I I

J 1 .'

■ f.

'", ■■ :

BINGHAM'S WORKS,

With the Quotations in the Original Languages, instead of merely
the References as originally given.

Just published, in Nine Volumes, 8vo. price £5. 8s. neatly bound in cloth,
THE WHOLE WORKS

THE REV. JOSEPH BINGHAM,

INCLUDING

ORIGINES ECCLESIASTICS,

OR THE ANTIQUITIES

THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH,

CAREFULLY CORRECTED ;

WITH THE

QUOTATIONS IN THE ORIGINAL LANGUAGES AT LENGTH,

Instead of merely the References as formerly given,

A NEW SET OF MAPS OF ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY,
AND LIFE OF THE AUTHOR.

LONDON:— WILLIAM STRAKER, 443, WEST STRAND.

The " Origrines Ecclesiasticae" of the learned and industrious Bingham
has been long deemed indispensable to every Student anxious to ascertain
the construction and platform of the Primitive Christian Church. At the
present time, especially, a correct knowledge of the subject he so ably
discusses is interesting, not only to the Ministers, but to every Member of
the Protestant Church.

The following Testimonies, selected from numerous others which could
be adduced, will serve to shew the estimation in which he is generally held
by all parties : —

Auguste, in his Introduction to Handbuch der Christlichen Archdologie,
p. 11, (Leipzig, 1836) says, after having spoken of some unsatisfactory

works, " But the English clergyman, Joseph Bingham, remarkahle for his
profound learning, and his spirit of unprejudiced enquiry, was the first who
published a complete Archaeology, and one worthy of the name. His
Origines or Christian Antiquities first appeared in London, 1708—1722,
in 10 parts, 8vo. Undoubtedly, the Latin translation by J. H. Grischovius
has very much contributed to the general spread of this classical work. While
Bingham was still living, a countryman of his own, A. Blackmore, prepared
an abridgement uuder the title of Summary of Christian Antiquities, London,
1722, with which Bingham was much displeased, it being published as an
original work. At a later period another abridgement appeared by an anony-
mous Roman Catholic Theologian, ' J. Bingham's Christian Antiquities, an
Abridgement from the English Edition, Augsburg, 1788-96.' The work
also called ' Lucii Paleotimi Antiquitatum S. Originum Ecclesiasticarum
summa, Venet. 1766,' is nothing more than an abridgement of Bingham's
work, the usefulness of which for both confessions is strongly indicated by
these repeated abridgements of it, as well as by the manifold use of it made
in other writings."

" Opus ipsum Binghami tam egregium est, ut merito inter libros, quibus
Antiquitates Ecclesiastical universal enarrratae sunt, principatum teneat, sive
ad rerum copiam atque apparatum ; sive ad earum explanationem animum
advertere velimus. Commendat illud se accuratiori ordine, argumentis solidis ;
sive testimoniis, quae ex ipsis fontibus hausta ac diligenter adducta sunt, per-
spicuitate atque aliis virtutibus. Ac quamvis auctor, iis addictus, qui in
Anglia pro episcoporum auctoritate pugnant, ad horum sententias veteris
ecclesias instituta trahat ; animi tamen moderationem, quum in his rebus ver-
satur, ostendit ac si quae corrigenda sunt facile fieri potest emendatio."

Walchii Bibliotheca Theologica, vol. iii. p. 671.

The Quarterly Kevievj, in an article on Christian Burial, says, " This
is traced by Bingham with his usual erudition " and in speaking of
psalmody in the early Christian Church, " of this Bingham produces
abundant evidence." And again, in an article on the Architecture of Early
Christian Churches, " much information on this subject is collected in the
' Origines Ecclesiastical' of Bingham, a writer who does equal honour to
the English Clergy and to the English Nation, and whose learning is to be
equalled only by his moderation and impartiality." — Vols. xxi. xxvii. xxxviii

" Let Bingham be consulted where he treats of such matters as you meet
with, that have any difficulty in them."

Dr. Waterland's Advice to a Young Student.

" This is an invaluable Treasure of Christian Antiquities, and deserves
the first place in works of this kind : the plan and the execution do equal
honour to the learning and industry of the Author."

Orme Bibliotheca Biblica.

" A vast body of information respecting the first Christian Churches,
and full of valuable learning on the Early State of the Church."

BlCKERSTETH.

" The Reverend and learned Mr. Bingham, in that elaborate work of his,
Origines Ecclesiasticae," &c. — Wall on Infant Baptis?n.

It is also recommended to be studied by Bishops Blomfield, Van Mildert,
Tomline, Randolph, and Coleridge ; by Dr. Burton, and in the Tracts for
the Times publishing at Oxford.

To those unacquainted with the value of the work, it may be useful to

give an analysis of the Twenty-three Books, of which the " Antiquities" is

composed: —

1. Of Christianity in general; the Names and Orders of both Clergy and Laity.
II. The Laws of the First Councils.

III. Of the Inferior Clerical Laws.

IV. Of the Election and Ordination of the Clergy ; Qualifications, See.
V. Clerical Privileges, Immunities, and Revenues.

VI. The Laws and Rules of their Lives, Services, Behaviour, &c.
VII. Of the Ascetics.
VIII. Of their Councils, Churches, &c.
IX. Of the Divisions into Provinces, Dioceses, and Parishes; with the Origin of
these Divisions.
X. Of the Catechisms, and first use of Creeds.
XI. On the Administration of Baptism.
XII On Confirmation.

XIII. Of Divine Worship in the Ancient Congregations.

XIV. Of the Service of the Catechumens.
XV. Of the Communion Service.

XVI. Of the Unity and Discipline of the Church.

XVII. Of the Exercise and Discipline among the Clergy.
XVIII. Of the Penitential Laws and Rules for doing Public Penance.

XIX. Of Absolution.

XX. On the Festivals.

XXI. On the Fasts.

XXII. On the Marriage Rites.

XXIII. On the Funeral Rites.

With Four Dissertations. In the first three, those things only briefly
described in his " Antiquities" are more fully explained. In the fourth, he
defends the English Homilies, Liturgy, and Canons, from domestic adversaries,
and particularly the French Reformers.

To this Edition is subjoined, at the foot of each page, in full, the
Greek and Latin Authorities to which Bingham appeals, in lieu of merely
the References as given in former Editions. This valuable addition will save
much time to those Scholars who possess the very numerous Works referred
to, and much expense and trouble to those who have not access to extensive
Libraries.

Just published, by William Straker,
Handsomely printed in Octavo, price 9a\ Qd. cloth, lettered,

ORIGINES BRITANNKLE;

OR, THE

ANTIQUITIES OF THE BRITISH CHURCHES.

With a Preface, concerning some pretended Antiquities relating to Britain;

BY THE

RIGHT REV. EDWARD ST1LLINGFLEET, D.D.

LATE LORD BISHOP OF WORCESTER.

In 2 vols, small $vo. price 14s.

SERMONS ON DOCTRINE AID PRACTICE;

BY THOMAS TUNSTALL HAVERFIELD, B.D.

RECTOR OF GODDINGTON; CHAPLAIN TO H. R. H. THE DUKE OF SUSSEX} AND
ALTERNATE MORNING PREACHER AT ST. ANNE's, WESTMINSTER.

Ky= Either Volume may be had separately.

Freemason's Quarterly Review,
June 30, 1835.

•' These Sermons are distinguished by a
beautiful piety, conveyed in no less beau-
tiful language. The doctrines of Christi-
anity are advanced and illustrated with an
eloquence that carries to the bosom of the
reader a firm conviction of the great truth,
awakening gratitude and admiration at the
wonderful beneficence of the Almighty."

Literary Gazette, May 16, 1835.

" Marked by genuine piety, great good
sense, and an effective style, these Sermons
deserve highly of the Christian world, to
which their own merits will recommend
them far more powerfully than any enco-
mium of ours."

British Magazine.

" Mr. Haverfield writes gracefully, and
often powerfully : the Sermons on ' Recog-
nition in a Future State' will amply repay
perusal."

Hampshire Advertiser, May 19, 1838.

" We have much pleasure in recommend-
ing to our readers these excellent discourses :
they are evidently the offspring of a vigorous
and amiable mind, bent entirely upon the
faithful and active discharge of the pastoral
duties. They breathe the spirit of genuine
piety in a chain of no common eloquence.
The great truths of our holy religion are
brought forward in a manner equally strik-
ing and impressive."

Conservative Journal, March 16, 1839.

'■ It is rarely we have read Sermons with
so much pleasure: they are eloquently
and beautifully written, and contain a clear
and faithful enunciation of the great doc-
trines of the gospel. They are well adapted
for clerical, family, and general perusal,
and deserve to be widely known."

Preparing for Publication,

A CATALOGUE

A VERY EXTENSIVE COLLECTION 0E BOOKS

9frttt£ii antr dFomgtt ^hcologg,

ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY, k &e.

ON SALE BY
WILLIAM STRAKER, 443, WEST STRAND.

Clergymen and Gentlemen desirous of receiving the same, are respectfully requested
to transmit their Names to the Publisher.

COLLIER'S ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY

GREAT BRITAIN.

Just published in Svo., price 10s 6d, neatly bound in cloth, and

lettered, Volume I. of

THE ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY

GREAT BRITAIN,

FROM THE FIRST PLANTING OF CHRISTIANITY

TO THE

REIGN OF CHARLES THE SECOND;

With a hrief account of the Affairs of Religion in Ireland.

JEREMY COLLIER, M. A.

Juvat integros accedere fontes
Atque haurire.

WILLIAM ST RAKER has just 'published the First Volume of

A NEW EDITION OF

COLLIER'S ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN,

With a Life of the Author, the Controversial Tracts connected with
the History, Notes, and an enlarged Index.

The work will be completed in nine volumes octavo, uniform with the

new edition of Bingham's Works, price 10s 6d each

volume to Subscribers.

SUBSCRIBERS ARE MOST RESPECTFULLY REQUESTED TO FORWARD THEIR
NAMES IMMEDIATELY, EITHER DIRECT TO

WILLIAM STRAKER, 443, WEST STRAND,

OR THROUGH THEIR RESPECTIVE BOOKSELLERS,

Collier's Ecclesiastical History was originally published in two
volumes, folio, between the years 1708 and 1714. As a vast treasury of
interesting information respecting the rise and progress of our British Church,
it stands unrivalled. It has been extolled by divines of all orders, for its
immense compass of investigation, and its nice minuteness of detail. Like
the celebrated work of Bingham, this elaborate composition of Collier,
must be regarded as a grand national monument of ecclesiastical learning,
without which, no episcopal or clerical library can have any pretensions
to completeness. To quote the words of a quaint writer, " Bingham and
Collier are the very sun and moon of Ecclesiastical erudition." The fact
is, however, too well known to need quotations to support it ; our best
Church historians have borrowed largely from their pages, but too often
without acknowledging the extent of their obligations.

In consequence of the increased demand of late years made for Collier's
Ecclesiastical History, the old folio edition has become extremely scarce
and expensive. The publisher therefore determined to meet the frequent
applications made to him for the work, by preparing a new edition worthy
of the public attention. It is expected that the second volume will appear
in the course of June, 1840, and each subsequent volume in each suc-
ceeding month till the work be complete.

Collier's Ecclesiastical History is thus criticized in the Biographia Bri-
tannica. " As the scheme of this work was in itself of large extent it re-
quired a great knowledge in divinity, history, and antiquity, and a very
assiduous application to the perusal of records and manuscripts as well
as a vast variety of ancient and modern authors ; so the performance itself
demonstrates very great care to have been taken, in all these respects.
The method in which this history is written is very clear and exact, his
authorities are constantly cited by the author, his remarks are short and
pertinent, and with respect to the Dissertations that are occasionally in-
serted, they are such as tend to illustrate and explain those perplexed
points of which they treat, and contribute thereby to the clearer under-
standing of the narration. The style is very uniform and grave, which is
the more remarkable, because the author in his other writings has shewn
as lively a fancy, and as much quickness of wit as any writer of his own
time. But he knew this would be improper here, and therefore it is with great
judgment avoided. He speaks modestly and respectfully of most of the
historians who went before him, and if he is any where severe, he takes

care that his reason shall go along with his censure. His own peculiar
sentiments with respect to religion and government may in some places
be discerned, but taking the whole together, it will be found as judicious,
and impartial a work as the world, in doing justice to his talents, could
have expected it."

"There are only two writers of the genuine history of our church,
who deserve the name of historians, Collier the Nonjuror, and Fuller the
Jester." Bp. Warburtoris Directions to a Student in Theology.

The work has been likewise warmly recommended by the leading pe-
riodicals of our own times. The British Magazine — The British Critic —
The Church of England Quarterly, the Quarterly Review, &c. have justly
extolled its merits.

LIST OF SUBSCRIBERS' NAMES ALREADY RECEIVED.

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ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY

GREAT BRITAIN,

<!Tf)ieflB of ISnglantr.

FROM THE FIRST PLANTING OF CHRISTIANITY, TO THE END OF
THE REIGN OF KING CHARLES THE SECOND;

WITH A BRIEF ACCOUNT OF THE

AFFAIRS OF RELIGION IN IRELAND.

COLLECTED FROM THE BEST ANCIENT HISTORIANS, COUNCILS, AND RECORDS,

JEREMY COLLIER, M.A.

NEW EDITION,

WITH A LIFE OF THE AUTHOR, THE CONTROVERSIAL TRACTS CONNECTED
WITH THE HISTORY, NOTES, AND AN ENLARGED INDEX, BY

FRANCIS BARHAM, ESQ.

Juvat integros accedere fontes,
Atque haurire. Lucret.

Nee studio, nee odio.

IN NINE VOLUMES.

VOL. I.

LONDON:

PRINTED FOR

WILLIAM STRAKER, 443, WEST STRAND.

MDCCCXL.

LONDON :

gilbert & rivington, printers,
st. John's square.

PREFACE

TO THIS NEW EDITION

COLLIER'S ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY.

Called on to prepare a new edition of Jeremy Collier's
Ecclesiastical History, its editor is conscious that he is under-
taking a task of great national interest. It is this reflection
which tends to sweeten the severe and scrupulous toil of cor-
recting the press, which might otherwise seem harsh and
ungenial. Of all labours, the labor lima?, the labor inep-
tiarum, the labor de minimis, which fall to an editor's share,
are at first sight the least fascinating or stimulating. But
when he has the happiness to know that the work on which he
expends his solicitude is essentially a noble work, when he
remembers that it is a work which illustrates and ornaments
its age and country, then he indulges a more cheery estimate
of his literary undertaking ; he elicits a delight from the very
arduousness of the enterprise — the danger's self becomes his
lure and excitement. There is " a natural and prompt
alacrity which he finds in hardness," and his conclusion is
satisfactorily summed up in the Latin paradox, " labor ipse
voluptas."

Such, at this moment, is the sentiment predominant in the
editor of the present work. He regards it with a deep rever-

a 2

iv PREFACE.

ence, affection, and love, as one of the proudest monuments of
the literature of our national Church. That which Bingham's
chef-cFoeuvre^the Origines Ecclesiasticse, is to the Catholic Church
universal, is Collier's Ecclesiastical History to our national
Church in particular. It is the grand officina and magazine,
whence the friends of our ecclesiastical constitution are to
fetch their weapons to defend her — an inexhaustible armoury
of many-languaged learning, to which her advocates may apply
without fear or anxiety.

The full value of Collier's Ecclesiastical History can be
fairly appreciated by those only who have compared its rela-
tive merits with the merits of its competitors, if competitors
they may be called. On such a comparison, it will be found
to contain infinitely more extensive and exact information
concerning the historic antiquities of the British Church,
than any other work in existence. It presents as a whole,
and entirety, what they discuss merely in fragments and scat-
tered reflections.

The spectator sees more than the actor. At this remote
distance of time, we can easily take a calmer and juster view
of Jeremy Collier and his works, than was possible for his
contemporaries or immediate followers. Such a view, there-
fore, we shall now endeavour to take and give ; and if we suc-
ceed in rescuing a great name from unjust and ungenerous
aspersions, we shall not lose our reward.

In perusing Collier's life and works in the silence of the
passions that convulsed the age in which he lived, we are
forcibly impressed with a conviction of his sincere piety and
philanthropy. He seems steadily, conscientiously, and right
practically to have promoted what he conceived to be the
cause of God and man. By noble means, he strove to com-
pass noble ends ; and if he sometimes was betrayed into errors
of judgment, we may safely assert in his favour, that " even
his frailties leaned to virtue's side."

The great leading principle that most influenced Collier's
mind was that of Catholicity. The grand theory of a catholic

PREFACE. v

and universal Christianity, which he supposed to be the true
foundation both of the Roman and the British Churches, he
constantly aspired after.

We wish to state this clearly, as it forms the key to most
of his writings. He pro-supposes an absolutely orthodox
primitive Catholic Christianity, prevalent in the Apostolic
periods. He considers this one absolute Catholic Christianity
as forming alike the true basis of the Roman Church and the
British Church. He therefore contends, that inasmuch as
true Catholicity forms the essential central element of the
Roman Church and the British Church, which sprung from it,
this Catholicity is the common bond of union and sympathy
between them.

He then goes on to argue, that as this perfect Catholicity,
or Catholic orthodoxy, got gradually overlaid in the Roman
Church by numberless excrescences of error and corruption,
so the same Catholic orthodoxy of doctrine and discipline had
been likewise overlaid in the British Church, though not to
the same degree, by various perversions and abuses.

In this brief statement will be found the key to the entire
reasoning of Collier, and the Non-jurors in general. Supposing
that Catholicity, or Catholic orthodoxy, was always one and
the same homogeneous essence, they affirmed that all which
was truly Catholic in the Roman Church perfectly united and
corresponded with all that was truly Catholic in the British
Church. On the strength of this all-pervading Catholicity,
they argued that the Roman Church, so far as it was Catholic,
and so far only, had a legitimate connection with the British
Church, so far as that was Catholic, and so far only.

Thus the Non-jurors asserted, that in virtue of a common
Catholicity, the Catholic proportions of the Roman Church
should be connected with the Catholic proportions of the British
Church, and that they should mutually influence each other.

This reciprocal connexion and influence between the Churches
as parts of one whole, were stated, by the Non-jurors, to exist
without any impeachment of rightful Christian liberty, and

vi PREFACE.

by no means implied despotic authority on one side, or base
servility on the other.

And while the Non-jurors argued so strenuously that Catho-
lic truth was the just bond of union between the two Churches,
they no less fervently asserted, that partial error was the just
wall of separation between the two Churches.

They said, " Romanists can only harmonize and correspond
with Protestants, so far as they are Catholic or orthodox — and
Protestants can only harmonize and correspond with Roman-
ists, so far as they are Catholic or orthodox."

Hence the Non-jurors, in consistency with their own prin-
ciples, were very severe against what they conceived to be the
errors of the Romish Church, or its aberrations from primitive
Catholic orthodoxy. In such errors and aberrations, they
recognised legitimate causes of alienation and separation.

While therefore the Non-jurors supposed that there still
subsisted an eternal and essential Catholicity, which could not
be destroyed or obliterated, and which bound the Roman and
the British Churches together by a divine and celestial sym-
pathy, they were no less severe on the abuses of Romanism
than were their Orange antagonists ; nay, they were more so,
just because they conceived that these abuses hindered a
general communion of saints, which they so warmly desiderated,
and which Burnet's party viewed with some indifference.

Here then resides the precise anomaly and apparent paradox
of the Non-jurors. We now see the reason why they on the one
hand so much insisted on certain essential relations which they
supposed to bind the Roman and British Churches, as harmonic
parts of one whole, and why, on the other hand, they stoutly
maintained the arguments, why the British Church should
maintain her independence.

This very same theory of Catholicity induced the Non-jurors
to praise or censure the Protestants with the same impartiality
as they did the Romanists. They asserted that the British
Church was a great branch of the Catholic Church, from the
earliest periods downwards. They maintained that her essen-

PREFACE. vii

tial being or subsistence was ever Catholic, and that Pro-
testantism was merely one development and one phase of her
progress.

Assuming this high standing as the ministers and repre-
sentatives of a national Ecclesia, subsisting complete and entire
before the name of Protestantism was ever heard of, they took
a lofty and prerogative estimate of the relative merits and
defects of Protestant mutations, that considerably astonished
and displeased the Orange advocates.

The views that the Non-jurors as a body cherished were
rather referable to the Erasmian system than the Lutheran.
The writings of Erasmus were highly popular, especially his
New Testament with Annotations, and were warmly cherished
by Latimer and Ridley before the Lutheran system came into
fashion. It has been said by Melancthon, that Erasmus laid
the egg of reformation that Luther hatched. In this country
Erasmus laid one egg of reformation and Luther another.
And to the Non-jurors, if not to our English ecclesiastics in
general, the episcopal system of Erasmus, founded on the
Fathers of the three first centuries, was far dearer than the
Lutheran Presbyterianism, which, like that of Calvin, derived
its main stay from certain dogmas of Augustine.

Be this as it will, the Non-jurors did not conceive themselves
bound in conscience or fealty to swear to the ipse dixits of the
Reformers. They knew how to value them as noble and dis-
interested truth-searchers, who had perilled and sacrificed their
lives for the promotion of Church reform, and whose writings
were full of admirable strains of devotion. But they could not
forget that these same Reformers had often made very absurd
blunders and very mischievous innovations ; that their judg-
ments were often warped by passion and prejudice, and that
several of their strongest measures had after all been little
better than the accidents of accidents. While the Non-jurors,
therefore, heartily and honestly praised many of the Reformers
for wise and philanthropical conduct, they as often censured
others for crude and jejune proceedings, that had tended

Vlll

PREFACE.

to foment the disastrous animosities subsisting between the
Roman and British Churches, and to give the latter an oblique
and perilous bias towards sectarian divisions.

Having said thus much respecting the theory of the Non-
jurors, we may clearly understand how they incurred the name
and the character they have since borne. Caring far more for
what they conceived to be Catholicity and Orthodoxy than they
did for Romanism or Protestantism, they refused to renounce
their fealty to the Stuarts, whom they considered their lawful
monarchs, and objected to take the oaths of allegiance to king
William. If they erred in judgment or in sentiment, they
evinced a sincerity that savoured nothing of selfishness or
hypocrisy. They gained nothing by their stedfastness to the
ancient dynasty, but the approbation of their consciences and
the slander of their enemies, who stepped into their vacant
preferments. Victrix causa Diis placuit, victa Catoni.

We shall also more clearly understand the principles of
Collier when he wrote this illustrious history, which is a
brilliant memorial of his talent and diligence. In learning he
was excelled by none, even of his own body, which is paying
him no niggard compliment, since the Non-jurors were the
most learned men of their age. For honesty he has received
the testimonies even of his foes, and for philanthropy the
plaudits of all posterity.

Citing a passage of the Prospectus announcing this new
edition, we may add, that Collier's Ecclesiastical History was
originally published in two volumes, folio, between the years
1708 and 1714. As a vast treasury of interesting information
respecting the rise and progress of our British Church, it stands
unrivalled. It has been extolled by divines of all orders, for
its immense compass of investigation and its nice minuteness
of detail. Like the celebrated work of Bingham, this elaborate
composition of Collier must be regarded as a grand national
monument of ecclesiastical learning. To quote the words of a
quaint writer, " Bingham and Collier are the sun and moon of
ecclesiastic erudition." The fact is, however, too well known

PREFACE. ix

to need quotations to support it. Our best Church historians
have borrowed largely from their pages, but too often without
acknowledging the extent of their obligations.

There have been plenty of the highest testimonials in favour
of this work. .If we were to cite them all, we should swell
this preface to an extravagant length.

Collier sets out with showing that there ever had existed,
during the earlier periods of history, a certain relation and
correspondence, according to a law of ecclesiastical precedence,
between the patriarch of Rome and the kings of Christendom.
It was just because the Non-jurors supposed the kings to be
divine links in the great chain of heaven-appointed powers,
connected with all sacred authorities above and below them,
that they paid the kings such unbounded reverence. They
strenuously maintained that our kings were such jure divma,
by a divine and indefeasible right, which earthly agencies could
neither confer nor take away. But they did not conceive this
right in our monarchs to be a right segregate and independent,
but a right essentially involved with the series and order of
apostolical successions in general, — a part of a vast whole, acting
and acted on by reciprocal forces, all of which were necessary
to the universal welfare.

The Jurors, on the other hand, took the view that has been so
boldly stated by Stillingfleet and Prynn, of the absolute inde-
pendent supremacy, both ecclesiastical and civil, of the British
monarchs within the realms of Britain. They endeavoured to
show that our early kings had always denied and resisted the
interference of the Roman patriarch within the limits of their
own prerogative domination ; and that, however supreme the
pope might be in the Italian states of the Church, the kings of
Britain were no less supreme within their rightful empire,
acknowledging no superior, and brooking no rival, in the
management of ecclesiastical and civil affairs in their own
hereditary islands.

The Jurors knew that if they could establish this absolute
independence of our kings, they would do much to aid the

x PREFACE.

cause of Protestantism, to which they were deeply attached.
They were loth to grant the doctrine of the de jure, and gene-
rally maintained that kings were to be reverenced on the plea
of de facto authority. But they were anxious that our monarchs
should be considered as absolutely independent of all foreign
interference.

In this opinion many of the presbyterian and puritanic
writers, who were just as exclusively attached to Protestantism,
coincided. They could not bear the idea that foreign pontiffs
should touch the supremacy of our kings by the least hint of
surveillance. But the authority they took from the pope they
kept in their own possession, and nursed it into a potent engine
of political innovation ; an engine which enabled them to depose
and create kings de facto, whenever the popular suffrage de-
manded change and revolution.

Having said thus much, the reader will pretty clearly under-
stand the relative merits of these two great sections of the
British Churchmen in the days of Collier. On one hand, were
the Stuartists, Non-jurors, or High Churchmen ; on the other
side, were the Orangeists, Jurors, or Low Churchmen. The
truth lay somewhere between these contending parties, and is
only to be recovered by listening to both candidly and fairly. Of
all the non-juring divines, none more ably defended the High-
Church theory of those times than Collier : of all the juring
divines, none so ingeniously pleaded the Low-Church system as
his antagonist Burnet.

Believing that the cause of truth is mainly advanced by the
attentive investigation of both sides of an argument, we are
rejoiced that Collier's scarce and expensive work is now to
assume a popular and accessible form, like that of his rival.
The parties of High Church and Low Church which they seve-
rally represented, are neither dead nor sleeping. On the con-
trary, they are still replenished with a strong and mantling
vitality, and are daily putting forth new developements with
astonishing energy and rapidity.

