LIBRARY UNIVERSITY 'OF CALIFORNIA. Class COLLEGE HISTORIES CAMBRIDGE ST. JOHN'S COLLEGE VIEW BY LOGO AN (c. 1688) [Frontispiece Bntbet*tt of otamfittirge COLLEGE HISTORIES ST. JOHN'S COLLEGE BY JAMES BASS MULLINGER, M.A. LECTURER AND LIBRARIAN OP THE COLLEGE AND LECTURER IN HISTORY TO THE UNIVERSITY OF THE ( UNIVERSITY } LONDON R E. ROBINSON & CO. 20 GREAT RUSSELL STREET, BLOOMSBURY 1901 UF -, TO PROFESSOR JOHN EYTON BICKERSTETH MAYOR TO WHOM ST. JOHN'S COLLEGE THE UNIVERSITY OF CAMBRIDGE AND LEARNING AND LITERATURE AT LARGE ARE ALIKE UNDER INNUMERABLE OBLIGATIONS THIS VOLUME IS GRATEFULLY INSCRIBED BY THE AUTHOR I2G071 I PREFACE THE History of the College of St. John the Evangelist, Cambridge, written in the first half of the eighteenth century by Thomas Baker, remained in manuscript until the year 1869, when it was edited by professor Mayor for the University Press. The editor supplemented Baker's labours by the addition of numerous and elaborate illustrative notes and also by a large amount of material relating to the history of the college sub- sequent to the date with which Baker's narrative con- cludes, taken partly from the Continuation by William Cole and partly from his own extensive biographical collections. The entire work, extending to 1,225 closely printed large octavo pages, well deserves, on account of the illustrations it affords of learning and letters in England throughout the period, a place in every historical library. Of the unprinted sources in the college archives, to which Baker and his editor alike had access, the latter also supplies a full account. The chief difficulty, accordingly, with which the writer of the present volume has had to deal, has been the compression, within the prescribed limits, of the chief features in the rise and developement of a Society, whose viii PREFACE annals, stretching back to a time prior to the English Reformation, afford to the investigator of the history of institutions an almost unrivalled study of the ex- periences of a collegiate foundation professedly devoted to ' education, learning and religion.'' When, again, to this general outline there is added the inclusion (as part of the plan of the series) of some notice of the college antiquities, it will be obvious that brevity and concise- ness must everywhere have been a primary consideration, while omissions could scarcely fail to be numerous, and sometimes important. For continuous help and valuable suggestions through- out, I am under especial obligations to professor Mayor, Dr. Sandys and Mr. R. F. Scott, our senior bursar. To the last-named I am also indebted for frequent access to the original documents in his keeping. The Master has very kindly personally assisted me in revising the lists of portraits at the Lodge. Dr. Donald MacAlister has drawn up for me some valuable notes on the intro- duction of the study of medicine and of natural science generally, as parts of the college curriculum. My acknowledgments are also due to J. E. Foster, Esq., for some interesting details relating to the old Hospital, transcribed by him from documents in the Registry at Ely, to Mr. J. J. Lister for the article on the Boat Clubs, and to Mr. Bushe-Foxe for that on the Cricket Club, both contained in the Appendix. The works of the late C. H. Cooper, the Annals of Cambridge, the Memorials of Cambridge, and the Athenae Cantabrigienses, the Architectural History oj the University and Colleges of Cambridge, by Willis and Clark, and the Dictionary of National Biography, have been, after Baker, my most important literary PREFACE ix sources of information. In the perplexity which often arises as to the orthography of surnames, I have followed the writers in the last-mentioned work, chiefly with a view to facilitating reference to its pages. The Rev. C. Wordsworth's Scholae Academicae and University Life in the Eighteenth Century have also proved most useful ; nor must I omit to acknowledge the material aid which I have derived from the various contributions in the form of Records, which have appeared from time to time in the College Magazine, The Eagle, and more especially those furnished by the careful researches of Mr. Scott. The Rev. A. F. Tony's Founders and Benefactors and Mr. G. C. Moore Smith's Lists of Past Occupants of Rooms (published by the editors of The Eagle in 1895) have also been of much service. I cannot, indeed, forego the opportunity of here pointing out what a genuine help the incorporation of such material, in all College or School Magazines, may after- wards prove to those engaged in investigating any point connected with the past history of such institutions. My obligations to other members of the university, both resident and non-resident, for items of information and original matter, are too many to admit of enumera- tion in a preface where brevity is not less imperative than in the pages which follow ; but it would be an inexcusable omission were I to leave unmentioned the aid I have throughout received from the accurate knowledge of the multifarious contents of our College Library possessed by my assistant, Mr. E. W. Lockhart, to whom I am also mainly indebted for the Index. I CONTENTS PAGE I. THE ANCIENT HOSP1TAI I ii. ST. JOHN'S COLLEGE: TO THE DEATH OF BISHOP FISHER 9 III. THE REFORMATION AND THE CATHOLIC REACTION (1535-1558) 29 IV. FROM THE DEATH OF QUEEN MARY TO THAT OF WHITAKER (1558-1595) . . . ' . -SI V. UNDER THE ANGLICAN RULE (1595-1644) . . 85 VI. THE PURITAN DOMINATION (1644-1660). . . 126 VII. FROM THE RESTORATION TO THE RISE OF THE NONJURORS (1660-1689) 147 VIII. THE NONJURORS AND THE HANOVERIANS (1689- 1765) 200 IX. THE MASTERSHIP OF DR. POWELL (1765-1775) . 231 X. THE RULE OF CHEVALLIER, CRAVEN AND WOOD ([775-1839) 252 XI. DR. TATHAM AND DR. BATESON (1839-1881) . . 277 XII. THE NEW STATUTES (1860-1882) . . . .297 APPENDIX : (A) ARMS AND BADGES OF THE COLLEGE . 307 (B) COLLEGE PLATE 310 (C) THE LIBRARY 310 (D) PORTRAITS 313 (E) THE BOAT CLUBS 315 (F) THE CRICKET CLUB . . . - -321 ILLUSTRATIONS I. VIEW BY LOGO AN (c. 1 688) . II. THE EAST FRONT III. THE SECOND COURT IV. THE LIBRARY V. THE OLD BRIDGE VI. THE NEW COURT 688) . j J frontispiece facing p. 10 QO 106 IQA iW BRIDGE LOM THE RIVER) 274 276 294 CHAPTER I THE ANCIENT HOSPITAL Masters : ' Frater Antonius,' ' magister sive custos ' circ. 1272 ; Hugh de Stamford, before 4 Edw. I. ; Nicholas de Ware, in 4 Edw. I. ; Geoffrey de Altherhethe, temp. Hugh, bishop of Ely ; Robert de Huntingdon ; Richard Cheverelin 1284 ; Guido in 1294 ; William in 27 Edw. I. ; John de Coleyne in 1321 ; William de Gosfield resigned 1332 ; Alexander de Ixninge, 8 cal. mart. 1332, t 1349 ; Robert de Sprouston, 3 May, 1349, died the same year ; Roger de Broom, elected and f 1349 ; William Beere, elected about 1350, occurs also 1369 ; Henry Brown in 12 Aug. 1377 ; John Stanton resigned 1400 ; William Killun resigned 1403 ; John Burton, May, 1403 ; John Dunham in 1426 and 1471 ; Robert Dunham in 1474, 1 1498 ; William Tomlyn, elected 13 and admitted 19 Nov. 1498, finally resigned the office 27 Feb. 1513-14 THE College of St. John the Evangelist in Cambridge refers back its foundation to the year 1511, but its early history in order to be clearly understood requires us to take account of facts relating to a much earlier institution. The Hospital of the Brethren of St. John the Evan- gelist was founded in the year 1135, a time when university, hostel and college were, at Cambridge, alike 1 2 THE ANCIENT HOSPITAL non-existent. It owed its origin to one Henry Frost, an opulent burgess of the town, and was placed under the direction of a small community of Augustinian Canons, an order whose rule very closely resembled that of a monastery, their duties consisting mainly in the performance of masses and in caring for the poor and infirm whom they admitted into the hospital. The site which was assigned them can hardly have been regarded as an eligible one, for as late as 1275 it is described, in an Inquisition taken in that year, as ' a very poor and waste place of the commonalty of the Town of Cambridge.'' The very extent of the grant was, indeed, probably owing to the unattractive appearance which the ground then presented, but with its occupation by the Augustinian brethren its ' waste ' character soon disappeared ; and as chapel, infirmary and other buildings successively arose, we must picture them to ourselves as surrounded by an expanse of gardens and orchards which stretched southwards as far as the stone wall dividing them from the grounds of King's Hall and northwards to what is now called Bridge Street. To the west flowed the river Cam ; the gateway to the east opened on to St. John's Street. Amid these tranquil surroundings the canons passed their days, offering up intercessory prayers for those who were ill, saying masses for the souls of the departed and ministering to the sick and infirm inmates. The patronage which the little community received would seem to shew that, during its earlier history at least, the brethren faithfully discharged their duties. Robert Frost, another member of the founder's family, about the close of the twelfth century bestowed a messuage on the priory; and Eustachius, a learned and sagacious HUGH BALSHAM 3 prelate who played a foremost part in English politics, added further benefactions, the appropriation of the living of Horningsea (which has remained in the gift of St. John's College down to the present day), and also that of St. Peter's Church in Cambridge, now known as Little St. Mary's. His successors in the see of Ely continued to watch over the Hospital, and the election of Hugh Balsham in 1257 marks an important crisis in its history. Balsham, at the time of his succession to the bishopric, was sub-prior to the monastery at Ely, and his election to the episcopal chair was carried by the influence of his House in opposition to the Crown. He was a man of admirable spirit and enlightened views, and his sympathies were strongly roused by the condi- tion of the university (which had by this time risen into existence) and the hardships under which the poor scholars, who were now flocking to Cambridge in quest of knowledge, carried on their studies. As at other universities, at Bologna, Paris and Oxford, the scholar was very much at the mercy of the townsmen, who often plundered him without compunction, espe- cially in the matter of rent. At Bologna, indeed, Frederic Barbarossa had found it necessary, a century before, to issue an edict in order to protect the scholars from this kind of oppression. Such a measure was beyond Hugh Balsham's power, but he succeeded in obtaining the royal licence for introducing a certain number of the scholars of the university into the Hospital of St. John, where he doubtless hoped they would be better cared for, while he at the same time endowed the Hospital with additional revenues. The scholars were not introduced until the assent of the brethren had been obtained, but it was soon found that 4 THE ANCIENT HOSPITAL the two bodies represented incongruous elements. The regulars, it may be conjectured, were absorbed in their religious services and in the performance of the special duties of their house ; while the scholars were doubtless eager to be instructed in Latin authors, in the new theology, in the civil and the canon law, and most of all in those recently introduced writings of Aristotle which were, just at this time, exciting so much curiosity and enthusiasm in the university of Paris. It is certain that Hugh Balsham had to abandon his scheme and to make terms with the regulars, who eventually agreed to surrender the impropriation of St. Peter's Church together with the possession of two hostels adjacent to the same. To these premises the secular scholars were forthwith transferred. This was in the year 1284 and marks the foundation of Peterhouse, which accordingly claims the distinction of ranking as our first Cambridge college. The jealous feeling between the regulars and seculars however, which had now become habitual, induced the former to reopen the question of the compromise which had been effected. And in 1339, when Simon de Montacute (a man of different character to Hugh de Balsham) had succeeded to the see of Ely, the case was submitted afresh for his consideration and decision. Whereupon Simon decreed that St. Peter's Church should continue in the possession of the college, but that in order to compensate the Hospital, the master and fellows of Peterhouse should pay to the brethren the sum of twenty shillings annually, a payment which has regularly been made down to the present day. The Hospital continued to grow in wealth and importance. In the 21st and 36th years of Edward III. PRIVILEGES AND INDEPENDENCE 5 it received royal licences to hold lands in mortmain, whereby it acquired lands at Clavering and Langley in Essex ; in the reign of Henry VI. it received by royal grant the extensive tract on the western bank of the river, long known as the ' fish-pond close, 1 while in the reigns of Edward IV. and Richard III. it obtained additional endowments at Ashwell in Hertfordshire and Bradley in Suffolk. Most important of all, however, is the process by which the brethren succeeded in ultimately acquiring for their foundation all the privileges of the academic body. An important advance was made in this direc- tion when, in 1333, they acquired the right of them- selves electing the ' Keeper ' of the Hospital, thus securing for the House the same independence in this all-important respect as that possessed by a college in the university. Letters patent of the prior and convent of Ely, duly confirmed by the Crown, directed that the Keeper was to be appointed by the brethren and by them presented to the bishop of Ely, instead of the election being ' in the hands of secular clerks appointed by the bishop as theretofore." 4 If a fit person,' the letters went on to say, ' cannot be found in the Hospital then the brethren shall nominate one of the College of the Hospital of St. John at Ely ' ; and ' if a fit person cannot there be found ' then the bishop shall provide for the rule of the House but without prejudice to the rights of the brethren (Patent Rolls, 1330-1334, p. 41138). Having thus secured to themselves practical independence of the university in the matter of appoint- ing their own governor, the brethren in the following century sought to obtain complete recognition as members of the body academic. In the meantime, 6 THE ANCIENT HOSPITAL various facts show that their activity was not confined to the simple discharge of their traditional duties. They wanted themselves to be free from interference, but they were very far from being desirous of adopting a policy of abstention in respect of the community around them. In 1336, they obtained for the Hospital a licence to acquire in mortmain lands of the value of 100s. ; and while in 1340 they succeeded in gaining exemption from ' procurations ' (payments made to the bishop), we find the master obtaining in 1347 a licence ' to hear confessions of parishioners of Hornyngsey from Lent to Easter. 1 But their final success was achieved under the mastership of John Dunham, at the time when Thomas Rotheram, bishop of Lincoln (1471- 80) was also chancellor of the university. ' Grievous complaints ' preferred before the latter shewed how ' the master and company of St. John's House, together with their servants, had been much disquieted and disturbed by laical or secular power, not having been formally reputed or received as members of the university/ The chancellor and regents, accordingly, ' thinking it un- reasonable that they who were under the privileges of religion, should be longer subject to secular disturb- ances, did therefore receive the master and company into the society, liberties, and number of their members, and made them and their servants partakers of the privileges of the university ."* Such are the main facts, which, taken together with that of the survival (hereafter to be noted) of some of the customs of the ancient Hospital in the earliest discipline established at St. John's College, lend a certain support to the theory that the college itself may claim a virtual existence dating back to a time MISRULE OF TOMLYN 7 anterior even to the foundation of Peterhouse. In short, to quote the language of Baker, ' it is very plain the house was still growing from the first date to the last period of its ruin, from Henry Frost to Henry the Seventh, 1 and he concluded that 'its decay and fall must have been very sudden.' That fall was mainly brought about by the misrule of William Tomlyn, who succeeded to the mastership in 1498. In November 1498 we find bishop Alcock binding over the newly appointed head, by fresh ' Injunctions, 1 to a faithful performance of the duties of his office, the maintenance of divine worship, the strict observance of the existing statutes, and a watchful care, exercised either personally or through others, for the good government of the house 'tarn in spiritualibus quam in temporalibus, 1 at the same time imposing on him the task of drawing up a complete inventory of all movables. To these requirements Tomlyn duly subscribed, and towards the close of the year entered upon his office. But his ap- pointment proved the death-knell of the Hospital. The ensuing twelve years saw its estates mortgaged, or let on long leases ; its discipline became notoriously lax and grave scandals arose ; the furniture and even the sacred vessels were sold ; and in 1502 Tomlyn was presented at the Leet of the town for having the pavement in front of the Hospital ' broken and ruinous. 1 Eight years later, a bull of Julius II (20 January, 1510) ordained the dissolution of the house. Such was the nemesis which overtook the brethren of the Hospital. They had succeeded in excluding the element which might have preserved the whole body from decay; they had secured for themselves almost 8 THE ANCIENT HOSPITAL complete freedom from interference or control from without ; and the community consequently shared alike in the degeneracy and the fate which in the course of another generation overtook the monastic foundations at large. CHAPTER II ST. JOHN'S COLLEGE I TO THE DEATH OF BISHOP FISHER Masters : Robert Shorten (Apr. 1511 July 1516) ; Alan Percy (July 1516 Nov. 1518); Nicholas Metcalfe (Dec. 1518 July 1537) IN the year 1506, Margaret Richmond and her royal son made a pilgrimage to the famous shrine at Walsing- ham. On their way they halted at Cambridge, where Fisher, in his capacity of chancellor, delivered an oration in their honour. In singular contrast to his usual modesty and good sense, he reproduced for the royal edification all the extravagant legends which favoured the pretensions of the university to a remote antiquity, its foundation by Cantaber, its recognition by pope Honorius, Alcuin and Rabanus Maurus as among its students, claims sadly conflicting with the comparative obscurity of mediaeval Cambridge as a school of learn- ing altogether outshone by Oxford ! With the six- teenth century and the rise of the lady Margaret's two scholarly foundations, however, the respective merits of the two universities assumed very different proportions. Sir Thomas More, himself, in the year 1519, shocked at the brutal aversion manifested by his beloved Oxford to 10 BISHOP FISHER Greek, insisted on these changed conditions with bitter emphasis. ' At Cambridge, 1 he wrote to the authorities at Oxford, ' which you were always wont to outshine, even those who do not learn Greek are so far actuated by a common zeal for their university, that, to their credit be it told, they contribute to the salary of the Greek professor." At Cambridge, consequently, pace Anthony Wood, the learning of the Renaissance flourished to an extent which for a considerable period threw Oxford into the shade ; and Erasmus, writing in 1529 to the archbishop of Toledo, refers with special delight to those * three colleges ' in Cambridge where the new learn- ing had flourished in his time, and youth were exercised * in true learning and sober arguments."* The three colleges were Queens 1 , Christ's and St. John's, and of these the last and youngest was, at the time when Erasmus penned his letter, undoubtedly the foremost ; while all three may be said to have owed their eminence to Fisher, as head of the first and virtual founder of the other two. It was in the year before the dissolution of the priory, on 29 June 1509, that Margaret Beaufort breathed her last in the great abbey of Westminster. Her name was famous throughout the land, not less for her noble descent, vast wealth and wide beneficence, than for her unfeigned piety, ascetic life and rare intelligence. During her lifetime the countess of Richmond had stood pre-eminent among the English- women of her day. ' I need say nothing, 1 says Baker, ' of so great a name : she was daughter of John Beau- fort duke of Somerset, grandson of John of Gaunt, and so descended from Edward the Third ; consort of Edmund Tudor earl of Richmond, son of Catharine of From a photograph by\ \j. Palmer Clarke, Cambridge THE EAST FRONT Rsr THE LADY MARGARET 11 France, and so allied to the crown of France; and mother of Henry the Seventh, King of England, from whom all our kings of England, as from his elder daughter Margaret, who bore her name, all the kings of Scotland, are ever since descended. And though she herself was never a queen, yet her son, if he had any lineal title to the crown, as he derived it from her, so at her death she had thirty kings and queens allied to her within the fourth degree either of blood or affinity, and since her death she has been allied in her posterity to thirty more.'* Such was the august lineage which, as symbolised in heraldry, in the lions of England, the lilies of France, the antelopes of the sixth Henry, the portcullis of the house of Beaufort, the Tudor rose, the plumes of the Plantagenets and the marguerites of the foundress herself, adorns the windows, gateways and towers of the College of St. John the Evangelist. It was in 1454 that Margaret Beaufort, then only thirteen years of age, had been married to Edmund Tudor, styled from the place of his birth in Hertford- shire 'Edmund of Hadham,' but descended through his father Owen Tudor from a Welsh family of great antiquity. In 1453 Edmund had become, by the royal creation, earl of Richmond and premier earl of England, but dying within little more than two years after his marriage he failed to see the birth of his son and heir, the future Henry VII, which took place 28 Jan. 1457, three months after the father's death. The widow, married a second time to lord Henry Stafford, who died in 1482, and a third time to Thomas second lord Stanley, took her place at the coronation of Richard III. as the foremost peeress of the realm, 12 BISHOP FISHER walking immediately after the queen in the procession and bearing up her train. Then came the dark episode, when, as accessory to the conspiracy of Henry Stafford duke of Buckingham, her second husband's nephew, the countess of Richmond together with Lord Stanley stood attainted of treason ; and although her life was spared and her husband acquitted, it was only on condition that she should be detained 'in some secret place at home without any servant or company so that she might not communicate with her son, his friends or confederates. 1 On the eve of the battle of Bosworth, lord Stanley, along with his brother Sir Wm. Stanley, deserted from Richard, reaping his reward, after his stepson's accession to the throne, in his creation as earl of Derby (27 Oct. 1485). At her son's coronation, the countess, we are told, 'wept mervaylously.' Suffering and anxiety had, indeed, fallen to her lot in no ordinary measure, but happier years were before her. Her husband was now appointed high constable of England for life ; her son's marriage with Elizabeth of York gave promise that the ancient enmity between the two royal houses was at an end; while his filial affection and gratitude made her the wealthiest lady in the land. By letters patent, dated 22 March 1487, Margaret Richmond appears as the august possessor of a long array of castles, demesnes, lordships, manors, and hundreds, in the counties of Devon, Somerset, Hertford, Derby, York, Westmoreland, Northampton, Rutland, Lancaster, Cambridge, Essex, Suffolk, Lincoln, and in Wales. The high purpose by which, throughout her noble career, the countess appears to have been mainly actuated, that of benefiting and serving her country, THE LADY MARGARET 13 gave promise of a worthy employment of the vast resources thus placed at her disposal, but her aim still needed that directive force which happily was at hand. In the year 1497 she had appointed as her confessor John Fisher, who succeeded about the same time to the mastership of Michaelhouse in Cambridge. Four years later he was elected vice-chancellor of the university, and in this capacity became more fully informed of its condition. The academic body, as Fisher has himself described it, was at this time in a singularly depressed and impoverished state. Constant feuds with the towns- folk, frequent epidemics, the lack of wealthy patrons, had contributed to bring about what he characterises as a weariness of learning and study, so that not a few, he says, ' did take counsel in their own minds how they might effect their departure so as it were not to their own hurt. 1 The countess, however, knew little about Cambridge, and appears to have been mainly intent at this time on still further increasing the endowment of that great shrine at Westminster where she herself was destined to be laid to rest. It was at this juncture that Fisher came to the aid of his university. He pointed out that the Abbey Church was already the wealthiest in England, ' that the schools of learning were meanly endowed, the provisions for scholars very few and small, and colleges yet wanting to their maintenance, that by such foundations she might have two ends and designs at once, might double her charity and double her reward, by affording as well supports to learning as encourage- ments to virtue."* The foundation of the Lady Margaret Professorship of Divinity in 1503, of the Lady Margaret Preachership and of Christ's College in 1505, are en- during memorials of the salutary effects produced by 14 BISHOP FISHER these representations. Fisher was himself appointed to fill the new professorial chair, and his election to the see of Rochester in 1504 and to the presidency of Queens'* College in 1505 sufficiently prove that he continued to grow in the royal favour. But his crowning service to the university was that which only took effect when the good countess and her royal son were both no more. It was but a few months prior to their decease (they died within less than four months of each other) that Fisher prevailed upon Henry to sanction the erection of a new and splendid college on the site of the already doomed Hospital at Cambridge, and upon Margaret Richmond munificently to endow the same. So large indeed was the endowment, amounting together with the revenues of the Hospital to nearly <^?500 an- nually, that, in order to complete it, the foundress was under the necessity of ^revoking certain grants which she had already made to the Abbey at West- minster. Eight executors had been appointed to carry out her design Fisher, Richard Fox bishop of Winchester, and Charles Somerset lord Herbert ; Thomas Lovell, Henry Marney, and John St. John, knights ; and Henry Hornby and Hugh Ashton, clerks. Unforeseen diffi- culties now however presented themselves. The young king looked coldly on a project which involved a sub- stantial diminution of his own inheritance ; while the young bishop of Ely, James Stanley, although stepson to the countess and solely indebted to her for promotion to his see (a dignity which he little merited), did his best after her death to avert the dissolution of the Hospital. His unscrupulous opposition was, however, eventually overcome and the diminished revenues of the suppressed THE LADY MARGARET 15 society became available for the new foundation ; but in the meantime the opposition of the court party was gathering strength. So far as we are able to discern the facts in a very obscure episode, this obstructive policy had the support of no less a person than Wolsey. It is certain that when, some sixteen years later, the college was appealing to the eminent John Chambre, one of the founders of the College of Physicians and a chief adviser of the Lady Margaret to exercise his powerful influence on their behalf, it was expressly alleged by the petitioners that the cardinal had on a former occasion robbed them of four hundred a year. This can only refer to the well-known fact that, after two lawsuits, the Lady Margaret's executors found themselves compelled to forego their claims, and the munificent bequest of the foundress was lost to the college for ever. Wolsey's motives cannot now be satisfactorily discerned ; the evidence supplied by the executors' accounts points to his having been actually bribed ; we know moreover that in 1514 he declined the honour of the chancellorship of the university and that Fisher, at whose suggestion it had been offered to him, was himself elected to the office for life, and it is not improbable that the cardinal, whose career had been exclusively associated with Oxford, may have felt no inclination to favour a further multiplication of colleges in the sister university. Since the year 1457, when his own college of Magdalen, of which he had been a fellow, was founded, no new society had risen in Oxford ; while Cambridge could point to St. Catherine's, Jesus and Christ's as all founded since that date, and now a fourth and far larger foundation was in prospect. But whatever the motives, the opposition was effectual ; 16 BISHOP FISHER and it was only owing to Fisher's untiring exertions that, as some compensation for the loss sustained, the revenues of God's House at Ospringe in Kent and certain other small estates, producing altogether an income of ^80, were eventually made over to the college by the crown. ' This,' says Baker, ' with the lands of the old house, together with the foundress' estate at Fordham which was charged with debts by her will and came so charged to the college, with some other little things purchased with her moneys at Steukley, Bradley, Isleham and Foxton (the two last alienated or lost), was the original foundation upon which the college was first opened ; and whoever dreams of vast revenues or larger endowments, will be mightily mistaken. Her lands put in feoffment for the performance of her will lay in the counties of Devon, Somerset, and Northampton, and though I should be very glad to meet with lands of the foundation in any of these three counties, yet I despair much of such a discovery. But whoever now enjoys the manors of Maxey and Torpell in the county of Northampton, or the manors of Martock, Currey Reyvell, Kynsbury and Queen Camell, in the hundreds of Bulston, Abdike and Horethorn in the county of Somerset, or the manor of Sandford Peverell with the hundred of Allerton in the county of Devon, though they may have a good title to them, which I will not question, yet whenever they shall be piously and charitably disposed, they cannot bestow them more equitably than by leaving them to St. John's.' It must not, however, be left unnoticed that Wolsey subsequently used his influence to obtain for the college the revenues of two suppressed nunneries, that of Lillechurch in Higham near Rochester and that of THE NEW SOCIETY 17 Bromhall in Berkshire, which in 1524 were suppressed by a bull of Clement VII. In 1511 the new society was formed, Robert Shorten being appointed master together with thirty-one fellows. Shorten was exceptionally well qualified for the post : he had been a scholar of Jesus College and subsequently a fellow of Pembroke, and was not only a man of con- siderable attainments but also of much practical sagacity and an able administrator. During his brief tenure of the mastership (1511-16), it devolved on him to watch over the progress of the new buildings which now rose on the site of the Hospital and included a certain portion of the ancient structure. Some three centuries and a half later, in 1869, when the old chapel gave place to the present splendid erection, the process of demolition laid bare to view some interesting features in the ancient prae-collegiate buildings. Members of the college, prior to the year 1863, can still remember ' The Labyrinth, 1 the name given to a series of students 1 rooms approached by a tortuous passage which wound its way from the First Court, north of the gateway opening upon St. John's Street. These rooms were now ascertained to have been formed out of the ancient Infirmary, a fine single room, some 78 feet in length and 22 in breadth, which, during the mastership of William Whitaker (1586-1595), had been converted into three floors of students 1 chambers. Removal of the plaster which covered the south wall of the original building further brought to light a series of Early English lancet- windows, erected probably, with the rest of the structure, some time between the years 1180 and 1200. Between the first and second of these windows stood a very beautiful double piscina, which 18 BISHOP FISHER Sir Gilbert Scott repaired and transferred to the New Chapel. The chapel of the Hospital had been altered to suit the needs of the college, and in Babington's opinion was c very much changed for the worse. 1 The Early English windows gave place to smaller Per- pendicular windows, inserted in the original openings, while the pitch of the roof was considerably lowered. The contract is still extant made between Shorten and the glazier, covenanting for the insertion of ' good and hable Normandy glasse, 1 in certain specified portions of which were to appear 'roses and portcullis, 1 the arms of 'the excellent pryncesse Margaret late countesse of Rychemond and Derby, 1 while the colouring and designs were to be the same 'as be in the glasse wyndowes within the collegge called Christes Collegge in Cambrigge or better in euery poynte. 1 As the external fabric of the college incorporated much of that of the Hospital, so, too, in the rule enacted for the new society there survived not a few of the customs of the ancient house. The qualifications which had been deemed requisite in the prior of the Hospital were still insisted upon in the new head, with but little modification ; it had formerly been incum- bent on two of the canons to serve two neighbouring chantries, one at the Round Church and another at St. Botolph's, and these duties now devolved on two of the fellows ; the prayers offered up for the souls of the benefactors of the Hospital were to be continued ; the customary bell was still rung at four in the morning, to awaken the scholars ; and finally, the bishop of Ely retained his powers as Visitor. In 1516 Shorton retired from the mastership of St. John's : he was already dean of the chapel to Wolsey, I NICHOLAS METCALFE 19 who discerned and subsequently amply rewarded his merit. In the following year he was appointed master of Pembroke, where he had continued to hold his fellowship, and we next hear of him as advising Wolsey in the selection of certain scholars at Cambridge whom the latter was designing to place on his new foundation at Oxford. In 1535 he became archdeacon of Bath, and dying in the same year was buried at Stoke-by-Clare. By his will he left 100 marks to St. John's College. His portrait is in the corridor of the Master's lodge. Shorten was succeeded in the mastership by Alan Percy, second son of the fourth earl of Northumberland, whose election is perhaps best explained on the supposi- tion that the college discerned the desirability, in those troublous days, of placing itself under the protection of some powerful house. He filled the office only two years (1516-18), but was allowed on retiring to retain certain rooms and continued to draw an annual pension of ^10. After holding various church preferments he died in 1560, and was buried in the college chapel. His portrait (a copy from the original at Norwich) has been recently added by the present master to the collection in the Combination Room. Percy was succeeded by Nicholas Metcalfe (1518- 1537), who, it has been conjectured, had been educated at Michaelhouse. It is certain that he early attracted the notice of bishop Fisher, who afterwards made him archdeacon of Rochester. For the office of master, Metcalfe was well qualified: his scholarship, indeed, was of the old prae-Renaissance type, but he pos- sessed excellent sense and sound judgement; 'with Themistocles, 1 says Fuller, 'he could not fiddle, but he knew how to make a little college a great one. ; SO BISHOP FISHER 'A man of equal industry and conduct, 1 says Baker, 4 skilful in business and fitted for government." 1 For both the master and his revered patron, however, there awaited that fiery ordeal which eventually dismissed the former from office and sent the other to the block. The new master's exertions on behalf of his college were doubtless materially aided by the coincidence of the dissolution of the monasteries, while Fisher, not- withstanding the difficulties and dangers by which he found himself confronted, seems never to have been unmindful of St. John's ; his anxiety for the welfare of the society is, indeed, nowhere more plainly to be discerned than in the thoughtful solicitude apparent in every detail of the provisions which he now enacted for its observance. In 1524 the original statutes of the society, which had been drawn up in 1516, and were largely derived from those of Christ's College, were set aside for a new code modelled to a great extent upon that given by Richard Fox, bishop of Winchester, for Corpus Christi College at Oxford, while this, in turn, had been largely derived from that given by Waynfleet for Magdalen College in the same university. In 1530, Fisher again revised the statutes, making numerous further additions and alterations. On this occasion he appears to have made use of the statutes prescribed by Wolsey for Cardinal College, which however differ but slightly from those given by Fox. His provisions, indeed, have throughout little claim to originality, a quality which the good bishop, with all his merits, did not possess ; but it serves to illustrate the steady growth of the general conception of the collegiate system at this period, its studies, its discipline, and its whole economy that while the original statutes fill STATUTES OF 1530 21 forty-eight closely printed pages, and those of 1524 seventy-seven, the statutes of 1530 extend to nearly a hundred and thirty. The master on his election and admission by the vice- chancellor was required to give a bond to the heads of King's, Corpus Christi and Christ's. He further pledged himself by oath faithfully to administer the college estates and to maintain its rights ; not to absent himself from the college for more than two months in the year, to vote for the fittest candidates for fellowships, and to refer all college disputes to the arbitrament of the chancellor of the university and the heads of King's and Christ's. He further bound himself scrupulously to guard the college secrets, to abstain from fomenting strife among the members of the society and especially between North countrymen and South. He was to pray for the souls of the bye-founders, the names enumerated being those of the bishop of Rochester, Henry Ediall, archdeacon of Rochester, Hugh Ashton, archdeacon of York, John Rippingham, Robert Dokket, Marmaduke Constable, knight, and Robert Symson. Seven seniors were to be appointed, who, in conjunction with the master, were to be empowered to make ordi- nances for the government of the college, provided that the same did not in any way run counter to the statutes. In this manner, the seniority acquired legislative as well as administrative powers, and its composition became a matter of considerable importance. In deference to the foundress, it was further enacted that ' neither all nor a minority ' of the seven seniors, were to be ' from those nine counties which that most noble woman (virago) the foun- dress of this college held to be preferred to others.' Two deans were to be appointed, among whose functions were to be ' compelling members of the college to practise 22 BISHOP FISHER in the choir, and reporting to the master or president those fellows who neglected divine service. Fellows and scholars alike were to be required to attend both college and university lectures. Six monitors were to be appointed as markers, on whom it also devolved to report the use of any language in hall other than Latin, Greek or Hebrew, and also to note any unbecoming behaviour on the part of those at table, or leaving before grace had been said. Seven students were to serve as waiters in hall, while an eighth was to read the Bible at dinner time ; fines were to be imposed for breaches of discipline and the rod was to be used in the case of non-adults, a limitation elsewhere defined as under 20 years of age. There were to be two bursars who were to have the custody of the money chest, and were regularly to register the weekly expendi- ture. The recovery of the yearly revenues bequeathed by the foundress (ad valorem quadringentarum librarurn) being by this time regarded as hopeless, the number of the fellows was reduced from fifty to twenty-eight, and in elections the poorest were to be preferred, preference being also given to candidates from those counties especially named by the foundress, viz., Durham, Northumberland, Westmoreland, Cumberland, York, Richmond, Lancaster, Derby, and Nottingham, it being required that half 'at least ' of the fellows should be selected from these counties ; in the election of the rest, natives of Lincoln, Norfolk, Essex, Middlesex, Kent and Cambridge, were to have the preference. It was further obligatory that those selected should be of B.A. standing and intending to study theology. On his election, each fellow was required to take oath that he would not resign his fellowship for any consideration of gain or reward, nor would he accept a fellowship in any college at either university save only at King's Hall. Should any fellow accept a dispensation from his oath or from the college statutes he was to be STATUTES OF 1530 23 bound to forfeit the sum of .100 to the college ; scholars under fourteen years of age were not to be required to take oath ; scholarships were not to be retained by those of M.A. standing. A sacrist, sub-sacrist or chapel clerk, and bell-ringer were to be appointed from the scholars who, by virtue of their tenure of these three offices, were to be exempt from all other duties in hall save that of reading the Bible 'in the time of plague.' Pensioners were to be admitted on condition of taking oath that they would conform to the prescribed discipline and regularly perform their scholastic acts, the number of noblemen and fellow commoners being limited to eight. In the statute relating to divine worship the main designs of the foundress are described as threefold, Dei cultus, morum probitas, et christiance fidei corroboratio, and both for morn- ing and evening there is appended a short form of prayer, to be said daily in private. Every member of the college in priest's orders was to celebrate mass four times a week, the college benefactors, whose names were engraved on plates affixed to the three altars, being expressly re- membered in their prayers. A fourth part of the fellows were to be employed in preaching to the people in English and were to deliver at least eight sermons every year ; they were also required each to deliver an annual sermon in college. All students of theology were re- quired regularly to attend the sermons and were expressly enjoined 'not to mock the preacher either by word, gesture, or expression of countenance.' During dinner a lesson from the Bible was read aloud, and when the meal was over it devolved on one or other of the fellows briefly to expound and apply what had been read. The theological lectures were to be three in number, one principal and two sub-lectures. Hebrew and Greek were to be studied only by those whom the master and seniors should deem qualified for such studies. 24 BISHOP FISHER As in the code of 1516 and in that of 1524, each fellow took oath that he would never play the part of defamer or informer against another or stir up hatred, anger, strife or discord in the society ; and more especially, that he would ever abstain from exciting alike among fellows and scholars, malice of that kind which might so easily be evoked by ' odious comparisons ' of North and South, ' of one branch of learning with another, of faculty with faculty, of country with country, of class with class, of noble with noble or obscure descent.' Neither by innuendo nor by express speech, neither in public nor in private, would he stir up malice either between faculties, fellows or scholars. Until after the expiration of five years from his M.A. degree, no fellow was permitted to go into the town oftener than twice a week ; ' and inasmuch as/ says the statute, ' it is a saying Vos soli, we ordain that students of the college shall not stroll about alone, nor tarry in the town, but always have as a companion some fellow, scholar or student of the college.' Once, and once only, during the tenure of his fellowship was a fellow to be permitted to be absent for six months consecutively, and then only if summoned on the service of the king or on that of a bishop. The master and president were to dine and sup in hall at a separate table, together with those of the fellows whom they might think fit to invite to join them. No stranger was to pass the night in college without special leave. Whenever, in the winter season, a fire was lighted in hall 'in honour of God or of the saints/ the fellows, scholars and servants might stay to amuse themselves ; but neither singing, dancing nor music nor any other noisy pastime was to be allowed in chambers. In the chambers them- selves a higher and a lower or truckle bed were to be provided, the higher one for a fellow, the lower for two scholars ; and seniors were expressly enjoined to consider the admonition and instruction of their younger chamber- STATUTES OF 1530 25 fellows, as a duty incumbent upon them. As f a symbol of unity/ fellows and scholars were to wear gowns of one colour which, with hoods for graduates, were yearly to be supplied to them at the time of Stourbridge Fair. The library was to be guarded with especial care ; it was to be provided with duplicate catalogues, both on parchment. All books ' admitted or chained ' therein were first to be carefully scrutinised, and a certain value, both as regards price and contents, was to be deemed essential in every purchased volume. If the book were presented, it was to contain an inscription to that effect, of which a prescribed form is given. Fellows were to be permitted to take books out only on signing an indenture with the master, the president and the dean, and then only when it could be shewn that there were other and better books relating to the same subject still available on the shelves. In the indenture were to be inscribed the commencing words of the second folio of the volume on loan. The great gate under the tower was to be opened only on special occasions, and only on the order of the master or the president. The hours during which the ' little gate ' was to be open were from 6 a.m. to 8 p.m. from Michaelmas to Easter ; during the rest of the year from 5 to 9- Among the punishments imposed for misconduct, we find that of being required to read aloud the Bible at meal time in hall, to dine apart on bread and beer or bread and water, or to be mulcted of commons for a week. Four times a year, fellows and scholars were to assemble in hall or chapel, for the purpose of hearing the statutes read. It is by the authority of the pope, the foundress and his own co-executors, that bishop Fisher repeals all former statutes which ran counter to his code, the college itself being described as erected on the site of 26 BISHOP FISHER ' a deserted house.' And we can hardly doubt but that the maladministration of Tomlyn and that of not a few other heads of religious foundations were present to his mind when he drew up the following impressive ' Conclusion, 1 dictated evidently by a desire, not merely to set limitations to the discretion of each successive Head, but also to bring home to the consciences of the entire governing body the spirit in which the trust confided to them was to be discharged : < And inasmuch as we doubt not but that master and fellows alike will hereafter make it their charitable care to increase the possessions of the college, even as, should they neglect or be careless of the same, these will fall away, we admonish and adjure the master and fellows that, as far as in them lies, they look to the advantage of the entire college and in no case appropriate to their own use anything beyond what is prescribed by the statutes ; and that they seek to hand down the college to their successors in no respect worse than they have received it, but rather use their utmost endeavour to increase its fame. Wherefore we enact that if it so happen at any time, which God forbid, that whether by the fury of \fire, the overflowing of waters, or the shock of tempest, the unlooked-for im- poverishment of stewards or securities, the failure of tenants, or diminutions resulting from legal enactments or from any other cause whatever, such a loss of revenues shall ensue that the entire number of fellows and scholars can no longer be maintained as liberally as is prescribed by statute, then,Jirst of all, let the unnecessary expenditure be reduced; that is to say, let the weekly exceedings first be stopped, then the livery* both of * Liberatura or ' livery ' was the allowance for statutable dress and is still an item in the stipend of some members of college foundations. STATUTES OF 1530 27 master and fellows, and thirdly the stipends of the fellows. Let all this be carried into effect before any diminution of the number of the scholars is allowed to take place. And if by these means and these retrenchments the college can be restored to its former condition, well and good , but if not, let the jewels and ornaments which can best be spared be sold , and after that, let the number of the scholars as appointed by the foundress be reduced so far as is necessary for the restoration of the college ; and I hold that the scholars on the foundation of the foundress are to be reduced in number before those on the foundation of particular founders, and this not simply on account of the danger that may result owing to the obligations arising from the deeds and conditions of such founders, but also inasmuch as it was owing to the regard they felt for the foundress herself that these same founders made so liberal a gift to the college. And Jinally, if the loss cannot be made good even by these means, we allow that it shall be effected from some of the fellowships instituted by the foundress, until by the aid of God the most merciful, or by that of pious men, it has been possible to bring back the college to a more prosperous condition. And when this has been accomplished, we will that the master see to it that the reductions previously effected be made good, each in its order.' 