. battle, in which Joubert himself was killed. In 15th August. gp|j.g qJ- ji^ggg defeats the Directory refused to believe that Italy was lost. A new army was formed, and placed under the command of Championnet, who, however, was defeated at Genola on the 4th of November by the Austrians, under Melas, and driven back into France. While Suvorov was conquering Italy and destroying the The Campaign recollection of the victories of Bonaparte in that Switzerland, country, Massena, who was in command of the 1799- French army in Switzerland, was engaged in a most difficult task. The Archduke Charles, who also had under his command a Russian army under Korsakov, forced his way slowly into Switzerland, driving the French before him, and in August 1799 left Korsakov in command at Zurich. The Archduke was then ordered to take the bulk of his army to the Rhine in order to invade France. Korsakov, abandoned to his own resources, showed himself far inferior in military ability to Suvorov. Massena, with singular boldness, refused to Battle of remain on the defensive, and on the 26th of Sep- Zurich. tember drove the Russians out of Zurich. His victory ^^*' was won just in time, for Suvorov, after defeating Joubert at Novi, had determined, in spite of the terrible weather, to cross the Alps. It was on the 24th of September, two days before Massena's victory at Zurich, that the main Russian army arrived at the summit of the St. Gothard Pass. General Lecourbe, one of the finest mountain generals of his day, occupied the St. Gothard, and with a few battalions kept the whole Russian army at bay. Suvorov nevertheless persevered and hoped to turn Massena's flank. But it was several weeks before he could reach the village of Alldorf. Being unable to The Campaign of 1799 in Holland 205 find boats to cross the lake, he had now to retreat, and when he reached the Orisons his army was practically destroyed by starvation and the stress of the weather. Massena, thus relieved of his most formidable enemies, took possession of Constance, and by threatening the flank of the Archduke Charles forced the main Austrian army to fall back to the Danube. The third campaign of 1799 was fought in Holland. In this quarter it had been arranged that the English The Campaign and Russians were to act in concert. On the 27th in Holland, of August the English fleet had successfully ^^'^'^' reached the Dutch coast, and had captured the relics of the Dutch fleet, defeated at Camperdown, in the Texel. After this operation an English army, under the Duke of York, and a Russian army, under General Hermann, disembarked at the Helder. General Brune was hurriedly despatched to take command of the few French troops in Holland, and co- operated with the army of the Batavian Republic under General Jansscns. The campaign consisted of a succes- Battles of sion of fierce but indecisive battles in the neigh- Bergen, bourhood of Bergen. The English and Russians did not act harmoniously together; the country was unsuited for field operations ; and supplies were not adequately provided. As a result of the operations, though he had not been really defeated, the Duke of York signed the Convention of Alkmaar on the iStli October, by which he agreed to surrender all prisoners on being allowed to evacuate Holland. The results of the campaigns of 1799 were decidedly favourable to France. Though Italy was lost, and Results of the more than one French army had been defeated, Campaigns, the victories of Massena and of Brune more than compensated for these disasters. Not only had France not been invaded, but she had been able to retain her position in Switzerland and in Holland, and to hold the whole of the right bank of the Rhine. England, in spite of the Convention of Alkmaar, could i)oint to the victory of the Nile and the capture of the Dutch fleet in the Texel as real successes, and Pitt and 2o6 European History, 1797- 1799 Grenville did not despair of ultimate victory. The King of Prussia, who, when the affairs of France seemed to be desperate, had begun to assume an attitude of opposition, and demanded the evacuation of the Prussian provinces on the Rhine, speedily repented of his indiscretion, and made excuses for his behaviour. The Austrian ministers evinced no desire to continue the war ; they resented the high-handed conduct of Suvorov, and showed themselves more afraid of their powerful ally, Russia, than of their declared enemy, France. They implored the English government to bring about the with- drawal of the Russian troops, and the Emperor Paul was only too glad to comply. The retreat of the Russians left Italy practically in the hands of Austria. The Grand Duke Ferdinand of Tuscany was restored to his dominions, but the King of Sardinia was not recalled, and Piedmont remained in the occupation of the Austrian troops. Genoa alone was held by a French garrison, which was closely besieged by the Austrians on the land side, and blockaded by the English Mediterranean fleet. It was under the influence of Austria and under the protection of Austrian troops that the Conclave met at Venice in November 1799 to elect a new Pope. The significant feature of the campaigns of 1799 was the intervention of Russia. Mention has been made Russia. of the abandonment of the policy of the great Catherine by her successor. This change in the attitude of Russia was due mainly to the influence of England, but partly to the encouragement given by the French Directory to the Poles. The restoration of Poland to its place among the nations had long been a favourite idea among French republicans. Kosciuszko had been enthusiastically welcomed at Paris, and the first of the Polish legions which were to do good service under Napoleon was raised by Dombrowski in 1797. The Emperor Paul had met this attitude by welcoming the pretender Louis xviii. to Russia, where he lent him the palace of Mittau and gave him a considerable pension. He also took into Russian pay the armed corps of emigres under The Attitude of the Emperor Paul 207 the command of the Prince de Conde. But fear of French assistance to Poland would not alone have induced the Emperor Paul to declare war. He was particularly offended by the French occupation of the Ionian Islands and of Malta. By the Treaty of Campo-Formio the Ionian Islands had been ceded to France, and the Russians regarded this cession as an indication that the Directory was going to interfere actively in the affairs of the East. The bad impression created by the occupation of the Ionian Islands had been increased by the conquest of Malta and the expedition to Egypt. Though Russia quite intended to destroy the power of Turkey, she had no idea of allowing any western nation to share the spoils. It was for this reason that the Emperor Paul accepted the title of Grand Master of the Knights of St. John, which the expelled Knights of Malta offered to him, and that he occupied the Ionian Islands with a Russian force in 1798. The foreign policy of the Emperor was so far popular in Russia in that it maintained the sole right of Russia to interfere in the East, but it was unpopular in that it seemed by the despatch of the armies under Suvdrov and Korsakov to bolster up the power of Austria. Suvorov and his officers returned to Russia with a feeling of respect for their enemies, but with a feeling of intense disgust at the behaviour of their allies. Suvdrov, indeed, went so far as to accuse the Austrians of playing the part of traitors, and the anger of Paul was raised to its height by the capture of Ancona, which was delivered by a secret compact to the Austrian general in spite of the assistance of Russian troops. He was equally angry with England on account of the failure of the expedition to Holland. Every thing at the close of 1799 conduced to make the Empero Paul seek for a pretext to make peace, if not an actual alh ance, with the French Republic. While these important campaigns were being fought out in Europe, Bonaparte had not been idle in the East. The l^atlle of the Pyramids had made him master of P^gypt, and though cut off by the English fleet from communication with France, 2o8 European History^ 1797- 1799 he remained master of the country. His internal admini- Campaiijn stration made him excessively popular among the in Syria. Egyptians. He removed the Turks and Mamelukes ^'^^' from office, and called on the Egyptians to govern themselves. But the Turks did not intend to lose Egypt without striking another blow, and a powerful army was sent for its reconquest. Bonaparte determined to meet this army halfway, and in February 1799 he advanced into Syria. He speedily reduced Palestine and took Jaffa, and then laid siege to the strong fortress of Acre. Assisted by the English sailors of Sir Sidney Smith, the garrison of Acre made a gallant defence. The Turkish army advancing to its relief was defeated by Bonaparte at Mount Tabor on the i6th of April. In spite of his victory, he had, nevertheless, to abandon tl:e siege of Acre, and on the 20th of May he commenced his retreat to Egypt. He there found the position to be extremely critical. The Mamelukes had reorganised their army and reoccupied Cairo, and a Turkish army had been disembarked by the English fleet at Aboukir. Meanwhile Desaix, whom he had left in command in Egypt, had gone up the Nile for the conquest of the interior. Bonaparte soon re-established his power ; he defeated the Mamelukes at Cairo, and drove the Turkish army into the sea. At this juncture he heard the news of the events of the campaigns in Europe, and, what affected him more, of the course of politics at Paris. He determined, therefore, to return to France, and leaving Kleber in command in Egypt, he set sail with a few personal friends. The ship on which he • embarked escaped the English cruisers, and he landed at Frejus on the 9th of October 1799 after a perilous voyage of forty-seven days. The varying issues of the campaigns of 1799 had profoundly Quarrel be- affected the situation of the Directors, and the dis- tween the ^stcrs in Italy had turned the hopes both of the Councils and •' '^ the Directory, army and of the French people towards Bonaparte. At the annual change in the composition of the Directory and the Councils which took place in 1799 a considerable Revolution of }f)tli Prairial, Year Vll. 209 alteration had been made. The new third of the Councils consisted almost entirely of men who, without being either Jacobins or Clichians, longed to see the establishment of a strong government in order to secure peace. The Directory, which had seemed so strong after the revolution of the iSth of Fructidor, had been considerably weakened by the be- haviour of the Directors themselves. The election of none but civilians to the highest offices in the State was disliked by the army, and the characters of the Directors themselves had suffered. Reubell was the Director designed by lot to retire in May 1799 ; he was perhaps the ablest and most experienced of them all, but had been discredited by the bad conduct of his relative, Rapinat, in Switzerland. Sieyes was elected to succeed Reubell. This choice, and the acceptance of Sieyes, testified to a new condition of affairs. The former abbe misht have been a Director on at least two former occasions, in 1795 and 1798, and his acceptance at this juncture was very significant. He had failed in his embassy at Berlin to induce the new King of Prussia to become the active ally of France, and had been convinced by his diplomatic experiences that the government of France must become frankly military, since the monarchical powers of Europe would not accept the possibility of a peaceable French Republic. From an internal point of view the acceptance of Sieyes indicated an increase of power for the Legislature, of which he was the idol. The election of Sieyes was followed by a bloodless revolu- tion. He maintained that the failure of the Constitution of the Year iii. was due to the usurpation of the functions of the Legislature by the Directory, and, therefore, when the Councils declared Treilhard and Merlin of Douai to have been illegally chosen Directors, and called for the resignation of RevelHere-Lepeaux, they found a powerful ally in Sieyes. The attacked Directors yielded without a struggle, and Revolution of on 30th Prairial, Year vii. (i8th June 1799), they ^"glbjune'"" were replaced by three personal friends of Sieyes, 1799). Gohier, Roger Ducos, and General Moulin. Barras was thus PERIOD vii. o 210 European History, 1797- 1799 the only member left of the original Directory. The Councils, not satisfied with this victory, began to usurp the executive functions of the Directory, and a general change of ministry took place. The new ministers were Rcinhard, Robert Lindet, Cambaceres, Quinette, Bernadotte, replaced on 14th Sep- tember by Dubois-Crance, Fouche, and Bourdon de Vatry, who succeeded Talleyrand and his colleagues as Ministers of Foreign Affairs, the Finances, Justice, the Interior, War, Police, and the Marine respectively. It is worthy of note that four of the new ministers were formerly leading members of the Convention. But the administration of the Councils was not more effective than that of the Directory, and the news of the disembarkation of Bonaparte at Frejus was received with a feeling of general satisfaction throughout France. Bonaparte reached Paris on the i6th of October, and his Revolution of assistance was sought by men of all parties. He (gth November ^'^llied himsclf with none, but there can be little 1799) doubt that he took the advice mainly of Talley- rand, Fouche, and Sieyes. Nevertheless he did not repulse the leaders of the Councils, and to show their attachment for him the Council of Five Hundred, on the 2 2d of October 1799, elected his brother Lucien Bonaparte to be their pre- sident, and the whole Legislature gave him a grand banquet on 6th November. The first stage of the revolution of Brumaire was a decree by which the Council of Ancients, or rather certain of its members, who had been initiated into the project of a coup d^cfat, taking advantage of a clause in the Constitution applicable to circumstances of popular agitation, resolved in the early morning of the i8th Brinnaire, Year viii. (9th November 1799), that the two Councils should leave Paris and meet at Saint-Cloud ; and the execution of this decree was intrusted to General Bonaparte. In the palace of Saint-Cloud it was easy to surround the legislators by a body of troops faithful to Bonaparte, since the command of the troops in Paris was in the hands of one of his friends. General Lefebvre, who was discontented at not having been elected a Director Revolution of 1 8/// Bruinaire 211 instead of Moulin. Sieyes and Roger Duces, who were in the plot, at once declared their resignations ; Barras was induced to acquiesce ; and the other two Directors were guarded as prisoners in the palace of the Luxembourg by General Moreau. On the following morning, the 19th of Brumaire, Bonaparte entered the Councils, escorted by soldiers ; the Ancients listened to him quietly ; but the Five Hundred were in a tumult ; a proposal was made to declare the general and his supporters hors la loi or outlaws ; and after a stormy scene the deputies were driven from the hall by the grenadiers. In the evening a few deputies, who were in the secret of the general's plans, met and decreed the suppression of the Directory and the creation of a provisional government, con- sisting of three Consuls. The three men chosen for this office were Bonaparte, Sieyes, and Roger Ducos. Commissions were appointed to revise the Constitution and to draw up with the Consuls new fundamental laws for the Republic. By this revolution Bonaparte practically became ruler of France, for Sieyes had no influence with the army, and Roger Ducos no influence with anybody. It was a military revolution like that of the i8th Fructidor; it was a bloodless revolution like that of the i8th Fructidor; but it differed in that, instead of establishing the power of five men, it established the power of one. And that one man was the idol of the army, and generally acknowledged to be the greatest general of France. The preponderance of Bonaparte was quickly recognised by his colleagues. 'Who shall preside?' said Sieyes at the first meeting of the provisional Consuls on 20th Brumaire. ' Do you not see that the general is in the chair?' replied Roger Ducos. And Sieyes, who was the chief epigram maker as well as the constitution-monger of the Revolution, is said to have summed up the situation with the remark to his friends on the same evening : ' Messieurs, nous avons un maitre ; il salt tout, il peut tout, il veut tout.' CHAPTER VII 1799-1804 Constitution of the Year viii.— The Consulate — The Council of State— The Tribunate— The Legislative Body— The Senate— Internal Policy, of the Consulate— General Reconciliation — The Code Civil— Ministers of the Consulate— Foreign Policy of the Consulate— Russia— Prussia— The Pope — Campaign of Marengo — Campaign of Hohenlinden — Winter Campaign of Moreau and Macdonald— The Treaty of Luneville— Arrangements in Italy— Policy and Murder of the Emperor Paul of Russia — The Neutral League of the North— Battle of Copenhagen— War between Spain and Portugal— Treaty of Badajoz— Campaign of 1801 in Egypt — Peace of Amiens between England and France— Reconstitution of Germany- Secularisation of the German ecclesiastical dominions — Reconstitution of Switzerland— Concordat between the Pope and Bonaparte— Internal Organisation of France under the Consulate — The new Departments — Annexation of Piedmont — The Prefectures— System of National Educa- tion—Constitutional Changes in France — Bonaparte First Consul for life— Recommencement of War between England and France — Causes- Position of Affairs on the Continent— Plot of Pichegru and Cadoudal— Execution of the Due d'Enghien — Bonaparte becomes Emperor of the French— Francis II. resigns the title of Holy Roman Emperor for that of Emperor of Austria. The revolution of the i8th of Brumaire had placed supreme The constitu- powcr in the hands of Bonaparte ; that power was tion of the speedily legalised and defined in the Constitution Year VIII. ^^ ^j^^ y^^^. ^^^^ r^j^^ chief political problem was once more how to regulate the relation between the legislative and executive authorities. The Constitution of 1791, and still more that of 1793, had entirely subordinated the executive to the legislative authority; the Constitution of the Year iii. (1795) had endeavoured to co-ordinate them; the Constitu- tion of the Year viii. (1799) entirely subordinated the legisla- tive to the executive. It fell once more to Sieyes, one of the 212 The Consulate 213 principal authors of the Constitutions of 1791 and 1795, as Second Provisional Consul, to define the new arrangements. His attempt at co-ordinating the two powers in the State in 1795 had failed in its operation: as was inevitable, the two authorities declined to preserve their legal relations to each other. On the 18th of Fructidor, Year v. (4th September 1797), the executive in the form of the Directory had usurped and partially destroyed the power of the Legislature, and on the 30th of Prairial, Year vii.{(i8th of June 1799) the Legisla- ture had acted in the same way towards the executive. By the Constitution of the Year viii., therefore, the executive power was frankly acknowledged to be supreme. In its details \ it was entirely the work of Sieyes, though his main idea — the / appointment of a Grand Elector who should nominate to fill | all offices, but should exercise no power — was rejected by Bonaparte. The new Constitution was soon ready ; it was submitted to the primary assemblies of the people on the 14th December 1799, and was accepted by them by 3,011,107 votes against 1567, and was officially proclaimed on the 24th of December. The keystone of the new Constitution was the Consulate. / There were to be three Consuls nominated for The I ten years, but these officials were not to be equal consulate. I in authority, as had been the case with the Directors. On thef contrary, the First Consul was to be perpetual president and perpetual representative of the governing triumvirate. All administrative power was placed in his hands, and the Second and Third Consuls were little more than his chief assistants. The Consuls acting together nominated the Ministers, and also the Council of State, which was intended to be at the same time an administrative tribunal of appeal, and the originating source in matters of legislation. In the work of legislation the Council of State was supple- mented by the Tribunate and the Legislative The Body. All laws prepared by the Council of State Legislature, were first submitted to the Tribunate, which was composed 214 European History^ 1799- 1804 ' of one hundred members. The Tribunate could neither ; reject nor amend a law, but decided whether to support or \ oppose the project before the Legislative Body. The Legis- lative Body consisted of three hundred deputies chosen by certain electoral assemblies formed by a complicated scheme out of the taxpayers of the departments. By this scheme, after three series of elections, what was termed a ' National List ' was drawn up. From this national list the Senate chose the members both of the Legislative Body and the Tribunate. The Legislative Body alone voted the taxes. In legislative matters it played the part of a national jury, listening to the arguments for or against brought forward by the Tribunate on every project prepared by the Council of State, and deciding in every case without discussion. The Legislative Body alone could give a project of the Council of State the character of a law. The Senate was composed of eighty members nominated for life by the Consuls. Its duties were to choose the members of the Tribunate and Legislative Body from the National List, and to decide whether any law or measure of the government was contrary to the Constitution. If it decided that such law or measure was unconstitutional it had the authority to annul it. The Consulate was composed of Bonaparte as First Consul, , , , with Cambaceres and Le Brun, both famous Internal ' Policy of the jurists, as his associates. Their policy was one Consulate. ^^ general reconciliation. The individuals de- ported after the revolution of the i8th of Fructidor were allowed to return to France if they had not, like Pichegru, become declared royalists. They were even taken into favour ; while Carnot was appointed Minister of War, Portalis and Barbe-Marbois were nominated to the Council of State. The lists of emigration were closed ; no longer could persons be declared to have emigrated on mere suspicion, and the First Consul, as an administrative measure, annulled the decrees excluding relations of emigres and former nobles from fill- ing executive offices. More than 150,000 emigres were also allowed to return, mostly priests, who were no longer Internal Reforms in France 215 regarded as rebels, and who, whether they had taken the oath to observe the Civil Constitution of the Clergy or not, vi'ere allowed to resume their sacred functions on simply promising to obey the new Constitution of the State. The Consulate did even more than this for the cause of religion ; many churches which had been appropriated for civil purposes were restored to their original uses. Brigandage was sternly put down, and Bona- parte, at last, pacified La Vendee by negotiating a treaty of amnesty with the remaining Vendean leaders at Montlugon, on the 17th of January 1800. A special effort was made to put the finances in order, and Gaudin, who held office as Minister of the Finances throughout the Consulate and the Empire, first proved his extraordinary powers. His financial reforms may be roughly summed up by the mention of his two most important measures. The decrees of the Directory in favour of forced loans from the rich, which had been arbi- trarily and unfairly carried out, were abrogated and replaced by a general income-tax of twenty-five per cent. This esta- blished a degree of security which counterbalanced the heavi- ness of the taxation imposed. The second measure was the appointment of receivers'-general of taxes in every department. These men had to give heavy security, and were allowed a fair measure of profit in the form of a percentage on what they collected. They were strictly supervised, and the scandalous dilapidations which had signalised the period of the Directory were made impossible. Further, in order to secure the support of the capitalists, the Bank of France was founded under the guarantee of the State. Finally, the First Consul decided to carry into effect the projects of the legal reformers of the Constituent Assembly and the Convention. Their labours had made possible the formation of a uniform code of law for France. Bonaparte appointed a Commission, consisting of Tronchet, Portalis, and Bigot de Preameneu, to The Code examine the labours of their predecessors, and Napoleon, with their help to draw up the admirable civil code, which was afterwards known as the Code Napoleon. 2iG European History, 1799- 1804 In no respect was the administrative ability of the Consuls better manifested than in the selection they made of their The ministers. It has already been noticed that Gaudin, Ministry, (-^e greatest financier of France, was appointed Minister of the Finances. Talleyrand and Fouche once more took possession of the portfolios of Foreign Affairs and of Police, which they held for many years. Their first Minister of the Marine, Forfait, did not remain long in office, but his successor, Decres, held that post from 1801 till 1814. The same may be said with regard to the Ministry of Justice. Abrial, the first occupant of this post, gave way to Regnier in 1802, but he likewise remained in office till 18 14. The Ministries of War and of the Interior were more difficult to fill- Carnot soon resented the tone of Bonaparte, and was succeeded by Berthier, afterwards Prince of Neufchatel, who had been Chief of the Staff to Bonaparte in Italy. La Place, the great astronomer, had been appointed Minister of the Interior by the Provisional Government in November 1799. He did not show himself very efficient, and was succeeded by Lucien Bonaparte, the First Consul's ablest brother, in the following month. He too failed to carry out the wishes of the Consuls, and was succeeded in 1800 by one of the most distinguished administrators of the period, Chaptal. Of foreign affairs Bonaparte, as First Consul, assumed the entire management ; in internal matters he laid down the main The External pHHciples indeed, but he allowed his colleagues Policy of the some share in the government. He found France Consulate. ^^^^ mox& at war, as she had been before the Treaty of Campo-Formio, with Austria and England. But another redoubtable enemy had been added in Russia. Fortunately for France, for reasons which have already been indicated, the Emperor Paul was profoundly dissatisfied with his allies. From an unreasoning hatred for France, the Russian Emperor had now altered his sentiments to one of profound admiration for the person of the First Consul. Bonaparte was soon notified of this disposition at the Court of St. Petersburg. He Foreign Policy of Bonaparte 217 sent his most intimate friend, Duroc, on a special mission to Russia, and the idea was already suggested that Russia and France ought to be the arbiters of Europe. He offered to recognise Paul not only as Grand Master of the Knights of Malta, but as the sovereign of that island, and promised in every way to forward Russian interests. In return, Paul, with his usual exaggeration, declared Bonaparte to be his dearest friend, surrounded himself with his portraits, drank pubhcly to his health, and ordered Louis xviii. to leave Mittau. The Russian ambassador at Paris, Kolichev, on behalf of his master, proposed that Bonaparte should take the title of King of France, and make the crown hereditary in his family. Next in importance to the commencement of good relations with Russia, was the First Consul's effort to make the King of Prussia his declared ally. For this purpose he sent Duroc also to Berlin. But Frederick William iii. was a different type of monarch from the Emperor Paul ; he could not so readily alter his policy. Personally, he too admired the First Consul, and regarded him as the restorer of order and as a monarch in embryo ; but, in spite of his admiration, he refused to comply with the wishes of Bonaparte, as he had rejected the proposi- [ tions of the Directory, and insisted on the maintenance of his consistent attitude of strict neutrality. The last point in the foreign policy of Bonaparte is his attitude towards the Pope. He not only allowed the body of Pope Pius vi. to be removed from Valence to be buried at Rome, but he recognised the new Pope, Pius vii., although he had been elected at Venice under Austrian influence; he even offered to restore him to his temporal dominion at Rome, and promised to enter into negotiations with him with regard to the re-establishment of the Catholic Church in France. With the two great enemies of France, Austria and England, the First Consul had no desire to treat. Though The Campaign unable to strike at England, owing to the weak- Marengo ness of the French navy, he could yet attack the 1800. Austrians in two quarters. Two powerful armies were prepared. 2i8 European History, 1799- 1804 the one the Army of the Danube, which was placed under th-^ command of Moreau, and the other the Army of the Interior, soon to become famous as the Second Army of Italy. Of all the conquests in Italy made by the French in 1796 and 1797, only Genoa remained in their possession. Massena, fresh from his victories in Switzerland, had taken command of the besieged army. His defence is one of the most famous in history, and does no less honour to the general than his victory at Zurich. Bonaparte desired to relieve Genoa ; and he resolved not to advance along the coast, as he had done in 1796, but by crossing the Alps, and descending upon Piedmont, to cut off the Austrian army occupying that province. In the month of May Bonaparte crossed the Great Saint Bernard Pass at the head of 40,000 men, and fell at once on the Austrian flank. He was too late to relieve Genoa, which surrendered on the 4th of June, when but few of the soldiers were still able to stand, but he was in time to close the retreat of the Austrians upon Lombardy. On the 9th June 1800 General Lannes defeated the Austrian advanced guard at Montebello, and Bonaparte then barred the road from Alessandria to Piacenza. General Melas, though not yet joined by the troops which had taken Genoa, had a larger army than Bonaparte; on June 14 he forced his way out of Alessandria, and drove back the French columns which occupied the village of Marengo. The battle was practically lost by the French, when Desaix, who had been detached to the left with 6000 men, fell upon the Austrian flank. Desaix was killed, but the vigour of his attack practically cut the Austrian army in two. The dragoons of Kellermann completed the victory, and General Melas signed the Convention of Ales- sandria, by which he surrendered Genoa, Piedmont, and the Milanese to the French, and promised to withdraw the Austrian garrisons from all cities to the west of the Mincio. Bonaparte then attended a Te Deum sung in honour of his victory in the cathedral of Milan, and returned to Paris, leaving the Army of Grisons, under Treaty of Luneville 219 the command of General Macdonald, to follow up the Austrians. While Bonaparte was whining the battle of Marengo, and reconquering Italy by a single blow, Moreau was again face to face with his old opponent, the Archduke Charles, campaign of The French advance was very slow. Fierce Hoheniinden. battles were fought at Engen, Moeskirchen, and Biberach in May 1800, and by the close of the summer Moreau had his headquarters at Augsburg, and his advanced guard at Munich. The slowness of Moreau's progress dissatisfied the First Consul, as did the want of success of the Archduke Charles dissatisfy the court of Vienna. Augereau was sent with 20,000 men to the assistance of Moreau, who was ordered, in spite of the severity of the winter, to continue his advance ; and the Archduke John was appointed to succeed his brother, and ordered to take the offensive. The crowning event of this winter campaign was the great victory of Hoheniinden, which was won by Moreau on the 3d of December 1800. The Austrians lost the whole of their baggage and artillery and 12,000 prisoners. The First Consul from Paris ordered Moreau and Mac- donald to advance into the home districts of the House of Austria. Moreau accordingly pushed alon^; the ^, ^ -' ^ , , ^ The Winter Inn, the Salz, the Traun, and the Ens, driving the Campaign disorganised and discouraged Austrians before °f'S°°- him until he was within twenty leagues of Vienna. Macdonald, at the same time, crossed the Spliigen Pass in spite of the avalanches, and penetrated into the Tyrol, thus turning the Austrian forces on the Mincio and the Adige. On arriving at Trent, Macdonald turned to the right and was joined by Brune, who had occupied the territory of Venice, and the united French army marched upon Vienna. Under these circumstances, with Italy lost, and Vienna threatened from two fjuarters, the Emperor Francis sued for peace, which was concluded at Luneville on the 9th of February 180 1. The Treaty of Luneville was more important from its 220 European History, 1799- 1804 destruction of the old Holy Roman Empire than as the treaty ,. of peace between France and Austria. From the The Treaty of ^ >- LuneviUe. latter point of view the Emperor Francis once Feb. 9, 1801. 1-noj-e, as in the Treaty of Campo-Formio, recog- nised the Rhine as the limit of France. In Italy the Cisalpine Republic was once more constituted with the Adige as its frontier, Modena was to be compensated with the Breisgau, and Venice was again left to the House of Austria. Tuscany was taken from its Austrian Grand Duke, and erected into a kingdom of Etruria in favour of the Prince of Parma, a relative of the King of Spain, and Piedmont was annexed to France ; but the King of the Two Sicilies was allowed to retain his dominions, and the Pope was restored to all his possessions except the Legations of Bologna and Ferrara. The Cisalpine Republic was reorganised, and granted a Constitution on the model of that of the Year viii., in which Bonaparte was appointed First Consul. The Ligurian Republic was main- tained, with the alteration that its Doge was nominated by France instead of being elected. The result of the new arrangements in Northern Italy was that both France and Austria had a foothold by their occupation of Piedmont and Venice, with the Cisalpine Republic as a buffer between them. The principle of secularising the German bishoprics was also again recognised in the Treaty of LuneviUe, and the actual manner in which it should be carried out was referred to a special commission, whose conclusions were not adopted till 1803. The principal result of the treaty in Austria was the retirement of the minister Thugut, who was succeeded as State Chancellor by Count Louis Cobenzl, the diplomatist, who had negotiated the treaties both of Campo-Formio and of LuneviUe. The admiration of the Emperor Paul for Bonaparte in- Murderof creascd daily, and it was the Russian Czar, not the Emperor t^g Freuch First Consul, who proposed an in- 23d March vasiou of India across Asia, in order to strike 1801. a blow at the English power in the East. Indeed, the English had taken the place of the French in the mind of Murder of the Emperor Paul 221 Paul, who, not satisfied with forming once again the Neutral League of the North, determined to send his best troops against them. The Emperor's proposition was that one expedition should consist of 35,000 Frenchmen and 35,000 Russians, under the command of Massena. This column was to go dowai the Danube, and then up the Don to a point whence it would be but a short march to the Volga. It was then to proceed down the Volga to Astrakhan, thence across the Caspian Sea to Astrabad, and then to march by Herat and Kandahar to the Punjab. Another column was to move by Khiva and Bokhara, and to invade India by the north of Afghanistan. These grandiose plans were not entirely accepted by Bonaparte, and the death of the Emperor prevented an attempt being made to see if they were practicable. The madness of Paul had steadily increased during his short reign. His nobility disapproved heartily of his war policy, both against France and later against England ; his adoption of the Neutral League and its policy had done much to ruin the wealthy nobles of Northern Russia by forbidding the exporta- tion of Russian commodities on English ships. To the dis- content of the nobility, of the politicians, and of the capitalists must be added the fears of the courtiers. Even the heir to the throne, his eldest son Alexander, perceived that the rule of the maniac could not be borne much longer. It is hardly necessary to particularise all the causes of his unpopularity ; it is enough to say that his behaviour was that of a madman. Certain courtiers, of whom the leaders were Count Pahlen, a Livonian nobleman ; Benningsen, a Hanoverian general ; Plato Zubov, the last favourite of the Empress Catherine, and his brother Nicholas, and the Prince Jachvill, determined to put an end to the tyranny of the Czar. In the night of the 23d of March 1801 he was attacked by these conspirators and ordered to sign an act of abdication ; he refused ; the lamp went out, and the Emi)eror was struck down and strangled by an unknown hand among his assailants. When Bonaparte first entered office he recognised that 222 European History, 1799- 1804 England was a more formidable, because a less approachable, The Neutral enemy than Austria. Knowing that the French Nortr °^^''^ "'^^y ^'^^ unable to meet the English, he hoped to 1800-1. counterbalance the maritime preponderance of England by a league against her commerce. Owing to the long period of war, nothing was to be gained by solemn decrees forbidding the importation of goods into France, it was necessary to strike through the neutral nations. The three great commercial seats of English trade were the Levant, the Baltic, and Portugal. The failure of the expedition to Egypt proved that it was impossible to destroy the English trade in the Levant, and Bonaparte therefore resolved to strike in the other two directions. Acting mainly through the Emperor Paul, the Armed Neutrality of the North, or the Neutral League of 1780, was re-established between the Baltic powers of Russia, Prussia, Sweden, and Denmark. The real intention of Paul and of Bonaparte was to exclude English commerce entirely from the Baltic ; but for the second time the Baltic powers nominally made themselves the guarantors of the rights of neutrals. They protested against the right assumed by England to search neutral ships, and to confiscate as contraband of war all the goods of belligerent powers found in them, and also against the prohibition against neutral ships trading between different enemies' ports. The Emperor Paul, like the Empress Catherine twenty years before, made himself the patron of the Neutral League. The English government naturally refused to accede to the demands of the Neutral League, and when the Baltic was closed to them an English fleet was ordered to Copenhagen, force the blockade. This fleet was placed under 2d April 1801. ^j^g command of Sir Hyde Parker, with Nelson as second in command. On the 30th of March 1801 the fleet sailed down the Sound, in spite of the Danish batteries at Elsinore, and on the 2d of April Copenhagen was bombarded and a large part of the Danish fleet destroyed. This victory, and still more the death of the Emperor Paul, caused the Treaty of Badajoz 223 dissolution of the Neutral League of the North, and Bonaparte? had to adjourn for some years his schemes for the annihilation of English commerce. / In the Iberian peninsula the designs of Bonaparte against English trade were more successful. Spain still remained the ally of France in spite of the sufferings that alliance g^^.