The present period therefore is singularly opportune for the

PREFACE. xi

republication of Collier's Ecclesiastical History. He will now
be read, both by his friends and opponents, with the keen and
vivid interest which the revival of the questions he discusses
will naturally attract to his work. On the relative truth or
falsehood of that work, must in a great measure depend the
result of several important controversies exercising the minds
of ecclesiastics. The respective merits of Collier and Burnet
enter into the very marrow of the discussion, now ruffling the
spirit of the religious world. The battle is to be fought on the
very grounds that these illustrious authors have pre-occupied
by their learning and eloquence. Let them have an open field,
and may God favour the right !

The editor has merely to add a word respecting this edition.
It will contain a Life of Collier, principally formed from the bio-
graphy drawn up by Dr. Campbell, the various controversial
tracts connected with the History, occasional notes, and an en-
larged index. It will be completed in nine volumes, the con-
tents of which will be arranged with due regard to order.

According to the suggestions of a correspondent, a table of
contents is prefixed to each volume, and the original pagination
has been added for the convenience of reference.

As to the notes, it is perhaps necessary to remark that they
occur only where the text appeared to demand them impera-
tively. To have written notes under any limitation less strict,
would have been to swell the volumes to an extravagant size,
by superfluous matter. There would have been no end, for in-
stance, to the comparative notes that might have been formed,
had we ventured to cite the various opinions of Dodd, Lingard,
Warner, Sharon Turner, and the numerous antiquaries of
recent date who have thrown light on the ecclesiastical antiqui-
ties of Britain. We were therefore compelled to impose a
tight rein on any discursive criticism ; and the candid reader,
under the circumstances of the case, will pardon us for not
having done more of that which his own reading will best
accomplish : he will forgive us for not having hung a note on
every peg that presented itself for the purpose.

xii PREFACE.

It is not however to be denied, that the text of Collier
needs frequent emendation on certain points of archaiology.
As a literary friend has well observed, in reference to this
edition, " Collier is perfect as to matters of Church government,
councils, and canons, but he wants information on points of
English antiquities ; and this has led to some mistakes in
matters of fact : e. (/., he speaks of the old Saxon or early
Norman minster of York, as standing in his time by the present
building ; whereas, its foundations were buried 400 years before,
under the choir as it now stands, and were not discovered till the
late fire. He might have found out his mistake, if he had only
written to any person who had seen York, so far as to know
that the old Minster was not standing ; though, as to church
architecture, probably none of his contemporaries could have
told him whether the present minster was built by Norman,
Saxon, or ancient Briton. All was blissful ignorance of such
Gothic architecture, in his time, and long after."

We would conclude by expressing our thanks to the various
literary friends who have kindly contributed their advice and
assistance during the progress of this work.

The editor has purposely retained, in most instances, Col-
lier's orthography of proper names. It seems to have been
his design to give these names according to the diverse spell-
ings that prevailed in the records he examined ; and it would
often have been too great a liberty to have erased these authen-
tic variations, in order to accord with comparatively recent
historians.

THE LIFE

JEREMY COLLIER.

The following life of Jeremy Collier is principally abstracted
from an article of Dr. Campbell's, in the Biographia Britan-
nica, and other miscellaneous works treating of the lives of
the Non-jurors.

Jeremy Collier, our author, was the son of a clergyman of
the same name, who was a considerable linguist, and for some
time master of the free school at Ipswich, in the county of
Suffolk. His grandfather likewise was a clergyman, who
settled at Bradford in Yorkshire, where he lived in esteem for
his function. His native place was Yeadon, near Bradford,
and his descent was derived from a gentleman's family of that
name, seated at Thirsk ' in the same county, in the reign of
Henry VIII.

Our author s mother was Elizabeth Smith, of Qui, Quy, or
Quire, in Cambridgeshire, where her family were possessed of
considerable interest, and related to the Sterns of that town,
being by her mother descended from the Keys, or Cays, of
Yorkshire and Lincolnshire.

In this place, Stow Qui, or Quire, in Cambridgeshire, the
subject of our memoir was born, September 23, 1650. He
was educated under his father at Ipswich, from whence he was

1 Alias Thursk, or Thrusk.

xiv THE LIFE

sent to Cambridge, and admitted a poor scholar of Caius
College, under the tuition of Mr. John Ellys. His admission
bears date April 10, 1669, in the eighteenth year of his age.
He took the degree of bachelor of arts, in the year 1672, and
that of master of arts, in 1676, being ordained deacon on the
twenty-fourth of September, the same year, by Dr. Peter
Gunning, bishop of Ely ; and priest on the twenty-fourth of
February, 1677, by Dr. Henry Compton, Bishop of London.

Having thus, in his twenty-eighth year, entered into priest's
orders, he officiated for some time at the Countess Dowager
of Dorset's, at Knowle in Kent ; from whence he removed to a
small rectory at Ampton, near St. Edmund's-Bury, in Suffolk,
to which he was presented by James Calthorpe, Esq., and
instituted by Dr. Anthony Sparrow, bishop of Norwich, Sep-
tember 25, 1679. After he had held this benefice six years,
he resigned it, and came to reside in London, in 1685, and
was sometime after made lecturer of Gray's Inn. But the
revolution coining on, the public exercise of his function became
impracticable. (Thus far this statement, with the exception
of some dates, was drawn up by Mr. Collier himself.)

He did not, however, think it compatible with his principles,
at that critical juncture, to sit down contentedly and say
nothing ; but, finding on the confusion which arose upon
king James's going to France, that the convention was in a
great measure influenced by the papers written by a clergyman,
who came over with the prince of Orange : he thought the
same liberty might be taken by a clergyman, who conceived
differently from him. Accordingly, he broke the ice, and
published the first pamphlet which appeared in defence of the
cause which he espoused. And a very sharp piece it was.

As this biography cannot be rendered perspicuous without
explaining these political and literary controversies, in which
Collier was engaged, we shall endeavour to give as clear and
concise an account of them as possible.

In the month of December, 1688, the famous Dr. Gilbert
Burnet, afterwards bishop of Salisbury, sent abroad a very

OF JEREMY COLLIER. xv

succinct and well-written pamphlet, under the title of " An In-
quiry into the present State of Affairs, and in particular whether
we owe Allegiance to the King in these circumstances, and whether
we are bound to treat with him, and call him back again or not.
Published by authority?' 1 In this piece the Doctor gives his
opinions very freely, as to the behaviour of king James, and
the conduct that was to be observed towards him, as the reader
will see from the following short quotation : — " In all that
I have said concerning his desertion, I limit my reflections to
his first leaving of Whitehall ; for the accident at Feversham,
and what followed after that, cannot be called a return to his
people. And since the seals never appeared, and the king
never spake of a parliament, nor altered his measures in any
thing, but still prosecuted his first design by his second escape ;
his deserting is still to be dated from his first going from
Whitehall. And he having given that just advantage against
himself — which came after all that series of injustice and
violence that had gone before it, no man can think that it was
not fitting to carry it as far as it would go, and not to treat
with him any more upon the foot of acknowledging him
king."

It was in answer to tins treatise, and particularly to the
argument insisted on in this passage, that Mr. Collier wrote
the piece above-mentioned, which was entitled, " The Desertion
Discussed, in a Letter to a Country Gentleman. Lond. 1688, -ito."
He labours in this short pamphlet to show, that the king, before
his withdrawing, had sufficient grounds to be apprehensive of
danger; that his leaving any representative behind him was
impracticable at that juncture ; and that there were no grounds,
either from the laws of the realm, or of nature, to pronounce
the throne void from such a retreat.

To this pamphlet of Mr. Collier's, an answer was written by
Edmund Bohun, Esq., in which he gives him the following
character : — " The author of it is my acquaintance, and a
person for whom I have a great esteem, both on account of
his profession, and of his personal worth, learning, and sobriety ;

xvi THE LIFE

so that I cannot believe he had any ill design, either in the
writing or the publishing of it. His zeal for the Church of
England's loyalty, and the difficulty and unusualness of the
present case, have been the occasions, if not the causes of his
mistake ; and therefore, I will endeavour to show him, and all
the world, his error, with as much candour and sweetness as
he himself can wish, because I have the same design in the
main as he had ; namely, the honour of the Church of Eng-
land, and the safety of our government, and especially our
monarchy. v

When the government was settled by placing king William
and queen Mary upon the throne, Mr. Collier remained firm to
the principles he had embraced as a Non-juror, and continued
not only to abstain from taking the oaths which the new legis-
lature had imposed, but laboured all that in him lay to prevent
others, more especially such as were zealous members of the
Church of England, from owning, or so much as complying,
with them. It was to this end that he wrote several warm and
bitter pieces, which in those days had their effect, and, conse-
quently, procured their author, — in the opinion of those, at
least, who were of his own party, — the character both of a
solid and a shining writer.

These literary performances gave so much offence to his
opponents, that, after the government was settled, Collier was
seized and committed to Newgate, where he continued a close
prisoner for some months ; but was at length discharged with-
out being brought to trial.

He afterwards wrote the following pieces : — "A Translation
of the 9th, 10th, 11th, and 12th Booh of Sleidan's Commenta-
ries. Lond. 1689, 4to." — "Vindiciw Juris Regii; or, Remarks
upon a paper, entitled '■An Inquiry into the measures of Submis-
sion to the Supreme Authority ? Lond. 1689, 4to. 1-1 The author
of this Inquiry was also Dr. Burnet, afterwards bishop of
Salisbury. — "Animadversions on the modem explanation of the-
Statute 11 Hen. VII. cap. 1 ; or, a King de facto. 1689, 4to.' n

As Mr. Collier now embarked in an avowed opposition to

OF JEREMY COLLIER. xvii

government, he laboured as much as he could to enlarge the
strength of the Non-jurors, the party to which he joined him-
self ; and with this view he continued to write, as the reader will
see in the following catalogue of his works, during the space of less
than two years, these treatises : — "A Caution against Inconsis-
tency ; or, the connection between Praying and Swearing, in rela-
tion to t/ie Civil Powers. 1690. 4to. vl This discourse is a dissua-
sive from joining in public assemblies. — "A Dialogue concerning
the Times, between Philobelgus and Sempronius. 1690. 4^0." —
There was another dialogue, with much the same title, printed
in 1692, and called a second part ; but it was not Mr. Collier's,
being a narrative of the Revolution ; whereas, Mr. Colliers
relates chiefly to the authority of the convention. — " To the
right honourable the Lords, and to the Gentlemen convened at
Westminster, October, 1690. Half sheet." This is a petition for
an inquiry into the birth of the prince of Wales. — "Dr. SherlocFs
Case of A llegiance considered ; with some Remarks on his Vindica-
tion. Lond. 1 69 1 ." — U A brief Essay concerning the Independency
of Church Power. 1692. ito. 11 The design of this essay is to
prove the public assemblies guilty of schism, on account of their
being held under such bishops as had assumed, or owned such
as had assumed, the sees of those who were deprived for not
complying with the government.

There is no doubt that Collier's literary conduct caused the
authorities to keep a sharp watch over his proceedings ; nor
could it be supposed that any government would neglect the
first opportunity that occurred of giving some check to so active,
so industrious, and so dangerous a man. It was not long
before such an occasion offered itself. Information was given
to the earl of Nottingham, at that time secretary of state, that
Mr. Collier, with one Mr. Newton, another non-juring clergy-
man, was gone down to Romney Marsh, which was enough to
fix a suspicion that they were either endeavouring to send
intelligence to, or were labouring to receive it from, the other
side of the water. Upon this, about the latter end of the year
1692, messengers were sent down into Kent to apprehend

vol. i. a

xviii THE LIFE

them ; which they accordingly did, and brought them to Lon-
don, where, after a short examination before the earl of
Nottingham, who charged them with being in a design against
the government, they were committed to the Gate-house ; but
as no evidence of any such design could be found, they were
admitted to bail.

So strict, however, were Mr. Collier's principles, that he had
not been long at liberty before lie began to question the con-
sistency of his own conduct in giving bail. Upon this he went
before the lord chief justice Holt, surrendered in their discharge,
and was committed to the King's Bench prison ; but upon
application of some of his friends to that most upright and
impartial judge, he was discharged in a week or ten days.

Yet even this did not content him, as appears by several
pieces of his written upon this subject. It seems that Mr.
Collier had occasionally read law, and this it was that induced
him to make a scruple of remaining upon bail ; because he
apprehended that the very recognizance by which bail was
taken, carried in it an acknowledgment of the jurisdiction of
the court in which the bail was taken, and, by consequence, of
the power from whence the authority of that court was derived.
In support of these principles, and in justification of his own
conduct, he wrote the following pieces, of which it is said there
were only five copies printed : — '•'•The case of giving Bail to a
pretended Authority examined, dated from the King^s Bench,
November, 23, 1692; with a Preface, dated December, 1692;
and a Letter to Sir John Holt, dated November 30, 1692 ; and
also a Reply to some Remarks upon the case of giving Bail, Sfc,
dated April, 1693. 11

He wrote, soon after this, "A Persuasive to Consideration, ten-
dered to the Royalists, particularly those of the Church of England.
Lond. 1693. 4to." It was afterwards reprinted in 8vo.,
together with his vindication of it, against a piece entitled " The
Layman's Apology, $•£.," written in confutation of that part of
the " Persuasive " which relates to the controversy about fre-
quenting assemblies. Another of his works of the same period

OF JEREMY COLLIER. xix

was entitled "Remarks upon the London Gazette, relating to the
Straits Fleet and the Battle of Landen, in Flanders. 1693. 4^0."

In the space of some years following, there happened nothing
that so far engaged Mr. Collier's attention as to induce him to
write against the transactions of the State, which was, generally
speaking, the subject which employed his pen. But upon the
breaking out of that which was called the Assassination Plot,
and the conviction of sir John Friend and sir William Perkins,
an incident happened which made a very great noise, and
deeply affected Mr. Collier his whole life after. The fact was
this : Mr. Collier, with Mr. Cook and Mr. Snatt, both non-
juring clergymen of his own opinion, attended those unhappy
persons at the place of execution, where Mr. Collier solemnly
absolved the former, as Mr. Cook did the latter, and all three
joined in the imposition of hands on them both. This, as
might be very well expected, produced a public sensation,
and was looked upon as a high insult on the ecclesiastical
and civil government. For this reason they fell under a severe
prosecution ; in consequence of which, Mr. Cook and Mr.
Snatt were sent to Newgate, but afterwards were released
without being brought to a trial ; and Mr. Collier, having still
his old scruple about putting in bail, absconded, and was out-
lawed, under which incapacity he remained as long as he lived.

Besides this political penalty, he had to endure the literary
lash of his opponent divines. Both the archbishops, and eleven
of their suffragans, viz., the bishops of London, Durham, Win-
chester, Coventry and Lichfield, Rochester, Hereford, Nor-
wich, Peterborough, Gloucester, Chichester, and St. Asaph,
published a very strong declaration of their sense of this scan-
dalous and outrageous proceeding. This declaration is to be
found at large in the Appendix to the third volume of the
State Tracts, in the time of king William. To this our
author wrote an answer with his usual vigour ; and, after that,
several other pieces in support of his own and his brethren's
conduct in this affair.

In order to convey a correct notion of this transaction, it

a 2

xx THE LTFE

will be necessary to quote that part of the prelates 1 declaration
which relates to the conduct of these clergymen, and in which
they show that their proceeding was not to be justified by the
doctrines or practice of the Church of England. Their words
are these : —

" For those clergymen that took upon them to absolve
these criminals at the place of execution, by laying, all three
together, their hands upon their heads, and publicly pronounc-
ing a form of absolution — as their manner of doing; this was
extremely insolent, and without precedent, either in our
Church or any other that we know of — so the thing itself was
altogether irregular. The rubric, in our office of the Visitation
of the Sick, from whence they took the words they then used,
and upon which, if upon anything in our liturgy, they must
ground this their proceeding, gave them no authority nor pre-
tence for the absolving these persons — nay, as they managed
the affair, they acted in this absolution far otherwise than is
there directed. That rubric is concerning sick persons, and it
is there required — first, that the sick person shall be moved to
make a special confession of his sins, if he feel his conscience
troubled with any weighty matter ; and then, after such confession,
the priest shall absolve him, if he humbly and heartily desire it.
But here they absolved, and that publicly, persons condemned
by law for execrable crimes, without so much as once moving
them, at that time, to make a special confession of their sins,
at least of those sins for which they were condemned. And,
on the other side, here were persons absolved that did not
humbly desire absolution, as feeling any such weighty matter
to trouble their conscience, but, on the contrary, in sir John
Friend's paper it is declared, that he had a great deal of satis-
faction in suffering for that cause which he firmly believed to be
the caus3 of God and true religion. If these ministers knew
not the state of these men's souls before they gave them
absolution, as it is manifest two of them, Mr. Cook and Mr.
Snatt, did not, as to sir William Perkins (they having since
declared that they had not spoken to sir William till they were

OF JEREMY COLLIER. xxi

at the place of execution), how could they, without manifest
transgression of the Church's order, as well as profane abuse
of the power Christ hath left with his ministers, absolve them
from their sins ? If they were acquainted with these men's
sentiments declared in their papers, then they must look upon
them either as hardened impenitcnts, or as martyrs. We are
so charitable as to believe they would not absolve them under
the former notion, for that had been, in effect, sealing them to
damnation. But if they held these men to be martyrs, then
their absolving them in that manner was a justification of those
grievous crimes for which these men suffered, and an open
affront to the laws both of Church and State. Upon consi-
deration of these things, and for the doing of right to our
Church, which may otherwise suffer among such as are stran-
gers to our constitution, by the evil principles and practices
both of the aforesaid criminals and the three clergymen that
assisted them, who all pretended to be members of the Church
of England ; we do declare, that we disown and detest all
such principles and practices, looking upon them as highly
schismatical and seditious, dangerous to the Church and State,
and contrary to the true doctrine and spirit of the Christian
religion. And we also take this occasion to warn and exhort
all the people committed to our charge to beware of such
seducers, and to avoid them, lest, as the Apostle St. Peter
speaks, they be led away by the error of the wicked, and fall
from their steadfast adherence to the principles of the true
Church of England, as it was established at the blessed re-
formation of religion, and as, by God's special providence, it
continues to this day."

What was further done in this matter, will best appear from
bishop Kennett's account, which runs thus : " On April 27,
1696, the lord chief justice Holt, of the King's Bench, did
likewise represent to the grand jury the shameful and perni-
cious practice of those three absolving priests. Whereupon
the jury made a presentment to the court, that Collier, Cook,
and Snatt, clerks, did take upon them to pronounce and give

xxii THE LIFE

absolution to sir William Perkins and Sir John Friend, at the
time of their execution at Tyburn, immediately before they
had severally delivered a paper to the sheriff of Middlesex,
wherein they had severally endeavoured to justify the treasons
for which they were justly condemned and executed. And
that they, the said Collier, Cook, and Snatt, had thereby coun-
tenanced the same treasons, to the great encouragement of
other persons to commit the like treasons, and to the scandal
of the Church of England established by law, and to the dis-
turbance of the peace of this kingdom. Upon this, the court
ordered an indictment to be preferred against them ; and, on
May the 8th, Mr. Cook and Mr. Snatt were committed to
Newgate, for suspicion of high treason and treasonable prac-
tices. But such was the lenity of the government, that no
manner of punishment was inflicted on them ; and Mr. Collier,
with great assurance, published several papers to justify his
practice.'"

The writings to which bishop Kennet referred, as published
by Mr. Collier, were these : — " A Defence of the Absolution given
to Sir William Perkins at the Place of Execution, April 3d,
with a further Vindication thereof, occasioned by a paper enti-
tled, ' A Declaration of the sense of the Archbishops and Bishops,''
8fc. ;' the first dated April 9th, 1696, the other April 21st, 1696.
To which is added, a Postscript in relation to a paper, called
an Answer to his Defence, dated April loth. Also, a Reply to
the Absolution of a Penitent according to the Directions of the
Church of England, dated May 26th, 1696. And an Answer
to the Animadversions on two pamphlets lately published by Mr.
Collier, fyc, dated July 1, 1696. 4to."

The wise lenity of the government suffered our author to
remain unmolested, notwithstanding the outlawry : and content
with having reduced him to a state of legal incapacity, his
opponents ceased to persecute him. Mr. Collier, therefore,
took advantage of the calm that succeeded these political
tempests, and employed himself in reviewing and retouching
several of his miscellaneous pieces, to which he added some

OF JEREMY COLLIER. xxiii

others, and published them in a volume of Essays. These were
so well received, that about seven years afterwards he pub-
lished a second volume, and several years after that, a third.
Collier's Essays were written upon religious, moral, and enter-
taining subjects, with such a mixture of learning and wit, and
in a style so easy and flowing, that notwithstanding the preju-
dice of party, which could not but be strong against him, they
were generally well received, and have run through many
editions since. One must indeed allow that very few books
bid fairer for universal approbation in an age which, if not
strictly virtuous, was at least highly decent, and when every
body affected a concern for promoting whatever had a tendency
to make men wiser, better, or more polite ; all winch ends
were prosecuted with great effect in this collection of essays.

The reader must not understand that this work of Collier's
was composed in the same manner as other books of this kind.
Instead of being made up of elaborate formal discourses, it
rather consists of a variety of small pieces on different topics,
which fell from the author's pen at a great distance of time ;
and after wandering most of them singly through the world,
were at last drawn thus into a body to prevent their being
lost.

The title given to them in their last edition is, " Essays on
several Moral Subjects, by Jeremy Collier, M.A . In three volumes
8vo." In order that the reader may gain a clear idea of the
contents of these volumes, which are not commonly understood
to comprehend so large a part of their author's works as they
really do — it is necessary to enter a little into particulars.
The first volume is divided into two parts, which were pub-
lished separately. The first part consists of six essays, viz.,
upon Pride, Clothes, Duelling, General Kindness, Office of a
Chaplain, and the Weakness of Human Reason. The first four
are written in the way of dialogues, and with great spirit and
vivacity : the last two are continued discourses. That on the
Office of a Chaplain is particularly laboured, and has long been
looked upon as the author's masterpiece ; the reasoning being

xxiv THE LIFE

more close, the language more exact, and the thread of the
argument better preserved than in many of the rest. His
essay on the Weakness of the Human Understanding (the title
likewise of a celebrated work of Huet) is in some measure a
declamation, but it ends with a moral reflection of great im-
portance, and which, perhaps, this gentleman did not always
keep in his mind. The passage alluded to is this : — " We
may plainly perceive that the prejudices of education have a
great stroke in many of our reasonings, and that the senti-
ments of men discover the colour of their original tinctures.
And as there are some inbred principles impregnable against
custom, so there are some customs which nature finds very
difficult to deal with.* 1

The second part contains seventeen discourses upon Fame,
Music, the Value of Life, the Spleen, Eagerness of Desire, Friend-
ship, Popularity, the Immateriality of the Soul, the Entertain-
ment of Books, Confidence, Envy, the Aspects of Men, Despair,
Covetousness, Liberty, Old Age, and Pleasure. Several of these
are written in dialogue, but most of them are set discourses,
and they are all of them calculated to inform the understand-
ing, correct the manners, and give a right turn to the thoughts
of the reader.

The second volume contains the third part, in which the
author discourses of Pain, Revenge, Authors, Infancy and Youth,
Riches and Poverty, Debauchery, Drunkenness, Usury, the
Character of an Apostle, and of Solitude. Then follows a trans-
lation of St. Gregory's Oration in praise of the Maccabees, of
the unreasonableness of ill-timed diversions, St. Cyprian's dis-
course upon the Plague, his description of the manners of the
age in which he lived, and his discourse on Patience. It is
closed by the author's Essay on Discontent, written in dialogue.
There is usually annexed to this volume (though it was printed
separately) an Essay upon Gaming, in a dialogue, which is at
once an useful, entertaining, and most instructive performance.

The third volume and the fourth part consists mostly of
religious subjects, and was written after he had published the

OF JEREMY COLLIER. xxv

first volume of his Ecclesiastical History. In this he treats of
Goodness, Fortitude, Honesty, Religious Temper, Lying, Flat-
tery, Theft, Peace, and the Resurrection. All these topics are
treated with very great plainness and freedom, and many of the
thoughts are new and singular. Such as are written in dia-
logue are well sustained, and if we abate the floweriness of the
language, which was the fashion, I will not say the fault, of
that time, it will be difficult to find any essays more capable of
affording rational pleasure than those of our author.

These commendations, which Dr. Campbell has so liberally
bestowed on Collier in the Biographia Britannica, are con-
siderably qualified by Dr. Kippis, in his enlarged edition of
that noble work. It was not to be expected that Dr. Kippis,
a Non-conformist and Dissenter, whose views were either ex-
tremely Low-Church, or altogether hostile to the ecclesiastical
establishment, should justly or generously appreciate the
merits of Jeremy Collier. The High-Church tenets of the
Non-jurors were doubtless particularly offensive to Dr. Kippis,
and in the notes he subjoins to Dr. Campbell's article, he does
what he can to obscure the fame of Collier, which is happily
too well established to be injured by his sarcasm.

That the reader, however, may have the advantage of
hearing the arguments on both sides, we have not hesitated
to insert the remarks of Dr. Kippis into this biography.
Such as they are we shall quote them literally, introducing
them into their appropriate places, along the line of the narra-
tive ; and we have not the slightest fear of their prejudicing
the minds of our readers against the subject of our memoir, as
the sectarian venom which they manifest carries its antidote in
its very nauseousness.

Thus, then, writes Dr. Kippis : —

" Though out of regard to our ingenious predecessor, Dr.
Campbell, we have retained his article on Collier without
alteration, and have done the same with relation to his other
articles, we cannot avoid, nevertheless, expressing our dis-

xxvi THE LIFE

approbation of several things which are here advanced. Re-
spect is undoubtedly due to men of ability, character, and
learning, of every party ; but yet a distinction ought to be
made between those who appear in the cause of absurdity,
bigotry, and slavery, and those who distinguish themselves on
the side of reason, moderation, and liberty. The former, how-
ever upright they might be in private life, and however honest
in their intentions, cannot be entitled to the esteem and
applause which belong to the latter. They ought not to be
spoken of in the same terms of approbation, or treated as if
their writings were equally just and meritorious. It might be
imagined, from the general tenor of Dr. Campbell's article,
that Collier deserved to be ranked among the principal orna-
ments of his country ; and yet, whoever attends to the inci-
dents of his life, and considers the list of his works, will per-
ceive that he was engaged in defending the most flagrant
absurdities, and in exercising the most determined hostilities
against the civil and religious interests of these kingdoms.
The very mention of several of the subjects he wrote upon
would be sufficient in the present age to expose the extreme
narrowness of his mind. His treatment of the most respect-
able characters can never be justified. In a pamphlet of his,
entitled ' Remarks upon some late Sermons,'' he reflected on
the excellent archbishop Tillotson with uncommon bitterness
and indecency, and when properly animadverted on by Dr.
John Williams, persisted in defending his conduct.