1 Taken as a whole, these statutes may be regarded as embodying the views of three very able and earnest thinkers on the subject of college education on the eve of the Reformation in England. In March 1534, the blow which had long been impending over the college descended. Fisher was first of all imprisoned, then liberated ; and finally, on his refusal to take the oath of compliance with the Act of 28 BISHOP FISHER Succession, committed to the Tower. His library, especially destined for St. John's and described by Baily as the finest in Christendom, was seized at the same time. It is not a little to the credit of the society that, at so perilous a crisis, they ventured to address to their fallen patron a letter of condolence, in which they recalled in pathetic terms his countless services to the college and to learning at large, and deplored his impending fate. Fisher was executed on Tower Hill 22 June 1535, and his body was eventually laid to rest by the side of that of his former friend, Sir Thomas More, in the Tower church of St. Peter.* It was More, who, but a short time before his own execution, had said of Fisher, that there was ' in this realm no one man in wisdom, learning, and long approved vertue together, mete to be matched and compared with him/ * The tomb which was erected for him in the college chapel was discovered by Cole in the eighteenth century, and was then in excellent preservation, but being removed to the exterior of the chapel soon became completely defaced. CHAPTER III THE REFORMATION AND THE CATHOLIC REACTION (1535-1558) Masters: George Day (July 1537 June 1538); John Tayler (July 1538 Mar. 1546) ; William Bill (Mar. 1546 Dec. 1551) ; Thomas Lever (Dec. 1551 Sept. 1553) ; Thomas Watson (Sept. 1553 May 15J4) ; George Bullock (May 1554 July 1559) As the changes which followed upon the Reformation began to take effect, the college, in common with the university at large, found itself involved in troubles and anxieties of no ordinary kind. A change in the mastership was not effected without recourse to a mode of procedure which can hardly but have been repugnant to the more conscientious section of the fellows. Dr. Metcalfe, notwithstanding his capacity as an adminis- trator, had survived both his favour at court and his popularity in college. He was unable to recognise the royal supremacy, while he openly opposed the royal divorce from Catherine. Descended from an ancient family in Richmondshire, he had but little sympathy with the new learning and had lost touch with the majority even of the seniors. Baker speaks of him as 30 THE REFORMATION at once ' wearied and neglected ' and virtually com- pelled to ' abdicate." On 4th July 1537 he gave in his accounts, stood approved as a good and faithful steward, and then retired to his living of Woodham Ferris, where he died in 1589. ' A man," says Ascham, ; meanelie learned himselfe, but not meanely affectioned to set forward learning in others. He found that Colledge spending scarce two hundred markes by yeare : he left it spending a thousand markes and more. Which he procured, not with his mony, but by his wisdome : not chargeablie bought by him, but liberallie geven by others by his meane, for the zeale and honor they bear to learning. And that which is worthy of memorie, all theis givers were almost Northrenmen : who being liberallie rewarded in the service of their Prince, bestowed it as liberallie for the good of their Contrie. Some thought therefore, that Dr. Medcalfe was parciall to Northrenmen, but sure I am of this, that Northren- men were parciall, in doing more good and geving more landes to the forderance of learning than any other contrie men in those dayes did ' (Scholemaster, ed. Mayor, pp. 159-60). From the retirement of Metcalfe down to the accession of queen Mary, we find four successors in the headship of the college whose average tenure of office was only four years. The conditions under which each succeeded to office, his personal claims, the dif- ficulties with which he was called upon to contend, and the circumstances under which he eventually retired, impart however to these short-lived magistracies nc little value, as exemplary, to a great extent, of the main features of college government for a considerable period. GEORGE DAY 31 On Metcalfe's retirement there was a contested election for the mastership, and the fellows, with more courage than discretion, chose in the first instance Dr. Nicholas Wilson, the personal friend both of their late patron and of Metcalfe. He had been educated at Christ's College and had consequently no special claims on St. John's, while the fact that he had been chaplain and confessor to Henry VIII. and still adhered con- scientiously to his Catholic creed was small recommenda- tion at the court of Edward VI. The election, in short, was eminently injudicious, and the college was only saved by Dr. Wilson's prudence and good sense. He declined the election, and in a letter to Thomas Wriothesley explained that it had taken place without his knowledge. And eventually one of the fellows, named George Day, who had been chaplain to Fisher and was afterwards bishop of Chichester, succeeded to the vacancy (27 July 1537), while the college hastened to make its peace both with Thomas Cromwell and the king. The new head was noted for his varied attain- ments. He was not only a good scholar but also learned in physic, and was the first who delivered lectures on the Linacre foundation. He was moreover an adroit courtier ; and if we add that, in his capacity of Public Orator, he had recently drawn up the uni- versity * determination ' in favour of the royal supremacy, the fact that, before twelve months had elapsed, he was transferred from the mastership of St. John's to the provostship of King's (at that time the best endowed headship in the university) requires no further explana- tion. His subsequent career was marked by the vacillation only too common in public men in those days of sudden change in the political and religious 32 THE REFORMATION atmosphere. In the reign of Edward VI, Day was on the Windsor commission which drew up the first English order of communion and compiled the first "English Prayer Book ; he ultimately died a zealous Catholic in the reign of queen Mary. But throughout his life he appears to have retained a kindly interest in the college of his education: he intervened on its behalf, as we shall shortly see, in a very effective manner at a critical juncture in its history, and at his death he bequeathed to the society a copy of the costly Complu- tensian Polyglott, volumes which have since dis- appeared, and also a costly cope for the service in the chapel. A member of another house was now imposed by the royal authority as successor to Day. This was Dr. John Tayler, a former fellow of Queens' and a staunch Lutheran. Before two years had elapsed the new head found himself confronted by a combination of equally staunch Catholics, and it was now that one of the chief defects in Fisher's statutes of 1580 was brought home forcibly to the society. In the statutes themselves, in fact, theory and practice were at variance. Fisher had especially enjoined that none should stir up strife between North and South ; but the clauses relating to the elections of seniors and of junior fellows had practically fomented it, the proviso requiring that the Northerners should represent at least a moiety of both the seniority and of the entire number having resulted in their obtaining a distinct majority, a majority which, in common with the counties which it represented, was almost entirely Catholic and strongly attached to the old learning. Their opposition to the master was con- sequently unusually stubborn and had given rise to what STATUTES OF 1545 33 John Cheke, writing to bishop Gardiner, describes as ' a tumult ' in the college. When Day was a fellow of St. John's, Cheke had been his pupil, and afterwards, when himself a fellow, he appears to have kept his former tutor fully informed as to what went on in the society. Eventually Dr. Tayler found himself compelled to have recourse to the extreme measure of expelling three of the fellows ; while a young bachelor, the after- wards celebrated Thomas Lever, was refused admission to a fellowship. The malcontents thereupon lodged a complaint with the Visitor, the bishop of Ely, at that time Dr. Goodrich. A formal visitation was held, and, chiefly through the persuasions of the bishop, a temporary reconciliation was effected. The three expelled members were re-admitted to their fellowships and in 1543 Lever was elected a fellow. But it was now evident that, in order to place a permanent check upon the power of the Northerners, some modification of Fisher's statute was necessary. Day and Cheke exerted their influence at court, and in 1545 new statutes were obtained. In these the powers of the master were considerably augmented and it was also directed that the former prescribed minimum as regarded the Northern element, both in the election of the seniority and of the fellows at large, should henceforth be the maximum. Half the fellows, and no more, were to be elected from natives of the nine northern counties. The master was no longer required to refer cases in dispute to any external authority in the university and was henceforth himself to have three votes in the elections to fellowships. Theological animosities, such as disturbed the peace of St. John's, were at this period troubling every college, but few societies could at the same time offer so bright 3 34 THE REFORMATION a picture of advancing learning and culture; and the name of John Cheke, to which we have just had occasion to refer, recalls to us a remarkable movement of which he was the chief leader in St. John's, a movement which not only revolutionised the course of studies pursued in his own college but also became the main- spring of the higher thought and culture throughout the university. It is to the presence and teaching of Erasmus in the university that the study of Greek at Cambridge traces back its earliest inspiration. Erasmus resided in Queens" College, where Fisher himself had once been Head, and the main facts connected with the great scholar's ex- perience during this period (1511-13) are supplied by Mr. Searle and by Mr. Gray in their respective Histories of Queens 1 College. But towards the close of 1513, Erasmus quitted Cambridge, and the lamp which he had lighted seems, for a time, altogether to have gone out. It was not until some twenty years had elapsed that the flame was rekindled by another hand, to burn with yet greater brilliancy within the precincts of St. John's. Sir John Cheke was a native of Cambridge, his father being one of the esquires-bedell, while his mother, according to Baker, had once ' sold wine in St. Mary's parish. 1 At college, his singular genius was soon recognised : when only nineteen he was elected a fellow and at the age of twenty-six appointed a tutor. In this latter capacity, his rare attainments, ability as an instructor and admirable example as an indefatigable student, roused an enthusiasm for classical studies, and more especially for Greek literature, which constituted an era in the history of learning in England. Closely united with him in the work was Roger Ascham, his ROGER ASCHAM 35 warm admirer and his pupil, though but one year his junior. Ascham himself describes Cheke as ' the very founder of learning ' in St. John's, and it was under their combined auspices that the college first acquired its reputation as a famous home of letters. A copy of the Greek Lexicon of Hesychius, presented by Cheke to Ascham, with an interesting Latin inscription on the fly-leaf, has recently been presented by professor Mayor to the college library. In both Cheke and Ascham genius and scholarship met in admirable combination. Unlike the ordinary pedant, Cheke was fully alive to the value of mathematics as a mental training, and when provost of King's is said to have been wont to distribute copies of Euclid and Xenophon simultaneously among the students. AschanTs originality, which per- vades almost every page of his writings, is more especially to be discerned in the manner in which he repudiated the traditional methods of teaching and dared to assail even the idols of the schools, ' Duns Scotus, with all the rable of barbarous questionists."* Both, in short, were men in whom, even to the external world, learning and scholarship seemed justified by their fruits, alike men of ready wit, fine social qualities, and with a rare capacity for lucid exposition and investing with interest whatever they essayed to teach, alike masters of an admirable style in Latin prose and alike distinguished by a corresponding beauty of penmanship, specimens of which still arrest the attention of the observer as exposed to view, side by side in their college library, they now take their place among the most cherished literary relics of the home of the writers 1 education. Among those who grasped the torch from their hands were not a few destined to future eminence : William s a 36 THE REFORMATION Grindal, afterwards tutor to the princess Elizabeth, whose high promise as a scholar was blighted by his premature death; William Bill, afterwards master of the college and subsequently of Trinity and also dean of Westminster ; another, himself for a short time lecturer in Greek, was the illustrious ancestor of the house of Cecil, the future chancellor on whose nod the university was one day to wait; another was James Pilkington, afterwards bishop of Durham. To these and to not a few others the charms of the Renaissance studies came home with fascinating power. At the sound of the four o'clock bell,* each student rose and addressed himself to the interpretation of this redis- covered literature, to seek to understand the thought of Aristotle and Plato, to admire the tragic genius of Sophocles and Euripides, and to address himself to Herodotus, Thucydides and Xenophon as to his ordinary historic manuals. ' This flame of literary zeal, 1 writes Ascham, ' has been lit and fed by the toil and example of our friend Cheke, who has publicly lectured gratui- tously on the whole of Homer and of Sophocles, and that twice ; on the whole of Euripides, and nearly the whole of Herodotus. He would have done as much for all the Greek poets, historians, orators, and philosophers, had not a most unlucky fate envied us such a happy progress. 1 This learned ardour was largely aided by the creation of the Regius professorships, those of Divinity, Civil Law, Physic, Hebrew and Greek, each with what then seemed an ample endowment of =40 a * This early hour, a tradition from the customs of the Hospital, appears to have been, with the industrious student, the normal hour of rising even as late as the seventeenth century. See the observations of John Hall, infra t p. 138. SYSTEM OF TEACHING 37 year. By these the extension of the movement beyond the walls of St. John's was largely aided, and especially by the admirable efforts and example of Sir Thomas Smith, the professor of civil law, afterwards a dis- tinguished benefactor of the university. In 1546 we find the three foundations of King's, Queens' and St. John's each maintaining a lecturer in Greek whose lectures were open to the university at large ; but the main burden of the teaching appears to have rested on the new professors. On the college examiners it devolved, by the statutes of 1545, to supplement their work, and this by the discharge of functions far more onerous than those of their representatives in the present day. The labours of the college ' examiner ' of the sixteenth century would seem, indeed, to have been almost in- terminable. Every evening, each young scholar, before he sought repose, was called upon to confront this functionary, whose duty it was to ascertain that he had brought away an adequate recollection of what the university lecturer had said that same morning; to explain whatever he might have found obscure ; and even, it would seem, to elicit what portions of the lecture had most moved his interest and admiration. In the statutes of 1545, Fisher's name is altogether absent, the lady Margaret appearing as sole foundress, and the statutes generally are severely criticised by Baker as characterised by certain other features upon which he animadverts as follows : ' the bond was left out, given by the fellows at their admission, not to accept dispensation with their oath or statutes, which might usefully have been retained, might it not have been thought a limiting the king's supremacy, though it was no more than what had been formerly done for 38 THE REFORMATION the pope's. And one other thing is added that might have been omitted, for it comes in very oddly ; there was to be every year a lord at Christmas, whose duty is there prescribed at large, which gave occasion to such an abuse as could never be regulated, till it was at last wholly laid aside. The bishop of Ely was continued visitor, under such limitations as the king by his supreme power could more unquestionably and more effectually put upon him.'' ' It might have been expected, 1 he continues, ' that these statutes would have given peace to the college, as was intended, and probably so they might, had they observed somewhat more of temper, and had not turned the bias too much the other way : but whilst the men were the same, and the statutes so very opposite to the temper of those that were to be governed by them, they rather provoked new heats than any ways allayed the old ones, and the divisions broke out again so outrageously, that Dr. Tayler the very next year was obliged to abdicate the government.'* Dr. John Tayler lived notwith- standing to become bishop of Lincoln, and (as Baker admits) was esteemed ' a good man and a good divine," 1 although he implies that his administration was marked by certain irregularities, the result, apparently, of his too eager pursuit of preferment, while he left letters * which it had been better for him they had been burnt. 1 With the appointment (10 March 1547) of William Bill, Dr. John Tayler's successor, the college may be regarded as taking a fresh departure. Dr. Bill was a Hertfordshire man, the pupil and afterwards the per- sonal friend of Sir John Cheke, and one whose name appears not unfrequently in the letters of Erasmus. WILLIAM BILL 39 His brother, Thomas Bill, was court physician to both Henry VIII. and Edward VI, and William, at the time when he succeeded to the mastership, was Linacre lecturer and is said to have continued to discharge that office for two years longer. His comparative youth, for he was scarcely thirty, makes it probable that both his brother and Sir John Cheke exerted their influence in his favour at court in order to bring about his election. Himself a zealous supporter of the Reformation, Dr. Bill was dismayed to find that among the fervid Lutherans who composed the majority of the fellows his zeal passed for mere lukewarmness, and he now strove, if possible, to stem the too impetuous current. It was customary, in those days, for the college disputa- tions to be held in the chapel, but when he found that the quaestioms there to be debated were to be selected from the chief points in dispute between Lutheran and Catholic, the master intimated his disapproval by his absence. Then the controversy reached its climax. The attack was led by the celebrated Thomas Lever, afterwards master of the college. For fearlessness and oratorical power, combined with adequate learning, the young fellow of St. John's was without a rival in the university. AVith him was joined Roger Hutchinson, who had been admitted a fellow in the same year. Before their united onset the technical scholastic defence of the Catholic tenets put forward by their opponents seemed almost contemptible. Lever and his assessor were held to have demonstrated incontrovertibly the unscriptural character of the sacrament of the mass, and order was given that from the arena of their victory, the symbol of that sacrament, the pix suspended over the altar in the chapel, should be removed. The official 40 THE REFORMATION on whom it devolved to carry out this mandate delayed its execution; but the following night an unknown hand cut down the pix and carried it away. The out- cry was great, and Thomas Lever had to journey up to Lambeth to Cranmer, to excuse or palliate as best he might a transaction at which the archbishop himself was scandalised. These events belong to the year 1547, and for a time the master himself was in perplexity as to the course he should adopt and was even contempla- ting resignation. But in the following year he was elected vice-chancellor. His predecessor in the office in 1546 had been John Madew, a former fellow of St. John^s, and styled on the occasion of his admis- sion in 1530 < discretus vir 1 ; and Madew, although a strenuous supporter of the Reformation, had forbidden such burning questions as that of transubstantiation to be brought forward in the schools. But as the policy of Somerset and Cranmer became more and more pro- nounced, and the demolition of images and stained windows went on in the churches throughout the land, the Reformers at Cambridge also grew bolder. In or about the year 1549, Madew was appointed Regius professor of divinity, and now himself maintained in the schools the very doctrines which two years before he had peremptorily excluded from the arena of disputa- tion. He asserted the unscriptural character of the doctrine of transubstantiation ; and the bishop of Rochester, who presided on the occasion, * determined ' in his favour, concluding that ' transubstantiation was not to be proved or gathered from scripture or ancient doctors,' and that the sacrament itself was ' but a com- memoration and a thanksgiving." Then came the memorable Visitation of the university by the royal THOMAS LEVER 41 commissioners of 1549. On that occasion St. John's and its master were gently dealt with, while Madew was promoted to be master of Clare. Two years later (Dec. 1551) Dr. Bill was transferred to the headship of the newly founded society of Trinity, and was succeeded at St. John's by Thomas Lever. The first fellow elected under the auspices of the Commissioners was one Peter of Perugia, an indication probably of their resolve to maintain the relations of the society with the Reformation movement abroad. It is no slight evidence of the rising reputation of the college as a home of genuine learning and of approved theology that, within the space of four years, it should have given Heads to the foundations of Clare, King's and Trinity; and the expectation now ran high that the society had found in Lever an administrator who would not fail yet further to advance the good work of his predecessors. Along with his younger brother Ralph, a fellow of the college, the new master repre- sented a yet more uncompromising Protestantism than had hitherto found expression in Cambridge, a fact all the more noteworthy in that they were both north countrymen, their family name being derived, apparently, from their place of birth in Lancashire. But whether Catholic or Lutheran, it was at the spectacle of the same wrong-doing that the honest northern nature revolted. If Thomas Cromwell, with his ill-gotten wealth, had moved the indignation of the Catholic north countryman, the gross corruption under Somerset equally stirred the resentment of his Protestant repre- sentative. The spoliation which had befallen his own college, at the hands of the courtiers, more especially roused the new master to eloquent and loud remon- 42 THE REFORMATION strance. Already, prior to his appointment to the mastership, his voice had been heard at Paul's Cross vehemently protesting against the work of plunder that was then going on. In a sermon preached 12 Dec. 1550, one of the best-known discourses in the repertory of English pulpit oratory he boldly called upon those in power to restore what had been thus wrongfully taken away. His pathetic description of the condi- tion and scanty resources of St. John's itself is a familiar passage. He describes the scholars as going to dinner at ten o'clock, content with a penny piece of beef among four, having a little 'porage' made of the broth of the same beef and with salt and oatmeal, 'and nothing else.' 'After this slender dinner, 1 he continues, 'they be either teaching or learning until five of the clock in the evening, when as they have a supper not much better than their dinner. Immediately after the which, they go either to reasoning in problems or unto some other study, until it be nine or ten of the clock, and then being without fire are fain to walk or run up and down half an hour, to get a heat in their feet when they go to bed." 1 Trinity College itself, although it derived its chief revenues from the im- propriation of church livings, had in turn suffered from spoliation similar to that which had so severely visited St. John's ; and in his discourse Lever makes reference to some recent daring act of malversation on the part of the courtiers, whereby it would seem that the new foundation, like St. John's, had been a loser of property representing 'many hundred pounds.' But notwith- standing these losses the revenues of Trinity College still reached a total far exceeding that of King's, which had hitherto ranked as the richest college in the uni- TRINITY AND ST. JOHN'S 43 versity. Ascham, in whose fine nature a spirit of narrow jealousy had no place, exulted at the prosperity of this 'princely house," 1 but not less at the thought that 4 at its first erection Trinity was but colonia deducta out of S. Johnes, not onelie for their master, fellowes, and scholers, but also, which is more, for their whole order both of learning and discipline of matters.' To St. John's, indeed, Trinity was indebted not only for its first three masters, but also for three of the best Greek scholars then to be found in Cam- bridge, Nicholas Carr, who in the following year was appointed to the Regius professorship, Robert Pember, who was forthwith installed as first Greek reader in the college, and John Dee, who appears to have acted as assistant Greek reader, but who is better known to posterity by his reform of the Julian Calendar. In John Young, who was chosen master of Pembroke in 1553, yet another society had to recognise its indebted- ness to St. John's, where he had resigned a fellowship in order to form one of the new foundation at Trinity, and had subsequently made a special reputation by the ability with which he opposed the teaching of Martin Bucer. Personal regard for Cecil and for his confidant, Sir John Cheke, inclined the young king to look with kindly feeling on the house of their common education, and in the notes for his will, the sum of ^150 per annum was allotted to St. John's College. But his premature death (6 July 1553) frustrated his charitable purpose, while it fell like a thunderbolt on the party of the Reformers throughout the university. Lever's sincerity and that of his followers was now put to a decisive test, and courageous action was not wanting 44 THE REFORMATION to his bold words. He at once declared himself a supporter of the cause of the lady Jane Grey. North- umberland, who in the preceding year had been elected chancellor of the university, arrived in Cambridge on 15 July 1553 for the purpose of proclaiming her queen. Lever was invited to meet him at supper at the vice- chancellor's, Dr. Sandys, at that time master of St. Catherine's, a notable supper party, where Dr. Bill and Matthew Parker were also present. On the follow- ing day, which was a Sunday, Sandys preached before the university and in his sermon compared Northumber- land to Joshua, while the young king was supposed to typify the defunct great leader of Israel. The chancellor and the officers of the force which had accompanied him urgently besought that the sermon might forthwith be printed. There was at that time no printing press in Cambridge, but the intrepid Lever volunteered himself to carry the manuscript to London. At the appointed hour, he was at the gate of St. Catherine's, ready booted and spurred for his journey, when one of the bedells, John Adams by name, came in deep distress to report that Northumberland, who had marched out from Cambridge, at the head of his army, early on the Monday morning, was falling back on the town. A few weeks later, Lever had fled to Aarau in Switzerland, where he afterwards became minister of the little English church in that town. While abroad he made the acquaintance of Bullinger and visited Geneva, where he sat at the feet of Calvin. On the accession of Elizabeth he returned to England, but not to St. John's or to Cambridge. The sense of wrong still rankling in the exile's heart, the convictions, which suffering in their defence had rendered intenser still, closed the CHANGES UNDER MARY 45 avenues of preferment to one who could not assent without a murmur to the wary policy of Elizabeth and her cautious minister. The great majority of the exiles can scarcely have failed to hear of the changes which went on in the university under the rule of Mary and under the more immediate rule of Stephen Gardiner, now chancellor; how Dr. Bill had been unceremoniously ejected from his master's stall in Trinity College chapel, and how at most of the colleges, Gonville Hall, Jesus and Magdalene being the only exceptions, a change of Heads had taken place. The changes at St. John^s, of which we have any record, were simply reactionary. On 28 Sept. 1553, Thomas Watson, a former fellow of the college and one of Gardiner's chaplains, who had also shared his confinement in the Fleet, was admitted master by proxy. His non-appearance in person was perhaps not altogether undesigned; and the presence of Roger Ascham, now president of the society, would seem to indicate that the Reformers in the college had not as yet lost all hope of being able to retain a footing. Watson, whom Ascham describes as ' his deare frende ' and ' one of the best scholars that college ever bred,' represented a type of scholarship which has often adorned the Roman communion, exact, careful, pene- trating, with a refinement of taste sometimes verging upon fastidiousness. He read his Aristotle in the light of Plato rather than of the schoolmen ; had com- posed a Greek tragedy, entitled Absalon^ modelled on Euripides and Sophocles ; and scholars felt confident that under his rule no encouragement would be given to a return to the scholastic barbarism. Evidence, 46 CATHOLIC REACTION however, would lead us to conclude that, though skilled in the humanities, he was far from being a man of really humane feeling. But his rule at St. John's was brief, for in less than a year, Gardiner's influence brought about the promotion of his former chaplain to the deanery of Durham. From thence, Watson was raised to the see of Lincoln, of which he was deprived on the accession of Elizabeth, and after a long con- finement in Wisbeach castle died there, as a prisoner, in 1584. Short, however, as was the period of his mastership, Watson, before he quitted St. John's, had seen the almost complete extinction of the element which had flourished so vigorously under his predecessor. He had revived the discipline prescribed by Fisher's latest code ; and, for a brief season, there were those who cherished the hope that Mary's accession portended not simply the restoration of the former statutes but the resti- tution of the alienated estates. The letter is still preserved in the college Treasury in which the fellows urge their plea, with all the pathos that straitened circumstances combined with a strong sense of un- merited injury could inspire. They recall the loss of those ' vast tomes of famous writers ' contained in Fisher's great library; they deplore the fact that, during the late reign, Catholicism had been so dis- couraged in their midst that scarcely one adherent of the true faith had survived ; they bewail their present friendless state, and that, while the general rise in the price of commodities had materially contributed to their financial embarrassment, they had no patron to look to who might aid them in their poverty. How could they be expected to live on threepence or even GEORGE BULLOCK 47 sevenpence a week? None of their number were in receipt of more than a shilling. Their lot had truly been cast in an iron age! They conclude with the prayer that the sun of the royal favour may yet be permitted again to shine upon St. John's, so that the seed which Fisher had sown may not perish in the soil. If Mary, their queen, would only aid them they would pray for her as a second foundress ! To this piteous appeal, Mary however vouchsafed no response, ' wherein, 1 says Baker, * she was wanting to the memory of a faithful servant, who in some sense died her martyr. 1 Similar applications to Watson, now bishop of Lincoln, to Thirl by, bishop of Ely, and to Gardiner their chancellor appear to have proved equally fruitless. On 12 May 1554 the fellows proceeded to the election of a new master, when George Bullock, a former fellow, was unanimously chosen. Of his genuine attachment to the ancient faith there could be no doubt, for in the preceding reign his aversion from the Reformed doctrines had driven him abroad, and for two years he had lived in retirement at the abbey of Nevers in France. He had small reason to congratulate himself on his recall to St. John's ; the college had declined in numbers, some of the fellow- ships had been suppressed, while Gardiner's frequent interference and despotic temper served to reduce the master's authority almost to a nullity. Visitation followed upon visitation, and after some four years of much anxiety and uneasiness, Dr. Bullock found himself under the necessity of retiring in obedience to the royal behest of Elizabeth. He set out hoping to regain the pleasant city of Nevers and the quiet of its abbey of 48 CATHOLIC REACTION St. Martin, but in crossing the Channel was made a prisoner by pirates and robbed of all he possessed. He succeeded in ultimately reaching his destination and resumed his residence in the abbey, where he remained several years. We hear of him next as prosecuting his studies in the university of Paris, and then removing in 1567 to Antwerp, where he officiated as a divinity lecturer to the abbey of St. Michael in that city ; published also a vast Concordance, in two volumes, the first of which he dedicated to pope Gregory XIII., the second, to the kindly hearted abbot of St. Martin, Michael Malena by name, who had so hospitably sheltered him. At Antwerp he died in 1580, and was interred within the precincts of St. Michael's. Troublous as were the times, not a few of those who had been educated in the college during this period rose to eminence in Church or State or literature. Such were Sir Thomas Wyatt, the accomplished courtier and graceful sonnetteer, and father of the conspirator who was executed for treason during the reign of queen Mary. He is said to have entered the college when only twelve years of age and left it after proceeding M. A. in 1522. John Edmunds, one of the earliest fellows, elected in 1519, was afterwards master of Peterhouse, and one of the compilers of The Institution of a Christian Man ; John Reston succeeded in 1546 to the mastership of Jesus College, where he founded a chantry, a fellow- ship and seven scholarships ; John Redman, after study- ing at Paris and taking his M.A. at Cambridge, was admitted in 1530 a fellow of the college and was after- wards public orator and Lady Margaret professor, and in 1546, on the dissolution of King's Hall, was appointed first master of Trinity ; John Madew, who has already RICHARD CROKE 49 come under our notice, ended his days as master of Clare Hall ; the connexion of Robert Holgate, afterwards archbishop of York, with the college, rests on somewhat doubtful evidence, it being at least equally probable that he received his education at the house of the order of Saint Gilbert of Sempringham ; Richard Croke, who had been educated at Eton, and was afterwards a scholar at King's, only came to St. John's when considerably over thirty years of age and with a ripe experience matured by study in Paris and a successful career as professor of Greek at Cologne, Lou vain and Leipzig. Unfortunately, amid the arrogant society at King's, he had learned to grudge at the royal favours which had fostered the rise of Christ's College and of St. John's ; and although elected to a fellowship on the latter foundation in 1523, with a stipend from bishop Fisher for reading a Greek lecture to its members, he was sufficiently ungrateful to accuse his most generous patron of setting up for founder of St. John's in dero- gation of the right of the lady Margaret. Fisher vindicated himself from the charge in a letter to Croke himself, and Baker long afterwards denounced the ingrate as an 'ambitious, envious and discontented wretch.' But Croke's subsequent career belongs to English history and to the annals of classic learning in England. In pleasing contrast to Croke we may note Robert Pember, who was admitted to his fellowship in the following year. Pember was the tutor of Roger Ascham, who praises him warmly both for his sweetness of disposition and real knowledge of Greek. He left the college in 1546 to become chief Greek reader at Trinity. Somewhat junior to Pember was John Seton, who about 1529 was elected a fellow on bishop Fisher's 4 50 CATHOLIC REACTION foundation. He was in high repute as a tutor and was one of bishop Gardiner's chaplains. In 1554 he was sent by the university to Oxford to dispute with Cranmer, Ridley and Latimer. His chief reputation with posterity rests, however, on the authorship of his Logic, which for nearly a century after was recognised as a standard text-book on the subject. Thomas Becon, who in 1530, before he was sixteen, proceeded to the degree of B.A., had come up to college from Norfolk bringing with him that reforming spirit which charac- terised his native county. His talents were popular rather than profound, and his writings were condemned as heretical. Cooper, in his A thence, enumerates no less than forty-seven. They have been edited for the Parker Society by John Ayre, and constitute a valuable illustration of a transition period of doctrinal belief as taught by one who was chaplain to Cranmer and Somerset and the friend of Latimer. Becon's surviving son, Theodore, also a Norfolk man, was also a member of the college and in 1579 was elected to a fellowship. CHAPTEK IV FROM THE DEATH OF QUEEN MARY TO THAT OF WHITAKER (1558-1595) Masters: James Pilkington (July 1559 Oct. 15G1) ; Leonard Pilkington (Oct. 1561 May 1564); Richard Longworth (May 1564 Dec. 1569); Nicholas Shepherd (Dec. 1569 July 1574); John Still (July 1574 May 1577); Richard Rowland (July 1577 Feb. 1586); William Whitaker (Feb. 1586 Dec. 1595) IT was of good omen for Cambridge that William Cecil consented to fill the office of chancellor on the death of cardinal Pole. He was still remembered at St. John's as one of its most indefatigable students ; and men might not unreasonably infer that the states- man who had been the confidant of Somerset, the friend of Northumberland, and had yet succeeded in retaining office throughout the reign of Mary, must surely be gifted with a rare discretion. It was reassuring again that the new chancellor, while deploring his ' moderate fortune and humble abilities, 1 did not fail to express to the university his heartfelt desire to serve them when- ever it might be in his power. None certainly could have been chosen better qualified for the complex task 42 52 A.D. 1558 TO 1595 of repressing the intriguing Catholic, holding in check the too fervid disciples of the divines of Frankfort, Zurich and Strassburg, and soothing the contention and rivalry that inevitably arose among the leading representatives of the party which now resumed the chief sway at Cambridge. St. John's, more especially, took fresh hope, a hope which this time, at least, was not destined to prove illusory ; while a continuously increasing debt of gratitude and obligation, extending over three centuries and a half, has ever since marked the relations of the college with the illustrious House of Cecil. In June 1559, another University Commission was appointed, with Cecil at its head and entrusted with exceptionally important functions. It was not only empowered to reform and reorganise the university, but especially instructed to administer the oath of supremacy ; and if, among its eight members, there were those to whom exception might be taken as men approaching a weighty responsibility under the in- fluence of strong prejudices, it cannot be denied that, taken collectively, the names were well calculated to inspire confidence as those of statesmen and divines who by personal experience and knowledge of the university were well qualified for the task which lay before them. Sir Anthony Cooke had not, it is true, been educated at Cambridge, but he was widely known both as a profound scholar and one well versed in public affairs. He had himself been an exile during Mary's reign, and along with Dr. Bill and Dr. William Mey, president of Queens 1 , may be regarded as representing the more advanced section of the Commission. The influence of THE NEW COMMISSION 53 these three may however be regarded as finding a full counterpoise in that of the remaining five. Walter Haddon was one of those Cambridge scholars who had declined Wolsey's invitation to Oxford, but he had subsequently accepted the presidency of Magdalen College in that university. Matthew Parker's cautious discernment was already recognised. Thomas Wendy had, for more than a generation, been physician to the royal family and had been one of the attesting witnesses to Mary's will. Robert Home, although he had joined the exiles at Zurich, had been one of the minority who had advocated the retention of the English liturgy at Frankfort. James Pilkington, who had been a fellow- exile with Home in Zurich, had been the first to sign (if indeed he did not compose) the ' Peaceable Letter ' sent to the English Church at Geneva and was at this time one of the commissioners for the revision of the Book of Common Prayer. On the whole it cannot but have somewhat re-assured the society at St. John's, that no less than four of the nine commissioners, the chancellor, Dr. Bill, Home and James Pilkington, had been educated within its walls, of whom three had been fellows and one a former head of the society. On the 20th July, Pilkington was elected master of his college ; and as, on the appointment of the Commission in the preceding month, order had been given that all ordinary business should be temporarily suspended, we may fairly conclude, with Baker, that the election can only have taken place ' by the act or with the consent of the visitors.' The Pilkingtons were an ancient Lancashire family of some historic reputation, and one of its ancestors had fought by the side of Harold at Senlac. There 54 A.D. 1558 TO 1595 was,, at this time, another of the name at St. John's, a younger brother of James, named Leonard, who had been admitted a fellow as far back as 1546. He, too, on the accession of Mary, had fled the country and joined his brother in his exile at Frankfort. Before the close of 1559 he was re-elected fellow, this time as one of the seniority, was made a preacher of the college, and, somewhat less than two years later, on James 1 promotion to the see of Durham, was elected to succeed him in the mastership. The fraternal influence, as we shall shortly see, was not wanting on Leonard's behalf ; ' but that,' says Baker, ' which was most un- reasonable was that he and his brother were senior fellows at the same time and that he continued senior whilst his brother was master, a thing liable to such inconveniences as might probably occasion it to be otherwise provided for in the new statutes." 1 The evil which Fisher's revised statutes had especially sought to guard against was now, indeed, to be seen manifesting itself with renewed force. Thomas Lever, Thomas Watson and the two Pilkingtons, all successively masters of the college, were also Lancashire men, and the partialities which such virtual clanship was especially calculated to engender became only too operative. We find for example that Ralph Lever, the brother of the master, was permitted to hold the lease of Bassing- bourne although already a fellow of the college ; and that James Pilkington, having been permitted by the Commission to exercise his own discretion in the elections to the fellowships, forthwith brought in Richard Longworth, also a native of Lancashire, and subsequently twelfth master. According indeed to Baker, it was owing to like predilections that ' utensils THE PILKINGTONS 55 for college use ' were largely brought from that distant county, although he admits that c Lancashire stuff ' was at this time ' much in fashion/ Greatly outweighing, however, in its far-reaching consequences, abuses such as these, was the decided bias which the college at this time acquired in favour of those Puritan doctrines which were before long so largely to characterise its spirit and its teaching. Already certain alterations in the chapel gave intima- tion of a coming change. It was not simply that the altar was removed, but Ashton's chapel and a portion of the chapel of the Hospital were converted to base uses which scandalised not a little the general sense of what was seemly in connexion with a consecrated building. It was yet more ominous that, amid the demoralisation which frequently follows upon sudden and violent changes, the standard of learning and morality in the college had greatly declined. So much so, indeed, that James Pilkington could not refrain from giving emphatic testimony against the society of which he was himself the head. He continued to hold the mastership eight months after his consecration to the see of Durham ; and it is during this interval, in May 1561, that we find him writing to Cecil to recom- mend his brother Leonard as his successor, although he intimates that the mastership itself is a far from enviable post and that it is only from motives of genuine self-denial that the latter is ready to accept the office. He describes his brother as able to discern but * little study and sobriety 1 in the house; there is but one preacher left in the college, and ' when he goes, it will be hard to find his successor ' ; his only hope is in the ' youngest sort ' who may possibly in time ' grow to 56 A.D. 1558 TO 1595 some learning and honesty.' The stipend again is only ^l^ annually, 'whosoever have it must have other living beside. 1 Such were the representations of the master of St. John's and such the condition of the society, within less than thirty years of the time when the scholarship and enlightenment of Cheke and Ascham were making the college famous as no house in Cambridge had ever been before ! It is possible, how- ever, that James Pilkington, soured by the conscious- ness of a certain miscarriage in his own efforts at administration and feeling that on the eve of his departure for a distant sphere of labour he might speak plainly with little likelihood of being called upon to prove his assertions, depicted the state of affairs in unduly gloomy colours. It was but poor amends that, when he afterwards founded the Grammar School at Rivington in Lancashire, he vested the ap- pointment of its masters in the college, although this was only in event of the governors failing to appoint within six weeks of a vacancy. Leonard Pilkington succeeded to the mastership 19 Oct. 1561, and before the year expired was also appointed Regius professor of theology. It is signifi- cant that he vacated the former dignity within little more than two years, and held his professorial chair less than one, being fain ultimately to retire upon a canonry obtained for him by his brother's influence in Durham cathedral. He was subsequently made treasurer of the cathedral and died a wealthy man in 1599, leaving behind him the reputation of a ' good preacher rather than a great divine.' But before he died he must have heard of events of considerable importance which were taking place at St. John's. At the time when he THE ROYAL VISIT 57 quitted his master's chambers, discipline in the college had sunk to a yet lower point. Some of its members, under the influence of Genevan doctrine, were refusing to wear the surplice, the earliest symptom of that more extended revolt which was to culminate under Thomas Cartwright. Within a few weeks of Richard Long worth's succes- sion to the mastership, an intimation was conveyed through the chancellor that the queen was designing to visit the university. It was Cecil who wrote, himself, as he expressed it, ' in great anxietie for the well-doing of things there," but suffering from an ' un- happy greef in my footed On the 4th August 1564 he arrived, taking up his quarters with his ' old nurse,' as he was wont to style the college. Here he had doubtless to listen to much that was far from pleasing : how the contempt for the established discipline had already reached a culminating point, how Genevan psalters usurped the place of the new Latin prayer- books, and how the ancient plate that had adorned the communion table had altogether disappeared. By his side appeared his accomplished spouse, the lady Mildred Burghley, a scholar who could face without misgiving the ordeal of a conversation in Greek and who, together with the lady Jane Grey, passed for one of the two most erudite ladies in England, long after gratefully remembered also for her benefactions to the college, as visible at Christmas in the blazing fires in hall and perennially in the great King Philip's Bible, in eight volumes, which stood chained in the library. Elizabeth, mounted on her palfrey, rode into the hall of St. John's, and was there greeted with an oration by 58 A.D. 1558 TO 1595 Humphrey Bohun, one of the senior fellows. The orator, bearing in mind her majesty's descent from the foundress, thought the occasion auspicious for advert- ing to the heavy losses which the college had sustained. His appeal, however, met with no response ; Elizabeth probably saw no reason why she should interpose to restore the lost estates when her sister had riot done so. Very possibly, also, she may have already heard from Cecil how unsatisfactory, in some respects, the condition of the college was. It is certain that from this time the society appears to have definitely abandoned the hope that the alienated revenues would ever be restored. Among the numerous characteristic incidents which marked the royal visit one especially calls for notice, the disputation held in the royal presence between Thomas Cartwright and Thomas Preston of King's College, afterwards master of Trinity Hall. The academic experiences of the former, who was in his thirtieth year, had been singularly varied. Cartwright had first been a sizar at Clare Hall, then a scholar at St. John's, and afterwards a Marian exile. On his return to England he had been gladly welcomed back to college by James Pilkington, but in 1560 had migrated to Trinity. Then, having received the offer of a fellow- ship, he was induced to return to St. John's, and finally, in 1562, migrated a second time to Trinity, there to become a major fellow and subsequently a member of the seniority. Real merit, combined with personal ambition, sufficiently explain these frequent academic changes, for Cartwright was at once an eloquent preacher, a good theological scholar, and an able dis- putant. It was in this last-named capacity that he now THOMAS CARTWRIGHT 59 appeared before Elizabeth, and according to one tradi- tion (entitled, however, to little credence), the disputa- tion that ensued proved the great turning-point in his career. Cartwright, it is related, was outshone on this occasion by the gallant bearing and graceful demeanour of his antagonist. It was to Preston that Elizabeth assigned the palm of victory, adding the proud title of ' her scholar ' and awarding him an annual pension of ^20, while Cartwright remained uncommended and un- pensioned. He took deep umbrage ; and, to quote the homely language of Sir George Paule (the retailer of the story), began, from that time, ' to wade into divers opinions ' and * to kick against the queen's ecclesiastical government. 