^^ ^^^ had brought upon her, but Portugal had hitherto Portugal, continued the faithful friend of England. Through ^'^°"'' Portugal English goods entered Spain and the south of France, and Bonaparte resolved to put an end to the neutrality of Portugal. For this purpose, in the year 1800, he despatched his ablest brother, Lucien Bonaparte, as ambassador to Madrid, with orders to negotiate with the Prince Regent of Portugal. The terms offered were that the Portuguese ports were to be closed to English trade, that special commercial advantages were to l^e given to French merchants, that French Guiana was to be extended to the river Amazon, and that a portion of Portuguese territory was to be ceded to Spain until Trinidad and Minorca were recovered by the latter power. The Prince Regent of Portugal rejected these hard terms ; Spain declared war in the beginning of 1801, and 22,000 veteran French soldiers, under the command of General Leclerc, Bonaparte's brother-in-law, were sent to the assistance of Spain. The campaign was a very short one. The French troops never came into action ; but the Portuguese were twice defeated in pitched battles, and lost some of their fortresses. The Prince , Regent sued for peace, and a treaty was signed between Spain ^ and Portugal at Badajoz on the 6th of June 1801. Treaty of By this treaty the city and district of Olivenza badajoz. were ceded to Spain, and, by a subsequent arrangement, the limits of French Guiana were extended to the river Amazon. Bonaparte was much disgusted with these treaties, and espe- cially with the continued refusal of Portugal to close her ports to English commerce, and it was many months before/ he consented to ratify them. ICngland refused to recognise Portugal as an enemy ; but an luiglish force occupied the / fc) 224 European History^ 1799-1804 island of Madeira, and the East India Company's troops garrisoned Goa. When Bonaparte left Egypt he was unable, owing to the stringency of the blockade maintained by the English fleet, to take more than a few companions with him. Campaign '■ .... in Egypt. Klcber, who, as has been said, succeeded hmi m 1800-1. j-i^g command of the French army, soon found himself confronted by a powerful Turkish and Mameluke army. This army he defeated at the battle of Heliopolis on the 20th of March 1800, after which success Egypt again sub- mitted to French rule. On the 14th of June 1800, the very day on which his former comrade Desaix met a soldier's death at the battle of Marengo, Kleber was assassinated by a Muhammadan fanatic in Cairo. Menou, the new French general in Egpyt, was in every way Kleber' s inferior, and con- centrated the French troops in the two cities of Cairo and Alexandria. Isolated entirely from the mother country, and unable to receive reinforcements or ammunition, the English government regarded the French in Egypt as an easy prey. On the 19th of March 1801 a powerful English army disem- barked at Aboukir, under the command of Sir Ralph Abercromby, and defeated the French before Alexandria two days later in a pitched battle, in which Abercromby was killed. Siege was then laid to Alexandria and Cairo, and both cities surrendered to the English general, Lord Hutchinson, before the arrival of a division from India, which, under the command of Sir David Baird, had sailed up the Red Sea, marched across the Soudan desert, and descended the Nile to Cairo in boats. As a result of these operations, a convention was signed between the French and English generals in Egypt on the 2d of September 1801, by which the French garrisons evacuated all remaining posts, and were conveyed to France in English ships. Though neither Bonaparte nor the leaders of English politi- cal opinion believed it possible for a permanent peace to be agreed to in the interests of their respective countries, the The Peace of A miens 225 outer)' of both the English and the French people against the prolonged war made it necessary for their rulers The Peace to conclude some kind of a truce. Pitt had LthM'arch in I So I gone out of office, and his successor 1802. Addington, afterwards Lord Sidmouth, declared in favour of v. a peace policy. The treaty, which is known as the Peace of xA.miens, was really nothing more than a truce. Only a very general agreement was come to, and many essential points were left undecided. Both nations needed a rest, and neither government looked upon the Peace of Amiens as affording a permanent solution of their differences. Many loopholes were left, which were certain to afford pretexts for renewing the war to both contracting powers, and of these the most notable was the question of the possession of Malta. Far more important than the temporary Peace of Amiens was the reconstitution of Germany, which was finally accepted by the Diet at Ratisbon on the 25th of February ^^^ Recon- 1803. The Holy Roman Empire which had stitution of lasted so many centuries ceased to exist. The *^^'""''^"y- ancient division of the Empire into circles was abolished, and the three colleges which formed the Diet were profoundly affected. Instead of the eight electors, three ecclesiastical and five lay, that formerly existed, ten electors, one ecclesiastical and nine lay, were created. The Archbishops of Cologne and Treves, whose states being on the left bank of the Rhine were absorbed into France, lost their electoral dignity. The Archbishop-Elector of Maycnce was retained as Arch- Chancellor of the Empire, and he received as his dominions the Bishopric of Ratisbon, the Principality of Aschaffenburg, and the County of Wetzlar. The nine lay electors were the five princes who had formerly enjoyed the dignity, namely, the Electors of Bohemia, Brandenburg, Saxony, Bavaria, and Hanover, and four new Electors, the Margrave of Baden, the Duke of Wiirtemburg, the Eandgrave of Hesse-Cassel, and the Grand Duke Ferdinand, brother of the Emperor, and former Grand Duke of Tuscany, who was appointed Elector PERIOD VII. p 226 European History, 1799- 1804 of Salzburg. By this new arrangement, and by the abolition of two-thirds of the ecclesiastical electorate, the majority in the College of Electors passed from the Catholics to the Protestants. In the College of Princes there was the same result, for by the secularisation of the Catholic bishoprics the majority passed to the Protestant rulers. More sweeping still was the alteration in the third College — that of the Free Cities. Instead of fifty-two constituent members of this College only six were retained, and their maintenance was due to the intervention of France. These six cities were Augsburg, Bremen, Frankfort-on-the-Main, Hamburg, Liibeck, and Nuremberg. By these changes the constitution of the Empire was entirely altered ; but still more notable was the change in the position of the various princes in Germany, for the tendency of the secularisation of the ecclesiastical states was to diminish the number of ruling princes and to increase the extent of their dominions. The great war with France had shown the weakness of the Empire as an organisation, and had also proved the advantages to the inhabitants of the existence of large and powerful states. It was, therefore, the already existing kingdoms The Secular- . ' ' . . isationsin wliich received the greatest addition of territory Germany. under the new arrangements. Nominally, the secularised bishoprics were intended to compensate those German princes whose territories on the left bank of the Rhine Ijad been ceded to France ; practically, the powerful states only were increased. Austria, whose new possession of Venice in place of the Milanese had been reaffirmed by the Treaty of Luneville, only acquired in Germany the Bishoprics of Brixen and Trent, but two Austrian princes received inde- pendent states, namely, the Grand Duke of Tuscany, Fer- dinand, who, as has been said, was given the Archbishopric of Salzburg, with the title of Elector, and the Duke of Modena, who received the Breisgau. Nevertheless, the power of Austria was greatly weakened, for under the old arrangement the ecclesiastical electors and the Catholic bishops had always Reconstitution of Germany 227 been partisans of Austria. Prussia was the country which profited the most, though she had suffered the least in the war against France. In exchange for part of the Duchy of Cleves, the Duchy of Guelders, and the County of Moers, Prussia re- ceived the large and wealthy Bishoprics of Hildesheim, Pader- born, Erfurt, and part of Miinster, together with a number of abbeys, of which the largest were Herford, Quedlinburg, Elten, Essen, and Werden, and several free cities. Hanover received the Bishopric of Osnabriick, to which the King of England, as Elector of Hanover, had previously possessed the alternate nomination. Bavaria was made into a powerful and concentrated state. In exchange for the Palatinate, the Duchy of Deux-Ponts (Zwei-Briicken), the Principalities of Julicrs, Simmern and Lautern, she received the Bishoprics of Wiirtzburg, Bamberg, Augsburg, Freisingen, and part of Passau, together with a large number of abbeys and free cities. Baden received the portion of the Bishoprics of Spires, Strasbourg, and Basle, situated on the right bank of the Rhine, the Bishopric of Constance, the cities of Heidell)erg and Mannheim, and many abbeys and free cities. Finally, the Duchy of Wiirtem- burg, in exchange for the Principality of Montbeliard, received abbeys and free towns, which increased its population by a hundred thousand inhabitants. It is not necessary to describe the various accessions granted to the Princes of Hessc-Cassel, Hesse-Darmstadt, Nassau, and the rest ; but, it may be noted that the Prince of Orange, the former Stadtholdcr of Holland, received the Bishopric of Fulda. These changes remodelled Germany, and in the result were most prejudicial to France; for instead of there existing a series of buffers in the shape of small and weak states, France was brought almost directly into contact with Prussia and Austria. At the same time that the ancient federal Holy Roman Empire was reconstituted, the ancient federal ^, „ *■ . . The Recon- Republic of Switzerland was likewise reorganised, stitution of The reasons which had induced the Directory to Switzerland, intervene in Swiss affairs still existed ; the revolutionary party 228 European History, 1799- 1804 which opposed the federal idea, and desired to form a united Switzerland, remained in direct opposition to the supporters of the former government of the cantons. It was essentially the question of government which divided the two parties, and there was no suggestion of restoring the feudal system, or the privileges of certain towns and certain cantons over others. The breath of the French Revolution had swept away political inequalities as completely in Switzerland as in France. Soon after the Treaty of Amiens, Bonaparte withdrew the French troops from the new Helvetic Republic. Civil war, as he expected, recommenced, and the Helvetic Government was driven from Berne by the federalists. Bonaparte there- fore despatched an army to restore order, and summoned the leading Swiss statesmen to Paris. To them he pro- pounded a new scheme of federal government, which was accepted, and the Act of Mediation, which was promulgated on the 19th of February 1803, established the new Constitu- tion, and recognised the First Consul as Mediator. By the Act of Mediation Switzerland was divided into nineteen can- tons, each of which had its own local government and special laws and taxes. The thirteen old cantons were main- tained ; six of them were democratic — Appenzell, Glarus, Schwyz, Unterwalden, Uri, and Zug ; seven were oligarchical — Basle, Berne, Friburg, Lucerne, Schaffhausen, Soleure, and Ziirich. The six new cantons added by Bonaparte com- prised five territories which had formerly been subject ; the Pays de Vaud and Aargau were made independent of Berne ; Thurgau was separated from Schaffhausen, and Ticino from Uri and Unterwalden, and the canton of Saint-Gall was formed out of certain districts formerly belonging to Appenzell, Glarus, and Schwyz; finally, the Grisons, which had hitherto been an independent mountain republic, was declared a can- ton of Switzerland. Geneva had some years before been added to France as the Department of the Leman, and the Valais was now declared independent — ^a preliminary step to its ulti- mate annexation by France. The Federal Diet was to consist The Concordat 229 of twenty-five deputies, two from the six largest cantons,] Aargau, Berne, the Grisons, Saint-Gall, the Pays de Vaud, and Zurich, and one from each of the others. The Diet was to meet every year in the capital of a different canton, and the Landamman of that canton was for that year the President of the Confederation. The Federal Act once more declared the entire abolition of feudalism, and of all privileges of birth, | etc., and forbade for the future all internal customs-duties. Bonaparte frankly acknowledged that he would not allow the interference of any other power in Switzerland, and took the title of Mediator of the Confederation of Switzerland. It has already been stated that Bonaparte desired to stand well with the Catholic Church, and had recognised the ad- vantages of a state religion. One of his most The con- important measures during the Consulate was to '=°''^^'^- ^^^-^^■ put an end to the schism which had lasted since the promul gation of the Civil Constitution of the Clergy in 1790, wiili the assistance of the Pope, Pius vii. All the bishops elected under tlie Civil Constitution of the Clergy, and most of those who had emigrated, sooner than take the oath of allegiance to it, resigned, and the leaders of both sections were nominated and instituted to different dioceses. A new circumscription of sees was agreed to, and France was divided into fifty bishoprics and ten archbishoprics. It was agreed by the Concordat, which was signed between the Pope and the First Consul on the 15th of July 1801, and solemnly proclaimed on the iSth of April 1802, after being sanctioned by the Legislative Body, that the First Consul should nominate all bishops, and the Pope should institute. The government of the Consulate recognised the Catliolic, Apostolic and Roman religion as that of the majority of the French people, and ordained that its public worshi[) .should be carried on freely so long as the police regulations were observed. All ecclesiastics were to swear fidelity to the government, which promised to pay a suitable salary to all bishops and curtis. In return, the Pope promised that neither he nor his successors would lay any 230 European History, 1799-1804 claim to the ecclesiastical estates which had been alienated, and that all such property should be held the indisputable 1 possession of its purchaser. The recognition of the frontier of the Rhine by the Treaty of Luneville and the Diet of Ratisbon largely increased the Internal territory of France. The First Consul proceeded Organisation, j.^ organise the additions on the bases laid down by the Constituent Assembly, Convention, and Directory. Belgium was divided into nine departments. The Rhenish territories, including the Palatinate, the Diocese of Treves, etc., were divided into four departments, of which the headquarters were Aix-la-Chapelle, Coblentz, Mayence, and Treves. Further south, the Department of the Mont-Terrible, which had been formed by the Convention out of the Republic of Mulhouse and the District of Porentruy, was merged into the Depart- ment of the Haut-Rhin, and the Principality of Montbeliard was united to the Department of the Doubs. The Republic of Geneva, as has been said, formed the Department of the Leman. Savoy was constituted as the Department of Mont- Blanc, and the County of Nice that of the Alpcs-Maritimes. These were the recognised limits of France in 1801, and were defensible on geographical grounds ; but, on the nth of Sep- tember 1802, Bonaparte went further, and declared the union of Piedmont with France. Instead of being amalgamated with the Cisalpine Republic, Piedmont was divided into six departments, and the island of Elba was detached from Tuscany and declared, like Corsica, to be a French island. The Pre- At the head of each department a Prefet was ap- fectures. pointed, to take the place of the national agents maintained by the Directory. At the head of each subdivision, now called an arrondissement instead of a district, was placed a Sous-Prefet, also nominated by the supreme executive, and at the head of each commune was the Maire, who was also nominated and not elected. Prefets, Sous-Prefets, and Maires were assisted by nominated councils in administrative matters, and appeals from their decisions lay to the Council of State. Bonaparte Consul for Life 231 Just as Bonaparte had built up the new Code of Law on the bases laid by the Legislative Committee of the Convention, so, too, he made use of the labours of its Com- Kducation. mittee of Public Instruction to establish a scheme of national education. In every commune which could afford the expense, he maintained the primary school established by the Convention ; but he feared to burden the National Treasury with the expense of schools in the poorer communes, and preferred to leave their establishment to local endeavour. In secondary education, he suppressed the central schools of the Convention, and replaced them by twenty-nine lycees, specially intended for the education of the middle classes. For higher education, he founded ten schools of law and six of medicine ; he improved the Polytechnic School, and started a school of mechanics, which became later the famous Ecole des Arts et Metiers. The key-stone of the whole edu- cational system, the foundation of the University, was, how- ever, not laid till some years later. The great administrative reforms of Bonaparte made him as popular among all classes of the population as his victories had made him in the army. Not only in France, but throughout Europe, he was looked upon as tionai the restorer of order and good government. This Changes, sentiment appeared most vividly at the time when a plot against his life was discovered on the 24th of September 1800. This plot, which is known as the Conspiracy of the Infernal Machine, is said to have been the work of the Jacobin party ; the explosion took place in the Rue Sainte-Nigaise, too late to do him any harm, but it was used as a pretext to exile the most vigorous republicans. So great was his popularity, that r umours w ere already heard of m aking hi m monarch. The first step in this direction was taken in 1802, when the Council or State propo sed that the primary assemblies shouTd'be summoned to decide whether Bona[)arte should not be niade First C on?al j br life. In May 1802 this proposal was laid before the people, and was carried by more than 232 European History, 1799-1804 3,500,000 votes to 8000. Some slight changes were made at the same tune, of which the most im[)ortant were that the First Consul was enabled to no minate h is successor, that the lists of candidates for public functions were replaced by electoral colleges appointed for life, and that the Senate was given the right to dissolve the Tribunate and the Legislative Body. The First Consul clearly understood that the Peace of Amiens was not likely to last, and that war would soon break „ ^ , out again with England. He knew that England Bonaparte s o ° ° Colonial derived much of her influence from her navy and Policy. i^gj. colonies; he therefore sp ared no efforts to restore the French navy, and to make France once more "a colonial power. His first essays in this direction were to obtain Louisiana from Spain in exchange for the kingdom of Etruria, formed in Italy for Prince Louis of Parma, and the extension of the limits of French Guiana to the Amazon extorted from Portugal. But his m ain project w as to restore t he Fre nch power in the WcsT Indies! Guadeloupe and Martinique and the Trench Antilles had been restored to France by the Treaty of Amiens, and the Inrst Consul resolved to make them the starting-point for the reconquest of San Domingo. This island had, as a result of the policy of Sonthonax and Polverel, the proconsuls of the Convention, been entirely lost to France ; the planters and other whites had fled ; and the revolted slaves and mulattoes were masters of the island. Toussaint Louverture, the leader of the negroes, refused to hold any communications with Bonaparte, and the First Consul therefore, as soon as the Peace of Amiens had opened the sea, sent an expedition of 20,000 men against him, com- manded by his brother-in-law. General Leclerc. The island was reconquered by May 1802 ; but the victorious army was practically destroyed by yellow fever. Toussaint Louverture was taken prisoner and sent to France : but nevertheless, as soon as war with England again broke out, and the arrival of reinforcements was prevented by English cruisers, the negroej_xQse, afresl3_jinder new leaders and destroyed the War between England and France 233 remnant of the garrison. It may be added that the French Antilles were recaptured by the English in 1809 and 1810. It has been said that the Treaty of Amiens was practically only a truce, and that many points of interest to the two nations were left undecided. Of these the most Recom- important regarded Malta. _ The English ministry ^^t"^"war positively refused to surrender this island to the between Knights- of Saint John, under the protectorate of p"^^^" ^" the Emperor Alexander, which would leave it at 18th May 1803. the mercy of France. Bonaparte demanded the evacuation of Malta with much insistance ai~oiic of llie conditions of the Treaty of Amiens ; but the English government in reply pointed to the annexation of Elba, Parma and Piacenza, and Piedmont, and the interference in Switzerland, as also being breaches of the treaty. The First Consul was also very exas- perated at the personal attacks made on him in the irrespon- sible English press. He failed to understand that by the English law the government could not i)revent the publication of libels against him, and regarded their refusal to punish the libellers as personal insults to himself. The French ambassa- dor in London prosecuted Peltier, the chief libeller, before the Court of King's Bench. He was brilliantly defended by Sir J. Mackintosh, and only ordered to pay a small fine. A public subscription was raised to pay his fine and costs, and the First Consul regarded this as adding a further insult to the injuries he had received. In truth, both governments felt that war was inevitable, and in May 1803 the r upture w as complete. The English navy began to seize the French trad rng ve ssels, and the First Consul, as a reprisal, arrested all the luiglish travellers he could find in France, and ordered MortierT6""occupy Hanover. The First Consul entered upon a fresh war with England with a light heart, for he believed that she would „ .,. . ° ' Position of be unable to ob tain an y allies. Austria was ex- Foreign hausted by the terrible wars she had undergone, ^'^'*"■^• and the State Chancellor, Cobcnz!, held that she needed time 234 European History, 1799-1804 t© recuperate. Prussia persisted in her attitude of strict neutrality ; Haugvvitz was dismissed from tlie Secretaryship of State for Foreign Affairs as being too French in his sympathies, after the occupation of Hanover, and was succeeded by Hardenberg, the maker of the Treaty of Basle. Spain was Bonaparte's faithful and hopeful ally ; and Russia, the most formidable of the continental powers, inclmed to h is sid e. The attitude of the Emperor Alexander at this period was of the greatest importance. Educated by a Swiss publicist who sincerely loved France, La Harpe, the Emperor of Russia was inclined to admire the results of the French Revolution and the French people. His sentiments for the person of Bonaparte were nearly as full of enthusiastic admiration as those of his father, the Emperor Paul. He made the French ambassadors at St. Petersburg, Duroc and Caulaincourt, his personal friends, and wrote letters to Bonaparte expressing his feelings. But the Emperor's relatives, especially his mother, with his ministers and his courtiers, were opposed to France and in favour of a close alliance with England, or at the very least of the maintenance of strict neutrality. England practically commanded the Russian trade, and war with Eng- land meant the loss of the only market for Russian raw material, the consequent impoverishment of the Russian people, and the ruin of the Russian capitalists. Nevertheless the Emperor Alexander was an autocrat, and Bonaparte counted upon his friendship even though he could not secure his alliance. On the outbreak of war the numerous Frencli__exiles in -.„,,, England offered their services to the English 1 he Plot 01 o ^ Pichegru and Government. It is significant of the change instead of endeavouring to raise a counter-revolution, they proposed to attack the person of the First Consul. The leaders of the new plot were Pichegru, now a declared royalist and partisan of the Bourbons, and C.eorges Cadoudal, the celebrated Chouan leader. Both had the audacity to come to Paris and entered into relations with General Moreau. Moreau, though Execution of the Due d'Enghiai 235 he resented the lofty position of Bonaparte and refused to serve him, would be no party to an assassination, more especially an assassination which would restore the Bourbons, and Cadoudal and Pichegru had to act with the assistance of certain French noblemen and some former Chouans. A plot was formed to murder the First Consul on the road from Malmaison to Paris, but it was discovered by the French police, and Bonaparte in terror ordered the gates of Paris to be closed as in the most terrible days of the Revolution, and proclaimed the pain of death against all who sheltered the conspirators. After some daring adventures the leaders were seized ; Georges Cadoudal was executed ; Pichegru was strangled in prison ; and Moreau, who was condemiied to two years' imprisonment, was allowed to go into exile in the United States. The French noblemen implicated were treated with more leniency, and the lives of their two chiefs, Armand de Polignac and Charles de Riviere, were spared. The discovery of this plot against his life, which was un- doubtedly fostered by the Bourbon princes, made Execution of the First Consul determined to wreak his vengeance ^^^ ^"'^ 1 r r ■^ t> • i i d'Enghien. agamst that unfortunate family. Bemg unable to 21st March seize the persons of the pretender, Louis xviii., ^804. and his brother, the Comte d'Artois, who resided in England, he carried off a young Bourbon prince, the eldest son of the Prince dc Conde, who was quite innocent of the conspiracy of Pichegru. The Due d'Enghien was at this time living at Ettenhcim in the Grand Duchy of Baden. He was arrested there by French soldiers, contrary to all international law, and taken to Vincennes. He was at once tried by a military com- mission as an emigre who had borne arms against France, and was condemned io, death. The sentence was immediately carried out in spite of the demands of the young prince for an interview with the First Consul. This execution was a great political mistake. Bonaparte expected that it would terrify the Bourbon princes, but it reacted to his own prejudice. The Court of Saint-Pctcrsburg went nito niuuniing ; the King 236 European History, 1799- 1804 of Prussia, who had at last almost resolved to make an alliance with France, began to negotiate with Russia ; the royal family of Austria looked upon the execution as a pendant to that of Marie Antoinette ; and the English Government made use of the horror caused by it to endeavour to form a fresh coalition against France. Directly after this tragedy, which proved that Bonaparte was Bonaparte practically an absolute monarch, he decided to take becomes upon" liTmself the rank of Emperor of the French. thTrre°nch. The'~Senafe offered this title to the First Consul i8th May 1804. ^^ Saint-Cloud on the i8th of May 1804, and the people ratified it by a majority of more than 3,500,000 votes. Bylhe senatus consultum which made him Emperor the office was made hereditary to his direct descendants. As he had no children he was given the power to adopt, a power which it was undoubtedly expected would be used in favour of his stepson, Eugene de Beauharnais. A few months after the Corsican soldier of fortune was declared Emperor of the French, the last Holy Roman Emperor, Francis 11., resolved to rid himself of what was now but an empty title. The new Constitution of the Holy Roman Empire had destroyed the imperial author- ity by depriving it of the votes of the ecclesiastical members in the Diet, and increasing or consolidating the dominions of the principal German states. Francis 11. acknowledged the flew order of things. On the nth of August 1804, he erected Francis II. the Austrian dominions into an hereditary empire, becomes and oh the 7th of December following, five days Emperor of ' Austria. after the coronation of Bonaparte as the Emperor Napoleon by the Pope at Paris, the last Holy Roman Emperor proclaimed himself Emperor of Austria. This then was the result of fifteen years of revolution, the disappearance of the ancient figurehead of Europe, and the creation of a new Empire founded on the power of the sword. CHAPTER Vril 1804-1808 Napoleon, Emperor of the French — His Coronation as Emperor and as King of Italy^The Imperial Court — The Grand Dignitaries, Marshals, and Imperial Household — Institutions of the Empire — Ministers and Govern- ment — ^The Camp at Boulogne — Pitt's last coalition — Campaign of 1805 — ■ Capitulation of Ulm — Battles of Austerlitz and Caldiero — Battle of Trafalgar — Treaty of Pressburg — Death of Pitt — Prussia declares War- Campaign of Jena — Campaign of Eylau — Campaign of Fricciland — Inter- view and Peace of Tilsit— The Continental Blockade — Capture of the Danish Fleet by England — French Invasion and Conquest of Portugal — State of Sweden — The Rearrangement of Europe — Louis Bonaparte King of Holland — Italy — Joseph Bonaparte King of Naples— Battle of Maida - — Rearrangement of Germany — Bavaria — Wiirtemburg — Baden — Jerome Bonaparte King of Westphalia — Murat Grand Duke of Berg — Saxony — Smaller States of Germany — Mediatisation of Petty Princes — Confedera- tion of the I-ihine— Poland — The Grand Duchy of Warsaw — Conference of Erfurt. Napoleon's elevation to the rank of Emperor of the French only legalised in a more striking fashion the possession of power which he had long held. It did not make his authority any greater, for he had been practically the absolute monarch of France ever since 1799, but it gave promise of permanency, and that was what the French people most needed after' the series of successive governments which had run their course since 1789. It is a mistake to regard Napoleon as having "been made supreme ruler of France by the army alone ; the legalisation of his power was even more enthusiastically received by the peace- ful part of the population. The few ardent republicans who were left had been terrified out of resistance by the wholesale 238 European History, 1804- 1808 deportation of the principal Jacobins after the afifair of the Infernal Machine. The adherents of the Bourbons were equally discouraged by the severe pimishment dealt out to Pichegru and Georges Cadoudal. Every section of both the military and civil communities was ready to hail Napoleon as Emperor. But in the institution of the Empire he appealed to more than men's interests, he appealed to their imaginations. This he did in two ways. He created a Court, with all the magnificent apparatus of the great officers of the household, stately ceremonies and ancient customs, which gave to the people of Paris the spectai Ic uf royal pomp which they had long regretted. On the other hand, he called to his a^ssistance the most powerful engine for influencing the imagination of men, namely, religion. He determined to be consecrated with a ceremony which should exceed in splendour all the coronation ceremonies of the Bourbons. He summoned the Pope to France, and instead of being crowned at Rheims by the Archbishop and Primate, he received his crown at Paris from the hands of the Holy Father himself. At the very moment of his coronation he showed a pride of bearing at least equal to that of any of his predecessors upon the throne of France. After the Pope had anointed him, girded the sword of empire about him, and given him the sceptre, he prepared to place the crown upon the head of the new Caesar. But Napoleon gently took the crown from the hands of Pius vii., and after replacing it on the altar, raised it and crowned himself. The presence of the Pope in Paris for this great ceremony following upon the Concordat, caused Napoleon to be looked upon as the restorer of the Catholic religion, and greatly strengthened his position. Not satisfied with the crown of France, he accepted that of Italy also on the 20th of May 1805, and proceeded to Milan, where he placed upon his head the Iron Crown of the old Lombard Kings. He at once declared his intention of not personally administering his Italian kingdom, and appointed his stepson, Eugene de Beauharnais, to be Viceroy of Italy. It has been said that Napoleon created a new Court, which The Court of Napoleon 239 was intended to efface the recollection of the magnificence of the old Court of Versailles. At the head of The imperial this Court he creat^dji hierarchy of Grand Digni- Court. taries of the Empire, who were designed to form a Coun cil of Regency in case of ncressity. The chief of them was the Grand Elector, whose "duty was to convoke the Senate, the Legislative Body, and the Electoral Colleges, — this post was conferred on the Emperor's elder brother, J oseph Bonaparte . Next ranked the A rch-Chance ] lor of the Empire, who was the chief of the judicial b ody, — this post was conferred on Cambaceres, the former Second Consul. Third came the Arch-Chancellor of State, whose business it was to rec_e ive foreign amSassadors and ratify treaties — this post was con- ferred upon Eugene de Beauharnais. Next came the Arch- Treas urer of the Empir e, which post was first filled by Le Brun, the former Third Consul, and the remaining Grand Dignitaries were the Constable of the Empire, Louis Bonaparte, the Grand Admiral, Marshal Murat, and the Grand Judge, Regnier. In the same way as the Grand Dignitaries were at the head of the civil administration of the Empire, Napoleon created Marshals of France to be the representadves of_the_army. The first marshals were eighteen in number, and included all the most famous generals of the revolutionary period except Pichegru and Moreau, whose fate has been related. It was indispensable for the rank of Marshal of France to have commanded an army in the field, or at least a detached corps, and the office was surrounded with so many privileges as to make it the object of ambition to every colonel of a French regiment. The third hierarchy consisted of the great officers of the Emperor's household, who comprised a Grand Marshal, Duroc ; a Grand Almoner, his uncle, Joseph Fesch, whom he had induced the Pope to make a cardinal ; a Grand Chamber- lain, Talleyrand ; a Grand Huntsman, Marshal Berthier ; and a Grand Equerry, Caulaincourt; and most of the first occupants of these offices were personal friends and former comrades in arms of the Emperor. 240 European History, 1804- 1808 The 5enat,Q jemained under the Constitution of the Empire, ns under that of the Consulate, the most important and digni- . . fied pohtical body. It was extended Ly the addition Institutions ^ ■' ■' ofthe of the Grand Dignitaries, of the members of the Empire. Emperor's family, and of those whom he specially wished to reward ; its seats were conferred for life ; but it did little but congratulate the Emperor on all his proceedings. The Tribunate was reduced to fifty members, and the Legis - lative Body" was allowed to discuss laws, but only in closed committees. These institutions, carefully devised though they were to maintain a semblance of free discussion, were really reduced to impotence by the autocratic power of the Emperor. The Council of. State became more and more the real key- stone of the administration of France. It was the one institu- tion of the Consulate which developed under the Empire. But it did not develop collectively, but rather as a convenient administrative centre and a court of appeal for administrators in every branch of the government. Though the ministries were maintained, they were, as the government bcrnme more bureaucratic in its form, and more conccntr;iled into the hand of Napoleon, infinitely subdivided, and the head of each . ,'"' .~" ' subdivision had a scat in the Council of State. Administra- tive System of By this_arrangement the Emperor was able to the Empire, j-ggp ^ check on his ministers, and to prevent the administration from being thrown out of gear by the death or retirement of a single man. Nevertheless, the ministries, as in all highly organised states, were of vast importance, and Napoleon was fortunate in the men he placed at their head. It is worthy of note that three of the ministers who had served Napoleon's '^i"^ during the Consulate remained in office Ministers. throughout .the Empire, namely, Gaudin, after- wards created Duke of Gaeta, Minister of Finance, who had several assistants in the Council of State, of whom the most notable were Defermon, a former deputy in the Constituent Assembly and the Convention, and Louis; Decres, also created a duke, Minister of the Marine ; and Regnier, Duke The Camp at Boulogne 241 of Massa and Grand Judge, Minister of Justice. At the War Office, the Emperor retained his chief of the staff, Marshal Berthier, until 1S07, when he was succeeded by General Clarke, Duke of Feltre ; and the various sections were pre- sided over by able administrators, of whom the best were perhaps Lacuee de Cessac and Daru. At the Foreign Office, Talleyrand remained supreme until after the Treaty of Tilsit, in 1807, when he was replaced by Champagny, Duke of Cadore, who in his turn gave way to Maret, Duke of Bassano. At the Ministry of the Interior a change was made at the be- ginning of the Empire by the retirement of Chaptal, who had held that post with singular distinction throughout the Con- sulate, and the appointment of Champagny. But this depart- ment was overshadowed by the existence of the Ministry of General Police. Napoleon abolished this office in 1803, in the hope, doubtless, of dispensing with the services of Fouche 3 Ijut that astute minister was a necessity, and in 1804 he was again appointed to his old office, which he held until 1810. In the midst of the fetes which accompanied his accept- ance of the Empire, Napoleon did not forget that he was en- gaged in war with England. He declared that as he had crossed the Alps, so, too, he could cross the xhe Camp at Channel. For this purpose he collected a flo- Boulogne, tilla of flat-bottomed boats at Boulogne, and encamped picked soldiers from the Armies of the Rhine and of Italy upon the coast. But he felt that it would be impossible for his flotilla to cross the Channel while the English fleets were masters of the sea. He therefore determined to create a new French na vy, which he con centrated in the port of Brest, and summoned his allies, the Dutch and the Spaniards, to prepare fleets also. He kept 120,000 veterans continually at work practising embarkation and disembarkation, and it was com- monly believed, not only in Europe, but in England itself, that tHelnvasion would be carried into effect. The army was equipped in a very thorough fashion, and carefully organised as the Grand Army under the most expericnccxl generals in PERIOD vii. g 242 European History, 1804-1808 France, and it became one of the most efficient fighting machines ever known in the history of the world, its discipline being perfect and its enthusiasm unbounded. While making these preparations for the invasion of Eng- land, Napoleon struck at other more accessible branches of the British power. In 1803 he occupied Hanover, the hereditary dominion of George iii., in spite of its being covered by the Prussian line of demarcation. In 1804 he sent a division into the kingdom of Naples, in order to close the Neapolitan ports to English trade ; and once more he threatened Portu- gal. He also endeavoured to stir up a maritime foe to the English in the Americans. For this purpose he sold to the United States the province of Louisiana, which he had annexed from Spain, in the hope of obtaining their alliance. [At the beginning of 1805 his scheme for the invasion of England was ready. The EngUsh fire-ships failed to destroy the twelve hundred flat-bottomed boats at Boulogne. It was only necessary for Napoleon to be master of the Channel for a few hours, and to have a fine day, for his project to succeed. Admiral Villeneuve sailed from Brest to sweep the English fleet from the Channel. But he was checked by bad weather, and then by an action with an English squadron under Sir Robert Calder. The English did not win a great victory, but Villeneuve, fortunately for them, instead of returning to Brest, went to Cadiz to repair his losses, and to join the Spanish fleet. In that port he was promptly blockaded, and, with Nelson master of the English Channel, Napoleon dared_not set sail from Boulogne. ''^"'""' "" While threatened by the Boulogne flotilla, the English Government did all in its power to raise enemies on the Continent against Napoleon. Prussia, as usual, insisted on Pitt's New her neutrality; but Russia and Austria were not un- Coaiition. wiUingJo try their strerigtlTonce more with-EM4ice. ^* The Emperor Alexander of Russia was personally inclined to admire Napoleon, but he was induced by his Court, his family, and his ministry, who pointed out to him Outbreak of War 243 the importance of remaining on good terms with England, to sign an aUiance with Pitt ; he was further profoundly irritated by the violent scene which Napoleon, as First Consul, had had with his ambassador. Count Morkov, and was horrified at the execution of the Due d'Enghien. The Emperor Francis of Austria was even more willing to fight Napoleon. He had spent the period of peace since the Treaty of Luneville in re- organising his army, and believed that he would be more suc- cessful now that he was freed from the incubus of his position as Holy Roman Emperor. The State Chancellor, Cobenzl, was also keenly in favour of war, for he was a sincere believer in the might of Russia, and had imbibed a desire to please the Court of St. Petersburg, at which he had long held the post of Austrian ambassador. To induce these powerful allies to attack in force, Pitt, who was once more Prime Minister, did not grudge the wealth of England. Large subsidies were offered both to Russia and Austria, which supplied the means for commencing the campaign ; and strenuous efforts were made to win the assistance of Prussia. In the second line, Pitt counted on the assistance of Sweden and Naples. Napoleon's promptitude in invading the latter country destroyed any chance of its effecting a diversion in Italy, and Gustavus iv. of Sweden, though, like his father, a violent enemy of France, was unable to bring any active assistance, while Prussia remained neutral. A pretext for war was found in the annexation of Lucca and Genoa to the French Empire, and the Austrians and Russians resolved outbreak to strike at once. General Mack, with a power- of War. ful Austrian force, invaded Bavaria before the declaration of war, and, by the occupation of Ulm, he believed he had secured the valley of the Danube. Meanwhile the principal Austrian army of 120,000 men, under the Archduke Charles, invaded Italy, and a powerful force of Russians kept close to the Prussian frontier, in the hope of inducing Prussia to declare war against France. Napoleon, despairing of success in his i)rojected invasion of 244 European History, 1804- 1808 England, resolved to turn promptly upon England's principal Campaign ally, and directed the Grand Army to break up ofi8o5. from Boulogne and enter Germany. Mack re- garded it as certain that the French, as in the campaigns of Moreau, would advance through the Black Forest. Napoleon encouraged his illusion by showing him a few French troops in that (juarter. Meanwhile, the Grand Army advanced in two portions through Wiirtemburg and Franconia, and, on reaching the Danube, after violating the Prussian neutrality by marching through Anspach, cut off Mack's retreat on Vienna. The Austrian general made an effort to break through the French