" Collier's Essays may be reckoned among the most valuable
of his writings, but yet they do not by any means deserve the
praises which Dr. Campbell has bestowed on them. Though
not destitute of ingenuity, they are composed in bad taste.
The author is fond of point and antithesis, and his language is
quaint and affected. This part of his works was, indeed, much
admired and extolled for a time, but could not stand the test
of just criticism. The improprieties of composition with which
the Essays abound were well and amply exposed in a book now

OF JEREMY COLLIER. xxvii

little known, though of considerable merit, written by a Mr.
Constable, and the title of which is ' Reflections on the Accu-
racy of Style. 1 The reputation of Collier as a polite author
quickly subsided. Dr. Campbell, therefore, was particularly
unfortunate in saying of his Essays, that very few books bade
fairer for universal estimation. 11 So much for Dr. Kippis 1
criticism. " Who shall decide when doctors disagree V

Let us return to the text of our narrative.

The very next year after the publication of the Miscellaneous
Essays, Mr. Collier made an attempt to reform the stage,
which involved him in a very brisk controversy with the
greatest wits and ablest writers of the age. In this he ac-
quitted himself with so much force and vivacity, that the most
considerable of his antagonists were obliged not only to quit
the field of battle, but to confess that they were vanquished.
And though some of them did not do this with the best grace,
yet as their failing in point of manners ought to be attributed
to the smart of their wounds, it is very far from reflecting on
the merit of our author, whose animadversions actually pro-
duced both repentance and amendment, and were the original
cause of that decorum which has been for the most part ob-
served by the subsequent writers of dramatic poetry.

It was certainly a very bold thing in Mr. Collier to attack at
once the wits and witlings of those times. Among the first
were Dryden, Congreve, and Vanbrugh ; among the latter
were Tom Durfey and many more. But he is decidedly to be
commended for forming so good a design as that of reducing
the stage to order, and thereby preventing the morals of man-
kind from being corrupted, where they ought to be amended.

Mr. Collier considered the stage in its original and proper
nature as a grand moral institution, which ought to subserve
and co-operate with the pulpit in correcting national manners.
As the pulpit was in his estimation to be regarded as the main
enforcer of the true religion, so he conceived that the stage
should be the main enforcer of the true morality. That it

xxviii THE LIFE

should perpetually illustrate the highest ethical principle by
practical examples. He knew that, as Homer sings,

Example is a living law, whose sway
Men more than all their written laws obey.

And therefore he was particularly anxious that the whole
energy of dramatic example should be directed to philanthro-
pical ends.

He sought rather to reform the stage than to destroy it.
He regarded it as a noble and necessary institution which ought
to be maintained, but maintained for the national benefit, not
injury. He wished it to exhibit virtue in her heroic and trium-
phant struggles before the people, that they might thereby be
incited to a stirring emulation for her highest achievements.
He wished to see vice and folly exposed in all their baseness,
anguish, and absurdity, that the spectators might be saved from
the personal experience of their bitterness. It is no wonder
that a man who cherished views of the stage and the drama, so
holy and so pure, should have been infinitely scandalized at
the numberless monstrosities and obscenities that were spawned
by the play-writers of the time. He gallantly attacked them
and defeated them, and to him posterity are indebted for the
comparative integrity and propriety of modern theatricals.
Even in the height of his indignancy, Collier never forgot that
his purpose was rather to reform than to destroy, and his trea-
tises on the subject are distinguished by a very different spirit
from that which animates Mr. Low's book, entitled " The
Absolute Unlawfulness of Stage Entertainments ."' ,

A new reformation of the stage and drama is now demanded,
and we trust a new Collier will arise with the same noble energy
to carry it into execution. Meantime, the history of Collier's
controversy will be found highly instructive and entertaining,
and it will serve to prepare the way for those that wish to follow
in the same track.

The first treatise published by our author on this topic, was

OF JEREMY COLLIER. xxix

entitled " A short View of the Immorality and Profaneness of
the English Stage, together with the sense of Antiquity upon this
Argument. Lond. 1698, 8vo." It is a very methodical and
learned work. He begins with shewing the immodesty and
indecency of the stage, and the ill consequences that attend it.
He proves next, that the Greek and Roman theatres were
much more inoffensive than the English ; and then produces
the authorities of Ben Jonson, Beaumont and Fletcher, and
the French poet, Corncille, against the modern stage. He
proceeds to open the indictment by a charge of profaneness,
which he supports by instances, from several pieces of Dryden,
Otway, Congreve, and Vanbrugh. His second charge is the
abuse of the clergy. His third relates to immorality, encou-
raged by the stage. He then descends to some remarks on
Amphitryon — exposes the horrid profaneness of the comical
history of Don Quixote — then criticises the "Relapse, or Virtue
in Danger." He concludes with producing the opinions of the
heathen philosophers, orators, and historians ; the restraint
imposed on the stage by the laws in several countries, and the
sentiments of the Fathers of the Church.

In answer to this, Mr. Congreve published a little piece,
entitled, " Amendment of Mr. Colliers false and imperfect
Citations from the ' Old Bachelor," 1 the '•Double Dealer. ' <§•<?."" It
must be allowed, that in this piece, the ingenious author is
very hard put to it, and struggles with infinite difficulty to give
a fair gloss to passages, that in the natural sense of the words
convey a very different meaning. And besides this, there is
an air of anger and resentment running through the whole
piece, which plainly shows how much the author felt the weight
of that censure he endeavours to ridicule, and would be
thought to despise. Mr. Vanbrugh, afterwards Sir John
Vanbrugh, likewise published a small piece in support of his own
performances, under the title of " A short Vindication of the
'Relapse 1 and the ' Provoked Wife ; ,VI but this was very far from
dejecting or silencing our author. He thought that he had a
good cause, and that he was able to manage it with as much

xxx THE LIFE

sense and spirit as any of his adversaries. And he found by-
experience, too, that he was as well heard as they were by the
public. All these considerations encouraged him to return to
the charge, and defend what he had written, not only against
these, but against several other authors, who thought fit to
enter the lists on the side of the poets against the priest.

His pieces in reply, were entitled "A Defence of the ' Short
View? fyc, being a Reply to Mr. Congreves ' Amendment? $r.,
and to the Vindication of the Author of the ' Relapse? Lond.
1699, 8vo." — '•'•A Second Defence of the '•Short View? fyc,
being a Reply to a book, entitled ' The Ancient and Modem
Stages Surveyed? 8fc. Lond. 1700, Svo. 11 The book here re-
plied to was written by Dr. Drake. — " Mr. Colliers Dissuasive
from the Playhouse, in a Letter to a Person of Quality, occasioned
by the late calamity of the Tempest. Lond. 1703, 8vo." — " A
further Vindication of the ' Short View? fyc, in which the Ob-
jections of a late booh, entitled ' The Defence of Plays? are
considered. Lond. 1708, 8vo." — This" Defence of Plays"
has Dr. Filmer for its author.

We have already stated what was the event of this long-
dispute, in support of which, we shall adduce what Mr.
Dryden says on the subject, in the preface to his Fables. " I
shall say the less of Mr. Collier (writes Dryden), because in
many things he has taxed me justly, and I have pleaded guilty
to all thoughts and expressions of mine, which can be truly ar-
raigned for obscenity, profaneness, and immorality, and retract
them. If he be my enemy, let him triumph ; if he be my
friend, and I have given him no personal occasion to be other-
wise, he will be glad of my repentance. It becomes me not to
draw my pen in defence of a bad cause, when I have so often
drawn it for a good one. Yet, it were not difficult to prove
that in many places he has perverted my meaning by his
glosses, and interpreted my words into blasphemy and bawdry,
of which they were not guilty. Besides, that he is too much
given to horseplay in his raillery, and comes to battle like a
dictator from the plough. I will not say that the zeal of God's

OF JEREMY COLLIER.

XXXI

house hath eaten him up, but I am sure that it lias devoured
some part of his good manners and civility. It might also be
doubted, whether it were altogether zeal which prompted him
to this rough manner of proceeding. Perhaps it became not
one of his function to rake into the rubbish of ancient and
modern plays. A divine might have employed his pains to
better purpose, than in the nastiness of Plautus and Aristo-
phanes, whose examples, as they excuse not me, so it might
possibly be supposed that he read them not without some
pleasure. They who have written commentaries on those
poets, or on Horace, Juvenal, and Martial, have explained
some vices, which, without their interpretation, had been un-
known to modern times. Neither has he judged impartially
between the former age and us. There is more bawdry in one
play of Fletcher's, called ' The Custom of the Country, 1 than in
all ours together ; yet this has been often acted on the stage,
in my remembrance. Are the times so much more reformed
now than they were twenty-five years ago ? If they are, I
congratulate the amendment of our morals. But I am not to
prejudice the cause of my fellow-poets, though I abandon my
own defence. They have some of them answered for them-
selves, and neither they, nor I, can think Mr. Collier so for-
midable an enemy, that we should shun him. He has lost
ground at the latter end of the day, by pursuing his point too
far — like the prince of Conde at the battle of Seneff. From
immoral plays to no plays ab abusu ad usum non valet consequen-
tia. But being a party, I must not erect myself into a judge."
The first part of this Mr. Drydens apology is so very decent,
and withal so very just, that one cannot help being sorry he
did not rest it there. But as to what follows, it is little to
the purpose. He has owned that Mr. Collier has shown him
his faults, and yet he is out of humour that they were shown.
Was it in his power to prove his charge against the stage any
other way than he has done ? Did not the quibbling and prevari-
cation of his antagonists compel him to explain things so
broadly ? And might not any criminal at the bar charge the

xxxii THE LIFE

attorney-general with being a traitor in his heart, for setting
forth, and insisting on his own treasons, with the same force
of argument that is used in retorting upon Mr. Collier. The
truth is, that men offend with gaiety of fancy, but repent with
bitterness of soul. And this is the reason, that though they
cannot help owning the physic has done them good, yet they
cannot avoid bearing ill-will to the doctor.

To these remarks of Dr. Campbell's, Dr. Kippis adds the
following notes.

The work of Mr. Collier that has been the most celebrated,
and which has produced the greatest effect, was his " View of
the Immorality and Profaneness of the English Stage. 1 ' Dr.
Johnson's account of the attention it excited, and the contro-
versy occasioned by it, is too interesting to be omitted. We
therefore quote the following passages from his " Lives of the
Poets."

" About this time (says Dr. Johnson), began the long-con-
tinued controversy between Collier and the poets. In the
reign of Charles the First, the Puritans had raised a violent
clamour against the drama, which they considered as an enter- ,
tainment not lawful to Christians — an opinion held by them in
common with the Church of Rome. And Prynne published
Histriomastw, a huge volume, in which stage-plays were cen-
sured. The outrages and crimes of the Puritans afterwards
brought their whole system of doctrine into disrepute : and
from the Restoration, the poets and the players were left at
quiet — for to have molested them, would have had the appear-
ance of puritanical malignity.

" This danger, however, was worn away by time : and Collier,
a fierce and implacable Non-juror, knew that an attack upon the
theatre would never make him suspected for a Puritan. He
therefore, in 1698, published ' A short View of the Immorality
and Profaneness of the English Stage;'' I believe with no other
motive than religious zeal and honest indignation. He was
formed for a controversialist, with sufficient learning, with
diction vehement and pointed, though often vulgar and incor-

OF JEREMY COLLIER. xxxiii

rect, with unconquerable pertinacity, with wit in the highest
degree keen and sarcastic, and with all those powers exalted
and invigorated by just confidence in his cause.

" Thus qualified and thus incited, he walked out to battle,
and assailed at once most of the living writers, from Dryden to
Durfey. His onset was violent. Those passages which, while
they stood single, had passed with little notice, when they were
accumulated and exposed together, excited horror. The wise
and the pious caught the alarm, and the nation wondered why
it had so long suffered irreligion and licentiousness to be openly
taught at the public charge.

" Nothing now remained for the poets but to resist or fly.
Dryden's conscience or his prudence, angry as he was, withheld
him from the conflict : Oongreve and Vanbrugh attempted
answers. Congreve, a very young man, elated with success,
and impatient of censure, assumed an air of confidence and
of security. His chief artifice of controversy is to retort on
his adversary his own words ; he is very angry, and hoping to
conquer Collier with his own weapons, allows himself in the
use of every term of contumely and contempt. But he has the
sword without the arm of Scanderbeg ; he has his antago-
nist's coarseness, but not his strength. Collier replied, for
contest was his delight ; he was not to be frighted from Ins
purpose or his prey.

" The cause of Congreve was not tenable : whatever glosses
he might use for the defence or palliation of single passages,
the general tenor and tendency of his plays must always be
condemned. It is acknowledged with universal conviction,
that the perusal of his works will make no man better. And
their ultimate effect is to represent pleasure in alliance with
vice, and to relax those obligations by which life ought to be
regulated.

" The stage found other advocates, and the dispute was pro-
tracted through ten years. But at last comedy grew more
modest, and Collier lived to see the reward of his labour in the
reformation of the theatre.

vol. i. b

xxxiv THE LIFE

" Of the powers by which this important victory was
achieved, a quotation from '■Low for Love,'' and a remark upon
it, may afford a specimen.

" ' Sir Samson. Samson is a very good name, for your Sam-
sons were strong clogs from the beginning.

" ' Angelica. Have a care. If you remember, the strongest
Samson of your name pulled an old house over his head at
last.''

" Here (says Collier) you have the sacred history burlesqued,
and Samson once more brought into the house of Dagon to
make sport for the Philistines. "

The author of the Supplement to Mr. Dodsley's Preface to
his Select Collection of Old Plays, has likewise given a short
account of this controversy, which deserves to be inserted, as it
contains two or three curious facts not hitherto noticed.

" While the rival theatres (says he) were contending against
each other with inveterate malice, an enemy to the very tole-
ration of dramatic entertainments appeared, who with consider-
able ability, and with all the rigid puritanical maxims of a severe
sect, attacked the stage on account of its profaneness and
immorality. This was the celebrated Jeremy Collier, who, in
1698, published a book containing a sharp invective against the
acting of plays, the profligacy of performers, and the licentious-
ness of the poets. Having some truth and justice on his side,
the advocates of the theatre found themselves hard pressed to
answer the charges brought against their favourite diversion.
It cannot be denied but that many authors, and some in great
favour with the public, had written in a manner which war-
ranted the censure of every person who professed the least
regard to piety or decency. Mr. Collier was opposed by Con-
greve, Vanbrugh, Dryden, Dennis, and others, with wit and
humour, but without confuting the objections which had been
started either against themselves individually, or against the
stage in general. The public opinion ran so much against the
defenders of the theatre, and in favour of their enemy, that
king William considered Mr. Collier's book as a work which

OF JEREMY COLLIER. xxxv

entitled the author of it to some lenity in a prosecution then
carrying on in consequence of errors in his political conduct.
This controversy produced as much as could have been wished
for from it. Mr. Cibber observes, that the calling our dramatic
authors to this strict account, had a wholesome effect on those
who wrote after this time. They were henceforward, a great
deal more on their guard; indecencies were no longer wit; and
by degrees the fair sex came again to fill the boxes on the first
day of a new comedy, without fear or censure.

"To forward the stage's reformation, prosecutions were com-
menced against some of the performers for repeating profane
and indecent words. Several were found guilty, and Betterton
and Mrs. Bracegirdle were actually fined. These severities
were not entirely thrown away. From this period may be
dated the introduction of that more refined taste which hath
done so much credit to the British theatre.'"

To this eulogy Dr. Kippis adds, as usual, one of his dispa-
raging annotations in these words : " An author who seems to
inherit Mr. Collier's principles concerning passive obedience and
non-resistance, as well as his aversion to theatrical entertain-
ments in general, has lately given the following high character
of his attack on the stage. ' I question (says the writer we
refer to,) whether any man can read Swift's Tale of a Tub, or
Don Quevedo's Visions, without finding himself the worse for
it. In regard to all such indiscreet applications of wit, every
young student should guard his mind and rectify his judgment
by reading Mr. Collier's View of the Profaneness and Immo-
rality of the English Stage ; a book which brought Dryden
himself to repentance, and does indeed beggar every work upon
the same argument. It is the triumph of wit over scurrility,
of piety over profaneness, of learning over ignorance, and of
Christianity over Atheism.' (Letters from a Tutor to his
Pupils.) This encomium (adds Kippis) is carried too far, and
especially the assertion that Collier's book beggars every work
upon the same argument. It is not to be compared with Rous-
seau's famous treatise in answer to D'Alembert, concerning the

xxxvi THE LIFE

question whether there ought to be a theatre at Geneva.
Rousseau, in his reasoning against dramatic entertainments,
particularly in small cities, is profound, philosophical, and dis-
criminating ; whereas Collier is harsh and violent, and does not
make the proper distinction between the use and abuse of plays. , ' >

Mr. Collier's abilities and industry were next exercised in a
much larger work than any he had hitherto undertaken,
which was that of making Moreri's celebrated French Dic-
tionary of Biography and History useful to the English nation,
by a translation with additions. In this undertaking he laboured
for many years with great success, taking all the precautions
possible to be well informed as to the new articles he published.
So well were his endeavours in this respect received by the
public, notwithstanding some exceptions that were taken to
them, that few books have met with a better fate, or longer
maintained their credit.

This work was entitled, " The great Historical, Geographical,
Genealogical, and Poetical Dictionary, fyc. four volumes, folio."
We shall give a brief account of the different times in which
the several parts of this Dictionary were published, and of other
circumstances relating to them that may be worth the reader's
knowing. The two first volumes were printed in the year 1701,
and the author gave notice in his preface, that such of the
articles as were of a later date than the year 1688, were com-
posed by another hand. The third volume was published under
the title of U A Supplement, t^c." in 1705, and was reprinted in
1727. It is in the preface to this, that he answers the objec-
tions made to his conduct; and to prevent those articles being-
taken for his, which in this volume also were written by another
hand, they are placed under another alphabet. The fourth and
last volume, which, in the title-page is called " An Appendix,
#e." as in reality it is to the other three, was printed in 1721.

The spirit and temper of this Dictionary is very fairly stated
by Mr. Collier himself : " In relating the history of men, (says
he,) I have not been swayed by any bias of principles or fancy,
nor ever flourished nor depressed any character, out of par-

OF JEREMY COLLIER. xxxvii

tiality or disgust. I am much better pleased with commenda-
tion than satire, and therefore I have rather chosen to sink
and soften the hardest part of a narration, than set it out in
terms of vehemence and aggravation. The dead are under
sentence in the other world, and therefore should not be pro-
secuted here without necessity. It is true, the public interest
is sometimes an exception to this charitable rule, for in such
cases, those who have done great mischief, and been a nuisance
to mankind, ought to have their memory branded and executed,
as it were, in effigy . 11

This Dictionary is fairly entitled to be classed among the
great national works of literature which distinguished the
eighteenth century. It far excelled any thing of the kind that
had been executed in our own language before, and in its appro-
priate sphere has been surpassed by none of its competitors
that have appeared since. " It is certainly (says Dr. Campbell)
a great treasure of historical, geographical, and poetical learn-
ing, and is not only very useful and entertaining to young scho-
lars, who may by the help of it acquire much knowledge, and
enter thoroughly into the meaning of the books they read on
any of these branches of literature, but even to persons of the
greatest abilities and most comprehensive science, who have
but small libraries, and live at a distance from London and the
two Universities. Yet this work is certainly capable of great
improvements, and these might be made without enlarging the
bulk, for it might be reduced under one alphabet : whereas, at
present there are four or five. And as by this means a multi-
tude of repetitions, alterations, and corrections might be thrown
out, so this would make room for new articles,- which might
easily be found in the last edition of Moreri's Dictionary, now
enlarged to seven volumes folio. The learned reader will easily
discern that this is no reflection either upon Mr. Collier's memory
or his performance, since he did all that was possible to be done
at the time he wrote ; and the inconveniences before mentioned
were unavoidable, from his manner of publication, as that, too,
with respect to him, was a matter, not of choice, but of necessity.'' 1

xxxviii THE LIFE

This praise is again diluted by Dr. Kippis in an annotation,
which runs thus : — " Mr. Collier's writings have their merit
and utility. He was a diligent and laborious compiler ; but his
Historical Dictionary does not seem at present to be much in
use and estimation. It is very little service that we have
hitherto been able to derive from it in the prosecution of the
Biographia Britannica. 11

After the accession of queen Anne to the throne, great
endeavours were used to recover Mr. Collier to the Church, by
inducing him to comply with the terms prescribed by the
State. All efforts of this kind, however, though supported not
only with general promises of preferment, but with more par-
ticular assurances, were ineffectual ; and Mr. Collier remained
among the non-juring clergy, as seeing no reason to alter his sen-
timents from any change that had happened, and being incapable
of dissembling an alteration for the sake of temporal views.

About the same time that he published the first volume of
his Dictionary, he likewise obliged the world with a very elegant
translation from the Greek of that famous book of the emperor
Marcus Antoninus, which has done more credit to his memory
than even his excellent administration of public affairs, during a
reign which does honour to the Roman history. (See the Life
of this emperor, translated from the French of M. Dacier,
prefixed to that work.)

Mr. Collier's translation was universally well received on its
first appearance, and continues to be read with all the applause
that so well-written and so useful a treatise of moral philosophy
deserves. This work has since borne three impressions, all of
them under the following title : — " The Emperor Marcus Antoni-
nus, his Conversation with himself; together with the Preliminary
Discourse of the learned GataJcer, fyc. ; to which is added, the
Mythological Picture of Cebes the Theban, Sfc, translated into
English from their respective originals. London, 1701. 8vo."

This is one of the best collections we have in the English
tongue of the morals of the ancients ; and in conjunction with
the works of Plutarch, Epictetus, Seneca, and Cicero, will

OF JEREMY COLLIER. xxxix

make an admirable library of that kind. The pieces of which
it is composed are very well chosen, and illustrate each other
perfectly, so as to render all the passages in them clear and
intelligible ; and yet it is of a very moderate size, and has
nothing in it redundant or foreign to the purpose.

We now come to treat of a far more important work, on
which the fame of Collier is mainly founded. The situation of
those times, and many worthy and generous patrons of what-
ever regarded the honour of this kingdom who then flourished,
encouraged Mr. Collier to hope that the Ecclesiastical History
of Great Britain, which in the extent he intended it had never
been attempted by any Protestant writer before, might meet
with general acceptance. Accordingly, proposals were pub-
lished for sending abroad such a work, and the offer very well
received, and such encouragements given, as induced him to
prosecute with diligence the great design he had formed, and at
length finished, of a copious History of Church Affairs, from
the first entrance of Christianity into this island to the end of
the reign of Charles II. This all parties allowed to be a work
of great labour and learning, methodically and elegantly written,
but in other respects they differed, as might be well supposed,
in their judgments concerning its merits.

The first volume of this work was published in 1708, and
after the pains it had cost him, our author thought a season of
repose necessary, or, as he himself expresses, judged it conve-
nient to breathe a little after a folio, yet without dropping, or
so much as discontinuing, his former design. But knowing
that it required not only assiduity and vigilance, but the
utmost prudence and circumspection likewise, he chose to act
cautiously, and rather to apologize to the public for his delay,
than to precipitate matters in order to hurry his work through
the press.

In the year 1713, Jeremy Collier was consecrated a bishop
by Dr. George Hickes, who was himself consecrated suffragan
of Thetford by the deprived bishops of Norwich, Ely, and.
Peterborough, February 23, 1694.

xl THE LIFE

In the succeeding year, 1714, came abroad Collier's second
volume of his Ecclesiastical History, which met with a different
reception from persons of different sentiments, being applauded
by some and censured by others. Of the latter, there were
those who made a considerable figure in the learned world,
against whose objections our author thought it incumbent on
him to write.

This great work was published in two volumes, folio. It was
entitled, "An Ecclesiastical History of Great Britain, cliiejiy of
England, from the first planting of Christianity to the end of the
Reign of King Charles II., with a brief Account of the Affairs of
Religion in Ireland ; collected from the best Historians, Councils,
and Records. London. 2 vols, folio. 1708 — 1714."

As the scheme of this work (says Dr. Campbell) was in
itself of large extent, it required a great knowledge of divinity,
history, and antiquity, and a very assiduous application to the
perusal of records and manuscripts, as well as a vast variety of
ancient and modern authors ; so the performance itself demon-
strates very great care to have been taken in all these respects.
The method in which this History is written is very clear and
exact ; his authorities are constantly cited by the author ; his
remarks are short and pertinent ; and with respect to the
dissertations that are occasionally inserted, they are such as
tend to illustrate and explain those perplexed points of which
they treat, and contribute thereby to the clearer understanding
of the narration. The style is very uniform and grave, which is
the more remarkable, because the author in other writings has
shown as lively a fancy, and as much quickness of wit, as any
writer of his own times ; but he knew that this would be
improper here, and therefore it is with great judgment avoided.
He speaks modestly and respectfully of most of the historians
that went before him ; and if he is any where severe, he takes
care that his reason shall go along with his censure. His own
peculiar sentiments, with respect to religion and government,
may in some places be discerned ; but taking the whole
together, it will be found as judicious and impartial a work as

OF JEREMY COLLIER. xli

the world, in doing justice to his talents, could have expected
it.

Yet, as we have already hinted, it was far enough from
escaping the censure of the critics, though the first volume
was much happier in this respect than the second — in speak-
ing of which, we shall show who those critics were, as well as
the titles of the pieces written by our author in his own de-
fence, and in justification of his History.