1 It is not, however, to the biographer of Whitgift that we should be inclined to look for strict impartiality in an estimate of the motives by which Cartwright was actuated at any juncture ; and it is more charitable to believe that genuine conviction rather than mere pique dictated his subsequent action. He was already the most admired pulpit orator in Cambridge ; so much so, that when he preached at Great St. Mary's, it is said that the windows of the church were taken out, in order that his discourse might be audible outside to those who were unable to obtain admission within. It is certain that his influence at Cambridge at this time far exceeded that of any other individual divine, it began, in fact, to be a source of considerable anxiety to the academic authori- ties. In the year succeeding that of the royal visit, a notable demonstration took place at St. John's, the fellows and scholars, to the number of nearly 300, suddenly appearing in chapel without their surplices, 60 A.D. 1558 TO 1595 their example being followed shortly afterwards at Trinity. Such was the commencement, at Cambridge, of the great ' vestiarian controversy ,"* as it has been termed, and it is melancholy to reflect that conten- tions such as these were the channel which was destined for many a year to absorb the most earnest thought and the best energies of the university. It was in vain that the chancellor himself openly deplored this baneful and unfruitful strife, 'wherein,' he complains, 'the time once bestowed upon the arts and sciences is frittered away in frivolous disputes. 1 To such an extent indeed had these dissensions taken possession of the college, that Long worth, whose own want of self-control little fitted him to govern others, although really desirous of maintaining the existing discipline, was altogether unable to enforce it. He found himself, moreover, confronted by an antagonist far abler than himself, the celebrated William Fulke, on whom, after Cartwrighfs departure from the college, it devolved to assume the leadership of what may now be spoken of as the Puritan faction. Longworth and Fulke do not appear to have differed materially in their doctrinal views, but something of the old rivalry between North and South may have served to stir up enmity between the two, for Fulke was a native of London. And to this, again, there may have been added the usual antipathy between mediocrity and genius, for Fulke was not only a fearless assertor of the new doctrines and a genuine scholar, but was also endowed with that independent genius which so often prompts the possessor to forsake the beaten track in the pursuit of what is novel and unessayed. After taking his degree, he had been designed by his father WILLIAM FULKE 61 for the law and for some six years had been a student at Clifford's Inn ; revolting however at the mental drudgery, he had returned to Cambridge and again taken up his residence at St. John's. In 1564 he was elected a fellow and in the following year appointed head lecturer of the college. But the acquirement of fresh knowledge had, for him, greater charms than the instruction of others in the traditional learning. He delighted in the study of astronomy and poured fierce contempt on the astrologers of the time ; he applied himself with equal ardour to oriental languages ; and, when the dispute concerning vestments arose, threw himself with characteristic energy into the conflict. He was soon, indeed, marked out as the ringleader of the party of insubordination and ultimately both the master and he were summoned before Cecil ; the former to be severely rebuked for his laxity in enforcing discipline, while the latter was deprived of his fellow- ship and expelled. Well assured, however, of support from a considerable section of the university, Fulke refused to quit Cambridge, and having taken rooms at the Falcon Inn, there gave lectures and held disputa- tions as before. His confidence was not misplaced, for he not only succeeded in maintaining his ground, but on 21 March 1566 was re-elected to his fellowship and was shortly after placed on the seniority. In 1567 he was made preacher and Hebrew lecturer of his college ; and in the following year his university admitted him to the degree of B.D. But before long another dark cloud crossed his path. He was supposed to have connived at a marriage within the degrees of con- sanguinity prohibited by the Church. An inquiry was instituted, of which he preferred not to abide the result 62 A.D. 1558 TO 1595 but anticipated a second expulsion from his fellowship by resignation. When however Cox, the bishop of Ely, in his capacity of Visitor of the college pro- ceeded to institute a careful inquiry into the case, the evidence resulted in Fulke's acquittal from all blame and he was accordingly reinstated. Long-worth's con- duct, on the other hand, was marked by the vacillation of weakness. After incurring Cecil's rebuke, a be- coming sense of incapacity for his onerous office appears first to have stolen over him ; and, although he proceeded D.D. and acted as vice-chancellor in 1568, towards the close of the following year, on the plea of numerous and important duties elsewhere, he re- signed the mastership, and retired to his living of Cockfield.* According to Strype, Longworth repented of his precipitancy and offered himself for re-election, but only again to find himself confronted by Fulke, who appeared as a rival competitor. Both, however, had eventually to retire from the candidature, and of Longworth we henceforth hear but little, save that he succeeded to the deanery of Chester in 1573 and died in 1579. A more distinguished career awaited his abler rival. Fulke had already managed to ingratiate himself with the all-powerful Leicester, who was at this time paying assiduous court to the Puritan party, and the earl now not only made him his chaplain but procured for him both the living of Warley in Essex and that of Dennington in Suffolk. Eight years later, Fulke was elected to the mastership of Pembroke College and returned to Cambridge. St. John's, indeed, knew him * Cockfield, it should be noted, was not at that time a college living ; it first became so, by purchase from the Spring family, in 1694 NICHOLAS SHEPHERD 63 no more ; but there were not a few of that society who must have regarded with no small interest and admira- tion the unwearied literary activity which characterized the last decade of the life of their former great proto- machist, and more especially the extensive learning, the clear incisive style, the argumentative power which he brought to bear upon the leaders of the Counter Reformation. His last work, published in 1589 (the year of his death), was the completion of Cartwrighfs unfinished treatise against the Rhemish version of the New Testament. Nicholas Shepherd, who was admitted 17 Dec. 1569, held office little more than four years, a man whose character it is by no means easy to discern amid the conflicting facts of his career. He had been elected a fellow in March 1553, but had fled during the Marian persecution, to be reinstated on the accession of Eliza- beth. He was subsequently elected a fellow and vice- master of Trinity, from whence he returned, as master, to St. John's. But these several appointments, together with that of university preacher which he received in 1561, and still less the mere fact of his election having been carried against that of Dr. Fulke, do not seem to justify the conclusion that he was exceptionally quali- fied for the office ; nor, on the other hand, does his Northern extraction, he was a native of Westmore- land, appear to have specially operated in his favour. Distinguished neither as a scholar nor as an adminis- trator, he evaded even the ordinary traditional obliga- tions of a new Head, the proceeding D.D. and the duties of the vice - chancellorship, and the college, during a crisis of exceptional gravity, was nominally ruled by one whom Baker designates as 'a slug. 1 If 64 A.D. 1558 TO 1595 really, as recorded by Strype, ' brought in to check the growth of puritanism ' the result sufficiently proved the impolicy of confiding important functions to in- capable hands, however servile. Before the tenure of his mastership had expired, Shepherd stood accused of nearly all the offences most calculated to discredit such an office, ' unsatiable getting,' and ' convertinge by fraud and deceit 1 to his own use what rightly belonged to the college, ' sowing of contention ' and ' tyranny in taking all authority in elections to himself,' and finally ' non-residence.' The Visitor, Richard Cox, however, dismissed all the above allegations as not of a kind to justify deprivation, while he held the charge of non- residence to be not proven. In July 1574 Shepherd vacated the mastership, but whether of his own free choice or under compulsion is uncertain. He sub- sequently became a prebendary of Lincoln and died about 1587. Before we pass on to the election of his eminent successor, it will be necessary to go back to Cartwright and the fortunes of the Puritan party in the university. A fuller knowledge of the facts than is now apparently attainable would probably show a certain connexion between Shepherd's election at Trinity and subsequent promotion there, and the retirement of Cartwright in 1565 from that college. For the next two years we find him living with Adam Loftus, archbishop of Armagh, as his chaplain in Ireland. The archbishop soon formed the highest opinion of his chaplain's abilities, and on his own translation to the see of Dublin, strongly urged that Cartwright should be appointed his successor in his former see. His recom- mendation was not carried into effect; but in 1569 CARTWRIGHT AS PROFESSOR 65 Cartwright was appointed lady Margaret professor of divinity and returned in the following year to Cam- bridge. Alike in his professorial chair and in the university pulpit he now assumed a distinctly aggressive attitude : he not only inveighed against the existing mode of appointing the ministers of the English Church, but denounced nearly all the dignities associated with its organisation, the offices and functions alike of archbishops, deans and archdeacons ; in short, he called in question the whole constitution of the Church wherever it deviated from what he maintained to have been that of the Church primitive. The supporters of the system 'as by law established "* were first surprised, then shocked, then moved to active resentment. Cart- wright was answered from the university pulpit by Whitgift ; while divines of known moderation, such as William Chaderton, his own predecessor in the pro- fessorial chair, and Grindal, archbishop of York, gave utterance to deliberate and weighty censure. What, however, was of far greater practical importance was that he found himself in conflict with that newly-con- stituted body the Caput, of which it will here be necessary to give some account. During the feeble rule of Shepherd at St. John's an important change, amounting to a revolution, had taken place in the university without. This was nothing less than the promulgation of a new code, whereby more effective means were provided for the repression of that growing licence in college discipline with which Long- worth and Shepherd had been found so totally unable to cope. The promulgation of the Elizabethan statutes, in fact, marks that great turning-point in Cambridge academic history, at which timidity and vacillation, 5 66 A.D. 1558 TO 1595 such as we have already noted in the rule of successive college Heads, were exchanged for characteristics of a very different kind. Down to the year 1570 the master of a college, however desirous of asserting his statutory authority, must always have felt that in so doing it would be at the risk of provoking an organised opposition to himself which might render his retention of office distasteful if not impossible. At St. John's, it must be admitted, this spirit of insubordination appears to have been exceptionally rife ; so much so, indeed, that we find Dr. Perne, the eminent master of Peterhouse, in a letter written to Burghley about this time, describing the fellows as notoriously 'cunning practitioners ' in the art of getting rid of an unpopular head, a reproach to which the short tenure of office by the two Pilkingtons, Longworth arid Shepherd, might certainly seem to afford no little justification. The statutes of Elizabeth, to which the royal assent was given 25 Sept. 1570, were openly declared to have been enacted ' on account of the increasing audacity and excessive licence of men 1 ; and it was with the design of applying an effectual remedy to the existing state of affairs, that the university, which had hitherto been a democracy, was converted into an oligarchy. This was done, in the first instance, by completely changing the method of election to the vice-chancellor- ship, the heads of houses being entrusted with the exclusive function of nominating two candidates, one or other of whom the regents were obliged to elect. When the vice-chancellor had been thus elected, five others were to be chosen to act with him. But these five were also to be chosen by the Heads, acting in this case in conjunction with the doctors of each faculty STATUTES OP ELIZABETH 67 and two 'scrutators 1 ; while even to this highly select body of electors no great discretion was conceded, their choice with respect to three of the five being limited to doctors of the faculties of theology, law and medicine respectively. A somewhat wider choice was permitted with respect to the other two, one of whom was to be a non-regent, the other, a regent, master of arts. Such was the eminently esoteric constitution of the new Caput or governing body, chosen to exercise unchal- lenged sway for the entire academic year, invested with absolute powers of veto, without whose unanimous assent no Grace might be brought before the house of regents and non-regents. And not only was the election of the vice-chancellor and of the Caput alike thus practically vested in the heads of houses, but the authority and influence of the Heads themselves were in other respects greatly augmented : they fixed the times and the subjects of the ordinary and other lectures ; they were discharged from the performance of all exercises in the public schools and elsewhere ; while in their own colleges an absolute veto was given them in all elections of fellows, scholars, officers and servants, in the granting of leases, and in all public acts whatever. Marshalled by Whitgift, who had succeeded to the mastership of Trinity in 1567, the Heads at once proceeded to employ their vastly enhanced powers with corresponding effect. Those powers were conferred in September 1570, and in the following December Cart- wright was deprived of his professorship. His expulsion from his fellowship at Trinity took place in the Sep- tember of 1571. He then fled to Geneva, where he was warmly welcomed by Beza. His supporters at Cam- bridge were, however, very imperfectly consoled when 52 68 A.D. 1558 TO 1595 they learned that the great head of the Calvinistic party abroad was profoundly impressed by the attainments of their former teacher and even pronounced him inferior to no living scholar. Cartwright had held the lady Margaret professorship scarcely a year, and was succeeded in his chair by the famous Dr. Still, who, three years later, on 21 July 1574, was the successor of Nicholas Shepherd in the mastership of St. John's. ' It was in the college,' says Baker, ' as it had been in the university, where the body by abusing their privileges lost that liberty they had before enjoyed and occasioned the power to determine in the heads ; and it was faction and nonconformity that was the like occasion in them both.' Dr. Still's election was not unanimous but was amply justified in the sequel, his ability, discernment and discretion, alike as an administrator of college affairs and a disputant in the schools, being admitted on every side. In the schools he was so renowned a disputant that according to Sir John Harington, ' the learned'st were even afraid to dispute with him.' When, in 1 578, the Diet at Smalkald was in contemplation, he was chosen to represent Cambridge while Dr. Humphry represented Oxford, and on these two doughty cham- pions it devolved to oppose all comers in defence of the Church of England. His skilful application of the Act of 1575, 'For the Maintenance of Colleges in the Universities,' has been described as a second additional endowment of the college ; and while to Baker he appears as one ' raised up to root out puritanism in St. John's College,' we find him co-operating with William Fulke in a refutation of the exorbitant claims put forward by the Jesuits on behalf of patristic theology. All too soon for St. John's, Dr. Still was transferred in DR. STILL 69 1577 to the headship of Trinity, where a rule of greater duration, extending over sixteen years, still further con- firmed the general estimate of his administrative ability. At St. John's, his successor, Richard Rowland, was promoted from the mastership of Magdalene, the vacancy thus created on that foundation being filled in turn by a fellow of St. John's, a Suffolk man whose name was Henry Copinger. It was during Rowland's tenure of the mastership, in the year 1578, that the royal mandate was given for the drawing up of a new body of statutes. 'They were,' says Baker, 'at least three years in forming and preparing ; the master had two or three journeys to London and Berkshire to attend the chancellor about them ; after they were completely formed, they were sent down to the college anno 1580, by the queen's authority, signed by her commissioners, William Burghley, chancellor of the university, Richard Cox, bishop of Ely, Andrew Perne, master of Peterhouse, Edward Hawford, master of Christ's, and Henry Hervey, master of Trinity Hall.' With the addition of a single ordinance granted by Charles I. and another granted by George IV these statutes continued to represent the rule of the society down to the year 1849. The initiative in the matter appears to have been taken by archbishop Grindal, who had himself for a short time been master of Pembroke, and who, on 25 April 1576, addressed to Burghley the following representation of the facts : ' I am to move your lord- ship on behalf of your old nurse, I mean St. John's College in Cambridge. That famous college hath been long, and yet is (as I am informed), troubled with factions and contentions. Some of that university, 70 A.D. 1558 TO 1595 which be of credit, think the readiest way of reforma- tion to be, if a visitation by her Majesty's commission may be procured, and the statutes of the college reduced to some certainty, and in some things altered by the report of the visitors, understanding the state of the house. I am informed that there is no original authentic book of statutes in the treasury of that college, as by statute ought to be, and is in all other colleges duly observed. The copies of the statutes which are now abroad in that house are rased, blotted, interlined, and corrupted with marginal additions, so as indeed no man can certainly affirm what is statute, what not. I think therefore your lordship might do a very good deed, at your convenient leisure, to procure such a visitation from her Majesty, with such good instructions as your lordship shall think requisite in such a case. 1 An appeal thus urged could hardly fail to meet with the sanction of the wise Burghley. His cordial concurrence was immediately notified and a Commission of eight, of which he was himself the chairman, was appointed, Richard Cox and Whitgift being among his coadj u tors. Through- out the whole work of revision Rowland gave zealous aid ; while Burghley, to use Baker's homely expression, ' gilded the pill, 1 by granting 20 in rentals from his estates in the counties of Northampton and Hertford for the purpose of ' enlarging the commons of the scholars. 1 In this amended code the most noteworthy features are: (1) the extension given to the powers exercised by the master ; (2) the limitations imposed on those of the visitor. On this latter feature Baker gives us the following criticism : 'In all the former statutes the bishop of Ely's power had been always preserved pretty entire. STATUTES OF 1580 71 at least in a just height, even by Henry the Eighth^ statutes ; he had not only power of visiting when called in, but once every three years without a call. Whereas by these statutes he has no power of visiting till called in, and that call is rendered so difficult as to leave him little more than a shadow of power. ... I can see only two reasons for this, expense to the college and trouble to the bishop. The expenses on the college side were usually high, for the bishop had vastly ex- ceeded his appointments, and the good bishop had had so many uneasy journeys of late from Ely to Cambridge, that he had reason to wish there might be fewer occasions for his coming hither. 1 In the intercourse between Burghley and Rowland which resulted from these joint labours we have the origin of an observance which still survives. In the year following upon the completion of their task, the master of St. John's visited Stamford, as the official representa- tive of the college, and preached before his host : and down to the present time, the clerical fellows, in order of seniority, have annually performed a like duty. In 1578 Rowland was vice-chancellor, and it is in that capacity that we find him waiting on the Queen on her visit to Audley End, presenting her with a Greek Testament and a pair of gloves and making a suitable oration. In 1583 he was again elected vice- chancellor, and in the following year Whitgift, who was his personal friend, recommended him to Elizabeth for preferment. His nomination to the see of Peterborough followed soon after ; but again the choice of a successor seemed so likely to imperil the harmony of the college that Rowland was permitted to hold his mastership for two years longer in conjunction with his new prefer^ 72 A.D. 1558 TO 1595 ment. It was not until February, 1586, that he resigned office and finally quitted Cambridge. After he had settled down at Peterborough, he obtained Burghley's permission to invite certain of the junior members of the college, young men of good family, to visit him at Peterborough. Among the number was Henry Wriothesley, who had succeeded to the earldom of Southampton in 1581 ; and it is far from improbable that to this genial act of hospitality we may in some measure attribute the fact, that the fine collection of MSS. which the earl (the adored friend and patron of William Shakespeare) afterwards purchased of William Crashaw, was ultimately bequeathed by him to the library of his former college. On the 25 February 1586, William Whitaker was elected master, in Baker's opinion ' one of the greatest men the college ever had.' His election however was not uncontested, although as fellow of Trinity and Regius professor of divinity he came with high credentials. Here, again, the main objection was undoubtedly his supposed leaning to Puritanism ; but the powerful influence of Burghley and Whitgift eventually overcame all opposition, and the fame which the new master subsequently acquired as a scholar and a divine amply justified the action of his supporters. Although a Lancashire man, Whitaker had been educated at St. Paul's in London, whither he was sent by his uncle Alexander No well, the eminent dean of St. Paul's. Under his rule Puritanism again gained ground in the college, while at the same time the society greatly in- creased in numbers and reputation. In one respect the position taken up by Whitaker differed materially from that of his predecessors, for, although strongly opposed or UNIVERSITY WILLIAM WHITAKERV 73 to Roman doctrine and ritual, he was not less an opponent of Lutheranism. He was, in fact, the most distinguished leader in England of that growing party which accepted the doctrine of Calvin and Beza, and, while on friendly terms with Cartwright, he spoke disparagingly of his most admired productions. In pleasing contrast to some of his predecessors, he com- pletely outlived the jealousy with which his appoint- ment had, at first, been regarded by a certain section ; and Baker goes so far as to declare that the members of the college were 'all at last united in their affection to their master ' and that ' he had no enemies to over- come. 1 This enviable result appears, as we shall shortly see, to have been less attributable to Whitaker's faith- ful discharge of the duties of his office than to his impartiality in distributing the patronage at his dis- posal. He was twice married, had eight children, and his family resided out of college circumstances which enable us to understand how it was, that although, at the time of his death, he was not only master and professor but also a canon of Canterbury, in a letter addressed to Burghley about a fortnight before his decease he appears plaintively deploring his hard lot at being so frequently passed over 'amid the great pre- ferments of so many.' In November 1595, Whi taker and Humphry Tyndal, president of Queens 1 , were summoned by Whitgift, now archbishop, to aid him in the preparation of the famous Lambeth Articles, the embodiment of the victory achieved by the Calvinistic party in the Church of England. How intensely at this time the religious atmosphere was heated, and with what bitter jealousy Calvinist regarded Lutheran, may be gathered from a 74 A.D. 1558 TO 1595 glimpse afforded us in the pages of a contemporary diarist, of the circumstances under which the master of St. John's took his departure for Lambeth. Even Whi taker, much as he had taught and unreservedly as he had written in defence of predestination, was still held by some insufficiently zealous for the true Calvinistic interpretation of the doctrine. His brother- in-law, the eminent Laurence Chaderton, afterwards master of Emmanuel, undertook accordingly to sound him on the subject; and their common supporters were afterwards reassured when they heard how Whitaker had grasped Chaderton's hand and given him his emphatic assurance 'that he would stand to God's cause against the Lutherans.' Thus reinforced by the best learning at Cambridge, Whitgift's triumph at Lambeth was complete. But Whitaker, who pressed the extreme Calvinistic inter- pretation beyond even the archbishop's concurrence, was chagrined to find that his views were not adopted, while he was himself unexpectedly called upon to repel the accusation of being an encourager of schism in his own college. Puritan conclaves, he was told, assembled regularly at St. John's, and, as it was commonly be- lieved, with his consent, and these in turn were exaggerated by report into synods of an actual Presbytery. He could only protest his personal non- complicity in these breaches of discipline; and then, depressed and disappointed, set out on his return to Cambridge, where an illness supervened by which he was carried off' in the forty-seventh year of his age. His epitaph in Latin hexameters, attesting the ' in- victus labor et sanctissima vita' which had dignified his earthly career, is to be seen on the interior north WILLIAM WHITAKER 75 wall of the transept of the college chapel ; two portraits of him, taken eight years prior to his decease, are pre- served in the Master's Lodge ; and some of his lectures were edited after his death by John Allenson, a Durham man of good family and a fellow of the college. A sketch of his life, by Abdias Assheton, is printed in the Genevan edition of Whitaker's collected works. No English divine of the sixteenth century surpassed Whitaker in the estimation of his contemporaries. He was, in fact, as Churton afterwards styled him, 'the pride and ornament of Cambridge. 1 Bellarmine, although his antagonist in controversy, so much ad- mired his genius and attainments that he kept his portrait suspended in his study. Joseph Scaliger and bishop Hall both speak of him in terms of unbounded admiration ; and Casaubon's high tribute of praise is modified only by regret that the champion of the English Church should have pressed the Calvinistic views so harshly and with too little regard to historical accuracy. In St. John's, however, there were those who held that the reputation of its former head had been too dearly purchased at the expense of the college interests. A few days after Whitakers decease, a letter signed by twelve of the fellows was forwarded to Burghley, in which, while rendering all due homage to the late master as ' a man renowned for his learninge through- out all Christendome, and a great pillar of oure churche,"* they asserted, with sufficient plainness, that his absorption in the studies of his closet had resulted in a certain remissness in the supervision of the society which had been attended with deplorable results, ' conventicles of Cartwright and his associates had been 76 A.D. 1558 TO 1595 held ' and elections favourable to their party had been carried. Nor had the master's personal devotion to study proved very potent as an example. Learning, says the letter, had been positively ' discouraged, 1 and the state of the college since Rowland's departure had become ' so altered as is incredible to be told. 1 * Whitaker, in short, while he had largely extended the reputation of the college, had been wanting in that careful attention to its interests and to the promotion of a genial harmonious spirit among its members on which the success of such institutions must always largely depend. If he had defeated the Lutherans and silenced Stapleton, he had also roused animosities which earned for the society numerous enemies without ; for rarely indeed has a theologian, defeated in argu- ment, gone over to the side of his antagonist. But amid all the ferment which had followed upon the re-establishment of Protestantism, not a few had come and gone within the walls of St. John's, who, while taking comparatively little share in the inter- minable controversies which disturbed its peace, had doubtless found their interest roused and their faculties quickened by the intellectual activity and ardent study amid which they had, for a time, lived. The contro- versial spirit was probably never stronger than among the returned Marian exiles, whose first aim it was to drive out everything that savoured of Catholic doctrines. Foremost among these was Roger Kelke, who had been elected a fellow in 1545 and senior fellow in 1552. On his return he was re-elected senior fellow and also admitted lady Margaret preacher. His appointment to the mastership of Magdalene in 1559 would seem to justify Strype's commendation ROGER KELKE 77 when he describes him as * a wise and worthy man, 1 and it is evident that he stood high in favour with the fellows of St. JohnX who, on the resignation of Dr. Leonard Pilkington, would fain have elected him master. This election, however, was set aside by court influence in favour of Longworth, and Kelke's subse- quent history is merged in that of the society of which he remained the head, there to wage ignominious war- fare with butchers and bakers and become generally notorious for his incapacity as an administrator. Thomas Peacock, a native of Cambridge, had been admitted a fellow as far back as 1533. In November 1558 he was elected president of Queens', but his pro- nounced sympathy with Roman Catholic doctrine soon rendered his resignation necessary and from this time he led a life of retirement and disappears from history. Richard Alvey, who was admitted a fellow during the brief mastership of George Day, was one of the exiles at Frankfort. On his return to England, he became master of the Temple ; and, widely known as ' Father Alvie, 1 enjoyed a high reputation both for learning and sanctity down to his death in 1584. His successor in the mastership was Richard Hooker. Alban Lang- dale, admitted fellow in 1534, espoused the tenets of the Catholic party and distinguished himself as a disputant upholding the doctrine of transubstantiation before the royal commissioners in 1539. He, too, on declining to take the oath of supremacy, was con- demned in 1559 to the forfeiture of all his preferments. He subsequently went abroad and died in exile. John Becon, who was admitted a fellow in March 1562, was afterwards principal lecturer of the college, and public orator of the university. As proctor in the year 1571-2, he headed the resistance of the senate to the 78 A.D. 1558 TO 1595 Elizabethan statutes, and the heads of colleges ex- hibited articles against him and his adherents. This probably led to his resignation of the oratorship in 1573 ; but in the following year he was presented to a canonry in Norwich cathedral and in 1575 became a chancellor of the diocese. Edwin Sandys, afterwards archbishop of York, entered the college when about fourteen years of age. He does not appear ever to have been a fellow, but in 1549 he succeeded to the mastership of St. Catherine's and at the time of the accession of queen Mary filled the office of vice- chancellor, when his zeal as a Reformer led him to espouse the cause of lady Jane Grey. The foundation, in 1585, of the Grammar School at Hawkshead, does honour to his memory. But although doubtless sincere in his convictions, his greed of wealth, combined with the intolerance which he manifested towards those who differed from him on religious questions, whether puritan or papist, constituted him an example rather of religious bigotry than of Christian virtues. John Bell, although educated at St. John's, gained his fellow- ship at Peterhouse. He, again, was a subscriber to the Roman Catholic articles and afterwards opposed to the best of his power the Elizabethan statutes; but in 1 579 he was appointed by bishop Cox to the master- ship of Jesus. Bartholomew Dodington was both junior and senior fellow of the college, but in 1560, when about 24 years of age, was elected a fellow of Trinity, and, in 1562, Regius professor of Greek. He also appears to have been a sympathiser with Cartwright; while in the university he was admired both for his Greek scholarship and the elegance of his penmanship. Everard Digby, to be distinguished from the titled conspirator of the same name, is best EVERARD DIGBY 79 known as the author of a Latin treatise on Swimming. He was also a writer on questions in philosophy, and his Theoria Analytica deserves especially to be noted as embodying an attempt at a classification of the sciences, a conception which, along with other features in his treatise, entitles him to be regarded as in some respects a precursor of Bacon. Digby was both senior fellow and principal lecturer of the college, but in 1587 was deprived of his fellowship on somewhat extra- ordinary grounds. The austere Whitaker was ordered by Burghley and Whitgift to reinstall him. This, however, he flatly refused to do; and in a letter to Burghley we find him justifying Digby's expulsion by allegations which certainly cannot be deemed in- adequate, his long arrears with the college steward, his attacks on Calvinists at St. Mary's, to say nothing of his having been in the habit of loudly blowing a horn and holloaing in the college during the daytime, and lastly, but not least, speaking of Whitaker himself to the scholars in terms of great disrespect ! Two erratic geniuses, Robert Greene and Thomas Nash, entered the college as sizars ; the former in 1575, the latter in 1582. Greene, however, migrated to Clare Hall, while Nash, according to his own state- ment, continued to reside for nearly seven years. He was wont, in after life, to say that he could have been a fellow if he had wished ; and his mental attitude towards his university, somewhat like Milton's, was half contemptuous, half sympathetic. He recalci- trated at the discipline, but he reverenced the learn- ing ; and St. John's College, praised by him as ' the sweetest nurse of knowledge in all the university," appeared to his view, although as yet only the first court greeted his gaze, ' a university within itself, shin- 80 A.D. 1558 TO 1595 ing so far above all other houses, halls and hospitals whatever, that no college in the town was able to compare with the tithe of her students. 1 In after life, Greene and Nash became intimate ; and the career of the former is said to have been terminated in 1592 by his excess at an entertainment where Nash also was a guest. Of the two, Greene was perhaps the more notorious in the university, where Harvey notices ' his fonde disguisinge of a master of arte with ruffianly haire."* Nash himself admits that he never wrote anything in Latin, although he attacked the Martinists. Towards the close of his life, we may listen to his melancholy confession that ' having tyred my youth with follie, and surfeited my minde with vanitie, I began at length to looke back to repentaunce/ Contemporary with these, and differing from them in almost every respect, were the two sons of the celebrated John Knox, Nathaniel having been admitted in 1577 and Eleazer in 1580. They were both fellows of the college, and the latter was also college preacher. William Gilbert, the physi- cian, better known in the scientific world as the discoverer of the magnet, and whose fame Dryden predicted would last ' till lode stones ceased to draw, 1 was elected a fellow in 1561 and a senior fellow in 1569. His tenure of his fellowship appears to have ceased with his removal from Cambridge to practise as a physician in London. John Dee, whose genuine attainments as a mathematician were obscured by his addiction to astrology, was admitted a foundation fellow in 1546 ; before the end of the year, however, he was nominated one of the original fellows of Trinity. On leaving Cambridge he bestowed on Trinity the instruments which he had constructed. His fame long survived in the university ; and, when Henry Billingsley, in 1570, EMINENT ALUMNI 81 brought out his edition of Euclid, it was recommended to the learned in a lengthy preface by Dee. Billingsley, afterwards lord mayor of London, had been admitted a lady Margaret scholar in 1551, and forty years later became himself the founder of three scholarships in the college, especially designed for poor students. His brother, William Billingsley, was also a fellow, and senior bursar from 1599 to 1602. Of the academic career of Robert Cecil, earl of Salisbury and son of lord Burghley, who was a fellow-commoner of the college, we have no further record. From 1601 to 1612 he was chancellor of the university, but his patronage of learn- ing seems to have found its chief expression in the bestowal of a valuable collection of books on the university of Oxford. Thomas Howard, first earl of Suffolk, distinguished chiefly by his ability as a naval commander, also received his education at the college, and was successively high steward and chancellor of the university as well as lord lieutenant of the county. On the occasion of the royal visit in 1615 he took up his residence at St. John's, and is said to have spent, in a single day, no less than ^1000 in lavish hospitality. John Overall, who had been the schoolfellow of John Bois at Hadleigh, entered St. John^s in the same year (1575), but migrated, as a scholar, to Trinity three years later. There he filled a succession of offices and on the death of Whitaker was elected to succeed him as Regius professor of divinity. Widely esteemed as a profound divine and an able controversialist, he preferred the atmosphere of the schools to the pulpit, and when appointed to preach before Elizabeth is said to have confessed to a friend that ' having spoken Latin so long he found it troublesome to speak English in a 6 82 A.D. 1558 TO 1595 continuous oration/ Although in 1598 he was elected to the mastership of St. Catherine's, one of his manu- scripts, a Latin treatise summing up the chief points at issue between the Remonstrants and their opponents, has found its way to the library of St. John's. John Knewstub, a Westmoreland man, fellow of the college (1567) and afterwards rector of Cockfield, was a leader of the more advanced Puritan party, by whom his claims as a candidate for the mastership (infra p. 88) in opposition to those of Clayton were warmly supported. At Cockfield he continued to labour for a period of forty-five years ; and the village, under his teaching, became a centre of Puritan doctrine. Knew- stub was the founder of two college exhibitions: the one to be held by a scholar born and brought up at Kirkby Stephen, or, failing that place, at Appleby; the other to be held by a native of Cockfield, or, failing that place, of Sudbury. Sir Robert Heath, afterwards attorney general to Charles I entered in 1589 and resided three years, but took no degree. In 1630 he presented books to the college library of the value of dB20, a gift characterised in the Liber Memorialis as 'gratissimae mentis non vulgare testimonium.' The college, in its letter of thanks, congratulated him on his successful career and declared that Plato's wish was now fulfilled and philosophers were appointed to rule the state. There are two portraits of Sir Robert in the college : one in the library, representing him wearing the dress of a chief justice of the Common Pleas ; the other, in the Master's Lodge, with the gold chain of the Lord Chief Justice of the King's Bench. As of less eminence or less closely connected with the college, we may briefly note Arthur Hall, the EMINENT ALUMNI 83 translator of Homer, who entered St. John's through his connexion with the Cecil family, and, remaining only a short time, took no degree; Edward de Vere, earl of Oxford, who after matriculating as a fellow- commoner at Queens' College migrated to St. John's, and on the occasion of Elizabeth's visit to Cambridge in 1564 was in the royal train and lodged in the college. Although his eccentricities afterwards led Gabriel Harvey to satirise him as ' an Italianated Englishman,' he was unquestionably a poet of no slight lyric grace as well as a liberal patron of players and men of letters ; Lancelot Browne, the royal physician, who matriculated in 1559, was elected in 1567 to a fellowship at Pembroke ; his professional attainments led to his being entrusted by the College of Physicians in 1589 with the compilation of a Pharmacopoeia ; Hugh Broughton, the eminent Hebrew scholar, who entered at Magdalene College in 1569, when he was twenty years of age, would seem to have graduated B.A. in the following year and to have been forthwith elected to a fellowship at St. John's; whence, in turn, he was elected a fellow of Christ's. One Thomas Sutton, who was admitted a sizar in 1551, was not (as has been conjectured) the founder of the Charterhouse. Of Henry Constable, the poet, who matriculated at the age of sixteen as a fellow-commoner and proceeded B.A. by a special grace of the senate in 1580, we have no college traditions. Two lines, how- ever, in the Return from Parnassus, a notable play performed at St. John's as a Christmas piece in 1602, shew that his genius was not unappreciated either by his college or the university : Sweate Constable doth take the wand'ring eare And lays it up in willing prisonment. 84 A.D. 1558 TO 1595 In the year 1587 Randle Cotgrave, one of the ablest of our early lexicographers, was admitted a scholar on the lady Margaret foundation, another of the members of the college who rose to eminence under the auspices of the house of Cecil. In dedicating his French-English dictionary to lord Burghley, the eldest son of the first earl of Exeter, Cotgrave, who was his secretary, declares that it is to his patron's favour that he owes ' all that he is or has been for many years/ Cotgrave appears to have ended his days as registrar to Dr. John Bridgeman, bishop of Chester, whose acquaintance he probably made at the time when the latter was fellow of Magdalene. It was mainly on the recommendation of Knewstub that Richard Sibbes, afterwards master of St. Catherine's, entered St. John's in 1595. St. Catherine's under his administration became, to use the expression of Fuller, 'replenished with scholars, beautified with buildings, better endowed with revenues.' But if the college which Sibbes ruled owed much to its master, the master in turn owes scarcely less to the college in which he had been educated. It was from St. John's that were stretched forth the helping hands which enabled him to enter ; and it was from St. John's that, more than two centuries later, there emanated a tribute to his memory which first drew attention to his exceptional merits as an author and a man, when professor Mayor pointed out the singular beauty of Sibbes' diction, the fine traits of his character, and his widespread usefulness. According to Baker, Sibbes shewed his gratitude by bequeathing to the college library a large number of volumes; but these, unfortunately, if still there, are not distinguishable by any sign either of donor or former possessor. CHAPTER V UNDER THE ANGLICAN RULE (1595-1644) Masters : Richard Clayton (Dec. 1595 May 1612) ; Owen Gwyn (May 1612 Feb. 1633) ; William Beale (Feb. 1633 Apr. 1644) Admissions. Average. 1631-1640 54-9 1640-1 41 1641-2 39 1642-3 13 1643-4 9 THAT Whitaker's death involved an irreparable loss to learning was the general feeling both in his college and in the university, but in the former it might afford some solace to recall that for nearly ten years the society had been ruled by one who was recognised as the foremost champion of the English Church, that Church which ever since August 1572 had been gaining a stronger and stronger hold over the hearts and minds of the nation. It was not in her sacred fanes and under 'good queen Bess," Englishmen might thankfully rejoice to think, that there was any fear of witnessing a repro- duction of les noces vermeilles. The question of a choice in the succession to the 86 THE ANGLICAN RULE mastership, however, presented itself under a different aspect from that which it had assumed on any pre- vious occasion. If profound scholarship was to be held an essential qualification, there were two, at least, of the fellows whose claims were little likely to be outweighed by those of any external candidate. These two were John Bois and Thomas Playfere, both Southerners and each at this time some thirty-four years of age. Bois, however, was academically the senior, having been elected a fellow in 1581 and a senior fellow in 1593 ; while Playfere, not yet a senior, had been elected in 1584. The former was a Suffolk man, who had come up to college from Hadleigh grammar school, and had been a pupil of Henry Copinger. When Copinger left, to become master of Magdalene (see supra, p. 69), Bois had accompanied him, but the stay of both was singularly short. Copinger's election, on the royal recommendation, was displeasing to the hereditary patron of the college, and within little more than a month the master re- ceived an intimation which left him no option but to retire. St. John's could not reinstate him in his fellow- ship ; but Bois, who quitted Magdalene along with his tutor, was re-elected to the scholarship which he had formerly held, and now became distinguished as an indefatigable student. ' I have heard him say, 1 writes Anthony Walker, his biographer, ' that it was common with him, in summer time, to go to the university library (the college stock being then but poor in books) at four of the clock in the morning, and continue there till eight at night without any intermission.' Bois 1 most distinguished advance as a scholar was made, how- ever, under Andrew Downes, senior fellow of the college, ANDREW DOWNES 87 who in 1583 was appointed Regius professor of Greek ; and both teacher and pupil subsequently took their part as translators in the Authorised Version. Downes 1 high reputation as a Greek scholar was inherited by his pupil, whose lectures, in turn, were in such high repute that we are assured that the majority of the fellows rose at four in the morning in order to attend one of his special courses. 'There were then in S. John's, 1 continues Anthony Walker, ' three Greek lectures read. In the first, grammar was taught, as is commonly now in schooles. In the second, an easy authour was ex- plained in a grammatical way. In the third was used somewhat which might seem fit for their capacities who had passed over the other two. ... A year was usually spent in the first, and two in the second. 