army, but he was, defeated by Ney at Elchingen, and surrendered on the 20th of October 1805 with ^•?,ooo men. The capitulation of Ulm did more Surrender "-''^' ^ of Ulm. than deprive Austria of a serviceable army, — it left 20th Oct. 1805. Qpgj^ j.j^g j.Q^j^| ^Q Vienna. Napoleon rapidly fol- lowed up his success. He marched past a united Russian and Austrian army, which was quartered in Moravia, to influ- ence Prussia, occupied Vienna, crossed the Danube, and Battle of eventually faced the army of the two emperors at Austeriitz. Austcrlitz. On the 2d of December 1805, the 2d Dec. I 05. anniversary of his coronation, the Grand Army utterly defeated the Austrians and Russians. The allies lost 15,000 men killed and wounded, 20,000 prisoners, and 189 guns ; and the Emperor Francis found himself defenceless, for his only other army, that in Italy, had been defeated at Caldiero by Eugene de Beauharnais and Massena on the 30th of October. While the rapid campaign of Austeriitz, — perhaps . the most glorious of Napoleon's military career, — Trafalgar, was taking place, he los t the navy which he had 2ist Oct. 1805. pi-ep3re(j ^yith. so much care, and which hacl been intended to cover his invasion of 'ElTgland. The French admiral, Villeneuve, left Cadiz at the head of the united French and Spanish fleet, consisting of thirty-three ships of the line and five frigates. He had not gone far when he was met by Nelson at the head of the English squadron of twenty-seven The Treaty of Presshnrg 245 ships ofi" Cape Trafalgar. The victory of Trafalgar, which was won on the 21st of October, was as complete as that of Austerlitz. The French and Spanish fleet was as^ntirely destroyed as the Austrian and Russian army. The allies at Trafalgar lost 7000 men in killed and wounded, and the Eng- lish only 3000, among whom, however, was Nelson himself. The result oOhj^^ batrie of Austerlitz was the Treaty of Pressburg, which was signed by Austria and France on the 26th of December 1805. The Russians had only treaty of lost one army, and their territory had not been in- Pressburg. vaded, so that they were still enabled to remain ^^ ^^'^ °^' in arms. But Austria was completely crushed. By the Treaty of Pressburgpy^enice, Istria, and Dalmatia were ceded to the Kingdom of Italy ; but Napoleon kept the two latter provinces under his direct rule, and gave the command of them to General Marmont. The Tyrol and part of Swabia were ceded to Bavaria, and the Elector of that State took the title of King. The same title was conferred on the Duke of Wiir- temburg ; the Duke of Baden became a Grand Duke ; many small German principalities were suppressed, and, on 12th of July 1806, the Confederation of the Rhine was formed under the protectorate of the French Emperor. England could not blame Austria for making a separate treaty with France, for she herself had been saved from invasion by the departure of the Grand Army from Boulogne, not less than by the victory of Trafalgar. The news of Austerlitz was followed on the 23d of January 1806 by the death of Pitt, and the new English mini stry of Fo x andjSiep.vijle, now that the fear of invasion was over, desi red to e nter into m^otiations with Napoleon. The overthrow of Austria was followed by the overthrow of Prussia. Frederick William in. had prided himself overthrow on the manner in which, in spite of many tcmpta- of Prussia, tions, he had maintained his attitude of strict neutrality. Neither the offers of the Directory or of Napoleon, nor the subsidies lavishly promised by England, had been able to disturb his determination. The Prussian ministry proudly 246 European History, 1804- 1808 pointed to the fact that, while the rest of Europe had been torn by disastrous wars, Prussia had remained at peace ever since the Treaty of Basle in 1795. She had profited by her peace policy as much as France and Austria by their war policy. The rearrangement of Germany in 1803 had converted Prussia from a collection of scattered states into a united kingdom. She had even, up to the year 1803, maintained the freedom of the whole of the north of Germany from the terrible French invaders by the observation of the line of demarcation settled in 1795. The northern states of Germany looked to Prussia as their leader, and since the destruction of the Holy Roman Empire the Prussian policy had been completely victorious over the Austrian. The maintenance of the line of demarcation was the favourite scheme of the Prussian King, and as long as it was observed, nothing short of invasion would have disturbed his neutrality. But the occupation of Hanover in 1803, as one of the measures taken by Napoleon against England, had infringed the line of demarcation, and from that moment Frederick William iii. inclined towards war. In this warlike attitude he was encouraged by Russia and England, and still more by his own army. The Prussian army, the creation of Frederick the Great, represented in more than an ordinary fashion the Prussian nation. Relying on the recollections of the Seven Years' War, and confident in the proverbial discipline of their soldiers, the Prussian generals believed that they would be able to defeat the conquerors of the rest of Europe. With the utmost ardour the young Prussian noblemen shouted for war ; they resented the long peace, and applauded the new attitude of the king. He was stimulated likewise by the hatred for France, which was openly encouraged by his beautiful Queen Louisa, and he met with opposition only from a few of his more experienced ministers, and from the old Duke of Brunswick, who well knew the excellence of the French troops. Undecided and hesitating, Frederick William refused to join the coalition of Austria and Russia in 1805, when hi*; assistance would have Overthrozv of Prussia 247 been of the greatest service. He signed, indeed, the Treaty of Potsdam on 3d November 1805, undertaking to mediate, and to join the coalition with 180,000 men if Napoleon refused the terms he offered. But the proposed intervention came to nothing. Haugwitz, the Prussian minister, awaited at Napoleon's headquarters the result of the battle of Auster- litz, and on December 15 he signed the Treaty of Schon- brunn, by which Prussia ceded Cleves to France and Anspach to Bavaria, and received provisional possession of Hanover. Two months later, on February 15, Prussia was compelled by a supplementary treaty to definitely accept Hanover from Napoleon, an arrangement which was tantamount to declar- ing war with England. The long neutrality of Frederick William in. was thus broken, and, as it soon appeared, in vain. For Napoleon almost immediately offered to restore Hanover to England, with wlii(h country he was induced to enter into negotiations for peace by the accession of Fox to office. At this news Frederick William mobilised his troops and prepared for war with France. In October 1806 he ordered the victor of Austerlitz to at once retire behind the Rhine, and slowly con- centrated his army in Thuringia without waiting for the succour promised by the Russians. The Prussian officers applauded their king's conduct, for they desired to have the glory of defeat- ing the French entirely to themselves. On the 14th of October 1806 the two corps of the Prussian army, which campaign were advancing along the river Saale, were defeated of jena. by Na[)olcon himself at Jena, and by Marshal Davout at Auerstadt. The triumph was as complete as that of Austerlitz ; and on the 25th the French army entered Berlin. It was now necessary for the Grand Army to attack the Russians. Napoleon, after occupying nearly the campaign whole of Prussia and laying siege to Dantzic, Eyiau. en tered Polan d. He was received with an enthusiastic welcome by the Poles, whose independence he hinted at restoiiiag, Polish troops had long served in his armies, 248 European History, 1804-180S and the sympathy of the French people for the oppressed Poles was known throughout Poland. On the 15th of De- cember 1806 Napoleon occupied Warsaw and sent his army into winter quarters upon the Russian frontier. The Russian general, Benningsen, one of the murderers of the Emperor Paul, conceived the idea of surprising part of the French army in its winter quarters. He drove back the division of Bernadotte ; but when he reached the neighbourhood of Konigsberg he found that Napoleon had received information of his move- ment and had collected the bulk of his army. It was now Napoleon's turn to pursue the Russians. At the head of 60,000 men he found 80,000 Russians intrenched in the village of Eylau, and attacked them during a snowstorm on the 8th of February 1807. The battle was long disputed. The Russians had to retire, but it was estimated that the loss of both armies was about the same, namely, 35,000 men. This loss was far more severe to the French than to the Russians, for the French soldiers slain at Eylau were veterans of the Grand Army, and their place could only be taken by raw conscripts. The result of the battle of Eylau was to allow the French Battle of army to remain undisturbed in its winter quarters. Friediand. In the Russian camp, meanwhile, important i4t June I 07. (jipiQj-j-iatic negotiations had been going on. Frederick William cemented his friendship with the Emperor Alexander, and appointed the most able of his servants, Hardenberg, to be State Chancellor in the place of Haugwitz. Prussia could indeed give but little real help, for her army was destroyed, and her country almost entirely in the hands of the French ; but Alexander, nevertheless, consented in April 1807 to sign the Treaty of Bartenstein with Frederick William, by which they formed an offensive and defensive alliance. But the hopes of the diplomatists, founded on the drawn battle of Eylau, were soon to be frustrated by the military successes of Napoleon. On the 24th of May 1807 Dantzic, which had withstood a desperate siege, surrendered to General Lefebvre, and the besieging troops were able to join the main army. TJic Intcrviciv at Tilsit 249 The summer campaign of 1807 was very short. Bennmgsen, accompanied by the Emperor Alexander in person, advanced to attack the French army on the 14th of June. The Russians foohshly crossed the Alio at Friedland, and with the river at their back were completely defeated with a loss of 25,000 men. The victory of Friedland was decisive ; it did not destroy the Russian Empire, as the victories of Austerlitz and Jena had destroyed the Austrian Empire and the Prussian Kingdom ; it did not extinguish the fighting power of Russia ; it did not diminish the morale of the Russian army, which proudly boasted that it had made a better stand against the French than cither the Austrians or the Prussians. It was not positively necessary for the very existence of his monarchy that the Emperor Alexander should treat with Napoleon, but his successive defeats justified him before his Court and his ministers in demanding peace. He could reply to their arguments in favour of an English alliance for Russia that he had loyally tried to carry out the terms of that alliance, but that under the circumstances he could maintain it no longer. He had always wished for peace with France and the friend- ship of Napoleon ; he now considered himself free to follow his personal inclinations. On the 25th of June 1807 the Emperor of the French and the Czar of Russia had their fanious interview at interview at Tilsit on a raft moored in the middle of the Tilsit, 25th • *T- rx-,1 1 ,• , June 1807. river Niemen. The personal magnetism of Napoleon and his glory as a great conqueror powerfully impressed the vivid imagination of Alexander, who had always felt the warmest admiration for him. During this interview Napoleon spread before the eyes of the Emperor of Russia his favourite conception of the re-establishment of the old Empires of the East and of the West. They were to be faithful allies. France was to be the supreme power over the Latin races and in the centre of Europe ; Russia was to represent the Greek Empire and to expand into Asia. These grandiose views charmed the Emperor Alexander, who believed that in 250 European History, 1804- 1808 adopting them he was following out the policy of Peter the Great and of the Empress Catherine. The one enemy to be feared and to be crushed according to Napoleon was England. And Alexander, in spite of the loss which his subjects would suffer, promised to enter into Napoleon's policy for the exclu- sion of England's commerce from the Continent, and to accept the doctrine of the Continental Blockade. But, at the same time, Alexander did not dare to go so far as to promise to declare war against England, in spite of the pressure put upon him by Napoleon. The first interview at Tilsit was followed by others, and eventually by the Peace of Tilsit. Peace of Tilsit, By this treaty Russia ceded the Ionian Islands 7th July 1807. j^^fj thg mouths of the river Cattaro in the south of Dalmatia, which had been occupied by the Russians since 1799, to France. Napoleon, on his part, promised that he would not restore the independence of Poland, and advised AlexancJer to obtain compensation for the growth of the power of France from Sweden and from Turkey. In pursu- ance of this policy a division of the French army invaded Swedish Pomerania and took Stralsund, while the Russians occupied Finland. Alexander was pressed by Napoleon to invade Turkey, and was promised the assistance of France in obtaining the cession of the Danubian principalities. The Emperor of Russia made loyal efforts to obtain a favourable peace for his ally, the King of Prussia. But Napoleon, though willing to humour Alexander, and desirous of making Russia his firm ally, did not hesitate to show his contempt for Frederick William iii. He thought for a time of entirely extinguishing Prussia, but on the representations of Alexander he contented himself by taking possession of the Rhenish and Westphalian provinces of Prussia, and forming them with the principality of Hesse-Cassel into the kingdom of Westphalia. He also included Prussian Poland in his new Grand Duchy of Warsaw. The_^Peace of Tilsit left Napoleon face to face with only one enemy, and that was England. The destruction of the The Continental Blockade 251 French fleet at Trafalgar and the diminution of the strength of the Grand Army from the losses suffered The Continen- at Austerlitz, Jena, and Eylau, proved to the ^^^ Blockade. Emperor of the French that he had better abandon his pro- ject of invading England. But if he could not cross the Channel in force or meet the English fleets at sea, he believed he could ruin England by excluding her from the markets of the Continent. The English ministry, in pursuance of its reading of international law, had closed all neutral seaborne commerce from the mouth of the Elbe to the extremity of the FrencE coast. Napoleon answered this measure by his Berlin Decree, which was issued in that city on the 2 ist of Novem- ber 1806, and declared the British Islands to be in a state of blockade. All English merchandise was to be confiscated, as well as all ships which had touched cither at a British port or at a port in the British Colonies. He followed up this measure by the Mi lan D ecree of the 17th of December 1807, by which he declared that any ship of any country which had touched at a British port was liable to be seized and treated as prize. The entry of Russia into the scheme of the Conti- nental Blockade would. Napoleon hoped, entirely ruin the English trade. But, in reality, it did nothing of the sort. English commerce was as active and enterprising as ever, and the risks it encountered in running the Continental Blockade only increased the profits of the English merchants. The real sufferers were the inhabitants of the Continent, who had to pay enhanced prices for such articles of prime necessity as sugar. Napoleon's expectation that the carrying trade of the world would desert England and fall into the hands of France and her allies was not fulfilled, because the English war fleets remained complete masters of the sea, and effectually pre- vented the rise of any other commercial power. The result of the Continental Blockade was therefore the impoverish- ment of tTie allies of France and their con.seusaco, but the English general felt it necessary to retreat further, to the lines which he had fortified in the neighbourhood of Lisbon, which are known as the lines of Torres Vedras. As Wellington retired, the Portuguese devastated their country, and when Massena came to a halt in front of the lines of Torres Vedras, he found it most difficult to maintain himself on account of the scarcity of provisions. Soult did not come to his help as he had expected, but only advanced as far as the city of Badajoz, which he captured. Throughout the winter of 1810-11, Massena remained in front of Wellington, but, in spite of reinforcements, he was unable to attack the Anglo-Portuguese lines, and in the spring of 181 1, had to retreat into Spain, Wellington then divided his army ; with one portion he followednSIassena, and laid siege to Almeida, the other he Campaign despatched under Marshal Beresford to form the ofisii. siege of Badajoz. In the south of Spain, the only city which held for the Junta was Cadiz, which was TJic Peninsular War 297 defended by an Anglo-Spanish army. Marshal Victor was in charge of the besieging force, which was defeated at Barrosa on the 5th of March 181 1. In spite of this diversion, Wellington had to meet fresh advances by the main armies of Soult and Massena. On the 5th of May 181 1, he repulsed Massena at Fuentes de Onor after a hard-fought battle, which Massena might have won had he been properly supported by Marshal Bessieres. In the south, Soult was repulsed by Beresford at the battle of Albuera on May i6th. After having thus once more freed Portugal from French invasions, Well- ington laid siege successively to Ciudad-Rodrigo and Badajoz. Though these border fortresses remained in French hands, the valour of the Anglo-Eortuguese army surprised Napoleon, who recalled Massena in disgrace. But in the east of Spain his generals'niet with some success. Suchet in 18 10 and 1811 TeduceT^Anigon and Valencia, took many fortresses, and destroyed the Spanish army in that quarter, under the command of General Blake, at the battle of Albufera. Throughout central Spain, though no regular Spanish armies took the held, tTie French were harassed by the Spanish guerillas. T hese patriotic brigands destroyed the morale of the French troops in Spain and sapped the strength of Napoleon. All the benefits conferred by Joseph Bonaparte, the abolition of feudalism and of the Inquisition, religious tolerance and good laws, counted for nothing. The Spaniards would receive no benefits from a French monarch imposed on them by Napoleon, and it was in Spain that Napoleon first felt the effect of a national opposition, which was at a later date in Russia and in Germany to destroy his power. The periodfromthe Conference of Erfurt to the invasion of Russia seemed to mark the height of Napoleon's power, but during it are to be perceived the symptoms of the — ,, i T^ r , K\ Conclusion. changes which led to his fall. At Erfurt, Alex- ander of Russia was still his firm ally. His power was bounded by subject kingdoms, and divided by them from the great states of Europe. In France he was still regarded 298 European History, 1 808-1 81 2 as the restorer of order and the supporter of religion. By 18 1 2 the situation had changed. The Emperor Alexander was no longer his admirer and faithful ally. The vast exten- sion of the Empire had weakened his power, and the Fren ch peogle were beginning to discover how dearly they were pay- ing in the sacrifice of their individual liberty for the glory of one man. His wanton interference in Spain had raised a new force against him in the shape of the resistance of a nation, and had afforded the English an opportunity to meet him on land. In G erman y, too, a national spirit was rising, and Prussia, whom he had maltreateH, was reorganised, and ready to set itself at the head of Germany. But there was one cause yet more significant which was developed during this period — the character of his soldiers was altered. The Grand Army, which had consisted of veterans trained in the wars of the Revolution, had wasted away at Austerlitz and Jena, Eylau and Friedland, and in the Spanish campaigns. At Wasrram he felt how different were the men under his com- mand, and was forced to depend largely on foreign contin- gents, of whose fidelity he could not be certain; and he was to find in 181 2 that the conscripts of the Empire, though full of military ardour and desirous of rivalling the fame of then: predecessors, had not the physical strength, the solidity, and the experience of the veterans who had made him Emperor of the French and Master of Europe. CHAPTER X 1812-1814 Causes of Growing Disagreement between Alexander and Napoleon— Inter- vention of Castlereagh and Bernadotte— The Attitude and Internal Policy of Prussia— Invasion of Russia by Napoleon— Battle of Borodino— Retreat of the French from Russia— Campaign of 1812 in the Peninsula— Battle of Salamanca— Policy of Bernadotte— Prussia declares War— First Cam- paign of 1813 in Saxony— Armistice of Pleswitz— Convention of Reichen- bach— Congress of Prague— Austria declares War— Second Campaign of 1813 in Saxony— Battle of Dresden— Treaty of Toplitz— Battle of Leipzig — General Insurrection of Germany against Napoleon- Campaign of 1813 in the Peninsula— Battle of Vittoria— Wellington's Invasion of France- Negotiations for Peace— Proposals of Frankfort— The Allies invade France —Napoleon's first Defensive Campaign of 18 14— Other Movements against Napoleon— Bernadotte— Holland— Battle of Orthez— Italy— Congress of Chat illon— Attitude of France towards Napoleon— Treaty of Chaumont— Napoleon's Second Defensive Campaign of 1814— Occupation of Paris by the Allies— The Policy of Talleyrand— The Provisional Government- Alexander's Speech to the French Senate— Napoleon declared to be no longer Emperor— Abdication of Napoleon— Provisional Treaty of Paris- Battle of Toulouse— Arrival of Louis XViii,, and his Assumption of the Throne of France— First Treaty of Paris. The causes of the dis agreem ent between Napoleon and the Emperor Alexander dated back to the Treaty of Tilsit. At that timeTtHoifgh personally full of enthusiasm Gradual dis- for the French conqueror, Alexander looked with agreement be- J T> 1 tween Alex- suspicion on the formation of the Grand Ducny ander and of Warsaw as a possible first step towards the Napoleon, restoration of Poland. Napoleon pointed out to him that he could obtain compensation in the direction of Sweden and of Turkey— a suggestion which led to the conquest of Finland and eventually of Bessarabia. Though Alexander carried out the projects proposed to him, he continued to resent the 300 European History, 18 12-18 14 creation of the Grand Duchy of Warsaw, and still more the maintenance of French troops in that quarter. At the Congress of Erfurt Napoleon to some degree allayed the suspicions of his ally, but on his return to Russia there can be no doubt that Alexander looked upon himself as duped and badly treated. The war of 1809 widened the breach. Napoleon complained that the Russian troops promised for his assistance had not acted with vigour, and Alexander regarded with open dis- content the cession of part of Austrian Galicia to the Grand Duchy of Warsaw. The dethronement of the Duke of Olden- burg, who had married Alexander's favourite sister, the Grand Duchess Catherine, and the absorption of his Duchy into the French Empire, in 18 10, was another and more personal cause of disagreement. The delay in granting a Russian grand duchess to him in marriage was looked on by Napoleon as a personal slight, and his interference in Spain appeared to the Russian Emperor a sign that Napoleon could maltreat even his most faithful ally. The carrying out of the Continental Blockade embittered the situation. Napoleon complained that the Russians did not adhere loyally to the arrangement for the exclusion of English commerce. Alexander on his side complained that his country was being ruined by the blockade, while the French Emperor granted many licences to Frenchmen to trade with England. To these political reasons must be added the personal char- acters of the two emperors. Napoleon, though he had spoken at Tilsit of dividing Europe between France and Russia, began, as his power increased, to devise schemes for secur- ing the Empire of Europe for himself and the exclusion of Russia from any share. Instead of restoring the Empires of the East and West, Napoleon arrogated to himself the position of ruler of Europe, and spoke of thrusting Russia back into Asia. In these views he was encouraged by many of those surrounding him. His marshals, finding no profits to be got from Spain, looked forward to enriching themselves in Russia. His statesmen, either from motives of their own Policy of Castlercagh 30 t or to please his personal wishes, declared that France could not be safe until Russia was crushed. Alexander on his side was surrounded by bitter enemies of Napoleon. His ministers never wearied of emphasizing the ruin caused to Russia by the Continental Blockade. The King of Prussia, whom he had made his personal friend, pleaded for the complete restoration of his dominions. His family, and especially his mother, regarded Napoleon as the enemy of the human race; English agents were perpetually inciting the Russians to de- clare for commercial freedom ; and three of the most accom- plished and most able statesmen in Europe constantly urged him to war with France, namely, Stein, whom Napoleon had ordered the King of Prussia to dismiss ; Pozzo di Borgo, a Corsican, who had known Napoleon in his youth, and who hated him as a personal enemy; and Nesselrode, a skilled diplomatist and an intimate friend of Metternich. These various causes, both political and personal, might not yet have led to war had it not been for the direct intervention of the English by means of the new Prince Royal of Sweden, Bernadotte. Lord Castlereagh, in January 181 2, returned to office. He advocated the carrying on of the war poncy of against Napoleon, not only by reinforcing Well- CasUereagh. ington in the Peninsula, but by subsidizing the monarchs of the Continent. He therefore despatched three diplomatists to the three chief courts of the Continent, to endeav- our to form a fresh coalition against Napoleon. These were his brother, Sir Charles Stewart, ambassador to Berlin, Lord Aberdeen to Vienna, and Lord Cathcart to St. Petersburg. Lord Cathcart was a distinguished military officer, and strenuously urged Alexander to declare war, and he brought with him several English officers to assist in reorganizing the Russian army, of whom the best known is Sir Robert Wilson. But it was rather through Sweden than directly that Castle- reagh influenced the Emperor Alexander. Bernadotte, on being elected Prince Royal, had applied to Sweden the Continental Blockade against England, but he soon perceived 302 Ejiropean History, 1812-1814 how ruinous that policy was to his new country, and inchned to make some arrangement with England. Being unable to break with Napoleon by himself, Bernadotte acted as the intermediary between England and Russia, and in April 1 81 2 signed a secret treaty with Alexander at Abo, by which Sweden renounced all claims on Finland on condition that Russia should promise Norway in its stead. Both England and Russia approved of this scheme. Frederick vi. of Den- mark, who had succeeded his father. Christian vii., in 1808, had, after the capture of the Danish fleet in 1807, formed a most intimate alliance with Napoleon, and Alexander at Abo held out to Bernadotte, not only a hope that he might have the whole of Denmark as a result of successful war against the French, but even an expectation that he might eventually receive the throne of France as a reward for his services. Not less important than the English intervention in Sweden was the effect of English influence in Turkey ; for it was through English mediation that the Treaty of Bucharest was signed in May 18 12, which allowed the Emperor of Russia to concen- trate all his military power against Napoleon. Between France and Russia there remained, however, Austria, Poland, and Prussia. Though Napoleon's direct do- Prussia. main extended to Liibeck along the coast, he had '^r'n '^l"'^*'^^ not ventured to annex Germany proper, which lies berg. between the Elbe and the Rhine, or to accept the title of German Emperor, in addition to that of the Emperor of the French and King of Italy, as had been suggested by the Prince Primate, Dalberg. Yet Germany proper, owing to his creation of the Confederation of the Rhine and the Kingdom of Westphalia, was so thoroughly under his influence that, from a military point of view, it might be regarded as part of his Empire. Austria, Poland, and Prussia were, however, more independent, and his first effort, when he decided to attack Russia, was to secure their active co-operation. The Emperor Francis, since the campaign of Wagram, had abandoned the idea of resistance. He leared and disliked the Russians ; Reforms in Prussia 303 Napoleon was his son-in-law, and he did not intend to oppose his wishes. He therefore promised willingly enough that an Austrian army should invade Russia to the south of the direct French invasion. In the Grand Duchy of Warsaw the Poles cared little for their Grand Duke, the King of Saxony ; they looked to Napoleon for the restoration of their complete independence, and delighted in the thought of striking a blow at their old foes, the Russians. In P russia^ the position was more complicated. Reduced as the kingdom was, the reforms of Stein and Scharnhorst had created a national feel- ing, which could not as yet be utilised in attacks on the French soldiers who occupied the Prussian fortresses. Stein himself had been driven from Prussia by Napoleon's orders, but a successor, Hardenb erg, co mpleted his w ork. It is significant that when Hardenberg was reappointed State Chancellor in 1810, he did not undertake the Foreign Office, as he had done in 1806, but the ministries of the Finance and the Interior. It was Hardenberg who in 1810 made the nobles subject to taxation, and brought Stein's pro- mised Representative Assemblies into partial use; who, on 23rd JanUary 181 1, suppressed the Teutonic Order, and made its possessions part of the national domain ; and who, on nth September 181 1, achieved the logical result of Stein's edict abolishing serfdom by granting the peasants power to become absolute proprietors of two-thirds of their holdings on sur- rendering the other third to the lords in full recognition of all feudal dues and servitudes. Hardcnberg's most ardent coadjutor was William yon Hum- boldt. As Stein and Hardenberg had done the work of the French Revolution in Prussia by abolishing feudalism and securing equality before the law, so William von Hum- boldt established a national system of education in many respects similar to Napoleon's creation in France, and reformed the whole department of public instruction. At the head of the system was founded the UnjxersitjLQf I3crlin. Prussia had deeply felt the loss of tlie University of Halle 304 European History^ 1 8 12- 1 814 when that city was separated from Prussia by the Treaty of Tilsit. Konigsberg, though made famous by Kant, was too distant from the centre of the reduced kingdom to fill its place, and the new national spirit was concentrated in the new University of Berlin. Learned men came from all parts of Germany. Savigny, Fichte, Wolf, Buttmann, Boeckh, Schleiermacher,, and Niebuhr all enrolled themselves as professors ; and Germany, not merely Prussia, found a worthy representative in the world of thought. In the resurrection of Prussia King Frederick William^ iii. merely acquiesced in the reforms of Stein and Hardenberg. But his former leaning to neutrality had given place to a desire for revenge on the French. In July 18 10 he lost his patriotic wife, Queen Louise, and her death only exasperated his feelings. Nevertheless, he refused to declare himself on the side of Russia in 181 2. The Emperor Alexander announced his policy of allowing the French to invade, and his intention of thus drawing Napoleon far from his base, and Frederick William felt that he was not strong enough to openly oppose the French Emperor. He was even constrained by the occu- pation of his fortresses to go further, and, on 24th February 18 1 2, he signed an offensive and defensive alliance with Napoleon, By this treaty Prussia was not only to feed the French armies passing through her dominions to invade Russia, but to send an army of 30,000 men to act with them. Alexander was not displeased by this behaviour. He knew that Prussia could not help itself; he felt a sincere friendship for the hapless king ; he understood that beneath the surface, not only Prussia, but all Germany was boiling with indignation against the French; and in 181 2, when war was at hand, he summoned the inspirer of German national feehng, the great Prussian minister. Stein, from his exile in Austria to become his adviser and coadjutor in his German policy. Without any actual declaration of war, Russia entered into negotiations with England, and Napoleon assembled avast army \ Napoleon Invades Russia 305 on the banks of the Vistula. In May 181 2 he entered Ger- many to take the command, and at Dresden had interviews with the King of Prussia and the Emperor of„. . o _ i^ The Invasion Austria. Of the 325,000 men with which he of Russia, crossed the river Niemen and invaded Russia ^^^ ^^"• only 155,000 were French ; the remainder were foreign con- tingents. He detached to his left Marshal Macdonald, with the Prussian contingent and some Westphalians and Poles, to attack Riga and advance on St. Petersburg, with the hope of joining Bernadotte and the Swedes ; he was supported on his right by the Austrian subsidiary force, and with the centre of his army he advanced in person into Lithuania. That province being occupied, Napoleon crossed the Dnieper, and on the 1 8th of August he took Smolensk, in spite of the efforts of a Russian army of 80,000 men to cover the city. On his extreme right the Austrian army, under Prince Schwartzen- berg, was checked by the arrival of the Russian army, set free by the Peace of Bucharest. The R^issian generals, Barclay de Tolly and Bagration, in the centre, steadily retreated. -i_ This military policy soon reduced the efficiency andjnumbers of the French army ; for it was drawn further from its base into a barren country, in which it was harassed by peasants and guerillas, and it was necessary to leave large divisions to protect the communications. The Emperor Alexander had approved of this policy, and as the Russian army retired the people abandoned their villages, as the Portuguese had done during the invasion of Massena in 1810. But the Russian soldiers grumbled at this politic retreat, and the Emperor Alexander resolved to strike one blow for his capital. Barclay de Tolly was replaced by Kutuzov, and the Russian army suddenly halted on the banks of the Moskova. On the 7th of September a most terrible battle ^^^^^^ ^f was fought there, which is known as the battle of Borodino. Bjprodino. The Russians are said to have lost '"^ ^''''- '^"• 50,000 men, including General Bagration, and it is certain that the French lost more than 30,000. Nevertheless, the PERIOD vii. U 3o6 European History, i8i 2-1814 French loss was proportionately the most; for Napoleon was far away from any reinforcements, whereas the Russians were fighting in their fatherland. On the 14th of September the French army occupied Moscow. On the i6th, either by acci- dent or on purpose, fire broke out in the Russian capital. It raged for three days and three nights, and more than three- fifths of the city was utterly destroyed. The Emperor Alexander then entered into negotiations with JSIapoleon, and, whether he intended it or not, he kept the French Emperor from moving until too late for his safety. It was not until the 15th of October that Napoleon saw that negotiating was waste of time, and started from Moscow. The winter was an early one. Snow fell heavily. When Smolensk was reached, it was found that all the provisions stored there had been destroyed. The re- treating army, now in a state of disorganisation, was hunted through the country, not only by the Russian soldiers, but by the peasantry returning to their homes. Marshal Ney covered the retreat, and won on this occasion his tide of ' the bravest of the brave.' Napoleon, on being informed that a con- spiracy against him, headed by General Malet, had been dis- covered in Paris, left the retreating army early in December. After his departure the cold increased. The retreat became a rout ; Murat, who succeeded to the command, could not keep the army together ; and but very few of the 155,000 French- men who had invaded Russia recrossed the river Niemen. While Napoleon was wrecking one army in Russia, Welling - . . ton was defeating another French army in Spain. Campaign in ° i i n/r ' >— i the Peninsula. Marmont, who had succeeded Massena, failed ^^'^' to prevent the fall of Ciudad Rodrigo in January, or that of Badajoz in April, and after a long course of intricate „ , , manoeuvres, gave Wellington the opportunity to BatUe of ' ° — ~ '^ ^ -^ .._ Salamanca. attack and defeat him at the battle of Salamanca, 22djuiyi8i2. July 2 2, 1 81 2. The victory was complete. Jo"seph Bonaparte evacuated Madrid, and withdrawing all his troops from Andalusia fell back behind the Ebro. Wellington occu- pied Madrid on August 12, and then with his main army I The Policy of Bernadotte 307 advanced on Burgos. Burgos, however, resisted all his assaults. The Anglo-Portuguese army had to retire once more into Portugal, and Joseph Bonaparte for the last time returned to his capital. While this campaign was being fought Lord William Bentinck, who commanded the English garrison in Sicily, was requested to send troops to the eastern coast of Spain to effect a diversion. But the operations were badly combined ; Sir John Murray was driven from before Tarragona ; and at a subsequent date Lord William Bentinck himself failed to make an impression on Suchet's army at Alicante. The victory of Salamanca was a proof of the insecure foundation on which the throne of Joseph Bonaparte rested. Owing to it alone he had to leave Madrid, and evacuate the whole of southern Spain ; the military policy of the English ministers was justified; and though Salamanca cannot be compared with the disasters in Russia, it yet had its effect in showing the increasing weakness of the French military power. The retreat of the French and their passage of the Niemen enabled Prussia to throw off the mask of alliance Prussia de- with France. The Prussian contingent, amount- \^x^^\i^l-i ing to 18,000 men, had been placed under the 1813. command of Marshal Macdonald, and was occupied in the siege of Riga. Napoleon had hoped that this detached army upon his left would be joined by Bernadotte at the head of the Swedes. But ]3ernadotte, as has been seen, had forgotten his French nationality in accepting the position of heir to the Swedish throne. His first idea was to make himself popular in Sweden by securing the conquest of Norway to take the place of Finland, and behind it lay the hope of possibly suc- ceeding Napoleon himself. In his original communications with the Emperor Alexander, he had demanded the assistance of a Russian army for the conquest of Norway as the price of his adhesion to the coalition against Napoleon. When Alexander would not make a definite promise, Bernadotte applied to his former sovereign in June 1812, and promised to assist in the French invasion of Russia, if Napoleon would 3o8 European History, 1812-1814 guarantee to him the possession of Norway. But the French Emperor would make no compact with his former marshal, and hoped that he would lend his assistance to the occupation of St. Petersburg in return for vague promises. Bernadotte therefore remained neutral, and Macdonald, without the expected help from Sweden, could get no further than Riga. The retreat of the main French army from Moscow made it necessary for Macdonald likewise to fall back, and in the course of his retreat the Prussian contingent, under the com- mand of General York, deserted, and that general signed the Convention of Tauroggen, on 30th December 181 2, by which he abandoned France without definitely declaring himself upon the side of Russia. Macdonald, with his Westphalians and Poles, managed to leave Russia in safety, and to join the remnants of the main army. But the desertion of York was a symptom of what was to follow. Stein summoned the Estates of East Prussia at Konigsberg ; the Prussians rose en masse, and the French army, pursued by the Russian troops and these new enemies, retreated behind the Vistula, Frederick William of Prussia at last threw off the mask, and, on the 7th of February 1813, "he called out the reserve which had been formed by the skilful military policy of Scharnhorst, and ordered the Landwehr and the Landsturm to join the colours; on 27th February he signed the Treaty of Kalisch with Russia, promising alliance ; on 1 6th March he declared waragainst France ; and he joined the headquarters of his friend-Alexander, and lived in his company until the termina- tion of the war. Prussian enthusiasm grew to its height ; the reserves fell in from every city and district, and the broken French army, which was now left under the command of Eugene de Beauharnais, retreated first behind the Oder and then behind the Elbe, leaving powerful garrisons in Dantzic, Stettin, and the chief Prussian fortresses. The Russians of the army of the right pursued vigorously, and after driving the French from Berlin, the Russian generals, Chernishev and Tetterborn, took Hamburg. The resurrection of Prussia First Campaign ^/ 1813 in Saxony 309 and the rapid retreat of the French caused Bernadotte to declare himself openly on the side of the allies, and he crossed the-BaituTand entered Germany at the head of a Swedish army of 12,000 men. The King of Prussia's declaration of war with France was received wTth enthusiasm. Two separate PrusslaiTarmies' were formed, the first under Billow to act with the Swedes, and the Russian army of the right, and to defend Berlin, the other under Bliicher in Silesia to co-operate with the second invading army of the left from Russia. The command in chief of this latter army was, after the death of Kutuzov in May, conferred on Barclay de Tolly, while Witt- genstein commanded the Russian contingent. In the spring of 1813 Napoleon started for Germany to face the new coalition. His Westphalian, pirstcam- Bavarian, and Saxon allies were still true to paignofiSia. him and increased their contingents. He called to his assist- ance the old soldiers who were employed in the garrisons of Holland and Northern Germany, and he raised a large num- ber of fresh conscripts, who, in spite of their youth and inexperience, were at once directed upon Germany. At the head of 250,000 men, eventually increased to 300,000, he invaded Saxony. He defeated Wittgenstein at Lutzen or Gross Gorschen on the 2d of May^^ at which battle his friend. Marshal Bessieres was killed, and Scharnhorst was mortally wounded, and re-occupied Saxony. He defeated the whole of the allied army of Silesia at Bautzen on the 20th of May, and established his headquarters at Dresden. Meanwhile Van- damme had recaptured Hamburg, and, after placing it in a state of defence, joined the Emperor in Saxony. After these vigorous blows both sides desired a rest, and on Armistice of the 3d of June the Armistice of Pleswitz was Picswitz. 