As the second volume of his Ecclesiastical History, com-
mencing with the reign of Henry VIII., took in the entire
account of the Reformation, and the struggles with the Puri-
tans, from their first appearance to the overturning our con-
stitution, in Church and State : so it must naturally be sup-
posed, that a man of Mr. Collier's principles could never treat
these delicate subjects without affording some room for such
as were desirous of criticising him to take offence. Dr.
Nicholson, bishop of Derry, has treated him with great
severity, not to say more, in the character he has given of
his works. Bishop Burnet and bishop Kennct, who were
infinitely better judges, as well as writers, have corrected him
with great decency. Mr. Collier defended himself against
them all, in the pieces of which we shall presently speak. But
before we come to them, it may not be amiss to remark a
shining instance of his impartiality, and that is in disculpating
the Presbyterians from the false and scandalous imputations
that have been thrown upon them, as if they consented to,
or at least temporized in the murder of king Charles I.
From this he has vindicated them with equal perspicuity and
justice, and has fully shown, that as they only had it in their
power to oppose, so, to the utmost extent of that power, they
did oppose and protest against that bloody fact, both before
and after it was committed.

The pieces written by Collier, in defence of his History, are
these : — " An Answer to some Exceptions in Bishop Burnefs
third part of the History of the Reformation, fyc. against Mr.
Collier 'a Ecclesiastical History ; together with a Reply to some

xlii THE LIFE

Remarks in Bishop Nicholson's English Historical Library, Sfc.
upon the same subject. Lond. 1715, fol." — "Some Remarks on
Dr. Kennefs second and third Letters, wherein his Misrepresen-
tations of Mr. Colliers Ecclesiastical History are laid open, and
his Calumnies disproved. Lond. 1717, folio and octavo." In
the octavo edition it is called, " Some Considerations" &c.

But Collier's Ecclesiastical History scarcely needs such
defences. Its fame is too well established by that best of
critics, Time, to require adventitious support. The experience
of all scholars who have carefully and impartially examined it,
attests its superiority. It is, in fact, the only work entitled
to class as the text-booh of our Church Antiquities. It is,
emphatically, the Ecclesiastical History of Britain — to which
all similar works must be referred as to the legitimate centre,
from which they radiate, and to which they must contribute
their scattered illustrations.

This is the opinion of no less a man than bishop Warbur-
ton, a scholar singularly well qualified to form a fair judgment
on such a subject. In his directions as to the best method of
studying our Church history as a science, he names Collier as
the facile princeps. " We have only two historians," says he,
" of our national Church worthy of the title, — Collier the non-
juror, and Fuller the jester." Fullers history is indeed a
capital work, but it is far less complete and exact than Col-
lier's, which succeeded it, including its best information, and
adding a vast multitude of original details.

In conscientiously bestowing these commendations on Col-
lier's Ecclesiastical History, we by no means wish to imply
that the work is perfect. Pope's verses are too true, too self-
evident, to admit of refutation.

" The man who hopes a perfect work to see,
Hopes what ne'er was, nor is, nor e'er shall be.''''

This History is occasionally too deeply coloured by its
author's party prejudices, and sometimes carelessly composed
in point of style and expression.

OF JEREMY COLLIER. xliii

Dr. Kippis, however, is certainly too severe in this note which
he subjoins to Dr. Campbell's remarks : " Collier's Ecclesiastical
History, 1 ' says Kippis, " is not destitute of ability and learn-
ing, but it is written on such narrow principles as must ever
detract from its reputation." Bishop Burnet's character of it,
we apprehend to be too just to be reasonably called in ques-
tion. " I shall say no more of this work," says the bishop,
" but that there appeared to me, quite through the second
volume, such a constant inclination to favour the Popish doc-
trine, and to censure the Reformers, that I should have had a
better opinion of the author's integrity, if he had professed
himself not to be of our communion, nor of the communion of
any other Protestant Church."

The impartial readers of the nineteenth century will form a
somewhat different estimate of Collier. In him they will re-
cognise a man who strove gallantly, and not unsuccessfully, to
emancipate his mind from the various prejudices of the sects,
so outrageous and virulent in his unhappy age. If, in his
endeavours to work out this psychological freedom, so neces-
sary for one who seeks to attain the divine and Catholic ortho-
doxy, shared among all Churches, and monopolized by none,
Collier seems occasionally to have leaned with too favourable
an inclination toward the Roman doctrine and discipline,
we must not forget that his antagonists of the Low Church,
Orange, and Presbyterian party, were still more culpable, in
their exclusive partiality for everything called Protestant.
They too often forgot that Protestantism was valuable so far
only as it was a just development of divine truth and philan-
thropy ; and that whenever it impeded their progress, it was
chargeable with numerous evils and calamities.

Not that Collier, in his heart, did not prefer the Protestant
system to its rival. We sincerely believe that he did. All
the tendencies of his education and connexions doubtless in-
duced him to this preference. We believe he would have laid
down his life, as readily as any martyr in the page of Fox, for
the defence of Protestant liberties and privileges within their

xliv THE LIFE

proper sphere. From his several writings, it appears that he
detested the bigotry and superstition that had gradually over-
laid the original glories of the Roman Church as cordially as
any man alive. But he was not the less conscious, but rather
the more so, that Protestantism likewise had exhibited her
own forms of ultraism, extravagance, and oppression. And
therefore he could not be exactly what his antagonists and
detractors too often were — the thick- and-thin defender of
everything Protestant, good, bad, and indifferent.

It is too clear, however, that Collier's judgment was, in
these ecclesiastical disputes, sometimes warped by polemical
passions. In Mr. Gutch's Miscellanea Curiosa, (vol. ii. p. 186,)
are preserved, " Observations upon the Remarks of Mr. Col-
lier, in his Ecclesiastical History, on several passages in Bishop
Burnet's History of the Reformation," by the learned Mr.
John Lewis, of Margate. It is apparent, from these observa-
tions, that Mr. Collier's dislike of that excellent prelate ren-
dered him guilty of grossly misrepresenting him in a variety of
instances.

Between the years 1716 and 1720, Mr. Collier appears to
have waged another sharp controversy. The nature of it may
be judged from the title of a volume now lying before us : " A
Collection of Tracts, written by the late reverend and learned
Jeremy Collier, A.M., for restoring some Prayers and Directions
as they stand in the Communion Service of the first English Re-
formed Liturgy, compiled by the Bishops in the second and third
years of King Edward VI., containing the following pieces: viz.
1. Reasons for restoring the said Prayers and Directions ; 2. A
Defence of the said Reasons, being a Reply to a Booh entitled, ' No
Reasons for restoring them' 1 (by Spinkes); .3. A Vindication of the
Reasons and Defence, part 1 ; 4. The Vindication of the Reasons
and Defence, part 2 ; 5. A further Defence of the said Reasons.''' 1
These liturgical tracts evince Collier's profound acquaintance
with ecclesiastical learning. They evince also, what we before
remarked, the tendency of his mind to a certain Catholicity,
which he preferred both to Romanism and Protestantism. In

OF JEREMY COLLIER. xlv

these tracts he loudly declares his preference for the Anglican
Church and Liturgy, as they stood under the Tudor dynasty,
to what they became afterwards. He conceived — whether
justly or not, it is not for us to determine — that many of the
reforms of the Protestants had been carried too far ; and he
wished to restore several of the more ancient Anglican customs
which had been expelled from the sanctuary.

These tracts treat principally of the four following points,
which are certainly of much importance, and have given rise to
much dispute. As the volume which contains them is very
interesting and exceedingly scarce, we will specify a few of the
particulars.

The first question discussed is, Whether the old rubric was
right in ordering that a little pure water should be mixed with
the sacramental wine ? Collier argues that it was, by numerous
testimonies derived from antiquity.

The second question discussed is, Whether the old liturgy
was right in recommending prayers for the dead \ "In the
first reformed liturgy (says Collier) the priest says, Let us pray
for the whole state of Chrisfs Church, without the addition of
' militant here on earth :' which latter words, in the Common
Prayer now used, seem inserted to exclude prayer for the
dead. Whereas the first book in the prayer for Chrisfs
Church has these words : ' We commend unto thy mercy, O
Lord ! all other thy servants, which are departed hence from
us with the sign of faith, and do rest in the sleep of peace.
Grant unto them, we beseech thee, thy mercy and everlasting
peace ; and that, at the day of the general resurrection, we
and all they which be the mystical body of thy Son, may all to-
gether be set on his right hand, and hear that his most joyful
voice, " Come unto me." This recommending the dead to
the mercy of God, (continues Collier,) is nothing of the remains
of Popery, but a constant usage of the primitive Church ; and,
for this point, we shall produce the most unexceptionable
authority."

xlvi THE LIFE

The third point is the propriety of invoking the descent
of the Holy Spirit on the sacramental elements.

The fourth point is the propriety of the oblatory prayer,
which supposes that the eucharist is a proper sacrifice.

As Mr. Collier grew in years, that great share of health
which he had enjoyed was interrupted by frequent attacks of
the stone, to which there is no doubt that his sedentary life
might much contribute ; so that, from this time, we hear
of nothing that he published further, excepting a collection of
Sermons. These came abroad under this title : " Several Dis-
courses upon Practical Subjects. London, 1725, 8vo. r ' The last
discourse of this collection had been printed separately in 1 723,
with the following title : " The Comparison between Giving and
Receiving, with the Reasons for Preference, stated in a Sermon
preached at Whitehall, April 19th, 1687. 4to." — " God not the
Author of Evil, being an Additional Sermon to a Collection of Mr.
Collier's Discourses, <$fc. London, 1726. 8vo." These Discourses
have been allowed, by the most competent judges, to possess
great merit. They excel in originality and strength of thought,
a pointedness of style, and a variety of illustration, not often
surpassed.

After living several years in an indifferent state of health,
sometimes tolerably free from suffering, and at others griev-
ously afflicted, his old distemper brought him to the grave,
April 26, 1726; and, three days afterwards, his body was
interred in the churchyard of St. Pancras. He was in the
seventy-sixth year of his age, and preserved the use of his
senses to the very last.

As to Mr. Collier's character, we have already given it in
the impartial history of his works. We shall, therefore, only
add, that his morals were unexceptionable ; and that, as his
conduct had in it all the regularity becoming a clergyman, so
his behaviour had nothing stiff or pedantic, but all that life,
spirit, and innocent freedom, which constitute the good breed-
ing of a gentleman.

OF JEREMY COLLIER. xlvii

His reputation as a man of letters extended beyond the
bounds of his own country : for the learned and ingenious
Father Courbeville, who translated into French the " Hero M of
Balthazar Gracian, in the preface of that work speaks in the
highest terms of praise of our author's miscellaneous works,
which, he says, set him on a level with Montaigne, St. Evre-
mond, La Bruyere, &c. The same reverend and learned
person translated into French Mr. Collier's "Short View of the
Stage ;" and thence takes occasion to speak of him again, with
the warmest expressions of admiration and esteem.

It is necessary to add, that Mr. Collier wrote a few small
pieces, which were published in connection with other men's
works. He composed an " Advertisement against Bishop Bur-
net's History of his own Time,''' which was printed on a slip of
paper, and dispersed in all the coffee-houses, in 1724, and is to
be seen in the Evening Post, No. 2254. Besides this, he wrote
several prefaces, &c. : as (1) "An Advertisement concerning
the Author and the Translation of Maxims and Reflections on
Plays, in answer to a Discourse on the Lawfulness or Unlawful-
ness of Plays, printed before a late Play, entitled ' Beauty in
Distress? written in French by the Bishop of Meaux. London,
1669." (2) " A Recommendatory Preface to Tullifs Five Booh,
De Finibus, fyc, done into English by S. P. (Samuel Parker),
gent. ; together icith an Apology for the Philosophical Writings
of Cicero, in a Letter to the Translator, by Mr. Henry Dodwell.
London, 1702." (3) " A Recommendatory Preface to '•Human
Souls naturally Lmmortal," 1 translated from a Latin manuscript,
by S. E. London, 1707." Of this preface Mr. Norris makes
honourable mention in his letter to Mr. Dodwell, concerning
the immortality of the soul of man ; and says, that Mr.
Collier's single remark against Mr. Locke is, in his opinion,
worth all the book besides. It is also, upon good grounds,
believed that he was concerned, among others, in collecting
the passages referred to by Dr. Henry Sacheverell, in the
answer to the articles of his impeachment.

Such is the most authentic biography we could compose

xlviii THE LIFE

from preceding writers of Jeremy Collier. From it the reader
will perceive that Collier was no ineffective cipher in our
national records, but rather a man of immense energy and
influence, who forced himself into indissoluble connexion with
the greatest spirits of his time, and by his courage and talents
gave impulse and direction to the most important events of our
history. He possessed a vehemence and resolution of temper,
which could neither be depressed by opposition nor broken by
disappointment. The very impediments and vexations which
would have altogether extinguished less dauntless aspirants,
only served to quicken and stimulate Collier to dare and to
conquer.

After having said thus much respecting Collier himself, it
will not be improper to add a few words respecting the Non-
jurors, or High Churchmen, then known by the political epithets
of Jacobites and Stuartists, to which he so firmly and con-
sistently adhered. The passions and the prejudices which have
thrown so deep a cloud over the memory of these Non-jurors,
are now fast dispersing, and many of our worthiest scholars
are arising to do their names the justice which was withheld
by their jealous contemporaries.

We by no means wish to defend all the tenets and practices
of the Non-jurors. In several points they seem to have deviated
from the line of that perfect orthodoxy which all should endea-
vour to retain. But we believe that he who carefully attends
to their history, will find that the principal crime charged home
upon them was a stedfast adherence to what are called the
High-Church principles. Their main fault, in the eyes of their
antagonists, was not a pertinacious attachment to a banished
dynasty of kings : they knew that such an error, if error .it
was, was but the accident of a political dilemma, and would
die off with the transient causes which gave it birth. No ;
they chiefly disrelished the Non-jurors because, in their entire
estimate of the constitution, they differed from the friends of
the Revolution.

Here was a broad and palpable distinction, which had de-

OF JEREMY COLLIER. xlix

scended from the eldest periods of ecclesiastical history ; a
distinction which, being founded on the immutable relations of
truth, could not be solved except by a solution of the hardest
problems of dialectics.

It is no wonder, therefore, that the Non-jurors, or High-
Church party, were warmly and incessantly opposed to the
Jurors, or Low-Church party. Their opinions came into ne-
cessary and unavoidable conflict at every page and passage of
our ecclesiastical and civil policy. And the Church Histories
of Collier and T3urnet respectively are the authentic symbols of
the views of these polemical parties.

Divine and Catholic truth, all transcending and all embracing,
was shared and divided between these two vast and imposing
sects. Each of them pretended in turn to a sort of monopoly
of orthodoxy, but the pretence was a delusion. Each had its
own verities and its own errors, its own merits and its own
defects. Alternately they oscillated to the boundaries of good
and evil with ceaseless and anxious motion, and rose and fell
through numberless gradations of light and shade, which defy
definition or classification.

If, however, the High-Church party was not all that it should
have been, it was, perhaps, on the whole considerably nearer
the centre of orthodoxy than its powerful antagonists. The
just reputation of the Non-jurors, too long overcast by their
enemies, is now recovering its true sphere of elevation. And
though it will not reach the serene altitude of perfection, it will
regain a great proportion of the panegyric lavishly bestowed on
the Jurors. " This was sometime a paradox, but now the time
gives it proof."

Those who would study the history of the Non-jurors with
minute and scientific precision, will find ample information in
the following works, to which we would refer the reader :
The " Life of Archbishop Sancroft," by the Rev. G. D'Oyley,
1818, 2 vols. 8vo. ; with that of Bishop Hickes and Nelson.
Rye^ " Treatise against the non-conforming Non-jurors, in

vol. i. c

1 THE LIFE

answer to the objections which Mr. Dodwell, Dr. Hickes,
Dr. Simon Lowth, Mr. Collier, Dr. Howell, Mr. Earbery,
Mr. Whiston, Dr. Brett, and others have brought against the
Church of England," 1719, 2 vols. 8vo. Bennet's Treatise,
entitled " The Non-jurors 1 Separation from the Public Assemblies
of the Church of England examined and proved to be schis-
matical on their own principles, - ''' 1716, 8vo. Dr. Hoadly's
Treatise, entitled " A Preservative against the Principles and
Practices of the Non-jurors, 11 1716, 8vo. Dr. Brett's Treatise,
entitled, " A Eeview of the Lutheran Principles, showing how
they differ from those of the Church of England. 11 Dr. Bennet's
" Concession to the Non-jurors proved destructive to the Cause
he endeavours to defend, 11 1717. Dr. Pierce's " Letter to Dr.
Bennet, occasioned by his Treatise concerning the Non-jurors 1
Separation, 11 &c. Dean Stanhope's Discourse, entitled, " The
Church of England not guilty of the Schism charged upon her
by the Non-jurors, 11 1 71 7. Cosin's " Names of the Eoman
Catholics, Non-jurors, and others, who refused to take the
Oath in George the First's time, 11 1745. Magnise's curious
work, entitled, "The Reformation of Law, Physic, and Divinity,
with arguments to prove that their spirit should be the basis
of our social contracts, and that, to establish universal peace
and happiness among all parties in Great Britain, Ireland, and
America, they must all be linked in a chain of one common
interest, and that the penal laws made against Papists, dissent-
ing Non-jurors, &c. must be repealed, 11 London, 1778.

Such were the treatises published on both sides. Two or
three of the main points at issue seem to demand more specific
notice.

For instance, the Non-jurors cherished a very different
idea of ecclesiastical supremacy from that of the Jurors. The
Non-jurors asserted that the essential head of the Church
was a divine and celestial one, namely, Christ himself, and that
he being indissolubly connected with his body, the Church,
that Church could never perish, though all its earthly official

OF JEREMY COLLIER. li

heads, patriarchs, popes, emperors, kings, &c. should be swept
away.

In stating this theory, the Non-jurors intended to do no
dishonour to the pope or the king. They considered that, as
a terrestrial head of the Church general, the patriarch of
Rome had just claim to a certain precedence. They some-
times asserted, in connection with this opinion, that the pope
was not to be confounded with the Lateinos Secularity, or
Antichrist, against whom he, in common with other Christian
bishops, had to maintain incessant antagonism. In like man-
ner, as a terrestrial head of the Church national, they sub-
scribed the most devout allegiance to the king as an ecclesias-
tical no less than civil superior. But inasmuch as they held
these heads of the Church to be terrestrial, and therefore non-
essential, they held that no defalcation on the part of such
heads would affect the indestructible vitality of the Church
itself. " While," said they, " the Church adheres to Christ,
its living and celestial sovereign, it will still support a charmed
and imperishable life, though every earthly potentate should
fall away.'''' Just as the army of a prince would still be a
royal army, though all its generals should be slain. It would
still subsist by virtue of its connection with royalty, even
though the offices of its generals remained vacant and un-
occupied.

Accordingly, the Non-jurors stated that every member of
the Church of Christ had a direct communication with him, as
well as an indirect communication through the intervention of
its appointed ministers, whether kings as supreme, or bishops
and priests, and subordinate authorities. And they argued
that this direct communication would not be destroyed or im-
paired by the accidents that might change the channels of
indirect communication. The direct and essential communi-
cation would still go on, and the indirect would remain as it
were in abeyance till its legitimate channels were once more
opened.

Hi THE LIFE

On the whole, Collier made a far closer approximation to
true Catholicity and impartiality, than could have been ex-
pected in a writer of so eager and polemical a spirit. Whether
a portion of this impartiality is not to be traced to the view
the Non-jurors cherished of our monarchical constitution, we
know not ; but probability leans to the affirmative. The
Non-jurors regarded the British monarchs as Catholic heads of
the Church universal, whether Roman or Protestant, within
these realms. They stated that the grand excellence of a
monarch consisted in this very Catholicity of religious charac-
ter, which enabled him to act as the common defender of the
faith, and the nursing father of all ecclesiastical developements
of various denominations, within the four seas. It was in this
regard that they so warmly protested that the conscience of
the king, as a divine representative, should be left free and
unbiassed ; that of all men in the realm, the king's conscience
should rise most superior to the prejudices of the age, and that
he should be at liberty to patronise all sects and parties, ac-
cording to their desert. Adopting this theory, which is in-
timately connected with their notion of the divine right and
office of kingship, the Non-jurors vehemently opposed the
doctrine of the Jurors ; they denounced the idea of destroying
the king's catholicity of character and freedom of conscience,
by binding him under any exclusive ties to the Protestant or
any other prevailing sect or party. They imagined that most
disastrous consequences would issue from such an attempt to
make the kingship, which should be the universal bond of union
and liberty, a thing of partiality and limitation. How far their
prophecies have been fulfilled by the subsequent experience of
Great Britain and Ireland, it is for our readers to judge.

The best test of the essential impartiality of Collier's Eccle-
siastical History, is the well-known fact, that it has been
praised with equal eulogy, both by Roman and Protestant
scholars. He aimed at the supreme and aboriginal truth,
which precedes all, and embraces all. Juvat integros accedere

OF JEREMY COLLIER. liii

fontes, atque haurire, is the motto of his first volume. But he
knew that this truth can only be attained by a loving and un-
embarrassed equanimity : and therefore, his second volume
commences with this other motto, Nee studio, nee oclio. It is
because he faithfully adhered to this principle, that Collier is
now to be considered as a sort of umpire between the eccle-
siastical historians of contending sects and parties. As such
he will guide the reader's judgement, amid the hostile argu-
ments of Baronius, Bossuet, Lingard, Dodd, Butler, Heylin,
Fuller, Mosheim, Milner, Southey, and their followers.

These views entered into the very heart of the disputes that
the Non-jurors waged with the Jurors. The latter, in their zeal
for the prince, seemed almost to identify the existence of the
Church itself with its terrestrial head ; no doubt they carried
their argument in this respect too far, and by attempting to
prove too much, proved nothing. Their reasoning, followed
out, would have betrayed them to the false conclusion, that
the destruction of the prince would be the destruction of the
Church, which God had placed under his superintendence.

Another favourite idea of the Non-jurors was the Catholicity
of the Anglican Church. They wished to set her forth as a
branch of the pure Apostolical Ecclesia, which existed before
the terms Papal and Protestant were ever heard of, and which
will still go on flourishing when such sectarian epithets have
passed away. This view they carried out into many of their
polemical writings. In our own time, we find a similar opinion
often eloquently pleaded. The following passage from a recent
work is an illustration of it : —

' ; Who," says the writer, " has just reason to complain of
the Church of England, either in faith or doctrine ? Where
is the Christian who dares charge her with essential error ?
Is he found in the Papalist ? — No. In the Calvinist ? — No.
In the Arminian ! — No. In the Independent ? — No. What
causes this wonderful silence in her implacable enemies —
those who are so anxious for her destruction ? They cannot

liv THE LIFE

make the charge, without being at once convinced of falsehood
from the Bible : the confession is therefore extorted from
them, that she is right in essentials. Standing amidst such
enemies, she is only assailed on non-essential points of rite and
regulation. What does this denounced Church of England
give us in that matter of incalculable importance — form of
worship \ One unrivalled among human compositions — the
first of books next to the Bible ; one not more distinguished
for beauty, simplicity, pathos, and adaptation to all ranks and
circumstances, than for being the essence of the Holy Scrip-
tures, and one which infinitely transcends any to be found
among the Dissenters. We have, therefore, in this Church of
England, sinking as she is under accusation and malediction,
a faith unequalled, a form of worship unequalled, and minis-
ters, on the whole, unequalled. The main pillars, at any rate,
are sound. Such a fabric may need repair, but it is not to be
pulled down, unless its opponents can supply a better.'"

The Catholicity of the Anglican Church was a doctrine far
less warmly asserted by the Jurors or Low Churchmen, unless,
indeed, Catholicity is precisely synonymous with Protestant-
ism. The followers of Burnet, and many of the Orange poli-
ticians, were so enthusiastic in the notion of Protestantism,
that as long as our Church could be declared Protestant, and
any point of her doctrine and discipline could be proved Pro-
testant, they were quite satisfied, and went no farther in their
inquiries. In this view the Jurors carried most of the Dis-
senters along with them — and many indications of the same
opinion remain to this day, among several classes of society.

The sublime spirituality of true religion was, we fear, some-
what lost sight of amid these conflicts of the Non-jurors and
Jurors — the High Churchmen and the Low Churchmen. They
too often forgot that the spirit was the essence, of which the
form was no more than an external symbol. They considered
not that the true spiritual Church alone is the only one truly
entitled to the title catholic and universal ; that this alone is

OF JEREMY COLLIER. lv

the Ecclesia in ecclesid, the Church of churches — the whole, of
which they are parts. It was of this spiritual Church that the
Established Churches for which they severally pleaded were
no more than sensible types. " All things spiritual (as an elo-
quent writer remarks) have their types in things natural, which
present them to the fullest possible, short of identification.
Even to this extent the historical symbolizes the mystical
Church ; but seeing how inadequate the whole of history is to
represent the idea which it is evolving, let us be careful to
make our induction as extensive as it may be. What a miser-
able limitation of the argument it is to confine the history of
the Messiah's dispensation to a single society or two out of
many ! The Romish Church presents one class of historical
facts, the Greek Church another class of historical facts, the
Anglican Church another, the Presbyterian Churches another,
and the Dissenting Churches another. The different spheres
and relations of one universal spiritual truth are represented
by them in their several typifications, all of which form but
one system, consisting of many components, as in the firmament
of heaven a solar constellation is composed of many stars."

It was, we say, owing to an unhappy oblivion of this essential
spiritual harmony, that the High Church laid too much stress
on High-Church formalities, and the Low Church on Low-
Church formalities ; as if formalities of any kind could rise
above the quality of non-essentials. By leaving spirituality, they
left the sphere of union and harmony ; and by gravitating to
formalism, they became involved with the elements of division
and strife.

The inspired writers most earnestly insisted on this doctrine,
and warned the Church to beware of splitting on the rocks of
form and ceremony. They warned her of the perils that would
attend her every attempt to make forms usurp the place of
essences. The Church hath not always attended to this apos-
tolic counsel ; frequently has she given too ponderous an im-
portance to forms, and laboured to make them fixed and defi-

lvi THE LIFE

nite ; " bound with G-orgonian rigour not to move," when heaven
intended them to be free, and plastic, and malleable, so that
they might adapt themselves to all the emerging requirements
of ecclesiastical polity.

This consideration, which inseparably connects itself with the
true Catholicity, was overlooked alike by the Non-jurors and the
Jurors. Both insisted too eagerly on their respective formali-
ties, and as action and reaction are equal, widened the breach
that has never since been closed.

In order that the reader may understand somewhat more
fully the relative positions of the Non-jurors and Jurors at
the time when Jeremy Collier wrote his Ecclesiastical History,
we shall proceed to make a few extracts from the writers who
have noticed these topics.