1 In addition to the favour with which he was regarded by the Greek professor, Bois had been the object of special kindness on the part of the late master, who gave him that more familiar kind of advice which bespoke a paternal interest in his welfare, 'to study standing, and never in a window, and to be sure not to go to bed with cold feet. 1 Playfere's culture was apparently more varied if less profound. He had already discharged the functions of examiner in rhetoric, of Linacre lecturer and college preacher, and had quite recently been made praelector in Hebrew. Of the two, he was decidedly the more popular, and if scholarship alone had been destined to carry the day would undoubtedly have been chosen master. Meanwhile, the plaint of the twelve fellows (supra, p. 75) had reached Burghley : ' If oure master had ly ved, 1 were its concluding words, ' he would, as he often professed, 88 THE ANGLICAN RULE synce he made an ende of writinge agaynst Stapleton, have reformed all thinges : but now dyinge before, the colledge is so full of such like men, as they are the greater nomber of the societie : and so if the newe master be chosen by them, we must needes greetly feare what they will doe.' The chancellor pondered over the matter, and before long a letter arrived intimating the royal pleasure that the fellows should proceed to no election until that pleasure was further signified. It was a crisis which was keenly watched by lookers-on without, and the whole university became roused to lively interest in the election. ' Elect Laurence Stanton, 1 was the advice tendered to Burghley by Humphry Tyndal and also by Thomas Neville, master of Trinity. The provost of King's, at that time vice- chancellor, and six other heads, on being asked by the chancellor for their advice preferred, in the first instance, not to give it, but subsequently declared for two candidates, Dr. Webster and Dr. Stanton, intimating that the majority favoured the latter. A petition from the fellows to Burghley followed, entreating him not to permit such a slur to be cast on the society as depriva- tion of their right of election would imply, and after also expressing the hope that they might at least be allowed to chose someone whom the chancellor himself would approve, they appended the following list of names: John Rainolds, Oxford's renowned scholar recently made dean of Lincoln, but disappointed of that presidency of Corpus Christi College in his own univer- sity, to which he ultimately succeeded Dr. Webster, Dr. Clayton, Knewstub, Ireton, Alvey and Morrell, the last six being all alumni of the college. Eventually Dr. Richard Clayton (a former fellow and at this time ELECTION OF CLAYTON 89 master of Magdalene) and Laurence Stan ton were selected by Burghley, and the royal mandate imposed on the society the necessity of choosing between these two. Of Webster and Stanton ' (these two had been selected by the Heads), Burghley wrote that ' her majesty likes Stanton best, but has since heard that Ri. Claiton is a vearie meete person, the rather because he is unmarried, as the other two are not.' On Clayton accordingly (a Lancashire man) the choice of the society ultimately fell, he being also recommended as ' a man of business and very sociable" and in almost every respect a marked contrast to his predecessor. The royal preference for a celibate clergy appears, however, to have been the determining factor in his election. The original or primary Court of St. John's, built in red brick, was at this time nearly a square and contained all the buildings which the traditions of such institu- tions held requisite for completeness. On the north side was the Chapel and part of the Master's Lodge ; on the west was the Hall, adjacent to which were the butteries and the Kitchen, with chambers over them. The whole of the south side was occupied by chambers in two floors with garrets in the roof. The Combina- tion Room was to the north of the Hall, in the angle of the court, and lighted from the north. The entrance to the court was through a lofty turreted gateway in the centre of the east side, the first floor to the south of this gateway being occupied by the Library, still distinguishable by its five equidistant windows, each of two lights, pointed, with a quatrefoil in the head. The number of rooms available for residents was evidently small ; and, during Whitaker's mastership, 90 THE ANGLICAN RULE whatever may have been the defects of his rule, the increase in the number of the students had already led to that conversion of part of the ancient Hospital into students 1 rooms, to which reference has above (p. 17) been made. The practically minded Clayton now determined to signalise his mastership by the erection of a Second Court, an undertaking in which he found a zealous co-operator in Robert Booth. The latter, whose name is sometimes spelt Bouth, was a native of Cheshire and Clayton's senior in standing. He had been senior dean from Feb. 1 586-7 to December in the same year, and bursar from 20 Dec. 1588 to Dec. 1589, after which time he appears to have ceased to reside, his letters being dated from London and elsewhere, but throughout his career he approved himself a zealous and discerning friend of the college. According to Baker, the work was ' put into the hands of two undertakers (i.e., contractors) Wigge and Symons, who for the sum of ^?3400 obliged themselves in four years to erect a court in the same (or better) manner than it now stands, to be completely finished in 1602. The materials of the old building were thrown in to mend their bargain, and this first sum of ^3400 the foundress ' [the countess of Shrewsbury] ' obliged herself to make good. By a second contract the undertakers were to receive further %Q5 for some additional buildings and ornaments, viz. for making the buildings half-story, etc. ; and this it was hoped the foundress would allow. The foundation was laid Octobr. 2d, 1598 ; the north side of the court was finished an. 1599, that side being first undertaken, either because it was designed for accommodating the master, or because the old buildings on the other side were to stand till more room was made. The rest THE SECOND COURT 91 of the building rose more slowly, though, bating some small particulars, the whole was finished in the year 1602, in a manner ruinous to the undertakers and not over-advantageous to the college. The undertakers were undone (for soon after I meet with Wigge in prison petitioning the society) and the college had a slight and crazy building left them, which can never live up to the age of the first court, though that court be older by almost 100 years : and yet the contract was punctually performed on their side by the payment of 3605 with somewhat over, the whole charge amounting to c?3665, a good part whereof was never received by them, bv the foundress' misfortunes coming on soon after, which disabled her to make good what she so well intended. Only ^2760 appears to have been received of her, the rest is placed to account as due, and was either made good by the college, or does not appear to have been paid by the foundress. In 1620 she was in arrears, and being then in some disorder, there could be little hopes left of payment. Part of Mr. Rob. Booth's legacy seems to have been applied to that use. However she is justly entitled to the foundation of the whole, what she did being wholly owing to her favour, and what she left undone being owing to her misfortunes. 1 Our historian's references to 'the foundress 1 are of special interest, relating, as they do, to the earliest facts in the connexion of the college with the house of Cavendish. Gilbert Talbot, seventh earl of Shrewsbury, was married in February 1568, when he was not yet fifteen, to Mary Cavendish, daughter of Sir William Cavendish of Chatsworth and his wife, the celebrated 6 Bess of Hardwick."* Two years and a half later, he was sent to study at 92 THE ANGLICAN RULE Padua, and in that famous school appears to have acquired a genuine regard for learning and a desire to promote a wider culture than Cambridge could then pretend to. Such, at least, would seem to be a legitimate inference from the design which he long afterwards formed of founding a new university at Ripon, in which, among other provisions, chairs were to be endowed for the teaching of most of the modern European languages. In April 1600, the north side only of the second court had been erected, the completion of the design being still hindered by that lack of funds above described. From a letter addressed to the earl by the master and the seniority in that month, we gather that he had recently afforded them valuable aid in establishing the claim of the college to certain estates, a claim which had been called in question, but no allusion is made to their difficulties with respect to the erection of the new buildings. They had applied, shortly before, to their staunch friend, Booth, to represent their case, but he had himself accepted an appointment in Shrewsbury's household, and was probably not disposed to jeopardise his own interests by unduly pressing those of the college. Everything, he replied, might be lost by precipitancy. Their patron's mind must first be 'prepared' for the ' contribucion ' so fondly looked for at his hands. For the nonce, the authorities had to content themselves with a very slender instalment, * a knyfe, a payre of scissers, and three penknyves,' sent from Sheffield, where the earl had estates, and for which they professed them- selves profoundly grateful. Booth's advice, however, proved eminently judicious, for in the sequel both the earl and his countess rendered very substantial aid, the whole of the second court being practically of their THE COUNTESS OF SHREWSBURY 93 foundation. But even then it had to be kept secret by whom the money had been given, for it came from those who were held to be politically disaffected. In 1611 the countess was sent to the Tower on suspicion of having connived at the flight of her niece, Arabella Stuart ; and it was not until the death of the earl, in 1616, that it was deemed prudent to disclose the names of the benefactors. Even then their armorial bearings, those of the houses of Talbot and Cavendish, were for some time longer not permitted to appear, a blank space over the gateway being left ' for such arms as the college should afterwards set up there.' From this time, however, the relations of the college with these two noble houses appear to have been those of beneficent sympathy on the one hand and cordial grati- tude on the other. Early in the seventeenth century, the nephew of the countess, William Cavendish, after- wards duke of Newcastle, entered the college as a fellow- commoner ; and before the century closed her statue, presented by the third duke (the husband of lady Margaret Cavendish), was placed in its present position over the gateway leading from the second into the third court. It was given by the donor, says Baker, ' out of respect to the society as well as with regard to his name and family.' In 1864 a second statue of the countess was placed on one of the buttresses of the New Chapel. According to a letter, written in 1612, by Robert Booth to Dr. Gwyn, the newly-installed master, the countess had presented her own portrait to Dr. Clayton, desiring that he ' would cause itt to be hanged upp ' in the ' Long Gallery." The portrait was however carried off after his death, by his sister, Mrs. Ashton, probably 94 THE ANGLICAN RULE on the assumption that the countess had designed it as a personal gift to himself. The mention of the Long Gallery makes it necessary to resume our notice of the new buildings, the original plans of which, as drawn by the contractors, Ralph Symons and Gilbert Wigge, and now preserved in the college Library, form a valuable, and in some respects almost unique, illustration of academic architectural history. They are drawn, with some want of precision, on a scale of one-sixteenth of an inch to the foot, the designed dimensions being written across the principal parts. No scale of feet is appended. The elevations are rudely sketched in ink, outline tinted. The roof slates are yellow, to indicate Collyweston rag ; the stonework either yellow or white ; and the brickwork coarsely shewn with large lattice- work of grey bricks on a red ground. Colour is slightly applied to the windows, fireplaces and stairs, and not to the walls or partitions, which are left in outline. The interior of the second court measures 137 feet from north to south, by 165 from east to west. The whole of the first floor, which according to -Symons 11 plan was 187 feet in length, was assigned to the master, its most notable feature being the Long Gallery above referred to, originally 148 feet in length, and of which the ceiling, extending down to the Library door and ornamented with plaster enrichments in relief, still marks the original limits. The panel work, extending to the ceiling, still remains. In this fine chamber, for successive centuries, the head of the college was wont to entertain his guests, among whom royalty was, on several occasions, included ; and down to the middle of last century, according to the historian Carter, it still remained the longest room in THE LONG GALLERY 95 the university, and when the door of the library was thrown open, the entire vista presented what he describes as 'a most charming view.'' The erection of the staircase and vestibule to the Library, in 1624, had involved the curtailment of the dimensions of the gallery at the west extremity by some thirty feet, and in the last century, part of the west end was divided off by partitions to furnish additional bed- rooms for the Lodge. More recently, other rooms were taken from it in the same way, leaving only a Drawing Room about 50 feet long, which included the oriel and a chimney piece. Then, after the erection of the new Lodge (1862-5) the partitions were removed, one of the bedrooms at the west end being converted into a lecture-room, while the remainder formed the present Combination Room, 93 feet in length. Yet more recently, the lecture -room has been converted into a second Combination Room (Willis-Clark, ii. 241-261). We must now resume the narrative of Clayton's mastership. His ability as an administrator was soon generally recognised. In 1604 he had been elected vice-chancellor, and although the outbreak of the plague in the following year and the consequent dispersion of the academic body had somewhat marred his opportunities of distinguishing himself, he had re- tired from office not without credit. In his own college, his success, such as it was, was unquestionable. He was sociable, hospitable, and possessed much tact and shrewdness. In the distribution of the revenues, he extended undue connivance to positive misappropriation of funds, and was rewarded by similar connivance on the part of others. But in the midst of a career of 96 THE ANGLICAN RULE self-enrichment and with the prospect of not a few years of activity in the future, he was suddenly struck down by apoplexy and carried off at the age of fifty-seven. So far as he can be said to have intervened in the strife of parties, Clayton would seem to have given a general support to Whitgift. But he disliked and discouraged theological controversy, and before his death the feuds between Anglican and Puritan had well-nigh died out in St. John's. Unfortunately, divinity was then chiefly studied as the means of equipping the polemic, and as controversy declined, the interest in such studies and, along with it, their very pursuit declined also. It is, however, certain that Clayton was not a bookish man. Baker records with a sigh that he never gave a single volume to the college library ; but he charitably suggests that the second court did not rise into exist- ence like the temple at Jerusalem, and that the din of the axe and the hammer may have rendered all study exceptionally difficult. When it was known that the master had died in- testate there was much disappointment in the college, for Clayton was understood to be wealthy and some- thing considerable had been looked for at his hands. Foremost in the expression of concern was Richard Neile, afterwards archbishop of York and already bishop of Coventry and Lichfield. He had been educated at St. John's but had not gained a fellow- ship, although he enjoyed the special favour of Burghley, to whom, as well as to his son Robert, he was chaplain. His attachment to his college and his university was, however, deep and sincere ; and during the five years that he held the deanery of Westminster he regularly sent at his own cost to Cambridge some two or three CLAYTON'S INTESTACY 97 scholars, Mn thankful remembrance of God's goodness' to himself when ' a poor fatherless child, 1 as it had found expression in the favour shown him by the house of Cecil. ' I feare,' he now wrote, ' the greatest hurt will lighte upon the Colledg, to which I know he [Clayton] intended much good. I am persuaded he hath heretofore done something according to a good intention of his to the Colledg, wherewith he some yeares since acquainted me. And therefore I would perswade that there may be all due care vsed in the opening of his study both in Cambridg and ellswhere and of such other places in which his writings and deedes and evidences may remaine, that some very discreet and trustie honest maim may have the search- ing and examining of those places." 1 Neile is especially anxious that the funeral should be a handsome one. ' And I would wishe that there might be sette downe in writing a particular of all such things as are found. I doe presume you will performe all due care for the having of his funeralls in such reuerent sort as may be any way requisite and fitt for him. In any case spare not for any convenient expences, for he hath left enough behinde him for that and any other good vse. Whosoever is either executor or administrator shall not refuse to satisfy it. And I would wishe that besydes the banquett which you shall provyde for all strangers that come to his funeralles, the whole house shoulde that night exceed for him in some extraordinary manner. 1 * He is also much disappointed to hear that the master of Trinity has been asked to preach the sermon. ' I am soe tender,' he writes, ' of the honor of our Colledg that rather then it should not be per- formed by a St. John's man, I would my self come 7 98 THE ANGLICAN RULE downe to Cambridge and doe it, though at this instant in regard of an extreme hoorsnes and coold that I haue, I be neither fitt to preach nor to travayle.' He concludes by saying that 'if it please God that any Will of his may be found, I doubt not but it shall appeare that his love was greater to the Colledg then to all other his freindes in the world. If it fall owt otherwise, I shall be able to say the Colledg hath sustayned a great losse, arid he by the sodainnes of his death is much defrauded of some very good offices which he had resolved to doe of perpetuity for the college.' No searchings, however, could bring to light any corroboration of Neile's belief in the good inten- tions of his departed friend, nor does Baker, when, some two generations later, he considered the matter, intimate that any such impression was shared by the college at large. ' I have often observed,' he writes, on summing up the matter, ' that they that have profited most by the college have done the least for it when they come to die; being willing, it seems, to make a gift of what they leave, rather than bestow it where it may be thought a debt. 1 Among those who had been educated at St. John's there was no dearth of divines well qualified to fill the vacant mastership ; and among the number, our historian expressly notes Thomas Morton, then dean of Winchester, Valentine Gary, who had twice been a fellow and, although now master of Christ's, a willing candidate for the post, and George Meriton, shortly after promoted to be dean of Peterborough and subse- quently to be dean of York. Feelings of clanship, however, carried the day. John Williams, one of the younger fellows, of whom we shall shortly hear much, WELSHMEN IN ST. JOHN'S 99 bestirred himself with might and main in favour of his own Welsh cousin, Owen Gwyn, and succeeded in defeat- ing Gary's supporters. The Welsh element in the college appears, indeed, to have been at this time considerable. There was Henry Bodurda and William Bodurda, both of them Williams' 1 cousins ; there was William Holland, John Gwyn and John Price (president from 1640 to 1643), all three Denbighshire men ; and these, together with Owen Gwyn himself, made up an important section sufficient to turn the scale in the contest between the two chief contending parties. On the 16th May 1612, accordingly, Owen Gwyn was admitted master, ' to the great grief and much reluctance,"* says Baker, * of the better sort of men. 1 Even Hacket, John Williams' 1 panegyrist and biographer, is fain to admit that his hero, ' after he had prevailed to set Mr. Gwin over that great society . . . heard so much that he quickly dis- lik'd his own work.' It is in connexion with this episode that our historian takes occasion to give it as his opinion, that the choice of masters of colleges would generally be much better left to the crown. ' For to say nothing,' he observes, ' of the factions and divisions that might be avoided by such a course, it is but too evident that the crown usually makes better masters than colleges choose : the one sends governors, the others choose such as will be governed, at least such with whom they can be easy, or that will not sit too hard upon them.' It is pleasant to note that whatever of jealous feeling may have been excited between Gary and Williams in connexion with the election to the mastership appears to have soon died out. The former, who is described by Fuller as 'a complete gentleman and excellent 72 100 THE ANGLICAN RULE scholar,' cherished, as we shall shortly see, no resent- ment at his non-election by his former college. The latter, now advancing rapidly on the path of prefer- ment, was already directing his aims beyond the university to the political world without. He was at this time junior proctor, and within a few weeks after the election was chosen to discharge the varied duties that devolved upon the 'Father of the Act' at the Cambridge Commencement.* The gathering on that occasion is described by his biographer as exceptionally notable, ' as gay and full of pomp, by the great concourse of nobles and gentlemen, as ever I saw,' while Williams' hospitality at the proctors' table was ' more sumptuous than useth to be at a mayoralty in London ' and surpassed all precedent, ' although the feasts of his learning and eloquence demonstrated at the theatre of the Commencement, were far more delicious and sweet to the ear.' But very shortly afterwards, Williams was summoned from Cambridge to enter upon the duties of chaplain to the lord chancellor Ellesmere,f the first of a series of promotions destined to culminate in the lord keepership itself. In March 161S, he came up for a few days on the occasion of the visit of prince Charles and the Elector Palatine, a memorable incident in the history both of the university and of St. John's. Owen Gwyn was in his element, and entertained both the distinguished guests and his brilliant cousin with a sumptuous hospitality which outvied that of any other * See Racket, Scrinia Reserata, pt. i., 23-24. f Ellesmere, better known as Sir Thomas Egerton, was at this time chancellor of the university of Oxford. He is said to have been the first lord chancellor subsequent to the Reformation who had a resident chaplain. THE ROYAL VISIT 101 college. Some of the items of expenditure, as recorded in the bursar's books, are noteworthy : the glass, with breakages, cost =8 12s. 6d. ; the 'banqueting stuffe,' brought from London, %4< 5s. 8d. ; the portraits of King James and his consort, Anne of Denmark (now suspended in the master's lodge, and purchased on this occasion), together with 'bords and canvas"* for their safe carriage, the moderate sum of 2 14s. 6d. ; books of the occasional verses presented to the two princes and to the earl of Southampton, bound in velvet and adorned with gold lace, cost 5 6s. 4d. Murray, the prince's tutor, received a pair of gloves costing 30s. On this occasion, Williams again distinguished himself as a brilliant disputant, but it appears to have been his last appearance for another fifteen years, a period during which his growing fortunes were watched with the liveliest interest not only at St. John's but by the university at large. In 1621, when Bacon was called upon to surrender up the seals, it was to Williams, the last ecclesiastic who was also chancellor of the realm, that they were transferred, and a few days later saw him raised to the see of Lincoln. But personal advancement could not lead him to forget either Cambridge or St. John's, where his loyalty was requited by deference to his counsels and a ready acquiescence in his wishes. To his influence it was in a great measure attributable that in 1626, when he himself had ceased to be lord keeper and Buckingham was under impeachment, the election of the latter to the chancellorship of the university was carried against his opponent the earl of Berkshire. With the erection of the New Library, Williams' name stands closely associated. It was during Whitaker's 102 THE ANGLICAN RULE mastership that the increasing numbers and reputation of St. John's appear first to have given rise to that spirit of rivalry with the neighbouring foundation of Trinity which afterwards became traditional. Clayton's design of a second court would naturally not tend to diminish such a spirit ; and in the year 1600, when his design seemed of dubious accomplishment, we find Robert Booth, in a letter to the master, adverting to certain other differences which had sprung up between the members of the college and those whom he designates as { your overthwart neighbours.' Not a few of the colleges, as they grew in numbers and resources, managed to gain the assent of the Town to the enclosure within their precincts of common or waste lands in their immediate neighbourhood. Baker, in one of his MSS. (Harleian 7041 fol. 119), gives a list of these enclosures. In the year 1599, Trinity College was desirous of enclosing the N. W. portion ' of Garret Hostel Green,' a piece of common ground bounded by the Cam and the King's Ditch, which then flowed in the form of an arc from immediately south of Garret Hostel Bridge to rejoin the Cam opposite to the brook which at present divides the grounds of the two founda- tions. But the Trinity 6 betterment ' appeared to the authorities of the adjoining foundation to be the Johnian ' worsement,' and Dr. Clayton stipulated for compensation. The question appears to have been an ancient source of dispute, the particulars of which are given in Willis and Clark (ii. 407-412), while other material has recently been brought to light by the researches of Mr. R. F. Scott. Whitgift, who conducted the correspondence at this juncture, in his capacity of master of Trinity, professed himself deeply pained at FEUDS WITH TRINITY 103 the huckstering spirit exhibited by the neighbouring society, and grieved to think that * there should be so slender friendlie consideration and little love betweene colleges P He had even invoked the royal authority to quell the Johnian stubbornness, and intimates that ' her Highnesse expressed in some vehemencie her dislike of your frowardnesse in so necessarie and reasonable a matter, towarde so greate and worthie a college, of her Father's foundation and her owne patronage ' (6 Apr. 1600). Some two years later, these jealousies found expres- sion in a set fight in the street between the scholars of the two foundations, an encounter which resulted in the smashing of the windows of the library of St. John's which looked on to the street; and the authorities of Trinity subsequently agreed to pay forty shillings for the damage thus inflicted. It was in this same year that Williams had been admitted a fellow of the society. On his first coming up to college from his native Wales, his marked Welsh brogue had made him the butt of his fellow students, a provincial defect which, by steady perseverance, he succeeded in completely overcoming. But it is easy to understand that to a scholar of his studious habits the incident of the broken windows may have been suggestive ; it is certain that to his liberality the scholars of St. John's mainly owed it that, a few years later, they were enabled to peruse the volumes of the library in a quieter retreat. There was, however, a transition stage. In 1616 the demands for accommodation for the growing numbers caused the old library to be converted into students 1 chambers, and the books were transferred across the first court to 'the great middle chamber over the Kitchen 104 THE ANGLICAN RULE looking towards both courts/ The year 1616, as we have already noted, was that in which the earl of Shrewsbury died ; and in the following year we find the master and seniors approaching the widowed countess with an ingeniously conceived petition. ' Being charged beyond our ability, 1 they write, ' with the building of a new library, adjoining to your Lady shippers Courte and intended for an ornament therunto, we cowld not be so farre wanting in dutye as not first to acquaynt your Ladishippe therewith before we resolve uppon the worke, the rather for that it carryes show of pre- sumption for us to alter any parte of your Ladishippe's building without your liking and consent. To this end we arre become humble suitors to your Ladishippe, to approve of this our purpose and countenance it so farre as shall stand with your good lyking."* The answer vouchsafed by the countess is not recorded ; but it was probably not encouraging, for a few months later her ladyship appears as recommending a candidate for a fellowship, but without success. Similar appeals on the part of the college to other individuals proved equally unavailing, and the project was practically in abeyance, when a letter from Dr. Gary, now bishop of Exeter, gave pleasing intimation of a munificent although as yet anonymous benefactor. As Mr. Scott observes, it is clear from this letter, and those which followed, that Dr. Gary had a strong regard for his old friends at St. John's, Lane, Burnell, Rid- ding, Allot and others mentioned in the correspondence having all been fellows of the college. If further evidence were wanting, it is supplied by the simple fact that when the kindly-hearted bishop died in 1626, he left fifty pounds to the library which he had lived to see THE NEW LIBRARY 105 erected. Baker's summary of the letters which Gary now addressed to the college authorities supplies us with what must here suffice as an outline. In the first letter, Gary informed his ' old friends ' that ' an unknown person ' had promised 1 200 for the new library ' if it were sufficient, but would neither advance higher, nor yet was willing to admit a partner. By this and other letters an estimate was desired to be made of the expense, and a computation was taken from the two wings of Dr. Nevilles court at Trinity, each of which cost in building about 1500 ; and the allowance being found to be short, the same unknown person was at last prevailed with to advance further ^200, provided room could be made for two fellows and four scholars that were likewise designed by him to be founded. What further advances were made does not appear from these letters excepting d J 200, or ^250 (afterwards promised towards perfecting the work). But the first sight and model was disliked, the present plan and situation was agreed on, the lord keeper bishop Williams (hitherto very artfully concealed) owned and declared himself to be the founder by another letter from the bishop of Exeter, and the case of the building was finished by Michaelmas 1624. 1 The total expense was nearly ,3000, out of which Williams contributed a little more than two- thirds. It was on 25th October 1625 that Williams was called upon to deliver up the seals. His loss of court favour was, however, generally attributed to his coura- geous frankness -as Buckingham's adviser and a noble reluctance to resort to base expedients, and consequently discredited him but little at Cambridge. At his palace at Buckden, to which the ex-minister now retired, he 106 THE ANGLICAN RULE exhibited alike the composure of a philosopher and the spirit of a Christian philanthropist. ' Every place,' says Hacket, 4 wherein he had a title was the better for his charity. 1 His diocese, his university, his college, as in the past they had been always made aware that his gain was theirs, his advancement that of their most zealous friend and helper, so now they became conscious that his withdrawal from political life had served only to afford his sympathies freer play. His palace at Buckden, an ancient structure, once the residence of Catherine of Aragon, which had been suffered to fall into decay, soon assumed a different aspect. A choice library adorned its walls, in which some six hundred volumes of French literature or works relating to French history were a noteworthy feature.* The surrounding park became stocked with deer. The grounds were replanted. All the nurseries about London were ' ransacked for flowers and choice fruits."* 4 Alcinous,' says his biographer, ' could not have lived better.' In founding libraries for his clergy, in establishing and organising local charities, in battling with rustic ignorance and superstition, the good bishop approved himself no unworthy successor of the great names that had before adorned his see, of a Remigius, a Hugh of Avalon, a Grosseteste. To St. John's he shewed himself a singularly discerning and munificent benefactor. Four livings, those of Soul- derne, Freshwater, Aberdaron, and St. Florence, were vested in its patronage. Lands were given for the endowment of fellowships and scholarships. But his noblest benefaction was the Library. Some four years after the completion of the fabric, in * The Catalogues of this interesting collection are preserved in the college library, MS. L 4. From a photograph by\ \J. Palmer Clarke, Cambridge THE LIBRARY UNIVERSITY OF WILLIAMS VISITS ST. JOHN'S 107 the summer of 1628, Williams himself came up from his palace at Buckden to Cambridge, personally to inspect what Hacket justly terms ' the beautiful pile, 1 which now stretched in continuation of the north side of the second court to the river. He was received by the master and the fellows with all cordiality and respect. ' Whatever you may have bestowed upon us,' they had written in anticipation of his coming, ' your memory will survive it all.' Fallen although he was from power and favour, he was still their foremost living benefactor. His own portrait, painted by Gilbert Jackson, adorned the library wall, the letters I.L.C.S. (i.e., lohannes Lincolniensis Custos Sigilli) appeared conspicuously over the central gable of the great oriel window, his arms, richly emblazoned, were suspended over the door. Whatever of good or ill yet awaited him, the memory of one generous deed stood recorded in ineffaceable characters. Dr. Gwyn had bestirred himself, at his cousin's behest, with unwonted vigour on behalf of Buckingham at the great contest for the chancellorship, but now that the one was in disgrace, while the other had been assassinated, he appears to have withdrawn somewhat into his shell. It must, however, not be left unnoted that three years before his death, on #1 Jan. 1630, the following epoch- making entry in the Conclusion Book proves that, in conjunction with the seniority, he exercised a wholesome vigilance over the affairs of the college which redeems his rule from the imputation of carelessness or neglect : 4 That the register of the college should have a booke provided him, wherein he should from time to time write and register the names, parents, country, school, age and tutor of everyone to be admitted into the college before 108 THE ANGLICAN RULE their enrolling into the buttery tables ; and shall receive of each of them Jor his pains as the head lecturers and deans do^Jor their admission.'' The sizars on this occasion paid the ' register ' 6d. ; pensioners, Is. But the record of the payments soon ceases. The translation, in the following year, of Francis White to the see of Ely boded Dr. Gwyn no good. ' The master,"* says Baker, ' received a threatening letter, admonishing him of the disorders and irregularities that had been too long connived at, and although he had no reason to apprehend any danger from a Visitor while he was in perfect good understanding with his seniors, yet that letter being backed from court, there was no defence to be made against two such powers if they should fall upon him at the same time. Whether that letter (or there might be more of the same kind that I have not seen) made any impression upon his mind or broke his heart, I must not pretend to determine, but he died the year after, not much lamented, unless by those that were involved in the same guilt : he was buried in the chapel June 20th, an. 1633. 1 That Dr. Gwyn was a man of lax principles and compliant disposition and especially apt to favour his own kith and kin, seems beyond all doubt. Mr. Scott has called attention to numerous letters in the College Treasury addressed to him 'from friends or acquaintances soliciting favours for their sons or relatives. 1 The following extract from a letter addressed to him by Laurence Stanton is a fairly choice specimen : . . . ' I am intreated at this present to pray your favoure for John Bodendyne now a studient at your Colledge, that DR. GWYN 109 at the next election of schollers he may be preferred, if for his countrie of Rutland hee bee capable, and for his learning and life he bee deemed not unfitt, His father is a religious Knight, and a great friend unto our profession, desirous to train up his sonne in the universitie, hoping that he shall live by the fruites of his knowledge gotten there. The profit of a scholarship he respecteth not much, but thinketh it would be a meanes to keepe him in more due order, and give him better incoragement at his studie. While you continue your benefice here at Luffenham, Sir William Bodendyne the young man's father wilbe ready to doe anie kinde office for you, if you have cause to use him and wil be very thankfull unto you for youre favoure towards his sonne.' (The Eagle, vol. xix. 539-40.) It is impossible not to conclude that these and similar appeals discredit the recipient scarcely less than the writers, for they could only have been addressed with any prospect of success to one who was notoriously capable of being influenced by such considerations. In the contest which followed upon Dr. Gwyn's death, the peace of the college was again completely upset ; and once more a party which favoured a candi- date of pleasant social qualities but of lax principles was opposed by a party which preferred the man of high aims, known attainments and approved character. But a compromise could not be arrived at, and, as in the days of the mediaeval papacy, we now find two candidates claiming admission, each asserting his lawful election. The one was Dr. Lane, president of the college, a Norfolk man whose election as fellow dated back to 1598 ; the other, Richard Holdsworth, was a native of Northumberland, who had been elected in 1613 (the same year as Dr. Gwyn), but had vacated 110 THE ANGLICAN RULE his fellowship some years. Lane, described by Baker as the authorities passed a ' caveat against any of the Platt fellows being instituted to any of Sir Rowland Hill's livings ' (Baker-Mayor, p. 1037). In 1871, the earl of Effingham, together with his son, lord Howard, who claimed to be joint patrons of the livings of Aldburgh and the two Forncetts, were proceeded against in Chancery, as having failed to present a fellow of St. John's to the first-named living, and the decision of the Court having been given against them, the advowson of Ald- burgh was conveyed, in 1874, to the college. Only the two Forncetts, consequently, now remain in the gift of the Howard family. The advowsons of Ditchingham and Starston belong to their present rectors. The two Lophams (North and South) are in the gift of the Rev. J. F. Bateman, a former fellow of the college. Arthur Orchard, a Devonshire man, who had been elected to a fellowship in 1666 and became a senior fellow in 1688, died in November 1706. Of his pupils none probably was better known to the whole college than Dr. Christopher Anstey, already named, who entered as a sizar in 1696, and, after enrich- ing himself as a ' pupil-monger,' succeeded in winning a lawsuit which brought another considerable fortune to his wife. He retired to Trumpington, where he died in 1751. During his latter years, he suffered from almost ORCHARD'S PUPILS 179 complete deafness, and beguiled the monotony of his life by forming a large library. George Dyer, the historian of the university, when compiling his Memoirs of Robert Robinson (Lond. 1796), records the fact that the doctor's son, the younger and better known Chris- topher, author of the New Bath Guide, * generously offered me the use of the large library of his good father, the late Dr. Anstey.' Philip Brooke filled the post of university librarian during the brief period 1712-18; but he left no mark, and passes altogether unnoticed by Bradshaw, in his outline of the history of the Library. Peter Needham, who entered St. John's in 1693 and afterwards distinguished himself by his editions of the Geoponica and the Characters of Theophrastus, is denounced by Hearne as ' a fierce Whig,' and must be regarded as exemplifying the transition to political opinions altogether differing from those of the Nonjurors. To the same category belongs Judge Reynolds, fellow of the college from 1708 to 1712 and afterwards chief baron of the exchequer, and especially distinguished by the services which he rendered to the house of Hanover. The value of the foregoing evidence, with respect to the results of the teaching prevalent in the college during the last forty years of the seventeenth century, is necessarily qualified by the consideration that it was probably those who followed the guidance and reflected the example of their instructors most faithfully who were least likely to strike out an original career in after life. If Watson, Roper and Orchard had themselves been invited to assess the service rendered by their personal influence as teachers, they would probably have considered that it chiefly consisted in turning out a large number of docile pupils who, amid the duties of 180 A.D. 1660 TO 1689 their respective spheres of labour in after life, consistently maintained the principles in which they had been educated. As Burnet, on more than one occasion, intimates, the aim of the Nonjuror in matters of educa- tion closely resembled that of the Jesuits, whose success the former envied and whose methods he often imitated Jesuit and Nonjuror alike being fully alive to the fact, that it is by the average standard attained by their alumni that the public school and the college are mainly estimated by the world without. Such an estimate, however, depends very much on vague and general impressions of a kind which it is difficult to embody in the form of definite generalisations and conclusions. With respect to the education imparted at St. John's at this period, permeated as it was by doctrinal theological conceptions, it is to be noted that the majority of those who afterwards attained to eminence, had for their tutors men who themselves achieved very little subsequent distinction. It would almost seem, indeed, that the impress of a powerful personality is chiefly to be recognised, in those days, in the success with which it imparted to others principles which involved an almost complete surrender of the rights of private j udgement whenever they came into collision with constituted and recognised authority. But whatever may have been the chief determining causes, it is undeniable that St. John's, during the interval between the Restoration and the expulsion of the Nonjurors, educated a large number of loyal sons who rendered signal service both to Church and State. We must now revert to the history of the mastership as we left it with the enforced retirement of Francis HUMPHREY GOWER 181 Turner. Among the divines of the Westminster Assembly, there were none who had taken a more active part in its proceedings than Stanley Gower, of Brampton Bryan in Herefordshire and vicar of St. Martin's Ludgate. Whenever some special question had to be 'presented 1 to the House of Commons, Gower was generally one of those entrusted with its preparation. He was on that most important com- mittee, the ' Committee of Plundered Ministers."* He also appears as one of Samuel Clarke's collaborateurs in his Lives of' English Divines. Such was the father of Humphrey Gower, whose undergraduate career at St. John's has already come under our notice. Nor had the son, during the father's lifetime, evinced any desire to depart from the paternal example. Educated first at Dorchester and afterwards at St. Paul's School, he had been elected to a fellowship in 1658, a time when such elections were still carefully scrutinised by the watchful eye of Anthony Tuckney. But with the changes that followed upon the Restoration Humphrey Gower also changed, and although his motives were estimated somewhat uncharitably by his Puritan con- temporaries, it may not unreasonably be pleaded in his defence that he was but twenty years of age and the example of his great friend and patron, Dr. Gunning, might alone have seemed to him a sufficient justification of his own renunciation of the principles in which he had been educated. For the next eighteen years he led a retired life as a parish priest, holding in succession the livings of Hammoon in Dorsetshire, Newton in the Isle of Ely, and Fen Ditton. But in 1679 Gunning was raised to the see of Ely ; and Gower was now summoned back to Cambridge* to assume the mastership of Jesus 182 A.D. 1660 TO 1689 College, and before the year had closed he found him- self, by the same influence, installed as master of St. John's. In the next year he was elected vice-chancellor. In the eyes of the undergraduate body, Gower was still the same haughty personage that he had been when one of their number. Abraham De la Pryme, the descendant of an ancient and wealthy Huguenot family, who entered as a pensioner ten years later, thus describes his bearing and his rule : i Our master they say is a mighty high proud man, but God be thank'd I know nothing of that as yet by my own experience. His name is Doctor Gower, and it was him that first brought up the haveing of terms in the college, without the keep of every one of which we can have no degrees. He came from Jesus College to be master here, and he was so sevear that he was commonly called the divel of Jesus ; and when he was made master here some unlucky scholars broke this jest upon him, that now the divel was entered into the heard of swine ; for us Jonians are called abusively hoggs."* It was in this same year, the year 1680, that Titus Oates appears to have reached the summit of the popularity which his matchless assurance and mendacity had gained for him ; and it was in the same year that the recollection of him at Cambridge was somewhat un- pleasantly revived by the accusation which he brought against Adam Elliott of Caius College. Oates and Elliott had for a short time been contemporaries at Caius, the former having been admitted in June 1667, under John Ellis, an ' eminent and careful tutor. 1 Elliott was Oates' senior by two years'* standing, and when in 1669 the former proceeded B.A., the latter migrated to St. John's. Whether they had become TITUS GATES 183 acquainted at Caius college is not clear, but there can have been little sympathy between them. Elliott after- wards was wont to animadvert upon Gates' ' canting, fanatical way"*; while Gates in 1680 appears denouncing Elliott, not only as ' a Jesuit priest ' and ' a pervert to Mahometanism,' but also as one who had been com- pelled to quit the University owing to his ' debauched living.' Many years after, Ellis confided to his friend Thomas Baker that he had found Gates 'a liar from the beginning'; and more particularly recalled how, during his brief residence at Caius, he 'had stole or cheated his tailor of a gown,' and when taxed with the fact had denied it with 'horrid imprecations.' We may however charitably assume, that when, in February 1668-9, Dr. Watson admitted the ungainly junior sophister of Caius to St. John's, he had not been favoured with like confidences from Ellis, and that his own subsequent account of Gates as a 'great dunce,' who ' ran into debt, and, being sent away for want of money, never took a degree,' was derived entirely from an independent and personal knowledge of the facts. His surprise was perhaps not very great when he after- wards heard that Gates had notwithstanding managed ' to slip into orders ' ; but to hear of him, as he was to be heard of in 1680, as lodged in Whitehall and in the enjoyment of a monthly allowance of =40, sending his victims to the scaffold and with a guard assigned for his protection, must have caused his former tutor some amazement. In the library of St. John's College there is preserved a copy of the Anabaptist Confession of Faith, a slender 12mo. volume printed in 1688, formerly belonging to Gates. It came into Baker's possession and was 184 A.D. 1660 TO 1689 bequeathed by him as a curiosity to the college. Appended to each article of faith we find the subscrip- tion (with one or two reservations) Agreed, Titus Oates. On the flyleaf, Baker writes, 'I knew Oates, he was dull enough and as impudent as dull not capable of forming the Plot was a passionate, rash, half-witted fellow, his want of judgement might run him a little too far, etc.' On the tenth of September 1681, it devolved upon Gower, in his capacity of vice-chancellor, to head a deputation from the university to Charles at New- market ; and Narcissus Luttrell does not fail to record how the master of his former college, in his speech before royalty, upheld the doctrine of divine right and conveyed to the king the grateful thanks of the entire academic body for the resolution he had shewn 'to maintain the government, as established by law, alike in Church and State/ Charles listened, well pleased, and vouchsafed a gracious response. If, indeed, we may credit Echard, 'great notice was taken of this speech at that time. 1 It is by the same writer that we are told how Charles further promised that he and his queen would shortly pay a visit to the university, and within less than three weeks made their appearance in Cambridge, attended by the whole court. In recording the details of their majesties 1 visit, Echard, who himself entered at Christ's some six years later, dwells at length on their reception at the sister foundation, where Dr. Gower, after shewing their majesties the Library, enter- tained them in the Long Gallery (the pleasing vista was then still unbroken),* waiting in person at the table, where the banquet was served fc with so much grandeur * See supra, p. 95. HUMPHREY GOWER 185 and satisfaction ' that the king was pleased to tell him that 'he could find but one fault, and that was the over-great plenty.' 