3d signed, and it was agreed tHat a congress should •'""'' '^'^' be held at Prague to consider if terms of peace could not be arranged. The important point to be decided at Prague was the positiqn_to be adopted by Austria ; and both_sides pre- pared to offer a high price for her active assistance, for her 3IO Enropean History, 1812-1814 intervention would probably settle the result of the war. Napoleon trusted that his father-in-law, the Emperor Francis, would not abandon him, and counted upon the assistance of an Austrian army. He relied also upon the hereditary hatred of Austria for Prussia, and promised his father-in-law, as the price of his active assistance, not only the restoration of the lUyrian provinces, but of the whole of Silesia, which Frederick the Great had torn from Maria Theresa. Napoleon was even sanguine enough to count upon the former friendship which the Emperor Alexander had felt for him, and he hoped that the invasion of Russia would be forgiven if he guaran- teed the possession of the whole of Poland. The country which would be sacrificed by these arrangements was Prussia. Napoleon projected the entire extinction of the Prussian kingdom, and suggested that the kingdom of Westphalia should be extended to the Oder. That he should venture to offer such terms showed how entirely Napoleon misunderstood his position. The Emperor Francis, although his daughter was Napoleon's wife, could noTTofget the humiliations that Austria had undergone, and allowed his feelings as an Austrian to outweigh his sentiments as a father. The Emperor Alexander had been entirely cured by the invasion of Russia of his former infatuation, and now distrusted the French^Em- peror as much as he had formerly believed in him ; he had struck up an intimacy with the King of Prussia, and had pro- mised him his restoration to the whole of his dominions. Meanwhile the rulers of Austria, Russia, and Prussia signed , a treaty at Reichenbach on 17th June 18 13, by Convention of -' . . j. Reichenbach. which Austria assumed the position of a mediator 17th June 1813. ^j^^ promised to declare war against France, if the conditions of peace, which she should offer, were rejected. In return for this attitude, Austria was given a free hand to neratiate with the South German States, and the idea of rousing a national German feeling against France, which was strongly advocated by Stein, was abandoned. Metternich had no liking for the national idea ; it seemed to him to bear the A nstria declares War 3 t t imprint of the spirit of the French Revolution, and could only end in disaster to Austria. The rising of Prussia had indeed been a success, but if it spread through Germany, it might end in a united Germany with Prussia at its head, and the consequent depreciation of the Austrian power. The example of Spain, which Stein and patriotic Germans pointed to, seemed to cut in two ways ; if, on the one hand, it had raised a people in arms against Napoleon, on the other it had encouraged revolutionary ideas. Both the Emperor Alexander and King Frederick William felt the weight of these arguments, and the conception of the war changed from a national uprising to a coalition of the usual type. Under these cir- cumstances. Napoleon's propositions were ignored, and pro- posals were made to him on the other hand that he should be content with the natural limits of France, namely, the Rhine and the Alps ; that he should restore the Bourbons to Spain and the independence of Holland ; that he should abandon his position as head of the Confederation of the Rhine and allow the Pope to return to Rome. Murat was to remain at Naples, and Jerome on the throne of Westphalia, and the terms offered were by no means unfavourable to France, OTolTgh perhaps hardly justified by the military position of the allies. Metternich, who perceived that Austria held the key to the position, brought these terms to Napoleon's headquarters at Dresden, and informed the Emperor that if they were not accepted, Austria would join the coalition against him. N apol eon refused with scorn ; Castlereagh, through the English ambassador, Lord Aberdeen, promised large subsidies to Austria; and on the ist of August 18 13, the Emperor of Austria promised definitely to join the allies with 200,000 men if Napoleon refused to accept the terms offered to him. The Congress met at Prague. Caulaincourt, the French pleni- potentiary, stated that he had no power to accei)t the terms offered by Francis, and Aust ria, on the 12th of Austria de- August, dc^clargiL war against France. On the ciarcswar. 14th of August, when it waTtoo late, Napoleon declared his 312 European History, 1812-18 14 acceptance of the terms, and received the answer jLhat the whole matter must be referred to the aUied monarchs. War in fact was inevitable, and the Armistice of Pleswitz was at an end. The intervention of Austria not only deprived Napoleon of an expected ally, but endangered his military Second Cam- '• -' ' ^ paign of 1813 position in Sax ony , as a strong Austrian army was in Germany, {jgjj^g concentrated in Bohemia under the com- mand of Prince Charles von Schwartzenberg. Nevertheless the French Emperor refused to retire, and prepared at the head of "300^00 men to make face^gainst the allies in spite of their great superiority in number. The plan of campaign of the allies was drawn up by Moreau, who had been induced to leave America and give the advantage of his advice to the Czar of Russia. There was also upon the staff of the Russian army one of the ablest strategists in Europe who, like Moreau, had formerly been an officer in the French army, General Jomini. The plan was to direct an army from the north, of Prussians, Russians and Swedes, under Biilow, Chernishev, and Bernadotte, an army from the east of Russians, called the Army of Poland, which was being formed under Benningsen, an army from Silesia, of Prussians under Bliicher, and Russians under Wittgenstein, and finally an army of Austrians under Schwartzenberg, assisted by the Russian main army of Barclay de Tolly, and the Russian Imperial Guard under the Grand Duke Constantine, upon Dresden. But Napoleon with his accustomed rapidity of action determined to strike first, and he detached three corps under Oudinot, Macdonald and Vandamme, against Bernadotte, Bliicher, and Schwart- zenberg ; Benningsen was too far in the rear to be dangerous. Oudinot and Macdonald were defeated by Bernadotte and Bliicher at Gross Beeren and the Katzbach respectively, on the 23d and 25th of August, and Schwartzenberg, instead of waiting for the other armies, attacked the French centre at Dresden. On the 26th and 27th of August a terrible battle was fought, in which Moreau was mortally wounded. Napoleon was successful, but he suffered severe losses which he was unable The Treaty of Toplitz 313 to repair. Three days later he received the news that Van- damme's army, which had penetrated into Bohemia to cut off Schwartzenberg's communications, had been forced to capitulate at Kulm to the Russians under Barclay de Tolly. The battle of Dresden proved to the allies that it was impossible for one of their armies to overthrow Napoleon unassisted, and they therefore recurred to their original plan. Napoleon once more endeavoured to break from his defensive position and struck at Berlin ; but Marshal Ney was defeated by Berna- dotte and Biilow at Dennewitz, on 6th September, and he had to wait while the ring formed round him. The Emperor's losses during the first part of this campaign had been immense. He had lost over 10,000 men by the capitulation of Kulm ; his young soldiers had been decimated at the Katzbach and Dennewitz ; and the troops of the German contingents deserted e7i masse. In fact when the opera- tions of the allies were completed and their armies had con- centrated around Leipzig, Jo which place he had withdrawn, he had not more than 160,000 men, whose confidence was shaken by repeated defeats, to oppose to more than double that number. ^After tlie battle of Dresden, the army of Schwartzenberg retired into Bohemia, and the allied monarchs determined to define their position as to the^ future': The enormous armies they were concentrating made them feel sure of success, if they held together. On 9th September the important Treaty of Toplitz was signed. By this treaty it was agreed treaty of thatTrussia and Austria should be restored as Toputz. nearly as possible to the limits they had held in '9*^ Sept. 1813. i8o^57that the Confederation of the Rhine should be dissolved, and that entire independence should be granted to the states of southern and western Germany. This decision overcame the lingering hesitation of the south German monarchs, who had feared retaliation from the allies for their consistent adhesion to Napoleon. Of these states, Bavaria was the chief, and on 8th October the Treaty oLRied was signed 314 European History, 181 2-1 814 between Austria and Bavaria, by which Bavaria promised the aid of 36,000 men in return for complete indemnity and the recognition of complete sovereignty in her dominions. Then the allies in their full strength attacked Napoleon. For three days, from the i6th to the 19th of October, the terrible battle Battle of of Leipzig was fought. The result was a fore- i6th— i^th gone^onclusion, and even without the desertion October 1813. of tlic Saxons in the course of the battle, the ruin of the French army was certain. Napoleon's forces were not only defeated, they were destroyed, and in the utmost disorder the routed French divisions fled in a state of disorganisation across Germany. At this moment Maximilian Joseph of Bavaria, whom Napoleon had made a king, declared against him as he had promised, and not only withdrew the Bavarian contingent, but endeavoured to check the French Battle of retreat. At the battle qf_Hanau on October the Hanau. 30th, howcvcr, the remnant of the French army broke through the Bavarians, and it eventually found safety behind the Rhine. The battle of Leipzig was followed by a general rising Insurrection throughout central Europe against the French, of Germany r^^^^ secret societics which had been formed to against Napo- leon 1813. promote the idea of the freedom of Germany acted in every direction. Many isolated regiments of the French army were cut off and the French garrisons in the various German cities were closely besieged. The benefits which had been conferred by French administration were for- gotten and the people thought only of the humiliation of the French occupation. Nor was this spirit confined to Germany. The Dutch rose in rebellion, and declared in all the chief cities of Holland for the Prince of Orange. That prince at once left England and set himself at the head of the insurgents, and Lord Castlereagh a few months later sent to his assistance an English force under the command of Sir Thomas Graham to reduce the few Dutch fortresses still occupied by French garrisons. In Italy also an almost universal insurrection Battle of Vittoria 315 broke out against the French domination. Lord WiUiam Bentinck, who commanded the EngHsh army which occupied Sicily, sailed to Genoa with a powerful force and encouraged the insurgents in that quarter. Meanwhile an Austrian army under General Hiller invaded Italy from the north-east and defeated Eugene de Beauharnais at Valsarno on the 26th of October. Against this unanimity of national opposition Napoleon could make but little headway ; the French people were tired of the conscription ; they had not approved of the invasion of Russia ; and were indisposed at the moment of crisis to support the Emperor. While the French armies were suffering the succession of disasters which expelled them from Germany, a campaign in similar series of catastrophes occurred in Spain, the Penisuia Wellington broke up from his quarters in the ^ *^' summer of ~iSi3~and marching in a north-easterly direction attempted to cut off all communication between France and Madrid. THTs movement completely overthrew the French domination^in Spain. Joseph Bonaparte with all the troops he could collect fled from Madrid. He was unable to defend himself behind the Ebro as in 18 12, for the positions on that river had been skilfully turned. Wellington eventually came up with the French army at Vittoria. There Marshal Batue of J ourdan, who commanded for King Joseph, en- Vittona. deavoured to resist, but he was completely d efeated ^^^^ J""^- by the Anglo-Portuguese army on the 21st of June 1813. This victory drove the French back into France, for Suchet was likewise obliged to abandon his conquests in Valencia, and to retire into the mountains of Arragon and Catalonia. The victory in the field was followed as in Germany by a burst of national enthusiasm. The Spanish guerillas destroyed every isolated French post, and even managed to place some service- able divisions at the disposition of Wellington. The English general took up a position on the French frontier between Pampeluna and San Sebastian, blockading the former and besieging the latter place. To face him Soult was sent to the 3i6 European History, 1812-1814 south-west of France to defend the frontier. On the 31st of August San Sebastian was stormed ; Pampeluna speedily fell; and Wellington was able to establish a new base of operations, and to invade France. On the loth of November Wellington the Anglo-Portugucse army drove Soult from invades j-jjg positions on the Nivelle, and after the battles Fr3.riCG Oct. 1813. of the Nive or Saint Pierre from the 9th to the 13th of December Wellington invested Bayonne. These repeated disasters in different quarters induced Negotiations Napoleon to consider the advisability of conclud- for Peace. i^g ^ peace. He was now only too ready to accept the terms offered to him at the Congress of Prague. The allies were by no means so united as they seemed. The Austrian Minister Metternich, in particular, was not desirous of destroying the power of France. England had no wish to come to any conclusion which should disproportionately in- crease the strength of Russia, and the aim of all the allied monarchs was to allow France to develop in her o wrTway as long as she withdrew her pretensions to interfere in Europe. Mefternich's proposals, in November 1813, were that France should preserve her natural limits of the Rhine and the Alps, but should restore all former rulers in Holland, Italy, and Spain. Napoleon gave evidence of his desire for peace at this period by the dismissal of his Foreign Secretary, Maret, Due de Bassano, and the appointment of Caulaincourt, Due de Vicenza, who was known to be in favour of peace and was also a personal friend of the Emperor Alexander, at whose Court he had been ambassador during the palmy days of the alliance between France and Russia, The terms of peace offered by Metternich, which are known as the Proposal s of Fraiikfort^at which city the allied monarchs were residing, were confided to M. de Saint Aignan, a French diplomatist who had been taken prisoner during the advance of the allies and who was the brother-in-law of Caulaincourt. The proposals were definitely acceded to by Lord Aberdeen on the part of England and by Hardenberg on the part of Prussia. The The Proposals of Frankfort 3 1 7 favourable nature of them was dictated by the fear entertained by the aUied monarchs that France would rise in her might as she had done in 1793 if her borders were invaded. For this reason the allies remained for some weeks upon the right bank of the Rhine, concentrating their forces and hesitating to advance. Napoleon, however, could not understand that he was beaten. Instead of replying at once to the Proposals of Frankfort, which were dated the 9th of November, it was not until late in December that he instructed Caulaincourt to go to the allied quarters and discuss them. His instructions to Caulaincourt showed how little he appreciated the position of affairs. He demanded that, in addition to the natural limits of France, he should hold the cities of Wesel, Cassel opposite Mayence, and Kehl opposite Strasbourg on the right bank of the Rhine, which fairly signified that he did not abandon his projects on Germany. He further demanded that a kingdom should be formed for his brother Jerome in Germany, and for Eugene de Beauharnais in Italy. Before these counter-proposi- tions reached the headquarters of the allied monarchs, they had resolved to invade France, and the opportunity was gone for ever for France to attain her natural limits under the sanction of Europe. The attitude of the allies, as indicated in the Proposals of Frankfort, was mainly dictated by Metternich, who xhc inva- did not desire to see his Emperor's son-in-law sionof 1 J T> France 1814. dethroned or to see France greatly w^eakened. But First the Emperor Alexander and his friend, the King Campaign, of Prussia, soon repented of the assent they had given to Metternich's ideas. Alexander desired to invade France as a reply to the invasion of Russia in 1812, and hoped to occupy Paris as Napoleon had occupied Moscow. The King of Prussia, and still more his generals and ministers, had felt most keenly the humiliating condition to which Prussia had been degraded, and desired to wreak their vengeance on France. It was tlierefore agreed that since the Proposals of Frankfort had not been promptly accepted, the result of a 3i8 European History, 1812-1814 successful invasion of France should be the return of that country into the limits she possessed at the beginning of the wars of the Revolution. The attitude of Russia and Prussia was that adopted by England. Lord Castlereagh heard with dismay, that it was intended to allow France the limits of the Rhine, for by that concession she would hold Belgium and Antwerp, which it had been the consistent policy of all English Ministers for many generations to keep independent of France. The barrier treaties of former days, and the wars against Louis xiv. had been sustained for the purpose of keeping France out of the Belgian Netherlands, and the English cabinet resolved to continue this classic policy. For this purpose, Lord Castlereagh was in person despatched to the headquarters of the allied monarchs, with the greatest powers ever granted to a British statesman. He was given ' full powers to negotiate and conclude of his own authority, and without further consultation with the government, all con- ventions or treaties, either for the prosecution of war or for the restoration of peace.' ^ Lord Castlereagh sailed from Harwich on the 31st of December 181 3, on which day Bliicher with the main Prussian army, known as the Army of Silesia, crossed the Rhine in three columns at Coblentz, Mannheim, and Mayence. Bliicher was supported by three Russian corps (farmce, but it was further south that the main Russian army in conjunc- tion with the Austrians invaded France under the command of Schwartzenberg. It was not without some difficulty that the Emperor Alexander was induced to consent to the viola- tion of the neutrality of Switzerland. But the military argu- ments put forward by his generals overcame his scruples. By marching through Switzerland, Schwartzenberg's army was enabled to turn the mountains of the Jura, and to leave the French fortresses on the Rhine, behind him. This invasion on two distinct lines gave Napoleon the opportunity 1 Alison's Lives of Lord Castlereagh, and Sir Charles Stewart, vol. ii p. 241. 1 Napoleons Campaign in France, 1814 319 of carrying out one of the military nianreuvres of which he was most fond. He concentrated between the two invading armies a force of between 50,000 and 70,000 men. This was a terrible falling off from the vast armies with which he had invaded Russia in 181 2, and fought the allies in Saxony in 1813; it w^as a falling off not only in numbers, but in military efficiency, for with the exception of the remnant of the Guard, he had only under his command some regiments of conscripts and national guards untrained to war. At this period Napoleon bitterly repented the mistake he had made, in leaving over 150,000 veteran soldiers as garrisons in the various fortresses in Europe. The presence of these men would very likely have turned the scale. He had left, for instance, 12,000 men in Hamburg under the command of Marshal Davout, 16,000 in Magdeburg, 8000 in Dantzic, and large garrisons in other distant cities, such as Stettin. These fortresses were blockaded by local militia ; their occupation did not withdraw many regular troops from the allied armies, while it fatally weakened the resources of France. Nevertheless, with his boy conscripts and his Guard, Napo- leon fought one of his greatest campaigns. Bliicher foolishly scattered his troops, after his entry into Champagne. Napoleon quickly took advantage of his mistake. He cut up^cti^ision after division of Bliicher's army atJilkiine, Ch.unp.iubert, Montmirair,~an3''Vauchamps, between the 29th of January and the 14th of February, and then turning against Schwartzen- berg, who had also scattered his forces, he defeated a Russian division at Nangis, and an Austrian division at Napoleon's Montereau on the 17th and iSth of February, victories in These_2 apid blows s tartle^_and disconcerted the ^'■^""- '^"'• allies! Bliichcr's army was practically destroyed; Schwartzen- berg fell back, and asked for an armistice ; and proposals were made for the evacuation of France. It was only the con- stancy of the Emperor Alexander and the determination of Lord Castlereagh which induced the allies to persist. Two corps (Parmcc, one of I'russians under Blilow, the other of 320 European History, 1812-1814 Russians under Wintzingerode, were on Lord Castlereagh's sole authority detached from Bernadotte's army and ordered to reinforce Bliicher. Meanwhile, Alexander insisted that Schwartzenberg should concentrate instead of retiring. In reality, Napoleon's successes were more fatal to himself than to the allies, for they induced him to break off the negotiations at the Congress of Chatillon. While the first campaign of 1814 was being fought out in other move- France, the movement against Napoleon was ments becoming general. Betaadotte had after the N^^ieon. victory of Leipzig been placed in command of ^S''4- the army in northern Germany. Full of the idea which had been'suggested to him by the Emperor Alexander in 181 2, that he might succeed Napoleon on the throne of France, Bernadotte did not wish to appear be- fore his own countrymen in the light of an invader. He had occupied himself for some weeks after the battle of Leipzig with blockading Davout in Hamburg, and fighting the Danes in Holstein. Even if he could not obtain the throne of France, he was quite resolved to win Norwky, and for this purpose he attacked the Danes, and after some fighting, compelled Frederick vi. of Denmark to sign the Treaty of Kiel on 14th January 1814, by which Denmark ceded Norway to Sweden, in exchange for Swedish Pomerania. Berna- dotte even went so far as to negotiate with Davout, to whom he promised a free passage to France with all his troops as the price of the surrender of Hamburg. But the Emperor Alexander would not submit to this, and Bernadotte was imperiously ordered only to leave a blockading force before Hamburg, and to advance to the French frontier. It was at this juncture that Bernadotte was deprived of his two finest corps d'armce, which were ordered up to the assist- ance of Bliicher. But in addition to the danger threatened by Bernadotte's army, Napoleon also met with serious opposition in the Netherlands. The Dutch people declared for the Prince of Orange, and HoUand_was Battle of Orthez 321 ri uickly ...jQSt. A force under the command of the Prince marched into Belgium, and besieged Antwerp, which was defended by the former member of the Committee of Pubhc Safety, Carnot, who, though neglected by Napoleon in the days of his greatness, had come to the help of France in the time of her distress. To assist the Prince an English division under Sir Thomas Graham had, as has been said, been de- spatched to Holland. Graham failed to take Bergen-op-Zoom on the 20th of February, but his presence in the Netherlands not only encouraged the Dutch, but prevented Napoleon from obtaining help from that quarter. In the south, Marshal Augereau, whom the Emperor had placed in command at Lyons, was, as he himself ^ . J 1 ' Augereau. said, no longer the Augereau of Castiglione. He had been directed to make a diversion against the Austrian left as it entered France with some conscripts and troops drawn from the former Army of Spain, but he remained inactive, and his operations were of no assistance to the Emperor. In the south-west corner of France, Soult was unable to do more than make head against Wellington and the Anglo-Portuguese army. After the battles of the Nive or of Saint Wellington Pierre, Bayonne was completely invested, and wins battle of TIT 11- , . , 1 r r 1 • ^ Orthez. 27th Wellington, leaving the left of his army to carry February on the siege, marched eastwards against Soult. '814. That marshal had been weakened by the detachments he had been ordered to send to Augereau, and to Napoleon himself. Nevertheless, he made a gallant stand at Orthez on the 27th of February, but was defeated and forced to fall back further into France. In Italy the Viceroy, Eugene de Beauharnais, who in the retreat from Russia had given evidence that he r rr 1 Italy. was a general of the very first order, offered a gallant resistance to the Austrians under General Hiller. Rut the defection of the King of Bavaria, his father-in-law, opened the passes of the Tyrol to the Austrians, and Eugene de Beauharnais was then compelled to retreat. At the PERIOD VII. X 322 Ewopean History, 1812-1814 commencement of 181 4, Metternich entered into negotiations with Murat, the King of Naples. Through the influence of his wife, Carohne Murat, sister of Napoleon, with whom Metternich had been in most intimate relations when he was ambassador at Paris, Murat, in the hope of preserving his kingdom, issued a violent proclamation against his benefactor, Napoleon, and advanced to the banks of the Po, at the head of a Neapolitan army of 80,000 men. This movement caused Eugene de Beauharnais, whose fidelity to his stepfather shines out in bright contrast to the treachery of Murat, to fall back still further. He defeated the Austrians under Marshal Bellegarde on the Mincio on the 8th of February, but was unable to follow up his success owing to the position of Murat. In his rear. Lord William Bentinck had landed at Genoa and issued a proclamation promising independence to that city, and the support of England in securing the independence and unity of Italy. Napoleon at one time thought of calling Eugene de Beauharnais to his side, but his rapid victories over the isolated corps cCarmce of the allies in February caused him to abandon this wise project. It has been said that one effect of Napoleon's victories was to break up the Congress of Chatillon. It The Congress of Chatillon. had been suggested that a congress should meet 3d Feb. -19th a,t Mannheim at the time of the Proposals of March 1814. _ , . , t>.t i > i 1 1 - Frankfort, but Napoleons delay prevented it from assembling until after the invasion of France was an accomplished fact. The success of this invasion altered the attitude of the allies towards France. They saw that the French nation was not going to arise in its might as it had done in 1793. They heard through sure hands that the people were almost in open rebellion against the JEmperor. The Legislative Body had dared to oppose his wishes. Every- where the conscription was evaded, and there was a muttered feeling throughout France that the country had had enough of war and that it was time that the blood-tax on the French youth should cease. Even the army itself was beginning to The Congress of Chatillon 323 despair. The Emperor had lost his prestige in Russia and at Leipzig. His soldiers were not the veterans of his former wars ; his generals and his marshals began to murmur and to fear that a war a Poutraftce would end in their personal ruin. Under these circumstances the Congress of Chatillon met on the 3d of February 18 14. The French plenipotentiary was Caulaincourt, the most upright of Napoleon's states- men. The other powers nominated, not their chief ministers, MetternichjNesselrode, Hardenberg,and Castlereagh, although they were all at headquarters, but subordinate diplomatists, namely, Count Philip Stadion, the predecessor of Metternich, for Austria, William von Humboldt for Prussia, Razumovski for Russia, and Lord Cathcart, Lord Aberdeen, and Sir Charles Stewart for England. At Chatillon very different conditions from the Proposals of Frankfort were offered. The main stipulation was that France should return to her limits before the Revolution. England haughtily declared that the naval question with regard to the rights of neutrals was not to be mentioned, and everything was made subject to the great question of the French limits. Caulaincourt disputed the proposals on the ground that it was unfair that France should be reduced to the limits she had held in 1789 while the other powers had been so vastly increased liy the rearrangement of Germany and the partition of Poland. Nevertheless he was most anxious that Napoleon should accept these proposals. He granted that they were worse than the Proposals of Frankfort, but argued that if the war continued they were likely to be worse still. Napoleon, however, looked upon the Congress as an opportunity for gaining time. He believed that by his military successes he would avert the disasters which threatened him, and on the day of the battle of Montereau, the i8th of February, he wrote that he was only willing to agree to a peace on the basis of the Frankfort Proposals, and in his own handwriting he added to his despatch to Caulaincourt, 'Sign nothing.'^ It ^ Fain, Manuscrit de PAn 1813, pp. 297, 298. 324 European History, 1812-1814 is worthy of note that in the Proposals of Chatillon nothing was said about Napoleon himself. The Emperor Francis assumed that his son-in-law would remain upon the throne of France, and Lord Castlereagh expressed no view to the contrary. But the English Minister was absolutely determined not to yield to Napoleon's demand for the natural limits of France. England was the paymaster of the coalition, and Castlereagh having just promised ;^ 10,000,000 to pay the military expenses of 18 14 felt that he had the right to insist on his demand. Napoleon in after years declared that his persistence in retaining Belgium was the reason for his refusal to accede to the Proposals of Chatillon. 'Antwerp,' he said to Las Cases, 'was to me a province in itself; it was the principal cause of my exile to Saint Helena, for it was the required cession of that fortress which made me refuse the terms offered at Chatillon. If they would have left it to me peace would have been concluded,'^ Metternich wrote to Caulaincourt pressing the acceptance of the Proposals of Chatillon, but Napoleon obstinately refused, and the Congress had practically failed by the beginning of March, though it did not actually break up until the 19th of that month. The fact that the French nation did not rise in arms against the invaders has been mentioned as the Attitude of °. . , ,.„ France primary cause for the dmerence between the towards terms offered at Frankfort and at Chatillon. Napoleon. -kt , • t i i i 11 Nothing proves more completely how thoroughly Napoleon had extinguished the spirit of the Revolution than the lukewarmness with which his call to arms was received in 1 814. In 1793 the invasion of France had caused a frenzy of patriotism. The people had submitted to the Reign of Terror, because it meant a strong government which could expel the Enghsh, Prussians, and Austrians. France was at that time hemmed in by difificulties infinitely greater than those which she had to face in 1814. Then she had no great general. In 1814 she possessed one of the greatest generals ^ Las Cases, Memorial de Sahite-Helene, vol, vii. pp. 56, 57. Exhaustion of France 325 the world has ever seen. In 1793 she was torn by civil war in La Vendee and by brigands in every sparsely populated district. In 1814 she had enjoyed fifteen years of internal tranquillity. In 1793 her finances were utterly disordered, her industries were destroyed, and the whole country a prey to anarchy. In 18 14 she had been for years the chief nation in Europe, and the wealth of other countries had been drained to enrich her. But the difference was that in 1793 and the succeeding years the French people felt that they were fighting to ward off the interference of foreign nations in their internal affairs, whereas in 1814 they were called on to defend the power of a single man who had infringed the rights and the freedom of other nations. By his bureaucratic system Napoleon had crushed out the power of popular initiative Avhich had been the strength of the Republic ; by his suppression of individual liberty" he had madje the majority of the French people dis- affected to his Empire. "Till re must be considered also the exhaustion of actual physi( al resources. In the campaigns of 181 2 and Exhaustion 1^13, it is estimated that nearly 750,000 Frenchmen of France, were either killed, wounded, or taken prisoner. Before that time the Giand Army had been slowly destroyed on many a field of battle, and there simply were not sufficient men of military instinct and physical strength to fill the ranks. In 18 13 Napoleon enrolled the conscripts whose turn would have come in 1815 — mere boys of sixteen, who had melted away after the battle of Leipzig — and the men he called to the ranks in 18 14 were those who had been passed over by the conscription in previous years, and were too long inured to civil life to l)e willing to serve as soldiers. To the feeling that resistance to the invaders was not a national duty, must be added a general indisposition to support the Empire. The opinions which had found vent during the French Revolution had not been extinguished by the Empire ; they had only been suppressed ; and all the educated part of the cation was united in desiring represen- 326 European History, 1812-1814 tative institutions so as to exercise a share in directing the poHcy of the government. Tliis opinion showed itself in the Legislative Body which was summoned in December 1813. Napoleon had announced that his cause was the cause of France; but in return the leaders of the Legislative Body only begged him to make peace. A paragraph was inserted in the report of the Legislative Body upon the Proposals of Frankfort, which contains the following words : ' It belongs to the Government according to the Constitution to propose the most effectual means to repel the enemy and secure peace. These means will only be effectual if the French people are convinced that their blood will be shed only to defend the country and our protective laws. It appears, therefore, indis- pensable that at the same time that His Majesty shall propose the most prompt and efficacious measures for the safety of the State, the Government should be besought to maintain the entire and constant execution of the laws which guarantee to the French people the rights of liberty, security, and property, and to the nation the complete enjoyment of its political rights. That guarantee appears the most effectual means for restoring to the French people the energy necessary for their defence in the present crisis.' Napoleon was much irritated by this attack on his arbitrary authority, and although this paragraph was expunged from the report by 254 votes to 223 he nevertheless dissolved the Legislative Body in a rage. Neither at the Congress of CITatilldn nor in the Legislative The Body was a single word said about restoring the Bourbons. Bourbons. They had lost all credit during their exile. The French people did not want them. The allied powers did nolrcare about them. By Lord Castlereagh's orders Welling- ton received the Due d'Angouleme, son of the Comte d'Artois, in his camp in the south of France, but he distinctly refused to recognise him in any way whatever. The English general went further and issued a proclamation in which he declared that the war was being waged for security to Europe, not for a change of dynasty in France, and that no interference was The Treaty of Chamnont 327 either intended or would be permitted in the free decision of the French people with regard to their internal government. When the Due d'Angouleme was favourably received in Bor- deaux and the Mayor of that city hoisted the white flag, Wellington wrote to the Bourbon prince defining his attitude and censuring the assertion in the Duke's proclamation, that he was supported by England. In spite of his real weakness Napoleon was so infatuated by his successes in February 18 14 that, as has been said, the Congress came to an end, but he was not far Treaty of wrong in his estimation of the effect of his vie- jst^March tories upon the allied monarchs. So profoundly 1814. was Schwartzenberg terrified by the destruction of Bliicher's army and the victories of Nangis and Montereau that he wished to retreat from France. Differences between the powers at this juncture threatened to break up the coalition, and it was only the determination of Lord Castlereagh that kept them together. The English minister on the ist of March 1 8 14 concluded the secret Treaty of Chaumont. By this treaty the relations of the allied monarchs to each other on severaT^pomts^ were defined, and though many fresh causes of dissBTTsioTT arose at a later date, it was the Treaty of Chau- mont which kept the powers together until the overthrow of Napoleon^ and which laid the basis of the final settlement at Vienna. By this treaty the four great powers, England, Russia, Austria and P russiaj bound themselves, if France re- fused to return within her ancient limits, to form an offensive and defensive alliance. Each member of the coalition was to maintain 150,000 men in the field, and England bound herself, in addition to paying her own contingent and maintaining her navy, to contribute a subsidy of ^5,000,000 a year to be divided equally amongst the other three contracting parties. As England by this arrangement offered more than twice as much as any other country, Castlereagh practically became the master of the coalition. After peace was concluded each of the powers was to furnish a contingent of 60,000 men if any 328 European History, i8 12-18 14 one of them were attacked. The resettlement of Europe was to be arranged on the followmg bases : that the German Empire should be restored as a federal union ; that Holland and Belgium should be united into a monarchy under the House of Orange ; that Spain should be restored to its ancient sovereign ; that Italy should be divided into independent states ; and that Switzerland should be guaranteed as inde- pendent and neutral by all the great powers. The result of the Treaty of Chaumont was to stiffen the attitude of the allies in France. All thought of retreat was Napoleon's abandoned and both the Austrians under Second Cam- Schwartzcnberg, and the Army of Silesia under paign in , ^ -n • France. Bliicher recommenced their advance upon Pans. March 1814. Napolcon. pursucd the tactics which had been crowned with success in the month of February, and_ prepared to strike at each of the invading armies in turn. His first movement as before was against Bliicher. The Army of Silesia had been reduced by the actions of Champaubert, Montmirail, etc., from 60,000 to 30,000 m.en, but it was now increased to more than its former number by the arrival of Saint Priest's Russians and of the two corps of Biilow and Wintzingerode which had been detached from Bernadotte by Lord Castlereagh. Napoleon was not aware of the extent of these reinforcements, and he therefore with his army of barely 30,000 men ventured to attack Bliicher. On the 7th and 9th of March, the severe actions of Craonne and Laon were fought. Neither side won victories, but Napoleon failed to repeat his former successes, which was tantamount to a defeat. After the battle of Laon both Bliicher and Napoleon reviewed the armies at their disposal, and the disparity of their strength is shown by the fact that whereas Bliicher reviewed 109,000 men, Napoleon found that including all reinforcements, he had but 46,000. Having failed to check the Prussians, Napoleon turned to attack Schwartzenberg's army. On the 20th of March he fought an action at Arcis-sur-Aube, in which the Russians repulsed the French attack. Tlie Emperor then Occupation of Paris, 1814 329 resolved on a final effort. He determined to attack the lines of communication of the invaders, and marched towards the Vosges Mountains. But the invaders were in too strong force to be terrified by this manoeuvre. A few divisions only were left to watch him, and the main armies continued their advance on Paris. On March the 30th, Schwartzenberg Battle of and'Bliicher arrived in front of the French capital. 