Here is what Mosheim says on the subject, " In the reign
of king William, and in the year 1689, the division among the
friends of episcopacy ran high, and terminated in that famous
schism of the Church of England, which has never hitherto
been entirely healed. Sancroft, archbishop of Canterbury, and
seven other non-juring bishops, (viz. Dr. Lloyd, bishop of Nor-
wich, Dr. Turner of Ely, Dr. Kenn of Bath and Wells, Dr.
Frampton of Gloucester, Dr. Thomas of Worcester, Dr.
Lake of Chichester, and Dr. White of Peterborough,) all of
whom were eminently distinguished both by their learning and
their virtue, looked upon it as unlawful to take the oaths of
allegiance to the new king, from a mistaken notion that James
the Second, though banished from his dominions, remained
nevertheless their rightful sovereign. As these scruples were
deeply rooted, and no arguments nor exhortations could engage
these prelates to acknowledge the title of William the Third
to the crown of Britain, they were deprived of their ecclesias-
tical dignities, and their sees were filled by other men of emi-
nent merit. The deposed bishops and clergy formed a new
episcopal Church, which differed in certain points of doctrine,
and certain circumstances of public worship, from the Esta-

OF JEREMY COLLIER. lvii

blished Church of England. This new religious community
were denominated Non-jurors on account of their refusing to
take the oath of allegiance, and were also called the High
Church on account of the notions they entertained of the dig-
nity and power of the Church, and the extent they gave to its
prerogatives and jurisdiction. Those, on the other hand, who
disapproved of this schism, who distinguished themselves by
their charity and moderation towards dissenters, and were less
ardent in extending the limits of ecclesiastical authority, were
denominated Low Churchmen. The bishops who were deprived
of their ecclesiastical dignities, and those who embarked in
their cause, maintained openly that the Church was independent
of the jurisdiction of king and parliament, subject to the au-
thority of God alone, and empowered to govern itself by its
own laws ; that consequently the sentence pronounced against
those prelates by the great council of the nation, was destitute
both of justice and validity, and that it was only by a decree of
an ecclesiastical council that a bishop could be deposed. This
high notion of the authority and prerogatives of the Church
was maintained and propagated with peculiar zeal, by the
famous Henry Dodwell, who led the way in this important
cause, and who by his example and abilities formed a consider-
able number of champions for its defence. Hence arose a very
nice and intricate controversy concerning the nature, privileges,
and authority of the Church, which has not yet been brought
to a satisfactory conclusion. 11 — Vide " Whiston's Memoirs of his
Life and Writings; 11 Lee's " Memoirs of John Kettlewell, com-
piled from the Collections of Dr. George Hickes and Robert
Nelson 11 (a valuable work, which contains a catalogue of all the
ejected Non-jurors) ; " Lives of Eminent Non-jurors," &c.

The Memoir of John Bowdler, Esq., one of the last of the
Non-juror persuasion, published 1824, likewise contains consi-
derable information. We shall quote a passage or two from
its pages. " The elder Mr. Bowdler (says the biographer,)
lived in habits of great intimacy with Dr. Hickes, dean of

lviii THE LIFE

Worcester ; whose life is a desideratum in literature, since he
was famous for his piety, his orthodoxy, his deep and extensive
erudition, and particularly his skill in the northern languages.
Bishop Burnet, in that style of rude and flippant censure, which
is unhappily too common in his work, throws out a charge
against Hickes and others, who had adopted the same princi-
ples, of attachment to Popery. This is one of those loose accu-
sations, which it is convenient to publish without investigation,
because no man can investigate it without being convinced of
its falsehood. Hickes was deeply read in the writers of the
primitive Church, and well versed in its constitution and doc-
trines. When any subject is brought forward and recommended
on the ground of conformity to the practice of that Church, a
cry is raised that this is Popery ; when those that thus cry
out do not reflect that they thereby pay a compliment to
Popery which it ill deserves, and give it an advantage, which if
it could maintain, it would be insuperable. For, id verius quod
prius, the nearer we approach the fountain-head, the purer
will be the stream ; and one of the heaviest charges brought
against the Romish Church is, that it has departed from that
authority which it professes to admire, and has palmed on us
the corruptions of a later age for the pure apostolical doctrines
and discipline of the earliest. We do not complain that
Popery is too old, but that it is not old enough. To quote
the words of the able writer whose name has occasioned this
digression, " The Protestant religion of the Church of Eng-
land is but another name for primitive Christianity, and a
Protestant for a primitive Christian, who protests against all
the corruptions of the Gospel by Popery." This was written
in the reign of Charles II. ; but his " Letters to a Popish
Priest," at a much later period, show with how little reason
bishop Burnet accused him of approaching to that Church.

The right rev. Robert Gordon, who died in November,
1779, at a very advanced age, was the last in the succession of
English Non-juring bishops, which had been continued from

OF JEREMY COLLIER. lix

the Revolution. The death of prince Charles, in 1 788, put an
end to political differences — and the points in debate, on reli-
gious topics, were not of sufficient importance to prevent an
union where the validity of the ordinations in the Established
Church was not disputed. There were very few, therefore,
who continued in a state of separation after this time. Mr.
Bowdler, one of whose leading maxims through life was mode-
ration, while he admired the principles of the Non-jurors, and
held their memory in great veneration, was never disposed to
follow them to the extent to which some of them carried those
principles. He communicated conscientiously with the Estab-
lished Church, and continued through life devoted to its ser-
vice, — yet he ever retained a solemn feeling of regard for the
memory of those whom he had loved and honoured. He ex-
ercised charity towards some poor members of Mr. Gordon's
congregation, and his regard for the English Non-jurors had
no small influence in producing the strong interest he after-
wards took in behalf of those who were similarly situated in
Scotland.

Having so minutely specified the various sources of infor-
mation which have been consulted in preparing this short
sketch of the Non-jurors, we need add little more. Many of
their opinions which savoured of exaggeration and extrava-
gance, are now rendered obsolete, or at least ineffectual, by
the great leveller, Time ; while all that was " wisest, virtuous-
est, discreetest, best," in their multitudinous writings, will be
justly cherished by our fellow-countrymen.

Of late years, many of the ablest works of the Non-jurors
have been resuscitated from invidious obscurity by those
scholars of the High Church party, who are best capable of
appreciating their merits, and defending them against uncan-
did and ungenerous aspersions.

And if we have not miscalculated the liberal and impartial
temper that now signalizes our ablest critics, these works will
no longer meet any bigoted and morose censure, even from

lx THE LIFE OF JEREMY COLLIER.

the Low-Church clergy, the Presbyterians, and Dissenters, on
whom they might bear more hardly. These gentlemen need
not fear the encounter of sincere investigators, however oppo-
sitely their opinions may seem to lean. It is just by such
encounters that the noblest illustrations of truth are scattered
over the world. And he who cares more for truth than party
will not regret its triumph, even at the expense of his dearest
delusions.

AUTHOR'S PREFACE.

To enlarge upon the usefulness of history would have little iii

discovery in it : to show how it opens a communication with
the dead, and revives the ages past for the benefit of the
present, — how it marks out the occasions of miscarriage, and
gives us rules for conduct without the hazards and fatigue of
experience, — how it acquaints us with the original of nations,
the variety of customs, and the fate of empires — to do this, I
say, would be to spend time upon an obvious topic, and deliver
a truth of which few people are ignorant \

To dismiss the argument, therefore, I shall only observe,
that an account of the rise and progress of Christianity in any
country must be allowed a preference to other historical rela-
tions. The dignity of the subject, the interests of eternity, and
the unusual interpositions of Providence, are such distinguished
advantages, that none but Infidels can dispute them. To insist
a little upon the last circumstance, of which we have a remark-
able instance in our own nation : we would ask, when Augus-
tine the monk undertook the conversion of the Saxons, was any
thing, humanly speaking, more unlikely to succeed ? He had
neither fleet nor army to back the enterprise, and none but a
few naked men to attend him : he had no worldly motives to
recommend him to king Ethelbert ; he had no powerful
alliances to offer ; no new countries (like Columbus) to dis-
cover. We do not find him furnished with any rich presents,
with any inventions for the polishing of life, with any curiosi-
ties of art or nature, to make way for his design. On the other
side, the proposals of these holy men must needs be shocking

1 " The usefulness of history is admirably described by Philo-Judseus and Origen.
These two great lights of the Jewish and Christian Churches, ought long ago to have
been translated into English. We once perused the main part of their writings with
strong satisfaction, and will lend every assistance to scholars who possess patronage or
leisure enough to publish a complete translation of them."

lxii AUTHOR'S PEEFACE.

to a pagan court : their doctrine laid new restraints upon
pride and pleasure, and was unfriendly to the interest of flesh
and blood ; and, as for the happiness they promised, it was
mostly out of sight, and not to commence till after death.

Notwithstanding these seeming impossibilities, they were
blessed with surprising success : the sanctity of their lives and
the force of their miracles broke through the difficulties of the
enterprise. The Saxons were quickly prevailed on to part with
their old idolatry, and resign their manners and belief. The
practice of their converts was wonderfully changed, and a
glorious revolution made in the moral world : they had now no
delight in barbarity and bloodshed ; the ruggedness of their
temper was smoothed, and they grew much more just and
benevolent than formerly ; their pursuits w T ere of a different
kind ; their affections regular and raised ; and every thing so
brightened within, as if nature had been melted down and
re-coined. In short, the " quatuor novissima,'" death and
judgment, heaven and hell, took such hold of their hopes and
fears, that they sometimes stood off from the more innocent
satisfactions of life, threw up the advantage of their condition,
and removed from company and business.
iv. The other world sat so powerfully upon their spirits, that the

entertainments of this grew flat and insipid. It was upon
these thoughts that several of our princes resigned their
government for the cloister ; and those who did not conceive
themselves obliged to such lengths of self-denial, laid out part
of their revenues in the building and endowing of churches, in
founding houses for learning and education, and for the benefit
of retirement and devotion.
Prinn's Some of these pious benefactions have a very unhandsome

^ 0, 3 ds ' construction put upon them by Mr. Prinn. He takes the
Epist. to the freedom to say, they were thus liberal for the expiation of their
murders, rapines, adulteries, whoredoms, perjuries, or other
crimes. What an unbenevolent censure is this ! what coarse
usage of the dead ! what outrage of the royal character !
Were all our princes thus wicked and licentious 1 this cannot
be affirmed. To speak only of the Saxon reigns, and give
some few instances out of many : were not Oswald and St.
Edmund, Alfred and Edward the Confessor, remarkably regu-
lar and religious ? Why are they not, then, distinguished from
the rest, and rescued from so foul an imputation ? And,

AUTHOR'S PREFACE. lxiii

granting they were all as bad as a gloomy imagination can
paint them, I hope it is no harm to retrieve a false step, and
give proof of reformation : now to " honour God with our sub-
stance ;" to " make friends of the mammon of unrighteousness ;"
and go as far towards an atonement as we are able : to do
this is a very commendable recollection, and a fair indication
we repent in earnest.

If these princes, instead of assigning part of their fortune to
religious uses, had invaded the altars, squandered away the
patrimony of the Church, and spent the consecrated revenues
upon their vice, their case would have been much worse.

But Mr. Prinn seems to grant all our ancient kings and
great men were not thus obnoxious and immoral. He insi-
nuates some of them might be more unblemished ; that the
design of their bounty was for the salvation of their own and
others"' souls ; to entitle them to the benefit of the fasting,
alms, and prayers of the religious, and give them a share in
their merits. Notwithstanding his satire upon their conduct,
alms, prayers, and fasting, are, without doubt, much better
merits than ill language. And if they were mistaken in some
things, their good intention ought to have had an allowance ;
their character might have screened them from rough usage :
they should, at least, have been treated with regard, and
interpreted to the fairest sense.

Now, to make the munificence of our princes better under-
stood, and offer some justice to their memory, I must bring
Mr. Prinn towards a test, examine the strength of his authority,
and inquire whether he has credit enough to bear up his cen-
sures, and make himself taken upon trust. The trial shall
be made on his two volumes of Records, where he treats of the
Saxon and English kings"' supreme ecclesiastical jurisdiction.
And here, if we find him light upon the scale, — if there lie
strong presumptions, either against his skill or integrity, or
both, — it may serve us for a caution in other matters.

In examining this point, I desire the reader would take
notice the dispute is only with Mr. Prinn, and not understand
me as if I had any design to state the extent of the regale, or
pronounce upon the supremacy. Having premised this, I
shall proceed to a brief essay.

To begin ; one of his arguments for the supreme eccle-
siastical jurisdiction of the crown is drawn from king John's

lxiv

AUTHOR'S PREFACE.

Prinn,
torn. 2.
p. 381.

Matt. Paris, coronation oath ; in which the king swears, " Quod sanctam
p. 90. b ecclesiam et ejus ordinatos diligeret, et earn ab incursione malig-
foi° V 793 n ' nantium indemnem conservaret, et dignitates illius bona fide
Prinn's e t sine malo ingenio servabit ilkesas."

Jvccords

tom. 2. ' But it is plain from the citation, that here is nothing of

p * ecclesiastical jurisdiction so much as implied ; the king's oath

amounting to no more than a promise of allowing the clergy

the benefit of the constitution, and protecting them in their

civil privileges.

His instance, in the reign of Henry III., is as little to his
purpose ; where, from the king's sending a writ to the sheriff
to shelter the bishop of London's estate from violence and
intrusion, he infers his ecclesiastical jurisdiction over bishops
and bishoprics ; that is, because the king, as the head of
justice and sovereign of the state, guards the property of the
subjects ; therefore he is the fountain of spiritual authority.
Can any thing be more foreign than such a consequence?
His urging the writ de vi laica amovenda for this point is
altogether as inconclusive ; and therefore I shall consider it no
farther.

He takes notice of king John's sending a prohibition to the
chapter of Lisieux not to elect a bishop without his assent ;
and his appealing to the pope in defence of his right. He
brings another resembling case in this reign : it is the king's
seizing the temporalities of the archbishop of York, and ap-
pealing to the pope for his justification. The clause in the
first record relating to this matter runs thus : " Ad Dominum
Papain solenmiter appellavimus, et per presentes literas et
earum latores, appellationem illam innovamus." The words in
the second record are these : " Nos autem contra eundem
archiepiscopum ad Dominum Papain appellavimus pro nobis et
p. 229, 230. 110 gt r i s? e t p ro s tatu regni nostri."

Now an appeal, in the common notion of it, as every body
knows, imports an application to a superior authority ; and
yet Mr. Prinn is so unlucky as to cite these two instances
among his records for the king's ecclesiastical supremacy.

In the page last cited, he makes a lamentable misconstruc-
tion of Innocent the Third's letter to king John, and has so
little judgment as to make the pope acknowledge the king's
supreme ecclesiastical power. That the court of Rome has
challenged a temporal jurisdiction over princes we have too

Prinn's
Records,
tom. 2.

AUTHOR'S PREFACE. lxv

much proof: but that they ever owned kings for the spiritual
heads of the Church, was never heard of till Mr. Primes
discovery.

This collector affirms the freedom of elections to bishoprics, IbM.tow.2.
inserted in king John's charter, was altogether new, and never Malmesb. <ie
insisted on before. He likewise pretends, that this branch of J^faL°l57!
the charter gave a great wound to the king's ecclesiastical
supremacy. But this assertion is a great mistake ; for bishops
were chosen by the chapters in the Saxon reigns. And after
the Norman conquest, canonical elections were secured to the
Church by king Stephen's charter : and in this charter of king Matt. Paris,
John's, drawn up by the bishops and barons, the freedom of ''"
elections to bishoprics and abbeys is called a necessary and
fundamental privilege of the Church.

Mr. Prima pretends, that before 16 Johan. the king used to vi.

confer bishoprics without conges-d'elire. This is another | >linn 'f

. ° Records,

misrepresentation of matter of fact : for after the investitures vol. 3. p. 30.
were given up, the chapters and convents were restored to
their former privilege of elections. To iastance only in the
see of Canterbury ; where, of all other places, we may imagine,
the kings of England would not have suffered their prerogative
to have been wrested from them. To instance, I say, only in
this see ; from the time the ring and pastoral staff were laid
aside, in the reign of king Henry I., we shall find the arch-
bishops of Canterbury always chosen by the convent of Christ's
Church. Thus, the elections of Ralph, successor to Ansclm ;
of William Corboil, of Theobald, of Becket, Richard, and Eadmer,
Baldwin, were all governed ; not to mention any others. ] 5 p> {09.

And here we are to observe, that when the conges-d'elire £o»t' n, ' at -

1« lorent.

were sent, the king did not use to nominate any person to the p. GC9.
chapter or convent, but only require them to choose one quali- rll™u25.
fied for such a station. J 1 , ™^"'

. . # fol. 35.5.

Mr. Prmn affirms, the king granted archbishop Langton Prinn's
the patronage of the bishopric of Rochester, to him and his tom. 3. '
successors. But this, as appears from history, was no more p - 328 -
than what anciently belonged to the see of Canterbury. Thus
Eadmer, who died in the reign of king Henry I., tells us, the
bishops of Rochester were nominated by the archbishops of
Canterbury, and did homage for their temporalities to that
see. But this is not all : the very charter cited by Mr. Prinn ^ ] t m ^ r
sets forth, that the king, in granting the patronage of the p- 96-

vol. 1. d

lxvi AUTHOR'S PREFACE.

bishopric of Rochester, only restored the archbishops of Can-
terbury to their former right. The words of the charter are
these : —

Pat. 1G. Jo- " Rex Priori et Monachis Roffensibus ac libere tenentibus
an. n. fi e episcopatu, sal utem. Sciatis quod reddidimus venerabili
patri nostro Domino Sancto Cantuariensi Archiepiscopo pa-
tronatum episcopatus Roffensis, cum omnibus pertinentiis,
tanquam jus suum," &c. Mr. Prinn therefore had no reason
to make this invidious remark, that the archbishop was created
a petty king ; and that king John had, in some sort, unkinged
himself. For here was only restitution in the case, and no-

Prinn's thing of new privilege conveyed.

tom. 3. p. 24. In the course of his argument, he asserts the bishopric of

Ib 339° m ' 2 * Carlisle was erected by king Henry I. He must mean, it was
solely erected by him in virtue of his regale ; otherwise the
case is foreign to his purpose. In proof of this, he cites a

Clause 3. letter of king Henry III. to pope Adrian. But here is no

H. 3. M. 11. . .

dors. mention made of king Henry L's founding the see, but only

ton" n 2 that he endowed it with several livings when it was founded.

p. 375. It is true the see of Carlisle was endowed and partly founded

by king Henry I., but then this was not done without an

Godwin in authority from the pope procured for this purpose. And that

Caiieokns. this was the custom of that age, appears by a precedent in the

same reign. For some years before, when the bishopric of

Ely was founded, pope Paschal II. and the English bishops

gave their consent to the foundation, as appears by a charter

Seiden in cited by the learned Selden.

mer, p. 211. Upon a dispute in Ireland, whether the tithe of fish should
be paid in ponds, especially such as belonged to the king ? the
king declared for the affirmative. This order Mr. Prinn makes
an instance of the king's ecclesiastical sovereign power. By
this remarkable inference, we may perceive how entirely he
vii. wrote upon fancy, and to what degree his judgment was go-

verned by his prejudice : for the record is point blank against
him, and sets forth, that the king commands them not to
detain the tithes, for fear of running a hazard in his spiritual
interest : " Rex non vult in periculum animse suae hujusmodi
Pat. 14. decimas detineant. 11

Prion's*' 4 Mr. Prinn, in pursuit of his design, asserts, that the king,
Records, as supreme ordinary, has a right to exempt chapels and
p. 424? churches from episcopal jurisdiction : and yet the three records

AUTHOR'S PREFACE. lxvii

which he cites in proof of this point plainly declare these
privileges of exemption were all granted by the see of Rome.
The first and last run in the form of prohibitions against
the encroachments of the ordinaries upon the king's free
chapels. The second is a petition to the king, drawn up for
the same purpose.

" Edvardus, Dei gratia Rex Anglia?, Dominus Hibernise, et Anno7.E. l.
Dux Aquitania?, dilectis clericis ejus magistro Thomae Beck,
et Johanni de Kirkeby, salutem. Cum quidam Galfridus le
chapeleyn quondam provisionem in ecclesia Sancti Martini
Magni, London, qua? est libera capella nostra, de quadam pre-
benda in eadem sibi ad executionem Venerabilis Patris J. Lon-
don. Episcopi, quam cito ad hoc se offerret facultas confe-
rendi, a sede apostolica impetraverit ; propter quod idem
episcopus de prebenda quae fuit Johannis le Fauconer defuncti
in eadem ecclesia quam dilectus clericus noster magister
Johannes de Cadomo vendicat ex collatione decani ecclesia?
mernorata? prcedicto capellano, ut accepimus providere intendit,
et per diversa privilegia nobis a sede apostolica sit indultum,
ut capella? nostra? libera? ab hujusmodi provisionibus penitus sint
exempta? : unde posset nobis et hseredibus nostris futuris tem-
poribus magnum prsejudicium generari, si dicti capellani provi-
sio in hac parte sortiretur effectum. Yobis mandamus quod
pra?dicto magistro Johanni, vel nuntio suo, tam pro jure nostro,
quam ipsius clerici nostri salvando, brevia competentia de
magno sigillo nostro, eis quorum interest dirigenda super
premissis in forma debita faciatis. Teste meipso apud Card.
8 die Junii, anno regni nostri septimo."

" Excellentia? vestra?, si placet, monstravit Willielmus de Il)id -
Lewis et Walterus de Tothylle, capellani et canonici vestra?
libera? capella? de Hastings ibidem residentes, quod Dominus
Episcopus Cicestrensis et ejus officiates non cessant eis graviter
et injuste molestare, videlicet, ad synodum suam citando,
ecclesias suas ad pra?dictam liberam capellani vestram spectan-
tes interdicendo ; ita quod mortuos sepelire, et infantes bap-
tizare, nee missas in eisdem ecclesiis celebrare non possunt, ad
eorum damnum non modicum, et gravamen, et ad maximum
prejudicium et contemptum pra?dicta? capella? vestrre, ab hujus-
modi molestiis auctoritate apostolica immunis existentis. Super
istis petivit remedium, &c."

" Rex magistro Olivero de Sutton, decano Lincoln, ac omni- ^J- E L

° M. lb. mtus.

lxviii

AUTHOR'S PREFACE.

vin.

Prinn's

Records,
torn. 3.
p. 228, 229.

Prinn's
Records,
torn. 3.

u. 405.

Ailred, Rie-
val. p. 388.

bus et singulis canonicis, capcllanis et ministris ecclesise Omnium
Sanctorum Derb. salutem. Cum ipsa ecclesia Omnium Sancto-
rum cum prebendis et aliis pertinentiis suis, sit libera capella
nostra, et ab omni jurisdictione ordinaria exempta, ac Domino
Papse immediate subjecta, et ex donatione prsedecessorum nos-
trorum regum Anglise, ad decanatum ecclesire Lincolnise perti-
neat ; ac magister Jordanus de Wynburn, archidiaconus
Derb. jurisdictionem ordinariam pro libito sibi vendicet, et
multipliciter usurpare contendat, sententiam excommunicationis
in quosdam ipsius ecclesia? Derb. ministros de facto, cum de
jure non posset, temere proferendo, in grave prejudicium liber-
tatum nostrarum, et regise dignitatis, nee non et sedis aposto-
lical contemptum manifestum, ut intelleximus. Nos, ne nobis
prejudicium in hac parte generetur, providere cupientes, vobis
mandamus, firmiter inhibentes, sic ut alias per literas Celebris
memorise Domini H. Regis Patris vobis inbibitum fuisse com-
perimus, ne Coventrens. et Litchfield. Episcopo, archidiacono
Derb. vel eorum officialibus, decanis, vel aliis quibuscunque
jurisdictionem ordinariam in dicta ecclesia Omnium Sanctorum
sibi vendicantibus, aliquo modo pareatis, vel intendatis, contra

libertates et privilegia nostra prsedicta. In cujus, &c.

Teste Rege apud Westm. 28 die Aprilis."

From this view, the reader will perceive Mr. Prinn's infer-
ence is a downright contradiction to the evidence produced by
him ; and, which sits harder upon his integrity, the sense of
the records is clear and determined, and has nothing of ambi-
guity to give occasion to a mistake. Here he discovers a great •
want of care or Latin, or at least of somewhat else which is
more to be lamented.

Mr. Prinn has the misfortune to miscarry in another instance
upon this head ; it is the case of the prior of Trinity and Bogo
de Clare, who served a citation from the archbishop of Can-
terbury upon the earl of Cornwall, in the king's palace at
Westminster, as that earl was going to the parliament ; for
which they were both prosecuted at the suit of the king : the
earl of Cornwall and the abbot of Westminster deeply fined
and committed to the Tower. But if Mr. Prinn had considered
his record, he might have found it counter to his purpose ; for,
according to the doctrine then current, the main reason why
the archbishop's citation could not run within the king's court
was, because his palace stood within the precincts of West-

AUTHOR'S PREFACE. lxix

minster Abbey. Now, this monastery was exempted by pope
Nicholas II., from archiepiscopal and episcopal jurisdiction.
And therefore it is declared in the record, that the serving ibid. p. 40<j.
this citation was, " in kesionem libertatis ecclesiie abbatis
Westmonasteriensis concessae per curiam Romanain, cum praj-
dictus locus sit omnino exemptus a jurisdictione archiepisco-
porum, seu episcoporum quorumcunque, per libertates sibi et
ecclesise suse Westm. concessas."

It is somewhat surprising Mr. Prinn should overlook these
matters, considering he has printed three letters of king Edward
I., in which he writes to the pope, to request him to con-
firm the exemption of the chapel at Boscham, to give him leave
to choose a confessor for himself, and to grant one of his clerks
a dispensation for pluralities. Now all these, one would think, Prinn,
are very slender signs of an ecclesiastical supremacy. To pro- „ n,-<i.
ceed : He maintains the election of a bishop without the king's * 266 ' 1267 -
license was absolutely void ; but the writ throws in this abate-
ment to his assertion, that it was " nulla quantum ad nos ;"
that is, the king thought himself not bound to restore the
temporalities upon such an election. Pat. 13.