'And parting with him at the college gate,' continues Echard, 'he declared at large, how highly he was satisfy'd with his reception, and the regard he would always have for the university of Cambridge ;' while the queen ' was pleas'd to give the master her particular thanks for this entertainment. In sum, the whole was so great and magnificent, and withal so zealous and hearty, to the nobility as well as their majesties, that the court was never better satisfy'd with any entertainment, of which the news soon re- sounded through the whole kingdom.' The cost of the banquet, together with gratuities to the royal servants, amounted to ^418 15s. 5Jd., a con- siderable sum in those days ; although, being expended by the vice-chancellor in his official capacity, it was defrayed from the university chest. The event proved, indeed, an important one both in the history of the university and of the college. In his previous speech at Newmarket, Dr. Gower would seem to have done his best to convince the king how completely he had abjured his early professions. He claimed for the academic body which he represented the distinction of being ' not only stedfast and constant in their duty as loyal subjects, but eminently so,' and incurring, in consequence, 'as much as the calumnies and reproaches of factious and malicious men can inflict upon us ' ; while he expressly attributed it to Charles' guardian care that these merciless foes had, as yet, been unable to give practical effect to their malignity, and had not proceeded 'to violate our chappels, rifle our libraries and empty our colledges, as once they did? 186 A.D. 1660 TO 1689 We hope,' he emphatically added, that no earthly power, no menaces or misery shall ever be able to make us renounce or forget our duty. 1 Within less than four years from the delivery of this notable oration, the monarch who had listened to it passed away and was succeeded by his brother. From the University Press, in a volume printed by Hayes, there forthwith appeared the customary commemorative verses, Moestissimae ac laetissimae Academiae Can- tabrlgwnsis Affectw (1684), wherein the numerous contributors, over two hundred in number, deplored at once the academic bereavement and hailed the acces- sion of the new sovereign. Humphrey Gower, whose own copy of the volume is still preserved in the college library, appears conspicuous among the contributors, and his example was assiduously followed by the society over which he presided. Those possessed of the ade- quate scholarship gave expression to their feelings in Latin or Greek verse ; and only a small minority took refuge in the vernacular. Of the former number are Thomas Thurlin, the president, Thomas Smoult, the recently installed Knightbridge professor, Billers, the public orator, and Robert Jenkin, fellow and afterwards master; others are John Naylor, E. Keene, Nicholas Wood, Arthur Heroii. John Jenkins, Ephraim Howard, William Wotton, Richard Lloyd, Thomas Baker, Richard Oldham, and John Chetwood, a fellow com- moner. Thomas Browne, one of the fellows, took for the heading of his panegyric of ' Carolus Clemens ' the words ' Beati Misericordes, 1 but inflicted, nevertheless, on the reader a composition extending over nearly six pages ; Matthew Prior, on the other hand, succeeded in compressing his tribute within just so many lines. THOMAS SMOULT 187 Ephraim Howard, Peter Nourse and John Newton were fain, along with one or two members of other colleges, to write in English, although it cannot be said that any of these effusions suggest that Milton's Lycidas served as a model. The talent evinced through- out is, indeed, for the most part of no high order ; the similes are painfully forced ; while the obvious tempta- tion to apostrophise Charles and his royal brother as Castor and Pollux, ' Nam Deus e vobis alter es, alter eris,' as Matthew Prior expresses it, was too potent not to result in a somewhat wearisome iteration of a well-worn simile. Taken as a whole, however, the volume is of considerable interest; while it may be regarded as registering high water mark in connexion with what we may now term High Tory feeling throughout the university, and especially in St. John's. Of Thomas Smoult, who was at this time a prominent figure in the university, it is to be noted that he was a Lancashire man, who in 1651 had been admitted a sizar under Mr. Crompton. Although his merit was undeniable, Tuckney is said to have opposed his election to a fellowship; after the Restoration he was twice recommended by the Crown for a fellowship at Christ's without result ; and it was not until 1665, when he was thirty years of age, that the royal mandate in his favour found effect at his own college of St. John's. On this occasion the society had certainly no reason to regret the exertion of the royal prerogative. After successively filling the offices of dean, librarian and Hebrew lecturer, Smoult was appointed in 1683 to fill the newly-created Knightbridge chair of moral philosophy. His bequest of =300 for the augmenta- tion of the endowment of the chair has gained for him 188 A.D. 1660 TO 1689 a place in the bede-roll of our university benefactors ; and a similar bequest, for the purchase of advowsons, enabled his executor to add to the college patronage the rectory of Marwood. But Thomas Smoult's most conspicuous service to the university was, when he took his stand at Whitehall as one of the delegates deputed by Cambridge to defend her academic liberties against the arbitrary demands of James and the savage tyranny of Jeffreys. During the interval that preceded that memorable occasion, a series of events must, to some extent, have prepared the minds of the contributors to the Affectiis for that more complete disillusionment which awaited them in 1687, such were the prosecution of Spence of Jesus College for having ventured to satirise the Church of Rome, the institution by royal mandate of Joshua Bassett (who took an active part in Spence's prosecution and was himself generally reputed a Papist) to the mastership of Sidney College, and more especially the arrival in February 1686-7 of a second mandate, enjoining the vice-chancellor, Dr. Peachell, to admit one Alban Francis, an ignorant Benedictine monk, to the degree of master of arts, ' without administering unto him any oath or oaths whatsoever, or tendering any subscription to be made by him. 1 None of these experiences, however, brought home to the authorities of St. John's College the real nature of the royal designs, so completely as the circumstances which attended the election, in 1 687, of a new master of Shrewsbury School. It was in the August of that year that King James visited Shrewsbury, when measures were commenced for the appointment to the post of one Sebrand, a Roman Catholic, Andrew Taylor, the ST. JOHN'S AT WHITEHALL 189 headmaster, being in a state of health which precluded all hope of his recovery. Taylor, however, on becom- ing apprised of James 1 intentions, forestalled them by an immediate resignation. 'Messengers, 1 says Mr. Fisher, 'were at once de- spatched to Cambridge, and the authorities of St. John's College lost no time in electing Mr. Richard Lloyd, who was one of their own fellows. The approval of the bishop of Lichfield was obtained as speedily as possible, and the new headmaster was formally installed in his office by the mayor of Shrewsbury. It was well that no time had been lost in the matter, for the Roman Catholic partisans had provided themselves with a royal mandate for Sebrand's appointment, and Andrew Taylor survived only three months after his resignation ' (Annals of Shrewsbury School, p. 201). The graphic pen of Macaulay has familiarised English readers with the events that followed, although the illustrious historian seems not to have cared to note that Jeffreys twice made reference during the proceed- ings at Whitehall to the fact that he had himself formerly been a member of the university. He had, indeed, once been an undergraduate at Macaulay's own college of Trinity, but like Gates had quitted Cambridge without taking a degree. As regards St. John's, it may fairly be questioned whether the society ever appeared as sustaining a more creditable and dignified part at a great crisis in the national history, than in the years 1687 and 1688. On that eventful day when the Cambridge delegates made their appearance at Whitehall, deputed to answer for the refusal of the academic authorities to admit Alban Francis to a degree, Jeffreys, with the rude instinct of 190 A.D. 1660 TO 1689 his overbearing nature, sought to break down the defence by an endeavour to extort from the vice- chancellor a confession that such an act as the admis- sion of an individual to a degree without requiring his acceptance of any oath was not altogether unprecedented. Peachell himself could not affirm the contrary. The real point at issue, however, was left untouched by his admis- sion ; as Macaulay very clearly puts it, it was not possible to deny that 'foreign ambassadors of various religions, and in particular one Mussulman, had been admitted with- ' out the oaths. But it might well be doubted whether such cases fell within the reason and spirit of the Acts of Parliament. It was not even pretended that any person to whom the oaths had been tendered and who had refused them had ever taken a degree ; and this was the situation in which Francis stood. ' The master of Magdalene, indeed, himself cited an instance which was perfectly in point. It was that of one Tatnel, a non- conformist minister, who in the preceding reign had been recommended by royal mandate for a degree. Tatnel, however, had refused to subscribe and to take the oaths. Whereupon, at the petition of the university, the mandate was recalled. This case had probably been suggested to Peachell by the other delegates. It is certain that he himself proved quite unequal to the occasion. He was a man who commanded but little respect in the university, being noted chiefly as a great toper and so rubicund of countenance in consequence, that Pepys flatly refused to be seen with him in the street. As Peachell faltered and Isaac Newton was silent, before Jeffreys'* savage onslaught, it devolved on Dr. Smoult and John Billers to recall the unjust judge to some outward observance, at least, of fair- DECLARATION OF INDULGENCE 191 ness and decorum ; to point out how grossly he had blundered in supposing that it devolved upon the proctors to report the sense of the Non-Regent house to the vice-chancellor ; and to explain that the special exigencies of the case had rendered it impracticable to take the sense of the university by the customary method of a suffrage. The representations of the delegates could not avail to save the vice-chancellor from deprivation of both his university dignity and his mastership ; but in the fol- lowing year, St. John's had the gratification of seeing some of its distinguished sons bearing a prominent part in a contest which resulted in a memorable victory for the cause of constitutional rights. On the 27 April 1688, James put forth his second Declaration of Indulgence, in the postscript to which special emphasis was laid on the intolerable nature of oaths: offices and dignities, it was pointed out, were rightly to be awarded solely with regard to merit, and it was his determination to establish universal liberty of conscience in England. 'Merit,' as James under- stood the word, meant zeal in carrying out the policy which he prescribed. The Corporation of Cambridge, however, discerned in the new Declaration nothing more than a reaffirmation of the principle that ' men's consciences ought not to be forced in matters of religion,' and in an Address to the King, declared that they 'cast down at his feet' their 'unfeigned thanks for his most gracious Declaration.' A pra application was soon vouchsafed them of the new doctrine. On the 13 May, Sir Thomas Chicheley was removed from the High Stewardship of the Town of Cambridge, Lord Dover being installed in his place 192 A.D. 1660 TO 1689 without the administration of any oaths whatever. On the eighteenth of the same month, San croft in conjunc- tion with six of his suffragans signed their memorable petition to the Crown against its own too arbitrary exercise of prerogative. Of these six, three had received their academic education at St. John's, Francis Turner, the late master, now bishop of Ely ; John Lake, bishop of Chichester ; and Thomas White, bishop of Peterborough, the two former, as we have already seen, being intimately associated with much that was most important in the recent history of the college. The belated arrival of the missive summoning William Lloyd, bishop of Norwich, to the meeting in London (attributed by some to deliberate detention on the part of a postmaster), alone prevented a fourth Johnian bishop from affixing his signature, along with the other petitioners, to that memorable protest. 'However,' says Burnet, 'they had this advantage thereby, that his lordship being at liberty had the opportunity of serving them as their sollicitor, and conveying to them those advices of the nobility, lawyers, and other friends, by which they governed their conduct thro' the whole course of this affair.' The brilliant setting with which Macaulay has repro- duced the incidents of this notable episode is familiar to most English readers ; while his fervid encomium of the chief actors has been ratified by the well weighed assertion of Ranke, that ' the verdict of a court of law had never been received with greater and more universal joy,' recognised as it was 'as decisive of both the religious and political questions of the hour.' It was on the 29 June 1688 that Humphrey Gower was elected to the chair of the lady Margaret professor- THE NEW BRIDGE 193 ship of divinity. A few hours later, the missive invit- ing William to assume the royal power left the Kentish coast, and troubles and forebodings soon came thick and fast upon the Nonjurors at Cambridge. We have it, on the authority of Baker, that Gower discharged the duties of his chair with signal success. His account of Gunning represents however his solitary publication, and amid the difficulties with which he had now to contend the master of St. John's probably found no leisure for sustained literary effort. His position was one of ex- ceptional difficulty, and, had he consulted simply his own convictions, there can be no question that he would have followed the example of Sancroft (with whom he was in constant communication) in refusing the new oaths of allegiance to William and Mary and of re- pudiation of the papal authority within the realm. In his own college the example of John Billers pointed in the same direction. Billers refused to take the oaths and was consequently deprived of his office as public orator, although he retained his fellowship until the great expulsion of 1716. It was at this crisis that Gower found some distrac- tion from his anxieties in a correspondence with Sir Christopher Wren and one of Wren's pupils, Nicholas Hawksmoor, on a domestic question very near to his heart, the construction of a New Bridge, which was to connect the college with the grounds on the other side of the river. A few years ago, Mr. R. F. Scott, while examining a box of letters in the college Treasury, came upon a letter which Mr. J. W. Clark had sup- posed lost, written by Wren to Gower in 1697. Wren had been appointed Surveyor General in the preceding 16 194 A.D. 1660 TO 1689 reign and was at this time at the height of his reputa- tion ; while Trinity College Library, recently com- pleted, already afforded a conspicuous monument of his genius in the university. His advice in connexion with the bridge having been solicited, he writes very cordially in reply : ' Nothing,' he says, ' is more acceptable to me than to promote what in me lies any public ornament, and more especially in the universities where I find something of a public spirit to be yet alive.'' He then proceeds to advise the building of a stone bridge, instead of the wooden one which had been constructed to take the place of the one which Cromwell's soldiery had cut down. But he advised that it should be placed, not where it was ultimately erected, but where the ' Bridge of Sighs ' now stands, so, he explains, as 6 to make the bridge directly in the midle visto of your quadrangles, and to rayse a new but shorter walke as farr as your ground goes, which may terminate in a seat, statue, somerhouse or some agreeable object.' In order also that the bridge might stand at right angles to the opposing banks, he suggested the diversion of the bed of the river itself westward, by digging ' a new chanell of 700 foot long 50 foot broad and 8 foot deepe,' ' it will be,' he continues, ' a singular benefit to Trinity college, as well as yours, for it will give them (instead of a triangular peece of ground) a regular parterre before their library.' The force of the latter consideration appears, however, to have been but im- perfectly appreciated by Dr. Gower. The new (now the old) bridge, with its elaborate ornamentation, designed by Wren, was erected much where the former bridge stood, and the Cam itself still eddies round the projecting grassy bank a feature which few, probably, EMINENT ALUMNI 195 if only from mere force of association, would now wish to see pared away in order to bring about that Italian regularity of outline which was so admired in the days of Sir Christopher Wren. Not a few of those educated at the college during this period achieved more or less distinction. William Stanley, afterwards dean of St. Asaph, was admitted in 1663 as a sizar of the college and graduated B.A. in 1666. His subsequent election to a fellowship at Corpus Christi affords an interesting illustration of the operation of county restrictions. Masters, the his- torian of that society, inclines to think that Stanley entered at St. John's either ' because bishop Beveridge, who was his uncle, was of that college '; or ' perhaps from a stronger motive, that Mr. Villiers, afterwards earl of Jersey, of a Leicestershire family in his neigh- bourhood, went thither about the same time under the tuition of the learned and worthy Dr. Gower, who is said never to have had any other pupils but these two. 1 Stanley stayed at St. John's, he goes on to say, ' till he was chosen into a fellowship of this college upon the expulsion of Scargill, in 1669, and this upon the joint recommendation of his tutor and of bishop Gunning, then master of St. John's ; who knowing his merit, were loath he should quit the university, so soon as he must otherwise have done, his own county (to use the language of their college) being at that time full. 1 Edward Villiers above mentioned was admitted in 1671 as a fellow-commoner under Humphrey Gower. When William and Mary were proclaimed, he was appointed Master of the Horse to the queen ; and afterwards, having been created earl of Jersey, rose to 132 196 A.D. 1660 TO 1689 considerable eminence as a diplomatist ; by a contem- porary writer he is described as having ' gone through all the great offices of the kingdom, with a very ordinary understanding/ John Smith, born at Lowther in Westmoreland, belonged to a remarkable family, being one of twelve brothers all of whom attained to a certain degree of distinction. He received his early education at Bradford in Yorkshire, under Christopher Ness, and was admitted to St. John's in 1674. Although he distinguished himself as a student, his merit seems never to have been rewarded by a fellow- ship ; but in his latter years, after filling various appointments, he returned to Cambridge and devoted his leisure to bringing out that edition of Bede by which he is chiefly known to posterity. He also assisted bishop Gibson in his edition of Camden, and himself projected a History of Durham. He died at Cam- bridge in 1715 and was interred in the college chapel, where there is a monument to his memory with an inscription by his friend Thomas Baker. Edward Gee, educated at Manchester Grammar School, was admitted a subsizar in 1676, and was afterwards incorporated M.A. at Oxford. He is chiefly remembered for the prominent part which he took in the controversies that marked the close of the reign of James II. At the time of his death in 1730 he was incumbent of St. Margaret's, Westminster, and also dean and prebendary of Lincoln. Thomas Bowers, afterwards bishop of Chichester, was admitted a sizar under Mr. Roper in 1677. He probably derived from his tutor his strong attachment to the principles of the Nonjurors, a feature which Masters supposes accounts for the fact that, although he figures as the last of the bishops in EMINENT ALUMNI 197 Thomas Baker's Catalogus Episcoporum, our historian dismisses him with the briefest possible notice. As an author he would scarcely merit mention, a sermon preached at Westminster 30 Jan. 1722-3 (on the ' Anni- versary of the Martyrdom of Charles I.') having been, apparently, his only publication. Edward Stillingfleet, admitted 19 March 1677-8, was the son of the bishop of Worcester by his first marriage. He was elected to a fellowship in 1683 and his name appears as elected a fellow of the Royal Society in 1688, although he seems never to have been admitted. In 1689 he was chosen professor of physic in Gresham College, but his subse- quent marriage with a ' young gentlewoman of the city of London" involved the loss of both his fellowship at St. John's and the professorial chair. His father, who designed him for the lucrative career of a leading London physician, was now apparently disposed to do little more for him, and the son soon after abandoned physic for holy orders and died rector of Wood Norton and Swan ton in the county of Norfolk in 1708. Another nonjuring divine was Hilkiah Bedford, who was admitted in 1679 as the first Platt scholar, the founder of that scholarship being his own maternal grandfather. Bedford was elected to a fellowship on the same foundation in 1685, but was ejected as a nonjuror at the Revolution. He afterwards became chaplain to the deprived bishop Ken. Among other literary undertakings, he rendered a signal success to his college by his edition of the Vita Johannis BarwicJc by Peter Barwick, a work of which he subsequently made an excellent translation, adding numerous and excellent notes ; in his Preface he has carefully discriminated between the two Latin texts. He was unjustly accused 198 A.D. 1660 TO 1689 of having tampered with the original, a charge from which he amply vindicated himself in an advertisement inserted in the Postboy. His strong feelings as a party man are sufficiently indicated by the language in which he stigmatises Oliver Cromwell as ' one of the most pro- fligate villains that ever breath'd. 1 Bedford, who is said to have become a bishop among the nonjurors, left a son named Thomas, who inherited his principles and, after his education at Westminster School, also entered at St. John's as a sizar in De- cember 1730. He, however, neither proceeded to a degree nor did he enter the English Church. His sister was married to George Smith, a son of the above- mentioned editor of Bede. It was this Thomas Bed- ford who afterwards prepared and edited a sufficiently well-known edition of Simeon of Durham. Robert Sanderson entered in 1683 and spent several years in the university, where he was intimate with Matthew Prior and shared his literary tastes. He afterwards removed to London, where he compiled a History of the Reign of Henry V. of England. Of this laborious production the first three books are lost ; the remainder, in six folio volumes, are now in the British Museum. Sanderson, however, is chiefly known as the continuator of Rymer's Fcedera ; and when Matthew Prior was ambassador at Paris he warmly interested himself in behalf of his old fellow collegian, when the latter was a candidate for the post of historiographer to queen Anne. In 1727, the death of an elder brother left Sanderson heir to considerable estates in the North ; but his latter years were chiefly spent in London, where he died at his house in Chancery Lane in 1741. Anthony Hammond, who was admitted a fellow- EMINENT ALUMNI 199 commoner in 1685, was returned in 1698 as member for the university, when his candidature was actively supported by his friend, the earl of Jersey. On stand- ing again in Nov. 1701, he was defeated by Isaac Newton. He consoled himself by forthwith publishing a pamphlet entitled, Considerations upon corrupt Elections of Members to serve in Parliament. In his subsequent career, Hammond evinced such small discretion in the management of his own estate, his affairs becoming hopelessly involved, that he ultimately took refuge in 1720 in the Fleet, in order to save the remainder of his estate for his eldest son. Here he occupied himself with literary pursuits, leaving however behind him the reputation of a poetaster of no high order and of a prose writer distinguished rather by his ambition than his success. He died in the Fleet in 1738. Thomas Bennet who entered St. John's in 1689, gained his fellowship in 1694. In the occasional verses on the death of queen Mary he appears as the author of a tribute composed in Hebrew. It is of him that the story is told that, on arriving at Colchester just after the death of one of the incumbents of that town, named John Bayne, he was unexpectedly called upon to preach the funeral sermon and acquitted himself of his task so much to the satisfaction of his audience that he was forthwith appointed Bayne's successor. As a divine, Bennet was best known as a controversialist ; but as an Oriental scholar he enjoyed a high reputation. CHAPTEE VIII THE NONJURORS AND THE HANOVERIANS (1689-1765) Masters : Humphrey Gower (Dec. 1679 March 1711) ; Eobert Jenkin (Apr. 1711 Apr. 1727) ; Robert Lambert (Apr. 1727 Jan. 1735) ; John Newcome (Feb. 1735 Jan. 1765). Admissions. Average. 1691-1700 39'5 1701-1710 51'1 1711-1720 52-9 1721-1730 48-4 1731-1740 42'4 1741-1750 42-4 1751-1760 32'5 1761-1765 29-2 DR. GOWER retained his mastership, notwithstanding the change in the government, and by both Cole and Anthony Wood he is consequently denounced as a ' trimmer/ ' This trimming part,' says Cole, grimly satirical in his cottage at Waterbeach, 'I have often heard laid to his charge. But he had been, educated a presbyterian, and had a mastership, a canonry, a rectory and professorship to lose, and nothing to gain in the room of them, but the paltry satisfaction and empty honour of having acted according to his conscience. FRUSTRATED EJECTMENTS 201 However, with all these emoluments and conveniences, it required more than common self-denial to quit, at the latter end of life, advantages and comforts of every sort, and embrace beggary and starving in the room of them.' In the meantime, however, it became evident that the formal compliance of the master of St. John's had by no means disarmed suspicion ; for when, in May 1692, the eastern counties were anticipating, with an anxiety verging upon panic, that French descent which was only averted by the victory of La Hogue, Gower was called upon to give a distinct pledge that his own horses should be ready whenever they might be re- quisitioned. Narcissus Luttrell, ever careful amid his industrious chronicling to note whatever concerned his own college, here preserves to us some facts of no little interest in its history. With the downfall of the Stuart dynasty, that intermeddling on the part of the crown with elections to masterships and fellowships which had been so frequent since the Restoration, almost entirely ceased ; and the Court of King's Bench can only be regarded as exercising a rightful jurisdiction, when, on 25 July 1693, it forwarded to the master of St. John's a mandamm calling upon him to eject twenty of the fellows who had refused the new oaths. Dr. Gower refused to take action, on the plea that the mandamus was peremptory, which, he maintained, it should not have been on a first occasion. On the 10th August, accordingly, a bill of indictment was preferred against him at the Cambridge assizes, ' for suffering several 0) the fellows to continue in the enjoyment of their fellow- ships.' The grand jury, however, refused to find a true 202 THE NONJURORS bill, a refusal which, according to Luttrell, evoked the wonder of the court. In the following September he notes down that King's counsel were drawing up a prosecution against Dr. Gower and such fellows in the college as ' continued in their fellowships without taking the oathes' (iii. 191). On the 25th of October the mandamus was repeated and made nisi ; but as the names of the offending fellows were not given, Gower again refused to eject, alleging that it did not appear who were thus to be dealt with. Then the Court of King's Bench in turn became refractory and refused to make the mandamus peremptory, mainly on the ground that the fellows named for expulsion ought to have been made parties. At this point proceedings were, for a time, suspended. Luttrell himself tells us nothing more. The next intelligence from Cambridge that greeted his eye was probably an advertisement in the London Gazette of the 16th October, offering a reward for the recovery of the silver tankard, adorned with his crest and the college arms, which he had him- self presented to St. John's, and which had recently been stolen, together with other valuable plate. As for the mandamus, that continued altogether inoperative ; and it is to be noted that not a single election to a fellowship is recorded as having taken place in 1693. As for Dr. Gower, he remained unmolested in his tenure of the mastership, which lasted eighteen years longer, until his death in 1711, its total duration, over thirty- one years, being the longest on record in the history of the college. Ambrose Bonwicke, in a letter to his father (28 Mar. 1711) written the day after the master's death, speaks of him as 'the honour of this college and the uni- AMBROSE BONWICKE 203 versity '; sorrow, he adds, was to be seen on all faces, 4 except in those loose youths who thought he held the reins too tight, and hope now to be no more punished for their irregularities/ ' He has been," he writes a week later, ' a noble benefactor, having left by his will two exhibitions of ^10 each ; all his books to the library ; his country-seat at Thriploe valued at ^120 per annum, to the master, after the death of Mr. West, his nephew and heir, and ^?500 to buy a living for the college. Besides private legacies, as 100 to Mr. Brome, who is also to have the use of his books as long as he stays here ; to his sizer, and to another who had been his sizer, whom (being a relation of bishop Gunning) he had just made fellow tho 1 but middle batchelor, X J 10 each for mourning ; and five pounds to him who is to make his funeral oration/ It certainly was no prudishness which led Ambrose Bonwicke to refer as he did to a certain class of his fellow students, for we find a fellow of St. John's, writing at almost the same time, depicting in very gloomy colours the state of morals and discipline both in the college and throughout the university. Dr. John Edwards, who had been elected to a fellowship in 1659, was the son of Thomas Edwards, the well-known presbyterian divine. He had at one time been lecturer at Trinity Church, and had also discharged a like function at Bury St. Edmunds. After this he was minister at the Round Church, but the last twenty- five years of his life, which were spent in Cambridge, were devoted chiefly to literary labours. He died in 1716. ' It is observable/ he writes, ' that among the university men that allmost half of them are hypt (as they call it), 204 THE NONJURORS that is, disorderd in their brains, sometimes mopish, some- times wild, the two different effects of their laziness and debauchery. If there be a sober and diligent tutour, he is affronted, abus'd, injur'd : and when he is so he can find no redress, but brings on himself a greater odium, as in the case of Clare Hall/ . . . ' It may be added that there is no restraint or check on these disorders, but impunity reigns every where, and the most extravagant behaviour is not reform'd. Mr. V., a fellow of St. John's, lies at rack and manger at a house five or six miles off Cambridg. . . . He is absent from his benefice and charge in the country, and never repairs to the college but when there are leases to be seal'd, or a dividend to be receiv'd ; yet none remind this man of his duty. Another fellow of the same college, a rector of a parish not far off of Cambridg, a nephew of an archbishop, runs up and down the country, is at all hors-matches and cockfightings, appears in grey clothes and a crevat. Yet he is not check'd either by the diocesan or the college, though this behaviour is both against canon and statute.' ' With the immorality of these academics is joynd pro- phaness and impiety. I have heard them with these ears swear and curse and damn like hectors : and nothing is more usual with them in their common conversation. And this prophane swearing prepares them for that breach of oaths of another nature, which they are guilty of. They solemnly swear to keep the statutes of the university, and of their particular colleges, and yet live in a most visible violation of them, them I mean which respect not only their manners, but their exercises : but at the end of the year they meet in the Regent house, and are absolvd by a priest without shewing any signs of repentance. They shew little regard and reverence for the Lord's day, for they choose vicechancellors and proctors (when the course comes about) on that day, though an act of parliament AMBROSE BONWICKE 205 excuses them from elections or any such secular business on that day. On all Sundays in the afternoon they go immediately from the church to the coffee-houses, as if they thought it were but passing from one place of diver- sion to an other. Though there was her majesties pro- clamation against prophaning this day, in which persons were particularly forbid to go to coffee-houses, yet the vice-chancellor and clergy take no notice of it, but act contrary to it. On Trinity Sunday and on John Port- Latin when it falls on a Sunday, the bachelors of arts of these respective colleges go and trudg from college to college, to beg three days' non-term for that week. And can we then expect reverence to be paid by others to this solemn time, when we thus disregard it ourselves ? Whether the undergraduates and scholars repair to church on this day, or stay at home, is little minded by their tutours : but when they go, every body knows of it, for they talk aloud in the church, they laugh, they most irreverently behave themselves even in the time of divine service. If they meet not with the desirable spectacle, they run out of the church as if they were frighted : and their practice is to ramble up and down from church to church through- out the town, to gaze on the young women, and (as some of them are wont to confess) to tell how many patches they wear' (MS. Remains, circ. 1715). It was at most but a few months removed from the time when this unfavourable description was penned that Ambrose Bonwicke died in college. His great friend, during his residence, was Francis Roper, who, it would seem, after being deprived of his preferments, had continued to reside, and, though somewhat advanced in years, was still actively engaged as tutor. In Bonwicke, who at the age of eighteen had entered in 1710 as a sizar from Merchant Taylors' School, Roper probably 206 THE NONJURORS recognised the closest approach he had ever known to that ideal which he had sought to develop in those whom he had himself instructed. He was not, however, his tutor, for Bonwicke had entered under Christopher Anstey, an energetic young fellow who had also been educated at Merchant Taylors, and who is referred to by Cole as a successful ' pupil monger.' From his father, a former fellow of St. John's College, Oxford, Anstey's new pupil had inherited and himself cherished with enthu- siastic ardour the principles of the Nonjurors. Alike by his tutor, by Baker, Roper, and probably not a few others of the fellows, Ambrose Bonwicke was very early noted as one in whom exceptional ability was accom- panied by a not less singular devoutness of spirit. In his love of study, ascetic habits and scrupulous observance of religious duties, the young scholar of St. John's seemed, indeed, rather to resemble one of the best examples of mediaeval monasticism than that more robust conception of the studious life which has generally prevailed in our two English universities. But in Bonwicke the 4 tenement of clay ' was not equal to the strain, and, 'o'er informed,' eventually broke down. An illness supervened ; and the father, on receiving the intelligence, began to make arrangements for his son's return home. But his care came too late. It was obligatory, in those times, for every collegian to attend communion on the day before St. John Port Latin ; and when it was observed on that occasion that Bonwicke was not present, it was surmised that there was some- thing amiss. Mr. Roper's kindly heart misgave him. He scaled the steep staircase to his young friend's bare attic, which was immediately above his own room, and essayed to^enter, but something barred the door. He AMBROSE BONWICKE 207 forced it open and found the occupant, to quote his own words, ' sitting in his chair cold and stiff, and so leaning back that the chair lay against the door, his candle by him unlighted (as was supposed) that he might be the more retired and undisturbed; his Officium Eucharisticum open before him, with a paper in it, containing the abstract of that week, from Sunday morning to the end of that day, Wednesday ; his Nelson Common-Prayer- book, and others lying by it. 1 Ambrose Bonwicke passed away in his 22nd year and was laid to rest in the little churchyard of All Saints Church, which then stood opposite to his college. On the day following upon his death, Roper received the intelligence of the decease of his particular friend, Dr. Thomas Turner, president of Corpus Christi College, Oxford, a younger brother of Francis Turner, the former master of St. John's. In the following year, he made an arrangement with the college whereby it was agreed that, on his paying over the sum of ^ J 700, he should receive <^42 annually during his lifetime, ' after which five scholarships of the yearly value of six pounds were to be founded to which scholars of his own name and kindred were to have the first claim, and after such the sons of clergy beneficed in the northern counties, who had been fellows or graduates of the college. 1 * It is to be noted, as a partial anticipation of the system subsequently established by Dr. Powell, that Roper made it a condition that the scholars on his foundation should be ' examined every year that it may be known what proficiency they will make/ Roper drew his annuity for rather less than four years, dying in April 1719. He bequeathed to the college library a number of books, in which the bookplate, subsequently inserted, 208 THE NONJURORS describes him as ' sibi parcus, sumptuosus aliis, huic imprimis Collegio.' A series of minor incidents associated with Ambrose Bonwicke's history may here very fitly receive a brief notice. His father, who bore the same name, was a fellow of St. John's College, Oxford. He had been educated at Merchant Taylors' School and in 1686 was appointed by the Company head -master. But he was a staunch nonjuror ; and, when the Revolution came, his resigna- tion was inevitable. He accordingly opened a private school at Headley. Here he had for a pupil William Bowyer the younger, afterwards known as ' the learned printer. 1 In the month of Jan. 1612-3, the extensive printing premises and stock belonging to the elder Bowyer were burnt down, a calamity not unattended by some tragic details, and it devolved on Bonwicke at Headley to break the sad news to Bowyer's son. He did so, and then in a kindly letter to the father communicated to him the details of the manner in which his son had received the intelligence. The sympathy with the father was widespread, and a brief was permitted to be read in churches inviting the public to come to the ruined printer's aid. The university of Cambridge subscribed =40 to the fund, and nearly ^1400 were collected. At Headley, Bonwicke with thoughtful kindness kept back young Bowyer from church on the Sunday when the brief was to be read in that parish ; while to the father he wrote : 6 a person who desires to be nameless, upon hearing of your great loss, has undertaken to pay the whole charge of your son's board etc. for one year.' It is perhaps scarcely necessary to add that Bonwicke senior was himself the ' person '; nor is it surprising to find that when, after his son's death, he A GHOST STORY 209 compiled his account of his short life, entitling it A Pattern Jor Young Students m the University, William Bowyer the younger, who in the meantime had entered at St. John's, where he was under Christopher Anstey and Dr. Newcome, urged that the manuscript should be printed and himself wrote the preface to the volume which appeared in 1729. It is interesting to note that, in the elections to the scholarships which Roper had founded, the first award was to the son of him to whom Ambrose Bonwicke's father had extended so helpful a hand in the day of his calamity. When we bear in mind the antiquity and secluded character of a large proportion of our college buildings, it might appear almost surprising that legend and in- vention have not more frequently selected them for association with stories of the supernatural, did we not also take into account the generally robust character of the inmates and the unceremonious reception that would probably await a professed visitant from the other world at the hands of hard-headed mathematicians or vigorous athletes. As it is, the only well authenticated ghost story connected with St. John's (it having been narrated by one fellow of the society and having reference to four others), is of an apparition at a country rectory remote from Cambridge, the rectory of Souldern in Oxfordshire, one of the livings with which archbishop Williams enriched the college patronage. The story, however, is seemingly so well attested and corroborated, that even a scholar like the late Dr. J. R. Lunn, formerly fellow and Sadlerian lecturer, after a careful consideration of the evidence, declared himself con- strained to accept the narrative as c actual fact' (Memoir 14 210 THE NONJURORS of Caleb Parnham, in 'Publications of Camb. Ant. Society ,' Appendix A). It was during the mastership of Humphrey Gower, in the month of July 1706, when the country was still jubilant over Marlborough's great defeat of the French at Ramilies, that one of the fellows of St. John's, Robert Grove by name, the son of a London clergyman and educated at Eton, set out on a journey to the west of England. He was at this time thirty-six years of age, having been elected to his fellowship about ten years before, and was on intimate terms with Geoffrey Shaw, a former fellow, some fourteen years his senior, and now rector of Souldern. Taking Souldern on his way, Grove called at the rectory, but made only a short stay, promising a longer visit when on his return journey, a promise which he duly kept, staying on this occasion for three days. And it was during Grove's second visit, which took place apparently in the first week in August, that his host made to him the extra- ordinary statement on which the whole story hinges. It was ' about a week before that time, viz., July 28, 1706, as he was smoking and reading in his study about 11 or 12 at night, there came to him the apparition of Mr. Naylor, formerly fellow of St. John's College, and dead some years ago, a friend of Mr. Shaw's, in the same garb he used to be in, with his hands clasped before him Mr. Shaw, not being much surprised, asked him how he did, and desired him to sit down, which Mr. Naylor did. They both sat there a consider- able time, and entertained one another with various discourses. Mr. Shaw then asked him after what manner they lived in the separate state ; he answered, far different from what they do here, but that he was A GHOST STORY 211 very well. He enquired farther, whether there was any of their old acquaintance in that place where he was ; he answered, No, not one; and then proceeded, and told him that one of their old friends, naming Mr. Orchard, should die quickly, and he himself should not be long after. There was mention of several people's names ; but who they were, or upon what occasion, Mr. Grove cannot, or will not tell. Mr. Shaw then asked him whether he would not visit him again before that time : he answered, no, he could not : he had but three days allowed him, and farther he could not go. Mr. Shaw said, Fiat voluntas Domini ; and the apparition left him. 1 On his way back to Cambridge, Grove stopped at Clopton in Gloucestershire to call on another fellow of the college. This was Peter Clark, a native of Beverley in Yorkshire, who had been elected to a fellowship in 1703, and was at this time doing duty as a curate at Clopton. On Grovels 'enquiring after college news, Mr. Clark told him Arthur Orchard died that week August 6, 1706, which very much shocked Mr. Grove, and brought to his mind the story of Mr. Shaw afresh. 1 It was on his return to college that Grove told his story to Edmund Waller, a former pupil of Orchard, who had been elected to a fellowship in the preceding year. To Grove, both Nay lor and Orchard must have been personally well known, the former, one of the twenty Nonjurors, having been elected to his fellowship in 1677, but at this time lying in his tomb in the college chapel where he had been interred in November 1701. Arthur Orchard, the successful tutor (see supra, p. 178), whose death Naylor's ghost predicted, was con- THE NONJURORS siderably older, being at the time of his death about sixty-five years of age. Such was the story which Edmund Waller, writing 'to his Friend in the country 6 Dec. 1706," retailed ' word for word, as Mr. Shaw told Mr. Grove, and Mr. Grove told me '; while, at the same time, he had to record the additional fact that 'about three weeks ago Mr. Shaw died of an apoplexy in the desk, of the same distemper as poor Arthur Orchard died of. 1 ' Since this strange completion of matters," 1 he adds, ' Mr. Grove has told this relation, and stands to the truth of it; and that which confirms the narrative is, that he told the same to Dr. Baldiston, the present vice- chancellor, and master of Emmanuel College, above a week before Mr. Shaw's death ; and when he came to the college, he was no way surprized as others were. What furthers my belief of its being a true vision, and not a dream, is Mr. Grove's incredulity of stories of this nature. Considering them both as men of learning and integrity, the one would not first have declared, nor the other have spread the same, were not the matter itself serious and real.'' ' The date of the apparition, July 28, was Sunday,' observes Dr. Lunn, ' and from the manner in which Shaw spoke of it, we cannot very well assign to Grove's second visit any earlier date than Monday, Aug. 5 ; and it is a tempting conjecture that the con- versation may well have taken place on Tuesday, Aug. 6, the very day of Orchard's death, as given in Nichols.' That there really did exist at this time in St. John's College a robust ' incredulity of stories of this nature,' is sufficiently shewn by what Abraham De la Pryme tells us of an occurrence which happened during his undergraduateship (1690-4). A 'poor painter's ' house ROBERT JENKIN 213 which stood in St. John's Street, opposite to the college, suddenly became the chosen resort of certain turbulent * spirits, 1 who by their ' hideous noises ' and ' strange voices' alarmed and disquieted the whole neighbour- hood. Crowds of simple townsmen and undergraduates collected outside, to listen, turn pale and marvel greatly. The minister of the neighbouring church of St. Sepulchre's was weak enough to give countenance to the supernatural theory, by entering the house and seeking to exorcise the unearthly visitants by prayer. Isaac Newton, on the other hand, passing by, sternly rebuked the foolish credulity of the throng. But, eventually, four of the fellows of St. John's, along with Sir Francis Leicester, a fellow-commoner, successfully laid the spirits by pre- senting themselves armed with pistols, which they threatened with loud voices to discharge in the direc- tion from whence the cries and noises arose. Gower's successor in the mastership was Robert Jenkin, a ' man of Kent,' who had received his earlier education at the King's School in Canterbury. His election to a fellowship (30 March 1680) the same day as Baker's was shortly after followed by his collation to the living of Waterbeach, to which he was presented by his friend Francis Turner. We hear of him next as chaplain to Lake, now bishop of Chichester, and attending him when on his deathbed, listening to and subscribing his dying declaration of his adherence to the doctrines of the Church of England, especially those of passive obedience and non-resistance, and subse- quently himself defending them with his pen. Unable to take the oath of allegiance to William, he resigned both his precentorship of Chichester and the vicarage THE NONJURORS of Waterbeach ; but continued, along with the other Nonjuring fellows, to hold his fellowship, on the common ground which they took up of the non-validity of the mandamus. It was the bishop of Ely, they maintained, on whom it devolved to institute the necessary enquiry ; he, in turn, could only take action in accordance with the statutes ; and by the statutes expulsion was provided for only in cases where great crimes had been proved against the accused. But as the bishop of Ely^s intervention was not invoked and as there were no ' great crimes "* that could be alleged, no action could be taken. Dr. Jenkin, however, now so far modified his opinions as to consent to take the oaths to queen Anne, and on 13 April 1711 was elected to the mastership. His appointment to the lady Margaret professorship followed almost immediately. Owing, indeed, to the fact that the appointment to that chair was in the hands of the doctors and bachelors of divinity in the university, and that the divinity faculty was numerically far stronger in St. Johrfs than in any other college, the lady Margaret professorship continued to be virtually an appanage of the society from the election of Dr. Gower in 1688 down to that of Dr. Lightfoot of Trinity in 1875. The hold of the college on the appointment, it is to be observed, had been considerably strengthened by the clause requiring all fellows to proceed B.D. in due course. But by the new statutes of 1860, this require- ment was abolished ; the college, indeed, by a majority of two, had voted for its retention, but this was over- ruled by the Queen in Council. It was during Dr. Jenkin's tenure of the mastership and consequent upon the Hanoverian accession, that the ACTUAL EJECTMENTS 215 great ejection of the Nonjurors took place. But of the twenty fellows whose expulsion had been demanded in 1693 only six still held their fellowships in Jan. 1716-7. The following is a list of the original twenty, taken from the copy of the mandamus preserved in the Record Office: Date of Election to Fellowship. (N.S.) Thomas Leche, B.D 1668 Richard Oldham, B.D 1670 Thomas Verdon, B. D 1 67 1 John Billers, B.D 1671 Robert Appleford, B.D 1674 Thomas Alleyne, B.D 1 674 Thomas Thompkinson, B.D. ... 