30th March They had under their command about 200,000 1814. men, whereas Marshals Marmont and Mortier, who had been charged with the defence of Paris, could not get under arms more than 28,000 including the National Guard. In spite of this enormous difference of strength the two marshals took up a position and prepared to defend Paris. But after the most obstinate resistance the allies carried the French position after ten hours' fighting on the 30th of March, and on the following day the Emperor Alexander and the King of Prussia entered Paris. Napoleon rapidly followed the allied army, q^^^^^^:^^^ ^^ but the occupation of Paris was fatal to his cause. Paris by the He was ready to continue the war, but his mar- shals were not. On the 4th of April Ney, Macdonald, Oudinot, and Lefebvre had an interview with the Emperor, and told him that the army would fight no more. Napoleon was obliged to give heed to their remonstrances, and he sent Ney, Macdonald, and Caulaincourt to make what arrangements might be possible with the allied monarchs. On entering Paris the Emperor Alexander and King Fred- erick William proceeded at once to the residence of Talley- rand. That astute statesman quickly decided The Provi- upon a definite policy. He understood that the ^entat°''^'^" allies had hitherto treated with Napoleon, and Paris, that they were not favourably disposed to the Bourbons. He knew that the French nation did not desire the return of the former dynasty. But he felt that the only method which would enable France to take up a logical position on the Con- tinent was by the restoration of the Bourbon monarchy. If Louis XVIII. were accepted as King of France, it would be a 330 European History, 1812-1814 contradiction in terms to their professed belief in hereditary rights, and their hatred for the results of the Revolution, for the allied monarchs to attack the unity of France. For this reason Talleyrand persuaded Alexander that it would be inad- missible either to accept the government of the Empress Marie Louise in the name of her son, the King of Rome, or still less to recognise Alexander's candidate, Bernadotte. In his own words to the Emperor : ' Any attempt to create a Regency or to appoint Bernadotte is a mere intrigue ; nothing remains but Bonaparte or the Bourbons.' Alexander then declared that he would no longer treat with Napoleon, and Talleyrand as Vice- Arch-Chancellor of the Empire summoned the Senate to meet upon the ist of April. The Senate at once elected a Provisional Government con- sisting of Talleyrand as President and the Comte de Bournon- ville, former War Minister of the Republic, the Comte de Jaucourt, a former leader of the Legislative Assembly, the Abbe de Montesquiou, a former leader of the Constituent Assembly, and the Due de Dalberg, nephew of the Prince Primate of Germany. The Senate then resolved that, whatever government should be adopted, the sale of the national and ecclesiastical estates in the days of the Revolution should be ratified, the liberty of worship and of the press established, and a general amnesty declared. On the following day the Emperor Alexander addressed the Senate. He said : ' It is neither ambition nor the love of conquest which has led me hither; my armies have only entered France to repel unjust aggressions. Your Emperor carried war into the heart of my dominions when I only wished for peace. I am a friend of the French People ; I impute their faults to their chief alone ; I am here with the most friendly intentions ; I wish only to protect your deliberations. You are charged with one of the most glorious missions which generous men can dis- charge, — that of securing the happiness of a great people, in giving France institutions, at once strong and liberal, with which she cannot dispense in the advanced state of civilisation Abdication of Napoleon 331 to which she has attained.' Alexander in conclusion, as a sign of his g oodwill , declared that he would release the 150,000 French prisoners of war then in Russia. That evening the_Senate solemnly declared Napoleon to be no longer Emperor, and forme_d a^PiwisionalJ^Iinistry, includ- ing' COnTTe i^eiignot, Minister of the Interior, Baron Louis, Minister of Finance, and General Dupont, who had been dis- graced for the Capitulation of Baylen, Minister for War. Matters had reached this stage when Napoleon's emissaries Ney, Macdonald, and Caulaincourt, arrived at the headquarters of the allied monarchs. These faithful adherents proposed that Napoleon should abdicate in favour of his infant son. This offer, which would have been gladly received some days before, was now rejected, owing to the influence of Talleyrand, and on April the 6th, when N apoleo n received the news of this rejection, he unconditionally iiljilicaled at Abdication of Fontainebleau. This step was made necessary Napoleon, by the fact that the faithful marshals could not ' ^'^' ^ '''■ even speak in the name of the whole army on behalf of Napoleon. Marshal Marmont, who had distinguished himself in the great battle before Paris, had made separate terms for himself and placed his army at the disposal of the allies. The desertion of Marmont deprived Napoleon of the greater part of the forces on which he relied, and rendered his uncondi- tional abdication necessary. The abdication of Napoleon was followed by the arrival of Lord Castlereagh in Paris. The English Provisional minister had since the breaking up of the parfs'^mh Congress of Chatillon remained at the head- April 1814. quarters of the Emperor of Austria at Dijon. It was there that he had entered into intimate relations with Mctternich, relations which were to lead to most important results. On the nth of April 1814, the Provisional Treaty of Paris was signed. It was essentially a treaty belwCCh' the Emperor Napoleon, through his plenipotentiaries, and the allied monarchs. It was not a treaty with France, for Louis xviii. 332 European History, i8 12-18 14 had not arrived from England, or been recognised as king, and the Provisional Government could only enter into provisional arrangements. By this treaty, which was signed by Caulaincourt, Macdonald, Ney, Metternich, Nesselrode, Hardenberg, and Castlereagh, Napoleon renounced for himself and his descendants the Empire^oT France and the Kingdom of Italy. He was, however, to retain the title of Emperor; the island of Elba was erected into an independent princi- pality for him, and an income of ^180,000 a year was granted to him. The duchies of Parma and Piacenza were secured in full sovereignty to the Empress Marie Louise, and after her decease to the King of Rome, and the Empress Dowager Josephine was given an annuity of ^^40,000 a year. tti of ^^ ^^^ ^^y before this treaty was signed, April Toulouse. loth, 1 814, the Battle of Toulouse was fought, loth April Wellington after his victory of Orthez had rapidly followed Soult into the heart of Southern France. When he attacked the French positions in front of Toulouse, he was ignorant of the great events which had been passing at Paris and at Fontainebleau, and it was only after his entrance into the city that he perceived the white cockade was being worn. On the 2 0th of April 18 14, Napoleon bade farewell to the Arrival of Guard at Fontainebleau, and started for Elba, and Louis XVIII. on the 24th his successor, Louis xviii., who had not entered France since his escape in 1791, landed. at__Calais. The new King was eminently fitted by his natural character, which had been matured by his long exile, for a constitutional monarch, but unfortunately he was surrounded by men who had shared his exile, and who did not share his placable dis- position. On the 2d of May, when he had reached the neighbourhood of Paris, Louis xviii. published what is known as the Declaration of St. Ouen. In this declaration, he promised a constitution to the French people, which should provide among other things for a representative government with two chambers, complete liberty of worship and the press, First Treaty of Paris, 1814 333 the right of the representatives to grant taxation, the inviola- bilit}- of all property, including national and ecclesiastical estates, which had been sold during the Revolution, the responsibility of the ministers, irremoveability of the judges, and complete' e"cLuality before the law. On the following day, he entered Paris amid general rejoicings, for the French people had forgotten their grievances of olden time in the memory of their more recent sufferings in the latter years of Napoleon. He was not in any way treated with by the Pro- visional Government; his return was tacitly accepted as inevitable ; and he returned to the Tuileries as of divine right, without any bargain being made with him. The first important duty which fell to Louis xviii. was the signature of a definitive treaty of peace with the First Treaty allies. The evacuation of French territory by the °f ^3"^. 1 111 •.•1,^.. 30th May mvaders had been arranged with the Provisional 1814. Government on the 23d of April, and the foreign troops were already beginning to retire. By the definitive Treaty of Paris, which was negotiated by Talleyrand on behalf of Tlouis xviii., it was agreed that France should return to her limits of 1792. By th is arrangement, the early annexations of rh'e'Kevolution before the outbreak of war were secured to France. These additions included Avignon and the County of the Venaissin, which had formerly belonged to the Pope, and several districts in Alsace, of which the most noteworthy were the Principality of Montbeliard formerly the property of the King of Wiirtemberg, and the Republic of Mulhouse. France also received Chambery, and part of Savoy, with certain rectifications of the frontier in the neighbourhood of Geneva, and on the north-eastern border. All the former French colonies, except the islands of the Mauritius, Tobago, and Saint Lucia, were restored to France. With regard to other countries, it was agreed, as had been laid down in the Treaty of Chaumont, that Germany wns to l)eromc a Confederacy instead of an Empire, that llollnid and Belgium were to be u nited, th at It aly was to be divided into independent_5Jtates, 334 Enropean History, 1812-1814 and that the indejiendence of Switzerland was to be guaranteed by all the great powers. At the same time that this treaty was signed, a secret treaty was agreed to between the four invading powers, without consulting France. This secret treaty dealt largely with the future apportionment of the territories on the left bank of the Rhine which had been administered by France ever since 1 794. It was roughly agreed that these provinces should be annexed to Prussia, and it was further laid down, that Austria should possess the whole of Lombardy, and that Genoa should be united to Sardinia. The details of this arrangement, and the many other questions which were certain to arise were adjourned, and it was settled that they should be considered at a great congress which was to meet at Vienna. The two_nations which had done the most to overth.row the . . excessive power of Napoleon w^ere England and Conclusion. . <■ Russia, and the t wo nig n most conspicuously con- cerned were the Emperor Alexander and Lord Castlereasrh. The two rival German powers, Austria and Prussia, naturally inclined to different sides. Prussia w as the declared ally of Russia^ the Emperor Alexander and the King Frederick William had formed one of the romantic personal f riend ships which Alexander loved ; and the Russian and Prussian ministers were in perfect accord in desiring to punish France and her allies, and to aggrandise themselves. Austria on the other hand naturally inclined to support England. Both feared the increasing preponderance of Russia ; both felt that enough had been done in deposing Napoleon, and did not desire to wreak vengeance on France ; both were inclined to be moderate in their demands. This rivalry betv/een Russia with Prussia, and Austria with England had appeared in its incipient stages before the Treaty of Chaumont, and it was to rise to its height during the Congress of Vienna. The return of the Bourbons to France was to have an important result on the rivalry between the allies, and it is a significant proof of the inherent power of France, and of the greatness Position of France /« 1814 335 of the ascendency which she had won, that she was enabled at Vienna to act the most decisive part. The overthrow of Napoleon had not really weakened France ; she had lost her nat~ural territorial limits of the Rhine and the Alps which she might have obtained but for the stubbornness of Napoleon ; nevertheless, she was still strong enough to be feared, and in the day of her greatest disaster she was able to exert a greater influence in the affairs of Europe than she had ever done since the time of Louis xiv. CHAPTER XL 1814-1815 The Congress of Vienna — Monarchs and Diplomatists present — History of the Congress — Treaty between France, Austria, and England — The Ques- tions of Saxony and Poland — The German Confederation — Disposition of the provinces on the left bank of the Rhine — Mayence and Luxembourg — Reconstitution of Switzerland — Rearrangements in Italy — Questions of Murat, Genoa, and the Empress Marie Louise — Sweden — Denmark — Spain— Portugal — England's share of the spoil — The Questions of the Slave Trade and the Navigation of Rivers — Close of the Congress — Pre- parations against Napoleon — The first reign of Louis xviii. in France — Napoleon's return from Elba— The Hundred Days — The Campaign of Waterloo — Occupation of Paris^Second Treaty of Paris — Napoleon sent to Saint Helena — The Holy AUiance — Return of Louis xviii. — Govern- ment of the Second Restoration — The Chambre Introuvable — Reaction in Spain and Naples — Territorial Results of the Congress of Vienna — The Principle of Nationality — Permanent Results of the French Revolution in Europe — The Problem of harmonising the Principles of Individual and Political Liberty with that of Nationality. On the ist of November 18 14 the diplomatists who were Congress of to resettle Europe as arranged by the definitive Vienna. Treaty of Paris met at Vienna. But many of the monarchs most concerned felt that they could not give their entire confidence to any diplomatist, however faithful or dis- tinguished, and they therefore came to Vienna in person to support their views. The^nal decision of disputes obviously lay in the hands of the four powers which by their union had conquered Napoleon. These four powers solemnly agreed to act in harmony and to prepare alt queslions privately, and then lay them before the Congress. In fact they intended to impose their will upon the smaller states of Europe just as Napoleon had done. That they did not succeed and that '336 TJie Congress of Vienna 337 their concert was broken was due to the extraordinary ability of Ta llejrand, t he first French plenipotentiary. The history of the Congress is the history of Talleyrand's skilful diplomacy, and the resettlement of Europe which it effected was therefore largely the work of France. The Emperor Francis of Austria acted as host to his illustrious guests. The royalties present were the Monarchsand Emperor Alexander of Russia, with his Empress, Diplomatists the Grand Duke Constantine, and his sisters, the p*'^^^"*- Grand Duchesses Marie of Saxe-Weimar and Catherine of Oldenburg; the King of Prussia with his nephew Prince William ; the King and Queen of Bavaria, the King and Crown Prince of Wiirtemburg, the King of Denmark, the Prince of Orange, the Grand Dukes of Baden, Saxe-Weimar, and Hesse- Cassel, the Dukes of Brunswick, Nassau, and Saxe-Coburg. The King of Saxony was a prisoner of war and absent. The plenipotentiaries of Russia were Count Razumov- ski, Count von Stackelberg, and Count Nesselrode, who were assisted by Stein, the former Prussian minister, and one of Alexander's most trusted advisers, by Pozzo di Borgo, the Corsican, now appointed Russian ambassador to Paris, by Count Capo d'Istria, the future President of Greece, by Prince Adam Czartoryski, one of the most patriotic Poles, and by some of the most famous Russian Generals, such as Cher- nishev and Wolkonski. The Austrian plenipotentiaries were Prince Metternich, the State Chancellor, the Baron von Wcssenljerg-Ampfingen, and Fricdrich von Gentz, who was appointed to act as Secretary to the Congress. England was represented by Lord Castlereagh, Lord Cath- cart. Lord Clancarty, and Lord Stewart, Castlereagh's brother, who as Sir Charles Stewart had played so great a part in the negotiations in 1813, and who had been created a peer for his services. The English plenii)otcntiaries were also aided by Count von Hardenberg, and Count von Miinster, who were deputed to represent Hanoverian interests. The Prussian plenipotentiaries were Prince von Hardenberg, the State PERIOD VII. Y 338 European History, 1814-1815 Chancellor, and William von Humboldt, who in military matters were advised by General von Knesebeck. The French representatives, whose part was to be so important, were Talleyrand, Prince of Benevento, the Due de Dalberg, nephew of the Prince Primate, the Marquis de la Tour du Pin, and the Comte Alexis de Noailles. These were the representatives of the great powers. Among the represen- tatives of the lesser powers may be noted from the importance of their action, Cardinal Consalvi, who represented the Pope, the Count of Labrador for Spain, Count Palmella for Portugal, Count Bernstorf for Denmark, Count Lowenhielm for Sweden, the Marquis de Saint-Marsan for Sardinia, the Duke di Campo-Chiaro for Murat, King of Naples, Ruffo, for Ferdinand King of the Two Sicilies, Prince von Wrede for Bavaria, Count Wintzingerode for Wiirtemburg, and Count von Schulemburg for Saxony. In addition to these plenipoten- tiaries representing powers of the first and second rank, were innumerable representatives of petty principalities, deputies for the free cities of Germany, and even agents for petty German princes mediatised by Napoleon in 1806. When Talleyrand with the French legation arrived in Vienna History of the''he found, as has been said, that the four great Congress. powcrs had formed a close union in order to control the Congress. His first step therefore was to set France forth as the champion of the second-rate states of Europe. The Count of Labrador, the Spanish representative, strongly resented the conduct of the great powers in pre- tending to arrange matters, as they called it, for the Congress. Talleyrand skilfully made use of Labrador, and through him and Palmella, Bernstorf and Lowenhielm managed to upset the preconcerted ideas of the four allies, and insisted on every matter being brought before the Congress as a whole, and being prepared by small committees specially selected for that purpose. His next step was to sow dissension amongst the great powers. As Ihe champion of the smaller states he had already made France of considerable importance, and he The Attitude of Talleyrand 339 then claimed that she too had a right to be treated as a great power and not as an enemy. His argument was that Europe had fought Napoleon and not France; that Louis XVIII. was the legitimate monarch of France; and that any disrespect shown to him or his ambassadors would recoil on the heads of all other legitimate monarchs. He claimed that France had as much right to make her voice heard in the resettlement of Europe as any other country, because the allied monarchs had distinctly recognised that she was only to be thrust back into her former limits and not to be ex- punged from the map of Europe. Having made his claim good on the right of the legitimacy of his master to speak for France as a great power equal in all respects to the others, he proceeded to sow dissension among the representatives of the four allied monarchs. This was not a difficult thing to do, for the seeds of dissension had long existed. The difference he introduced was that in speaking as a fifth great power, and as the champion of the smaller states, France became the arbiter in the chief questions before the Congress. The division between the great powers was caused by the desire of Russia and Prussia for the aggrandisement of their territories. The Emperor Alexander wished to receive the whoIe^oTPoland. His idea, which was inspired by his friend. Prince Adam Czartoryski, was to form Poland into an indepen- dent kingdom ruled, however, by himself as Emperor of Russia. The Poles were to have a new Constitution based on that propounded in 1791, and the Czar of Russia was to be also King of Poland, just as in former days the Electors of Saxony had been Kings of Poland, but he was to be an hereditary, not an elected, sovereign. To form once more a united Poland, Austria and Prussia were to surrender their gains in the three partitions of Poland. Austria was to receive com- pensation for her loss of Galicia in Italy ; Prussia was to be compensated for the loss of Prussian Poland by receiving the whole of Saxony. As it had been already arranged that Prussia was to receive the bulk of the Rhenish territory on \ 340 European History, 1 8 1 4- 1 8 1 5 the left bank of the Rhine in addition to her great extensions of 1803, the result would be to make Prussia by far the greatest power in Germany. Talleyrand was acute enough to perceive that Lord Castlereagh did not approve of the extension of the influence of Russia, and that Metternich was equally indisposed to allow Prussia to obtain such a whole- sale aggrandisement. Saxony had been the faithful ally of France to the very last, and Talleyrand felt that it would be an indelible stain on the French name if it were thus sacri- ficed. He was cordially supported in this view by his new master, for though the King of Saxony had been the faithful ally of Napoleon, Louis xviii. did not forget that his own mother was a Saxon princess. Working, therefore, on the feelings of Castlereagh and Metternich, he induced England and Austria to declare against the scheme of Russia and Prussia. The Emperor Alexander and Frederick William blustered loudly ; they declared that they were in actual military posses- sion of Poland and of Saxony, and that they would hold those states by force of arms against all comers. In answer, Talley- rand, Castlereagh, and Metternich signed a treaty of mutual alliance between France, England, and Austria, on the 3d of January 18 15. By this secret treaty the three powers bound themselves to resist by arms the schemes of Russia and Prussia, and in the face of their determined opposition the Emperor Alexander gave way. Immediately Napoleon returned from Elba he found the draft treaty between the three powers on the table of Louis xviii. and at once sent it to Alexander. That monarch, confronted with the danger threatened by Napoleon's landing in France, contented himself with showing the draft to Metternich and then threw it in the fire. The whole of this strange story is of the utmost interest ; it proves not only the ability of Talleyrand, but the inherent strength of France. It is most significant that within a few months after the occupation of Paris by the allies for the first time France should again be recognised as a great power, and form the main factor in breaking up the cohesion of the alliance, which had been formed against her. Alliance hetiveen England, Austria, and France 341 The result of Talleyrand's skilful policy was thus to unite Englaffd, ' AusIna^"aiT.dTrance, supported by many secret Treaty or~tti5~"lecondary states, such as Bavaria and ofadjan. 1815. Spain, against the pretensions of Prussia and Russia. Power- ful armies" were immeSfat'ely set on foot. France in par- ticular raised her military forces from 130,000 to 200,000 men, and her new army was in every way superior to that with which Napoleon had fought his defensive campaigns in 18 14, for it contained the veteran soldiers who had been blockaded in the distant fortresses or had been prisoners of war. England too was enabled to make adequate preparations, for on December the 24th, 1 8 14, a treaty had been signed at Ghent xreaty of between the United States and England which Ghent, put an end to the war which had been proceeding ^^' ^''' ' ''*' ever since 18 12 on account of England's naval pretensions. Bavaria also promised to put in the field 30,000 men for every 100,000 supplied by Austria. Although the secret treaty of January 3d was not divulged until after the return of Napoleon from Elba, the determined attitude of the opposition caused the Emperor Alexander to give way. It was decided settlement that instead of the whole of Saxony, Prussia should of Saxony, only receive the district of Lusatia, together with the towns of Torgau and Wittenberg ; a territory which embraced half the area of Saxony and one-third of its population. The King of Saxony, who had been treated as a prisoner of war, and whom the Emperor of Russia had even threatened to send to Siberia, was released from captivity, and induced by the Duke of Wellington, who succeeded Lord Castlereagh as English pleni- potentiary in February 181 5, to agree to these terms. The salvation of Saxony was a matter of great gratification to Louis XVIII., who remembered that though the king had been the faithful ally of Napoleon, he was also his own near relative. Since Prussia was obliged to give up her claim to the whole of Saxony, Russia also had to withdraw from her settlement scheme of uniting the whole of Poland. Never- of Poland, theless, Russia retained the lion's share of the Grand Duchy of 342 Eiiropean History, 1 8 14- 1 815 Warsaw ; in 1774 her frontier had reached the Dvvina and the Dnieper; in 1793 she obtained half of Lithuania as far as Wilna; in 1795 she annexed the rest of Lithuania and touched the Nie'men and the Bug; in 1809 Napoleon had granted her the territory containing the sources of the Bug ; and now in 1815 her borders crossed the Vistula, and by the annexation of the Grand Duchy of Warsaw, including that city, penetrated for some distance between Eastern Prussia and Galicia. Prussia received back its share of the two first parti- tions of Poland, with the addition of the province of Posen and the city of Thorn, but lost Warsaw and its share in the last partition ; while Austria received Cracow, which was to be administered as a free city. Alexander was deeply disap- pointed by the frustration of his Polish schemes, but he never- theless kept his promise to Prince Adam Czartoryski and granted a representative constitution and a measure of inde- pendence to Russian Poland. Though the great diplomatic struggle arose over the com- The Germanic bincd qucstion of Saxony and Poland, the most Confederation, important work of the Congress was not confined to it alone. Committees were appointed to make new arrangements for Germany, Switzerland, Italy, and to settle other miscellaneous questions. Of these committees the most important was that which reorganised Germany. It had been arranged by the secret articles of the Treaty of Paris that a Germanic Confederation should take the place of the Holy Koman Empire. The example of Napoleon and Ins mstitu- tion of the Confederation of the Rhine was followed and developed. Instead of the hundreds of small states which had existed at the commencement of the French Revolution, Germany, apart from Austria and Prussia, was organised into only thirty-eight states. These were the four kingdoms of Hanover, Bavaria, Wiirtemburg, and Saxony ; the seven grand duchies of Baden, Oldenburg, Mecklenburg-Schwerin, Meck- lenburg-Strelitz, Hesse-Cassel, Hesse-Darmstadt, and Saxe- Weimar ; the nine duchies of Nassau, Brunswick, Saxe-Gotha, Tlic Germanic Confederation 343 Saxe-Coburg, Saxe-Meiningen, Saxe-Hildburghausen, Anhalt- Dessau, Anhalt-Bernburg, and Anhalt-Kothen ; eleven princi- palities, two of Schwartzburg, two of Hohenzollern, two of Lippe, two of Reuss, Hesse-Homburg, Lichtenstein, and Waldeck, and the four free cities of Hamburg, Frankfort, Bremen, and Liibeck. The number of thirty-eight was made up by the duchies of Holstein and Lauenburg, belonging to the King of Denmark, and the grand duchy of Luxembourg, granted to the King of the Netherlands. In its organisation the Germanic Confederation resembled the Confederation of the Rhtne. The Diet of the Confederation was Jo^ be always presided over by Austria and was to consist of two Chambers. The Ordinary Assembly was composed of seventeen members, one for each of the larger states, one for the free cities com- bined, one for Brunswick, one for Nassau, one for the four duchies of Saxony united, one for the three duchies of Anhalt united, and one for the smaller principalities. This Assembly was to sit permanentl y at Frankfort and to settle all ordinary rnatters. In addition there was to be a General Assembly to be summoned intermittently for iniportant subjects, consisting of sixty-nine members returned by the different states in pro- portion to their size and population. Each state was to be supreme in internal matters, but private wars against each other were forbidden as well as external wars by individual states on powers outside the limits of the Confederacy. In the territorial arrangements of the new Confederation, the most important point is the disappearance of all ecclesiastical states. The Prince-Primacy, which Napoleon had established in his Confederation of the Rhine, was not maintained, and Dalberg, who had filled that office throughout the Empire, was restricted to his ecclesiastical functions. The most difficult problem to be decided was the final dis- position of the districts on the left bank of the Territorial Rhine, which had been ruled by France ever arrangements since 1794. It had been settled by the secret °" *'"' '^'''"'■ articles at Paris that these dominions should be used for the 344 European Histojy, 18 14-18 15 establishment of strong powers upon the borders of France. The main difficulty was as to the disposition of the important border fortresses of Mayence and Luxembourg. Prussia laid claim to both these places, but was strongly resisted by Austria, France, and the smaller states of Germany. It was eventually resolved that Prussia should receive the northern territory on the left bank of the Rhine, stretching from Elten to Coblentz, and including Cologne, Treves, and Aix- la-Chapelle. In compensation for the Tyrol and Salzburg, which she was forced to return to Austria, and in recognition of her former sovereignty in the Palatinate, Bavaria was granted a district from the Prussian borders to Alsace, includ- ing Mayence, which was designated Rhenish Bavaria. Finally, Luxembourg was formed into a grand duchy, and given as a German state to the House of Orange. It was not united to the new kingdom of the Netherlands, which was formed out of Holland and Belgium, but was to retain its independence under the sovereignty of the King of the Netherlands. The union of the provinces of the Netherlands was one of the favourite schemes of England, and was carried into effect in spite of the well-known feeling of opposition between the Catholic provinces of Belgium and the Protestant provinces of Holland. As in its re-organisation of Germany, so in the settlement of Switzerland, the Congress of Vienna followed the example set by Napoleon. The Emperor had quite given up Switzerland. ,., ,.,, -, r- ■ 11 t-ii^- the idea which had fascinated the I^rench Directory of forming Switzerland into a Republic, one and indivisible. He had yielded to the wishes of the Swiss people themselves, and organised them on the basis of a confederation of indepen- dent cantons. The Congress of Vienna continued Napoleon's policy of forbidding the existence of subject cantons in spite of the protests of the Canton of Berne. Napoleon's cantons of Argau, Thurgau, Saint-Gall, the Grisons, the Ticino, and the Pays de Vaud were maintained, but the number of the cantons was raised from nineteen to twenty-two by the formation The Attitude of Miirat 345 of the three new cantons of Geneva, the Valais, and Neuf- chatel, which had formed part of the French Empire. The Canton of Berne received in reply to its importunities the greater part of the former Bishopric of Basle. The Swiss Confeiieration as thus constituted was placed under the guarantee of the great powers and declared neutral for ever. The Helvetic Con stitution, which was promulgated by a Federal Act datecTTHe 7th of April 181 5, was_not quite so liberal as Napoleon's Constitution. Greater independence \vas"secured in that the constitutions of the separate cantons and organic reforms in them had not to be submitted to the Federal Diet. The prohibition against internal custom houses was removed. The presidency of the Diet was reserved to Zurich, Berne, and Lucerne alternately, and the Helvetic Diet became a Congress of Delegates like the Germanic Diet rather than a Legislative Assembly. It is to be noted that in spite of the declaration of the Congress of Vienna, Prussia refused to renounce her claims on her former territory of Neufchatel, the independence of which as a Swiss canton was not recognised by her until 1857. The resettlement of Italy presented more than one special problem. The most difficult of these to solve was caused by the engagements entered into by the ^ ^' allies with Murat in 1 8 14. Talleyrand, on behalf of the King of France, insisted on the dethronement and expulsion of Murat, while Metternich from friendship for Caroline Murat wished to retain him in his kingdom. The Emperor Alexander, whoever prided himself on his fidelity to his engagements, wished to protect Murat, and had at Vienna struck up a warm friendship with Eugene de Beauharnais, Napoleon's Viceroy of Italy. Murat, ungrateful though he was personally toward Napoleon, had yet imbibed his master's ideas in favour of the unity and independence of Italy. During the campaign of 1814, he had led his army to the banks of the Po, and he persisted in remaining there after the Congress of Vienna had met. But the (ii[jloniatists at Vienna had no wish to accept the great 346 European History, 1814-1815 idea of Italian unity. Murat's aspirations in this direction were most annoying to them, and it was with real pleasure that they heard after the landing of Napoleon from Elba that Murat had by an indiscreet proclamation given them an excuse for an open declaration of war. The Duke di Campo-Chiaro, Murat's representative at Vienna, had kept him informed of the differences between the allied powers, and an indiscreet note asking whether he was to be considered as at peace or at war with the House of Bourbon gave the plenipotentiaries their opportunity. War was immediately declared against him ; an Austrian army defeated him at Tolentino on the 3d of May 1815, and he was forced to fly from Italy. The accept- ance of Murat's ambassador, who spoke in his name as King of the Two Sicilies, made it difficult for the Congress to know how to treat with Ruffo who had been sent as ambassador by Ferdinand, the Bourbon King of the Two Sicilies, who had maintained his power in the island of Sicily through the presence of the English garrison. Acting on the ground of legitimacy, it was difficult to reject Ferdinand's claims, which were warmly supported by France and Spain, but Murat's ill- considered behaviour solved the difficulty, and after his defeat Ferdinand was recognised as King of the Two Sicilies. Murat, laterln the year, landed in Els former dominions, but he was taken prisoner and promptly shot. Another Italian question which presented considerable difficulty was the disposal of Genoa and the surrounding territory. When Lord William Bentinck occupied that city, he had in the name of England promised it independence and even hinted at the unity of Italy. Castlereagh unfortunately felt it to be his duty to disavow Bentinck's declaration, and Genoa was united to Piedmont as part of the kingdom of Sardinia. The third difficult question was the creation of a state for the Empress Marie Louise. An independent sover- eignty had been promised to her. She was naturally supported by her father, the Emperor Francis of Austria, and was ably represented at Vienna by her future husband, Count Rearrangements in Italy and Scandinavia 347 Neipperg. It was eventually resolved that she should receive the duchies of Parma, Piacenza, and Guastalla, but the succes- sion was not secured to her son, the King of Rome, but was granted to the rightful heir, the King of Etruria, who, until the succession fell in, was to rule at Lucca. The other arrangements in Italy were comparatively simple. Austria received the whole of Venetia and Lombardy, in the place of Mantua and the Milanese, which she had possessed before 1789. The Grand Duchy of Tuscany, with the principality of Piombino, was restored to the Grand-Duke Ferdinand, the uncle of the Emperor Francis of Austria, with the eventual succession to the Duchy of Lucca. The Pope received back his dominions including the Legations of Bologna and Ferrara, and Duke Francis, the grandson of Hercules iii.,was recognised as Duke of Modena, to which duchy he would have succeeded had not Napoleon absorbed it in his kingdom of Italy. The arrangements with regard to the other states of Europe made at the Congress of Vienna were compara- . , . , T 1 , Other States. lively unmiportant, and did not present the same difificult problems as the resettlement of Germany, Switzerland, and Italy. Norway in spite of its disinclination was definitely ceded to Sweden, but Bernadotte had to restore to France the West-Indian island of Guadeloupe, which had been handed over to him by England in 1813, as part of the price of his alliance. Denmark had by the Treaty of Kiel with Bernadotte been promised Swedish Pomerania in the place of Norway. This pro- mise was not carried out. l^cnmark like Saxony had been too faithful an ally of Napoleon not to be made to suffer. Swedish Pomerania was given to Prussia, and Denmark only received the small Duchy of Lauenburg. By these arrange- ments both Swedenand Denmark were greatly weakened, and the Scan(^mavian~States, Ijy the Tb'ss^of Finland and Pomerania, surrendered to their powerful neigh- . hours, Prussiaand Russia,thccommandof the Baltic Sea. Spain, owing to the ability of the Count of Labrador, 348 European History, T814-1815 and the support of Talleyrand, not only lost nothing except the island of Trinidad, which had been conquered by England, but was allowed to retain the district round Olivenza, which had been ceded to her by Portugal in 1801. T he desertion of Portugal by England in this partic ular is th e^ chief Portuga . ^]q|. Qj-^ Lqj.