To go on : King Henry III. being displeased with the monks JJiitam. ...
of Ely, for electing Hugo de Balsham to that see, appeals to p- 424.
the pope, who confirming this Hugo, the king acquiesced ;
from whence it is evident the king did not lay claim to a spiritual
supremacy in this point. And to confirm this matter farther, ibid. tom. 2.
Mr. Prinn furnishes a letter of this prince to the pope, to £ at# 5 ' 6
request a revocation of the constitutions of archbishop Boniface. 1L 3 -
Can any thing bear harder upon Mr. Prinn s principles, or be ^ nD ' B
more unfriendly to an Erastian scheme, than such evidence as tom. 2. '
this?

However, if he is farther examined, we shall find him hc«

reporting and arguing with his usual fidelity and success. The
instance is this : William, archbishop elect of Tuam, resigns
his election into the pope's hands, who gives him a provisionary
title. The king, at the pope's request, issues a writ to restore
the temporalities. Mr. Prinn affirms, the king does not allow
the pope's provision in his writ ; but the record shows evi-
dently the contrary. I shall transcribe it for the reader.

"Rex venerabili Patri J. eadem gratia Dublin. Archi-
episcopo, Justitiario suo Hibernian, vel Escaetori suo ibidem,
salutem. Cum suinmus pontifex dilectum nobis in Christo

lxx AUTHOR'S PREFACE.

Willielmum rectorem ecclesise de Athnorwy, electum in Archi-

episcopum ecclesise Tuamensis, cui prius regium assensum adhi-

buimus et favorem, ejusdem ecclesiaB prsefecerit in Archiepis-

copum et pastorem, sicut per literas dicti summi pontificis

bullatas accepimus ; nos prsefectionem illam acceptantes, cepi-

mus fidelitatem ejusdem Willielmi et temporalia archiepisco-

Pat. 27. patus prsedicti, prout moris est, restituimus eidem."

hi'tus M ' 6 He ca ^ s * ne clergy's being acquitted by their ordinaries of

Prinn's the crimes laid to their charge by the temporal courts, " delu-

tom. 3. ' sory and false purgations. - " But, notwithstanding this cen-

p. 384, 385. gure ^ these canonical purgations were a branch of the liberties

of the Church, and secured, among the rest, by Magna

Charta ; and — which falls more severely upon Mr. Prinn — the

king's writ, cited by him, declares the clergy, thus discharged

by their ordinaries, legally acquitted. I shall transcribe part

of it.

Clause 22. " Cum Willielmus de Wabrunne, Thomas de Bayfele, &c.

intus Prinn's Clerici juxta privilegium clericale pro ut moris est

Records, liberati, innocentiam suam super eodem crimine sibi imposito,
p. 609.' legitime purgaverint,"" &c. Thus Mr. Prinn has the courage
7 E 1 to arraign the constitution and fall foul upon the law, when it
happens not to suit with his fancy.

He takes notice of archbishop Pecham's summoning a pro-
vincial council by his metropolitical authority : this he calls a
Spelm. Con- presumption ; though, at that time of day, it was a known pri-
p! 33° vilege of the see of Canterbury. Thus the archbishops William

f l° V 458 n ' Corboil, in the reign of king Henry I., and Hubert, in the reign
Bhshop of Richard I., summoned their suffragans by their own man-
State of the date : which liberty held on, in the English Church, till the
Prinn's' reign of Henry VIII. This practice was so plain, that Mr.
Records, Prinn himself comes towards a confession, and owns that the
Ibid.p.252! council of Lambeth, held two years after, seems to have been

op] . .

summoned without the royal writ.
Prinn's To dismiss this argument with one instance more concerning

tom"2. S p. 4. excommunication. This essential branch of ecclesiastical juris-
in. E. 1. diction Mr. Prinn makes part of the prerogative royal. This
Prinn's is ver y extraordinary, considering he has printed a letter of
Records, king Edward I. to the archbishop of Canterbury, in which the
p 285. king declares the power of " the keys" lodged with the Church,
and that the discipline of excommunication is the business of
the spiritual authority. But, notwithstanding this counter

AUTHORS PREFACE. Ixxi

evidence, and a great deal more of this kind which must have
lain in his way, he seems resolved to maintain his error. To
this purpose, he insists upon the certificates of the bishops of
Chichester and Durham : these prelates pray in aid the king's 17 ' lf! - K '•
writ, " de excommunicato capiendo," against those who con-
temned the censures of the Church.

The bishop of Chichester's certificate, which is penned to x.

the same sense with that of the bishop of Durham's, is as
follows :

" Excellentissimo Domino suo E. Dei gratia Regi Angliae,

&c. Cicestrensis episcopus, salutem. Excellentiaa ves-

trse cujus est sponsam Christi in suis juribus et libertate tueri,
et in gladio punire justitise quos in ipsius ecclesiaa injuriam,
opprobrium et contemptum, invenerit machinantes, presenti-
bus innotescat, quod frater Radulphus de Baldoch, canonicus
de Begeham, prsedictse Cicestrensis dioccesis, est per nos
excommunicationis sententia authoritate ordinaria innodatus.
In qua sordescens per quadraginta dies et amplius adhuc
perseverare indurato animo non formidat, claves ecclesise dam-
nabiliter contemnendo, in aninue suae periculum et scandalum
plurimorum. Cum igitur ultra non habeat ecclesia quod faciat
in hac parte, vestrse Celsitudini regiae supplicamus, quatenus
juxta regni vestri consuetudinem contra dictum excommu-
nicatum extendere dignemini brachimn saeculare ; ut quern
timor Dei a malo non revocat, corporalis poena cohibeat a
peccato. Dat. 4 Cal. Decemb. anno 1289."

From this certificate, given into the court of Chancery, in order J^' 1 '. 1 ^
to a siemificavit, no more can be concluded than this : that since tom. 3. '
the excommunicated person had taken no notice of the ordinary's ' '
censure, and continued in his contempt for more than forty
days, for this reason the bishop moves for the king's writ, and
applies to the relief of the secular magistrate ; that by this
means, those who have no conscience to take hold of might be
reached in their liberty and fortune, and brought to recollec-
tion by a more sensible penalty. Notwithstanding this is the
plain meaning of the application, yet Mr. Prinn, against the
tenor of the record, and all rational inference, concludes from
hence the insignificance of the bishop's ecclesiastical censures,
and the king's supreme spiritual authority over the clergy. I
could easily go farther ; but this may serve for a sample of
Mr. Prinn's collections.

lxxii AUTHOR'S PREFACE.

To proceed, and touch briefly upon part of the doctrine,
worship, and government of the Church within the Saxon
period :

Private confession to a priest seems to have been enjoined,
Bede, r, at least, strongly recommended.

Eccles. Hist. ' , ° J . . . . _

l. 5. p. 422. Relics were valued, and holy water used, in the consecration
Bede, l. 5. f Churches.

c. 4. Images were retained for instruction and memory, but nothing

of worship allowed them. The Saxon Homilies, where they

mention the different conditions of people in the other world,

speak only of heaven and hell, and take no notice of any place

Bede, p. 420. for temporary punishment.

It is true, one Homily declares for a purging fire, to burn off
the blemishes of sin, to purify the faithful, and refine them to a
Whelock's glorified body.

Lambard's But then this fire is not to be kindled till the day of judg-

Archaion. raen fc 5 which is the old notion of purgatory we meet with in

St. Cyprian ; and it is probable their prayers for the dead

were put up for relief at the resurrection, and that those who

died under some inequalities of conduct, some abatements of

virtue, might be more gently corrected, and have a merciful

xi. deliverance through the last conflagration. Though, after all,

it must be granted, the modern doctrine of this article had

gained some belief in Bedels time, as appears by Drithelmus's

Bede, l. 5. vision.

In the Homily upon St. Etheldrith, or St. Audrey, the de-
parted saints are said to intercede for us : but the prayers of
Bede, l. 4. the Church are addressed to none but God for his benefit.
446, 447. ' What was the sense of the Saxon Church concerning the
corporal presence in the holy eucharist, the reader will see in
the course of the history. And here I shall only add, that
the laity communicated in both kinds for about 200 years after
the Norman conquest.

In their public office of the canonical hours, translated by
Mr. Elstob, the collects and lessons are in Latin : the Lord's
Prayer and Creed are likewise in this language. But then,
after a petition in the Lord's Prayer, or an article in the
Creed, there follows a Saxon translation in a copious para-
phrastical way. So, likewise, upon a verse of the Psalms, a
commenting translation is subjoined.

AUTHOR'S PREFACE. lxxiii

About the beginning of the Norman conquest, I have cited
a passage from Mahnesbury, to show that few of the Saxon
clergy of that age understood grammar. From hence I infer,
it is probable the Church service was in English : and, indeed,
king Alfred's preface to Gregory's Pastoral seems to import no
less. However, it is certain Leofric's Missal, used in the Spelman,
Confessor's reign, is all Latin, and that above mentioned is V^g
intermixed with it.

In the Norman reigns, there were three distinct liturgies :
that of York, that of Bangor, and that more general one,
secundum usum Sarum.

To speak a word or two concerning Ireland, with reference
to this matter.

The Irish liturgy was brought into that country by St.
Patrick, who is said to have received it from Germanus and
Lupus, two famous French bishops. A manuscript in the Cotton
library, nearly 900 years old, makes it the same with that of
St. Mark, and vouches St. Hierom for the point : but since
the testimony of this Father is not extant, and the liturgy
attributed to St. Mark liable to exceptions, we can infer
nothing certain, excepting the antiquity of the office.

But how uniform soever their liturgy might be at first, time
altered the case : the prelates of succeeding ages did not think
themselves confined to the usages before them. They took
the liberty to add, throw out, or abridge, as they thought con-
venient. Thus the rituals and public offices were different till
the twelfth century. They were then brought up to the
Roman standard by Gillebertus and Malachias, two Irish
bishops, and legates to the pope. Gillebertus, an acquaintance Anselm.
of^archbishop Anselm, in his preface, De Usu Ecclesiastico, *• <*•
gives an account of his performance in this kind. Ho tells
the Irish bishops and priests, in his dedication, " that at the
instance and command of many of them, he had drawn up a
form for Divine service, and gone through all the offices of the
Church : that he engaged in this undertaking to put an end
to the different schismatical usages : that his design was to
settle an uniformity of worship, and make all disagreeing com-
positions give way to the Catholic and Roman office. For
what looks more like indecency and schism than such foreign xii.

unresembling liturgies ; where the diversities are so remark-

lxxiv AUTHORS PREFACE.

able, that a priest, who is perfectly master of the service in one
r T r\°h ' ■ diocese, knows nothing of it in another V

Lunicensis What was thus begun by Gillebert was carried on by Mala-

usu S EccL- chias, as we may learn from St. Bernard, who wrote his life.

aast. in _fj e ^ e ij s us? Malachias introduced the Apostolical constitu-

s. Benedict, tions, the decrees of the Fathers, and especially the customs

Academic of the holy Roman see, into all the Irish churches. That, by

Fttfth 8 n * s industry an d zeal, he prevailed with the island to imitate

the Catholic manner, and conform to the rest of Christendom :

whereas, before, the usages were much otherwise ; and even

the city of Armagh was not without singularities in the divine

Bernard in service.
Vita Mala-
chite. The government of the Church was always and everywhere

Religion episcopal, for the first 1500 years. And thus the reader will
of the an- g n( j ^] ie ma tter settled from the beginning, in Great Britain

cient Irish, _ ° "

p. 25. and Ireland. As to the exception of the Culdees, I have

shown it altogether unserviceable : so that neither the model
of Geneva, or the Kirk of Scotland, can make any advantage
by it.

If it is inquired how the bishops were brought to this
supreme station : to this it may be answered, when the Saxons
were newly converted, the prelates were sometimes nominated
by their predecessors. Thus Laurentius succeeded to the see
of Canterbury by the appointment of Augustine the monk.
And thus an overture of the same preferment was made to
Wilfrid, by archbishop Theodorus. Afterwards the elections
were managed by the chapters : from hence they passed to the
court, where the claim was kept up for some time. As for
primitive practice, it was different from the methods last njen-
tioned, as will appear from a short view of the case.

In the primitive Church, when a see was vacant, the provin-
cial bishops used to meet : and when they had examined the
morals and sufficiency, and approved the qualifications of the
person to be promoted, they ordained him by imposition of
hands. This was done in conformity to the Apostles 1 prece-
dent. And therefore, while the election was under debate,
it was the custom to consult the clergy and laity of the place :
this was done both for a fuller inquiry, and that a bishop
might not be put upon them against their inclination. Thus
the recommendation of the clergy and people was requisite to

AUTHOR'S PREFACE. lxxv

prevent disaffection and complaint : but then the authority of
the choice, the overruling votes, and the conveying of the cha-
racter, were lodged with the bishops of each province. And to
guard against dishonour in this affair, the circumstances were
afterwards reduced towards a form, and settled by the canons.
And because the absence of some of the bishops might delay
the proceedings, it was thought fit to let the clergy and people
who were upon the spot go through with their share of the
election in the first place ; and when the matter was thus far
advanced, they applied to the bishops of the province, who
either confirmed or annulled the choice. And because the
meeting of the synods grew less frequent, this power was
afterwards devolved upon the metropolitan.

That the business of elections was thus transacted, appears
by the testimony of the ancients. St. Cyprian has a passage
full to this purpose : it is in his epistle to the Spaniards, who
wanted a bishop. He tells them, " Divine tradition andapos- Epist. 68.
tolic practice must be their rule in this affair. That when a
bishop was to be chosen, it was the general custom in Africa,
and elsewhere, for the neighbouring bishops to repair to the xm.

vacant see ; to convene the people ; and make the choice of a
public assembly : for none can be supposed to understand the
conduct and behaviour of the candidates so well as those
who live amongst them. This method, you know," says he,
" was lately practised in your country at the ordination of our
brother, Sabinus : he was chosen by the whole body of the
faithful ; the bishops ratified the election by an instrument
under their hands, and then consecrated him to the jurisdiction
of Basilicles."

St. Cyprian grounds this custom upon Scripture authority,
and cites Moses for an instance. He observes, " that when
God commanded this prophet to strip Aaron of the pontifical
habit, and put it upon Eleazar his son, the ceremony w T as to
be performed before all the congregation, as the Septuagint
has it. God," continues this father, " commands that the high
priest should be called to his office before all the congregation :
instructing us by this precept, that the ordination of bishops
ought to be made under public notice and inspection : that the
people being thus present at the solemnity, is the likeliest way
to discover the faults, and do justice to the merits of such as are

lxxvi AUTHOR'S PREFACE.

recommended : and that an ordination, to make it unexception-
able, ought to be carried on by general suffrage and authority."
Lampridius, in the Life of Alexander Severus, may serve to
illustrate this matter, and show what sort of interest the people
had in the elections. The historian reports, " that when this
emperor designed to make any officers for the exchequer, any
ministers of state or justice, he used to publish their names
beforehand : and if any person could charge them with foul
practice, they were encouraged to appear, and make evidence.
He puts them in mind, this scrutiny was customary among the
Christians when they chose their priests ; and that it would be
a blemish upon the government to be less circumspect."

To proceed, Origen gives the same account with St. Cyprian,
and makes use of an instance in the Old Testament. His
words are these : " Though God had given order for the making
a high priest, and pitched upon the person himself, yet the con-
gregation was assembled upon this occasion : for it is fit the
people should appear at the choosing a priest, that every one
may be satisfied about the learning, piety, and discretion of
him that is promoted ; that there may be no distrust of merit,
nor any pretence for re-examining the matter. That this
method is prescribed by the apostle in the choice of a bishop :
for we are told, he must have a good report of them that are
without." And if of those that are without, as St. Chrysostom

Orig. argues, how much rather ought he to stand in the good opinion

Sex"' iii of the brethren \

Levit. J3 U ^ £i ien as ^ ti ie force of the election, the pronouncing

upon the merits, and the decisive judgment, this belonged to
none but the bishops. Thus much we may infer from the pre-
cedents and reasoning of the two Fathers last mentioned.
The point may be likewise farther made good, by the testimony
of Clemens Romanus, contemporary with St. Paul. This holy
bishop, in his first epistle to the Corinthians, informs that
Church, that the apostles were forewarned by our Saviour of
the disputes which might happen about making way to the
episcopal chair ; and being enabled to see through events, and
look into the ages to come, they made bishops themselves,
leaving this for a standing rule, that when they happened to

xiv. die, others should succeed them in their office : and that these

last should be promoted by the appointment of their predeces-

AUTHOR'S PREFACE. lxxvii

sors, or clso by other persons of the same eminence, awtvSoicri-
aa(jr\Q tTic t KKXr/o-mc ttchjiiq ; the whole Church of that precinct
being satisfied with the persons and method. Thus, by the
apostles' order, the chief governors of the Church, that is, the
bishops, were commissioned to secure the succession, and pro-
vide for the perpetuity of their order : but then they were to
have a regard to the approbation of the faithful, and not make
choice of disagreeable persons ; that is, of such against whom
there lay any reasonable exception : and unless the matter had
been thus settled, unless the last resolution, and the casting
voice, had been entrusted with the bishops, the apostles foresaw
the Church would break into factions, and the business of elec-
tions be unhappily perplexed.

And thus in the third century we find elections governed by
the bishop's authority : for when Narcissus, bishop of Jerusalem,
had retired to a desert, and was not to be heard of, the neigh-
bouring bishops met to provide for the see, and ordained Dius
in his place. | ,,8 f b - ?*"*•

i . Eccles. 1.6.

The general council of Nice, which kept close to ancient c. 10.

practice, confirms this privilege to the bishops, and takes no

notice of any other interest. Can - 4 -

But though the inferior clergy and people are unmentioned
by this council, they were still left to the customary usage, and
concerned themselves in elections as formerly. And for this
we have sufficient evidence in the case of St. Athanasius and
St. Basil ; not to mention many others. For when these holy
men were chosen bishops, the clergy and laity appeared in great
numbers. They appeared to recommend the person, and ac-
quaint the bishops which way they were inclined. Athan.

Constantino, the first Christian emperor, left the Church to Gregor."
her original liberty, and acknowledged her right, as we may | a 1 z g ' t an ^
learn from his Letters to the Church of Nicomedia, and to the
bishops convened at Antioch, about filling that see. X heo i

i n a ,• ii t .. Hist.Ecrles.

And when upon the death ol Auxentms, the diocese oi ]. i. c . 20.
Milan wanted a bishop, the emperor Valentinian put the pro- f^con-
vincial prelates in mind of choosing another : and when some <*"}*• l- 3.
of them, out of ceremony, referred the choice to his majesty,
he told them, that business was too big for his management ;
and that they were much better qualified : upon which, they
proceeded to the choice of St. Ambrose. Theod.

And thus, in the reign of Theodosius the Great, we find

lxxviii AUTHOR'S PREFACE.

Flavianus and Nectarius set over the sees of Antioch and Con-
stantinople, by the second general council ; the clergy and
Theod. people of the respective cities concurring in the choice.
]. 5. c. 9. j n a fter ages, princes sometimes interposed the regale, and

overbore the canons. And upon this score, the French court
r>e Marca, is much complained of by Boniface, archbishop of Mentz.
Sa^eiT"?' 1 ' Charles the Great took off this pressure (as it was then ac-
Imper. 1.8. counted) in a great measure; and Louis the Godly, his son,
ibid. lib. 8. restored the elections to their ancient freedom. And how this
c ' ' affair was formerly managed in England, has been hinted al-

ready, and will be further discovered in the following history.
xv. To go on with a word or two concerning the English Church

within the Norman reigns ; and here the reader will meet
with some extension of belief, some alteration in worship, com-
pared with the Saxon times. However, generally speaking,
it must be said, the discipline of provincial councils was not ill
formed. And as for the clergy, they frequently bore up vigor-
ously against the encroachments of the court of Rome. Of
this, besides many others, we have a remarkable instance :
anno 4° Edward III. At a parliament held this year, the
bishops were required to give their opinion concerning the
pope's claim of 1000 marks per annum. This rent was de-
manded pursuant to the articles of resignation made by king
John. The prelates desired they might be allowed to consult
by themselves, and have a day's time given for their answer.
This being granted, they unanimously declared, that king John
had no authority to subject his crown and kingdom to any
such vassalage. And in case the pope should insist upon the
homage, and proceed to extremities, they would assist the king
Rot. Pari, against him to the utmost of their power.

e"? n°7 8 I n managing this work, I thought it requisite to intermix a
Piinn's brief account relating to the State. Without throwing in

Records ~

vol. 11. ' something of this nature, the history would have been per-
p " 3 ' plexed, and the view of Church affairs broken and imperfect.
To give one instance ; the misreport of the Scottish historians,
concerning the Culdees, could not be disproved without giving
an account when the Scots settled in Britain. Besides, I was
willing to relieve the reader by the variety of the subject.
And that the history might not be overcharged with civil
transactions, I have only glanced upon the argument, and
inserted nothing but what is most material or uncommon.

AUTHOR'S PREFACE. lxxix

If this way of writing needed a farther apology, I have the
authority of ancient and modern church historians for my
warrant. Socrates and Sozomen, Theodoret and Evagrius,
Baronius and Spondanus, Fox and the last learned author of
the " English Reformation," have all of them taken this
liberty.

However, my design being chiefly confined to the Church, 1
have declined running out into length upon anything which
might look foreign. And to be particular, for this reason, I
have waved distinguishing between assemblies purely ecclesias-
tical, and state convocations, or enlarging upon the business of
the latter.

I have omitted the mention of several writings of bishops
and other churchmen, because they are in manuscript, where
the general reader cannot see them. As for for the learned,
they may consult Bale and Pitz. To which I may add, that
many of the tracts, both for matter and manner, are worn out
of esteem.

In passing along, I have now and then made remarks upon
several occasions : this latitude I conceive is sufficiently defen-
sible ; such reflections being not unnecessary to clear matters
of fact, to disentangle the difficulty of the case, and retrieve
some serviceable truths from interest and prejudice.

Before I release the reader, I must take notice of a mistake

into which I was led, by the fault of the transcriber of Bede.

In the 92nd page of the following history, I have reported

Damianus Deusdedifs successor in the see of Canterbury.

But this is a plain corruption of Bede's copy ; for Theodorus

succeeded Deusdedit. And as for Damianus, he was never

archbishop of Canterbury, but died upon the see of Rochester. Bede l 4

c. 2. '

CONTENTS

THE FIRST VOLUM E.

BOOK I.

The religion of the Britons, 1. — A description of the authority and persuasion of
the Druids, 2. — Christianity not propagated in Britain in the reign of Tiberius, 4. —
The passage in Gildas explained, 6 — By whom Christianity was first preached here,
uncertain, 6. — And Aristohulus supposed to have been here, but without probability, 7.
— Conversion of Britain, 7. — However, it is certain Christianity was preached here
in the apostolical age, 8.— Authorities to prove St. Peter's preaching in Britain, not
sufficient, 10. — St. Paul's coming hither not improbable, 12. — The tradition concerning
Joseph of Arimathea considered, 15.— King Henry II.'s charter to the abbey of
Glassenbury, 17. — King Ina's charter questionable, 18. — Antiquities of the British
churches, 18. — King Ina's charter mentions nothing of Joseph of Arimathea, 20. —
The tradition concerning Joseph of Arimathea unmentioned by the most ancient
British historians, 22. — The Glassenbury tradition not credible by the circumstances
of the story, 23. — The eremitical way of living of the twelve Glassenbury disciples,
not suitable to that age, 24.— The incongruity of the tradition with the condition of
the Roman province, 24.— The conversion of King Lucius, 27.— The story of the
flamens and archi-flamens in Britain, unsupported, 29.— Eleutherius's letter to Lu-
cius, 32 — The credit of this letter very suspicious, 33. — Conjectures upon the motives
which made Lucius send to the bishop of Rome, 35. — The most probable reasons
why Lucius sent his agents to the bishop of Rome, 39. — Churches and other bene-
factions of Lucius, most of which not sufficiently attested, 39. — King Lucius's

travels into Gaul and Germany very questionable, 41. — The death of Lucius, 41

A brief account of Britain, with relation to the State, 42. — The history of the Church
re-assumed, 44. — Severus makes an expedition into Britain : the difficulties and
success of the enterprise, 45. — Caracalla makes a peace with the unsubdued Britons,
and leaves the country, 46 — Carausius revolts, and sets up for himself in Britain, 46.
— Allcctus murders Carausius, and succeeds in his usurpation, 46. — The Dioclesian
persecution, 46. — Gildas's description of the persecution in Britain, 48. — St. Alban's

martyrdom, 48 — No reason to disbelieve the miracles wrought by St. Alban, 52.