1676 John Naylor, B.D 1677 Thomas Browne, B.D. 1678 Thomas Coke, B.D 1679 George Dawkins, B.D. ... . ... 1680 Thomas Baker, B.D 1680 Arthur Heron, M. A 1685 Roger Kenyon, B. A 1 687 Richard Headlam, B.A 1688 William Lake, B.A 1688 Matthew Pearson, B.A 1688 PLATT FELLOWS. Hilkiah Bedford 1685 Thomas Davison 1689 John Hope 1689 Of the above, fourteen had vacated their fellowships either by removal or death. Oldham had died a fellow in 1695 and was buried in the chapel. Appleford had vacated his fellowship in 1701, Alleyne in 1698. 216 THE NONJURORS Naylor, as already noted, had died a fellow in 1701 and was buried in the chapel. Browne had vacated in 1708, Coke and Heron in 1698, Kenyon in 1713, Head lam in 1697, Pearson in 1708, Lake in 1709, Bedford in 1695, Davidson in 1693, Hope in 1700. Of the remainder, Leche, Verdon, Billers, Thompkin- son, Dawkins and Baker, still held their fellowships and adhered to their principles, and were forthwith expelled; the number of expulsions being raised to ten by the addition of four of the junior fellows, Philip Brook elected in 1701, George Baxter in 1707, Henry Wooton in 1708, and Henry Rishton in 1714. For Thomas Baker the * one event 1 (supra, p. 158) of his life had now come round. Henceforth, the words socius ejectus invariably followed upon his auto- graph in his books. By special favour, he was allowed still to occupy his rooms on the first floor of the south side of the third court, residing as ' a commoner master. 1 * Here, for three and twenty years longer, he carried on his literary labours and his extensive corre- spondence with the leading historical scholars of the England of his time, collected the materials for that great History of the University which he designed to write, and actually wrote his History of the College, wrote also his Reflections on Learning, a treatise which went through seven editions, being much in favour with divines not only on account of its real merit but also as giving scholarly expression to that distrust of science * Probably the rooms (F4) on the left hand, on ascending the staircase. L. C. von Uffenbach, who paid him a visit in 1710, says : ' In the afternoon we visited Mr. Baker in his museum in St. John's College. He has a tolerably large and good room, and if all socii have the like, they may very well make shift to live there.' Mayor, Cambridge in the Reign of Queen Anne, p. 144. BAKER AS SOCIUS EJECTUS 217 and scientific doctrines which was shared by not a few of the writer's ablest contemporaries. Among those especially indebted to him as a correspondent were archbishop Wake and Gilbert Burnet. The former, indeed, was so sensible of his obligations that he ' after- wards offered to present any one of Baker's friends, whom the latter (being himself ineligible) might name to him, to a benefice of the value of 200 per annum. Baker declined the offer, but asked the archbishop to present him with a copy of his ' State of the Church,' containing corrections and additions in his own hand- writing. To this request Wake acceded, and the volume is now in the possession of the university library at Cambridge. To Burnet, Baker rendered like service by forwarding a series of corrections and criticisms of the History of the Reformation, a service to which additions have been made by Baker's editor, professor Mayor, in the British Magazine for 1849.* It was not, however, without a keen though dignified sense of injustice that Baker laboured on, and he seems never to have been able to shake off the impression that Dr. Jenkin might have shielded him from ejection had he chosen to exert his influence. But his resentment, if such a chastened feeling of wrong could so be termed, found expression mainly in the services which he rendered to the society amid which he laboured. The tall manuscript folios in the British Museum and in the University Library, the invaluable collection of books which enriches the College Library, are Baker's im- mortal and unanswerable reply to that narrow political * The statement of Macaulay {History of England (ed. 1855), iii. 79 n.], that Baker 'attacked' Burnet 'fiercely,' is, I believe, unfounded. 218 THE NONJURORS bigotry which confounded, in one sweeping sentence of ostracism, the conscientious conviction of the honest and upright defender of a traditional faith and the machinations of the mere political adventurer and intriguer. Unlike his predecessor, Dr. Jenkin was a somewhat voluminous author, and his two treatises, on The Authority of General Councils and on The Reasonable- ness and Certainty of the Christian Religion, both went through several editions. He was also a critic of some breadth and acumen. His admirable Latin panegyric on Gunning attests at once his refined taste and skill as a classical scholar. His Praelectiones de Potestate Ecclesiastica, a series of nine discourses delivered from the professorial chair, on the discipline and institutions of the Church, still exist only in the original manu- script (S. 16) preserved in the college library. By Cole, Robert Jenkin is described as ' a very good divine, a learned man and of exemplary life.'' But there is little in his writings, and still less in the records of his mastership, which brings him home to us. He was open-handed, generous to Bowyer the printer in the hour of his great misfortune and to Ambrose Bon- wicke amid the straitened circumstances of his student life, but his formal demeanour kept even friends at a distance and, in general, he appears to have inspired respect rather than regard. Matthew Prior could never forgive the cold reception accorded him in the master's parlour, when, albeit that he was at that time royal plenipotentiary to France, he was kept standing throughout the interview, 'for Dr. Jenkin,' says the narrator, ' knew his own dignity too well to suffer a fellow of his college to sit down in his presence. 1 ROBERT LAMBERT 219 In his latter years, Dr. Jenkin's mental faculties gave way to such an extent as to incapacitate him for busi- ness, and he ended his days at North Runcton, near King's Lynn, in 1727, probably under the care of his nephew, Thomas Jenkin, a fellow of the society (172 J -26), who had recently succeeded to the living of Runcton Holme in the same county. The calamity under which he laboured may possibly account (as Cole suggests) for the fact that he bequeathed nothing to the college ; although, it is to be noted, his will is dated in the January preceding the April in which he died. By this he constituted his nephew, described as * of Darsingham, clerk, 1 his sole heir. The latter pre- sented to the college library the manuscript of his uncle's treatise de Potestate Ecdesiastica, with the stipu- lation that it should neither be used nor printed with- out his consent or that of some one or other of his heirs. Dr. Jenkin was succeeded in the mastership by Robert Lambert, whose father, the Rev. Joseph Lambert of Beverley, had also been educated at St. John's and was master of Beverley school. Prior to his election, Robert Lambert appears as holding successively the office of lecturer in mathematics, Greek and Hebrew ; he had also filled for six years what was probably less of a sinecure, the office of senior bursar. His tenure of the mastership lasted less than eight years and was perhaps chiefly remarkable for the contest by which it was ushered in, when no less than four other candidates, Dr. Drake, Mr. Field, Dr. Newcome and Dr. William Baker, presented themselves. Of these five candidates no one was able to get a majority of votes among the fellows; the election consequently devolved upon the 220 THE NONJURORS seniority, when five of the eight voting for Lambert, his election was carried. In 1727 he was elected vice-chancellor ; and when, in the following year, George II, along with Sir Robert Walpole and numerous dukes and earls, visited New- market, Lambert, in his official capacity, headed a deputation thither for the express purpose of inviting his majesty to honour the university with his presence. The king acceded to the request, and came over for the day to Cambridge, listened to an anthem in King's College Chapel, dined sumptuously at Trinity, and gave ^2,000 towards the completion of the Senate House ; but St. John's, although the residence of the vice-chancellor, was unvisited. In fact, throughout the university, Toryism was now fast losing ground ; and when, in 1729, Lambert again stood for the vice-chancellorship he was opposed in the Whig interest by Mathias Mawson, the master of Corpus. He succeeded in defeating his op- ponent, but it was by a majority of only one, the votes being 84 and 83 respectively ; while of the 84 voters 32 were members of St. John's. We hear little of Dr. Lambert as an administrator, but a tribute paid him, shortly after his second election, by one of the senior fellows of the college bears favour- able testimony to his merits in this respect. Robert Leeke, in dedicating to him a sermon preached 21st December 1729 at Great St. Mary's, describes his motives for so doing as dictated by ; a grateful sense of Lambert's excellent government of the university in general and of his own college in particular.' On the 25th Jan. 1734-5 Dr. Lambert, who was fifty-eight years of age, was found dead in his bed, having retired to rest the preceding night in apparently ELECTION TO THE MASTERSHIP good health. He had bequeathed by his will 300 to the college, and to the college library such books in his own collection as it did not already possess. A half-length portrait in the master's lodge and a simple inscription on a flagstone in the college chapel are his only other memorials. The vacancy in the mastership again gave rise to a severe contest, and on this occasion, also, four candidates presented themselves. First there was Dr. Newcome, who, as we have already seen, had been a candidate at the former vacancy, and, as some compensation for his defeat, had soon after been elected Dr. Jenkin^s successor in the lady Margaret chair, an incident which serves to shew that the appointment to the professorship was practically at the disposal of the college. Dr. Newcome appears, however, to have been somewhat chagrined at his defeat, for he removed his name from the college books, and, having married, proceeded to take up his residence in the house belonging to the lady Margaret professor, and passed as a pronounced Whig. Lambert's sudden death, together with the increasing influence of the Whig party, now revived his hopes, although the claims of his competitors were sufficiently formidable. At first only two were put forward: Dr. Williams, president of the college and public orator, and according to Cole ( generally esteemed a very worthy upright man, who seemed as much calculated for the post he aimed at and deserved, as he that attained it, 1 and Caleb Parnham, a man of imposing stature, at this time senior dean of the college and noted as a very successful disciplinarian, while his reputation long survived as that of one of the most successful tutors the college ever had. At the first voting, Newcomers prospects 222 THE NONJURORS seemed scarcely to have improved, for while Williams and Parnham each received fifteen votes, he received only eight. Eventually, however, Williams retired and at the same time requested his supporters to vote for Newcome. When, accordingly, Parnham also retired, Newcomers election appeared inevitable ; but at this juncture the Tory party brought forward Leonard Chappelow, a former fellow, but now professor of Arabic and living away from Cambridge at his living in Hertfordshire. The second election took place 6 Feb. 1734-5 and resulted in the return of Dr. New- come by a majority of three, twenty votes having been recorded in his favour and seventeen for Chappelow. The result was received with no small chagrin by Newcomers opponents, by whom his supporters were satirically designated as 'the flying squadron, 1 but it was impossible to disguise the fact that, unless the society were prepared to abandon its traditional policy of endeavouring to stand well at court, some change in its professed political principles was absolutely necessary. It was discouraging to think that with the death of Richard Hill (supra, p. 177), in 1727, almost the last friend upon whose advocacy with the royal advisers the college could rely, had passed away. But as Bolingbroke had long ago declared, the virtual proscription of the Tory party by George I. had left that party simply Jacobite. Although Dr. Newcomers election undoubtedly fore- shadowed improved relations between the college and the Court, his personal qualifications were hardly of the kind which, in those days, were associated with the successful courtier. He was of humble extraction, his father having been a baker at Grantham, was of mean JOHN NEWCOME presence, and his delivery, whether in the pulpit or the professorial chair, was monotonous and formal. By William Cole, who had just migrated to King's, and was much in Cambridge for the next twenty years, he is described as 4 a slow, dull, plodding mortal," with ' talents hardly above mediocrity ' and ' nothing liberal in his conversation, manner and appearance ' ; at the same time the censorious critic, somewhat inconsistently, credits him with an amount of ' art and design ' which ' lost its effect by its perfection,' and as gifted with ' a smooth insinuating manner ' which completely deceived those who were not acquainted with him. His portrait at the Lodge, double-chinned and with an easy air of good nature, is scarcely suggestive of the tact and ability which he undoubtedly possessed. Like Francis Turner, Dr. Newcome found himself confronted by a ' faction, 1 and like his predecessor, sought relief from worry by frequent absence from college, chiefly at his living at Thriplow. It conduced not a little to his success, during his lengthened tenure of the master- ship, that he had been exceptionally fortunate in his marriage, the lady being aunt to Samuel Squire, bishop of St. David's, a divine of some literary reputation and a former scholar and fellow of St. John's. By her admirers, Mrs. Newcome was compared to Madame de Maintenon, and even Cole allows her to have been ' a most amiable lady, who had everybody's good word. 1 Dr. Zachary Grey was under obligations to her for notes to his edition of Hudibras : her Enquiry into the Evidences of the Christian Religion, which went through three editions, was warmly commended by Baker and greeted with respect by the religious world at large ; while her charm of manner and gracious reception of THE HANOVERIANS her husband's guests, whether at the Lodge or at the Deanery at Rochester, to which he was promoted in 1644, added much to his reputation for hospitality. With his enemies, indeed, it became almost habitual to attribute whatever was best (or least open to attack) in what Dr. Newcome did, to Mrs. Newcomers influence. Aided by such a helpmate and not less by his own tact, conciliatory demeanour and excellent common sense, Dr. Newcome plodded on, making numerous friends and mollifying even his enemies. Eminently practical in his turn of mind, he knew perfectly well how much could be done by quiet unobtrusive acts of liberality of the kind for which his position offered numerous opportunities; and while intent on reform and on the establishment of a more systematic discharge of official duties throughout the college, he at the same time took care that the changes introduced should be not only acceptable but profitable to those mainly concerned. The fellows, as a body, were propitiated by the institution of 'the year of grace," whereby they were permitted to defer proceeding B.D. until eight instead of seven years after their degree of M.A. ; while each officer, when called upon to render any special service, found his advantage in the shape of a corresponding special fee. A regular supervision of the college revenues was provided for by the enactment of a regula- tion whereby the bursar was required to give in an annual account of the funds in his hands, and was also forbidden ' to place out any of the college money to interest in the stocks without the direction of the master or seniors.' The writings in the Treasury were put in order ; more liberal commons were provided for at Christmas time ; and those of the proper sizars were LOW STATE OF DISCIPLINE raised to 20s. per week ; the chapel was whitewashed and reglazed, the hall painted, the south side of the second court ' stripped and new covered. 1 Discipline among the younger members of the society was enforced by three somewhat stringent regulations : any member in statu pupillari effecting an exit when the gates were shut, by breaking open any door, or by scaling of walls, leaping of ditches, or any other way getting out of the limits of the college, was ipso facto to be expelled ; scholars were never ' to presume to loiter, or walk backwards and forwards in any of the courts or cloysters 1 ; but as soon 4 as their names had been called over by order of the master, were to depart quietly to their chambers' 1 ; and lastly 'any undergraduate making any disturbance in the hall at the time when any other undergraduate was reading an acknowledgement of his offences by the order of the deans or a superior officer, 1 was to be rusticated. The low state of discipline to which the foregoing enactments undoubtedly point and the direct assertion of John Edwards, that nearly half the members of the university oscillated between mental depression and wild excess, are corroborated to some extent by the evidence. There can be no question that throughout the eighteenth century the usual device to escape from ennui was the wine cup ; and hard drinking was followed by its frequent concomitant loss of all mental equilibrium, if not complete derangement. In 1768 it was found that two of the fellows, entitled by their standing to take their place on the seniority, were disqualified by insanity. How life went on among the junior members of the society is shewn by a letter, dated 1 Jan. 1762, written by young Christopher Hull to his father. Hull 15 226 THE HANOVERIANS had been admitted a pensioner of St. John's in the pre- ceding term and forwards the items of his expenditure since entering ; while his letter (the following extracts from which are given -verbatim et literatim) conveys no very favourable impression of the acquirements of the average freshman of those days : ' I have been put/ he writes, ' to some small expence by practices not very agreeable to y e character of an honest & reasonable man I mean by riott w ch are frequently made in or about my room for w ch reason I shall be obliged to change it. The first time they rioted my I was terrably frighted for I w'd not persuade myself th*it was any of the College but y* it was somebody come to rob my and accordingly hid my money in y e Bedstraw another time they had broke my door to pieces before I co'dget hold of my trusty poker w ch I had got lay'd anew for a weapon of defence & after I had repuls'd y m they rally'd again with great fury & I took them upon the stairs w ch was the only time they were catch d but if I had inform* d they had been rusticated as I prophecy some of them will before winter be over but I am so fortifiy d against 'em now y fc unless they unlock my Door they cannot get into my room. Hutton has suffer'd a good deal by 'em for they throw everything down as soon as they get in & make as 'big a noice as if all Bedlam was let lose.' Adverting to minor evils, he continues thus : ' we are likewise often imposed on by people that do anything for us but if Mr. Abbott know it and he's very careful about our Bills he immediately turns them of if they have any imployment in Coll. My Laundress he turned away for charging me 2 shillings too much and my bedmaker I suspect of stealing my coals & y e first time I catch him I'le send him a packing.' The Library, under Newcome's rule, received unpre- cedented attention : the Librarian appears always to THE LIBRARY have been a fellow of the college and the sub-librarian was sometimes the Naden student of divinity. The ' classes ' were rearranged and a new catalogue was commenced ; and Baker's noble bequest was made the occasion for raising, first, ' all the middle classes ' and subsequently 'all the classes, except the two next the door,'' these being designedly left to serve as a specimen of the exact appearance of the presses as they greeted the eye of Williams and other benefactors in the preceding century. The last important entry in the Conclusion Book, passed only a few months before Newcomers death, ordered that ' the books in the library be new regulated and a new alphabetical catalogue together with new class-catalogues be written ' (11 June 1764). The special care which Dr. Newcome throughout bestowed on the library found final expression in his own munificent donation. Sixty volumes (class li), mostly very early editions of the Greek and Latin classics, sumptuously bound in crimson morocco and ornamented in the so-called Le Gascon style, attest alike his scholarly taste and thoughtful liberality. They are nearly all ; fine copies ' and in excellent condition, the folios including the following editwnes principes : Boethius (1473), printed by Anthony Coburger at Nuremberg ; the extremely rare Caesar (1469), printed in Rome by Sweynheym and Pannartz ; the famous Homer (1488) printed by Bernardus Nerlius at Florence under the auspices of Demetrius Chalcondylas ; the Lucan (1469) of Sweynheym and Pannartz ; and an especially fine copy of the Venetian Plato (1513) by Aldus. To these may be added the Orationes of Cicero (1471) printed by Valdarfar at Venice, pronounced by Hartshorne ' a matchless copy ' ; the Eplstolcc of Jerome 228 THE HANOVERIANS (1470), in two volumes ; and a Dante (1487) with illustrations and the commentary by Landono. But the volume which Newcome probably most prized (it is the only one which contains his book-plate) is a copy of the quarto edition of Cicero de Senectute^ printed by Caxton in 1481, which had once been the property of an illustrious Johnian, the great lord Fairfax (general and scholar), and bears his autograph on the title-page. Dr. Newcomers scholarly tastes might well have earned for him the friendship of Bentley, especially if Cole's statement is to be relied upon, to the effect that, soon after his appointment to the Margaret professorship in 1627, the master of St. John's undertook, in addition to his own professorial duties, those which properly devolved upon the master of Trinity by virtue of his tenure of the Regius professorship of divinity, discharg- ing them, by Cole's admission, with ' tolerable abilities. 1 But we have no trace of anything approaching to intimacy between these two very dissimilar men. Otherwise, there is no reason for supposing that Bentley himself looked back to his former connexion with St. John's with anything but sentiments of pleasure and gratitude. It is true that, owing to the restriction relating to counties, he had failed, as a Yorkshireman, to gain a fellowship, but the college had done what it could to compensate him by appointing him master of Spalding School ; and from the day (24 May 1676) when, an orphan lad, he had entered as a sub-sizar under Joseph Johnston, down to that when he penned his crushing rejoinder to Boyle, the great scholar seems always frankly to have acknowledged his obligations to St. John's. It was there that he had come under the notice of Edward Stillingfleet, afterwards bishop of LIBERALITY OF THE COLLEGE 229 Worcester, whose brother John was admitted a fellow in April 1652, while Edward succeeded to his fellowship in the following year. Bentley's appointment as tutor to Stillingfleet's second son, James, proved the turning point in his career. * I was first tutor,' he afterwards wrote, ' to his lordship's son, and afterwards chaplain to himself; and I shall always esteem it both my honour and my happiness to have spent fourteen years of my life in his family and acquaintance, whom even envy itself will allow to be the glory of our church and nation ; who, by his vast and comprehensive genius, is as great in all parts of learning as the greatest next himself are in any. 1 It was, in fact, under the bishop's roof, where he had access to his fine library, that Bentley had chiefly laid the foundations of his vast learning, a debt which he well repaid by the enduring tribute which he after- wards rendered to Stillingfleet as his biographer. It must not be left unnoted that the revenues of the college, under Dr. Newcome's rule, were far from being appropriated solely to the immediate wants and requirements of those on the foundation. The relatives of founders and benefactors long deceased frequently appealed for assistance, especially those of Naden and Platt, and were rarely dismissed empty handed. In a sum of twenty guineas, voted in February 1760 for the benefit of the widows and children of the soldiers in Germany, we may discern a reflex of the enthusiasm to which the policy of Pitt and the victory at Minden had lifted the national spirit. In remoter regions, lands of which Margaret Richmond had never heard, learning was subsidised by her loyal sons. The 'colleges of Philadelphia and New York ' received in 1763 a grant of ten guineas. The struggling university of Debreczin 230 THE HANOVERIANS in Hungary was aided with a like sum. Nearer home, the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge received five guineas 'towards the impression of Bibles in the Welsh language"* ; and a poor teacher of Hebrew in the university, one Israel Lyons, was encouraged by a similar grant. With all genuine forms of literary effort, Newcome appears to have been a ready sympathiser. He subscribed liberally in aid of numerous publications, helped Edmund Carter in his History of the University, and was complimented by Francis Peck of Trinity with the dedication of his Herod the Great, ' in acknowledge- ment of his favours." Philip Doddridge, on seeking an interview with him at Cambridge in 1741, found himself ' most courteously entertained. 1 He gave during his lifetime ^200 bequeathing fifty more for the pur- chase of theological literature for the University Library. To his native town of Grantham he left 700 volumes ' to be placed in Grantham church under the direction of the lord bishop of Lincoln and the right honourable Sir John Cust, Speaker of the House of Commons.' To the college he bequeathed a house in Cambridge to found the Moral Philosophy Prize which bears his name, and 'his interest in the impropriate rectory of Bourn 1 for the maintenance of two exhibi- tions, of the annual value of %Q, for scholars from Grantham School. Dr. Newcome died at the Lodge 10 Jan. 1765, after a protracted illness, Mrs. Newcome having predeceased him some years. He was in his eighty-second year, and had held the mastership for nearly a whole generation. He was interred in the college chapel, where a brass plate bears witness to his merits as prcefectus integer rimm. CHAPTER IX THE MASTERSHIP OF DR. POWELL (JAN. 1765 JAN. 1775) A dmisaions. A verage. 1705-1770 32'4 1771-1775 38'6 SEVEN candidates appeared to contest the election to the mastership on Dr. Newcomers decease, Thomas Rutherforth, Zachary Brooke, Samuel Ogden, John Skynner, William Samuel Powell, Andrew Alvis, and Thomas Frampton, all of whom were past or actual fellows of the society and the majority well known beyond academic circles. Rutherforth, a Cambridge- shire man, now fifty-three years of age, had already been Regius professor of divinity for nearly twenty years and was a tutor of the college. He had also been chaplain to Frederick, prince of Wales, and was married to a daughter of Sir Thomas Abdy. His attainments, both literary and scientific, were considerable, and he had achieved some eminence as a controversialist, was re- garded as an authority on fundamental questions in moral philosophy and held views which he defended against those of Samuel Clarke, had maintained the credibility 232 THE MASTERSHIP OF DR. POWELL of miracles against Hume, had supported Sherlock, had lectured on Grotius,and had joined issue with Kennicott on points of Hebrew scholarship. He was a staunch churchman, warmly defending subscription. If, to these varied acquirements, we add that Rutherforth had for some time been a private teacher of physical science in Cambridge, and had published in 1763 his Or do Institu- tionum Physicarum, dedicated to Dr. Newcome, a work which appeared in an English form five years later as A Course of Lectures in Mechanics, Optics, Hydrostatics and Astronomy (2 vols., 4to., Cambridge), it will be evident that with respect to learning and attainments he was probably foremost of the seven. He was, how- ever, according to Cole, ' pitted with the small-pox and very sallow complexioned.' Zachary Brooke could not pretend to rival Rutherforth in learning, but his claims were respectable ; he was one of George III.'s chaplains ; was known as one of Middleton's antagonists by his attack on the Free Enquiry; and had quite recently published a volume of Sermons. Samuel Ogden, a native of Manchester, had originally entered at King's College as ' a poor scholar, 1 a position from which he held that he had ' very happily escaped ' by his transfer, in 1736, as an exhibitioner to St. John's. He was chiefly known at this time by his eloquent sermons at the Round Church, where, for eighteen years, he attracted the members of the university in overflowing numbers. He was the preacher who especially won the approval of George III, and his discourses, in their published form, elicited the highest encomiums from Dr. Johnson. Ogden was also an accomplished dialectician, and at the Commencement of 1753 had distinguished himself in a memorable encounter. His opponent was John Green, DR. POWELL'S ELECTION 233 a former fellow of St. John's, but at that time master of Corpus and afterwards bishop of Lincoln, and a noted member of the Whig party. The disputation took place in the presence of the chancellor of the university, the duke of Newcastle, who, to mark his sense of Ogden's ability, afterwards bestowed on him the vicarage of Damerham in Wiltshire. Other marks of the chan- cellor's favour would, it is said, have followed, if Ogden had only known how to seize the opportunity. But although importunate for preferment, he was no courtier, and while ' singularly uncouth in manner ' was in the habit of ' speaking his mind very freely on all occa- sions.' In 1764, however, he was elected to the Wood- wardian professorship of Geology, an appointment which he continued to hold until his death in 1778. To his other attainments Ogden also added the reputa- tion of being an excellent classical scholar and a pro- ficient in the oriental languages, and he was probably regarded as Rutherforth's most formidable competitor for the vacant post. John Skynner, a senior fellow, stood recommended by a ten years' tenure of the office of Public Orator (1752-62), in the contest for which he had defeated John Ross, afterwards bishop of Exeter, by 85 votes to 75. Mr. Alvis, now fifty-seven years of age, had retired in the preceding year from the presi- dency of the college, after an eight years' tenure of office, and had also rendered some useful service in re- arranging the library. Dr. Frampton, who was now forty, would seem to have had no special claim what- ever ; but he was probably popular in the society, as we hear of him, ten years later, as again a candidate, along with Ogden, for the mastership. The excitement that attended the election was con- 234 THE MASTERSHIP OF DR. POWELL siderable. Thomas Gray, at Pembroke College, writing (November 1764) to William Mason, declares that, ' St. John's is like Lisbon on the day of the earthquake ; it is like/ he adds, ' the Fire of London. I can hear and smell it hither. Here appears the furious Zachary [Brooke], but his forces are but three or four men. Here towers Doctor Rutherforth, himself an host, and he has about three champions. There Skinner, with his powerful oratory, arid the decent Mr. Alvis, with their several invisible squadrons : Ogden and Gunning each fighting for himself, and disdaining the assistance of others. But see, where Frampton, with his 17 votes, and on his buckler glitters the formidable name of Sandwich, at which fiends tremble. Last of all comes, with his mines and countermines, and old Newcastle at his back, the irresistible force of Powell.' That the chancellor should have exerted his influence in Powell's favour is explained by the fact that the latter was related to the ducal house, his maternal uncle (whose name was Reynolds) having married Frances Pelham, the daughter of Charles Pelham of Brocklesby in Lincolnshire. In 1760 the death of their son, Charles Reynolds of Peldon Hall, Essex, left Powell heir to a handsome estate worth some ^600 per annum, in addi- tion to which the latter had already saved a consider- able sum as senior tutor in the college. It is probable that in the election he received the support not only of Newcastle but also of the Townshend family, for he had been private tutor to Charles Townshend, second son of the third viscount, and in 1742 was presented by the latter to the rectory of Colkirk in Norfolk. Thus wealthy and well connected, Powell was probably further recommended to the support of an influential party by FRIENDS AND FOES 235 his attitude in relation to the burning question of ' sub- scription.' On Commencement Sunday, 1757, he had preached a sermon which was published under the title of A Defence of' the Subscriptions required in the Church of England, an utterance which, although much criti- cised by those of contrary views, gave forcible expression to the tenets of the High Church party. In another direction, his zeal, if it had carried him somewhat beyond the bounds of discretion, had shown him prompt in asserting the interests of the college. In 1760 the Lucasian professorship had fallen vacant, and William Ludlam, a fellow of the college and Powell's intimate friend, was a candidate for the appointment. He was confronted, however, by two formidable rivals : Francis Maseres of Clare, who had come out fourth wrangler and first chancellor's medallist in 1752, and Edward Waring of Magdalene, a Shropshire man, who had been senior wrangler in 1757. Ludlam, who was now in his forty- fourth year and had been fellow of St. John's some sixteen years, had no such credentials to show, his degree dating back to days anterior to the mathematical tripos, but the proofs which he subsequently gave of mathematical power fully justified the support which he received on this occasion. Waring, indeed, notwith- standing his success in the tripos, thought it desirable to supplement it by other evidence, and with this design printed and circulated the first chapter of his afterwards well-known work, the Miscellanea Anatytica, a treatise dealing with algebra and analytical geometry. Powell, thinking thereby to serve Ludlam, attacked the publi- cation in some anonymous Observations, in which, says his biographer, he ' did not confine himself to what he thought mathematical errors, but indulged in severe 236 THE MASTERSHIP OF DR. POWELL reflexions on the age, the inexperience, and the style of the analyst. 1 These animadversions however not only failed in their object of stopping Waring's election, which was carried, but produced a scorching reply from the new professor, in which he vindicated his own posi- tions and retorted the charge of error on his assailant. This again was followed by a Defence of the Observations, and to this, in turn, the authorship having now trans- pired, Waring replied in A Letter to Dr. Powell, in which, ' whilst he animadverted with considerable severity on his antagonist, he did not forget what was due to his rank and station. 1 That he practically silenced Dr. Powell may be inferred from Mr. Hughes' admission that, if the doctor ' proved impar congressus A chilli, and was defeated in the contest, candour required him to confess his fault, and make all due reparation to his antagonist."* Of such reparation, how- ever, there is no trace. It was doubtless well for the university and for science, that Waring was elected, and Powell's conduct on the occasion probably says more for his heart than his head ; but it was not less to the advantage of St. John's that, five years later, he was unanimously elected master of the college. His election was greeted with enthusiasm by his numerous and influ- ential friends. Among the number we find Richard Kurd of Emmanuel (afterwards bishop of Worcester) writing to Thomas Balguy (who would never consent to be made a bishop), and requesting him to convey to their common friend the expression of his delight. ' Merit,' he observes, ' is so rarely found in its own place, that I confess I did not much expect this event. ... I hope the state of the university is better than you represent it. If not, I know of nothing so likely to POWELL'S REFORMS 237 retrieve its credit as two or three such elections as this.** As one who had been assistant tutor to Powell, Balguy must have been well qualified to estimate the justice of Kurd's emphatic approval. Twelve years later, when the steward had given in the account of his stewardship, it is gratifying to find William Cole confirming this high estimate of Powell's qualifications by his deliberately recorded testimony, that the late master had discharged the duties of his office with ' the greatest reputation and honour to himself and credit and advantage to the society." 1 A candid consideration of the chief features of Dr. Powell's administration will not tend to the dis- proof of this high eulogium. In the November follow- ing upon his succession to the mastership, he was elected vice-chancellor, and the ensuing year saw him appointed to the well-endowed archdeaconry of Colchester ; but concurrently with these important functions, he could still find time for the object on which he had especially set his heart, that of educational reform in his own college. Three-quarters of a century before, young Abraham de la Pryme had described the system of instruction in the college in the following terms : 1 May 1690. ' First I was examined by my tutor, then by the senior dean, then by the junior dean, and then by the master, who all made me but construe a verse or two apiece in the Greek Testament, except the master who ask'd me both in that and in Plautus and Horace too. Then I went to the register to be registered, and so the whole work was done. ' We go to lecturs every other day, in logics, and what we hear one day we give an account of the next ; besides we go to his chamber every night, and hear the Sophs and THE MASTERSHIP OF DR. POWELL junior Sophs dispute, and then some is called out to conster a chapter in the New Testament ; which after it is ended, then we go to prayers, and then to our respective chambers.' This narrow schoolboy training had gone on unaltered down to Dr. Powell's time ; but he had already set his heart on a thorough reform, and in the first year of his mastership he applied himself to the establishment of Annual Examinations, ordeals previously altogether unknown. The subjects and books to be used were duly specified a certain time beforehand ; one of the Gospels or the Acts of the Apostles in Greek had to be taken by every examinee ; qualified examiners were appointed for the respective subjects, and the master himself was always present in the college hall when the examinations were going on. 'The examination lists,' says his biographer, 'still preserved at St. John's, which were all drawn up with great care and consideration by Dr. Powell himself, as long as he presided over the college, bear strong testimony to the acute discrimination, the strict impartiality, and the resolute industry with which he conducted and perfected this his favourite scheme. In a very early stage of it he had to encounter all the opposition naturally to be expected from young men, anxious to cast off what they considered a grievous yoke, imposed on themselves ; but the wise resolves of his mature deliberation were not so to be over- thrown : the punishments inflicted on some of the delinquents, and the severe denunciations recorded against others, together with proper encouragement and prizes bestowed on the deserving, brought all to submission ; and this admirable measure, being at length firmly established, gave such an advantage to the college in which it EXAMINATIONS IN COLLEGE 239 originated, as soon induced others to profit by the ex- ample.' The results of these examinations were officially re- ported to the seniority, accompanied, it would seem, with comments of a kind which, when communicated by the tutors to the competitors, doubtless imparted an additional stimulus to the whole ordeal. The follow- ing extracts, taken from the Report for June 1774, may serve as a specimen : Third year : ' Sheepshanks, Hall, Mr. Burrell and Wright 2 dows [sic for secundus] have the prizes. Phillips, Hart and Caulet are the next. These seven distinguished themselves as having studied Physical Astronomy and even also are superior to the rest in all the subjects. But Wilkinson was very near them in plain Astronomy and Butler : Tighe, Willis, and Bateman did well and Thorn- hill also in the classic.' Second year : ( Collins would have been thought before some of the others. But though it was verily ill health which prevented him from being examined at Christmas he could not be considered in the distribution of the prizes. . . . Burton should not have neglected the Greek Testament. Mr. Townshend was thought to be the best in Cicero but he had not studied the other parts. Of those examined for the first time ' No one appeared to deserve a prize for the ms.' [ ? = Mathematics ]. The stress then laid upon attendance at chapel is shewn by the following observations : ' Pyke obtained a prize and one of the best exhibitions by his constant attendance at Chapel. Cooke, Collins, Poston and Smith sen r ., who were next to him in regularity, have also exhibitions on this account. The behaviour of 240 THE MASTERSHIP OF DR. POWELL the Fellow Commoners in this point has been observed, as notice was given last year that it would be. Among them Lord Midleton and Lord Powis whilst they stayed here were exemplary. Mr. Broderick also has deserved much praise, and some who have been but a short time have given reason to expect from them like behaviour. There is no other part of their conduct by which they can merit greater honour or shame/ In connexion with the financial administration, Dr. Powell also rendered material service. The ' Rentals ' or classified Accounts of the college form a continuous series, stretching back as far as 1540. Faithfully kept, they would have constituted a valuable record alike of the domestic economy of the society and of the profits accruing from rents in different parts of England. The new master, however, on subjecting these accounts to a careful scrutiny, deemed it his duty to lay before the whole body of fellows a Memorandum, in which he condemned the system on which the accounts were kept as unduly ' laborious and tedious, 1 and, at the same time, ' immethodical, intricate and obscure,' ' very defective, 1 'constantly incorrect in small matters and liable to be so in greater ;** ' such parts, 1 he added, ' as are correct, yet carry in them the appearance of error or fraud. 1 He justified these several assertions in a lengthened statement and explanation of the most unsatisfactory features, which 'resulted in a complete remodelling of the form of the College Accounts. In the year 1770 and for subsequent years the accounts shew the rents due, those actually received and those in arrear. The fine money is entered with the other revenues. The accounts are added up, so that from that date onwards we know the income and expenditure EDWARD BARNARD 241 of the College for each year. About that time the total College income was] ^6000 a year, and the College was investing its savings in India Annuities and South Sea Annuities. In July 1765 the College for the first time started a banking account with Sir Francis Gosling and Company, London. 1 Although, as Powell's biographer admits, consider- able opposition was encountered in carrying out these reforms, it was soon apparent that the college had suffered no injury either in reputation or numbers. The latter, which had fallen considerably, owing to the estrangement of the Tory interest brought about during Newcomers mastership, again began to rise. The average entries for the years 1760 to 1770 had been only 30; but from 1770 to 1780 they rose to 40. The chapel became inconveniently crowded; and many members already thought that the erection of a larger structure was imperatively called for. The reputation of the society rose with its growing numbers, and St. John's now gradually acquired the credit, which, somewhat to the discredit of the university at large, it was allowed to enjoy far into the nineteenth century, of being the only Cambridge foundation where a steady course of reading was obligatory on the undergraduates. At the same time, we find that the college was increasingly resorted to by the sons of the nobility and old county families, a fact partly attributable to Dr. Powell's aristocratic connexions, but still more, probably, to the influence of Dr. Barnard, provost of Eton. Edward Barnard, who had himself received his education at that school, was the son of a Hertfordshire clergyman, and in 1744 had been elected to a fellowship at St. John's. In 1754 he was appointed headmaster of Eton and in 16 THE MASTERSHIP OF DR. POWELL 1765 succeeded to the provost ship. ' No head master of Eton, 1 says Mr. Lyte in his History of Eton College, 4 before or since his day, has attained a higher reputa- tion for administrative ability.' Under his rule the numbers at Eton rose from about 300 to over 500, and the same authority credits him with having ' pos- sessed in an eminent degree the power of discerning the character of those under his care, admiring genius and spirit even when they did not run in the ordinary groove." Dr. Barnard seems to have thought that his own college at Cambridge would prove an excellent school for the more advanced education of his Eton scholars, and under his influence and that of Dr. Powell the Admission Books of the college frequently bore the names of the scions of some of the most illustrious families in the land the Cavendishes, the Cecils, the Fitzherberts, the Hydes, the Molesworths, the St. Johns (one of whose ancestors had been chamberlain to the lady Margaret), the Townsends, the Stuarts, all of whom are represented during Powell's tenure of office. In a more special manner, the new master gave a further impulse to the studies of the college, and one which has continued to operate with increasing although not uninterrupted force from his time down to the present day. In common with Rutherforth, who like himself was a fellow of the Royal Society, he reflected the growing influence of that illustrious body. The two, in fact, often appear as rivals, although Powell's activity as an author was much the less conspicuous. He had, however, at one time devoted considerable attention to physical science, and as early as 1746 had put forth anonymously a short treatise entitled Heads of a Course of Lectures on Experimental Philosophy. THE OBSERVATORY 243 In the year 1764 the Conclusion Book records an agreement to purchase for the library, along with ' Houbiganfs Bible, 1 a copy of ' Button's Natural History ;"" while, within four days after his election to the mastership, there occurs the following entry : ' 29 Jan. 1765. Agreed that a surveyor be sent from London by the master to examine whether the building in the 2nd court will support the intended observatory ; and if he thinks that it will, that the observatory be begun immediately by Stevenson and Forster under the direction of Mr. Dunthorne.'' Two years later it was agreed ' that a pair of globes be bought for the observa- tory by Mr. Ludlam at a price not exceeding 10 guineas. 1 The Mr. Dunthorne above referred to had not been educated at a university, but he appears to have been an able mathematician and is highly extolled by William Ludlam, in the preface to his Astronomical Observations, as 'a gentleman, who to his exquisite taste and skill in polite literature adds a profound knowledge of philosophy, and has a disposition and a heart to promote them both : and, which is still more beneficial to the world, and equally honourable to himself, he joins to a consummate excellence in his profession, a generosity without limits in the exercise of it: The Observatory was erected over the west gateway of the second court, where it continued to stand until the year 1859, the cost of its erection being defrayed by Dunthorne, who at the same time presented a collection of astronomical instruments to the college. It is due to Ludlam here to note that he forthwith turned these new facilities to good account ; and in 1769 there appeared from his pen the small quarto volume 162 244 THE MASTERSHIP OF DR. POWELL above referred to, under the title, ' Astronomical Observations made in St. John's College, Cambridge, in the years 1767 and 1768. By the Rev. Mr. Ludlam. 