(J Castlereagh's policy at Vienna. The Portuguese arrny had fought gallantly with WeiTmgton, and there was no reason why she should have been forced to con- sent to the definite cession of Olivenza to Spain when other countries were winning back their former borders. Portugal was also made to surrender French Guiana and Cayeirne"to France. Rngland, though she had borne the chief "^ ^" ' pecuniary stress of the war and had been more instrumental than any other power in overthrowing Napoleon, received less compensation than any other country. She kept MaTtaj'thus settling the question which led to the rupture of the Peace of Amiens ; she received Heligoland, which was ceded to her by Denmark, as commanding the mouth of the Elbe ; and she was also granted the protectorate of the Ionian Islands, which enabled her to close the Adriatic. Among colonial possessions England took from France the Mauritius, Tobago, and Saint Lucia, but she returned Martinique and the Isle of Bourbon, and forced Sweden and Portugal to restore Guadeloupe and French Guiana. With regard to Holland, England retained Ceylon and the Cape of Good Hope, but she restored Java, Curagao, and the other Dutch possessions. In the West Indies also, she retained, as has been said, the former Spanish island of Trinidad. One reason for Castlereagh's moderation at Vienna is to be The Slave found in the pressure that was exerted upon him Trade. \^ England to secure the abolition of the slave- trade. It is a curious fact that while the Enghsh plenipoten- tiary was taking such an important share in the resettlement of Europe, the English people werc-.mainly inte rested i n the question ot the slave-trade. The great changes which were leac[ing to new combinations in Europe, the aggrandisement of Abolition of the Slave Trade 349 Prussia, the reconstitution of Germany, the extension of Austria, all passed without notice, but meetings, in Lord Castle- reagh's own words, were held in nearly every village to insist upon his exerting his authority to abolish the trade in negro slaves. Castlereagh therefore lent his best efforts, in obedience to his constituents, to this end. The other ambassadors could not understand why he troubled so much about what seemed to them a trivial matter. They suspected a deep design, and thought that the reason of England's humanity w^as that her West Indian colonies were well stocked with negroes, whereas the islands she was restoring were empty of them. The pleni- potentiaries of other powers possessing colonies in the tropics therefore refused to comply with Castlereagh's request and it was e ventually se ttled that the slave-trade should be abolish ed by France after fi ve, and by Spain after eight years.. Castle- reagh had to be content with this concession, but to satisfy his English constituents he gpjL a.dec laration condemni ng the slave-trade assented to by all the powers at the ^he Naviga- eoTTgress. another point of great" 'importance" tion of which was settled at the Congress of Vienna was with regard to the navigation of rivers which flow through more than one state. It had been the custom for all the petty sovereigns to impose such heavy tolls on river traffic that such rivers as the Rhine were made practically useless for commerce. This question was discussed by a committee at the Congress, and a code for the international regulation of rivers w;is drawn ii[) and gelfcnnTyligfeed to. Tlicse niaUcrs look long to discuss, and might have taken longer had not the news arrived at the beginning Close of the of March 181 5 that NapoleorL-liatLicfL-Elba and v°e"ifnT^° become once more undisputed rule r of Fran ce. June 1815. In the month of February the Duke of Wellington had succeeded Lord Castlereagh as English representative at Vienna, for the latter nobleman had to return to London to take his place in Parliament. At the news of the striking event of Napoleon's being once more al the head of a French army 350 European History, 1814-1815 all jealousies at Vienna ceased for the time. The Duke of Wellington was taken into consultation by the allied monarchs, and it was resolved to carry into effect the provisions of the Treaty of Chaumont. The great armies which had been pre- pared for a struggle amongst themselves were now turned by the allies against France. A treaty of allian ce was signed at Vienna between Austria, Russia, Prussia, andLEnglajad, on the 25th of March 181 5, by which those powers promised to furnish 180,000 men each for the prosecution of war, and stipulated that none of them should lay down arms until the power of Napoleon was completely destroyed. It was arranged that three armies should invade France, the first of 250,000 Austrians, Russians, and Bavarians under Schwartzen- berg across the Upper Rhine, the second of 150,000 Prussians under Bliicher across the Lower Rhine, and the third of 1 50,000 English, Hanoverians and Dutch from the Netherlands. Sub- sidies to the extent of ;^i 1,000,000 were promised by England to the allies. These arrangements made, the allied monarchs and their ministers left Vienna. But the final general Act of the Congress was not drawn up and signed until the 8th of June 1815, ten days before the battle of Waterloo. It has been said that the allied armies after the abdication ^^ ^. of Napoleon at Fontainebleau had retired and left The First '- Reign of France to the rule of Louis jcviii. That King on Louis XVIII. returning to France had made most liberal pro- mises in the declaration known as the D eclaration of Sa int i^<|l5[j Otren.' These principles were embodied in a Charter, which ■ ^ was granted on the 4th of June i8i_£. By this Charter represen- tative institutions and entire individual liberty were promised, and also the maintenance of the administrative creations of the Empire. Under the new Constitution there were to be two chambers, the one of hereditary peers, the other of elected representatives. The promises of the Chc.rter were very fair, and had they been duly carried out, France might have been entirely contented, but unfortunately for himself Louis xviii. Return of Napoleon 35 1 had not learned experience in his exile. In spite of the Charter_he regarded himself as a ruler by rig;ht divine . Emigres, even emigres who had borne arms against France and \ consistently abused their fatherland, were promoted to the highest offices in the State. The King surrounded himself with reactionary courtiers, and what was worse with reactionary ministers. The favour shown to returned emigres, the haughty attitude of the Princes of the blood, and the violent proclama- tions of the returned bishops and clergy made the people of Fra^tice.fear that the prqiiiises made in the Charter were but a §hanL- and that the next step would be that the estates of the Church and of the Crown which had been sold during the Revolution would be resumed. The feeling of distrust was universal. The rule of Louis xvni. had been accepted only as a gupirantee of peace. It was never popular, and the former subordinates of Napoleon began to regret the Imperial regime. If this was the feeling among the civil population, it was still more keenly felt in the army. Prisoners of war, and the blockaded garrisons, who had returned to France, felt sure that Napoleon's defeat in 18 14 had been but accidental and wished to try conclusions once more with Europe. In_all ranks a desire was expressed to wipe out the disgrace of the occupation of Paris by the allies. On the I St of March 1815, Nai2o leon, who had been informed of the universal feeling in France, landed Napoleon's in the Gulf of San Juan, and began the short reign ^i'^"" ^'■°'" which is known as the Hu ndred Days . He was March, 1815. accompanied by the 800 men of the Guard whom he had been allowed to have at Elba, and was received with the utmost enthusiasm by all classes. Flis journey through France was a triumplial procession. The King's brother, the Comte d'Artois, vainly attempted to organise resistance at Lyons. Marshal Ncy, who had promised to arrest his patron, joined him with the army under his command on the 17th of March, and on the 20th Napoleon re-entered Paris and look up his quarters at the Tuileries. Louis xviii. had fled on the 352 European History, 1 8 1 4- 1 8 1 5 news of Ney's defection, and escaping from France took shelter at Ghent. Napoleon had learnt bitter lessons from his misfortunes. He declared that he would grant full and complete individual liberty^ and also the freedom of the press, and on the 23d of April he promulgated what he called the Additional Act consecrating these principles. He felt his error in depending too entirely upon his bureaucracy, and he appealed on the ground of patriotism to the men of the Revokition whom he had in the days of his power carefully kept from office. These men rallied round him, and he appointed their most noteworthy representative, Carnot, his Minister of the Interior. He declared his acceptance of the two chambers ordained by the Charter, and most of the peers created by Louis xviii. took the oath of allegiance once again to Napoleon. After rousing national enthusiasm by appeals to patriotism Campaign of ^"^ ^y the liberal provisions of the Additional Act, Waterloo. Na polcon Organised his army , and in his favourite June I 15. fashion decided to strike before any invasion of France took place. Of the three armies prepared for the invasion the one nearest within reach was that commanded by the Duke of Wellington . That General on leaving Vienna had been placed at the head of a miscellaneous force of EngUsh, Hanoverians, Dutch, and Belgians. He greatly recrretted the absence of most of his veterans of the Peninsula who were still in America, and complained of the number of raw troops under his command. He agreed to act in harmony with the Prussians under Bliicher, who brought his army into the Netherlands. Napoleon determined to strike before Wellington and Bliicher had united. He crossed the frontier at the head of 130,000 men, and by his skilful and rapid movements practically surprised the allied generals. On the i6th of June 1815, he defeated Bliicher at Ligny, while Ney with his left fought a drawn battle with the English advanced divisions at Quatre-Bras. By these engagements-tbe English and Prussian armies were separated. Napoleon then resolved Battle of Waterloo 353 to attack the English with the bulk of his army, and detached Marshal Grouchy to pursue the Prussians. Bliicher, however, promised to come to Wellington's assistance if the English were attacked, and Wellington relying on this promise took up his position at Waterloo. On the i8th of June the battle of Waterloo was fought. The English army held its position in spitTof repeated and furious attacks, until Bliicher came up on the French right. Unable to continue the struggle against two foes, the French army was obliged to give way, and after the repulse of the Guard, which might have covered his retreat, Napoleon recognised that he was c ompletely routed . He fled to Paris, and on the 2 2d of June he abdicated i n favour t)f his son7tTie~King of Rome. He nominated an executive commis- sioiTof government, and then went on board ship in the hope of escaping to America. In this project he failed, and on 15th July he surrendered to Captain Maitland on board H.M.S. Belleropho7i. The army of Wellington and Bliicher pursued the defeated foe, but the rout had been too complete for the French to make another stand. Cambrai the only place that attempted to resist was easily taken, and on the 3d of July Wellington and Bliicher re-occupied Paris. Meanwhile the grand army of Schwartzenberg had also invaded France, and the country was once more in the possession of the allies. ■ The terms of the second Treaty of Paris proved that the allied monarchs understood the difference between Second the opposition made by France to Europe in parfs'^joth 1814 and 1815. In_ 1814 the Treaty of Paris Nov. 1815. which was then concluded was, if nuL. particularly liberal to France^ at least perfectly just. The allied monarchs and their ministers had appreciated the fact that in 18 14 they were fighting Napoleon and not France. The campaign of 18 15 had been of a different character. The French nation and not merely the French army had given proof of their attach- ment both to the Empire and to Napoleon's person. It was therefore considered necessary, not only to impose harsher terms upon France, but to exact securities for the future. PERIOD VII. z 354 ^^i rope an History, 1 8 1 4- 1 8 1 5 Several schemes were proposed, of which one was to detach Alsace, Lorraine, and French Flanders, if not the whole of Picardy, and to reduce the limits of France to what they were before the conquests of Louis xiv. This scheme, which was earnestly supported by Prussia, who hoped to get the lion's share of the districts taken from France, was warmly opposed by Austria and England. The latter power was not to be bribed by the proposed extension of the frontier of its new creation, the Kingdom of the Netherlands. And the former objected entirely to any increase of the power of Prussia. Lord Castle- reagh in his opposition to these extravagant suggestions of Prussia was supported by the Emperor Alexander and his minister, Nesselrode, and ey entu ally it was agreed thatFrance should be reduced to its exact limits of 1789. This .meant that France lost all the cessions made to it in 18 14, except Avignon and the Venaissin. Chambery and the part of Savoy then granted to France were restored to the King of Sardinia ; the districts in the neighbourhood of Geneva were also returned to that canton, and the fortress of Huningen on the borders of Switzerland was ordered to be dismantled ; and the various rectifications of the frontier on the eastern and north-eastern borders were no longer sanctioned. A war con- tribution of 700,000,000 francs was laid upon France, in addi- tion to which she was to maintain, at the cost of 250,000,000 francs a year, an army of 150,000 men in the possession of her chief frontier fortresses for a period of five years. These were the most important conditions of peace con- tained in the second Treaty of Paris, which was signed on 20th of November 181 5. But what France felt more bitterly than pecuniary contributions, or even the loss of territory, was the decision of the alhed powers that the numerous pictures and works of art, which had been accumulated in Paris during the wars of the Revolution and the Empire, should be returned to their former owners. The Prussians were not satisfied with this, they wished to punish Paris more severely. Bliicher was only prevented by the intervention of Lord Castlereagh and The Holy A lliance 355 the Duke of Wellington from exacting a contribution of a 110,000,000 francs from the inhabitants of Paris alone. The Prussians even made preparations to blow up the Bridge of Jena, whose name perpetuated their greatest military humilia- tion, and were only prevented from their purpose by the ex- pressed determination of Louis xviii. to stand upon the bridge and be blown up with it if they persisted, and Bliicher had to be satisfied with the alteration of the name of the bridge from the Bridge of Jena to the Bridge of the Military Napoleon sent School. The question of the disposition of the ^° ^t- Helena, person of Napoleon was one of some difficulty. He reached Torbay on board the Bellerophon on the 24th of July 1815, and the English Ministers did not know what to do with their illustrious prisoner. They dared not trust him in any part of Europe or America from which he could repeat his expedition from Elba. Bliicher loudly declared that he ought to be shot at Vincennes like the Due d'Enghien, but the English Govern- ment thought it would be sufficient to confine him on an isolated island. For this purpose they borrowed the island of SamFHelena from the East India Company, and on the 8th of August, Napoleon set sail for his place of exile on board H.M.S. Northumberland. A month after the departure of Napoleon for St. Helena, the Emperor Alexander^ the Emperor Eiajl£is,.and ^^^^ ^^jy King Frederick Wi!li;ini signed the treaty which Alliance. is known'asThe Holy Alliance. By this treaty it ^^^' ' '^ was declared that^llie Christian religion was the sole base of government, and the contracting monarchs promised to aid eacli otlier on all occasions like brothers, and to recommend to their peoples the exercise of the duties of the Christian religion. Lord Castlereagh declined on behalf of the Prince Regent to join thelHfoly Alliance, but on the 28th of Novem- ber 18 1 5, after the signature of the Peace of Paris, he a^eed to an alliance that should include all the four power*, of which the aims were to keep from the throne of France either Napoleon- or any relation of his, to combine together for the 356 Etiropean History, 1 8 1 4- 1 8 1 5 security of their separate states, and the general tranquilHty of Europe, and to hold at fixed dates congresses for the settle- ment of disputed questions. The second restoration of Louis xviii. differed from the The Second first as the secoud Treaty of Paris differed from Louis xv°i 11° ^^^ predecessor. After the events of the Hundred July 1815. Days, the Bourbon King could no more delude himself with the idea that he was welcome to the people of France. He owed his seat upon the throne only to the absence of Napoleon and the presence of the allied armies in France, and he prepared on this occasion to punish those who had deserted llim. He refused to grant an amnesty, and on the 24th of July 1815, he proscribed fifty-seven of the leading men in France, of whom nineteen were ordered to be tried by court-martial, and thirty-eight were banished. The most illus- trious of the victims who perished under this proscription was Marshal Ney, who was shot at Paris on the 7 th of December, after being condemned to death by the Chamber of Peers, This procedure was rendered necessary because it would have been difficult to find a court-martial to condemn the bravest of the French marshals. Marshal Moncey, who was nomin- ated to preside over such a court-martial, refused in an eloquent letter which caused him to be sent to prison for three months. Far worse than these executions was the result of the outbreak of brigandage in the south of France. Under the pretext of being Royalists, the Companies of Jehu, which had ravaged the south of France in the days of the Thermi- dorians and of the Directory, again set to work. Political, reli- gious, and personal passions excited to massacre. Pillage and murder were rife throughout the south of France, and among the victims who were slain in this White Terror of 181 5 were Marshal Prune, and Generals Ramel and Lagarde. Special courts were formed by a law voted on the 12th of December 181 5, to punish political offences. These provost's courts were as severe and almost as unjust as the revolutionary tribunals in the provinces during the Reign of Terror, and The Government of the Restoration in France 357 many hundreds of executions took place. Finally, in January 181 6, what was ironically called a Law of Amnesty was passed. This law, fro m th e list of its exceptions, was practically a gigantic proscription. Among others, all surviving members of the Convention who had voted for the death of Louis xvi. were exiled if they had in any way accepted the authority of Napoleon during the Hundred Days, which most of them had done. Under this Law of Amnesty most of the great statesmen who had been concerned in the government of France since 1793 were driven into exile. Conspicuous among them were Carnot, Merlin of Douai, Sieyes, Cambaceres, and David, the greatest painter of his time. Restored for a second time to the throne of France, X-ouis XVIII. declined to take warning from the result ^ — __——- ■ ~ ° Government of of his former policy. He again showered his the Second favburs on returned emigres, and pursued a Restoration. thorouglily reactionary policy. As soon as he was firmly s^tcd at the Tuileries, with the Prussians and the English encamped round Paris, he dismissed Talleyrand and Fouche from office and formed a new and strongly Royalist ministry under the presidency of the Due de Richelieu, who had spent the last twenty years of his life in exile as one of the chief administrators of Russia. The king avowed his intention of keeping the promises he made in the Charter of 18 14, but those promises were carried out in such a way as to make them absolutely illusory. He took advantage of the general adhesion given to Napoleon on his return from Elba to exclude from the Upper Chamber or House of Peers most of the leading men in France, leaving the majority entirely in the hands of ioxxaQxJmigres, and of men who by the excess of their royalism wished to palliate their offence in not having emi- grated. The Lower House, or Chamber of Representatives, even exceeded the House of Peers in its violent royalism. The deputies, chiefly elected under the direct pressure of threats of vengeance, were ready to adopt any reactionary measure suggested to them. Louis xviii. gave this Assembly 3SS European History, 1 8 14-18 15 the name of the ' Chambre Introuvable,' which he intended as a compliment, but which has survived as a term of derision. Among the first laws voted were the suspension of individual liberty, and of the liberty of the press, and the request was then made that the King, in his goodness, would revise fourteen articles of the Charter which were too liberal. But even this chamber, aided by the presence of foreign armies, could not make France revert to the condition in which it had been before 1789. A hint of the resumption of ecclesiastical or national domains would have set the whole country in an uproar, and the Chamber had to be satisfied with voting a large sum of money out of the ordinary taxes as compensation to the emigres for their sufferings in exile. The spirit of reaction went much further in Spain than in The Reaction France. Ferdinand vii., on returning to his capital in Spain. j^^ ]y/[^y 1814, issucd a proclamation attacking the Cortes, which had done so much to recover the country from the hands of the French. In his own words : ' A Cortes con- voked in a manner never before known in Spain has been profit- ing by my captivity in France, and has usurped my rights by imposing on my people an anarchical and seditious Constitu- tion based on the democratic principles of the French Revolu- tion.' The King of Spain then proceeded to annul by his own absolute authority everything that had been done during his absence. He re-established the Inquisition, and proscribed and condemned to death all who had taken part in reforming the institutions of Spain, whether under the authority of Joseph Bonaparte or under that of the National Cortes. Many hundreds, if not thousands, of Spanish patriots were put to death in a vain attempt of Ferdinand vii. to restore things as they had been in former days. The attempt to carry out a complete reaction resulted in utter failure. Insurrections broke out in all directions, and the Spanish colonies'Tn "South America took advantage of the troubles in the fatherland to Naples. strike a blow for their own freedom. It is satis- factory to be able to state that the head of the third reigning Results of the Congress of Vienna 359 branch of the House of Bourbon behaved with more modera- tion and wisdom than Ferdinand vii. of Spain or Louis xviii. of France. Ferdinand iv., King of the Two Sicihes, returned to his capital at Naples in June 181 5. He can hardly be blamed for ordering the execution of Murat whom he had always regarded as a usurper, and it is greatly to his credit that he made some endeavour to retain the excellent adminis- tration on the French system which had been established by Joseph Bonaparte and Murat. The final overthrow of Napoleon and his exile to St. Helena allowed the new system for the govern- Rg^yitsof ment of Europe as laid down by the Congress of the Congress Vienna to be tried. That system may be roughly °f Vienna, designated as the system of the Great Powers. Before 1789, certain states, such as France and England and Spain, were, from fortuitous circumstances, or the course of their history, larger, more united, and therefore more fitted for war, than others, but the greater part of the Continent was split up into small, and in the case of Germany, into very small states. Several of these small states, such as Sweden and Holland, had at different times exercised a very considerable influence, and the policy of Frederick the Great had added another to them, in the military state of Prussia. At the Congress of Vienna the tendency was to diminish the number and power of the secondary states, and to destroy minute sovereignties. Sweden and Denmark were relegated to the rank of third-rate powers ; the petty principalities of Germany were built up into third-rate states. Austria and Prussia were established as great powers, but the increase of their territory bro^Gght with it di-ssimilar results. Prussia became the pre- ponderant state of Germany, while Austria, whose Imperial House had so long held the position of Holy Roman Emperor, became less German, and now depended for its strength on its Italian, Magyar, and Slavonic provinces. The irrup- tion of Russia into the European comity of nations was another significant feature. By its annexation of the greater part of 360 European History, 1814-1815 the Grand Duchy of Warsaw, Russia thrust itself between Prussia and Austria territorially, while its leading share in the overthrow of Napoleon made its place as a European power unassailable. It may be doubted if the policy of Peter the Great and the Empress Catherine was thus carried out. The tendency of those rulers was to make the Baltic and the Black Sea Russian lakes, and to build up an Empire of the East ; affairs in Central Europe only interested them in so far as they prevented interference with their Eastern designs, and did not lead to the erection of powerful states on the Russian border. Nothing is more remarkable in the settlement of Europe The Princi- ^^ ^^^ Congress of Vienna than the entire pie of Nation- neglect of the principle of nationality. Yet it ^ ''^' was the sentiment of national patriotism which had enabled France to repulse Europe in arms, and had trained the soldiers with whom Napoleon had given the law to the Continent and had overthrown the mercenary armies of his opponents. It was the principle of nationality which had crippled Napoleon's finest armies in Spain, and which had produced his expulsion from Russia. It was the feeling of intense national patriotism which had made the Prussian army of 1813, and enabled Prussia after its deepest humilia- tion to take rank as a first-class power. But the diplo- matists at Vienna treated the idea as without force. They had not learnt the great lesson of the French Revolution, that the first result of rousing a national consciousness of political liberty is to create a spirit of national patriQtisiii^ The Congress of Vienna trampled such notions under foot. The partition of Poland was consecrated by Europe ; Italy was placed under foreign rulers ; Belgium and Holland, in spite of the hereditary opposition of centuries, were united under one king. The territories on the left bank of the Rhine, which were happy under French rule, and had been an integral part of France for twenty years, were roughly torn away, and divided between Prussia, Bavaria, and the House of Orange, under the fancied necessity, induced by the Results of the French Revolution. 361 exploded notion of maintaining the balance of power in Europe, of building up a bulwark against France. Such short- sighted policy was certain to be undone. Holland and Belgium separated ; Italy became united ; Poland maintained the consciousness of her national unity, and has more than once endeavoured to regain her independence ; France has never ceased to yearn after her ' natural ' frontier, the Rhine ; the states of Germany have developed a national German patriotism which has led to the creation of the modern German Empire. This feeling of conscious nationality was the result of the French Revolution and the wars of Napoleon ; its existence is the strength of England, Fran ce, Russia, and Germany, its absence is the weakness of Austria. In so fa r as the spirit of nationality was neglected at tlie Congress of Vienna, its work was but temporary; in its resurrection, which has hlled the history of the present century, the work otTHeT'rencK ^.evolution has been permanent. But afTer all, the growth of the spirit of nationality is only a secondary result of the French Revolution upon •' ... Permanent Europe; it did not arise in France until foreign results of the powers attempted to interfere with the develop- French t^ ^ 1 • r 1 • Revolution. raent of the French people after their own fashion ; it did not arise in Europe until Napoleon began to interfere with the development of other nations. Th^. primary results of the.FxeJich Revolution, — the recognition of individual lib^iiiJ^^ich implied the abolition of serfdom and of social privileges; the establishment of p olitical liberty, w hich implied the abolition of despots, however benevolent, and of political privileges ; the maintenance of the doctrine of the sovereignty o f the pe ople, which implied the right of the people, tlirougTi their representatives, to govern themselves,— have also survived the Congress of Vienna. When Europe tried to interfere, the French people sacrificed these great gains to the spirit of nationality, and bowed before the despotism of the Committee of Public Safety and of Napoleon ; they have since regained them. Tiie French taught these principles to the rest of 362 European History, 1 8 1 4- 1 8 1 5 Europe, and the history of Europe since 181 5 has been the history of their growth side by side with the idea of nationahty. How_the two, liberty and nationahty, can b e preserved in harmony is the great problem of the future ; the history of Europe from 1789 to 181 5 affords many examples of the difficulty of the problem and of the dangers which beset its solution. APPENDICES 364 A P P E N- The Rulers and Ministers of the (Capitals indicate Rulers ; small capitals, Chief 1789. 1790. 1791. 1792. 179, 1794 1795 1796. 1797 1798 1799 ISOO, I80I 1802. 1803. 1804. 1805. 1806. 1807. 1808. 1809. ibio. I8II. I8I2. I8I3. I8I4. Holy Roman Empire ; after 1805, Austria. JOSEPH II. (Emperor since 1765 ; ruler of Austria since 1780.) Kaunitz ("since 1756.) Philip Cobcnzl (since 17S0.) LEOPOLD II. (Feb.) FRANCIS II. (March). COLLOREDO Thugut (June). Louis Cobenzl (April) Thugut (Jan.) . . Lekrbachificl.) Great Britain. GEORGE III. (since 1760). William Pitt (since Dec. 1783). Duke 0/ Leeds (since Dec. 1783). . Lord G?t«ot7/^ ( June) France. LOUIS XVI. (since 1774)- Cointe de Montmorui (since 1787). A. de Valdcc de Lez~ sarti^ov.) REPUBLIC (Sept.) Dui?iouriez (March). Chambonas (June). Bigot de Ste. Croix (Aug). Lebrun Tondu(,Aug.) Deforgiics (June) . . (Ministry abolished — April '94 — Oct. '95). DIRECTORY (Oct.) Delacroix (Nov.) . Talleyrand (July). Louis Cobenzl. Philip Stadion. Metternich. Henry Addington (March). Lord Hawkesbury (March.) William Pitt (May). Lord Harroivby ,, . .Lord Mulg>avc(]an.) Lord Grenville( Feb.) Charles James Fox (Feb.) J 'iscount Hoamck (Sept.) Duke of Portland (March). George CaH7iing (March). Spencer Perceval (Dec.) Lord Bathurst {Oct.) Lord IVellesley {Dec.) Lord Castlereagh (March). Earl of Liverpool (June). CONSULATE (Nov.) Reinhardt (July). Talleyrand (Nov.) NAPOLEON, Emperor. . . .Chatnpagny (Aug.) .il/ar«< (April). Caulaincourt (Nov.) LOUIS XVIII. Talleyrand (April). DIX I. Great Powers of Europe, i 789-1815. Ministers; and italics. Foreign Ministers.') 365 Prussia. FREDERICK WIL- LIAM II. (since 17S6). Hertzberg (.ixtic^ 1756)- Schulemburg (May). Haugwitz (Oct.) , FREDERICK WIL- LIAM III. (Nov.) HARDENBBRG(Aug.). Haugwitz (Feb.) .... Hardenberg (Nov.) Stein (July) C<7//2(July). Hardenberg (July). Russia. CATHERINE II. (since 1762). Ostermann (since 1775). PAUL I. (Nov.). OSTERMANN. Panine. Spain. CHARLES IV, (since Dec. 1788). Florida Blanca (since 1773)- Aranda (July). GoDOY (Nov.). ALEXANDER I. (Mar.). Panine. Kotchoubey. VORONZOV. Adam Czartoryski (May). Baron Budberg (Aug.) Rouviianzov (Sept.) 1789. Saavedra (March)- Urquijo (August). GoDOY (Dec.) ROUMIANZOV .. Nesselrode. JOSEPH BONAPARTE. 1808. AZANZA. iSog. 1790. 1791. 1792 1793- 1794. 1795- 1796. 1797. 1799. 1800. 1802. 1S03. 1804. 1805. 1806. 1S07. FERDINAND VII. IBIO. 1811. 1S12. iSi-,. ISI4. j66 A P P E N- The Rulers of the Second-rate Sweden. Denmark. Turkey. Portugal. I7S9 Gustavus III. (Since 1771.) Christian vii. (Since 1766.) Ahdul Hamid. (Since 1774-) Sehmni. (April.) Maria i. (Since 1777 ) 1790 I79I 1792 Gustavus IV. (March.) 1793 1794 179s 1796 1797 . I79S 1799 1800 I80I IS02 1803 1804 1805 1806 1807 1808 1809 I8I0 Mustapha iv. (May.) Mahmoud 11. (July.) Charles xiit. (May.) Frederick vi (March.) I8II I8I2 I8I3 ISI4 I8I5 DIX II. Powers of Europe, 17 89-1 815. 367 Sardinia. The Two Sicilies. Bavaria. Wiirtemburg. Victor Amadeus in. (Since 1773.) Ferdinand iv. (Since 1759.) Charles Theodore. (Since 1777.) Charles Eugene. (Since 1735.) 1789 1790 1791 1792 1793 1794 Charles Emmanuel Frederick Eugene . (Oct.) 179s 1796 IV. (Oct.) Maximilianjoseph Frederick i. (Dec.) '797 1798 1799 1 800 iSoi Victor Emmanuel I. (June.) 1S02 1803 1804 Naples. 1805 Joseph Bonaparte. (March.) 1806 1807 Joachim Murat. (August.) 1808 1809 1810 1811 1812 1813 1814 1815 368 European History APPEN- The Family Charles Bonaparte == b. 1746, d. 1785. Joseph b. 176S, d. 1844. King of Naples, 1 806- 1 80S. King of Spain, 1808-1814. =(1794), Marie Julie Clary. I Zenaide, b. 1801, d. 1854, = 1822, her cousin, Charles Lucien, Prince of Canino I and had issue. Alexandre = = (1779) Josephine (I) NAP de Beau- Tascher b harnais, dela d b. 1760, Pagerie, d. 1794. b. 1763, d. 1814. 1769, I82I. Charlotte, Eugene de = (1806) Augusta b. 1802, Beauharnais of Bavaria, d. 1S39, l^- 1781, = 1827, d. 1824. her Viceroy of cousin, Italy, 1805- Napoleon 1814. Louis, son Duke of of Louis. Leuchten- s.p. berg. and had issue. Hortense, b. 1783, d. 1837, = 1802, Louis Bonaparte, King of Holland. (1810) Marie Louise, of Austria, b. 1791, d. 1847. Duchess of Parma, 1815-47. NAPOLEON IL, b. 1811, d. 1832, King of Rome, 1811. Duke of Reichstadt, 1818. Napoleon Napoleon = = (1827) Charles, Louis, Charlotte b. 1802, b. 1S04, Bona- d. 1807, d. 1831. parte. chosen as Grand Napoleon's Duke of heir Berg, (1805). 180S-1814. s.p. European History 369 DIX III. OF Napoleon. Letizia Ramolino, b. 1750, d. 1839. LUCIEN, b. I775> d. 1840, Prince of Canino, = (1794). Christine Boyer, = (1802), Alexandrine de Bles- champ, and bad issue. Louis, b. 1778, d. 1846, King of Holland (1806-1810) = (1802), Hortense de Beau- harnais. JEROME, b. 1784, d. i860, King of Westphalia (1807-1814) = (1803) Eliza Patterson =(1807) Catherine ofWiirtem- burg. Elisa, b. 1777, d. 1820, Grand Duchess of Tuscany (1808-1814), =(1797), Felix Baciocchi, and had issue. Jerome Napoleon, b. 1814, d. 1847. NAPOLEON IIL, = (1853) Eugenie b. 1808, d. 1873. de Montijo. Emperor of the French (1851-1870). N, 10 April. 10 April. 10 April. I Flor&l, . 20 April. 20 April. 20 April. II ,, 30 April. 30 April. 30 April. 21 ,, 10 May. 10 May. 10 May. I Prairial, 20 May. 20 May. 20 May. II ,, 30 May. 30 May. 30 May. 21 „ 9 June. 9 June. 9 June. I Messidor, ig June. 19 June. 19 June. II „ 29 June. 29 June. 29 June. 21 „ 9 July- 9 July- 9 July- I Thermidor, 19 July- 19 July. 19 July. II 29 July. 29 July. 29 July. 21 !. 8 August. 8 August. 8 August. I Fructidor, 18 August. 18 August. 18 August. II >i 28 August. 28 August. 28 August. 21 „ 7 September. 7 September. 7 September. ist Complementary Day * or ' Sans-Culottide,' 17 September. 17 September. 17 September. 5th Complementary Day ) or ' Sans-Culottide,' 21 September. 21 September. 21 September. 6th Complementary Day , or ' Sans-Culottide.' '* 22 September. • • Note. — Each month in the Republican DIX VI. AND Gregorian Calendar?. French Rci'oluiion, vol. ii. (Longmans and Co.)) 375 Year V. Year VI. Year VII. Year VIII. 1796-1797. 1797-1798. 1798-1799. 1 709-1800. 22 September 1796. 22 September 1797. 22 September 1798. 23 September 1799. 2 October. 2 October. 2 October. 3 October. 12 October. 12 October. 12 October. 13 October. 22 October. 22 October. 22 October. 23 October. I November. I November. I November. 2 November. II November. II November. II November. 12 November. 21 November. 21 November. 21 November. 22 November. I December. I December. I December. 2 December. II December. II December. II December. 12 December. 21 December. 21 December. 21 December. 22 December. 31 December. 31 December. 31 December. I January 1800. 10 January 1797. 10 January 1798. 10 January 1799. II January. 20 January. 20 January. 20 January. 21 January. 30 January. 30 January. 30 Januarj'. 31 January'. 9 February. 9 February. 9 February. 10 February. 19 February. 19 February. rg February. 20 February. I March. I March. I March. I March. II March. II March. II March. II March. 21 March. 21 March. 21 March. 21 March. 31 March. 31 March. 31 March. 31 March. 10 April. 10 April. 10 .April. 10 April. 20 April. 20 April. 20 April. 20 April. 30 April. 30 April. 30 April. 30 April. 10 May. 10 May. 10 May. 10 May. 20 May. 20 May. 20 May. 20 May. 30 May. 30 May. 30 May. 30 May. 9 June. 9 June. 9 June. 9 June. 19 June. 19 June. 19 June. 19 June. 29 June. 29 June. 29 June. 29 June. 9 July. 9 Ju'y- 9 July. 9 July. 19 July. 19 July. 19 July. 19 July. 29 July. 29 July. 29 July. :!9 July. 8 August. 8 August. 8 August. 8 August. 18 August. 18 .\ugust. 18 August. 18 August. 28 August. 28 August. 28 August. 28 August. 7 September. 7 September. 7 September. 7 September. 17 September. 17 September. 17 September. 17 September. 21 September. 21 September. 21 September. 21 September. • • 22 September. •• Calendar consisted of thirty days. INDEX The dates given in brackets are those of the birth and death of the person indexed ; where only the date of death is known it is preceded by a t. Full names and titles are given. Proper names commencing with 'da,' ' de,' 'd',' are indexed under the succeeding initial letter. Abdul Hamid (1725-89), Sultan of Turkey, 44. Abensberg, battle of (20 April 1809), 272. Abercromby, Sir Ralph, English general (1735-1801), 224. Aberdeen, George Gordon, Earl of, English diplomatist (1784-1860), 301, 311, 316, 323. Abo, treaty of (April 1812), 302. Aboukir Bay, French fleet defeated in, by Nelson (i August 1798), 195. Abrantes, Duke of. See Junot. Abrial, Andre Joseph, Comte, French statesman (1750-1828), 216. Acre, siege of (1799), 208. Acton, Joseph, Neapolitan statesman (1737-1808), 23. Adda, the, Bonaparte forces the pas- sage of, at Lodi (1796), 174; Suv- 6rov, at Cassano (1799), 203. Addiiigton, Henry, Viscount Sid- mouth, English statesman (1757- 1844), 225. Additional Act, the, declared by Napoleon (23 April 1815), 352. Adige, the, Italy up to, ceded to Austria by treaty of Campo-For- mio (1797), 192; by treaty of LuneviUe (1801), 220; Austrian positions on, turned by Macdonald (1800), 219. Adlersparre, George, Baron, Swedish general (1760-1837), 279. Aix-la-Chapelle, a free city of the Holy Roman Empire, 35, 150, 230, 344- Albuera, battle of (16 May 1811), 297. Albufera, battle of (26 Dec. 1811), 297. Duke of. See Suchet. Aldenhoven, battle of (2 Oct. 1794), ISO- Alessandria, fortress built at, by Vic- tor Amadeus in., 27, 203, 204, 218. Alexander I., Emperor of Russia (1777-1825), attitude at his acces- sion, 234 ; joins coalition against France, 242, 243 ; defeated at Aus- terlitz, 244 ; at Eylau and Fried- land, 248, 249 ; interview with Napoleon at Tilsit, 249, 250; makes treaty of Tilsit, 250 ; con- quers Finland, 254, 278 ; acqui- sitions in Poland, and dislike of Grand Duchy of Warsaw, 261 ; in- terview with Napoleon at Erfurt, 262; conduct in 1809, 274; war with Turkey, 281 ; makes treaty of Bucharest, 281 ; refuses a sister to Napoleon, 294 ; causes of dissen- sion with Napoleon, 299-301 ; makes treaty of Abo with Berna- dotte, 302 ; summons Stein to his Court, 304 ; his policy of retreat before Napoleon (1812), 305 ; fights battle of Borodino, 305 ; negotiates with Napoleon, 306; forms friend- ship with Frederick William III. of Prussia, 308 ; distrust of Napoleon, 310 ; agrees to Proposals of Frankfort, 316 ; desires to invade France, 317 ; refuses to retreat, 319, 320 ; enters Paris, 329 ; influ- enced by Talleyrand, 329, 330; speech to the French .Senate, 330, 377 378 EnropcMi History, 1 789-1 815 331 ; greatness of his share in over- throwing Napoleon, 334 ; at the Congress of Vienna, 337 ; his de- sire for the whole of Poland, 339 ; forced to give way, 340, 341 ; gave constitution to Poland, 342 ; pro- tected Murat and Eugene de Beau- harnais, 345 ; signs treaty against Napoleon (1815), 350 ; opposes pai-- tition of France, 354 ; joins the Holy Alliance, 355. Alexandria, 195, 224. Alicante, Bentinck repulsed at (1812), 307- Alkmaar, Convention of (18 Oct. 1799), 205. Almeida, siege of (1811), 296. Alps, French reach the summit of Mont Cenis (1795), 151; Suvorov crosses (1799), 204, 205 ; Bonaparte (1800), 218 ; Macdonald (1800), 2ig. Alsace, rights of the Princes of the Empire in, 79; proposals of Mira- beau and Merlin, 80 ; letter of Leo- pold on, 89, 90 ; co7!ch/sion of the Diet of the Empire on, 108 ; in- vaded by Wtirmser, 130, 139 ; re- covered by the French (1794), 140 ; proposal to detach from France (1815), 354- Altdorf, Suvorov reaches (1799), 204. Altenkirchen, battle of (20 Sept. 1796), 178. Alton, Richard, Count d', Austrian general (1732-90), 43, 47, 48, 63, 64. Alvensleben, Philip Charles, Count von, Prussian statesman (1745- 1802), 153, 170, 179. Alvinzi (Alvinczy), Joseph, Austrian general (1735-1810), 176. America, South, 264, 358. • United States of. See United States. Atni dii Peuple, Marat's journal, 61. Amiens, treaty of (1802), 225. Amnesty, general, decreed by the Convention (1795), 166. law of, promulgated (1815), 357. Amsterdam, 32, 149, 255. Ancients, Council of. See Council. Ancona, 175, 207, 277, Angouleme, Maria Therese Charlotte, Duchess of, daughter of Louis xvi. (1778-1851), 168. Louis Antoine, Duke of, son of the Comte d'Artois (1775-1844), 326, 327. Anhalt, the Dukes of. Princes of the Empire (1789), 34, 343. Anhalt-Kothen, Louis, Dukeof(i76i- 1819), 293. Anhalt-Zerbst, the Empress Cathe- rine, a princess of, 18. Ankarstrom, John James, Swedish officer (1761-1792), no. Anselme, Jacques Bernard Modeste d', French general (1740-1812), 117. Anspach, Napoleon violates Prussian neutrality by mai-ching through (1805), 244. Antwerp, riot against the Austnans suppressed at (1788), 47 ; aban- doned to the Belgian patriots (1789), 64 ; Napoleon's buildings at, 276 ; Carnot's defence of (1814), 321 ; its retention cause of Napo- leon's fall, 324. Aoust, Eustache, Comte d', French general (1764-94), 140. Appenzell, democratic canton of Switzerland, maintained by Bona- parte (1803), 228. Aranda, Don Pedro Pablo Abaracay Bolea, Count of, Spanish states- man (1718-99), 4, 21, 126. Archbishop - Electors of the Holy Roman Empire, 34, 39, 40. Arcis-sur-Aube battle of (20 March 1814), 328, Areola, battle of (16 Nov. 1796), 176. Aremberg, Louis Engelbert, Duke of (1750-1820), 93. Prosper Louis, Duke of (1785- 1863), 282. Argau, canton of Switzerland, formed by Bonaparte (1803), 228; recog- nised by Congress of Vienna (1815), 344. Aristocracy, Napoleon's, 286. Armistices: Cherasco (1796), 174; Foligno (1796), 175 ; Giurgevo (1790), 88 ; Pleswitz (1813), 309. Arndt, Ernest Maurice, German poet (1769-1862), 291. Arragon, Suchet's campaigns in, 275, 295- Arras, atrocities of Le Bon at (1794), 139- Artois, Charles Philippe, Comte d', younger brother of Louis xvi., afterwards King Charles X. of Index 379 France (1757-1836). 55, 59, 102, 139, 167, 172, 351. Aschaffenburg, principality of, grant ea to the Elector of Mayence, 225, 260. Aspem or Essling, battle of (21, 22 May 1809), 273. Assignats issued in France, 74 ; their effect, 98. Aubert-Dubayet, Jean Baptiste Anni- baL, French general (i759-i797)j 166, 182. Auckland, William Eden, Lord, Eng- lish diplomatist (1744-1814^, 65, 93. Auerstadt, battle of (14 Oct 1806), 247. Duke of. See Davout. Augereau, Charles Pierre Francois, Duke of CastigUone, French gen- eral (1757-1816), 191, 219, 321 ; App. iv. Augsburg, Bishop of, an ecclesiastical prince of the Holy Roman Empire, 34- bishopric of, merged in Bavaria (1803), 227. . r ^ city of, a free city of the Empire(i789), 35; taken by Moreau (iBoo), 219 ; maintained as a free city (1803), 226 ; Massena's head- quarters (1809), 272. Augusta, Princess, of Bavaria married to Eugene de Beauhamais, 258. Augustus, Prince, of Prussia (1779- 1843). 337. Auhc Coimcil, the, 35. Austerlitz, battle of (2 Dec. 1805), 244- Austria, position in 1789, 14-17 ; in- fluence in the Empire, 35 ; obtained cessions by the treaty of Sistova (1791), 88; got nothing in the second partition of Poland (1793),. 122 ; received Cracow, etc. at third partition of Poland {1795), 152; re- ceived Venice for Lombardy by treaty of Campo-Formio (1797). 192 ; and by treaty of Lunevile (1801), 220; obtained Trent and Brixen, but lost much influence in the resettlement of Germany (1803^, 226 ; formed into an empire (1805), 236 ; lost Venice, Istria, the TjtoI, etc. by treaty of Pressburg (1805), 245 ; lost Trieste. Galicia, Salzburg, etc. by treaty of Vienna (1809), 274; at Congress of Vienna (1814) got back Cracow, 342, and Lombardy and Venetia, 347. See Francis n., Joseph ri., Leopold 11. Austrian Netherlands. See Belgium. Auvergne, movement against the Con- vention in (1793), 131. Avignon, city of, %sishes to join France (1790), 76 ; secured to France by flrst treaty of Paris {1814), 333; and by second treaty of Paris ^1815), 354. Babeuf, FRAxgois Noel (Grac- chus), French socialist (1764-97), 181. Badajoz, treaty of (1801), 223 ; taken by Soult (1810), 296 ; by WelUng- ton (1812). 306, Baden, condition in 1789, 37 ; made an electorate (1803), 225 ; increased by the secularisations (1803), 227 ; made a grand duchy (i8o6), a^s: received Ortenau and the Breisgau (1809), 258; a state of the Con- federation of the Rhine (1808), 260; of the Germanic Confederation (1815), 342, See Charles Frederick. Charles Louis Frederick. Bagration, Peter, Prince, Russian general (1762-1812), 281, 305. Baiily, Jean Sylvain, French states- man (1736-53), 53. 