St. Alban's fortitude and miracles instrumental in converting others, 52. — Amphibalus
first mentioned by Geoffrey of Monmouth, 55.— Constantius Chlorus, declared em-
peror, puts a stop to the persecution, 55. — Constantine succeeds his father Constan-
tius, 55.— Constantine the Great born in Britain, 56.— Three British bishops subscribe

vol. i. e

lxxxii CONTENTS.

to the council of Aries, 59. — The apostolical succession of the British bishops,
60. — The canons of the first council of Aries, 61. — The independent authority of
the council of Aries, and the terms of equality with which they treat the bishop of
Rome, 63. — Some of the British bishops in all likelihood present at the council of
Nice, 65. — Further proof of the emperor Constantino's being born in Britain, 66. —
Pacatianus, the emperor's viceroy, in Britain, 67. — The appearing of the sign of the
Cross in the air, to Constantine the Great, 68. — A short character of this prince, 69. —
British bishops present at the council of Sardica, 69. — The reasons for convening
this council, 70. — This council a disproof of the papal supremacy, 72. — A dilemma
upon the papal supremacy, 74. — Hosius most probably no legate of the see of
Rome, 75. — The fifth and sixth canons of the council of Nice explained by the
council of Sardica, 75. — A farther argument against the supremacy, from the pre-
tended council of Philippopoli, 76. — The decision of the sixth council of Carthage
against the pope's receiving appeals, 78. — The council's remonstrating letter to the
pope, 79. — An objection from the British bishops being at the council of Sardica
answered, 81. — The liberties of Christendom secured by the council of Ephesus, 84. —
St. Hilary addresses the British bishops, 85. — British prelates present at the council
of Arimini, 85. — Why the British bishops were somewhat unfurnished at the council
of Arimini, 86. — When the Arian heresy probably reached Britain, 87. — The state
of the civil government of Britain, from Constantius to Gratian, 88. — Theodosius's
success in the government of Britain, 89. — The usurper Maximus slain, 91. — Pilgrim-
ages to Jerusalem frequent, 91. — Usurpation fatal to the Britons, 92. — The romantic
story of the eleven thousand virgins, &c, 93. — The heresy of Pelagius, 93. — The time
when this heresy appeared, 94. — Something by way of character of this heretic, 94. —
Pelagius no monk of Bangor, nor ever returned into Britain, 95. — Some of Pelagius's
tenets, 96. — Pelagianism got footing in Britain, 98. — Germanus and Lupus sent for
into Britain, to oppose the Pelagians, 101. — They dispute with the Pelagians, 102.
— Are sent into Britain by a Gallican council, and not by the pope, 103. —
A victory -gained by the prayers of Germanus and Lupus, 104. — An objection from
chronology satisfied, 106. — The civil affairs of Britain, 107. — Of Dunbriton and

Edinburgh, 107 St. German's second voyage to Britain, 109. — Schools of learning

settled in Britain by Germanus and Lupus, 110. — The Gallican liturgy introduced
into Britain by Germanus and Lupus, ] 12. — The difference between the Roman and
Gallican offices, 112. — Palladius sent into Ireland, 117. — St. Patrick succeeds Palla-
dius, 118. — A short character of St. Patrick, and his progress in Ireland, 118. — The
Saxons' first settlement in Britain, 120. — The counties in which the Saxon clans
settled, 121. — A conjecture upon Vortigern's motives in sending for the Saxons,
122. — The Saxons break with the Britons, 123. — The terrible ravage and burning
of the country, 124. — The doctrine and character of Faustus, born in Britain,
124. — Faustus's works censured after his death, for semi-Pelagianism, 128. — The
Britons recover, and defeat the Saxons at Bannesdown, 129. — Ambrosius repairs
the churches, and provides for the settlement of religious and civil affairs, 130.
— He defeats Pascentius and iElla, 130. — Ambrosius is poisoned at Winchester,
131. — Uther Pendragon, his reign, 131. — He is succeeded by his son Arthur,
132. — Dubricius, 136. — St. David, 136. — The two Sampsons, 137. — Cadocus, 138. —

Paternus, 138.— St. Petrock, 139.— St. Teliau, 139 Oudocius, 136.— Kentigern,

140. — St. Columba, 141. — He acknowledged the distinction and superiority of the
episcopal order, 142. — Gildas, 1 43. — Columbanus, 144. — Theonus and Thadiocus retire
into Wales, 144. — When the Britons probably first settled in Armorica, 145.

CONTENTS. lxxxiii

BOOK II.

The conversion of tlie Saxons, 148 — St. Gregory offers himself for the conversion of the
English, 149. — He sends Augustine the monk hither upon this employment, 150. —
Augustine and his companions meet with a kind reception from king Ethelbert, 152 —
The conditions of communion altered since the time of Gregory the Great, 153. —
King Ethelbert and a great many of his subjects converted, 150. — Augustine and his
company wrought miracles, 156. — He travels back to Aries, and soon after returns
into Britain, 157. — The pope's answer to Augustine's questions, 157. — The antiquity,
use, &c, of the pall, 160. — Gregory's letter to Augustine, 166. — Another letter of
pope Gregory's to king Ethelbert, 166. — He writes to queen Bertha, 16!!. —
He advises Augustine not to pull down the heathen temples, but turn them
into Christian churches, 170. — He cautions him against being elated with his
miracles, 171. — A brief description of the Saxon paganism, 172. — The time of the
Scots settling in Britain, 174. — A conference between Augustine and the British
bishops, 175. — A second conference, 177. — Dinoth, abbot of Bangor, his answer to
Augustine, concerning submission to the pope, 178. — Some farther conjectures open
the reasons of the incompliance of the British clergy, 179. — Augustine cleared from
being concerned in the slaughter of the British monks, 181. — The death of archbishop
Augustine, 183. — A brief account of Gregory the Great, 184. — Laurcntius endeavours
to bring the British and Scottish Churches to a conformity with the Saxon, 186. —
Baronius's inferences upon the British and Scottish ungrounded, 186. — The death of
Ethelbert, king of Kent, 188. — Eadbald and his subjects relapse into paganism, 188. —
Mellitus and Justus, being discouraged, embark for France, 189. — Laurentius designed
to follow them, 190. — The conversion of the kingdom of Northumberland, 191. —
Edwin in danger of being assassinated, 192. — Edwin's conversion hastened by putting
him in mind of a prediction, 193. — King Edwin's court, &c., baptized, 197. — Redwald
and Eorpwald turn Christians, 199. — The conversion of Blecca, governor of Lincoln,
199. — Edwin's admirable government, 200. — King Edwin slain, 201. — Paulinus
retires from York into Kent, 202. — Osric and Eanfrid succeed Edwin, and miscarry
202. — Oswald succeeds Eanfrid, and defeats Ceadwalla, 203. — Aidan, a Scotch bishop,
promotes Christianity in Oswald's dominions, 203. — Aidan's see fixed in Holy Island,
204. — Aidan's admirable conduct, 205. — The West Saxons converted by Birinus,
207. — The episcopal see of the West Saxons fixed at Winchester, 209. — The conver-
sion of the East Angles, 209. — Sigebert a great encourager of learning, 210. — Sigebert
slain in the field, 211. — Earconbert destroys the remains of idolatry, 212. — King
Oswald slain at the battle of Macerfeld, 212.. — Oswin betrayed to Oswi, and slain,
214. — King Oswin's character, 214. — The death of bishop Aidan, 215. — The conversion
of the Middle Angles, 215. — The East Saxons recovered to Christianity, 216. —
Sigebert, king of the East Saxons, assassinated, 217. — Penda, king of the Mercians,
slain, and his subjects converted, 219.. — Peada, king of the Southern Mercians, assas-
sinated, 221. — Baronius entangled in his opinion concerning Aidan and the Scottish
Church, 221. — No pretence for the Presbyterian platform from the island of Hye,
222. — The conference at Whitby, 222. — The vernal equinox was reckoned on the 12th
of the calends of April, that is, on the 21st of March, 225. — Colman retires into
Scotland, 229. — Tuda succeeds him in his bishopric, 230. — Wilfrid goes to France for
consecration, 230. — The Saxons communicate with the British and Scottish bishops,
231. — A part of the East Saxons revolt from Christianity, and are recovered, 232. —
Gregory the Great's regulations set aside in the provinces of York and Canterbury,
233. — Pope Vitalian consecrates Theodorus to the see of Cantcrburv, 234. — Theodorus

e 2

lxxxiv CONTENTS.

makes a general visitation, and introduces the Roman customs, 234. — St. Chad
deprived of his see at York, was afterwards bishop of Lichfield, 235.' — St. Chad's
piety and death, 236. — The death of king Oswi, 237. — A synod held at Hertford under
Theodorus, 237. — The death of king Ecgbert, 240. — Winfrid deposed by Theodorus,
240. — The metropolitical jurisdiction, whence derived, 241. — Sebbi, king of the East
Saxons, turns monk, 243. — Kent miserably harassed by Ethelred, king of the Mer-
cians, 244. — Wilfrid expelled his diocese by king Ecgfrid, appeals to the pope, and
takes a voyage to Rome, 244. — Theodore cantons Wilfrid's diocese without his con-
sent, 245. — Wilfrid converts Adalgisus, king of West Friesland, and a great many of
his subjects, 247. — A noble sentence of king Adalgasius, 247. — Wilfrid no proxy
for the English Church, 248. — Wilfrid's petition to the pope, 249. — The sentence of
the Roman synod, in favour of Wilfrid, not regarded by king Ecgfrid and the North-
umbrian bishops, 249. — The synod at Hatfield, or Cliff, near Rochester, 250.— Hilda's
character and government, 252. — Four bishoprics added to that of Lichfield in the
kingdom of the Mercians, 252. — Wilfrid retires to the Mercians, 252. — From thence
to the West Saxons, from whence he travels to the South Saxons, and converts them,

253. Ecgfrid, king of Northumberland, harasses the Scots in Ireland, 255. — He

makes an expedition against the Picts, and is routed and slain, 255. — The death of
Lothere, king of Kent, 256. — St. Cuthbert made bishop of Holy Island, 256. — His
character and merit, 256. — Theodore reconciled to Wilfrid, 257. — The archbishop of
Canterbury not nominated by the crown, 257. — Theodore and Wilfrid reconciled,

351. Theodore's letter to king Ethelred, 258. — Wilfrid recalled by king Alfrid,

He is banished a second time, 259. — Ceadvvalla resigns his crown, goes to Romc>
and dies there, 259. — The death of archbishop Theodore, 261. — Some remarks upon
the council in Trullo, 264. — Ecclesiastical laws of king Ina, 266. — The synod at
Becanceld, 267. — Wilbrod converts West Friesland, 271. — The synod of Berkham-

sted, 271. Naitan, king of the Picts, conforms to the Catholic custom of keeping

Easter, 272. — The synod at Onestresfeld, about Wilfrid's case, 273. — Wilfrid
appeals to Rome, which gives offence to the archbishop, 274. — Wilfrid and his party
excommunicated, 275. — Wilfrid's second voyage to Rome, 275. — Wilfrid acquitted
by the pope and Roman synod, 276. — King Alfrid's death, 278. — The synod at Nidd,
278. — The synod remonstrates against the pope's sentence, 278. — However, at last
they come to a temper, and the controversy is accommodated, 279. — King Ethelred's
death, 281. — Wilfrid dies, 281. — The two kings, Cenred and Offa, resign, and turn
monks at Rome, 282. — Aldhelm, bishop of Sherburn, his extraction and character,
283. — The synod of Alne, 284. — Acca succeeds Wilfrid in the bishopric of Hexham,

284. The pretended council at London, 285. — Bede's opinion concerning images,

285. — The pretended council of London farther disproved, 286. — St. Guthlack's
character, 287. — King Osred assassinated, 288. — The monks of Hy conform to the
Roman custom of keeping Easter, 288. — The death of John of Beverley, 288. —
Withred, king of Kent, dies, 289. — King Ina's charter to the abbey of Glassenbury,
289. — King Ina throws up the government, and takes the habit at Rome, 289.

The death of Berthwald, archbishop of Canterbury, 290. — Bede's advice to Egbert

concerning monasteries, 292. — Bede's death and character, 294. — The death of
Tatwine and Nothelm, 295. — Boniface's letter to king Ethelbald, 296. — Boniface's
letter to archbishop Cuthbert, 300. — A synod of Clovesho, 303. — The canons of the
synod, 303. — Egbert receives a pall from Rome, 308. — He furnishes York witli a
considerable library, 308. — The charter of King Ethelbald to the Church and monas-
teries, 309. — The martyrdom of archbishop Boniface, 310. — Kinulphus's charter exa-
mined, 311. — Sir Edward Coke's argument for ecclesiastical jurisdiction in the crown
insufficient,312. — Fuller's instance from Cuthbert inconclusive, 316. — Lichfield erected
into an archbishopric, 319. — The synod of Calcuith, 321. — Kinulphus assassinated by
his nephew Kincard, 326. — The first descent of the Danes upon Britain, 327. — The
second council of Nice deeply censured by the English historians, 327. — A short
account of the councils of Constantinople, Nice, and Frankfort, relating to the wor-
ship of images, 327. — The authority of the Caroline books and the council of Frank-
fort vindicated, 330. — The council of Paris against image worship, 332. — King Offa

CONTENTS. lxxxv

founds the monastery of St. Alban's, 334. — King Offa goes to Rome to procure pri-
vileges of exemption to the abbey, 335. — Peter-pence a bounty, not homage, 335. —
King Kenulphus's letter to the pope for the restitution of the province of Canterbury,
338. — The pope's answer to the king's letter, 339. — The archbishopric of Lichfield
extinguished, 339. — The synod of Finchale, 340. — The perfidiousness and disloyalty
of the Northumbrians, 340. — A letter of the English bishops to the pope, by way of
remonstrance, 341. — The synod of Clovesho, 342. — Another synod at Clovesho, 343.
— Alcuin's death and character, 344. — The pretended restitution of Ardulph, king of
Northumberland, examined, and Baronius's inference disproved, 34(5. — King Egbert's
success against the Britons in Cornwall and South Wales. — The council of Calcuith,
349. — Some remarks upon the council, 352. — The kingdom of Mercia extinguished
and swallowed up by the West Saxons, 356. — The pretended council of Calcuith,
357. — Another council at Calcuith, 353. — King Egbert subdues the heptarchy, and
becomes monarch of the island, 358.

BOOK III.

The original, manners, and ravages of the Danes, 360. — The Danes make several descents
upon England, 362. — The laws of king Kenneth II., 365. — The Scottish bishops
not fixed to sees, but exercised jurisdiction at large, 367. — The Danes sack London,
367. — They are routed by king Ethelwulf, 367. — Tithes predial and personal passed by
Ethelwulf's grant, 370. — Divine right not necessary, 371. — A rebellion against king
Ethelwulf, at his return from Rome, 373. — Ethelbald, king of the West Saxons, 373.
— St. Swithin, 374. — King Ethelred defeats the Danes at Ashdoune, 376. — Monas-
teries of Croyland, &c, destroyed, 376. — The ground of the Danes' war upon king
Edmund, and occasion of his martyrdom, 377. — Alfred crowned in his childhood at
Rome, 378. — King Alfred forced to retire to Athelinge, near Taunton, 380. — He gives
the Danes an entire defeat, 381. — The Danish king and most of his troops turn
Christians, 381. — The English attacked again by the Danes, 382. — King Alfred's
bravery, 382. — Alfred the first Saxon prince that set out a fleet, 382 — Some of king
Alfred's laws, 382.— The tithings, 384.— Counties first settled by king Alfred, 385.—
Forms of law and sheriffs, 385. — County courts, and court-leets, 385. — The impar-
tiality of his justice, 385. — The last appeals made to the king's person, 386. — The
monastic life disused in England, and the married clergy settled in the monasteries,
387. — King Alfred encourages learning, 388. — Scotus writes against transubstantiation,
388. — He is counted a martyr, 389. — Cressy's objections answered, 389. — Grimbald
and other learned foreigners invited hither by king Alfred, 390. — The king consults
several English prelates, 390. — A short character of some of them, 391. — St. Neots,
391. — Part of the king's letter to bishop Wulfsig, 392. — The antiquity of the univer-
sity of Oxford briefly considered, 394. — King Alfred owned to be the founder
of Oxford, 397. — No decision of the question, 398. — The death of Athelred, arch-
bishop of Canterbury, 398 Several synods, 398.— The death of king Alfred,

399. — The remainder of his character, 399 — King Edward enlarges his dominions,
and succeeds against the Danes, 402. — Pope Formosus's bull of excommunication
against king Edward inconsistent with chronology, 402. — The Cornish Britons inde-
pendent of the pope, 403. — Baronius and Cressy endeavour to disentangle the difficul-
ties of the bull, but without success, 403. — Three new sees erected, 405. — King Ed-
ward's charter to Cambridge, 407 The death of archbishop Plegmund, 410. — King

Edward's success against the Northumbrians, Danes, Scotch, and Welsh, 410. — Athel-
stan an enterprising and successful prince, 41 1. — The synod of Graetley, 412. — Were-
gild, what, 415. — The quality of the clergy and laity stated by law, 416.— King Athel-
stan's death, 417. — Odo's extraction and education, 417. — Odo's exceptions against

lxxxvi CONTENTS.

taking the see of Canterbury, 418. — King Edmund's reign and successes, 420. — Odo's
constitutions, 421. — A brief account of the Culdees, 423. — Their antiquity disproved
against the Dissenters, 423. — Ecclesiastical laws made under king Edmund, 425. —

King Edmund's charter to the abbey of Glassenbury, 426 St. Dunstan's extraction,

fortune, and character, for the former part of his life, 426. — King Edmund murdered,
428. — King Edred's success against the Northumbrians and Scots, 428. — Turketul,
king Edred's chancellor, abbot of Croyland, 429. — The king refuses to grant the pri-
vilege of sanctuary, 429. — The death of king Edred, 429. — St. Dunstan's freedom
with king Edwy, 430. — King Edwy no friend to the monks, 430. — A rebellion against
king Ed wy, 431. — King Edwy dies, 433. — The prosperous reign of king Edgar, 433.
— King Edgar's character and administration, 433. — He sails round the island every
year, 434. — Some blemishes of his reign, 434. — He submits to a seven years' penance,
435. — His charter to the church of Canterbury, 436. — St. Dunstan receives his pall at
Rome, 436. — King Edgar a friend to the monks, and why, 437. — No more than three
bishops mentioned in the design against the secular clergy, 438. — King Edgar's
constitutions, 438. — King Edgar general of the English monks, 439. — A body of
canons said to be made in the reign of king Edgar, 439. — A form of confession, with
directions to the penitent, 441. — A penitential drawn up by another hand, 442. — A
relaxation in some cases, 443. — King Edgar's speech in favour of the monks against
the secular clergy, 445. — Remarks upon king Edgar's speech, 448. — Oswald's contri-
vance to remove the secular clergy at Worcester, 449. — Secular clergy most at this
time, 449. — The council of Winchester, 450. — The controversy between the monks
and secular clergy pretended to be decided by a miracle, 450. — The countenance of a
prodigy not always an evidence of a good cause, 450. — A defence of the marriage of
the clergy, 451. — Paphnutius declares for the marriage of the clergy, 454. — The au-
thority of Paphnutius's advice farther defended, 460. — Pope Siricius the first pre-
late that made constitutions for the celibacy of the clergy, 461. — St. Dunstan
excommunicates an earl for an incestuous marriage, 464. — He refuses to absolve
him at the pope's order, 465. — The earl submits, and is restored by St. Dun-
stan, 466. — Oswald, archbishop of York, 466. — Oswald and St. Dunstan, pluralist
bishops, 466. — The abbey of Ramsey founded, 467. — The ceremonies about bells,
when introduced, 468. — The death of king Edgar, 468. — The secular clergy re-
vive their claim, and gain ground upon the monks, 468. — The synod of Calne
convened about this controversy, 469. — The floor sinks under the synod, 469. —
A synod at Amesbury, 470. — .The constitutions of Northumberland, 470. — The
murder of king Edward the Martyr, 471. — Corf Castle, in the isle of Purbeck,
472. — A little accident at king Ethelred's baptism, 473. — St. Dunstan's prophecy of
the Danish invasion, 473. — Some Danish privateers land at Southampton, 473. — The
bishops of Landaff first consecrated by the archbishops of Canterbury, 473. — The
metropolitical see of St. David's continues independent of the English Church, 474.
— A misunderstanding between king Ethelred and Alstan, bishop of Rochester, 474.
— The death of Ethelwold, bishop of Winchester, 475. — A short description of the
misfortunes in king Ethelred's reign, 475. — Arthmael, a Welsh prince, excommuni-
cated, &c, 478. — St. Dunstan's death, 478. — He is honoured with the title of a
saint, 478. — Ethelgar, archbishop of Canterbury, 478. — The Church exempted from
Dane-gelt, 479. — The conditions upon which the Church lands were granted in the
Saxon times, 479. — Two Elfrics. The Sermones Catholici, &c. most probably
written by the latter, 481. — The sense of the Saxon English Church, with relation
to the holy eucharist, 481. — English missionaries in Sweden and Norway, 486.. — The
pope makes an agreement between king Ethelred and Richard, Duke of Normandy^
486. — Elfric's canons, 487. — The first four general councils preferred to the rest,
490.— The council of Engsham, 491.— Synod of Haba, 492.— The siege of Canter-
bury and martyrdom of Elphegus, 493. — Elphegus's fortitude, and contempt of death,

493. — Livingus succeeds at Canterbury, 496 The kingdom terribly harassed by

Swane, king of Denmark, 497. — King Swane dies, 498. — Canute succeeds Swane,
498.— The death of king Ethelred, 499.— The perfidiousness of Edric, 499.— A duel
betwixt king Edmund and Canutus, 499. — King Edmund murdered, 500. — The

CONTENTS. lxx

xvn

traitor Eclric executed, 501. — Canutus kind to the Church, 502. — Secular canons at
Canterbury, 50*2. — A cliorcpiscopus formerly, 502. — Bishops and abbots chosen by
the convent and chapter, 503. — Canutus procures some privileges for the English
at the court of Rome, 503. — No direct invocation of saints, 504. — Canutus's eccle-
siastical laws, 505. — Mouiic, a Welsh prince, excommunicated, 507. — Harold suc-
ceeds Canutus, 507. — Eadsius succeeds Agelnoth in the see of Canterbury, 508.

Agelnoth refuses to crown Harold, 508. — Hardicanute succeeds Harold, 509.

The Danes insolent, and expelled by the English, 509. — Edward the Confessor

succeeds Hardicanute, 509. — Norman customs taken up by the English, 510. —
The reason of the rupture between king Edward and earl Godwin, 511. — Wil-
liam, an English bishop in Denmark, excommunicates king Swaine, 513. — Leofric
and Godiva great benefactors to the monasteries, 514. — Emma, the queen mother,
and Alwin, bishop of Winchester, wrongfully charged with a scandalous cor-
respondence, 514. — She passes the test unhurt, 515. — The story of the purgation
highly improbable, 516. — The bishop's see removed from Kirton to Exeter, 517. — King
Edward made a vow of pilgrimage to Rome, 518. — He is dissuaded from leaving the
kingdom, 518. — And sends an embassy to Rome, 519. — The pope dispenses with the
king's vow, 519.— Robert succeeds Eadsius, 520. — The investiture of the ring and
crosier, no ancient custom in England, 520. — Stigand succeeds Robert, and acts
without a new pall, 521. — King Edward sends for Edward, son of Edmund Ironside,
and his children, 523. — Edward Atheling right heir to the crown, 523. — The story
of St. Peter's consecrating Westminster Abbey Church considered, 524. — King
Edward's second embassy to Rome, 525. — Sir Edward Coke's instance for the king's
supremacy inconclusive, 526. — Pope Nicholas grants the abbey an exemption from
episcopal visitation, 526. — The pope grants the pall to archbishop Aldred, 257. —
Stigand signs archbishop of Canterbury, notwithstanding the censure he lay under
from Rome, 528.' — Wulfstan made bishop of Worcester, 528. — Somewhat of his life
and character, 528. — He makes a profession of canonical obedience to archbishop
Stigand, 529. — The great privileges of the charter to the abbey of Westminster, 530.
The dedication of the abbey church, 531. — King Edward dies, 531. — A farther ac-
count of his reign and character, 531. — The king's evil first cured by this prince, 532.
This disease cured by the kings of England almost two hundred years before the
kings of France, 535. — King Edward canonized, 536. — His laws, 536. — The division
of parishes, when settled, 540. — The different kinds and manner of the trial ordeal,

546. The ceremonies of knighthood under the Saxon government, 550. — Harold

usurps the crown, 'S60. — This gives an occasion to the conquest of the kingdom, 550.

William, duke of Norniandy, sends to Harold, and demands the performance of

articles, 551. — He is encouraged in his expedition against Harold, by the pope, 552. —
The battle at Hastings, where the English lose the day, 552. — Archbishop Stigand
makes a stand against the Normans in Kent, and brings them to articles, 553.

ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY

GREAT BRITAIN.

BOOK I.

Being, by God's assistance, about to write the Church history
of Great Britain, it may not be improper to premise a word or
two about the condition of the inhabitants before Christianity
was preached to them. Their condition, I mean, as to worship
and religious belief, for things are oftentimes best discovered
by comparison ; nothing illustrates the difference of opposite
qualities better than bringing them thus to the test, and set-
ting them as it were within the view of each other. And here The religion
we shall find the poor Britons to have lain remarkably " in ^ ri '
darkness, and in the shadow of death ; " to have been low and
unpolished in their understandings, and miserably mistaken in
the object and manner of their worship. They were, as St.
Paul speaks, " aliens from the commonwealth of Israel, and Eph. 2. 12.
strangers from the covenant of promise, having no hope,
and without God in the world." For, as Porphyry rightly
observes, " Britain, together with the Scottish clans, and all Apud Hie-
the barbarous nations which lay round the island as far as the ^phom. «j-"
ocean, knew nothing of Moses and the prophets." This testi- ver8 Pela g«
mony of Porphyry is supported by Origen, who informs us,
vol. 1. B -4—

ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book i.

Orig. in
Ezek. Ho-
mil. 4.

Xiphilin.
Epitom. in
Neron.

Gildas Hist
p. 10.

A descrip-
tion oftke
authority
and per-
suasion of
the Druids.
De Bel.
Gal. lib. 6.