1 ./ / William Ludlam, the author,* had at this time left St. John's, having been presented by the society to the living of Cockfield ; while for the next twenty years, we hear of him as residing chiefly at Leicester, where he continued to devote himself to his favourite studies with excellent practical results. His Rudiments of Mathe- matics, more especially, became a standard text-book in the university and in the earlier years of the present century was still in use; while various other scientific treatises, together with occasional contributions to the Transactions of the Royal Society, amply vindicated (as his biographer claims) the support which he had received from his college and its master as a candidate for the Lucasian Chair. The second published set of observations contains those made between the years 1791-1826, by the Rev. Thomas Catton, tutor of the college. These observations were reduced under the direction of the Astronomer Royal, and published at the expense of the Treasury Fund under control of the Royal Society, in Vol. xxii., Memoirs of the Royal Astronomical Society, 1854. They contain numerous important extra- meridional observations, such as eclipses of Jupiter's satellites, occupations of stars and planets, transits of Mercury 1799 and 1802, and five eclipses of the sun. At the sale of Mr. Catton's effects in February, 1838, the college became the purchaser of his large equatorial * To be distinguished from his younger brother, Thomas, the disciple of Locke, and also known as an essayist, who graduated from St. John's in 1748. REPUTATION OF THE COLLEGE 245 made by Dollond, having an object glass of 3| inches clear aperture with a focal length of 46 inches. Another valuable instrument bought at the same time was a very completely fitted altazimuth by Gary, with a graduated altitude circle of 18 inches diameter, which can be read to every second of arc. Mr. Catton left by will to the college a smaller equatorial made by Dollond, and an 18-inch repeating circle made by Troughton. The attention which St. John's was now attracting to itself as a home of systematic study and genuine research could not fail to be noted by the university at large and also by the world without. And it was doubt- less under the influence of the example thus set, that John Jebb, formerly fellow of Peterhouse and at this time rector of Ovington in Norfolk, brought forward, in 1773, his proposals for a scheme of a compulsory Annual Examination which all students should be required to pass. The subjects were to comprise ' the law of nature and of nations, chronology, set periods of history, select classics, metaphysics, limited portions of mathematics and natural philosophy, moral philosophy, and meta- physics. 1 * In their final examination all were to be required to show a knowledge of the four Gospels in Greek and of Grotius De Veritate. Jebb had influential supporters, among them Paley and Edmund Law, and a grace was carried for the appointment of a syndicate to consider his proposals and give them more definite shape. He himself professed to consider that his scheme would 'not materially interfere' with that already in operation at St. John's ; but inasmuch as the control of the proposed examination was to be transferred from the college to the university, it is not surprising that 246 THE MASTERSHIP OF DR. POWELL Dr. Powell regarded the matter in a different light, especially as Jebb himself admitted, that the scheme in operation at St. John's could not conveniently be intro- duced 'into smaller societies.' Between the two men there were, again, divergences of opinion which amounted to almost complete antagonism, for Jebb was already known by his efforts to bring about an abolition of subscription, both on the part of undergraduates and of the clergy ; while, in a course of lectures on the New Testament, he had given expression to views so dis- tinctly Unitarian that, at some colleges, undergradu- ates had been forbidden to attend his class. The proposer and his scheme were, consequently, equally obnoxious to Powell, who now put forth a pamphlet entitled An Observation on the Design of establishing Annual Examinations at Cambridge (1774). In these pages he assumes it as beyond dispute, that 'the business of education, both of government and instruc- tion, is conducted with more success under the domestic discipline of each college than it could be under the direction of the senate 1 ; he maintained that all the necessary reforms ' might easily be introduced into the separate colleges 1 ; he also strongly deprecated the pro- posal to transfer the work of examining to annually appointed examiners, ' wholly strangers to most of the students, to their abilities, their previous education, and the professions or stations for which they were designed.' And, finally, he declared that Dr. Jebb's proposals reminded him 'of the architect, who, dissatisfied with our old buildings, proposed, about the middle of the last century, to pull them all down except King's College chapel, and to erect in their stead one ample and uniform structure, such as it behooveth an academy TESTIMONY OF DR. JEBB 247 to be in a free and well-ordered commonwealth/ Even- tually, much to the chagrin of Jebb's supporters, victory declared itself for his opponent. In a fly-sheet, dated 28 Oct. 1775, nine months after Powell's death, he him- self paid the following tribute to his memory, and drew with bitter emphasis a comparison between St. John's and Trinity, the latter then still pursuing the path of traditional routine, notwithstanding the encouragement which the late master, Dr. Robert Smith, had sought to give to the study of mathematics by the foundation of the two prizes which bear his name. ' Let any man/ wrote Dr. Jebb, ' survey the present state of and St. John's College. He will per- ceive the latter, in consequence of the judicious institution of the late truly respectable master, not only first in fame, but affording a contrast of the most striking kind. In the one, he will behold each valuable Greek and Roman author with ardour studied ; each source of sound philosophy with zeal explored ; in the other, the utmost efforts of the present respectable tutors unable to effect the most incon- siderable degree of attention to their instructive voice. In the one, he will behold a numerous set of learned persons improving youth of the most respectable families and fortunes in every branch of useful literature, themselves hourly improved by their assiduity in their important trust. In the other, but I will not press the comparison any further. Let any impartial person cast an eye of momentary attention on the two societies ; I am confident we shall not disagree with respect to the premises ; let him draw the conclusion for himself.' It was only for ten years, { ten years bating six days, 1 as Cole observes, that Dr. Powell's tenure of the mastership lasted ; while it was for less than half that 248 THE MASTERSHIP OF DR. POWELL time that he retained his full mental and physical powers, an attack of apoplexy in 1770 having per- manently affected both. The intensity of conviction and the energy with which he entered upon each scheme of reform may not improbably have expedited his attack, which was of a kind to which he appears to have been constitutionally predisposed, being, says Cole, ' a little thin man, florid and red, with staring eyes, as if almost choked or as if the collar of his shirt was too tight about his neck, 1 and whose ' appearance prognosticated his death. 1 4 1 happened," he continues, ' to dine in Trinity College on Monday Jan. 16, 1775, with several gentlemen who had been at Addenbrook's hospital, where the governors usually meet on Mondays before dinner ; and on that day there was a full meeting in order to chuse a matron for it. On their return they observed that Dr. Powell looked more than ordinarily ill, and by no means ought to have stirred from home. He was that day seized with a fit of the palsy ; and next day Dr. Heberden was sent for from London, but did not come, tho" Dr. Gisbourne did. They were sent for again on Wednes- day ; and came to Cambridge next morning : but it was too late to do any service ; for his speech was gone ; and not being able to lie in his bed, he expired in his chair at 2 o'clock on Thursday afternoon Jan. 19, 1775.' The same resoluteness of purpose, which effected such considerable results in so short a time, may be discerned in the regularity with which the master appeared at the six o'clock morning chapel, his attendance in one year, it is said, being unbroken by a single omission. He was not, however, without the defects of his virtues. Impatient of contradiction, of quick temper and a good hater, he was early recognised as one whose designs were f\ \ t> r> n r ^V ^ OF THE iiKilWFRSITY I VJpH"*- 1 ^ / , DIFFERENCES WITH THE FELLOWS 249 not lightly to be thwarted, and throughout his brief rule he appears generally to have had very much his own way in all important questions. Otherwise, it is evident that his views were, on more than one occasion, by no means in harmony with those of a majority of the fellows. They demurred when they saw him, wealthy as he already was, grasping at the rich living of Fresh- water, an act of apparent selfishness which was only condoned in the light of his subsequent munificence; while he, longing for retirement from college strife and wearying with the monotony and dull climate of the Fenland, delighted to hurry post and cross the Solent to where he could inhale the Atlantic breezes and pace the shore where the waves rolled the treasures of the green- sand at his feet. He found himself again at variance with a decided majority, when he put aside the urgent need of a new chapel in order to carry out his pet project of casing the whole college with stone. His design, however, found effect only in connexion with the south side of the First Court, and was there surveyed by William Cole, coming over from Milton, with much disapproval, as 'tending to weaken the original building, which was handsome and uniform in the true collegiate stile ; it will add, 1 continues the saturnine critic, ' no convenience to any of their apartments ' and will involve 4 an infinite expence if they go through their whole large college ; and, if they do not, it will be patchwork.' But Cole's animadversions, however just, ran counter to the prevailing taste of the time ; the rooms in this block became the fashionable quarter, so that the college was able afterwards to raise the rents ; and, prior to the erection of the New Court, they were occupied mainly by fellow-commoners. 250 THE MASTERSHIP OF DR. POWELL Dr. Powell's Discourses, edited by his friend Balguy and highly eulogised by Main waring, the lady Margaret professor (1788-1807), and other competent critics, still repay perusal as examples of the more intellectual pulpit oratory of the Cambridge of that day, and serve especially to illustrate his standpoint both as a politician and a divine. In relation to questions of Church and State, his attitude offered a complete contrast to the theories upheld by Humphrey Gower and Robert Jenkin ; and his Discourse on the Anniversary of the Martyrdom of Charles the First, preached before the university, 30 Jan. 1766, is a notable presentment of the antithesis presented by the High Churchmen of the latter part of the eighteenth century to the position of the Nonjurors. It also explains the aversion which Powell is said to have expressed with regard to Thomas Baker and his History. ' Let us be thankful to God/ he ejaculates, ' who has given us hearts to discern the errors of our forefathers, a constitution formed on opposite principles, and five successive monarchs who have usually governed according to that constitution, and statesmen who use not religion as the engine of tyranny.' Not less deserving of note is the Charge which he delivered to the clergy of his Archdeaconry, on The Use and Abuse of Philosophy in the Study of Religion. In this he seeks to allay the controversies already fast rising up between, not the different schools of theological thought, but the theologian and the man of science. Dr. Powell was content to shelter himself under the authority and example of Bacon, and to conclude that the discoveries of science have no relevancy to the teachings and the mysteries of Revelation. He deplored the fact HIS VIEWS ON CONTROVERSY that the disregard of this judicious axiom had already given rise to 'numberless questions," 1 'questions,' he observes, ' which may ever be disputed, because they can never be decided, unless men should at last be so wise as to perceive that this is a reason why they should not be disputed at all.' 1 Judging from the subsequent history of the university and the comparative immunity which Cambridge has experienced from controversies like those which have troubled Oxford, we may fairly conclude that the foregoing words were not spoken altogether in vain. CHAPTER X THE RULE OF CHEVALLIER, CRAVEN AND WOOD (17751839) John Chevallier (Feb. 1775 March 1789) ; William Craven (March 1789 Jan. 1815) ; James Wood (Feb. 1815 Apr. 1839). Admissions. Average. 1775-1780 42'8 1781-1790 46'8 1791-1800 42 THE election of Dr. Powell's successor again gave rise to a warm contest, in which John Chevallier, a native of Rutland, defeated his competitor, Richard Beadon, by only one vote. But while the former, owing to his infirm health, accepted the office with reluctance, the latter left no stone unturned in order to carry his own election. A man of sound attainments, eighth wrangler in 1758 and first Smith's prizeman, he was also sup- ported by powerful influence, the primate, and the bishops of Winchester, London and Ely having all exerted themselves in his behalf. Six years later, he was elected master of Jesus College; and the young duke of Gloucester having been placed under his super- JOHN CHEVALLIER 253 vision during his residence in the university, Beadon succeeded in gaining the favour of George III. and was successively promoted to the see of Gloucester and that of Bath and Wells. He was the grandfather of the late Sir Cecil Beadon, lieutenant-governor of Bengal. Not a few had hoped that Balguy, subsequently Powell's biographer, would have been his successor. But he, too, had but indifferent health, and for some years had been non-resident ; while those who saw him on his occasional visits at the Lodge were repelled by his reserved and distant demeanour. Chevallier, on the other hand, who presented the strongest possible con- trast to his predecessor, had numerous friends and ap- parently no enemies, but he was wanting alike in energy and in force of character, and considering that his tenure of the mastership extended over fourteen years, the impress of his personality on the society which he ruled was remarkably slight. His Life is the last of the Lives of the masters of St. John's which William Cole, who was his intimate friend, compiled ; and the latter narrates how, one fourteenth of August, there arrived for him out at Milton, a haunch of venison, sent him by Chevallier, with a note, dated mon jour natal. It was Cole's birth- day also, and he was delighted at the discovery of the coincidence, for the donor, as he afterwards drew his portrait, was regarded by him as ' the best-hearted creature, humane, generous and obliging I have ever conversed with : a man of integrity and openhearted- ness, learned and ingenious, and deficient in no part of an excellent master but want of health and vigour to manage a large and turbulent society. 1 During the next fourteen years, however, matters went on very quietly at St. John's. The master and 254 JOHN CHEVALLIER the fellows were at peace. The college continued to rise in reputation, as one where the undergraduates were required to learn something and really did so. Composition in Latin was an indispensable acquirement, and in 1775 the following minute found its way into the Conclusion Book : ' There having been great neglect in making themes for the rhetoric lecturer, it is earnestly recommended to every one by the master and seniors to attend carefully and regularly to this exercise for the future : and it is hereby ordered that every one give in to the rhetoric lecturer at least 4 themes in every term. Prizes will be given annually to such persons of each year as shall distinguish them- selves by the number and goodness of their themes.' In the meantime, the study of mathematics was slowly progressing towards that remarkable predomin- ance to which it subsequently attained in St. John's. Prior to the eighteenth century, its developement after the days of John Dee was singularly slight ; but the first genuine mathematician, as distinguished from those who bore that designation in earlier times, was Henry Briggs, who entered in 1579 and was for sometime fellow, examiner and lecturer in mathematics to the college. In 1596, on his appointment as professor of geometry at Gresham College, he quitted Cambridge for London ; and, after filling this post for 23 years, was appointed to the Savilian professorship of astronomy at Oxford at the request of the founder himself. Briggs well deserves to be had in remembrance even if it were simply that, like William Fulke, he was one of the very few who had the courage to denounce astrology as a delusion and a cloak for knavery. Prior to leaving PROGRESS OF MATHEMATICS 255 London for Oxford, he became acquainted with Napier's Treatise on Logarithms and suggested improvements on the author's method which were ultimately generally adopted. In Mr. Ball's opinion, the decimal notation was also mainly his invention. But although he en- joyed the reputation of being the foremost English geometrician of his time, he appears never to have been able to get his class at Oxford beyond the eighth proposition of the first book of Euclid. But it is from Brook Taylor, admitted a fellow-com- moner in 1701, more than 120 years after the admission of Briggs, that mathematics at St. John's would seem to have taken their great departure. He subsequently removed to London, and in 1712 was admitted F.R.S. it was the time when Newton himself regularly pre- sided at the meetings of the society. As a mathema- tician, Taylor was the only Englishman, after Newton and Cotes, capable of holding his own with the Ber- noullis. Unfortunately, in his later years, when his health began to give way, his intellectual activity, much as was the case with Newton, was diverted to questions of speculative theology. John Kirk by, ad- mitted in 1723, takes rank as a mathematician solely by virtue of his Arithmetical Institutions ; but he also published, in 1734, a translation from the Latin of Isaac Barrow's mathematical lectures, entitled The Use- fulness of' Mathematical Learning- explained. Anthony Shepherd, who was admitted in 1740, migrated, after taking his B.A., to Christ's College, and in 1760 was appointed Plumian professor of astronomy. Thomas Gisborne, the elder, one of an ancient family whose representatives had often filled the office of mayor of Derby, entered St. John's from Harrow School in 256 JOHN CHEVALLIER 1776. He was the first fellow-commoner who presented himself for the senate house examination, graduating in 1780 as sixth wrangler and first chancellor's medallist. But he pursued his mathematical studies no further, his energies thenceforth being absorbed in his occupa- tions as a country gentleman and a clergyman, when he became widely known as the friend of Wilberforce, bishop Barrington of Durham, Hannah More, and other distinguished members of the Evangelical school, and also as a somewhat voluminous writer on ethical, theo- logical and social questions. He also published, in 1798, a volume of Poems, sacred and moral. A collected edition of his works appeared in 1813 in nine volumes 8vo. As soon as, in 1747, the final lists of the Mathema- tical Tripos were printed and published (with the honorary or proctor's optimes duly distinguished), it at once became evident that the distinctions acquired by members of St. John's College were much beyond that society's relative numerical strength. The list for 1747, for example, contains the names of twenty-four wranglers and senior optimes (those in the first five lists being placed in one and the same class), and out of these twenty-four, eight are Johnians. In 1749 Hazeland appears as Senior Wrangler; from which time, down to the close of the century, the following distinctions prove the superiority which the college generally, although not invariably, maintained in what was at that time the only genuine and impartial test of attain- ments in the university : In 1754, out of a list of twelve wranglers, the seniorship (Abbot), Elliston, Forster and Grove appearing as fourth, MATHEMATICAL DISTINCTIONS 257 ninth and eleventh ; in 1766, the year following upon Dr. Powell's election to the mastership, Arnald (senior) and Sheepshanks fourth out of a list of twelve; in 1767, six out of fourteen, Pearce, Carr, Byron, Barnes, Raikes, and Pennington, appearing as third, fifth, sixth, eighth, tenth, and thirteenth ; in 1 768 the seniorship (Kipling) ; in 1770, four out of twelve, the seniorship (Hughes), Smith, Prime and Field, appearing as second, fourth and eighth ; in 1771, four out of thirteen, the seniorship (Starkie), Jackson, Lawrence and Bromley, appearing as sixth, seventh and eighth ; in 1775, five out of ten, Coulthurst, Sheepshanks, Hart, Heberden and Hall, appearing as second, fourth, eighth, ninth and tenth ; in 1779, ten out of seventeen, Marsh, Christian, Lens, Carpendale, Brere- ton, Heath, Babington, Praed, Sutton and Loxham, ap- pearing as second, third, fourth, fifth, eighth, eleventh, twelfth, thirteenth, fourteenth and fifteenth. A grace, passed in this year, to the effect that a candidate who is deficient in his Euclid and elementary Natural Philosophy is to be given to understand, ' altiora mathesios nequic- quam se assecutum,' recalls to us how moderate as yet were the requirements of the Examination. At this time indeed, according to Mr. Latham, ' no writing-tables were provided, but the candidates usually knelt down and wrote in the window seat, or sometimes on the flat board of the college cap, the tassel having been torn out/ The year 1782 was one highly creditable to the college, which could count seven wranglers out of eighteen, and these the senior and first Smith's prizeman (Wood, after- wards master) with Gregor, Collinson, Antrobus, Babing- ton, Salmon andLuxmoore, appearing as third, fourth, sixth, tenth, eleventh and seventeenth. Then the wave of suc- cess again subsided, and from 1783 to 1787 no remarkable successes were achieved, but in the last-named year Little- dale and Frampton were senior and second respectively j 17 258 JOHN CHEVALLIER in 1788, six out of eighteen, Outram, Winthrop, Har- greaves, Tillard, Brooke and Wilby, appeared as second, third, sixth, eleventh, thirteenth and eighteenth ; in 1789, four out of sixteen, the seniorship (Millers), with Fleming, Bradshaw and Panting, appearing as fifth, ninth and fif- teenth ; in 1792, six out of eighteen, the seniorship (Palmer), Jack, Morris, Winthorp, Cooper and Legrew, appearing as fourth, ninth, twelfth, thirteenth and eighteenth ; then followed another lull, broken only by the achievement of the seniorship by Kempthorne in 1 796 ; but in 1799 and the two following years, Boteler, Inman and Henry Martyn successively carried off the same honour. Mr. C. M. Neale, in summing up, in the first part of his Honours Register, the statistics of mathematical honours from 1747-8 to 1899, gives Trinity as stand- ing first, with 5,948 honours ; St. John's second, with 4,224; while Caius follows third with 1,533. In the long enumeration of Johnian names, there are not a few, besides those already noted, who also attained distinction as teachers or writers. Such were James Inman, who came up from Sedbergh School in 1796 and graduated as senior wrangler and first Smith's prizeman, was elected fellow in 1805, and afterwards filled for thirty years the post of professor of mathe- matics in the Royal Naval College at Portsmouth. Inman also rendered considerable service to nautical science by his well-known treatise, Navigation and Nautical Astronomy for the use of British Seamen. Miles Bland, second wrangler and Smith's prizeman in 1808, was for some time fellow and tutor of the college and afterwards published several text-books which did good service in their day. Sir John Herschel, the only DISTINGUISHED MATHEMATICIANS 259 child of Sir William, graduated in 1813 as senior wrangler and first Smith's prizeman. His election to a fellowship immediately followed. Among his intimate friends were George Peacock and Charles Babbage (both of Trinity), and the three are said to have engaged themselves, by a mutual compact, jointly to do their best ' to leave the world wiser than they found it," 1 a resolve which was carried into brilliant achieve- ment by the foundation of the * Analytical Society of Cambridge, 1 and the subsequent introduction into England of the Differential Calculus and the Conti- nental methods of analysis. After gaining his fellow- ship, Herschel moved into the rooms K 3 in the Second Court, with the view, probably, of being close to the Observatory. The college possesses an admirable por- trait of him by Pickersgill, and his bust by Baily adorns the college hall. The names of Samuel Birch (afterwards Gresham professor of geometry), John Charles Snowball, Charles Pritchard, J. J. Sylvester, W. N. Griffin and Isaac Todhunter, all fellows of the college in the nineteenth century, stand permanently associated with the progress of mathematical science. In the latter years of his mastership, Dr. Chevallier's infirmities increased to a painful extent and his eyesight had almost completely failed him when death, at length (14 Mar. 1789), released him from his sufferings. Henry Gunning, the author of the Reminiscences, a distant relative of the former master of St. John's of that name and grandson of the Gunning above referred to by Gray (p. 234), could recall, more than sixty years after, the stately procession at the funeral. ' The corpse/ he tells us, ' was earned in the usual manner round the court, and when it entered the ante-chapel, the crowd 172 260 JOHN CHEVALLIER was tremendous. To the pall were pinned (according to the custom of those days) various compositions in English, Greek, and Latin, furnished by the members of the Society, expressive of their deep regret.' There was at this time a dissipated member of Trinity, Tom Butler by name, who, although he affected much refinement as a classical scholar, had been so grossly regardless of his health that, when the time of examina- tion for the Tripos came round, he was obliged to take an cegrotat degree. Along with Gunning, he witnessed the funeral procession ; and, when the throng of spectators had dispersed, invited him and others to sup with him in his rooms that same evening. On the party assembling, he made a clean breast of a certain act of ' larceny ' or ' sacrilege,' he was doubtful how to term it, which he alleged he had just committed. At that most solemn moment when the funeral bier had been borne into the ante-chapel at St. John's, ' he informed us,' says Gunning, that ' he had taken advan- tage of the pressure to snatch from the pall several of the papers that were attached to it that he had been arranging them, and would read them to us after supper. The Latin verses abounded in false quantities, which Butler commented on with great glee, to prove the superiority of Trinity to St. John's in writing Latin verses. At this distance of time I remember but few of them, and those few are scarcely repeatable : but this I well remember, that many of the verses (all of which had been composed by our host) caused us much merriment, and kept us together to a very late hour. Two or three nonsensical lines have just occurred to me, which may give some idea of the style of com- position : WILLIAM CRAVEN 261 ' " The bell had ceased, when stretched upon his bier, Oh, dreadful sound ! lay gallant Chevallier !" and again ' " No buck was he, no Don Diego queer, No gallant youth, and yet a Chevallier !" ' In William Craven, the college greeted the first of its masters who had obtained honours in the mathe- matical tripos, he having been fourth wrangler and senior chancellor's medallist in the year 1753. He had been educated at Sedbergh School ; and coming up to St. John's when well over nineteen, with the Lupton scholarship, succeeded in also carrying off the Craven, as well as the Members' Latin Essay Prize, while his more general capacity is proved by his successive discharge of the offices of lecturer, steward, president and senior bursar. Miles Bland described him as * a man of primitive simplicity and unostentatious merit and a Christian without guile.' Such, indeed, would seem to have been the general impression formed of Dr. Craven by his contemporaries, and his singular simplicity of character is illustrated by his conduct after his election to the professorship of Arabic to which he was appointed in 1770. Although the chair was, at that time, but slenderly endowed, the addition which it made to his income rendered him a contented man. Of very different character was his friend, Dr. Ogden, who, as we have seen, had twice been a candidate for the mastership, and whose life had been spent in the pursuit of preferment and in the careful husbanding of the wealth which he had accumulated. According to Gunning, whenever a good piece of patronage fell 262 WILLIAM CRAVEN vacant, the patron was almost sure to receive an applica- tion from Dr. Ogden, commencing as follows : ' The great are always liable to importunity ; those who are both good and great are liable to a double portion." After which unctuous preamble, Dr. Ogden proceeded to urge his own claim ; nor is it without a certain satisfaction that we learn that he was, notwithstanding, ' always unsuccessful in his applications. 1 Although very penurious, the Doctor was remarkably fond of good living, and ' would dine out whenever he had an opportunity, but pleaded his age and infirmities for asking no one in return. 1 It was he who animadverted so severely, from the gourmand '? point of view, on the GOOSE, as ' a silly bird, too much for one, and not enough for two. 1 Notwithstanding, however, these eccentricities, he was able to attract large audiences as a preacher at the Round Church ; while he could also admire in others the virtues which he found it difficult to imitate. His regard, indeed, for his friend Craven was such that he designed to make him his residuary legatee, and deposited his last will and testament in his keeping. For the space of four years, Craven con- tinued to act as depositary, but on obtaining his appointment as professor he lost no time in seeking an interview with Ogden, when he begged that he would take back the will, ' declaring that he had a sufficiency quite equal to his desires, and requesting him to think of some other person, among his relatives, to be his heir. 1 Dr. Ogden is said to have stared in amazement at this proposal, which he could scarcely conceive to be sincere. ' Billy, 1 said he, in his peculiar tone and manner, ' are you a fool ? Consider well with yourself, before you resolve : these things don't happen every HIS DISTRUST OF CHARLES SIMEON 263 day; therefore take the will back again, turn the matter in your mind, and when you have well con- sidered it let me see you again. 1 Mr. Craven did as he was requested ; and, returning with the will after a proper interval, was thus accosted by his friend : ' Well, Billy, have you maturely weighed the affair in question P 1 ' I have, 1 replied the other, ' and am of the same mind as when I saw you last ; except that I beg of you to leave me your Arabic books. 1 This the doctor promised and performed; and, as the result of Dr. Craven's disinterestedness, a handsome fortune accrued to various members of the family into which Ogden's father had married. In another relation, however, Craven exhibited some- thing more of the wisdom of the serpent. Charles Simeon was at this time attracting large audiences of undergraduates to his evening discourses at Trinity Church : Henry Martyn, now fellow of St. John's, had been one of his curates ; Kirke White, who had recently died in his rooms in college, had been one of his proteges; everywhere the dangerous taint of religious enthusiasm was spreading among students of parts and high promise. It was necessary to arrest it. Dr. Craven, accordingly, persuaded Miles Bland, the mathematician, to announce a course of Sunday evening lectures on the Historical Books of the New Testament. 'He was anxious, 1 says Bland, in the preface to the published Lectures (1828), 'that the students in the society over which he presided should receive some religious instruction in addition to the usual course of college lectures, and directed that all those over whom he had any control should be lectured and examined in the Gospels or Acts of the Apostles every Sunday 264 WILLIAM CRAVEN during term. 1 There can, however, be no question that Craven's primary motive was to keep his under- graduates away from Simeon's church. Dr. Craven died 28 Jan. 1815, at the age of 85. Like Charles II, he is said to have apologised to his sorrowing friends around his death-bed, for being so long in dying, and to have requested them to go down to dinner. He was interred in the college chapel, where there is a flag- stone inscribed to his memory. The deceased master claimed kinship with the noble house of Craven, one of whose members had for thirty years filled the office of lord high steward of the university in the preceding century. The Craven arms a fess between 6 cross crosslets fitchee gules appear accordingly in one of the windows in the college hall ; and also on the north side (high up to the left) of the central gateway in the cloister of that New Court towards the building of which Craven's generous bequest of ^3,000 was after- wards devoted. His portrait, representing him attired in his scarlet doctor's gown, a somewhat rugged face, with florid complexion and penetrating eyes, is in the Master's Lodge, where, after having for a long time been supposed to represent some unknown person, it was ultimately identified by the late professor Adam Sedg- wick. As a writer, Dr. Craven was known only by his ser- mons : (1) On the Evidence of a future state of Re- wards and Punishments, &c. (Cambridge, 1776, 1783, 1799), designed partly as a reply to Hume; (2) Before the Governors of Adderibrooke' s Hospital, June 30, 1796 ; (3) On the Jewish and Christian Dispensations, dis- courses which went through three editions. It was during the period dating from the commence- THE STUDY OF MEDICINE 265 ment of Newcome's mastership down to the close of the century, that the profession of medicine, as one of the studies of the college, received new lustre as represented by the two Heberdens. Fisher's statutes of 1530 had relieved ' physic fellows ' from the obligation of taking orders, but the statutes of 1545 had limited such ex- emptions to two, a proviso which continued in force until the statutes of 1860. Notwithstanding this re- striction, however, the sixteenth century saw three suc- cessive presidents of the Royal College of Physicians elected from former or actual 'physic fellows'* of St. John's. These were Richard Smith (1585), William Baronsdale (1589), and the eminent William Gilbert (1600). Since that time, three more have filled the same distinguished office, while four have been Regius professors of physic in the university. The last repre- sentative of the race of ' physic fellows ' was Dr. Henry Thompson, consulting physician to the Middlesex Hospital, who died in 1897. In the example they afforded of profound profes- sional acquirements, combined with high culture and enlightened views, the Heberdens have never been sur- passed. William, the father, was elected to his fellow- ship in 1731, vacating it by marriage in 1752. After taking the degree of M.D. in 1739, he practised in Cambridge for some ten years, during which period he annually delivered a course of lectures on the Materia Medica. He then quitted Cambridge for London, where he successively filled important posts at the College of Physicians, was elected F.R.S., and acquired a large and lucrative practice, in which the fine traits of his character were not less conspicuous than his scientific skill. Cowper, the poet, Warburton and Johnson were 266 WILLIAM CRAVEN among his friends ; and it was by the last that he was styled ' Ultimus Romanorum, the last of our learned physicians, 1 a description falsified in the person of his son, William Heberden the younger. The latter, who was chancellor's medallist in 1788, and held his fellow- ship from that year to 1796, added to a professional career not less distinguished than his father's, a predilec- tion for studies more strictly academic. A widower with nine children, he passed the latter part of his life in retirement at Datchet, where his practice was limited to attending George III. at Windsor. He published translations of Plutarch and Cicero, and in 1818 a very notable tractate, On Education, in the form of a dialogue. In his general views on the subject, Heberden was largely influenced by Locke and Chesterfield. He how- ever gave his verdict in favour of Public Schools ; and although he admitted that ' wisdom and prudence there fly discountenanced before profligacy and extravagance,' he considered that there were 6 advantages to be de- rived from them which seem to be unattainable in any other manner.' ' If theory J he concluded, 6 is against them, experience, which is the surer guide, must be con- fessed to be in their favour.' But like John Hall, he sighed for a wider culture than that afforded at Cam- bridge. He lamented the amount of attention bestowed 4 on two obsolete languages '; while his ideal curriculum would have included ' modern history, civil government, agriculture, natural history, arts, manufactures and commerce.' St. John's, already devoted mainly to mathematics, must have listened somewhat impatiently to a scheme of university education which called for a systematic study of the Greek and Latin historians, of ' logic, metaphysics, the principles of moral philosophy JAMES WOOD 267 and civil government,' and merely ' something of mathe- matics and geometry '; while ' to support the character of an English gentleman, 1 French and Italian were pro- nounced essential, German being left optional. On the 14th of January 1778, James Wood, who next succeeded to the mastership, and was in his fifty- fifth year, had been admitted a sizar on Mr. Carrs side. He was a native of Bury in Lancashire, a bleak and at that time half-barbarous district, where his parents gained their livelihood as weavers. His father, how- ever, was a man of superior powers, who eked out his scanty income by keeping an evening school for children, and from him the son received instruction in arithmetic and algebra. The mother, also, who had six brothers, was one of a family distinguished by its mechanical in- ventiveness. For instruction in classics, the boy was sent to the school at Bury, where the Rev. Francis Hodgson was head master, a teacher of whom Wood, in after life, always spoke with deep respect and to whom he considered himself under great obligation. Bury School had been founded by the Rev. Roger Kay, a native of Woodhill near Bury. He was a fellow of St. John's (1688-91), and afterwards rector of Fittleton in Wiltshire and prebendary of Sarum. Kay also founded two exhibitions tenable for seven years either at his former college or at Brasenose College, Oxford, and it was as Kay exhibitioner that James Wood suc- ceeded in making his way up to St. John's. But his resources were at first extremely narrow ; and the rooms assigned him by his tutor, in the turret at the S.E. corner of the second court (now no longer occupied), have acquired an historic interest from the tradition that the hardy Lancashire youth was often seen by his 268 JAMES WOOD bedmaker pursuing his studies beneath the dim lamp which lit the staircase outside, his feet wrapped in straw, in order to save the expense of candles and fuel. His merit and industry were, however, promptly recog- nised by the authorities, and the Cave, Hare, Goodman, Raynes and Sawkins exhibitions, together with a founda- tion scholarship (all successively awarcfed him between Dec. 1778 and March 1780), relieved the pressure of penury and brightened his labours with the assurance of success. Throughout his undergraduate career, he appears never to have gone down ; but to have stayed in college, working resolutely on through the vacations. It was not, accordingly, until the summer of 1782, that, after a four years' absence, he one day appeared again at the door of his humble Lancashire home and was greeted by his family as both senior wrangler and fellow of St. John's. His appointment as assistant tutor soon followed, and down to the year preceding his election to the mastership, Wood continued to be actively engaged in the tuition work of the college. In 1816 he was elected vice-chancellor ; was presented, in 1820, by lord Liver- pool to the deanery of Ely ; and in 1823, by the college, to the rectory of Freshwater. It was during Dr. Wood's vice-chancellorship, that one of the most familiar figures in the college for more than half a century after, pro- ceeded to his degree of B.A. This was Edward Bushby, who, although in the tripos of 1816 he appears as last but one of the senior optimes, was so fortunate as to be elected two years later to a Platt fellowship, was trans- ferred in 1859 to the list of foundation fellows, and a few months before his death in 1877 became a member of the seniority. His tenure of his fellowship extended, EDWARD BUSHBY 269 accordingly, over some fifty-five years. In 1824 he was ap- pointed assistant tutor, and full tutor in 1828. In 1832 he was presented by the dean and chapter of Ely to the living of Impington, which he continued to hold until his death. Of penurious habits, Bushby succeeded in accumulating a fortune of considerably more than ij ve$ an^I & fr. In the windows of the Hall the crest and coronet are or, and the antelopes argent bezant^, armed, crined, and unguled or. Of the badges which appear in different parts of the college, either in stone or in glass the following are the chief : I. The Portcullis, which is generally surmounted by a crown. This was a badge of the Beaufort family, and as such was used by Lady Margaret and also by her son Henry VII. The motto connected with this badge is Altera Securitas. II. The Pose, also generally crowned. This is the Union or Tudor Rose, which is represented either as quarterly argent and gules, or with two rows of petals, the outer gules, the inner argent it is usually seeded or. It is formed by joining what are popularly called the Red Rose of Lancaster and the White Rose of York. III. A third badge, three Daisies (marguerites) growing on a turf, appears represented in various forms amongst the elaborate work over 310 APPENDIX the front gate of the college and in other places amongst the ornaments in the gateway. This was a special badge of Lady Margaret. IV. The Fleur-de-lis, frequently crowned, may be noticed in many places as a badge on the college walls and windows. This was a common badge of the Royal family at the time. V. The Plume or ostrich feather may be observed frequently repeated in the ornaments of the college gateway and elsewhere, generally three together. This badge has not been traced higher than the reign of Edward III. ; it was borne by all his sons and afterwards by their principal descendants. (B) COLLEGE PLATE.* 1. Standing Cup and cover ; silver-gilt, 1617. (44) 2. Standing Cup and cover ; silver-gilt, 1684. Known as the 'Bur leigh Cup.' (56) 3. Ewer and Salver ; silver-gilt, probably 17th century. (60) 4. Snuff Box ; silver, 1700. (63) 5. Sauce Boat; silver, 1729. (80) 6. Standing Cup and cover ; silver, 1777. (94) 7. Urn; silver, 1778. (113) 8. Taper Candlestick ; silver, 1729. (138) 9. Candlestick ; silver, 1734. This is in form a Corinthian column with spiral festoons of oak round it ; the base is square in plan. (139) 10. Candlestick ; silver. 1763. (142) 11. Taper Candlestick ; silver, 1764. (143) 12. Candlestick ; silver, 1780. (147) 13. Candlestick ; silver, 1782. (149) 14. Candlestick; silver, 1787. (150) 15. Candlesticks; silver, 1749. (175) (C) THE LIBRARY. The general history of the buildings and some account of the principal benefactors are given in the passages referred to in the Index, under the heading ' Library.' The architecture of the present building is described by Willis as * The numbers in parentheses refer to the descriptions of the more notable specimens given in Foster and Atkinson's Illustrated Catalogue of Plate exhibited in the Fitswilliam Museum in 1895. THE LIBRARY 311 ' Jacobean Gothic.' It has an original boarded roof, ten lofty pointed windows on each side, each of two lights, and an oriel at the west end. The principal bookcases stand at right angles to the wall* in the spaces between the windows. They are 8 ft. 2 in. high and 2 ft. 3 in. broad. No traces of chaining remain ; but a catalogue of the books formerly contained in each case was inserted at the end farthest from the wall and also on the inside of two opening panels which cover it. In addi- tion to the taller bookcases and alternating with them, low detached ones are placed in front of each window. They were originally 5 ft. 6 in. high and 2 ft. broad, each with a sloping desk at the top whereon books could be laid for perusal, but in 1741 and 1742 all these latter cases (with the exception of two at the entrance), were raised to a height of nearly 7 ft., in order to make room for the large bequest of Thomas Baker, and the sloping desks were then removed. On the top and at the extreme end of each of the taller cases are placed the arms of the following benefactors : South side : Humphrey Gower, f 1714 ; James Wood, t 1839 ; John Racket, t 1670 ; Sir Ralph Hare, f 1624; John Newcome, f 1765; Peter Gunning, t 1709 ; Henry Wriothesley, earl of Southampton, t 1624 ; Matthew Prior, t 1721 ; Hugh Percy, duke of Northumberland, f 1847 ; William Howard, baron Naworth, f 1640 ; 'Robert Metcalfe, t 1652. North side: Thomas Gisborne, f 1806; William Lloyd, f 1709; Thomas Morton, f 1659 ; Sir Isaac Pennington, t 1817 ; Thomas Baker, t 1740 ; Sir Soulden Lawrence, t 1814 ; Edward Benlowes, f 1676 ; Mildred Cecil, baroness Burleigh, f 1589 ; John Gary, viscount Roch- ford, f 1677 ; Thomas Whytehead, 1 1843 ; Richard Duffield, t 1863. Some of the arms of the above are also emblazoned in the great oriel window at the west end of the library, placed there in 1885 as a memorial of the Rev. H. H. Hughes, by the liberality of his executor, the Rev. Canon Colson. The inscriptions in the central lights are : David Dolben Ep's Bangor ob. 1633. Soulden Lawrence eques auratus ob. 1814. Johannes Williams Episcopus Lincolniensis, huius bibliothecse fundator obiit Mar. 25, 1650. Thomas Wentworth Comes Strafford ob. 1739. Johannes Green Ep's Lincoln, ob. 1779. Josephus Littledale eques auratus ob. 1842 Thomas Gisborne M.D. Johannes Hacket Ep's Cov. & Lich. Isaac Pennington Eq. M.D. R.P.P. obiit 1806 Miles Bland, S.T.P. Socius ac Tutor ob. 1867 ob. 1670. Edwardus Benlowes Armiger ob. 1676 ob. 1817 H. Hunter Hughes, S.T.B. Socius ac Tutor ob. 1884. 312 APPENDIX The inscriptions on the left (south) side are : Henricus et Thomas Wriothesley Comites Southampt's. ob. 1624 : 1667. Those on the right (north) side are : Johannes Carie Vice-comes Rochford, ob. 1677. Gulielmus Howard Baro de Naworth ob. 1640. Radulphus Hare de balneo eq. ob. 1624. Four shields in each of the side windows are blank and will serve for the arms of future benefactors. The arms of Dr. James Wood and Thomas Baker have been removed into the corresponding window of the lower library. Among the numerous benefactors to the library mention should be made of the Neapolitan convert, Antonio Ferrari, who transcribed Baker's history of St. John's from the original deposited in the British Museum and whose transcript was given to the college by Dr. Newcome. Ferrari shewed his gratitude to the college for the hospitality he had received by a bequest of books in 1744 which included a unique collection of early tracts relating to the French and Italian Reforma- tions, some of which came from Bullinger's library. The volumes, 51 in number, are placed in the MSS. cupboards (class O), each bearing the following printed inscription : In grati animi testificationem, ob plurima Humanitatis officia, a Collegio Divi Joannis Evangelistse apud Cantabrigienses multifariam collata, Librum hunc inter alios lectissimos eidem Collegio legavit Illustrissimus Vir, Dominicus Antonius Ferrari, J.U.D. Neapolitans, 1744. Teste J. CRETK. The following members of the college whose names do not appear above have either bequeathed books or legacies to the Library : John Parkhurst, f 1574 ; Robert Home, f 1580 ; Henry Alvey, f 1626-7 ; John Collins, f 1634 ; Helkiah Crooke, f 1635 ; Abdias Ashton, t 1633 ; Francis Dee, t 1638 ; Gilbert Ambrose, t 1640 ; Samuel Hewlett ; Thomas Spell, t c. 1640 ; Richard Holdsworth, f 1649 ; Thomas Fothergill ; Joshua Ireland ; Sir Robert Heath, t 1649 ; Robert Mason, t 1662 ; Joseph Thurston, t 1658 ; Griffith Bodurda ; Allen Henman ; John Symonds, 1 1675 ; Tobias Rustat, 1 1693 ; Cadwalader Jones ; D. L. Thomas ; Henry Paman, t 1695 ; Thomas Smoult, 1 1707 ; William Beveridge, 1 1708 ; Thomas Thurlin ; Francis Roper, t.1719 ; Francis Robins, 1 1719 ; Rt. Hon. Rich. Hill, 1 1727 ; Robert Lambert, t 1735 ; Roger Kay, t 1731 ; Sir Fran. Leicester, f 1742 ; PORTRAITS 313 Thomas Cecil ; John Thompson ; William Arnald, + 1802 ; John Mainwaring, f 1807 ; Joseph Taylor, f 1836 ; Thomas Dunelm Whitaker, f 1821 ; John Palmer, f 1840 ; Henry Walter, + 1859 ; Christ. Stannard, f 1851. More recently the library has been con- siderably enriched by selections presented by the executors from the libraries of Isaac Todhunter, Stephen Parkinson, Churchill Babington, John Couch Adams and Philip Thomas Main ; while, among living members of the college, the Master, Dr. Alexander Peckover, Prof. John E. B. Mayor, Mr. R. Pendlebury, Mr. R. F. Scott, Mr. H. S. Foxwell, and Dr. Donald MacAlister, have been frequent and liberal donors. For the names of other minor donors see Cooper's Memorials of Cambridge, vol. ii., p. 150. (D) PORTRAITS. MASTER'S LODGE. HALL. (1) Anne of Denmark, consort of James I. ; (2) William Beale, master ; (3) A Bishop (unknown), ? Thomas Watson ; (4) A Boy (un- known) ; (5) Lord Burghley ; (6) Charles I. when duke of York ; (7) John Fisher ; (8) Dr. Robert Grove, bishop of Chichester ; (9) Henry, prince of Wales, son of James I. ; (10) Lady Margaret ; (11) William Laud, archbishop of Canterbury ; (12) Maria, infanta of Spain ; (13) Thomas Morton, bishop of Durham ; (14) Richard Neale, arch- bishop of York ; (15) Thomas Playfere, fellow ; (16) Dr. Thomas Thurlin, fellow; (17) Dr. Whitaker, master; (18) An Author or Poet (unknown) ; (19) A Doctor of divinity (unknown). DRAWING ROOM. (1) Lucius Gary, 2nd viscount Falkland; (2) Robert Cecil, 1st earl of Salisbury ; (3) William Cecil, 2nd earl of Salisbury ; (4) Charles I. after Vandyck ; (5) Anthony Ashley Cooper, 1st earl of Shaftesbury ; (6) Thomas Edwards ; (7) Sir Thomas Egerton, Lord Chancellor Ellesmere ; (8) Queen Elizabeth ; (9) Count Gondomar ; (10) Sir Robert Heath ; (11) Henrietta Maria ; (12) King James I. (after Van Somer) ; (13) Mary, countess of Shrewsbury ; (14) Matthew Prior ; (15) Edward Villiers, 1st earl of Jersey; (16) Edward Villiers, 1st earl of Jersey [2nd portrait] ; (17) Thomas Went worth, earl of Straff ord, copy from Vandyck. 