59, 138. Baird, Sir Da\-id. English general (1757-1829), 224. Ball. Sir Alexander John, EngUsh admiral (1759-1809), 195. Baltic Sea, effort to exclude English commerce from, 222 ; command of, given to Russia and Prussia by the Congress of Vienna, 347. Bamberg, Bishop of, an ecclesiastical prince of the Holy Roman Empire, 34. bishopric of, merged in Ba%'aria (1803*. 227. Bank of France, founded by Bona- parte, 215. BaJitry Bay, French expedition to (1796K 185. ^ . ^ Barbe-Marbois. Fran90is. Comte de. French statesman (1745-1837), 188, 191, 214. Barclay de Tolly. Michael, Prince. Russian general (1755-181S), 305. 309. 313- 380 European History, 1 789-18 1 5 Barentin, Charles Louis Fran9ois de Paule de, French minister (1738- 1819), 51. Barfere, Bertrand, French orator (1755- 1841), 117, 133, 134, 145, 149, 155. Barnave, Antoine Pierre Joseph Marie, French pohtician (1761-93), 100. Barras, Paul Fran9ois Jean Nicolas, Comte de, French statesman (1755- 1829), 147, 164, 165 ; nominates Bonaparte to command the army of Italy, 174 ; his attitude as a Director, 181 ; co-operates in covp ditat of Fructidor 1797, 191 ; only original Director left (July 1799), 209, 210 ; resigns (Nov. 1799), 211. Barrosa, battle of (5 March 1811), 297. Bartenstein, treaty of (April 1807), 248. Barth^lemy, Franfois, Marquis de, French diplomatist (1747 -1830), 156, 188, 189, 191. Basire, Claude, French politician (1764-94), 117. Basle, Bishop of, an ecclesiastical prince of the Holy Roman Empire, 34, 41 ; with fiefs in Alsace, 79. bishopric of, part ceded to Baden (1803), 227 ; part to canton of Berne (181S), 34S- — canton of Switzerland, main- tained by Bonaparte (1803), 228. treaties of (179S). ^S^. iS7- Basque Roads, affair in the (1809), 276. Bassano, Duke of. See Maret. Bastille, capture of the (14 July 1789), 57. 58. Batavian Repubhc founded (1795), 150; imitates the French constitu- tions, 193 ; turned into the king- dom of Holland (1806), 254, 255. Battles : Abensberg (1809), 272 ; Al- buera (1811), 297 ; Albufera (1811), 297 ; Aldenhoven ( 1794) , 150 ; Alexan- dria(i8oi),224; Altenkirchen(i796), 178 ; Arcis-sur-Aube (1814), 328 ; Areola (1796), 176; Aspern (Es- sling) (1809), 273 ; Auerstiidt (1806), 247 ; Austerlitz (1805), 244 ; Barrosa (1811), 297 ; Bautzen (1813), 309 ; Bergen (1799), 205; Biberach (1800), 219 ; Borodino (1812), 305 ; Braila (1809), 281 ; Brienne (1814), 319 ; Burgos (1808), 269 ; Busaco (1810), 296 ; Cairo (1799), 208 ; Caldiero (1796), 176; Caldiero (1805), 244; Camperdown (1797), 194 ; Cassano (1799), 203 ; Castighone(i796), 175; Ceva (1796), 174; Champaubert (1814), 319; Copenhagen (1801), 222; Corunna( 1809), 270 ; Craonne ( 1814), 328 ; Dego (1796), 174 ; Dennewitz (1813), 313; Dresden (1813), 312; Dubienka (1792), 122; Eckmiihl (1809), 273; Elchingen (1805), 244; Engen (1800), 219; Espinosa (1808), 269 ; Essling (Aspern) (1809), 273 ; Ettlingen (1796), 178 ; Eylau (1807), 248; Famars (1793), 130; Figueras (1794), 150; First of June (1794), 145 ; Fleurus (1794), 144 ; Foksany (1788), 45; Friedland (1807), 249; Fuentes de Onor (1811), 297 ; the Geisberg(i793), 140; Genola(i799), 204; Giurgevo (1790), 88; Gross- Beeren (1813), 312; Gross-Gorschen (Lutzen)(i8i3), 309; Hanau(i8i3), 314 ; Heliopolis (1800), 224 ; Ho- henlinden (1800), 219 ; Hondschoten (1793), 140; jemmappes (1792), 118 ; Jena (1806), 247 ; Kaiserslaut- ern (1794), 144; the Katzbach (1813), 312 ; Kioge (1807), 252 ; Laon (1814), 328 ; Leipzig (1813), 314 ; Ligny (1815), 352 ; Loano (1795). 151. 173; Lodi (1796), 174; Liitzen (Gross Gorschen) (1813), 309; Maciejowice (1794), 152; Ma- gnano (1799), 202; Maida (1806), 256; Marengo (1800), 218; Matchin (1791), 96; Medellin (I809), 275; Medina del Rio Seco (1808), 267 ; the Mincio (1814), 322 ; Millesimo (1796), 174 ; Moeskirchen (1800), 219; Mondovi (1796), 174; Monte- bello (1800), 218 ; Montenotte (1796), 174; Montereau (1814), 319; Montmirail (1814), 319; Mount Tabor (1799), 208 ; Nangis (1814), 319; Neerwinden (1793), 127; Neu- markt (1797), 186 ; the Nile (Abou- kir Bay) (1798), 195 ; the Nive (1813), 316 ; the Nivelle (1813), 316; Novi (1799), 204; Ocana (1809), 276; Orthez (1814), 321; Pacy-sur-Eure (1793), 131 ; Paris (1814), 329 ; the Pyramids (1798), 195 ; Quatre Bras (1815), 352 ; Raab (1809), 273; Raclawice (1794), 151; Rivoli (1797), 176 ; Roli9a (1808). Index ?8i 265 ; the Rymnik (1788), 45 ; Sacilio (1899), 273; St. Vincent (1797). 183 ; Salamanca (1812), 306 ; Sa- orgio (1794), 144; Silistria (1809), 281 ; Stockach (1799), 202; Svenska Sound (1790), 95 ; Talavera (1809), 275, 276 ; Tobac (1788), 45 ; Tol- enuno(i8i5),346; Toulouse (1814), 332 ; Trafalgar (1805), 245 ; the Trebbia (1799), 203 ; Tudela (1808), 269; Unzmarkt (1797), 186; Valmy (1792), 115; Valsarno (1813), 315; Vauchanips (1814), 319 ; Vimeiro (1808). 265. 266 ; Vittoria (1813), 315 ; Wagram (1809), 274 ; Water- loo (1815), 353; Wattignies (1793). 140 ; Zielence (1792), 121, 122 ; Zurich (1799), 204. Bautzen, battle of {20 May 1813), 309. Bavaria, the Emperor Joseph's de- signs on, 16, 17 ; its Elector also Elector- Palatine, 34; condition in 1789, 37; invaded by Moreau (1796), 178 ; treaty of Pfaffenhofen, 180 ; promised to Austria by Bonaparte (1797), 193; occupied by Moreau (1800), 219 ; increased by the secu- larisations (1803), 227 ; invaded by the Austrians (1805), 243 ; receives the Tyrol and becomes a kingdom (1806), 245 ; receives Salzburg (1809), 257; member of the Con- federation of the Rhine, 260 ; in- vaded by the Austrians (1809), 272 ; great internal reforms, 289 ; mem- ber of the Germanic Confederation (1815), 342; receives Mayence for the Tyrol (1815), 344. See Charles Theodore, Maximilian Joseph. Baylen, capitulation of (1808), 267, 268. Bavonne besieged by tlie English (1813, 1814), 316, 321. Reauharnais, Eugene de, stepson of Napoleon (1781-1824), 236, 238, 239, 244, 255, 256, 273, 308, 315, 321, 322, 345. Bcaulieu, Jean Pierre, Baron de, Aus- trian general (1725-1820), 174. Beccaria, Caesar Bonesana, Marquis de, Italian philosopher (1738-94), 26. Belgium, opposition to the Emperor Joseph's reforms in (1788), 15 ; his apparent success, 43 ; armed re- sistance in, 47 ; abolition of Bel- gian hberties, 47, 48 ; the Austrians driven from (1789), 64 ; the Belgian Republic formed (Jan. 1790), 65 ; struggle between the Van der Nootists and Vonckists, 92, 93 ; reconquered by the Austrians (Dec. 1790)1 94; conquered by the French under Dumouriez (1792), 118; an- nexed to the French Republic, 118 ; rises against the French (1793). 126 ; Dumouriez driven from ( 1793), 127 ; reconquered by the French (1794), 144; organised as part of the French Republic, 150 ; ces- sion to France agreed to by Austria at Leoben, 186 ; and at Campo-Formio (1797), 192, 193 ; organised into nine French depart- ments, 230 ; England insists on its separation from France, 318 ; in- vaded by the Prince of Orange (1814), 321 ; Napoleon refuses to give up, 324 ; united with Holland into the kingdom of the Nether- lands (1815), 344, 360. Belgrade, taken by the Austrians (1789), 45- Bellegarde, Henri, Comte de, Aus- trian general (1755-1831), on the Mincio (1814), 322. Belluno, Duke of. Sec Victor. Bender, city of, taken by the Rus sians (1789), 45. Blaise Colombeau, Baron, Aus- trian general (1713-98), 65, 93, 94. Benevento, principality of, belonged to the Pope in 1789, 24 ; Talley- rand made prince of, 277. Benezech, Pierre, French administra- tor (174 5-1802), 166. Benningsen, Levin Augustus Theo- philus. Count, Russian general (1745-1826), 221, 248, 249, 311. Bentinck, Lord William Charle.s Cavendish, English general (1774- 1839), 307. 315. 322, 346. Beresford, William Carr, Viscount, English genera! (1770-1856), 266, 297. Berg, grand duchy of, created for Murat (1806), its extent, 252; member of the Confederation of the kiiinc, 260; conferred on son of Louis 15onaparte (1808), 283. Bergi-ii, battles of (19 Sept. and 2 Oct. 1799), 205. 382 European History, 1 789- 1 8 1 5 Bergen-op-Zoom, English repulsed from (1814), 321. Berlin, occupied by Napoleon (1806), 247; decree issued at (1807), 251 ; University of, founded, 303, 304 ; the French driven from (1813), 308. Bernadotte, Jean Baptiste Jules, Prince of Ponte Corvo (1806), Prince Royal of Sweden (1810), King Charles Xiv. of Sweden (1818), (1764-1844), French ambas- sador to Austria (1798), 197; in- sulted at Vienna, 198 ; Minister of War (1799), 210 ; attacked by the Russians (1807), 247; commanded the Saxons at Wagram (1809), 274 ; Prince of Ponte Corvo, 277 ; elected Prince Royal of Sweden (1810), 279 ; signs treaty of Abo with Em- peror Alexander (1812), 302 ; in- trigues with Napoleon, 307, 308 ; invaded Germany (1813), 309; wins battle of Gross Beeren, 312 ; and of Dennewitz, 313 ; defeated the Danes and exchanged Pomerania for Norway (1814), 320 ; rejected for throne of France, 330 ; got Norway, but had to give up Guade- loupe (1815), 347; one of Napo- leon's marshals, App. iv. Bernard, Great St., Bonaparte crosses (1800), 218. Little St., French reach the summit of (1795), 151. of Saintes, Adrien Antoine, French politician (1750-1819), 139. Berne, chief oligarchical canton of Switzerland in 1789, 41 ; occupies Geneva (1792), 125 ; occupied by the French (1798), 199 ; Vaud and Argau separated from (1803), 228 ; obtained part of the Bishopric of Basle (1815), 345. Bernis, Franpois Joachim de Pierre, Cardinal de, French statesman (1715-94). 19- Bernstorf, Count Andrew, Danish statesman (1735-97), 32, 46, 120. Count Christian, Danish states- man (1769-1835), 338. Berthier, Louis Alexandre, Prince of Neufchatel and Wagram, French general (1753-1815), 200, 216, 241, 239, 283, App. iv. de Sauvigny, Louis B^nigne Fran9ois, French administrator (1742-89), 59. Bessarabia, conquered by the Rus- sians under Potemkin (1789), 45 ; under Bagration (1810), 281 ; part of, ceded to Russia by treaty of Bucharest, 281. Bessieres, Jean Baptiste, Duke of Istria, French general (1768-1813), 267, 297, 309, App. iv. Beugnot, Jacques Claude, Comte, French administrator (1761-1835), 331- Biberach, battle of (9 May 1800), 219. Bidassoa, the passage of, forced by the Spaniards (1739), ^3° I by the French (1794), 140. BigotdePreameneu, Felix Julien Jean, Comte, French jurist (1747-1825), sis- Bilbao, taken by the French (1795), 151- Billaud-Varenne, Jacques Nicolas, French statesman (1756-1819), 193, 134. 138, 139. 147, 149. 155- Biron, Armand Louis de Gontaut, Due de, French general (1747-93), 138. Bischofswerder, Hans Rudolf, Baron von, Prussian statesman (ti8o3), 31, 87. Bishops, the Princeof Germany, 34, 39. Black Legion of Brunswick raised, 293- Blake, Joachim, Spanish general (f 1827), defeated at Albufera(i8ii), 247. Bliicher, Gebhard Lebrecht von. Prince of Wahlstatt, Prussian gen- eral (17^2-1819), 309, 312, 318, 319, 328, 329, 350, 352, 353, 355. Boeckh, Augustus, German scholar (1785-1861), 304. Bohemia, opposition to Joseph's re- forms in, 15 ; the reforms suspen- ded, 66 ; pacified by Leopold, 84. Boissy d'Anglas, Fran9ois Antoine, Comte, French statesman (1756- 1826), 155, 165, 168, 182. Bologna, belonged to the Pope, 24 ; occupied by Bonaparte (1796), 175 ; merged in the Cisalpine Republic, 192 ; in the kingdom of Italy, 255 ; restored to the Pope (1815), 347. Bonaparte, Caroline, Queen of Naples. See Caroline. Index 583 Bonaparte, Elisa (1777-1820), 283. Jerome (1784-1860), King of Westphalia. See Jerome. Joseph (1768-1844), 239 (1806), 255. See Joseph. Louis (1778-1846), 239, 254, 255. See Louis. Lucien (1775-1840), 210, 216, 223. Napoleon (1769-1821) at the siege of Toulon (1793), 140 ; brings up artillery for the defence of the Con- vention (1795), 164; defeats the insurgents of Vend^miaire, 165 ; appointed to the command of the army of Italy {1796), 174; defeats the Sardinians, 174 ; conquers Lombardy, 174 ; makes armistice with the Pope, 175 ; defeats the Austrians at Castiglione, 175, at Areola and Rivoli, 176 ; invades the Tyrol and signs Preliminaries of Leoben, 186 ; opposed the Clichi- ans, 189 ; sends Augereau to Paris to help the Directors, 191 ; formed the Cisalpine Republic, 192 ; signs treaty of Campo-Formio (1797). 192; commands army of the Inte- rior, 194 ; takes Malta and invades Egypt (1798), 19s ; campaign in Syria (1799), 208; returns to France, 208 ; makes coup d'dfat of 18 Brumaire, 210, 211 ; provisional First Consul, 211 ; First Consul, 214 ; internal policy, 215 ; forms the Bank of France and Code Civil, 215 ; foreign policy, 216, 217 ; wins battle of Marengo and conquers Italy, 218 ; First Consul of the Cisalpine Republic, 220 ; his Spanish policy, 223 ; concludes the treaty of Amiens (1802), 225 ; re- organises Switzerland, 228 ; Me- diator of the Swiss Confederation, 229 ; makes Concordat with the Pope, 229; forms the prefectures, 230 ; educational reforms, 231 ; First Consul for life (1802), 232; arrests the English in France and occupies Hanover (1803), 233; execution of the Due d'Enghien 352. 353. 355. 356-358. — — I., King of Etraria (1773-1803), 220, 232. Bonaparte, King of Holland (1777-1846), 254, 255, 282, 283. X., Landgrave, afterwards Grand Duke, of Hesse-Darmstadt (^753-1830), 79, 227, 259, 260, 342. Philippe, Duke of Orleans, afterwards King of the French (1773-1850), 189. • Louis Dominique, Baron, French statesman (1755-1837), 240, 331. Louisa, Queen of Prussia (1776-1810), 246, 304. Louisiana, ceded by Spain to France (1801), 232 ; sold by Napoleon to the United States, 242. Loustalot, Elysee, French journalist (1762-90), 61. Louvain, 15, 48, 64. Louverture, Joussaint (1743-1803), 232. Louvet, Jean Baptiste, French poli- tician (1760-97), 117, 154. Lowenhielm, Gustavus Charles Frede- rick, Count von, Swedish diplo- matist (1771-1856), 338. Liibeck, a free city of the Holy Roman Empire, 35 ; retained its independence (1803), 226; annexed by Napoleon (1810), 302 ; as a free city member of the Germanic Con- federation (1815), 343. Lucca, Republic of, in 1789, 27 ; annexed by Napoleon (1805), 243, 255 ; Elisa Bonaparte, Duchess of, 283 ; made a Grand Duchy for the King of Etruria with reversion to Tuscany (1815), 347. Lucchesini, Jerome, Prussian diplo- matist (1752-1825), 31, 85, 87, 88, 89. 153- Lucerne, canton of Switzerland mam- tained by Bonaparte (1803), 228 ; one of the three meeting-places of the Helvetian Diet (1815), 345. Luckner, Nicolas, Baron, French general (1722-94), 107. Ludovica, the Empress, third wife of the Emperor Francis 11. (1772- 1816), 271. Luneville, treaty of (9 Feb. 1801), 219, 220. Lusatia, annexed to Saxony (1806), 259 ; to Prussia (1815), 341. Liitzen (Gross-Gorschen), battle of (2 May 1813), 309. Luxembourg, the Austrians retreat to, from Belgium (1789), 64; made into a Grand Duchy (1815), 343; and given to the King of the Netherlands, 344. Lynedoch, Sir Thomas Graham, Lord. See Graham. Lyons rises in insurrection against the Convention (1793), 131 ; taken, 140. Macdonald, Jacques Iitienne Joseph Alexandre, Duke of Taranto, French general (1765- 1840), 203, 219, 273, 305, 306, 308, 312, 329, 331, 332. Index 403 Maciejowice, battle of (12 Oct. 1794), 152. Mack, Charles, Baron, Austrian general (1752-1828), 200, 243, 244. Mackintosh, Sir James, Enghsh statesman (1765-1832), 233. Madame Royale. See Angouleme, Duchess of. Madeira, occupied by the English (1801), 223, 224. Maestricht, besieged by Miranda (1793), 126; taken by Kleber(i794), 150. Magdeburg formed part of the king- dom of Westphalia, 258 ; Katt's attack on, 293 ; French garrison in, besieged (1814), 319. Magnano, battle of (5 April 1799), 202. Mahmoud 11., Sultan of Turkey (1785- 1839), 281. Maida, battle of (4 July 1806), 256. Maillard, Stanislas, French politician (1763-94), 62. Maillebois, Yves Marie Desmarets, Comte de, French general (1715- 1791). 31. 32- . ^ Maitland, Sir Frederick Lewis, Eng- lish captain (1779-1839), 353. Malet, Claude Fran9ois, French general (1754-1812), 306. Malines, riots against Joseph's re- forms at (1788), 47 ; abandoned to the Belgian patriots, 64. Malmaison, chateau of, settled on the Empress Josephine, 293. Malmesbury, Sir James Harris, Earl of, English diplomatist (1746-1820), 32, 184, 190. Malta, taken by Bonaparte (1798), 195 ; by the English (1800), 195, 204; the Emperor Paul Grand Master of the Knights of, 207, 217; a cause of the rupture of the treaty of Amiens, 225 ; England refuses to surrender, 233 ; granted to Eng- land at the Congress of Vienna (1815), 348. Mamelukes defeated by Bonaparte at the battle of the Pyramids (17981, 19^; at the battle of Cairo (i799)> 208. Manifesto of Padua issued by the Emperor Leopold (5 July 1791), 102. Mannheim, university of, 37 ; taken by Pichegiu (1795), 172; given to badcn (1803), 227. Mantua, Leopold's interview with Durfort at, 99 ; besieged by Bona- parte (1796-97), 175, 176 ; part of the Cisalpine Republic, 192 ; be- sieged by Suv6rov (1799), 203. Marat, Jean Paul, French statesman (1744-93), (Ji. loi. 107. 117. 155- Marceau, Fran9ois Severin Desgra- viers, French general (1769-96), 172 ; killed at Altenkirchen (1796), 178. Marengo, battleof (14 June 1800), 218. Maret, Hugues Bernard, Duke of Bassano, French statesman (1763- 1839), 241, 316. Maria i., Queen of Portugal (1734- 1816), 22, 253. i Beatrice of Este, heiress of Modena, married to the Archduke Ferdinand, 25, 26. Theresa, the Empress (1717-80), 19. Marie, Grand Duchess of Saxe- Weimar, sister of the Emperor Alexander, present at the Congress of Vienna, 337. Amelie, Duchess of Parma, daughter of Maria Theresa, 25. Antoinette, Queen of France, daughter of Maria Theresa (1755- 93), disliked in P'rance as an Aus- trian, 12 ; opposes Necker, 55 ; urges Louis xvi. to oppose the Assembly, 61, 68 ; wishes her bro- ther Leopold to interfere in France, 75, 80, 81 ; unpopularity increased by Prussian intrigues, 86; admira- tion of Gustavus III. of Sweden for, 95 ; demands Leopold's aid. 99 ; escapes to Varennes, 99, 100 ; re- veals French plan of campaign to Austria, 112 ; ordered to be sent before the Revolutionary Tribunal for trial, 134 ; guillotined, 138. Caroline, Queen of the Two Sicilies, daughter of Maria Theresa. See Caroline. Louise, the Empress, Napoleon's second wife (1791-1847), 294, 330, 332, 346, 347. Queen of Spain (1754- 1819), ^^, 2G7. Marmont, Auguste Frc^d^ric I^ouis Viesse dc, Duke of Ragusa, French general (1774-1852), 245, 256, 306, 329, 331, App. iv. 404 European History, 1789-18 15 Marseillaise, the, 113. Marseilles opposes the Convention (1793). 151- Marshals, Napoleon s, 239 ; list of, App. iv. Martinique, French West India island, taken by the English, 154 ; restored to France (1802), 252 ; again taken by the English (1809), 276 ; restored to France (1815), 348. Massa, Duke of. See Regnier. Principality of, merged in the Duchy of Modena, 25. Massacres in the prisons of Paris (Sept. 1792), 115. Massena, Andre, Duke of Rivoli, Prince of Esshng, French general (1758-1817), 204, 218, 221, 244, 272, 296, 297, App. iv. Matchin, battle of (9 July 1791), 96. Maubeuge besieged by the Austrians (1793). 140. Mauprat, M. de, reforming minister in Parma, 25. Mauritius, the island of the, taken by the English (1809), 264, 276 ; ceded to England by tlie first Treaty of Paris (1814), 333 ; by the Congress of Vienna (1815), 348. Maximilian, Archduke, third son of Maria Theresa, Elector-Archbishop of Cologne in 1789, 40. Joseph, Elector, afterwards King, of Bavaria (1770-1825), his power increased by the secularisations (1803), 227 ; receives Swabia and the Tyrol and takes the title of king (1806), 245; receivesSalzburg(i8o9), 257 ; marries a daughter to Eugene de Beauharnais, 258 ; member of the Confederation of the Rhine, 260 ; sends troops to serve under Napoleon at Wagram, 274 ; signs Treaty of Ried against Napoleon (8 Oct. 1813), 313, 314 ; attacks Napoleon and is defeated at Haftau, 314 ; opens the passes through the Tyrol into Italy to the Austrians, 321 ; agrees to support Austria and England against Russia and Prussia (1815), 341 ; member of the Ger- manic Confederation, 342 ; gives up the Tyrol and Salzburg to Austria, and receives Rhenish Bavaria(i8i5), 344. Maximum, Law of the, in France, 128 ; an instrument of the Terror, 137; abolished by the Thermidori- ans, 149; temporarily imposed by Napoleon, 285. Mayence, the Archbishop-EIcctor of. Chancellor of the Holy Roman Empire, and President of the Col- lege of Prince, 54. archbishopric-electorate of, con- dition in 1789, 39 ; merged in France (1801), 193 ; given to Bava- ria (1815), 344. city of, taken by the French under Custine (1792), 118; by the Prussians after a long siege (1793), 130 ; besieged by Kleber in vain (1795), 172 ; taken by the French under Hatry (1797), 193 ; capital of a French department, 230; ceded to Bavaria (1815), 344. Mecklenburg, the duchies of, their backward state in i; 38 ; made grand duchies and members of the Germanic Confederation (i8i5),342. Mcdellin, battle of (28 March 1809), 275- Medina del Rio Seco, battle of (14 July 1808), 267. Melas, Michael Baron von, Austrian general (1730-1806), 175,204, 218. Menou, Jacques Francois, Baron de, French general (1750-1810), 156, 224. Mercy-Argenteau, Florimond Claude, Comte de, Austrian diplomatist (1722-94), 93, 94, 99. Merlin [de Douai], Philippe Antoine, Comte, French statesman (1754- 1838), 80, 137, 148, 149, 156, 159, 166, 182, 191, 209, 357. [de Thionville], Antoine Chris- tophe, French politician (1762-1833), 117. Mcthuen Treaty, its effect on Portugal, 14, 21, 252. Metternich, Clement Wenceslas Lo- thaire. Count, afterwards Prince, von, Austrian statesman (1773-1859), becomes State-Chancellor of Austria (1809), 275 ; opposes Stein's idea of rousing the national spirit of Germany against Napoleon, 310, 311 ; brings terms agreed on at Reichenbach to Napoleon at Dres- den (1813), 311 ; lays down the Proposals of Frankfort, 316 ; in- Index 405 trigues with Murat, 322 ; presses terms offered at Chatillon, 324 ; becomes intimate with Castlereagh, 331 ; signs Provisional Treaty of Paris, 332 ; Austrian representative at the Congress of Vienna (1814-15), 338 ; signs treaty of alliance with England and France against Russia and Prussia (3 Jan. 1815), 340. Middle classes in Europe in the 18th century, 7. Milan, university of, 26 ; taken by Bonaparte (1796), 174; meeting of Lombard delegates at, 175 ; taken by Suvorov (1799), 203 ; by Bona- parte (1800), 218 ; Napoleon crowned King of Italy at (1805), 238 ; issues Decree of, establishing the Continental Blockade against England {1808), 251. Milanese, the. See Lombardy. Miles, William Augustus, English diplomatist (1754-1817), 78. Millesimo, battle of (13 April 1796), 174- Mincio, battle of the (8 Feb. 1814), 322. Ministers of the French Directory, 166, 182, 190, 191, 210 ; of the Consulate, 216; of the Empire, 240, 241. Minorca taken by the English (1798), 195, 264. Minsk, province of, ceded to Russia at the second partition of Poland (1793), 122. Miollis, Sextius Alexandre Fran9ois, Comte, French general (1759-1829), 277. Miot de Melito, Andre; Fran9ois, Comte, French administrator (1762- 1841), 256. Mirabeau, Honor6 Gabriel Riqueti, Comte de, French statesman (1749- 17Q1). 54. 56. 60, 61, 72, 73, 75, 76, 78, 79, 80, 98, 99. Mirabeau, Victor Riqueti, Marquis de, French economist (1715-89), 25. Miranda, Don Francisco, French general (1750-1816), 126, 127. Mirandola, principality of, united with Modena in 1789, 25. Mittau, Louis xviii. settled at, by the Emperor Paul (1797), 206 ; ordered to leave (1802), 217. Modena, duchy of, condition in 1789, 25, 26 ; conquered by Bonaparte (1796), 174 ; part of the Cisalpine Republic, 192 ; of the kingdom of Italy, 255 ; granted to Ferdinand IV. , 347. Moeskirch, battleof (5 May 1800), 218. Moldavia, conquered by the Austrians (1789), 45 ; by the Russians (1810), 281 ; part of, ceded to Russia (1812), 281. Mdllendorf, Richard Joachim Hein- rich. Count von, Prussian general (1725-18x6), 153. Moncey, Bon Adrien Jeannot de, Dukeof Conegliano, French general (1754-1842), 151, 275, 356, App. iv. Mondovi, battle of (22 April 1796), 174- Monge, Gaspard, Comte, French mathematician (1746-1818), 114. Montbeliard, ceded by Wiirtemburg to France, 227 ; merged in the de- partment of the Doubs, 230 ; se- cured to France by the first treaty of Paris, 333. Mont Blanc, Savoy organised as the French department of the, 230. Cenis, 151. Montebello, battle of (4 June 1800), 218. Duke of. See Lannes. Montenotte, battle of (12 April 1796), 174. Montereau, battle of (18 Feb. 1814), 319- Montesquieu, Charles de Secondat, Baron de, French philosopher (1689-1755), 9. Monte^quiou-Fezensac, Anne Pierre, Man]uis de, French general (1739- 98), 117. Fran9ois Nicolas, Abb6- Duc de, French politician (1757- 1832), 330. Monte Video, English expedition to (1806), 264. Montgelas, Maximilian Joseph Gar- nerin, Comte de. Bavarian states- man (1759-1838), 289. Montlu9on, Bonaparte's treaty with the Vcndci'an leaders at (1800), 215. Montmirail, battleof (11 Feb. 1814), 3T9- Montniorin - Saint - H(5rem, Armand Marc, Comte de, French statesman (i74<;-92), 78. 4o6 European History, 1 789-181 5 Mont-Terrible,departmcnt of, merged in the department of the Haut- Rhin, 230. Moore, Sir John, English general (1761-1809), 254, 266, 269, 270. Moreau, Jean Victor, French general (1761-1813), 168, 178, 186, 193, 194, 203, 211, 218, 219, 234, 235, 312. Moreaux, Jean Rene, French general (1758-95). 144. 150- Morkov, Arcadius Ivanovitch, Count, Russian diplomatist, (t 1827), 243. Mortier, Adolphe Edouard Casimir Joseph, Duke of Treviso, French general (1768-1835), 233, 329, App.iv. Moscow, occupied by Napoleon (1812), 306. Moskowa, Prince of the. See Ney. Moulin, Jean Francois Auguste, French general (1752-1810), 209. Mounier, Jean Joseph, French states- man (1758-1806), 51, 55. Mountain, the French political party, germs in the Jacobin Club (1792), 107 ; the party in the Convention. 116, 117 ; attacked by the Giron- dins, 117 ; struggle with the Giron- dins, 128, 129 ; as a party ceases to exist (1795), 156. Mount Tabor, battle of (16 April 1799), 208. Mulhouse, Republic of, merged in the Haut-Rhin, 230 ; secured to France (1814), 333. Miiller, Jacques Leonard, Baron, French general (1749-1824), 140. Johann von, German historian (1752-1809), 259. Munich, taken by the French under Moreau (1800), 219. Miinster, Bishop of, an ecclesiastical Prince of the Holy Roman Empire, 34- bishopric of, part of, merged in Prussia (1803), 227 ; in the Grand Duchy of Berg (1806), 259 ; part of, annexed by Napoleon (1810), 282. city of, capital of a French de- partment, 282. Ernest Frederick, Count von, Hanoverian diplomatist ( 1766-1841 ), 337- Murat, Joachim, Grand Duke of Berg, King of Naples, French general (1771-1815), 239, 259, 267, 283, 306, 322, 345, 346, App. iv. JSIurbach, the Abbot of, one of the chief Princes of the Empire in Alsace, 79. Murray, Sir John, English general (ti827), 307. Musseus, John Charles Augustus, German author (1735-87), 38. Mustapha iv., Sultan of Turkey (1779-1808), 280, 2S1. Mysticism in the i8th century, 10. Namur, riots against Joseph's re- forms at (1789), 48. Nancy, Bouille suppresses a military mutiny at (Aug. 1790), 72, 97, 98. Nangis, battle of (17 Feb. 1814), 319. Nantes, Carrier's atrocities at (1793), 139, 141. Naples, reforms of Tanucci in, 23 ; occupied by the French (1798), and the Parthenopean Republic founded, 200 ; evacuated by the French (1799), and the revenge of Ferdi- nand, 203 ; attacked by Napoleon (1804), 242; Joseph Bonaparte's rule in, 256 ; Murat king of, 283 ; Ferdinand returns to (1814), 346, 359 ; behaves moderately, 359. Napoleon (1769-1821), crowned Em- peror, 238 ; his Court, 239 ; his ministers, 240, 241 ; the camp at Boulogne, 241 ; organises the Grand Army, 241, 242 ; wins the battle of Austerlitz, 244 ; crushes Prussia at Jena, 247 ; defeats the Russians at Eylau and Friedland, 248, 249 ; holds interview with Ale.xander at Tilsit, 249, 250 ; the Continental Blockade against Eng- land, 251 ; his rearrangement of Europe, 1254-257 ; Protector of the Confederation of the Rhine, 260 ; his Polish policy, 261 ; the Con- ference at Erfurt, 262 ; makes his brother King of Spain, 267 ; takes Madrid, 269 ; defeats the Austrians (1809), 272-274; quarrel with the Pope, 277, 278 ; greatest extension of his Empire (1810), 282, 283 ; his administration, 283-285 ; belief in heredity, 285, 286 ; aristocracy, 286, 287; reforms, 287, 288; divorces Josephine, 293 ; marries Marie Louise, 294 ; his differences with Alexander, 299-301 ; invades Russia (1812), 305 ; his retreat, 306 ; first Index 407 campaign of 1S13 in Saxony, 309 ; refuses the terms offered him by the allies, 311 ; second campaign of 1813 in Saxony, 312, 313 ; de- feated at Leipzig, 314 ; first defen- sive campaign of 1814 in France, 319 ; rejects the terms offered by the allies at Chatillon, 323, 324 ; second defensive campaign of 1814 in France, 328, 329 ; abdicates, 331 ; leaves Elba and returns to France {1815), 351; defeated at Waterloo, 353 ; sent to St. Helena, 355. See Bonaparte. Napoleon, Kingof Rome, birth of, 294; granted succession to Parma by the Provisional Treaty of Paris (1814), 332 ; but not by the Congress of Vienna (1815), 347. Narbonne-Lara, Comte Louis de, French politician (1755-1813), 106, 107, 109. Nassau, duchy of, increased in 1803, 227 ; merged in the Grand Duchy of Berg (1806), 259 ; a state of the Germanic Confederation (1815), 342. Nassau-Siegen, Prince Charles Henry Nicholas Otho of, Russian admiral (1745-1809), 44, 95. National Assembly. See Constituent Assembly. Guards formed in Paris, 57 ; throughout France, 59. Nationality, the principle of, 2, 3 ; extinct in 18th-century Germany, 40; made the French successful and the Poles fail, 153 ; roused against Napoleon in Spain, 298 ; in Ger- many, 293, 314 ; rejected by the Congress of Vienna, 360. Natural limits of France, the Rhine and the Alps, claimed at Basle (1795). 157; demanded by the Di- rectory, 170; recognised secretly by Prussia, 179 ; by the Preliminaries of Leoben, i86;'bythe Treaty of Campo-P'ormio, 192 ; by the Treaty of Lundville, 220 ; abandoned by Napoleon's annexations, 282 ; offered by the allies at Dresden, 311; at Frankfort, 316; opposed by Castlereagh, 318, 424. Necker, Jacques, French statesman (1732-1804), 49, 51, 56, 58, 6r, 74. Neipperg, Albert Adam, Count (1774- 1829), 346, 347. Nelson, Horatio, Viscount, English admiral (1758-1805), 183, 195, 222, 242, 244, 245. Nesselrode, Charles Robert, Count, Russian statesman (1780-1863), 301, 332. 337- Netherlands, Austrian. See Bel- gium. The Protestant, or the United Provinces. See Holland. Kingdom of the, formed (1815), 344- Neufchatel, belonged to Prussia in 1789, 41 ; Berthier created Prince- Duke of, 283, 286 ; made a Canton of Switzerland (1815), 345, Neumarkt, battle of (20 March 1797), 186. Neutral League of the North, the, 222. Ney, Michel, Duke of Elchingen, Prince of the Moskowa, French general (1769-1815), 244, 296, 306, 313, 329. 332. 351. 352, 356, A pp. iv. Nice, port of, improved by Victor Amadeus in., 26 ; taken by the French (1792), 117; annexed, 118 ; formally ceded to France, 174 ; formed into a department, 230 ; restored to Sardinia (1814), 333. Niebuhr, Barthold George, German historian (1776-1831), 304. Nile, battle of the (i Aug. 1798), 195- Nimeguen, 149. Nive, battle of the (9-13 Dec. 1813), 316. Nivelle, battle of the (10 Nov. 1813), 316. Noailles, Comte Alexis de, French diplomatist (1783-1835), 338. Nobility, the European, in the i8th century, 7. Nootka Sound, 77-9. Norc, mutiny at the, 183, 193. Normal School of Paris, founded by Napoleon, 288. Normandy, the rising in, against the Convention, suppressed, 132, 133. Norway, 32, 302, 320, 347. Novi (Bosnia) taken by Loudon(i788), 43- (Italy), battle of (15 Aug. 1799 204. Noyades at Nantes, 139. 4o8 European History, 1789-18 15 Nuremberg, a free city of the Holy Roman Empire, 35 ; retained its independence (1803), 226; granted to Bavaria (1806), 257. Oath of the Tennis Court (20 June 1789), 54- Ocana, battle of (12 Nov. 1809), 276, Ochakov (Oczakoff), 43, 44, 96. Oldenburg, duchy of (1815), 282, 300, 342- Olivenza ceded by Portugal to Spain (1801), 223; left to Spain by the Congress of Vienna, 348. Oporto, rising against the French at (1808), 265 ; taken by Soult, 270 ; recaptured by Wellesley ( 1 809), 275. Orange, Prince of. See William v., William vi. Orleans, Louis Philippe Joseph, Duke of (1747-93). 57. 138. Orsova besieged by the Austnans (1789), 45 ; taken by the Prince of Coburg(i789),88 ; ceded to Austria (i79i),'88. Ortenau given to Baden (1807), 258. Orthez, battle of (27 Feb. 1814), 321. Osnabriick, the Duke of York bishop of, in 1789, 39 ; merged in Hanover (1803), 227 ; annexed by Napoleon (1810), 282. Ostend taken by the Belgian patriots (1789), 64. Otranto, Duke of. See Fouch(§. Oudinot, Nicolas Charles, Duke of Reggio, French general (1767-1847), 312, 329, App. iv. Paciaudi, Paolo Maria, Italian scholar (1710-85), 25. Pacte de Famille, the, between France and Spain, 14, 20, 77-79. Pacy, the Norman insurgents against the Convention defeated at (13 July 1793), 131. Paderborn, Bishop of, an ecclesiasti- cal Prince of the Holy Roman Empire, 34. bishopric of, merged in Prussia (1803), 227; in the kingdom of Westphaha (1807), 258. Padua, Manifesto of, 102. Pahlen, Peter, Count von dcr, Russian general (t 1826), 221. Palestine, conquered by Bonaparte (1799), 208. Palm, John Philip, German book- seller (t 1806), 293. Palmella, Pedro de Sousa-Holstein, Count, afterwards Duke, of, Portu- guese statesman (1786-1850), 338. Pampeluna besieged and taken by Wellington (1813). 315, 316. Paoli, Pascal, Corsican patriot (1726- 1870), 27, 145. Papacy the, its temporal power in the i8th century, 24. Paris, takes part in the Revolution, 56 ; riot of 12 July (1789), 57 ; the taking of the Bastille, 57, 58 ; the King brought to (6 Oct. 1789), 62 ; keeps the King prisoner in the 'I'uileries, 99 ; massacre of 17 July (1791), loi ; invades the Tuileries (20 June 1792), 112; takes the Tuileries (10 Aug. 1792), 113; massacres in (Sept. 1792), 115; people of, refuse to support Robespierre, 147 ; fights against the Convention, 13 Vendemiaire, 164, 165 ; welcomes the Empire, 238; battle of (1814), 239; occu- pied by the allies, 239; provi- sional treaty of, 331, 332 ; return of Louis xviii. to, 333 ; first treaty of, 333, 334; return of Napoleon to (1815), 351 ; reoccupied by the allies, 353 ; second treaty of, 353, 354- Parker, Sir Hyde, English admiral (1739-1807), 222. Parma, city of, capital of a French department, 283. Duke of. See Cambaceres. and Piacenza, Duchess of. See Marie Louise. , Duke of. Sec Ferdinand, Louis. . , duchies of, well governed in the i8th century, 25 ; conquered by Bonaparte (1796), 174 ; ex- changed for kingdom of Etruria (1801), 220; annexed by Napoleon (1810), 283; granted to Marie Louise by the Provisional Treaty of Paris (1814), 332; by the Con- gress of Vienna (1815), 347. Parthenopean Republic, founded (1798), 200; overthrown (1799), 203. Passau, bishopric of, merged in Bavaria (1801), 227. Index 409 Paul, Emperor, of Russia (1754- 1801), his accession (1796), 185 ; in- clines to war with France, 198 ; declares war against France (1798), 202; receives Louis xviii., 204; withdraws his troops from the Con- tinent, 206 ; becomes Grand Master of the Knights of Malta, 207 ; quarrels with Austria and England, 207 ; makes peace with BYance, 207 ; admiration for Bonaparte, 216, 217 ; schemes for an invasion of India, 220, 221 ; forms Neutral League of the North, 221, 222 ; assassinated, 222. Pavia, the university of, 26. Peace, Prince of the. See Godoy. Peltier, Jean Gabriel, French journalist (1765-1825), 133. Peninsular War : campaign of 1808, 265, 266 ; of 1809, 275, 276 ; of 1810, 296 ; of 1811, 296, 297 ; of 1812, 306, 307 ; of 1813, 315. Pere Duchesne, 142. Perignon, Dominique Catherine, Comte, French general (1754-1818), 183, App. iv. Pesth, 90, 91. Petiet, Claude, French administrator (1749-1805), 182, 190. Petion, Jerome, French politician (1753-94). 78, 86. Pfaffenhofen,' treaty of (1796), 180. Philosophers, the eighteenth century, 4. 9. 17. 38. Piacenza, Duchy of. See Parma. Duke of. See Le Brun. Pichegru, Charles, French general (1761-1804), 140, 144, 149, 167, 172, 188, 191, 234, 235. Piedmont, part of the kingdom of Sardinia in 1789, 26 ; left to Victor Amadeus (1797), 192; occupied by the French under Joubert (1798), 200 ; occupied by the Austrians (1799), 206; conquered by Bona- parte (i8oo\, 218; annexed to France (1801), 220, 230, 255. Pigot, Sir Henry, English general (1752-1840), 195. Pilnitz, Conference between the Em- peror Leopold and King Frederick William at (1791), 102; the De- claration of, 103 ; its effect on France, 106. Pisa, the university of, 24, 200. Pitt, William, English statesman (1759-1806), 28, 45, 78, 86, 97, 120, 125, 126, 166, 167, 169, 1B4, 189, 190, 225, 243, 245, 264. Pius VI., Giovanni Angelo Braschi, Pope (1717-99), 24, 66, 76, 175, 177, 200, 203, 217. vii. , Gregorio Barnabe Luigi Chiaramonti, Pope (1742-1834), 217, 220, 229, 230, 238, 277, 278, 347- Plain, deputies of the Centre in the Convention called the, 117, 129, 156- Pleswitz, armistice of (3 June 1813), 309- Plettenberg, the Baron of, Prince- Bishop of Miinster in 1789, 39. Pleville de Peley, Georges Rene, French admiral (1726-1805), 190, 196. Podolia, province of, taken by Russia at the second partition of Poland (1793), 122. Poland, its extinction impending in 1789, 14 ; Catherine's policy in the first partition of, 18 ; Prussia's share of, and aims on, 30 ; treaty of Warsaw with Prussia, 85 ; re- fuses to surrender Thorn and Dantzic (1790), 87; attempts at reform, 103, 104; the Constitution of 1791, 104, 105 ; invaded by the Russians (1792), 121 ; attacked by the Prussians (1793), 122 ; second partition of (1793), 122; causes of the failure of the attempt at con- stitutional reform, 123; insurrec- tion in (1794), 151 ; victory of the Russians, 151, 152 ; final partition and extinction of Polish indcjicnd- cncc (1795), 152; comparison be- tween French and Polish revolu- tions, 152, 153 ; looked favourably on by the Directory, 206 ; Napo- leon's campaign in 1807, 248, 249 ; Napoleon's I'olish policy, 261 ; creation of the Grand Duchy of Warsaw, 261 ; serfdom abolished in, 289 ; the Emperor Alexander's ideas on (1814), 339 ; final re- arrangement of (1815), 342. Police, Ministry of General, estab- lished in France (1796), 182 ; abolished under the Consulate, but restored under the Empire, 241. 4IO European History, 1 789- 1 8 1 5 Polignac, Armand Jules Marie Hera- clius, Comte, afterwards Due de, French politician (1771-1847), 235. Polish Legion formed for the service of France (1797), 206. Pombal, Sebastian Jose de Carvalho- Mello, Marquis of, Portuguese statesman (1699-1782), 22. Pomerania, Prussian, its backward state in 1789, 29. Swedish, possession of, gave the King of Sweden a voice in the Diet of tlie Empire, 34; occupied by the French under Brune (1808), 250, 254, 279 ; exchanged for Nor- way by the treaty of Kiel (1814), 320 ; given to Prussia by the Con- gress of Vienna (1815), 347. Pompadour, Jeanne Antoinette Pois- son. Marquise de (1721-64), 19. Poniatowski, Joseph, Prince, Polish patriot, French general (1762-1813), 121, 122, App. iv. Stanislas, King of Poland (1732-98), 104, 122, 151, 152. Ponte Corvo, principality of, be- longed to the Pope in 1789, 24 ; Bernadotte made Prince of (1806), 277. Pontine marshes drained by Pope Pius VI., 24. Popes. See Pius vi., Pius vii. Porentruy, district of, merged in the department of the Haut-Rhin, 230. Portalis, Jean Etienne Marie, French statesman (1745-1807), 214, 215. Portugal, its condition in 1789, 14, 21, 22 ; declares war against the French Republic (1793), 120; treaty of San Ildefonso (1796), 183; Eng- land comes to the help of, 184 ; attacked by Spain, and forced to cede Olivenza by the treaty of Badajoz (1801), 223; Napoleon's schemes against, 252 ; to be divided by treaty of Fontainebleau (1807), 252, 253 ; conquered by the French, 253 ; rises in insurrection against the French, 265; ; English army sent to, 265 ; freed from the French by the Convention of Cintra, 266 ; invaded by the French under Massena (1810), 296; their repulse (1811), 297; deserted by Castle- reagh at the Congress of Vienna (1815). 348. Portuguese Legion, formed by Junot, for the service of France, 253. Posen, province of, taken by Prussia in the second partition of Poland (1793), 122 ; given back to Prussia (1815), 342. _ Potemkin, Gregory Alexandrovitch, Prince, Russian statesman (1736- 1791). 43. 44. 45' 96- Potocki, Stanislas Felix, Polish states- man (1745-1805), 121. Potsdam, treaty of (3 Nov. 1805), 247. Pozzo di Borgo, Charles Andrew, Count, Russian diplomatist (1764- 1842), 301, 337. Praga, suburb of Warsaw, stormed by Suvorov (4 Nov. 1794), 152. Prague, congress of (1813), 311. Prairial, the insurrection of ist, in Paris (1795). 15s. 156. Prefectures, Bonparte's establishment of, in France, 230. Preliminaries of Leoben signed (17 April 1797), 186. Pressburg, treaty of (26 Dec. 1805), 245- Prieur [of the C6te-d Or], Claude Antoine, French statesman (1763- 1832), 133, 134. [of the Marne], Pierre Louis, French statesman (1760-1827), 133. Prince-Bishops of the Holy Roman Empire, 39, 40. Profession de Foi du Vicaire Savoy- ard, Rousseau's, 10. Proposals of Frankfort (1S13), 316, 317- Provera, John Nicholas, Baron, Aus- trian general (1747-1801), 176. Prussia, administrative decay in, 5 ; serfdom in, 5 ; a member of the Triple Alliance, 13 ; condition in 1789, 28-30 ; policy of, 30, 31 ; in- tervention in Holland (1787), 32; influence in the Diet of the Holy Roman Empire, 34 ; position of, in 1789, 84 ; anti-Austrian policy, 84-86 ; alliance with Austria against France (1792), 109; its share in the second partition of Poland (1793), 122 ; in the third partition of Poland (1795), 152; more anti- Austrian than anti-French, 152 ; makes treaty of Basle with the French Republic (1795), 156, 157; Index 41 T becomes protector of North Ger- many, by the conclusion of the hne of demarcation, 170, 171 ; its great increase in importance by the secularisations of 1803, 227 ; neutrahty violated by the French (1805), 244; advantages obtained by its policy of neutrality, 246 ; desires to fight France, 246, 247 ; crushed at Jena, and occupied by the French, 247 ; deprived of its Rhenish Westphalian and Polish provinces (1807), 250; reorganisa- tion of, under Stein and Scharn- horst, 289-291 ; becomes the recog- nised leader of the revived German national spirit, 292; Stein's reforms completed by Hardenberg, 303 ; foundation of the University of Berlin, 303, 304; obliged to allow Napoleon to traverse it, and to send him a contingent (1812), 304 ; rises against the French, 308, 309 ; receives part of Saxony (1815), 341 ; and part of Prussian Poland, 342 ; obtains large Rhenish pro- vmcc, 344 ; gets Swedish Pomer- ania, 347 ; as a result of the period becomes the preponderant German power, 359. See Frederick William II., Fredericli William in. Public Safety, Committee of. See Committee. Pyramids, battle of the (21 July 1798), ^95- . . , Pyrenees, campaigns m the, 133, 140, 144, 150, 151, 315, 316. QuATRE Bras, battle of {16 June 1815). 