314 APPENDIX DINING ROOM. (1) Thomas Baker, fellow; (2) Dr. Thomas Balguy, Platt fellow; (3) Dr. W. H. Bateson, master and formerly public orator ; (4) Dr. William Craven, master ; (5) A Doctor of divinity (unknown) ; (6) Dr. John Garnet, bishop of Ferns and Clogher ; (7) Dr. Humphrey Gower, master; (8) Peter Gunning, master; (9) Peter Gunning (when young) ; (10) William Heberden, M.D., fellow; (11) Robert Jenkin, master; (12) John Lake, bishop of Chichester ; (13) Dr. Robert Lambert, master ; (14) Dr. John Newcome, master ; (15) Samuel Ogden, fellow and Woodwardian professor ; (16) Sir Isaac Pennington, professor of medicine ; (17) Dr. Charles Taylor, present master ; (18) Dr. Francis Turner, master, bishop of Ely ; (19) Dr. James Wood, master. STAIRCASE. (1) Abraham Cowley ; (2) Dr. Lawrence Fogg, dean of Chester ; (3) A Lidy, time of Queen Elizabeth ; (4) Lady Margaret [2nd portrait] ; (5) William Lord Maynard, benefactor ; (6) Walter Francis Montagu- Douglas-Scott, duke of Buccleugh and Queensberry ; (7) Lord Palmer- ston ; (8) Hugh Percy, 3rd duke of Northumberland, chancellor of the university 1840-1847 ; (9) John Seymour, 4th duke of Somerset ; (10) Dr. Robert Shorten, 1st master ; (11) Charles Stuart, prince of Wales, afterwards Charles I. ; (12) George Villiers, 1st duke of Buckingham ; (13) John Charles Villiers, 3rd earl of Clarendon ; (14) Henry Wriothesley, earl of Southampton, f 1624. STUDY. (1) Dr. Herbert Marsh, fellow, bishop of Peterborough ; (2) William Platt ; (3) Dr. Whitaker, master [2nd portrait]. OAK ROOM. (1) Lord Burghley [2nd portrait] ; (2) Thomas Fairfax, 5th baron Fairfax, f 1710 ; (3) Henry VIII. ; (4) Mary, countess of Shrewsbury [2nd portrait]. COLLEGE HALL. (1) Dr. Atlay, bishop of Hereford ; (2) Professor C. C. Babing- ton ; (3) Thomas Baker, fellow ; (4) Dr. Richard Bentley ; (5) Dr. John Fisher, bishop of Rochester ; (6) Dr. Samuel Forster, fellow ; (7) Dr. Humphrey Gower, master; (8) Sir Ralph Hare; (8a) Dr. Richard Hill, fellow; (9) Dr. B. H. Kennedy ; (10) Lady Margaret ; THE BOAT CLUBS 315 (11) Dr. Herbert Marsh, bishop of Peterborough ; (12) Henry Martyn, fellow; (13) Professor J. E. B. Mayor; (14) Dr. Thomas Morton, bishop of Durham ; (15) Professor E. H. Palmer ; (16) Sir Isaac Pennington ; (17) Dr. Edward Stillingfleet, bishop of Worcester ; (18) Sarah, duchess of Somerset; (19) Professor J. J. Sylvester; (20) Hen. Job. Temple, viscount Palmerston ; (21) Sir Noah Thomas, M.D. ; (22) Thomas Watson Wentworth, marquis of Rockingham ; (23) Dr. John Williams, archbishop of York; (24) Dr. James Wood, master ; (25) William Wordsworth, poet. COMBINATION ROOM. (1) Dr. Abbot, died 1823 ; (2) John Couch Adams, fellow ; (3) Thomas Baker, fellow ; (4) Thomas Clarkson ; (5) Dr. Edward Frewen, fellow ; (6) Sir J. F. W. Herschel ; (7) Hon. Charles Ewan Law, M.P. for the university; (8) James McMahon; (9) Lady Margaret; (10) Dr. Sam. Parr; (11) Alan Percy, master; (12) Dr. G. A. Selwyn, bishop of Lichfield ; (13) William Tyrrell, bishop of Newcastle, Australia (in chalk, by Richmond) ; (14) James Webster, fellow ; (15) William Wilberforce, M.P. ; (16) William Wordsworth, (in chalk). LIBRARY, (1) William Bendlowes, serjeant at law ; (2) Edward Benlowes ; (3) A Cleric (unknown) ; (4) A Divine (unknown) ; (5) Dr. Hawkins ; (6) Sir Robert Heath, chief justice of the Common Pleas ; (7) Alex- ander Moruf, protestant preacher at the Hague. (E) THE BOAT CLUBS. The Lady Margaret Boat Club was established in 1825 by eighteen members of the college. The Hon. Richard le Poer Trench was the founder of the club, and became captain of the boat, occupying the captain's position of stroke. The first eight-oar to appear on the Cam was 'the Lady Margaret,' which Trench obtained from Eton. The eights of those days were little differentiated from ships' cutters, and the attainment of speed was not the only end which the members of the club had in view. The Lady Margaret carried a picnicing apparatus, as part of her equipment, but she was also furnished with a bugle on which the coxswain, when below the lock, blew a challenge to any other boat 316 APPENDIX which might be within hearing, and an impromptu trial of speed was then rowed.* In 1827 the Cambridge University Boat Club was established and bumping races were organised. A ten-oar, two eight-oars and four six-oars entered for the first races. In the Lent term the Trinity eight finished head of the river, and the Lady Margaret second. In the following term the positions of the two leading boats were however reversed. In 1829 W. Snow, who had succeeded Trench as captain of our club, was also captain of the C.U.B.C., and he, Merivale and G. A. Selwyn were our representatives in the first Cambridge crew to row against Oxford. The success of the L.M.B.C. crews of these years in university honours was as great as on the river, and many of their members became eminent for the distinguished services they subsequently rendered at home and abroad. G. A. Selwyn was bishop of New Zealand and afterwards of Lichfield, and his brother, W. Selwyn, Lady Margaret professor of divinity. Tyrrel was the first bishop of Newcastle, N.S.W. His portrait and that of bishop Selwyn hang in the Combination Room. Merivale was dean of Ely. At the bar and on the bench of magistrates they were also honourably represented. Trench, the founder of our club, entered the army. He died in com- paratively early life. From such high beginnings decline could scarcely be averted, and the May term of 1835 saw our boat thirteenth on the river, a point to which it has happily never since sunk. In the October term of this year, however, the tide turned with the election of Colquhoun (afterwards Sir Patrick Colquhoun) to the captaincy. In the Lent term the first crew rowed in a new ship, described as ' a beautifully light boat 52 feet long, and weighing 3 cwt. 3 qrs." Her rudder emblazoned with the college arms was the gift of Mrs. Colquhoun, and still hangs, a venerable relic, in the boat house, its colossal proportions as com- pared with rudders of the present day reminding us that our notions on these matters are relative. 'In this race' (Lent term 1836), the record goes on to say, ' she began her career of glory, proceeding from twelfth to third . . . and began to raise the spirits and glory of the club and college.' In the following Lent races we rose three places, and regained the headship of the river. H. 0. Wood who rowed * The positions of the locks have since been altered. One was nearly opposite the present Caius boat-house, and another a little below the upper winning-post. THE BOAT CLUBS 317 3 in this boat was twice the winner of the Wingfield Sculls. As the university race did not take place this year (1837), our boat met that of Queen's College, the representative of Oxford, at Henley. The evolution of the racing eight was proceeding rapidly at this time, and the Queen's crew had a new boat, 'the lightest ever turned out,' in which they won by six or eight lengths. In the previous December (1836) a pair of silver sculls, known as The Colquhoun Sculls, had been presented to the Club by James Colquhoun, also a member of the college, at the request of his son, then our captain and holder of the Amateur Sculling Championship. The club threw open the race to the members of the other university boat clubs. For the first five years it was rowed on the Thames, from Westminster to Putney, but in 1842 the venue was changed to Cambridge, where it is still the principal sculling event of the year. From 1838 to 1854 we met with varying fortunes, rising to second in the days of R. Harkness, who represented the club in the university boat from 1845 to 1847. In 1849 the University Four-oar Races were instituted, and in October of the following year were won by a Lady Margaret crew. The stroke of our boat was Charles Hudson, who was a joint winner of the Colquhouns for this year, and with J. B. Caine also carried off the Magdalene Pairs.* In 1851 we started third on the river and went head, bumping Third and First Trinity, though we had to give place to First in the following term. In October a pair of silver oars were presented to the club by its president, J. F. Bateman, as a challenge prize for pair-oars. In 1853 the first boat went up to the second place, and we were winners of the University Fours : G. B. Forster, and J. Wright (both ' Blues '), rowing 3 and stroke of our crew. In the following year, 1854, we went head, and we maintained our position until the Lent Term of 1858. At Henley we carried off the Visitors' Fours for the first of three years in succession, beating Pembroke College, Oxford, on this occasion. Wright was also winner of the Colquhouns. In 1855, the L.M.B.C. sent a sporting challenge to the rest of the university. In the (eight-oar) race which ensued we were however beaten by twenty yards. In the following year the crew, which had * Hudson served as chaplain in the Crimean War, and was afterwards well known as a distinguished alpine climber. He was a member of the first party which succeeded in ascending the Matterhorn (1865), but, on the descent, he and three others fell and lost their lives. 318 APPENDIX carried off the Visitors' Cup at Henley, won the University Fours in the October term. In 1857 J. Wright and P. P. Pearson presented a silver cup, for the further encouragement of sculling in the club. In the next year we had three men, Williams, 5, McCormick, 6,* and Snow, 7,t in the boat which beat Oxford in ' a splendidly contested race. ' At Henley, G. A. Paley, our first captain, rowed in the winning university crew for the Grand Challenge Cup ; he was also a member of the boat which was beaten at Putney, and sank, in 1859. We again won the University Fours, Watney stroking, in 1863, and also in 1864, when we beat Third Trinity only by ' a fraction of a second. ' The race was, however, rowed 20 seconds faster than record. R. G. Marsden, who stroked our boat in 1864, migrated to Merton College, and stroked the winning Oxford eight in 1867. In 1865, the ' Andrews and Maples ' Freshmen's Sculls were instituted by the stroke and bow of the first boat. In this year Watney won the Colquhouns, and he represented the club in the university crew in this and the two succeeding years. 1868 is marked by the appearance of the name of J. H. D. Goldie in the annals of the club. He came up with a great reputation from Ebon, where his merits had finally broken down the tradition which excluded ' Collegers ' from the Eton crews. Cambridge rowing had from one cause and another somewhat deteriorated at this time, and since 1860 an unbroken series of defeats at Putney had been our portion. At this juncture Mr. George Morrison, who had rowed for Oxford for three years and had done his university much good service by coaching subsequent victorious crews, offered, in the spirit of a true sportsman, to give his services to the Cambridge University Boat Club. ' la Goldie ' (to quote from a criticism of the time), ' a recent arrival at the university from Eton, that best of all rowing nurseries, Mr. Morrison found ready-made one of the best strokes ever seen in any boat. He is a really honest hard worker, for strength and finish the beau iiUal of an oarsman.'! Success was, however, not to be attained at once. Goldie stroked * McCormick, now one of Her Majesty's chaplains, was a 'double Blue,' representing the university also in the cricket eleven. f Snow, who has changed his name to Kynaston, was senior classic, and became headmaster of Cheltenham. He is now professor of Greek in the University of Durham. J From Mr. R. F. Scott's excellent obituary notice of Goldie in the Eagle, June, 1896. Mr. Morrison's sportsman-like conduct has been re- peated of late years (1898-9) by another distinguished Oxford oar, Mr. W. A. L. Fletcher, and with the like happy result. THE BOAT CLUBS 319 our four in '68 and '69, but on both occasions they were beaten by Sidney, the ultimate winners. He stroked the winning trial eight in '68, nad the university boat of the following year. They had the mis- fortune of losing their 7 from illness three days before the race, and the Oxford boat, an exceptionally fine crew, again won, by three lengths. In the May races (1869) we rowed second on the river, pressing First Trinity closely at times, but they maintained their position for this and the two following years. In this year's crew, J. Watkins rowed 4, J. W. Dale 5, Goldie 6, Baynes 7, and Finch stroke. Dale was also a fine cricketer and a member of the Elevens which played against Oxford in the years 1868-70. In 1870 Goldie was president of the C.U.B.C., and had the satisfac- tion of breaking the long series of Oxford victories. Our boat won by two lengths, Goldie rowing stroke and Dale 3. In the Colquhouns of this year Goldie was also victorious, beating James B. Close of First Trinity. In '71 and "72 Goldie again stroked the winning university crews ; and in the latter year, the last of his residence, he stroked the crew which carried the Lady Margaret boat to the head of the river. We had pressed First Trinity closely for the first four nights of these races. On the fifth, opposite the ' Willows ' in the Long Reach, we at length succeeded in making our bump. The crew that won this hard-earned victory were F. Harris bow, H. Brooke 2, W. Burnside* 3, E. E. Sawyer 4, H. D. Bonsey 5, P. H. Laing 6, P. J. Hibbert 7, J. H. D. Goldie stroke, F. C. Bayard coxs. Eight years after he had left Cambridge, the ' Goldie Boat House,' for the use of the university crews, was erected by a number of his friends to commemorate Goldie's services to Cambridge rowing. In 1873 our first boat had to yield the headship to First Trinity, but remained second, though hard pressed by Jesus, who were now entering on their decade of brilliant success. The boats of the first division adopted sliding seats in these May races. This year the club pos- sessed a fine sculler in A. C. Dicker, who carried off the Colquhouns, the Diamond Sculls at Henley, and the Wingfield Sculls the amateur championship. This last he won in the fastest time till then recorded, beating Gulston (London R.C.), Eyre (Thames R.C.), and Knollys (Kingston R.C.), the holder. He held the championship for two years, and the Diamond Sculls for three. * Burnside was second wrangler and first Smith's Prizeman (1875). He became fellow of Pembroke, and was for many years a member of their boats. He is now professor of mathematics in the Royal Naval College, Greenwich. 320 APPENDIX In 1878, Prior and Sandford carried off the Magdalene Pairs beating the record, Sandford won the Colquhouns, and in the October term we had the satisfaction of winning the University Fours, beating Jesus in the fastest time recorded up to this date, and for nine years later. Our boat was faultlessly steered by Prior, who rowed bow. A coxswain had been dispensed with in these races six years earlier. In 1879 the first boat went up from 3rd to 2nd in the first night of the May races ; but though more than once within a quarter of a length of Jesus we did not succeed in displacing them from their high position. At Henley we won the Ladies' Plate, after a hard race with Eton, and also the Visitors' Fours, beating First Trinitv and Magdalen College, Oxford. In October we again won the University Fours, and Prior brought the Colquboun Sculls again into College. In the following year (1880) we contributed three men to the university Boat, Sandford, Barton and Clarke (coxs.), but in the May races we had to pay the penalty, incident to college crews, for our previous successes, and dropped to the fifth place on the river. In '83 we put a good crew in for the University Fours, which was only doubtfully beaten in the final by Third Trinity. Our stroke was N. P. Symonds, who in 1885 rowed bow of the Cambridge boat. 1888 saw an improvement in the position of the first boat under the excellent coaching of S. D. Muttlebury of Third Trinity, president of the C.U.B.C. They rose from 10th to 7th, and at Henley rowed a splendid race against First Trinity for the Ladies' Plate, winning both this and the Thames Cup. The crew contained R. H. Forster, L. H. K. Bushe-Fox, R. P. Roseveare (1st captain) and J. Collin (stroke). In 1895, the Magdalene Pairs were won by Bushe-Foxe and A. J. Davis. In recent years the club has maintained, on the whole, a fair position on the river, though one which those who are mindful of the high traditions of the past would gladly see improved. * Before the amalgamation of the several athletic clubs, when admission to the Lady Margaret Boat Club was restricted by ballot, other rowing clubs were formed from time to time by members of the college. Of these the Lady Somerset Boat Club was the most important. It * This account is in the main abstracted from the History of the Lady Margaret Boat Club, by R. H. Forster and W. Harris. Cambridge : Deighton, Bell and Co., 1890. For some of the details we have to thank Albert C. Allerton, Esq., of Longton, Staffordshire, who has furnished biographical notes on L.M.B.C. ' Blues.' THE CRICKET CLUB 321 was founded in 1856, and existed with varying fortunes for five years. Mr. L. H. Courtney was president, and Archdeacon Wilson, Mr. E. A. Abbott and Professor W. H. H. Hudson were active in its counsels. The May races of 1860 saw the club in its most flourishing condition, when the first boat, stroked by J. E. Brown, went up from 21st to 14th on the river, and the second boat made four bumps. In the October term of 1861 two of the members, L. Stephenson and C. H. La Mothe, rowed in the winning university trial, the latter repre- senting the L.M.B.C. two years later in the university boat. The minute books contain the records of many discussions as to the uniform of the club, but this and other vexed questions were finally laid at rest by its dissolution in the Lent term, 1862. (F) THE CRICKET CLUB. The College Cricket Club possesses no written records, and the date of its foundation is unknown. That it has, however, been active and successful in the past is well evidenced by the fact that forty-two of its members have represented the university against Oxford. The following are the names of these and the years of the university matches in which they played : E. H. Pickering (1827, 1829). S. Winthrop (1829). E. F. Hodgson (1836). J. Grout (1838-9). W. St. Croix (1839-1842). G. F. Burr (1840). W. Mills (1840-3). R. N. Blaker (1842-3). C. D. Crofts (1843). G. P. Ottery (1844-7). A. M. Hoare (1844). H. T. Wroth (1845). C. D. Goldie (1846). J. M. Lee (1846-8). R. Seddon (1846-7). Lord Burghley, afterwards marquis of Exeter (1847). C. T. Calvert (1848). A. Potter (1849). R. S. Edwards (1850). W. M. Leake (1851-4). A. R. Ward (1853). J. McCormick (1854, 1856). J. M. Fuller (1855-8). C. J. Brereton (1858). G. E. Cotterill (1858-60). A. Bateman (1859-61). F. Lee (1860). C. Warren (1866). J. W. Dale (1868-70). F. A. Mackinnon (1870). F. Tobin (1870-2). A. A. Bourne (1870). H. C. P. Stedman (1871). G. S. Raynor (1872). W. J. Ford (1873). T. Latham (1873-4). R. Spencer (1881). F. D. Gaddum (1882). C. A. Smith (1882-5). C. Toppin (1885-7). J. J. Robinson (1894). OF THE UNIVERSITY OF INDEX ABBOT, Wm., 226, 256, 300 Abbott, see Abbot Abdy, Sir Tho., 231 Aberdaron, living of, 106 Accounts, remodelling of, 240, 241 ; new management of, 288 Act of 1575, ' Maintenance of Colleges,' 68 Adams, Jo., 44 Adams, prof. Jo. C., 305 Admissions, register of, when com- menced, 107, 108 Alburgh, living of, 178 Alcock, Jo., bishop of Ely, 7 Algernon, lord Percy, 115 All Saints' Church, 174, 207 Allenson, Jo., 75 Alleyne, Tho., 215 Allot, Wm., 104 Altherhethe, Geoffrey de, 1 Alvey, Hi., 77, 88 Alvis, And., 231, 233, 234 Ambrose, Dr., 110 Analytical Society of Cambridge, 259 Anne, queen, 198, 214 Anne of Denmark, portrait of, 101 Anstey, Christ'., senr., 178, 179, 206, 209, 299 Anstey, Christ'., junr., 179 Antonius, Frater, 1 Antrobus, Wm., 257 Appleby, 82 Appleford, Robt., 215 Arms and Badges of college, see App. A Arnald, Wm., 257 Arrowsmith, Jo., 126, 130-132, 135, 137 Ascham, Roger, 30, 34-36, 43, 45, 49, 56 Ashton, Hugh, 14, 21, 158 ; his chapel, 55, 114 Ashton, Mrs., sister of Dr. Clayton, 93 Asshetou, Abdias, 75 Athletics, tee App.|,E and F | Atlay, Dr. Jas., 306 Austin, Jo., 121, 122 Authorised Version, translators of, 87 Ayre, Jo., 50 BABINGTON, Matt., 257 Babington, Tho., 257 Bacon, Fra., 101, 250 Badges, see Arms Bailey, Sir Jo., 127 Baillie, Robt., quoted, 130 Baker, Sir Geo., 158 Baker, Geo., father of Thos., 158 Baker, Geo., brother of Thoe., 158 Baker, Tho., 47, 49, 53, 54, 63, 68, 69, 72, 73, 84, 90, 96, 98, 99, 108, 113, 117, 131, 132, 135, 152 ; conclusion of his History, 157 ; 158, 159, 173, 183, 184, 186, 193, 196 ; his Catalogus Episcoporum, 197 ; 206, 213, 215 ; his History of the Uni- versity, 216 ; his History of the Coliege, 216 ; his Reflections on Learning, 216 ; 217, 250 Baker, Dr. Wm., 219 Baldiston, Dr., 212 Balguy, Jo., 306 Balguy, Tho., 236, 237, 250, 253, 306 Ball, Mr. W. W. R., 255 Balsham, Hugh, bishop of Ely, 3, 4 Barnard, Edward, 241, 242 Barnes, Ben., 257 Baronsdale, Wm., 265 Barrington, bp., 256 Barrow, Is., bp. of St. Asaph, 149 Barrow, Is., master of Trin., 255 Barwick, Jo., 114, 149, 151, 174 Barwick, Pet., 114, 174, 197 Bassett, Josh., 188 Bateman, Rev. J. F., 178 Bateman, Sam., 239 Bateson, Wm. H., 277-304 Baxter, Geo., 216 INDEX Beadon, Sir Cecil, 253 Beadon, Ri , 252 Beale, Jerome, 110 Beale, Wm., 85, 110-112, 114, 116, 117, 122 Beaumont, Jos., Ill Becon, Jo., 77, 78 Becon, Theod., 50 Becon, Tho., 50 Bedford, Hilk., 174, 197, 198, 215, 216 Bedford, Tho., 198 Beere, Wm., 1 Bell, Jo., 78 Benlowes, Edw., 124, 125 Bennet, Tho.. 199 Bentley, Ri.,'228, 229 Berkshire, earl of, 101 ' Bess of Hardwick,' 91 Beveridge, bp. Wm., 135, 136, 154, 195 Beverley, Grammar school at, 120, 219 Bill, Wm., 29, 36, 38, 39, 41, 45, 52, 53 Billers, Jo., 186, 190, 193, 215, 216 Billingsley, Hen., 80, 81, 123 Billingsley, Wm., 81 Binckes, Wm., 176 Birch, Sam., 259 Bland, Miles, 258, 261, 263 Blechenden, Tho., 128 Blick, Chas., 270 Boat Clubs, see App. E Bodendyiie, Jo., 108 Bodendyne, Sir Wm., 109 Bodurda, Hen., 99 Bodurda, Wm., 99 Bohun, Humph.. 58 Bois, Jo., 81, 86, 87 Boldero, Edm., 150 Bolingbroke, 222 Bonney, Dr. T. G., 302 Bonwicke, Ambr., senr., 208, 209 Bonwicke, Ambr., junr., 202-208, 218 Booth, Robt., 90-93, 102 Boteler, Wm. F., 258 iSourn, rectory of, 230 Bouth, tee Booth Bowers, Tho., 157, 196 Bowyer, Wm., senr., 208 Bowyer, Wm., junr., 208, 209 Bradford, Yorks., 196 Bradshaw, Hen., 179 Bradshaw, Jo., 258 Brandsburton, living of, 142, 143, 280 Brasenoso College, 267 Brereton, . , 257 Bridge connecting grounds of Trinity and St. John's, 276 ' Bridge of Sighs,' 194 ; erection of, 276 Bridge, New (now Old), 145; construc- tion of, 198, 194 Bridgeman, bp. Jo., 84 Briggs, Hen., 254, 255 Brinkley, living of, 142, 143 British Museum, Baker MSB. in, 159; Cole MSS. in, 160 Brome, Edm., 203 Bromhall, Berks, 17 Bromley, Tho., 257 Brooke, Phil., 179, 216 Brooke, Zach., senr., 231, 232, 284 Brooke, Zach., junr., 258 Broom, Roger de, 1 Broughton, Hugh, 83 Brown, Hen., 1 Browne, Lancelot, 83 Browne, Tho., 176, 186, 215, 216 Bucer, Martin, 43 Buckingham, earl of, 101, 105, 107 Bulkeley, Pet., 119, 120 Bullock, Geo., 29, 47, 48 Burghley, lord, see Cecil, Wm. Burghley, lady Mildred, 57 Burlington, earl of, 177 Burnell, Jo., 104 Burnet, Gilb., 133, 142, 162, 192, 217 Burrell, Pet., 239 Burton, Hen., puritan, 119 Burton, Hen., 239 Burton, John, 1 Bury School, 267 Bury St. Edmunds, 203 Bushby, Edw., 268-270, 288 Butler, Dr. S., 286, 305 Butler, Tom (Trin.), 260 Byron, Jo., 257 CAIUS COLLEGE, 45, 182, 183, 258 Calamy, Edm., 121, 134 Calvinism, 73-75 Cam, Wren's suggested diversion of the, 194 Cambridge, corporation of, 191 Caput, the, 65-67 Carpendale, Tho., 257 Carr, Jo., 257, 267 Carr, Nich., 43 Carter, Edm., historian of Univ., 94, 230 Cartwright, Tho., 57-59, 63-65, 67, 68, 73, 75, 78 Gary, Val., bp. of Exeter, 98, 99, 104, 105, 115 Catherine of Aragon, 106 Catton, Tho., 244, 245 Caulet, Jo., 239 Cave, Wm., 135, 136 Cave exhibition, 268 Cavendish, house of, 91 Cavendish, lady Margaret, 93 212 INDEX Cavendish, Mary, countess of Shrews- bury, 91-93, 104 Cavendish, Wm., duke of Devonshire, 278 Cavendish, Wm., duke of Newcastle, 93 Cavendish, Sir Wm., 91 Cawdrey, Zach., 121 Cecil, house of, 83, 84, 97 Cecil, Robt., earl of Salisbury, 81, 96, 123 Cecil, Wm., lord Burghley, 36, 43, 51-53, 55, 57, 58, 61, 62, 66, 69-73, 75, 79, 81, 87-89, 96, 123 Cecil, Wm., son of Robt. Cecil, 123 Chaderton, Laur., 74 Chaderton, Wm., 65 Chambre, Jo., 15 Chandler, H. W., 122 Chapel, old, 55, 75, 89, 111-114, 134, 196, 211, 216, 221, 225, 230, 239, 271, 278, 285 Chapel, new, 93, 152, 153, 155, 270; erection of, 292-295 ; opening of, 285, 286 Chappelow, Leon., 222 Charles I, 69, 82, 100, 101, 110-112, 116, 158, 176, 197 Charles II, 184, 185, 187, 264 Charterhouse, the, 83, 176 Cheke, Sir Jo., 33-35, 38, 39, 43, 56 Chemical Laboratory established, 301 Chetwood, Jo., 186 Chevallier, Jo., 252, 253, 259, 260 Cheverel, Richard, 1 Chicheley, Sir Tho., 191 Christchurch, Oxf., 163 Christian, Edw., 257 Christ's College, 13, 31, 49, 69, 83, 98, 164, 184, 187, 255, 306 Clare College, 41, 49, 58, 79, 115, 148, 153, 159, 204, 235 Clare Hall, see Clare College Clark, Mr. J. W., 157, 193, 290 Clark, Pet., 211 Clarke, Sam., 231 Clayton, Ri., 82, 85-98, 102 Cleveland, Jo., 112, 114, 128, 165, 168 Cobb, Mrs., 295 Cockfield, living of, 62, 82, 244 Coffee houses, 205 Coke, Tho., 215, 216 Colchester, 199 ; archdeaconry of, 237 Cole, Wm., 159-161, 171, 200, 206, 218, 221, 223, 228, 232, 237, 247-249, 253, 269, 299 Colenso, Fra., 284,285 Colenso, bp. Jo. W., 281-286 Coleyne, John de, 1 Colkirk, rectory of, 234, 277 College ' examiner ' of 16th century, labours of, 37 College livings, qualifications for, 304 College of Physicians, 83 Collins, B. Bury, 239 Collins, Jo., 123 Collins, Dr. Sam., 131 Collinson, Jas., 257 Collison, F. W., 286 note Combination room, 89, 95 Committee for Plundered Ministers, 139, 181 ; for the Reformation of the Uni- versities, 139 Concord, colony of, 120 Confession of Faith formerly belonging to Titus Gates, 183, 184 Constable, Hen., 83 Constable, Marm., knt., bye-founder, 21 Cooke, Sir Ant., 52 Cooper, Wm., 258 Copinger, Hen., 69, 86 Corpus Christi College, 151, 195, 220, 233 Corpus Christi College, Oxford, 88, 113 note, 207 Cosin, Dr. (Pet.), Ill, 112 Cotgrave, Randle, 84 Coulthurst, H. G., 257 Council, college, constitution of the, 302, 303 Counties, northern, enumeration of, 22, 33 Counties, southern, entitled to prefer- ence, 22, 33, 86 Counties, restrictions attaching to, 195 Court, First, 89, 91, 126, 155, 249 ; Second, 90-92, 94, 96, 102, 104, 155, 225 ; Third, 155-157 ; New, 249, 271, erection of, 274-276 ; Chapel, 304 Covenant, the, 149 Cox, Ri., bp. of Ely, 62, 64, 69, 70, 78 Cradock, Jo., 306 Oranmer, 50 Crashaw, Wm., 72 Craven, Wm., 252-266, 271 Craven arms, 264 Cricket club, the, see App. F Croft, Herb., bp. of Hereford, 162, 163, 165-167 Croke, Ri., 49 Crompton, Wm., 187 Crooke, Helkiah, 123 Cromwell, O., 115, 126, 149, 150, 194, 198 Cromwell, Ri., 125 Cromwell, Tho., 31, 41 Cross (silver) placed in the chapel by Mrs. Cobb, 295 Crusius, L., 305 Cust, Sir Jo., 230 DAMERHAM, vicarage of, 233 Davenant, Sir Wm., 124 INDEX 325 Davies, Jo., 137, 138 Davison, Tho., 215, 216 Dawkins, Geo., 215, 216 Day, Geo., 29, 31-33, 77 Debreczin, university of, 229 Dee, bp. Fra., 114 Dee, Jo., 43, 80, 81, 254 Denbighshire, 99 Denman, Hon. Geo., 287 Dennington, Suffolk, 62 Digby, Everard, 78, 79 Discipline, 56, 57, 60, 66, 75, 79, 135, 138, 170, 173, 174, 182, 203-205, 220, 225, 226, 254, 272 Ditchingham, living of, 178 Doddridge, Ph., 230 Dodington, Barth., 78 Dokket, R >bt., byo-founder, 21 Dover, lord, 191 Downes, And., 86, 87 Dowsing, \Vm., 129, 153 Drake, Sam., 168 Drake, Dr. Sara., 219 Drake, Wm., 287 Dunham, Jo., 1, (i Dunham, Robt., 1 Dunthorne, Mr., 243 Durham, county of, 130, 137, 158, 173 Dyer, Geo., quoted, 178, 179 Eagle, The, 296 Ediall, Hen., bye-founder, 21< Edmunds, Jo., 48 Edward VI, 167 Edwards, Jo., 143, 203, 225 Edwards, Tho., 143, 203 Effingham, earl of, 178 Ej./erton, Sir Tho., 100 Elector Palatine, visit to the university, 100, 101 Elizabeth, queen, 44, 47, 57-59, 63, 66,71, 81, 83, 85, 298 Ellesmere, lord chancellor, 100 Bllicott, bp., 285 Elliott, Adam(Oaius), 182, 183 Elliott, Wm., 128 Ellis, Jo., 182, 183 Elliston, Wm., 256 Ely, bp. of, visitor to the college, 18 Ely, bishopric of, 33, 170 Ely Cathedral, 152; Gower's sermons in, 148 Emmanuel College, 74, 132, 133, 144, 173, 212, 236, 305 Enclosure of common lands, 102 Engagement, the, 128, 141, 144 Erasmus, cited, 10, 34, 38 Etherege, Sir Geo., 166 Eton College, 159, 177, 210, 241, 242 Eustachius, bp. of Ely, 2 Evelyn, Jo., 150 Examinations, annual, 207, 238, 239, 245, 246 Exeter House, Strand, 150 FAIRFAX, Tho., 115 Falcon Inn, Cambridge, 61 Fellow-commoners, undergraduate, 272 Fellows, 24, 25, 46, 47, 88, 114, 128, 131, 168,201, 202,224 Fellows' chambers, Register of, 156 Fellowships, tenure of, 303 Fen Ditton, living of, 181 Ferrar, Kick., Life of, 171 Field, Tho., 219 Field, Robt., 257 Fisher, bishop, 9, 13, 14, 20, 21, 27, 28, 84, 37, 46, 47, 49, 50, 54, 114 Fisher, G. W., his Annalt of Shrewsbui-y School, 189 Fittleton, rectory of, 267 Fleming, Jo., 258 Fletcher, Phineas, 124 Forncett, living of, 178, 284 Forster, Ralph, 256 Fox, bp. RL, 14, 20 Frampton, Alg., 257 Frampton, Tho., 231, 233, 234 France, Dr., 286 note, 306 Francis, Alban, 188-190 Frankfort, exiles at, 52 ; 53, 54, 77 Frederick, prince of Wales, 231 French, study of, 106, 137, 138, 145, 267, 271 Freshwater, living of, 106, 249, 268 Frost, Hen., founder of Hospital, 2 Frost, Robt., 2 Fulbourn, living of, 142, 143 Fulke, Wm., 60-63, 68, 254 Fuller, Tho., 84, 99 GARDINER, Steph., 45-47 Gardiner, Dr. S. R., 119 Garret Hostel Green, enclosure of, 102 Garrett. Dr., 286 Gates, hours of opening and shutting, 25 Gauden, Jo., 118 Gee, Edw., 196 Geneva, English Church at, 53, 67 George I, 146, 175, 222 George II, 220 George III, 232, 253, 266 George IV, 69 German, study of, 267, 271 Ghost story, 209-213 Gilbert, Wm., 80, 265 INDEX Gisborne, Tho., the elder, 255, 256 God's House, Ospringe, 16 Gonville Hall, see Caius College Goodman exhibition, 268 Goodrich, bp., 33 Goodwin, T., 137 Gosfield, William de, 1 Gosling, Sir Fra., and Co., college banking with, 241 Gower, Hen., 154 Gower, Dr. Humph., 121, 136, 147, 148, 151, 153, 159, 169, 181-214, 250, 292 Gower, Stan., 181 Grantham, 222, 230 Gray, bp., 284, 285 Gray, Mr. J. H., 34 Gray, Tho., 234 ' Great bed,' 156, 157, 172 Great Haseley, rectory of, 169 Greek, study of, 10, 22 23, 35, 36, 37, 43, 45, 49, 57, 71, 78, 87, 137, 139, 219, 227, 237, 238, 245, 260, 266, 271, 287 Green, Jo., 232, 233 Greene, Robt., 79, 80 Gregor, Fra., 257 Gresham College, 144, 197, 254 Grey, lady Jane, 44, 57, 78 Grey, Dr. Zach., 223 Griffin, W. N., 259 Grindal, Edm., archbp. of York, 65, 69 Grindal, Wm., 36 Grove, bp. Robt., 142 Grove, Robt, 210, 211, 212 Grove, W. C., 256 Guido, master of Hospital, 1 Gumbold, Robt., 292 Gunning, Hen., 259-261 Gunning, Pet., 135, 143,147-157, 159, 161, 170, 172, 181, 193, 195, 203, 218, 234, 292 Gwyn, Jo., 99 Gwyn, Owen, 85. 93, 99-109 HACKET, bp. Jo., 99, 100, 106, 107 Haddon, Walt., 53 Hadleigh Grammar School, 81, 86 Hall, the, 89, 129, 152, 225, 290-292 Hall, bp. Jos., 75 Hall, Arth., 82, 83 Hall, Jo., 136-141, 266, 273 Hall, Tho., 239, 257 Hammond, Ant., 198, 199 Hammond, W., 137 Hanover, house of, 179 Hare exhibition, 268 Hargreaves, Ri., 258 Harris, G. F. (Trin.), 287 Harrow School, 255 ; Colenso at, 282 Hart, Robt. C., 239, 257 Hartlib, Sam., 141 Harvey, Gabr., 80, 83 Hawford, Edw., 69 Hawksmoor, Nich., 193 Hazeland, Wm., 256 Headlam, Ri., 215, 216 Heath, Baily, 257 Heath, Sir Robt., 82 Heberden, Tho., 257 Heberden, Wm., senr., 248, 265, 266 Ileberden, Wm., junr., 265, 266 Hebrew, study of, 22, 23, 61, S3, 87, 187, 199, 219, 230, 232 Henry VI, donor to Hospital, 5 Henry VIII, 71, 158, 292, 298 Herbert, lord, Charles Somerset, 14 Heron, Arth., 186, 215, 216 Herrick, Robt., 124 Herschel, Sir Jo., 258, 259 Herschel, Sir Wm., 259 Herschell, lord, 281 Hertford, county of, 70 Hervey, Hen., 69 Hesychius, copy presented by Cheke to Ascham, 35 Higginson, Fra., 120 Higham, near Rochester, 16 Highclere, parish of, 135 Hill, Ri., 177, 178, 222 Hill, Rowl., 178 Hoare, A. M., 294 Hoare, C. J., 294 Hoare, Hen., 293, 294 Hoare, J. S., 294 Hoare, W. H., 293, 294 Hodges, Tho., 128 Hodgson, Rev. Fra., 267 Hodson, Rev. G., 294 Holdsworth, Ri., 109, 110 Holgate, Robt., 49 Holland, Wm., 99 Hooker, Ri., 77 Hope, Jo., 215, 216 Hornby, Hen., 14 Home, Jo., afterwards known as J. Home Tooke, 305 Home, Robt., 53 Horningsea, living of, 3 Hospital of St. John the Evangelist, its foundation, 2 ; masters, 1 ; privileges, 5 ; endowments, 5 ; independence, 6 ; dissolution, 7 ; infirmary, 17 ; chapel, 55 ; converted into students' rooms, 90 Houlden, Ant, 128 Howard family, 178 Howard, Eph., 186 Howard, Tho., first earl of Suffolk, 81 INDEX 327 Rowland, Ri., 51, 69-71, 76 Hugh of Avalon, 106 Hughes, Lud., 257 Hughes, H. H., 279 Hughes, Rev. T. 8., quoted, 236 Hull, see Kingston-upon-Hull Hull, Christ'., 225, 226, 300 Humphry, Dr. (Oxf.), 68 Huntingdon, Robt. de, 1 Huntingdon, visit of Charles I. to, 111, 112 Hurd, Ri., 236, 237 Hutchinson, Roger, 89 Hyde, Sir Bdw., 116 Hyde, Hen., earl of Rochester, 177 Hymers, Jo., 278-282 Hymers, Robt., 281 IMPINGTON, living of, 269 In man, Jas., 258 Instructors (official), 297-299 Irenicumof Stillingfleet, 136 Ireton, Mr., 88 Italian, study of, 137, 267, 273 Ixninge, Alexander de, 1 JACK, Tho., 258 Jackson, Gilb. (artist), 107 Jackson, Jer., 257 Jacomb, Tho., 121 James I., 101, 123 James II., 122, 142, 188-191, 196 'Jebb, Dr.,' pseud., 171 Jebb, Jo., 245-247 Jeffreys, judge, 188, 189, 190 Jenkin, Robt, 148, 159, 177, 186, 200, 213- 219, 221, 250 Jenkin, Tho., 219 Jenkins, Jo., 186 Jessey, Hen., 120 Jesus College, 17, 45, 48, 78, 110, 116, 120, 150, 154, 181, 182, 188, 252, 306 'Johnian Hogs, '182, 273 Johnston, Jos., 228 Julian Calendar, 43 Julius II., bull of, 7 KAY, Rev. Rog., 267 Kay exhibition, 267 Keene, E., 186 Kelke, Roger, 76, 77 Kempthorne, Jo., 258 Ken, bp. Tho., 197 Kennedy, B. H., 305 Kennedy, Geo., 287 Kent, county of, 148, 213 Kenyon, Rog., 215, 216 Killun, Wm., 1 King's College, 31, 37, 41, 42, 49, 88, 131 159, 160, 220, 223, 232, 246, 283 King's Ditch, 102 King's Hall, 2, 22, 48 King's School, Canterbury, 148 Kingsley, Chas., 287 Kingston-upon-Hull, 142, 175 ; Hymers' bequest to, 280 ; Grammar School, 281 Kipling, Tho., 257 Kirkby, Jo., 255 Kirkby Stephen, 82 Kitchens, the, 89, 103 Knatchbull, Sir Norton, 118 Knewstub, Jo., 82, 84, 88 Knightbridge professorship, 187 Knox, Bleazer, 80 Knox, Jo., 80 Knox, Nath., 80 'LABYRINTH,' the, 17 Lacy, Wm., 149 Lake, bp. Jo., 127, 168, 192, 213 Lake, Wm., 215, 216 Lambe, Sir Jo., 110 Lambert, Robt., 159, 200, 219-221 Lambeth Articles, 73, 74 Lancashire, county of, 54, 55, 72, 89, 158, 187 Lanchester, Durham, 158 Lane, Robt., 104, 109, 110 Lane, Tho., 176 Laney, bp. Ben., 110, 164 Langdale, Alban, 77 Lathbury's Nonjurors, quoted, 172 Latin, study of, 22, 57, 74, 79-82, 136, 139, 142, 152, 153, 157, 166, 186, 197, 218, 227, 254, 260, 266, 271, 287 Laud, abp., 110, 111, 113, 119, 120, 129, 161 Law, bp. Edm., 245, 306 Lawrence, Soulden, 257 Lawson, Tho., 128 League and Covenant, 149 Leche, Tho., 215, 216 Leeke, Robt., 220 Legrew, Jas., 258 Leicester, Sir Fra., 213 Leicestershire, 195 Lens, Jo., 257 Lever, Ralph, 41, 54 Lever, Tho., 29, 33, 39-44, 54 Lewis scholarship, 118 Leyden, English Church at, 118 Liber Memorialis, 82, 152 Librarian, 226 Library, the, 25, 35, 57, 72, 82, 84, 89, 94- 96, 101, 103, 104, 106, 107, 111, 112, 117, 120, 124, 127, 145, 154, 155, 157, 168, 174, 328 INDEX 183, 184, 186, 203, 207, 217-219, 221, 226, 227, 233, 243, 271, 278, 280, 305, App. C ; staircase, 95 Library, the lower, incorporation of, 290 Linacre lectureship, 87, 298 Lincoln, diocese of, 164 Lister, Sir Mart., 145 Lister, Mart., 145 Lister, Sir Matt., 145 Litchfield, Leon, (printer), 149 Littledale, Jos., 257 Lloyd, RL, 186, 189 Lloyd, Wm., 192 Loftus, abp. Adam, 64 Lolworth Hedges, 115 Long Gallery, 93-95, 112, 184 Longworth, Bi., 51, 54, 57, 60, 62, 65, 66, 77 Lopham, livings of, 178 Love, Ri., 151 Lovell, Tho., 14 Lowther, Westmoreland, 196 Lowthorp, Jo., 175 Loxham, Robt., 257 Lucasian professorship, 235 Ludlam, Tho., 244 note Ludlam, Wm., 235, 243 Lund, Tho., 274 Lunn, J. R., 209, 212 Lutheranism, 73, 74, 76 Luttrell, Narc., 175, 177, 184, 201, 202 Luxmoore, Coryndon, 257 Lyons, Israel, 230 MADEW, Jo., 40, 41, 48 Madingiey, living of, 287 ; Dr. Bateson buried at, 290 Maddy, Rev. W., 279 Magdalen College, Oxford, 15, 53, 121 Magdalene College, 45, 69, 76, 83, 84, 86, 89, 190, 235 Main waring, Jo., 250 Man of Mode (The), or Sir Fopling Flutter, 166 Manchester, earl of, 128, 130 Manchester Grammar School, 196 Mangey, Tho., 306 Margaret, lady, 9-12, 37, 49; professor- ship of divinity, 13, 65, 68, 214, 221 ; preachership, 13 Marney, Hen., 14 Marsh, bp. Herb., 257, 306 Martin, Dr. Edw., 116 Marcyn, Hen., 258, 263 Marvell, And., 165-168, 170 Marwood, rectory of, 188 Mary, queen, 45-47, 52-54, 58, 63, 76, 78 Mary II, queen, 199 Maseres, Fra., 235 Mason, Wm., 234 Master's Lodge, 89, 95, 278 ; erection of a new, 293 Masters, R., 195, 196 Mastership, conditions of election to, 21 Mathematical tripos, 256-259 Mather, Cotton, 120 Maurice, F. D., 284 Mawson, Mathias, 220 Mayor, professor J. E. B., 35, 84, 159, 171, 217, 286, 287 Mayor, Jos. B., 301 Medley, Jo., 175 Merchant Taylors' School, 205, 206, 208 Meriton, Geo., 98 Merivale, Dr. Chas., 306 Merton College, Oxf., 176, 177 Metcalfe, Jo., head porter, 283 Metcalfe, Nich., 9, 19, 29-31 Metcalfe, Robt., 120 Mey, Dr. Wm., 52 Michaelhouse, 13, 19 Middlesex hospital, 265 Middleton, Conyers, 305 Midleton, lord, 240 Millers, Wm., 258 Milles, Isaac, 135, 136 Milton, Cambridgeshire, 159, 160, 249, 253 Milton, Jo., 79, 139, 166, 169, 187 Monmouth, duke of, 171 Monmouthshire, 163 Montacute, Simon de, bishop of Ely, 4 More, Hen., 137, 138 More, Sir Tho., 9 Morrell, Rog., 88 Morris, Tho. B., 258 Morton, bp. Tho., 98, 122, 162 Mowbray, Jas., 128 NADEN divinity studentship, 303 ' Nag's Head ' fable, 176 Naked Truth, The, 162-166 Naked Truth, The, Animadversions on, 164, 166, 168 Napier, Jo., 255 Nash, Tho., 79, 80 Naylor, Jo., 186, 215, 216 Naylors Ghost, 210-212 Neale, Mr. C. M., quoted, 258 Needham, Pet., 179 Neile, Ri., 96-98 Neptune, discovery of the planet, by Adams, 305 Ness, Christ., 121, 196 Neville, Tho. (Trin.), 88, 105 New buildings, see Chapel court INDEX 329 New College, Oxf., 150, 1(51 New Testament, Rhemish version of, 03 Newcastle, duke of, 233, 234 Newcome, Hen., 141 Newcome, Jo., 159, 200, 209, 219, 221-232, 241, 265 Newcome, Mrs., 223, 224, 230 Newcome Prize, 230 Newcomen, Matt., 118, 119 Newcomen, Tho., 118, 119 Newmarket, 184, 185, 220 Newton, Is. (Trin.), 190, 199, 213, 255 Newton, Jo., 186 Noel, Sir Ger., 293, 294 Nonjurors, 179, 180, 201, 202 ; ejection of, 215, 210 Norfolk, county of, 109, 197 North, lord Dudley, 115 North, Dudley, third lord, 123 North countrymen, 30, 32, 00, 63 Northampton, county of, 70, 151, 176 Northumberland, county of, 109 Northumberland, duke of, 44, 51 Northwold, rectory of, 174 Norwich Cathedral, 78 Nottingham, town of, 115, 118 Nourse, Pet., 186 Nowell, Alex., 72 GATES, Titus, 182-184, 189 Observatory, the, 243-245 Odell, living of, 119 Ogden, Sam., 231-234, 261-263, 270 Oldham, Ri., 180, 215 Oley, Barn., 115, 148, 154 Orchard, Arth., 174, 178, 179, 211, 212 Organ, the, 295 Ormesby. village of, 278 Otway, Chas., 119 Otway, Jo., 119 Otway, Sir Jo., 118 Outram, Edm., 258 Overall, Jo., 81 Oxford, 50, 81, 88, 100,,110, 149, 150, 161- 163, 176, 196, 251, 254, 255 PADUA, university of, 92 Paley, Wm., 245 Palmer, Herb., 119 Palmer, Jo., 258, 279 Paman, Hen., 144, 145 Panting, Laur., 258 Paris, university of, 48 Parker, Matt., 53 Parker Society, 50 Parkinson, S., 295, 305 Parnassus, Return from, 83 Parnham, Caleb, 209, 221, 222 Parr, Sam., 805 Paule, Sir Geo., 59 Pawson, Jo., 136, 137 ' Peaceable Letter,' the, 53 Peach, Wm., 129 Peachell, Dr., 188, 190 Peacock, Geo., 259 Peacock, Tho., 77 Pearce, Wra., 257 Pearson, Matt., 215 Peck, Fra., 230 Peldon Hall, Essex, 234 Pelham, Chae., 234 Pelham, Frances, 234 Pembroke College, 17, 19, 43, 62, 69, 83, 110, 150. 234 Pembroke Collego, Oxford, 122 Pember, Robt., 43, 49 Penniugton, Ie., 257 Penroae, F. C., architect, 304 Pepys, 3am., 121, 150, 1!0 Percy, Alan, 9, 19 Perne, Dr. And.,6, 69 Peter of Perugia, 41 Peterborough, see of, 71, 72, 164 Peterhouse, 4, 48, 69, 78, 111, 112, 148, 149, 176, 245, 278 Philadelphia and New York, colleges of, 229 Phillips, Jo., 239 Phipps. Tho., 275 Pickersgill's portrait of Wordsworth, 280 Pilkington, bp. Jas., 30, 51, 53-58, 06 Pilkington, Leon., 51, 54-56, 66, 77 Pix over altar in chapel, 39, 40 Plague of 1665, 143 Plate, college, 57, 115, 202, see App. B Platt fellows, 178 Platt scholarship, first election to, 197 Playfere, Tho., 86, 87 Pole, cardinal, 51 Polyglott, Complutensian, 32 Pooley, J. H., 279 Portraits, college, see App. D Portsmouth Royal Naval College, 258 Poston, And. P., 239 Powell, Win. Sam., 159, 207, 231-253, 257 Powis, lord, 240 Praed, W. M., 257 Preston, Tho., 58, 59 Price, Jo., 99 Prime, Sam., 257 Prior, Matt., 170, 186, 187, 198, 218 Pritchard, Chas., 259, 290 Professorships, regius, 36 Pryme, Abra. de la, 182, 21?, 237 Prynne, Wm., Ill, 114 330 INDEX Public oratorship, 31, 48, 77, 144, 186, MS, 221, 233, 277, 289, 306 Public schools, Heberden on, 266 Punishment*, 25 Puritanism at St. John'*, 74 Pyke, Jo., 239 QCARLIM, Wm., 124, 150 Queens' College, 14, 32, 37, 73, 77, 83, 116, 119 (iutrda Cantabrigientii, 116 RAIKES, Ri., 257 fUinolda, Jo., 88 fiay, Jo., 145, 146, 175 Raynes exhibition, 268 Keel-cation*, 138, App. E and F Kedman, Jo., 48 Information of the Universities, 139 Remigius, 106 ' Rental*, 1 college, 240 Reston, Jo., 48 Restoration, the, 147, 150, 168, 173, 180, 181, 187, 201 Revenue*, college, 58, 95, 224, 229 Keyner, 0. P., 285 Reynolds, COM., 234 Reynolds, Jan., judge, 179 Richard III. ( 11, 12 Rickman, Tho., architect, 275 Ridding, Amias, 104 Ridley, 50 Kippingham, Jo., bye-founder, 21 Rishton, Hen., 216 Kivington Grammar School, 56 Robinson, Matt., 127 Robinson, Robt., Memoirs of, by Dyer, 179 Robinson, Tanc., 145, 146, 175 Rochester, deanery of, 224 Rogers, professor Thorold, 113 Roper, Pra., 178, 174, 176, 177, 179, 196, 205-207, 209 Ross, bp. Jo., 283 Ross, lord, 115 Rotheram, bp. Tho., 6 Round Church (St. Sepulchre's), 18, 203, 218, 232, 262 Royal College of Physicians, 265 Royal commissioners of 1549, visitation of, 41 Royal Society, 144, 197, 242, 244 ; Philo- sophical Transactions, 175 Royal visits, 67-59, 81, 83, 100, 101, 111, 112, 184, 185, 220, 277, 278 Runcton Holme, living of, 219 Rutherforth, Dr. Tho., 143, 231-234, 242 Rutland, county of, 109, 151 Rymer'a Fcedera, Sanderson's tion of, 198 ST. BOTOLPH'S CHURCH, IS St. Catherine's College, 44, 78, 82, 84, St. Florence, living of, 106 St. Gilbert of Sempringham, 49 St. John, Jo., 14 St. John's College, Oxf., 206, 208 St. John's Hospital, ste Hospital St. Martin's Ludgate Church, 181 St. Mary's (Gt.) Church, 59, 79, 111, 220, 283,290 Ht. Mary's (Little) Church, 3, 148, 149 St. Paul's School, 72, 181 St. Sepulchre's Church, tee Round Church Salem, church at, 120 Salmon, T. P. D., 257 Sancroft, abp., 144, 192, 193 Sanderson, Ralph, 158 Sanderson, Robt., 19S Sandwich, lord, 234 Sandys, abp. Edwin, 44, 78 Savoy Conference, 118, 134 Sawkins exhibition, 268 Say well, Jo., 154 Saywell, Wm., 154 Scaliger, Jos., 75 Scargill, Dan. (Corpus), 195 Scott, Gilb., architect, 292, 294, 295 Scott, J. O., 295 Scott, Mr. R. F., 102, 104, 108, 193, 278 Screens, the, 291 Searle, Mr. W. G., 34 Sebrand, 188, 189 Sedan, battlefield of, 269 Sedbergh School, 114, 119, 261 Sedgwick, Adam, 264 Selwyn, bp. G. A., 285 Selwyn, prof. W., 292 Senate House, 220, 256 Sentences of Pet. Lombard, 165 Sergeant, Jo., 122 Seton, Jo., 49 Shakespeare, Wm., 72 Shaw, Geoff., 210-212 Sheen, Surrey, 175 Sheepshanks, Tho., 239, 257 Sheepshanks, Wm., 257 Sheffield, 92 Shelley's Necessity of Atheism, 271 Shepherd, Ant., 255 Shepherd, Nich., 51, 63-66, 68 Shirley, Jas., 137 Shirley, Sir Robt., 150 Shore, Jo., 174 INDEX 331 Shortoii, Bobt, 9, 17-19 Shrewsbury, countess of, tee Cavendish Shrewsbury, earl of, tee Talbot Shrewsbury, mayor of, 189 Shrewsbury school, election of master in 1687, 188, 286 Shropshire, 157 Sibbes, RL, 84 Sidney College, 127, 150. 188 Simeon, Chas., 263 Simeon of Durham, Bedford's edition of, 198 Skynner, Jo., 231, 233, 234 Smalkald, Diet at, 68 1 Smirke, Mr.,' 166 Smith, Geo., 198 Smith, Jo., of Lowther, 196 Smith, Jo., 239 Smith, Ri., 265 Smith, Dr. Robt., 247 Smith, Sir Tho., 37 Smith, Wm., 257 Smoult, Tho., 186-188, 190 Snowball, J. C., 259, 274 Soames, Wm., 144 Society for Promoting Christian Know- ledge, 230 Somersham, living of, 131, 135 zniTPA, 134 Souldern, rectory of, 106, 209, 210 South countrymen, 30 Southampton, earls of, < Wriothesley, Hen. and Tho. Spalding School, 228 Spanish, study of, 137 Sprouston, Robert de, 1 Squire, Sam., 223 Stafford, lord Henry, 11 Stafford, Henry, duke of Buckingham, 12 Stamford, Hugh de, 1 Stamford, annual sermon at, 71 Stanley, bp. Jas., 14 Stanley, Tho., 137 Stanley, Wm., 195 Stanley's Life of Arnold, 283 Stanton, John, 1 Stanton, Laur., 88, 89, 108 Stapleton, Dr. Tho., 76, 88 Starkie, Tho., 257 Starston, living of, 178 Statutes, college, to be read aloud in hall, 25 ; (1516) 20 ; (1524) 20 ; (1530) 20, 21, 265 ; (1545) 37, 38, 54, 265 ; Eliza- bethan, 65-67, 6-J-71, 78 ; commission appointed to revise, 70; (1860) 265, 297 ; (1882) 302-304 Steel, Ri., 121 Stephen, Leslie, quoted, 273 Sterne, Dr. Ri., 116 still, Jo., 51, 68 Stillingfleet, bp. Edw., 136, 163, 2*8, S29 Stillingfleet, Edw., jun., 197 Stillingfleet, Jo., 229 Stoke Bruerne, rectory of, 161 StraBsburg, exiles at, 52 Strype, Jo., 62, 64, 76 Stuart, Arabella, 93 Studies, college, 138, 139, 172, 173, 17tf, 180, 237, 238, 242, 254, 266, 279 ; uni- versity, 140, 141 Sub-librarian, 227 Sudbury, 82 Suffolk, county of, 8, 12V Surrey chapel, 178 Surrey, county of, 175 Sussex, county of, 174 Sutton, Chas., 257 Sutton, Tho., 83 Syraons, Ralph, contractor of second court, 90, 94 Sylvester, J. J., 259 Sylvester, Matt, 143 Symson, Robt., bye- founder, -_'l TALBOT, Qilb., seventh earl of Shrews- bury, 91-93, 104 Tatham, Ralph, 270, 277-296 Tatnel, nonconformist minister, 190 Taylor, Jo., 29, 32, 38, 169 Taylor, And., 188, 139 Taylor, Brook, 256 Taylor, Dr. Chas., 297-304 Taylor, Jo., 305 Taylor, Jos., --'7'.' Ten-year-men, 273, 274 Test Act of 1871, 303 Therfield, rectory of, 161-163, 169, 172 Thirlby, bp. Tho., 47 Thirty-nine Articles, 164, 165 Thomas, 2nd lord Stanley, 11, 12 Thompkinson, Tho., 215, 216 Thompson, Dr. Hen., 265 Thornhill, Jo., 239 Thornton, Jo., 128 Thornton, Tho., 129 Thriplow or Thriploe, 203, 223 Thurlin, Tho., 18(5 Tighe, Tho., 239 Tillard, RL, 258 Tirwhit, Tho., see Tyrwhitt Todhunter, Is., 259 Tomlyn, Wm., 1, 7 Tooke, J. Home, 305 Torry, A. F., 156, 178 Tory v. Whig, 220 INDEX Townsend, Chas. P., 277 Townsend, marquis, 277, 278 Townshend, Chas., 234 Townshend., Jo., 239 Tre usury, college, 224 Trinity Church, 132, 143, 203, 263 Trinity College, 41-43, 45, 48, 58, 60, 63, 04, 67, 69, 72, 78, 80, 81, 88, 97, 102, 103, 110, 112, 120, 121, 128, 132, 150, 165, 167, 189, 194, 220, 247, 248, 258-260, 276, 283, 291 Trinity Hall, (39, 124, 143 ' Truckle bed, 1 15fi Trumpington, 178 Tubbe, Tho., 123 Tuckney, Ant., 126, 132-135, 143, 173, 181, 187 Tudor, Edmund, 11 Tudor, Owen, 11 Tunstall, Jis., 305 Turner, bp. Fra., 135, 143, 147, 148, 154, 157, 159, 161-172, 180, 1U2, 207, 213, 223 Turner, Tho., 161 Turner, Dr. Tho., 207 Tutor, duties of, 299-302 ; assistant, 300 Tyndal, Humph., 73, 88 Tyrwhitt, Tho., 128, 129 UFKENBACH, L. C. von, 216 note University Calendar, 300, 301 University Commission of 1559, 52, 53 University Library, 80, 144, 152, 159, 170, 217, 230 University Press, ISO University studies, 140, 141 Vce soli, 24 Vaudois, the, 177 Verdon, Tho., 215, 2U5 Vere, Edw. de, earl of Oxford, S3 Vestiarian controversy, 00 Vice-chancellor, election of, 06, 67 Villicrs, Elw., earl of Jersey, 195 Virgin Mary, images of, 113 WAKE, abp., 217 Walker, Ant., 86, 87 Walker, Geo., 120 Waller, Edm., 211, 212 Walpole, Hor., 158, 159, 161 Wai pole, Robt. (Trin.), 277 Walpole, Sir Robt., 220 Warburton, Wm., 265 Ward, Dr. Sam., 127 Ward, Seth (Sid.), 127, 150 Ware, Nich. de, 1 Wariug, Edw., 235, 236 Warley, Essex, 62 Waterbeach, parish of, 160, 200, 213 Watson, Tho., 29, 45-47, 54 Watson, bp. Tho., 142, 143, 173-176, 179, 183 Watts, Is., 121 Waynfleet, bp., 20 Webster, Dr. Ri., 88 Welsh Bibles, 230 Welshmen in St. John's, 99, 103, 137 Wendy, Tho., 53 Wentworth, Tho., 115 West, Mr., heir of Dr. Gower, 203 Westminster, Abbey Church of, 13 Westminster Assembly, 118, 120, 130-132, 134, 180 Westminster, deanery of, 96 Westminster School, 110, 174, 198 Westmoreland, county of, 82, 114, 196 Who well, Wm., 289 Whichcote, Benj., 131-133 Whitakor, Wm., 17, 51, 72-76, 79, 81, 85, 89, 101, 134 White, Hen. Kirke, 263 White, Fra., 108 White, Tho., 192 Whitehall, St. John's at, 188-191 Whitgift, abp., 59, 65, 67, 70-74, 79, 90, 102 Wigge, Gilb., contractor of second court, 90, 91, 94 Wilberforce, bp. Sam., 294 Wilberforce, Wm., 256, 293 Wilby, Tho., 258 Wilde, Robt., 125 Wilkins, Mr., architect, 275 Wilkinson, Fra., 239 William, master of Hospital, 1 William lord Spencer, 123 AVilliam III. and Mary, 193, 195 Williams, abp., 98-101, 103, 105-107, 119, 149, 209, 227 Williams, Dr. Phil., 221, 222 Wiliiams, Rowl.,289 Willis, Tho., 239 Willoughby, lord, 115 Wilson, Dr. Nich., 31 Winchester College, 142 Winchester School, 101 Windebank, Sir Fra., 161 Windsor, deanery of, 169 Winthrop, S. J., 258 Winthrop, Wm., 258 Wolsey, cardinal, 15, 16, 18, 53 Wood, Ant., 125, 141, 149, 162, 200 Wood, Dr. Jas., 252, 257, 267-276, 288, 292 Wood, J. S., 287 Wood, Nic., 180 INDEX 333 Wood exhibitions, 271 Wood Norton and Swantou, rectory of, 197 Woodhill near Bury, 267 Woo ton, Hen., 216 Wordsworth, Wm., 273, 279, 280 Wotton, Wm., 186 Wren, Sir Christ'., 157, 193-195 Wren, bp. Mutt., 116 Wright, Laur., 239 Wriothesley, Hen., oarl of Southampton, 72, 123 Wriothesley, Penelope, 123 Wriothesley, Tho., earl of Southampton, 128 Wyatt, Sir Tho., 48 YATE, Rev. Chas., 269 York, duke of, 161, 169 York, Elizabeth of, 12 Yorkshire, 145, 173, 196 Young, Jo., 43 ZURICH, exiles at, 52, 53 V. \ B f or THE I UNIVERSITY ) BILLING AND SONS, LTD., PRINTERS, GUILDKORD AT ALL LIBRARIES AND BOOKSELLERS'. ^Universities of anb Gambribge TWO SERIES OF POPULAR HISTORIES OF THE COLLEGES To be completed in Twenty -one and Eighteen Volumes respectively. EACH volume will be written by some one officially connected with the College of which it treats, or at least by some member of that College who is specially qualified for the task. 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