352- , . Quedlinburg, abbey of, merged m Prussia (1803), 227. Quiberon Bay, defeat of the French imi»r^s at (June 1794), 154- Quinette, Nicolas Marie, Baron, French administrator (1762-1821), RaaI!, battle of (i^ June 1809), 273. Rahaut de Saint-Etiennc, Jean Paul, French politician (1743-93). 5^- Raclawicc, battle of (4 April 1794), 151- , Radet, Kticnne, Baron, French gene- ral (1762-1825), 278. Ragusa, Duke of. See Marmont. Ramel, Jean Pierre, French general (1768-1815), 356. de Nogaret, Jacques, French politician (1760-1819), 182. Rapinat, Jacques, French adminis- trator (1750-1818), 199, 209. Rasomovski, Andrew, Count, after- wards Prince, Russian diplomatist (1751-1836), 323, 337. Rastadt, Congress at, 186, 192, 202. Ratisbon, bishopric of, granted to the Elector of Mayence (1803), 225 ; to the King of Bavaria (1805), 260. a free city of the Holy Roman Empire, where the Imperial Diet met, 35, 225, 257. Reason, the Worship of, in Paris, 141 ; attacked by Danton and Robespierre, 142. Receivers-general of taxes, their establishment under the Consulate, 215- Reden, Baron, Dutch diplomatist (t 1799). 87- Regency, Portuguese, formed (1808), 266. Reggio, duchy of, belonged to the Duke of Modena in 1789, 25 ; merged in the Cisalpine Republic (1797). 192. Duke of. See Oudinot. Regnier, Claude Ambroise, Duke of Massa, French statesman (1736- 1814), 216, 239, 240, 241. Reichenbach, conference, Congress and convention of (June 1790), 87, 88 ; treaty of (17 June 1813), 310. Reichskammcrgcricht. See Tribunal, 'Imperial. Reichstag. .SV^ Diet, Imperial. Reign of Terror in France. See Terror. Rcinhard, Charles Frdderic, Comte, French diplomatist (1761-1837), 210. Renier, Paolo (f 1789), Doge of Venice in 1789, 27. Repnin, Nicholas Vassilievitch, Prince, Russian general (1734- 1801), 44, 96. Retreats, famous military : Moreau's, from Bavaria (1796), 178; Moore's, from Salamanca (1808-09), 269, 270; Napoleon's, from Moscow (1812), 306. 412 European History, 1789-1815 Reubell, Jean Francois, French statesman (1747-1807), 150, 156, 165, 169, 179 181, 191, 209. Reunion, island of (Isle of Bour- bon), restored to France (1815), 348. Reuss, the principalities of, states of the Germanic Confederation (1815), 343. Reuss, Prince Anton von (1738-96), 87. R^veillon, Jean (1796), sack of his house at Paris (June 1789), 56. Revelliere-Lepeaux, Louis Marie de la, French statesman (1753-1824), 165, 171, 181, 182, 209. Revolution, the reasons why it began in France, 7, 8. See France. Revolutionary Propaganda, decreed by the Convention (18 Nov. 1792), 118 ; its effect on the character of the war, 125 ; the decree repealed (16 May 1793), 133; idea adopted by the Hebertists, 141 ; formally abandoned by the Thermidorian Committee of Public Safety, 148, 159- Tribunal. ^6'^ Tribunal. Riz'olutions de Paris, important journal edited by Loustalot, 61. Reynier, Jean Louis Ebenezer, Comte, French general (1771-1814), 256, 296. Rhine, the, declared the natural boundary of France, 157 ; crossed by Moreau (1796), 178 ; by Moreau (1797), 186; by Bliicher (1813), 318. Confederation of the, formed by Napoleon (1806), 245 ; its members, 260, 261 ; replaced by the Germanic Confederation (1815), 342, 343. Ricci, Scipio de. Bishop of Pistoia, Italian statesman (1741-1810), 24, 83- Richelieu, Armand Emmanuel Sophie Septimanie du Plessis, Due de, French statesman (1766-1822), 357. Ried, treaty of (8 Oct. 1813), 313, 314- Riga, besieged by the French under Macdonald (1812), 307. Rivers, stipulations on the navigation of. 349- Riviere, Charles Franfois de Riffar- deau. Marquis, afterwards Due de, French I'migri (1763-1827), 235. Rivoli, battle of (14 Jan. 1797), 176. ■ Duke of. See Massena. Roberjot, Claude, French politician (1753-99). 202. Robespierre, Maximilien Marie Isi- dore de, French statesman (1758- 1794), opposes intervention of France on behalf of Spain (1790), 78 ; moves motion preventing elec- tion of deputies of the Constituent to the Legislative Assembly, 105 ; opposes war with Austria, 105; a leader in the Convention, 117; attacked by Louvet, 117 ; views on the King's trial, 119 ; his struggle with the Girondins, 129 ; member of the Committee of Public Safety, 133 ; his position and character, 134, 135 ; attacks the Hebertists, 142 ; establishes the Worship of the Supreme Being, 146 ; overthrown in Thermidor (1794), 146, 147 ; guillotined, 147. Rochambeau. Jean Baptiste Donatien de Vimeur, Comte de, French general (1725-1807), 107. Rodt, Baron of, Prince-Bishop of Constance in 1789, 39. Roggenbach, Baron Joseph Sigis- mund of, Prince-Bishop of Basle in 1789 (t 1794), 39- Roland de la Platiere, Jean Marie, French administrator (1734-93). no, 112, 114. Manon Jeanne, Madame (1754- 93), her salon, 116. Rolica, battle of (17 Aug. 1808), 265. Romagna, the, part of the Cisalpine Repubhc (1797), 192. Roman Empire, the Holy. See Em- pire. Roman Republic, the, established (1798), 200 ; overthrown (1799), 203. Rome, administration of the Popes at, 24 ; occupied by French troops (1798), 200; evacuated by them, 203 ; annexed by Napoleon (1810), 255 ; declared the second city of the Empire, 277, 278 ; capital of a French department, 283 ; restored to the Pope (1815), 347. Rosas, taken by the French (3 Feb. 1795). 150. 151- Rousseau, Jean Jacques, Genevese philosopher (1712-78), 9, 10, 41,146. Indc:< 413 Roussillon, 130, 140. Ruffo, Alvaro, Commander, after- wards Prince, Neapolitan diplo- matist (ti825), 338, 346. Riigen, island of, belonged to Sweden in 1789, 32. See Pomerania, Swedish. Rumford, Benjamin Thompson, C'ount, Bavarian statesman (1753- 1814). 37- Russia, condition and growth of, under Catherine, 18, 19 ; invaded by the Swedes (178S-90), 45, 95; obtains increase of territory by the treaty of Jassy (1792), 96; her share in the second partition of Poland (1793), 122; in the third partition (1795), 152 ; accession of Paul, 185. 198 ; her intervention in the war with France and its results, 206, 207 ; disapproves of war with Eng- land, 221; murder of Paul (1801), 221; trade of, 234; joins the coali- tion against Napoleon (1805), 242, 243 ; defeated at Eylau, 248 ; and Friedland, 249 ; results, 249 ; cessions made to, by the treaty of Tilsit, 249, 250, 261 ; grumbles at the Continental Blockade, 261, 300; attitude towards Austria (1809), 272 ; annexes Finland, 278, 299, 302 ; its cessions from the Turks in 1812, 281 ; incited by England to war with France, 301 ; invaded by Napoleon (1812), 305, 306; drives out the French, 306 ; its share in the overthrow of Napoleon, 334; its annexations from Poland (1815), 341, 342 ; a result of the period its taking a prominent j^lace in Euro- pean polity, 359, 360. See Alex- ander, Catherine, Paul. Russian Armament, the (1788), 45. Rymnik, battle of the (12 Aug. 1789), 45- Sacilio. battle of (16 April 1809), 273. Safety, Public, Committee of. See Committee. Saint-Aignan, Paul Hippolyte de Fieauvilliers, Marquis dc, French diplomatist (1782-1831), 316. Saint-Andre, Andrd Jeanbon, called, French administrator (1749-1813), 133- Saint- Bernard, the Great, 218. Saint-Bernard, the Little, 151. Saint-Claude, abbey of, in the Jura, 6. Saint-Cloud, the Councils removed to from Paris, 210; Bonaparte's coup d'dlat of 18 Brumaire (1799) at, 211. Saint-Cyr, Laurent Gouvion de. Sec Gouvion. Saint-Gall, the canton of, created by Bonaparte (1803), 228; recognised by the Congress of Vienna (1815), 344- Saint-Gothard, Suv6rov's passage of the (1799), 204. Saint-Helena, Napoleon deported to (181S), 355- Saint-Helens, Alleyne Fitzherbert, Lord. ^^6' Fitzherbert. Saint-Just, Louis Leon Antoine Flor- elle de, French politician (1767-94), 133. 13s. 138. 140, 142, 147- Saint-Lucia, island of, ceded to France (1783), 19; restored to England by the first treaty of Paris (1814), 333 ; by tlie Congress of Vienna (1815), 348. Saint-Marsan, Filippo Antonio Maria Asinari, Marquis de, Italian diplo- matist (1761-1828), 33S. Saint-Ouen, Declaraiion of (2 May 1814). 332, 333- Saint-Petersburg, threatened by the Swedes (1790), 95. Saint-Priest, Guillaume Emmanuel Guignard, Comte de, French imis^ri, Russian general (1776- 1814), 328. Saint-Vincent, battle of (14 I'eb. 1797), 183. Saint-Vincent, Sir John Jervis, Earl. See Jervis. Salamanca, Moore's advance to (1808), 269 ; battle of (22 July 1812), 306. Saliceti, (Jhristophe, French politician (1757-1809), 256. Salkief, circle of, in Poland, ceded to Russia (1807), 261. Salm, petty German principalities (1789), 34; territories in Germany annexed by Na[)oleon (1810), 282. Salm, Constantine Alexander, Prince of (1762-1828), 79. Salomon, Gabriel Rcn6, French poli- tician ((-1792), 60. 414 European History, 1 789- 1 8 1 5 Salzburg, theAi'chbishop of, alternate president of the College of Princes in 1789, 34. Salzburg, archbishopric of, made into an electorate for the Grand Duke Ferdinand of Tuscany (1803), 225, 229; ceded to Bavaria (1809), 257, 274 ; restored to Austria (1815), 344. San Domingo, Bonaparte's attempt to reconquer (1802), 232, Ildefonso, treaty of (19 Aug. 1796), 183. Sebastian, threatened by the French (1794), 144; taken by the French (1795), ^57 1 stormed by Wellington (1813), 315, 316. Saorgio, battle of (29 April 1794), 144. Saragossa, siege of (1809), 275. Sardinia, kingdom of, condition in 1789, 26, 27 , attacked by the French (1792), 117; subsidised by England, 126 ; restored to Victor Emmanuel i., with the addition of Genoa, 346 ; got back Savoy (1815), 354. .St'£ Charles Emmanuel III., Victor Amadeus IV., Victor Emmanuel I., also Nice, Piedmont, Savoy. Savigny, Frederick Charles von, German jurist (1779-1861), 304. Savona, Pope Pius vii. imprisoned at, 278. Savoy, part of the kingdom of Sar- dinia in 1789, 26 ; conquered by the French (1792), 117; annexed to France, 118; ceded by the King of Sardinia (1797), 174 ; made into the department of Mont Blanc, 230 ; left to France (1814), 333 ; restored to the King of Sardinia (1815), 354- Saxe-Coburg, duchy of, a state of the Germanic Confederation (1815), 342. Saalfeld, Prince Francis Josias of. See Coburg, Prince of. Gotha, duchy of, a state of the Germanic Confederation (1815), 343- Hildburghausen, duchy of, a state of the Germanic Confedera- tion (1815), 343. Meiningen, duchy of, a state of the Germanic Confederation (1815), 343- Saxe-Teschen, Duke Albert of, Aus- trian general (1738-1822), 113. Saxe-Weimar, duchy of, 38 ; made a Grand Duchy and a state of the Germanic Confederation (1815), 34 2. See Charles Augustus. Saxony, electorate of, its condition in 1789, 38 ; receives Lower Lusatia, and made a kingdom (1806), 259; a state of the Confederation of the Rhine, 260; invaded bySchill(i8o9), 293 ; occupied by Napoleon (1813), 309 ; proposition to merge it in Prussia rejected (1814), 339, 340; part of, ceded to Prussia (1815), 341 ; a state of the Germanic Con- federation (1815), 342. See Freder- ick Augustus. Schaffhausen, Thm-gau, separated from the canton of, by Bonaparte (1803), 228. Scharnhorst, Gerard David von, Prus- sian general (1755-1813), reorgan- ised the Prussian army, 290, 291, 308 ; mortally wounded at Liitzen, 309- Scheldt, navigation of the, declared free by the National Convention, 118. Scherer, Barthelemy Louis Joseph, French general (1747-1804), 173, 190, 202, 203. Schill, Friedrich, Prussian officer (1773-1809), 293. Schiller, Johann Christoph Friedrich, German poet (1759-1805), 9, 38. Schimmelpenninck, Roger John, Count, Dutch statesman (1761- 1825), 254. Schleiermacher, Ernst Friedrich, Ger- man philosopher (1779-1834), 304. Schlieffen, Friedrich von, Prussian general (t 1791). 63, 65, 94, 95- Schonbrunn, treaty of (15 Feb. 1806), 247. Schonfeld, Wilhelm Christoph von, Prussian general (f 1797), 65, 93. Schulenburg, Friedrich Wilhelm. Count von, Prussian scatesman (1730-1802), 126. Albert, Count von, Saxon diplomatist (1772-1853), 338. Schulz, pastor of Gielsdorf, the case of, 10. Schwai"tzberg, two principalities of. Index 415 recognised as states of the Germanic Confederation (1815), 343. Schwartzenberg, Prince Charles Philip von, Austrian general (1771-1820), 294. 305. 312, 313, 318, 319, 320, 328. 329, 350, 353- Schweitz, canton of Switzerland, main- tained by Bonaparte (1803), 228. Seance Royale, held by Louis xvi. (23 June 1789), 54. Sebastian!, Francois Horace Bastien, Comte, French general (1772-1851), 275. 280. Secularisation of the ecclesiastical states of the Empire proposed by France, 170 ; agreed to at Luneville (1801), 220; its tendency, 226 ; carried out (1803), and its effects, 226, 227. Security, General, Committee of. Sec Committee. Selim III., Sultan of the Ottoman Turks {1761-1808), 44, 88, 89, 96, 280, 281. Senate of France, established by the Constitution of the Year viii., its functions, 214 ; given power to dis- solve the Tribunate and Legislative Body (1803), 232 ; offers the title of Emperor to Napoleon (1804), 236; its position under the Empire, 240, 284; appoints a Provisional Govern- ment (1814), 330; declares Napo- leon dethroned, 331. Serfdom in Europe in the i8th cen- tury, 5, 6 ; abolished in Hungary by Joseph II., 16 ; the Russian peasant partly protected from, by his village organisation, 19 ; prevalent in Prus- sia, 29, 30 ; abolished in Denmark (1788), 32; abolishedin Baden(i783), 37 ; its existence a cause of the fail- ure of the Poles to maintain their independence, 152 ; disappeared from Central Europe under the in- fluence of the French Revolution and Napoleon, 288, 289 ; abolished in Prussia by Stein, 290 ; its general abolition a permanent result of the period, 361. Sdrurier, Jean Mathieu Philibert, French general (1742-1819), App. iv. Scrvan, Joseph, French general (1741- 1808), 114. Servia, conquered by the Austrians under Loudon (1789), 45 ; indepen- dence recognised by the Turks (1812), 281. Shumla, 281. Sicily, not much affected by Tanucci's reforms, 23 ; held by the English for Ferdinand IV., 256, 264. Sidmouth, Henry Addington, Vis- count. See Addington. Sieges : Acre (1799), 208 ; Alessandria (1799), 203, 204; Ale.xandria(i8oi), 224 ; Almeida (1811), 296 ; Antvi-erp (1814), 321 ; Badajoz (1812), 306 ; Bayonne (1814), 316, 321 ; Bender (1789), 45; Burgos(i8i2), 307; Cadiz (1810-12), 296, 297; Cairo (1801), 224; Ciudad Rodrigo (1812), 306 ; Conde (1793), 130; Dantzic (1806-7), 248, 249; Dantzic (1813-14), 319 ; Dun- kirk (1793), 130, 140; Gaeta(i8o7), 256; Genoa (1799-1800), 205, 206, 218 ; Giurgevo (1790), 88 ; Hamburg (1813-14), 319. 320 ; Lsmail (1789- 90), 45, 96; Landau (1793), 140; LeQuesnoy (1793), 130; Lille (1792), 114, 118; Lyons (1793). 131. 140; Magdeburg (1813-14), 319 ; Mantua (1796-97), 175, 176; Mantua (1799), 203; Maubeuge (1793), 140; May- ence (1793), 130 ; Mayence (1795), 172; Mayence (1797), 193; Ocha- kov (1788), 43, 44; Orsova (1789- 90). 45, 88 ; Pampeluna (1813), 316; Riga (1812), 307 ; San Sebastian (1813), 315, 316 ; Saragossa (1809), 275 ; Stettin (1813-14), 319; Tarra- gona (1812), 307; Toulon (1793), 140; Valenciennes (1793), 130; Warsaw (1794), 151, 152. Siena, 24, 283. Sicyis, Emmanuel Joseph, Comte, French statesman (1748-1836), 53, 54, 60, 150, 156, 159, 165, 166, 182, 197, 209, 219, 211, 213, 357. Silesia, the Prussian Army of, formed under BlUclier (1813), 309 ; defeated the French at the Katzbach, 319 ; crosses the Rliine, 318 : cut to pieces by Napoleon, 319. Silistria, taken by Kutuzov (181 1), 281. Sim(5on, Joseph Jerome, Comte, French administrator (1749-1842), 259. Sistova, congress of (1790-91), 88 ; treaty of (4 Aug. 1791), 89. Slave trade, the Negro, condemned by the Congress of Vienna at the 4i6 European History, 1789- i8i 5 demand of Castlereagh (1815), 348, 349. Smith, Sir William Sidney, English admiral (1764-1840), 145, 208. Smolensk, 305, 306. Socialism opposed even by the Heb- ertists, 141. Solem-e, canton of Switzerland, main- tained by Bonaparte (1803), 228. Soltikov, Ivan, Count, Russian general (1736-1805), 43. Some Sierra, Napoleon forces the pass of the (1808), 269. Sotin de la Coindiere, Pierre, French administrator (1764-1810), Minister of Police (1797), 190. Soult, Nicolas Jean de Dieu, Duke of Dalmatia, French general (1769- 1851), 269, 270, 275, 296, 297, 315, 316, 321, 332, App. iv. Sovereignty of the people, the doc- trine of, 2. Spain, allied to France by the Pacte de Famille, 14 ; its condition in 1789, 20, 21; the reforms of Aranda, 21 ; demands the help of France against England in the Nootka Sound affair (1790), 78 ; declares war against France (1793), 119; subsidised by England, 126 ; in- vades France, 130 ; defeated by the French (1794), 140 ; invaded by the French (1795), 144; weary of the war with France, 154 ; makes peace with France at Basle (1795), 157 ", makes alliance with France at San Ildefonso, and attacks Eng- land, 183 ; fleet defeated off Cape St. Vincent (1797), 183; Bonaparte's communications with, 223 ; attacks Portugal, and gets Olivenza by the treaty of Badajoz (1801), 223 ; cedes Louisiana to France, 232 ; agrees at Fontainebleau for the partition of Portugal, 252, 253 ; course of poli- tics in, 266, 267 ; Napoleon makes Joseph Bonaparte king of (1808), 267 ; the Spanish people rise against the French, 267, 268 ; Napoleon in Spain, 268-70 ; the guerilla war against the French, 297 ; evacuated bythe French(i8i3), 315 ; lost Trinidad, but kept Ohven- za at the Congress of Vienna (i8i.j- 15), 348 ; reactionary policy of Fer- dinand VII. in (1815), 358. See Charles IV., Ferdinand vii., Joseph, Peninsular War. Spanish Armament, the (1790), 78. Spielmann, Anton, Baron von, Aus- trian diplomatist (+1738 - 1813), Austrian representative at Reichen- bach (1790), 87. Spires, Bishop of, an ecclesiasti- cal Prince of the Holy Roman Empire, 34 ; and one of the Princes holding largest fiefs in Alsace, 79- bishopric of, the portion on the right bank of the Rhine merged in Baden (1803), 227. city of, taken by Custine (1792), 118. Spliigen pass, forced by Macdonald (1800), 219. Stablo, Abbot of, an ecclesiastical Prince of the Holy Roman Empire, 34- Stackelberg, Gustavus, Count von, Russian diplomatist (■[■1825), 337. Stadion, John Philip Charles Joseph, Count, Austrian statesman (1763- 1824), tried to rouse Germany against Napoleon, 270, 271; suc- ceeded by iVIetternich (1809), 275; inspired by Gentz, 292 ; Austrian plenipotentiary at Chatillon (1814), 323- Staps, Friedrich (1792-1809), schemed to assassinate Napoleon, 293. State, doctrine of the, 4, 292. States of the Church. See Papal States. States-General of France, summoned (1788), 43; a financial e.xpedient, 49, 50 ; the elections to, 50, 51 ; struggle between the Orders, 52, 53 ; declares itself the National Assembly, 53. See Constituent Assembly. Stein, Henry Frederick Charles, Freiherr vom, Prussian statesman (1757-1831), a Knight of the Em- pire, 40 ; his reforms in Prussia, 290 ; dismissed by Napoleon's orders, 291 ; pressed Ale.xander to war with Napoleon, 301 ; his work completed by Hardenberg, 303 ; at the Russian headquarters (1812), 304 ; summoned the Estates of Prussia at Konigsberg, 308 ; his idea of rousing a German national Index 4U spirit abandoned by the allied monarchs (1813), 310; present at the Congress of Vienna, 337. Stephanie Tascher de la Pageric (1789-1860) married to the Heredi- tary Grand Duke of Baden (i8o6), 258. Stettin, French garrison left in (1S13), 308 ; besieged (1813-14), 319- Stewart, Hon. Sir Charles, afterwards Lord, English general and diplo- matist (1778-1854), 301, 323, 337. Robert, Viscount Castlereagh. See Castlereagh. Stockach, battle of (25 March 1799), 202. Stralsund, taken by the French (1807), 250. Strasbourg, Archishop of, an ecclesi- astical Prince of the Holy Roman Empire, 34 ; one of chief Princes of the Empire in Alsace, 79. archbishopric of, the portion on the right bank of the Rhine ceded to Baden (1803)', 227. -Stuart, Hon. Sir Charles, English general (1753-1801), 184, 195. Sir John, English general (1762- 1810), 256. Siuttgart, 37, 38, 178. Suchet, ■ Louis Gabriel, Duke of Albufera, French general (1770- 1826), 275, 297, 307, 315, App. iv. Sudermania, Duke of Sec Charles xiii., King of Sweden. Supreme Being, Worship of the, established by Robespierre (1794), 146. Suspects, Law of the, 137. Suv6rov, Alexander Vassilivitch, Count, afterwards Prince, Russian general (1729-1800), gallantry at the sicgeof OchAkov (1788), 44 ; defeats the Turks at Foksany and the Rymnik (1789), 45 ; stormed Ismail, andservcd at Matchin (1790-91), 96; defeated the Poles at Zielence and Dubienka (1792), 121, 122; de- feated Kosciuszko at Maciejowice, and took Warsaw (1794), 152 ; de- feats the French at Cassano and the Trebbia, and conquers North- ern Italy (1799), 203; defeats Joubert at Novi, and crosses the Alps, 204 ; repulsed by the French, PERIOD VII. 205 ; accuses the Austrians of causing his failure, 207. Svenska Sound, battle of {9 July 1790), 95- Swabia, part ceded to Bavaria, 245 ; part to Wiirtemburg, 258. Sweden, its condition in 1789, 32, 33 ; at war with Russia and Den- mark, 45, 46; makes peace with the Danes (1789,) 46; the co7/p d'dtat of Gustavus iii. (1789), 46; peace with Russia, 95, 96 ; death of Gustavus III., no; neutral in the war against France, 120, 124, 171 ; loses Pomerania and Finland, 250, 254 ; revolution in, and de- thronement of Gustavus IV. (1809), 278, 279 ; Bernadotte elected Prince Royal (1810), 279; exchanges Pomerania for Norway by the treaty of Kiel (1814), 320; cession of Norway confirmed by the Con- gress of Vienna (1815), 347. Sec Bernadotte, Charles xiii., Gusta- vus III., Gustavus IV. Switzerland, its condition in 1789, 41 ; its neutrality in t!ie war against France, 120, 125, 171 ; headc[uar- ters of French diplomacy, 156 ; and of the dmigrds diplomacy, 166, 167 ; revolution of 1798, 198, 199 ; in- vaded by the French and the Helvetian Republic formed, 199 ; Massena's campaign in (1799), 204, 205 ; reorganised by Bonaparte as the Confederation of Switzerland (1803), 228, 229; neutrality of, violated by the allies (1814), 318; independence and neutrality gua- ranteed by the treaty of Paris (1814), 334 ; reorganised, and given a fresh constitution by the Congress of Vienna (1815), 34^, 345- Syria, Bonaparte s campaign in (1799), 208. Tagliamento, Bonaparte forces the passage of the (16 March 1797), 185, 186. Talavera, battle of (27 July 1809), 27S-,'- T^eyrand-lV'rigord, Ciiarles Maurice dc, liishop of Autun, afterwards Prince of Bencvento, French states- man (1754-1838), consecrates the 2 D 4i8 European History, 1 7 1 9- 1 8 1 5 Constitutional bishops in France (1790), 70 ; appointed Foreign Minister (1797), and advocated the coup d'dtat of 18 Fructidor, 190 ; resigned (1799), 210 ; advised Bonaparte to xhQ coup d'itatoi 18 Brumaire, 210 ; Foreign Minister under the Consulate, 216 ; Grand Chamberlain of the Empire, 239 ; Foreign Minister under the Empire, 241 ; created Prince of Benevento, 277 ; his policy after the defeat of Napoleon in 1814, 329, 330 ; President of the Provisional Go- vernment of France, 330 ; gets the Bourbons accepted, 331 ; negotiates the first treaty of Paris, 333 ; French plenipotentiary at the Con- gress of Vienna (1814-15), 338 ; his masterly attitude, 338, 339 ; signs treaty with Austria and England against Russia and Prussia (3 Jan. 1815), 340 ; dismissed by Louis XVIII. (1815), 357. Fallien, Jean Lambert, French poli- tician (1769-1820), 166. Talma, Francois Joseph, French actor (1763-1826), 262. Tanucci, Bernardo, Marquis, Italian statesman (1698-1783), 4, 23. Taranto, Duke of. Sec Macdonald. Targovitsa, Confederation of, asks Catherine's aid to overthrow the Polish Constitution of 1791, 121. Tarragona, English failure before (1812), 307. Tauroggen, convention of (1812), 308. Temeswar, the Banat of, invaded by the Turks (1788), 43. Tennis Court, Oath of the (20 June 1789). 54- Terror, the Reign of, weapons of, forged, 128 ; Robespierre deemed the author of, 135, 147 ; the system of, 135-138 ; the deputies on mis- sion, 136, 137 ; revolutionary tri- bunal, 137, 138 ; the Terror in the provinces, 138, 139 ; excused by France because of the success of the Committee of Public Safety against the foreign foes, 14 1 ; Dan- ton believed it too stringent, 143 ; rose to its height (June-July 1794), 145, 146 ; system abandoned, 148. the White, in France (1815), 356. 357- Tetterborn, Baron von, Russian general (ti836), 308. Teutonic Order, the, suppressed by Hardenberg in Prussia, 303. Texel, Dutch fleet in the, captured by French hussars (1795), 149 ; blockaded by the English fleet, 184, 193 ; defeated in the battle of Camperdown(i797), 194; captured by the English (1799), 205. Theophilanthropy, new religion started in France, 181, 182. Thermidor, overthrow of Robespierre on the 9th, 147. Thermidorians, rule of the, 148, 149, 154-157 ; their foreign policy, 156, 157- Thompson, Benjamin, Count Rum- ford. See Rumford. Thorn, promised to Prussia by the Poles (1790), 85; but not surren- dered (1791), 87 ; obtained by Prussia at the second partition of Poland (1793), 122 ; restored to Prussia by the Congress of Vienna (1815), 342, Thouret, Jacques Guillaume, French politician (1746-94), 100. Thugut, Franz Maria, Baron, Aus- trian statesman (1734-1818), be- comes Austrian Foreign Minister, 126 ; his policy, 153, 154 ; in favour of continuing the war with France, 169 ; delayed the treaty of Campo- Formio as long as he could, 192 ; retired from office, 220. Thurgau, canton of, formed by Bona- parte (1803), 228 ; recognised by the Congress of Vienna (1815), 344- Thuriot de la Roziere, Jacques Alexis, French politician (1758-1829), 133. Thurn and Taxis, Prince of, as Im- perial Commissary, summoned the Diet of the Empire (1792), 108. Ticino, canton of, formed by Bona- parte (1803), 228 ; recognised by the Congress of Vienna (1815), 344. Tiers -Etat, Order of the, in the States - General, its struggle with the privileged Orders, 51. 53 I de- clares itself the National Assembly, 53- Tiilot, Guillaume Leon du. Marquis of Fehno, Italian statesman (1711- 1774). 25- Index 4T9 Tilsit, llie meeting of Napoleon and Alexander at, 249, 250 ; the treaty of (7 July 1807), 250. Tirlemont, 48, 64. Titles abolished in France by the Constituent Assembly, 60. Tloczow, circle of, ceded to Russia (1807), 26. Tobac, battle of (1789), 45. Tobago, ceded by England to France (1783), ig ; ceded to England by the treaty of Paris (1814), 333 ; cession recognised by the Congress of Vienna, 348. Tolentino, treaty of (19 Feb. 1797), 177 ; battle of (3 May 1815), 346- Toleration, Napoleon insists on re- ligious, in Europe, 289. Toplitz, treaty of (9 Sept. 1813), 313- Torgaii ceded by Saxony to Prussia (1815). 341- Torres Vedras, Massena repulsed from the lines of (1810), 296. Torlona, fortress of, built by Victor Amadeus in., 27. Toulon, 139, 140. Toulouse, battle of (10 April 1814), 332. Trafalgar, battle of (21 Oct. 1805), 244, 245. Trautmannsdorf, Count .'\lbert von, Austrian statesman (1749- 1817), 47. 64. Treaties: Amiens (1802), 225 ; Bada- joz (1801), 223; Bartenstein (1807), 248 ; Basle (1795), 156, 157 ; Bucha- rest (1812), 281 ; Campo-Formio (1797), 192, 193; Chaumont (1814), 327, 328 ; Fontaincbleau (1807), 252, 253; Ghent (1814), 341; Jassy (1792I 96; Kalisch (1813), 308; Kiel (1814), 320; Luneville (1801), 219, 220; Paris, Provisional (1814), 331, 332; Paris, First (1814), 333, 334; Paris, Second (1815), 353, 354 ; Pfaffenhofen (1796), 180 ; Potsdam (1805), 247 ; Pressburg (1805), 245 ; Reichenbach (1813), 310; Ried (1813). 313, 314; San Udefonso (1796), 183 ; Schcinbrunn (1806), 247 ; of 3 Jan. 1815, secret, 341; of 1756, II, 12, 19; Sistova (1791), 89; Tilsit (1807), 250; Tolentino (1797), 177 ; Toplitz (1813), 313; Verela (1790), 95, 96; Versailles (1783), 13, 19, 28 ; Vienna (1809), 274 ; Vienna (1815), 3^0 ; Warsaw (1790). 85. Trebbia, battle of the (17-19 June 1799), 203. Treilhard, Jean Baptiste, Ccmte, French statesman (1742-1810), 148, 166, 195, 209. Trent, Macdonald joined by Brune at (1800), 219. bishopric of, granted to Austria (1803), 226. Treves, the Archbishop of, an Elector in 1789, 34 ; one of the chief Princes of the Empire, with fiefs in Alsace, 79 ; electorate abolished (1803), 225. city of, taken by the Frencli (1795), 150 ; capital of a French department, 230. electorate of, well governed in 1789, 40 ; conquered by the French under Moreaux (1795), 150; ceded to France, 193, 225 ; given to Prussia (1815). 344- Treviso, Duke of. See Mortier. Tribunal, the Imperial, of the Holy Roman Empire (Reichskanimer- gericht), 35. the Revolutionary, of Paris, established (March 1793), 128 ; its powers and effect, 137 ; its system of work, 138 ; its powers increased (June 1794), 146, 147 ; condemns Carrier, 149. Tribunate, formed by the Constitu- tion of the Year viii. , its functions, 214 ; reduced to fifty members (1805), 240 ; suppressed (1808), 284. Trieste ceded to Napoleon (1809), 274. Trinidad, island of, taken by the English (1797), 264 ; ceded to Eng- land by the Congress of Vienna (1815), 348. Triple Alliance, the, of England, Holland, and Prussia, formed 1788, 13. 32. Tronchct, Fran9ois Denis, French jurist (1726-1806), 215. Truguct, Laurent Jean Francois, Comte, French admiral (1752- 1839), 166, 190. Tudcla, battle of (23 Nov. iSo8), 269. 420 European History, 1789-1815 Tuileries, Palace at Pafis, 62, 99, 100, 112, 113, 129, 155, 164, 165. Turin, observatory at, built by Victor Amadeus III., 26; threatened by Bonaparte (1796), 174 ; occupied by Suvorov (1799), 203. Turkey, travelling to decay, 14 ; Joseph declares war against, x-j ; campaign of 1788 against the Rus- sians and Auslrians, 43, 44; acces- sion of Sultan Selim (1789), 44 ; campaign of 1789, 45 ; Prussia negotiates with, 45, 85 ; campaign of 1790 against the Austrians, 88 ; treaty of Sistova (1791), 89; cam- paign of 1790-91 against the Rus- sians, 96 ; treaty of Jassy (1792), 96 ; looked with favour on the French Revolution, 171 ; defeated by Bonaparte in Syria and Egypt (1799), 208 ; French army in Illyria to threaten, 256 ; its general policy (1796-1807), 280; revolution in, and accession of Mahmoud (1807- 08), 280, 281 ; war with Russia (1809-12), 281 ; treaty of Bucharest (1812), 281. See Abdul Hamid, Mahmoud, Mustapha, Selim. Turreau, Louis Marie, Baron, French general (1756-1816), 141. Tuscany, its prosperity under the Grand Duke Leopold, 24, 25 ; de- clares war against France (1793), 120 ; makes peace with France, 157, 171 ; occupied by the French (1799), 200; evacuated by them, 203 ; restored to the Grand Duke Ferdinand (1800), 206 ; made into the kingdom of Etruria (1801), 220; annexed to Napoleon's Empire (1808), 255 ; Elisa Bonaparte, Grand Duchess of, 283 ; restored to Fer- dinand (1815), 347. See Ferdinand II., Leopold. Two Sicilies, kingdom of the. See Naples. Tyrol, the opposition to Joseph's re- forms in, 15 ; Joseph suspends his edicts, 66; pacified by Leopold (1790), 84 ; invaded by Bonaparte (1797), 186; by Macdonald (1800), 219 ; ceded to Bavaria (1805), 245 ; Hofer's insurrection in (1809), 273, 274 ; restored to Austria by i3avaria (1815), 344. Ulm, 35, 243, 244. United States of America, 145, 159, 160, 242, 341. Universities : Berlin, 303, 304 ; Bonn, 40 ; Cracow, 105 ; Gottingen, 39 ; Jena, 38 ; Mannheim, 37 ; Milan, 26 ; Parma, 25 ; Pavia, 26 ; Pisa, 24 ; Siena, 24. University of France founded by Napoleon, its constitution, 288. Unterwalden, canton of Switzerland maintained by Bonaparte (1803), 228. Unzmarkt, battle of (22 March 1797), 186. Uri, a canton of Switzerland, 41, 228. Vadier, Marc Guillaume Alexis, French politician (1736-182S), 149, 155- Valais, the, declared an independent Republic (1803), 228 ; annexed by Napoleon (1810), 283 ; made a canton of Switzerland by the Con- gress of Vienna (1815), 345. Valence, Pope Pius vi. dies at (1798), 203. Valencia,' taken by Moncey (1809), 275- Valenciennes, taken by the English and Austrians (1793), 130. Valmy, battle of (20 Sept. 1792), 115. Duke of. See Kellermann. Valsarno, battle of (26 Oct. 181 3), 315- Vancouver Island, theaffair of Nootka Sound (1790), 77, 78 ; the Spaniards claim, 79. Vandamme, Dominique Rene, Comte, French general (1770- 1830), 309, 312, 313- Van der Mersch, John Andrew, Bel- gian general (1734-92), 48, 64, 93- Van der Noot, Henry Charles Nicho- las, Belgian statesman (1735-1827), 48, 64, 65, 92, 93, 94. Vandernootists or Statists, Belgian political party, 47, 48, 92, 93. Van der Spiegel, John, Baron, Dutch statesman. Grand Pensionary of Holland, 65, 93. Varennes, the flight of Louis xvi. and Marie Antoinette from Paris (June 1791), stopped at, loo. Index 421 Vauchamps, battle of (14 Feb. 1814), 319- Vaud, Pays de, revolts against Berne (1798), 199; made an independent canton of Switzerland by Bonaparte (1803), 228 ; recognised by the Congress of Vienna (1815), 344. Venaissin, the county of the, 76, 333, 354- Vendee, La, the insurrection ni, 128, 130, 131, 141, 143, 180, 181, 215. Vendemiaire, the insurrection of 13th (5 Oct. 1795), in Paris, 164, 165. Venice, condition of the Republic in 1789, 27 ; remained neutral in the war against the French Republic, 124 ; promised to Austria in ex- change for Lombardy at Leoben, 186 ; occupied by Bonaparte (1797). 191, 192 ; ceded the Ionian Islands to France, 192 ; ceded to Austria by the Treaty of Campo-Formio (1797), 192 ; conclave met at (1799), 206; occupied by Brune (1800), 219 ; ceded to Austria by the Treaty of Luneville (1801), 220; ceded to the kingdom of Italy by the Treaty of Pressburg (1805), 245, 255 ; granted to Austria by the Congress of Vienna (1815), 347. Verdun, taken by the Prussians (1792), 114, 115. Verela, treaty of (14 Aug. 1790), 95, 96. Vergniaud, Pierre Victurnien, French politician (1753-93), ^o^- ^'^4' ^'^• 129. Verona, belonged to Venice in 1789, 27 ; punished by Bonaparte for the murder .of French soldiers (1796), 191 ; Scherer attacked at, 202. Versailles, the States-General meets at (May 1789), 51 ; invaded by the women of Paris (5 Oct. 1789), 62. the treaty of (1783), 13, 19, 28. Veto, the cjuestion of the, in the Con- stituent Assembly, 61. Vicenza, Duke of. See Caulaincourt. Victor Amadeus iii.. King of Sar- dinia (1726-96), 26, 27, 63, 117, 126, 173. 174- Emmanuel i.. King of Sardinia (1759-1824), 346, 354. Victor Claude Perrin, called, French general (1764-1S41), 269, 275, 276, 297, App. iv. Vienna, the inscription on the Em- peror Joseph's statue at, 66 ; Berna- dotte insulted at (1798), 198 ; the French approach (1801), 219 ; occu- pied by Napoleon (1805), 244 ; and (1809), 273 ; treaty of (1809), 274 ; and (181S), 350. the Congress of, 336, 350, 337, 338, 340, 341, 342, 343, 344, 345, 347. 348, 349- Vieux Cordelier, the, 142, 143. Villeneuve, Pierre Charles Jean Baptiste Silvestre de, French ad- miral (1763-1806), 242, 244, 245. Vimeiro, battle of (21 Aug. 1808), 265, 266. Vins, Charles, Baron de, Austrian general (f 1794), 88. \'irtue, Reign of, Robespierre's belief in a, 146. Visconti, Ennius Quirinus, Italian antiquary (1751-1818), 24. Vittoria, taken by the French (1795), 151 ; battle of (21 June 1813), 315. Volhynia, province of, ceded to Russia at the second partition of Poland (1793), 122. Volta, Alessandro, Italian man of science (1745-1827), 26. Voltaire, Franfois Marie, Arouct de, French philosopher (1694-1778), 6, 9- Vonck, Francis, Belgian politician (1752-1797), 48, 93. Vonckists, Belgian political party, 48, 65, 92, 93. Vyborg, the Swedish fleet blockaded in the Gulf of (1790), 95. VVagkam, battle of (6 July 1809), 274. VValcheren, the English expedition to (1809), 276. Waldeck, principality of, a state of the Germanic Confederation (1815), 343- Prince Christian Augustus of, Austrian general (1744-98), 184. Wallachia, invaded by the Austriaiis (1789), 45; conquered by the Rus- sians (1810), 281. Warsaw, treaty made at, between the Poles and Prussia (29 Marcli 1790' 85; occupied by Kosciuszko( 1794 422 European History, 1 789- 1 8 1 5 151 ; besieged by the Prussians, 151 ; taken by the Russians, 152 ; ceded to Prussia (1795), 152 ; Napoleon enters (1807), 248 ; given to Russia by the Congress of Vienna (1815), 342. Warsaw, Grand Duchy of, founded by Napoleon (1807), 259, 261 ; West- ern Galicia ceded to, by Austria (1809), 274; dissolved (1815), 342. Waterloo, battle of (18 June 1815), 353- Watteville, Nicholas Rodolphe de, Swiss statesman (1760-1832), 228. Wattignies, battle of (16 Oct. 1793), 140. Weimar, headquarters of the German literary movement, 38. See Saxe- Weimar. Wellesley, Hon. Sir Arthur, Duke of Wellington. See Wellington. Richard, Marquis, English statesman (1760-1842), 295. Wellington, Arthur Wellesley, Duke of, English general (1769-1852), defeated the Danish army at Kioge (1807), 252 ; sent to Portugal (1808), 265 ; defeats the French at Roli9a and Vimeiro, 265, 266 ; re- called, 266 ; again sent to Portugal (1809), 275; takes Oporto, 275; defeats the French at Talavera, 275, 276 ; forms the Anglo-Portu- guese army, 296 ; campaign of 1810, 1811, 296, 297 ; campaign of 1812 and victory of Salamanca, 306; wins battle of Vittoria (1813), 315 ; invades France, and wins battles of the Nivelle and the Nive (1813), 316 ; wins battle of Orthez (1814), 321 ; his attitude towards the Due d'Angouleme, 326, 327 ; defeats Soult at Toulouse, 332 ; succeeds Castlereagh as English plenipotentiary at the Congress of Vienna (1815), 341, 349; signs the treaty of Vienna, 350 ; takes com- mand of the allied armies in Bel- gium, 352 ; defeats Napoleon at Waterloo, 353. Werden, abbey of, merged in Prussia (1803), 227. Wessenberg - Ampfingen, J o h a n n Philip, Baron von, Austrian diplo- matist (1773-1858), 337. West India Islands, the French, taken by the English, 154 ; restored at the Peace of Amiens (1802), 232 ; recaptured (1809), 264 ; restored except Saint- Lucia and Tobago (1815), 348. Westphalia, kingdom of, formed by Napoleon (1807), 250; its limits, 258 ; administration, 258, 259 ; member of the Confederation of the Rhine, 260. Wetzlar, seat of the Imperial Tri- bunal of the Empire, 35 ; taken by Hoche (1796), 186; merged in the electorate of Mayence (1803), 225. White Terror in France in 1815, 356, 357- Wickham, William, English diplo- matist (1768-1845), i56, 167, 182. Widdin, the Pasha of, defeated at Foksany (1789), 45. Wieland, Christoph Martin, German poet (1733-1813), 38. William v.. Prince of Orange, and Stadtholder of the United Nether- lands (1748-1806), 31, 32, 149, 179, 227. VI., Prince of Orange, and I. King of the Netherlands (1772- 1843), 314, 320, 321, 344. Prince Royal, afterwards King, of Wiirtemburg (1781-1864), 337. IX., Landgrave, afterwards Elector and Grand Duke of Hesse- Cassel (1743-1821), 6, 38, 157, 225, 227, 250, 258, 337 ; made a Grand Duke and member of the Germanic Confederation (1815), 342. Prince, of Prussia, afterwards German Emperor (1797-1888), 337. Wilson, Sir Robert Thomas, English general (1777-1849), 301. Wintzingerode, Ferdinand, Baron, Russian general (1770-1818), 319, 320, 328, 338. Wissembourg, lines of, stormed by the Austrians (1793), 139. Wittenberg, ceded to Prussia by Saxony (1815), 341. Wittgenstein, Louis Adolphus Peter, Prince of Sayn-, Russian general (1769-1843), 309, 309. Wolf, Frederick Augustus, German scholar (1759-1824), 304. Index 423 Wolkonski, Nicholas, Piince Repnin- Russian general (1778-1845), 337. Worms, Bishop of, an ecclesiastical Prince of the Holy Roman Empire, 34 ; one of the chief princes in Alsace, 79. city of, headquarters of Conde's army of French ^w/^fra, 106; taken by Custine, 118. Worship of Reason at Paris (1793), 411. of the Supreme Being, 146. Wrede, Charles Philip, Prince von. Bavarian general (1767-1838), 338. Wiirmser, Dagobert Sigismund, Count, Austrian general (1724-97), 40, 130, 139, 140, 17s, 176. \\'urteniburg, duchy of, condition in 1789, 37, 38 ; invaded by Moreau (1796), 180; made an electorate (1803), 225; receives extension of territory, 227 ; invaded by Napoleon (1805), 244 ; made a kingdom (1806), 245 ; receives Austrian Swabia, 258 ; state of the Con- federation of the Rhine, 260 ; of the Germanic Confederation (1815), 342. See Charles Eugene, Frede- rick, Frederick Eugene. Vi'iirtzburg, Bishop of, an ecclesias- tical Prince of the Holy Roman Empire, 35. Wiirtzburg, bishopric of, merged in Bavaria (1803), 227 ; exchanged for Salzburg (1809), and made a Grand Duchy, 260 ; a state of the Con- federation of the Rhine, 260. city of, taken by Jourdan (1796), 177. York, Frederick, Duke of, English general (1763-1827), 39, 127, 130, 140, 205. von Wartenburg, John David Louis, Count, Prussian general (1759-1830), 308. Zettin, taken by the Austria ns (1790), 88. Zielence, battle of (18 June 1792), 122. Zubov, Prince Plato, Russian states- man (1767-1822), 221. Zug, canton of Switzerland, main- tained by Bonaparte (1803), 228. Zurich, battle of (26 Sept. 1799), 204. canton of Switzerland, main- tained by Bonaparte (1803), 228; made one of the presiding cantons of the Helvetian Diet (1815), 345. Zwei-briicken. Sec Deux-Ponts. MAPS. Map I. Europe in 1789. „ 2. Europe in 1803. „ 3. Europe in 18 10. „ 4. Europe in 18 15. These maps are intended to show the limits of the principal states of Europe at the beginning of 1789, after the rearrangement in 1803, at the height of Napoleon's power in 18 10, and accoiding to the settlement made by the Congress of Vienna in 181 5. The same colouring has been preserved through the series of maps in order that the boundaries of each country may be com- pared at these different dates. The red line in Map i marks the boundary of the Holy Roman Empire. The area in Germany left uncoloured— in all four maps— was occupied by various states too small in size to be indicated by colours. ,.<^ =elon^ L*iJ<»Vc f^ iR This book is DUE on the last date stamped below JUN 9 1347 ]:::. ) 1947 01^ 4 !8§1 i m - '^ ^^^^ DEC 2 8 195^ "JAN 5 1» DE n7l968 5m-6,'41(3644) XJNlVfciKSli Y of GAUi