" that before the coming of Christ, Britain was not so happy
as to be disentangled from the errors of polytheism." And to
give some particulars, they are said to have worshipped
Andraste, or Andrate, the goddess of victory ; and Dion
Cassins reports that Apollo and Diana were some of their
deities : and to put this matter beyond dispute, Gildas, a
native of this island, describes to what excesses their ignorance
and idolatry carried them. He tells us, " they were overgrown
with the common errors of the pagan world ; that their idols
were as monstrous and extravagant, and altogether as nume-
rous, as those in Egypt." The deformed and hideous figures of
which were to be seen when this historian lived ; who tells us
farther, " that the Britons used to apply to hills and rivers,
and pay their devotion to them." And thus, that which
St. Jerome mentions in his epistle to Heliodorus, may be
applied to the lamentable state of those times, " that the whole
world, from India to Britain, and from the cold climates of the
North, as far as the Atlantic Ocean, were sunk almost to the
condition of beasts and insects, and lived a wretched and con-
temptible life ; for, in truth, a man that is ignorant of Him
that made him, is upon the matter no better than a brute.
But now," as this Father continues, " the passion and resur-
rection of our Saviour is every where published both by
preaching and written discourse V 1

The famous Druids were the religious guides of the old
Britons : a short view, therefore, of their opinions, may serve
to give us a farther account of the circumstances of their
idolatry. These Druids, as Julius Csesar informs us, were at
the head of religion both in Gaul and Britain : they had the
management of public and private sacrifices, interpreted omens,
and resolved all difficulties relating to divine worship. Their
order was esteemed very honourable, and almost all civil con-
troversies were decided by them. When any great crime,
when any murder was committed, when there was any dispute

1 Many writers have doubted whether Mr. Collier's estimate of the condition of the
Ancient Britons is not rather more severe than just. That the)' laboured under the
religious disadvantages common to the Gentiles is certain; but, relatively speaking, their
mythologic system was extremely elaborate and scientific. Erroneous as it was, it was
neither so dark nor so ridiculous, so barbarous nor so contemptible, as many other
pagan institutions. Let us adhere to truth impartially. The vast superiority of Chris-
tianity may be evinced, without unfairly decrying the superstitions that perish by their
own vices. (Vide Phanner, Burigni, Fulda, Selden, Gale, Davies, Faber, Oliver, &c.)

cent, i.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. $

about a title of land, or any other point relating to meum and
timm, the trial and controversy was referred to these sages,
and judgment pronounced by them. And if any private person
or community refused to submit to the sentence, they were
forbidden to be present at the solemnities of sacrificing. This
was reckoned the severest punishment ; for those who lay
under it were looked upon as the most wicked and deplorable
wretches imaginable. Every one avoided their company, and
would not so much as have any manner of correspondence with
them for fear of receiving infection ; and as long as they were
thus interdicted the altars, they were thrown, as it were, out
of the protection of the laws ; neither was it possible for them
to arrive at any degree of distinction or quality. The body
of these Druids was governed by one of their order, whose*
authority was paramount to the rest. When this arch-Druid
was dead, if any of the rest was particularly remarkable for his
merit, he succeeded without farther dispute ; but in case there
were several who had equal pretensions, the election was put to
the vote, and sometimes they came to blows, and the contro-
versy was decided in the field. These Druids, in case of sick-
ness, danger, or public distress, endeavoured to disengage
themselves by human sacrifices, imagining that the gods
would be pleased with no lower satisfaction ; and that nothing
but the life of one man was sufficient to atone for and ransom
that of another. Caesar continues, and observes, that they
had public sacrifices for this purpose ; that the figures of their
idols, made of osiers, were very bulky and hollow ; that they
put the wretched victims within these statues, and burnt them
to death. For these expiations, they generally made use of
those who were guilty of theft or robbery, or some other scan-
dalous crime, imagining that such wretches are most accept-
able to their deities : but in case there happens not to be
criminals enough, they sacrifice the innocent. They worship
Mercury with a particular regard, looking upon him as the
inventor of all arts and sciences, the protector of trade, and
their guide in their march and journeys. Besides Mercury,
they worship Apollo, Mars, Jupiter, and Minerva, and have
much the same opinion of their presidency and assistance with
the rest of the world. This character of the Druids, though
given by Csesar in respect to the Gauls, yet since he tells us,
that this religious system was invented by the British Druids,

b 2

4 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [hook i.

and supposed to be brought thence into Gaul, and that those
who designed to be perfectly versed in this mystery, used to
travel into that island for instruction ; since the matter stands
thus, I say, we may conclude the Britons were under the
same disadvantages and barbarities of worship ; which is far-
Annai ^her confirmed by Tacitus, who tells us, that when Suetonius
lib. 14. Paulinus was Nero's general in Britain, the Druids in the isle
of Anglesea used to sacrifice those they took prisoners, and
butcher men and women to inspect their entrails, and give
them a prospect into futurity.

Having now taken a short view of the condition of the

Britons under heathenism, I shall proceed to examine when,

and by whom, Christianity was first planted in this island.

Christiamt^Hhak the Gospel was not preached here in the reign of Tibe-

"atelm"' rms 5 as some authors suppose, is pretty evident : for whoever

Britain in compares the circumstances of those times, and considers the

Tiberius. small number of the years between our Saviour's passion and

the death of Tiberius, will find very little probability of the

founding a Christian Church in a place so remote as Britain.

Euseb. Hist. To make this appear, I need not insist upon the testimony of

c. C \8 llb ' 5 " Apollonius in Eusebius concerning the ancient tradition, that

" our Saviour commanded his apostles not to depart from

Jerusalem within twelve years after his ascension ;"" nor of that

of the Alexandrian Chronicle, wherein it is said, that " the

apostles did not separate till after the Council at Jerusalem."

That which proves the point more fully, supposing the dis-
persion to have been within the reign of Tiberius, is, that the
Scripture gives such an account of the extent and design of
the disciples preaching upon it, as is utterly inconsistent with
any probability of their coining hither. For, by the text, we
Arts n.19. are informed, "that they which were scattered abroad upon
the persecution that arose about Stephen, travelled as far as
Phoenice, Cyprus, and Antioch ; preaching the word to none
but unto the Jews alone.'" Now the nearest of these places is
very distant from Britain, and if the disciples preached to none
but the Jews, what likelihood was there of the conversion of
the gentile Britons I

We may observe farther, that Cornelius was not baptized
by St. Peter till the year 40, that is, not till three years after
the death of Tiberius. This Cornelius, as is confessed on all
hands, was the first gentile that was admitted to the privileges

cent, i.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 5

of Christianity. If this matter was questioned, the history of
the Acts of the Apostles would set it beyond all dispute : for
did not St. Peter stand in need of a vision to prepare him to
instruct the Gentiles I Did not himself and the college of the
apostles believe their commission confined to the Jews ? Did
they not upon the report of St. Peter's conversing with Cor-
nelius, did they not, I say, send for St. Peter and examine the
fact I Did they not question his conduct, and put him upon
his justification \ Were they not surprised at the descent of
the Holy Ghost upon the gentile converts ? and that they
were admitted into the communion of the Church \ The cir-
cumstances of this affair all put together, amount to a demon-
stration, that the apostolical college never thought they had #
the liberty of preaching to the heathens, and taking them into
the Church, till after Cornelius's baptism ; which happening,
as I observed before, in the fortieth year of the Christian era,
how is it possible that any of the pagan Britons should be
converted in the reign of Tiberius \

That which has led some Church-historians into this mistake, Gildas,
seems to have been a passage in Gildas, which they have ap- fcj®'
plied to the particular preaching of the Gospel in Britain ;
whereas the place seems only to be understood of the general
preaching of the apostles in several parts of the world, as will
appear by considering the words and circumstances of this pas-
sage. Gildas, undertaking to give some account of the ancient
British Church, laments the want of records to give him cer-
tain information : " For," says he, " if there were any such
in Britain, they were either burnt by our enemies, or carried
beyond sea by the banishment of our countrymen ; so that
now there was nothing of them to be seen ; insomuch that he
was forced to collect what he could meet with from foreign
writers. 11 From hence he proceeds to speak what an easy
conquest the Romans made of Britain, and with what difficulty
the province was kept ; the inhabitants being strongly averse
to submit to their new masters ; and then comes in the re-
markable passage above mentioned : —

" Interea glaciali frigore rigenti insula? et velut longiore p. n.
terrarum secessu soli visibili non proxima?, verus ille Sol, non
de firmamento temporal], sed de summa etiam coelorum arce,
tempora cuncta excedente, universo orbi prtefulgidum sui
coruscum ostendcns ; tempore (ut scimus) summo Tiberii

6 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [look i.

Csesaris (quo absque ullo impediments, ejus propagabatur re-
ligio, comminata, senatu nolente, a principe morte, dilatori-
bus militum ejusdem,) radios suos primum indulget, id est,
sua prsecepta Christus."

" In the meantime the true sun enlightened this island,
frozen with its northern situation ; that is, Christ published
his laws to the inhabitants in the latter end of the reign of
Tiberius Caesar, at which time, as it is well known, the Chris-
tian religion was propagated, though against the inclination of
the Roman senate ; and death was threatened by that prince
to those who should disturb the Christians, or inform against
them."
The passage. By this passage it seems sufficiently plain, that Gildas speaks
m Gildas f a double shining of the Gospel ; one relating; to the world

explained. o r » o

in general, and the other more particularly to this island. The
former he assigns to the latter end of Tiberius ; the latter
was (interea) in the meantime, of which he first speaks ; and
that refers back to the time before mentioned, which was the
fatal victory over Boadicea and the Britons by Suetonius
Paulinus, and the slavery they fell under upon it. This battle
happened about the middle of Nero's reign, almost twenty
years after Claudius had sent A. Plautius to reduce Britain
Tacit, in m ^° ^ ie f orm °f a province. This Plautius, as Tacitus informs
Vit. Agri- us , was succeeded by P. Ostorius Scapula, A. Didius Callus,
and Veranius, in the government of Britain, before Suetonius
Paulinus had the management of that province : for, after
Claudius's triumph for his victory in Britain, the Romans
began to plant the island, to settle colonies, magistrates, and
jurisdictions here : in short, towns of trade were set up, and
the Roman merchants furnished them with commodities both
for the convenience and splendour of life. From this Roman
intercourse and improvement in the island, we may conclude,
that the period fixed upon by Gildas was a very probable
time for the bringing the Gospel hither, viz. between the time
of A. Plautius's government, in the reign of Claudius, and
the battle between Boadicea and Suetonius Paulinus ; that
the preaching of Christianity here happened within this in
terval, is extremely probable, as I shall prove more at large
afterwards.
n, whom ^ u ^ ^° wna t particular apostle, or apostolical person, this

Christianity ivcts first preached here, uncertain.

cent, i.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 7

island was obliged for so great a blessing, is not easy to deter-
mine. Some authors will have it that St. James the Great, vid. Usser.
son of Zebedee, and brother to St. John, travelled into the Eccies^An-
west, and preached the Gospel both in Spain and Britain. li i- P- 3 -
But this conjecture has no bottom to support it ; for this St. St. James
James was murdered by Herod, before the dispersion of the chrysost.
apostles, in the year of our Lord 44. . Ho " u '°-

To proceed : Nicephorus Callistus reports Simon Zelotes to c. 22.
have carried Christianity as far as the western ocean and the i tes.
British island. And Dorotheus, in his Synopsis, tells us, B * ron - An "

J I ' ' rial, ad ann.

this apostle was crucified, and buried in Britain ; which is **■ n - 38.
likewise affirmed in the Greek Menology. But then, in the Hist. Eccle-
Roman Martyrology, and Breviary, and likewise in the Mar- jj^*' j] '
tyrology of Beda, Usuardus, and Ado, this testimony is con- tom -. 2 -
tradicted, and the apostle above mentioned said to suffer mar- Lcct. ken.
tyrdom in Persia. aDW "'

Farther, in the Greek Menseon, there is mention made of And Arista-
Aristobulus, whose household is saluted by St. Paul. This JJj ff
Aristobulus, I say, is mentioned in the Menseon upon the fif- hava &*»
teenth day of March, to have been ordained bishop by St. without pro-
Paul ; and that after having received this character, he was R^fg. 10
dispatched into Britain by that apostle ; where, meeting with
a barbarous and savage people, and being very inhumanly A . D . 50.
treated, he at length suffered martyrdom ; having first con-
verted many of the inhabitants, and formed them into Churches,
with ecclesiastical governors to take care of them.

In the second Epistle to St. Timothy, there is mention made 2 Tim.
of Pudens and Claudia. This Claudia, married to Pudens, is 4 - 2L
said to have been of British extraction, as appears by the poet
Martial —

Claudia cceruleis cum sit Buffina Britannia Martial lib.

Edita, cur Latiw pectora jplebis habet ? u - e P i s 1 '• 54 -

Quale decits forma? ? Romanam credere Matres,

Italides possunt, Atthides esse suam.

That this Claudia was wife to Pudens, appears by another
passage of the same poet —

Claudia Bufe, meo nubit peregrina Pudenti ; id. lib. 4.

Made esto twdis, Hymenwe, tuis. eplgr- 13 '

But Father Parsons will not allow Claudia the advantage of Conversion

of Britain.

8 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book i.

this character, and raises several objections against the credit
of the story ; one of the strongest of which is, that Claudia,
spoken of by St. Paul, lived in the time of Nero, and could
not be "known to Martial, who was living sixty years after, in
the reign of Trajan. But to this it may be answered, that
notwithstanding the eleventh book of Martial's Epigrams was
part of it written in the reigns of Nerva or Trajan, yet it does
not follow but that some of those poems might be penned a
great while before. It is true the poet died in the reign of
Trajan, but then we are to consider that he had lived to a
great age, that he had formerly been an intimate acquaintance
of Silius Italicus, who wrote the Second Punic War, and in
whose consulship Nero dispatched himself; as is agreed not
only by other authors, but plainly enough hinted by Martial
himself in the following verses concerning Silius : —

Lib. 7. Postquam bis senis ingentem fascibus annum

epigl ' "" Bexemt, asserto qui sacer orbe fait :

Emeritos Musis et Phosbo tradidit annos,
Proque suo celebrat nunc Helicona foro.

However, Now, when Nero was emperor of Rome, and most probably
l Ckristicuiity towards the latter end of his reign, the second Epistle of St.
ivas preach- p au l to Timothy was written, in which the salutation of

ea here m ...

the aposto- Pudens and Claudia is mentioned ; so that, notwithstanding
^ ' any chronological reasons insisted on by Parsons, St. Paul's
and Martial's Claudia may be the same person.

But notwithstanding it is difficult to assign the person that
was the first missionary in this island, yet we have sufficient
evidence that there was a Christian Church planted in Britain
during the apostles' times. To prove this, I shall, in the first
place, produce the testimony of Eusebius, a very learned and
inquisitive person, present at the Council of Nice, whither
bishops were summoned from all parts of the empire. This
Eusebius, we must imagine, had a particular curiosity to ex-
amine the history of all Churches, if it were only to furnish
materials for the ecclesiastical history he designed to write
himself. The testimony of an author thus qualified must be
of considerable force, especially when it is not delivered barely
by way of relation, but when the stress of an argument de-
Cap. 7. pends upon it. Now Eusebius, in his third book of Evan-
gelical Demonstration, undertakes to prove that the apostles

cent, i.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 9

could be no impostors ; and, amongst other reasons, he urges
this, " that though it were possible for such men to put upon
their neighbours and countrymen with a romantic and impro-
bable relation, yet what distraction was it for such unfurnished
and illiterate persons, who understood none but their mother
tongue, to attempt the deceiving the world by preaching up
this doctrine in the most distant countries V And having
named the Romans, Persians, Armenians, Parthians, Indians,
and Scythians, he particularly subjoins, that some of them sailed
over the ocean t7ri rag KaXovfiivag BptTTaviKag vfoovg. Now,
unless the planting of Christianity here by the apostles, had
been a thing very well known at that time, why should he
make such particular mention of the British islands I It is not
to be imagined an author of Eusebius's figure should speak
these words without proof, to support his testimony : on the
contrary, it is much more rational to conclude that this truth
was generally received, and that Eusebius had enquired into
the fact, both of Constantine and his court, concerning the
state of the British Churches, as to the first planting and an-
tiquity of them. And setting aside Eusebius's other abilities
for inquiry, we have no reason to question but that he received
full information of this matter from Constantine and his court ;
from Constantine, I say, whose father Constantius both go-
verned and died in this island, and where himself was likewise
proclaimed emperor by the army.

The next authority shall be that of Theodoret, who, amongst Thcodor.
the nations converted by the apostles, expressly mentions the ^ m 4 g
Britons. Theodoret's testimony is confirmed by St. Jerome,
in his commentary upon Amos, where he tells us, " that St. Hieron. in
Paul, having been in Spain, sailed from one ocean to another ; Amos - c - 5 -
that he imitated the course of the Sun of righteousness, of whom
it is said, his going forth is from the one end of heaven to the
other : and that the progress of his preaching reached as far
as the extremity of the earth.' 1 '' It is true these are general
expressions, and point upon no single country ; but then,
elsewhere the same father is more particular, and affirms, that De Saiptor.
St. Paul, after his imprisonment, preached the Gospel in the Eccles -
western parts. Now that the British islands were compre-
hended under these western parts, appears by the testimony
of Clemens Romanus, who declares, " that St. Paul preached clem. Epist.
righteousness through the whole world, and in pursuing this ad Conilth -

10 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book i.

employment travelled e7ri to rep/ma rr\g dvaswg, to the utmost

limits of the west i 11 which passage will necessarily include

Britain, if we examine what was then understood by the

bounds of the west. To this purpose we may observe that

Plutarch, in the life of Csesar, speaking of his expedition into

Britain, says, " he was the first who brought a fleet into the

western ocean ;" by which he means the sea between Gaul and

Euseb. vit. Britain. And Eusebius several times calls the British ocean

0.25.41 the western, and joins that and the western parts together.

]. 2. c. 28. And Theodore reckons up the inhabitants of Spain, of Britain,

ReSrios^c* * anc * ^ au l (which last lies betwixt the other two), as those who

2H - dwell in the extremity of the west : by consequence, the

Britons must be the most westerly, because the Gauls lie in

the midst. Farther, the ancient Greek geographers knew but

of two nations in Europe beside themselves ; the Celtse, and the

Scythse ; these latter comprehending the most northern parts

of Europe, and the Celtse the western ; and amongst these, the

Britons were the most remote. For this reason Horace calls

Horat. 1. 1. them " ultimos orbis Britannos ;" and therefore, before the

discovery of Britain, the Morini, who were seated on the

opposite shore in Gaul, were said to be the remotest people

iEneid. 1.8. of the earth. Thus Virgil calls them " extremos hominum Mo-

Plin. 1. 19. rinos." And Pliny, " ultimique hominum existimati Morini. - ' 1

And Arnobius, describing the progress of the Gospel both to

Ps™ 147! the east and west, mentions the Indians for the east, and for

the west the Britons. And thus, from this testimony of

Clemens Romanus, the consequence will be, that Christianity

was preached in Britain at the first settlement of the Romans,

and not only so, but that St. Paul himself was the instrument

of conveying this blessing.

Authorities I know it is said St. Peter made a voyage hither, founded

p£'« e SL Churches, and provided for the government of them : but for

preaching in this point, Baronius cites none but Metaphrastes bv name.

Britain, not t» » v • j 1 • 11 1

sufficient^ -but, besides that, this author has generally no great character,
Baron. An- his authority is slighted even by Baronius himself : for, men-
" :il 5 o 7 ° m ' '' tioning this historian's testimony for St. Paul's preaching in
Baron, a. d. the western parts, he throws off the credit of it, and urges
61 - n - 4 - that " Metaphrastes cites things out of Eusebius which are
not in him." And, elsewhere, he pronounces Metaphrastes 1
A . n. 44. authority to be insignificant in these matters. The passage in
n - 38 - pope Innocent the First's Epistle, for St. Paul's preaching

cmw.i:] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 11

here, is little better than the former ; " for," says this pope, innocent.
" the first Churches of France, Spain, Afric, Sicily, and the decent" 1
islands between them, were founded by St. Peter, or his dis-
ciples and successors. 1 " 1 But, in answer to this, we may ob-
serve, that there is no mention of Britain ; and as for the
islands between Africa, Sicily, France, and Spain, geography
and the maps will never bring them thus far towards the north.
I shall mention another authority for St. Peter's coming
hither, and that is, Gildas's invective against the British
clergy, where, amongst other satirical lashes, he tells them, Gildas Epis.
" they had usurped St. Peter's seat, but, by their immorality g;J£ C(L
and misbehaviour, they were fallen into Judas's chair of pesti-
lence. 11 Now, by Gildas's mentioning the infectious chair of
Judas, it is pretty plain that his reprimand is all metaphor and
figure ; and that, by St. Peter's chair, he meant nothing but
the faith and doctrine of that apostle.

And that St. Peter was never in Britain, seems highly pro-
bable from these following circumstances : — First, It cannot
reasonably be denied but that the apostles pursued their
commission according to their first instructions ; that those
who had the circumcision in charge, took care of the Jews ;
and those with whom the Gentiles were entrusted, managed
accordingly. Now St. Paul declares, " that the Gospel of the Gal. _'. 7.
uncircumcision was committed to him, as the circumcision was
to Peter. 11 This, Baronius affirms, was agreed at the Council Baron, a. d.
at Jerusalem. It is true he will not allow it to be such a 2 s. 29. '
partition of distinct provinces, as that the one was, upon no
occasion, to concern himself with the Jews, nor the other with
the Gentiles. However, he grants that the apostleship of the
Gentiles was particularly committed to St. Paul, notwithstand-
ing some occasional latitude : this, as he collects from St.
Jerome, was the " principale mandatum, 11 the principal part of Hieron. in
the instructions to each of them. This being taken for G 1^ c a o
granted, it will follow of course, that St. Peters chief business
must lie in those countries where the Jews were most nume-
rous. And from hence Petrus de Marca concludes that St. Pet. de
Peter, having first preached to the Jews in Judjea, employed co a ncord.L6.
himself in converting those of that nation who lived in foreign c - ln - 4 -
countries, comprehending all the Jews, both of the first and
second dispersion : the latter were principally seated at Alex-
andria in Egypt, where he settled St. Mark bishop over those

ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book i.

Euseb. Hist,
1. 3. c. 1.

Epiphan.
Hser. 27.
n.6.

Baron. A. D.
58. n. 51.

Lact. de
Mort. Pcr-

St. Paul's
coming
hither not
improhable.

Euseb. in
Chron.
Hieron. in
Catal.

Bavon. A. d
69. n. 1.
Petav. de
Doct.Temp
1. 11. c. 14.

who were converted. From thence he travelled to Antioch,
from thence to Babylon, where the head of the first dispersion
lived : and in this city he wrote his epistle to those dispersed
Jews who were under the jurisdiction of the patriarch of
Babylon. Farther, Clemens Romanus mentions nothing of
St. Peter's preaching in the western parts, as he does of St.
Paul's. But Eusebius, from Origen, affirms that St. Peter
preached to the dispersed Jews in Pontus, Galatia, Bithynia,
Cappadocia, &c. And Epiphanius, even where he takes notice
that both St. Peter and St. Paul settled bishops at Rome,
upon their leaving that city to preach the Gospel in other
places, immediately adds, " that St. Paul travelled towards
Spain, but St. Peter made frequent visits to Pontus and
Bithynia, 11 which was very agreeable to the purport of his com-
mission : nay, Baronius himself grants, " that St. Peter spent
the greatest part of his time in the eastern parts ;" but about
the year of our Lord 58, he finds him preaching in the west,
and particularly in Britain. But which way does he prove
this assertion ? Whv, as I observed before, he cites no au-
thority for this point but Metaphrastes. Besides, Lactantius,
in his book, De Mortibus Persecutorum, informs us, " that
St. Peter came not to Rome till the reign of Nero, and but a
little while before his martyrdom :" and this Baluzius con-
fesses to have been " the most ancient and received opinion in
the Church, 11 since Lactantius never disputes it. Now it is on
all hands agreed that St. Peter came out of the east to Rome,
and therefore if his voyage thither happened not long before
his martyrdom, it will necessarily follow that he could have no
time to travel to such a length of country north-westward, and
preach the Gospel among the Britons.

But though there is no probability, or rather no possibility,
of St. Peter's visiting this island, yet we shall find no such
difficulties concerning St. Paul : for besides what has been
observed already, there are other circumstances to persuade us
that this apostle had both leisure and opportunity enough to
travel hither. It is agreed by Eusebius, St. Jerome, and
others of the ancients, that St. Paul suffered at Rome in the
fourteenth year of Nero. Baronius makes it the thirteenth ;
but then he computes Nero's reign from the beginning of it in
October : whereas Petavius observes, " that the ancients made
their computation according to the usual custom of a civil

i bnt. i.] OF GREAT RRITAIN. IS

year;" so that, by this reckoning, the thirteenth of Nero's
reign will be the fourteenth, beginning from the calends of
January. To proceed, St. Paul was sent to Rome, when
Festus succeeded Felix in the procuratorship of Judea, which,
according to Eusebius and St. Jerome, fell upon the second of
Nero. After St. Paul's arrival at Rome, St. Luke informs us Acts 28 so.
that he continued there two years. Rut Massutius collects Massut d
from the circumstances of St. Paul's voyage, " that he could Vit.s.Pauli,
not reach Rome till the third of Nero :*" so that he could not
have his liberty till the fifth, upon occasion of the favours
showed, as Massutius conjectures, to prisoners and exiles on
the murder of Agrippina. From this time till his return to
Rome, he went up and down preaching the Gospel. To this
interval Godeau, in his life of St. Paul, allows eight years ; f; ol ] eai1 v ; e
Massutius rather more ; Baronius the same, adding, withal, f e L s - ^j 1 ''. 1
" that it was time enough for him to travel through the whole Massut. ib.
world ;"" to which Massutius agrees. The question now is, Baron, a. d.
where St. Paul spent all this time 1 The ancient writers of the 61, n " 2i
Church generally say, in the western parts ; so Clemens, Theo-
doret, St. Jerome, Athanasius, Epiphanius, and others. That
the apostle was active in pursuing his commission, we need not
question ; for that a person of such an ardent zeal, such inde-
fatigable industry, and so well qualified for his employment,
should hide his talent, and neglect his opportunities, is not to
be imagined. Now that he travelled into the east, after his
enlargement at Rome, seems very unlikely : for by his speech
to the elders at Miletus, before he was sent prisoner to Italy ;
by this speech, I say, it appears he never thought of returning
to the eastern parts, but concluded he should be otherwise dis-
posed of : "I know, - " says he, " that ye all, among whom I Acts 20. 38.
have gone preaching the kingdom of God, shall see my face
no more. 11 Which words will comprehend all the other
Churches of his planting in the east, as well as that of Ephe-
sus. This passage makes his return from Rome into the east
highly improbable ; which, were it admitted, there would still
be time enough for a western voyage. If it is objected that
there are no certain monuments of Churches planted by him
in Gaul, Germany, or Spain, to this it may be answered by
another question, what monuments are there of any new-
Churches planted by him in the east, after his return ? In-
deed, there is little reason to expect any such remainders for

14 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book i.

the east, since the fathers of those countries, who, one would
think, should be best informed, assigned this period to his
preaching in the west. However, in these cases, matter of
fact is not always supported by public records : for it is well
M. Velser. remarked by the learned Velserus, speaking of the preaching
Eer. Vindel. Q f ^} ie a p 0S tles, St. Peter and St. Paul, in these western parts;
" that we are not to judge of the planting of Churches, only
by the remaining annals and monuments, because on one side
we are certain that their sound went out into all the earth :
and on the other, great care was taken in the several persecu-
tions, especially in that of Diocletian, to destroy all the records
which concerned the Christian Churches ." However, as to
Britain, we have undoubted evidence of a Christian Church
planted here by the apostles, and by none with so much likeli-
Gildns Hist, hood as St. Paul : for we are assured from Gildas, the Gospel
p * was propagated, in this island, before the victory gained by

Suetonius Paulinus ; which Petavius makes the eighth year of
Nero's reign. Now St. Paul being at liberty the fifth, he had
time enough to preach Christianity in Britain : and as there
was time, so neither was there encouragement wanting to
come hither, not only from the populousness of the island,
Ca;sar. de mentioned by Caesar, but likewise from the settlements the
Bell. Gall. ]$ omans ma de here, after their first success in the reign of
Claudius. And that this invitation may not seem altogether
general, St. Paul might probably have some particular encou-
ragement from Pomponia Grsecina, wife to A. Plautius, Clau-
dius's lord-lieutenant in Britain : for that this lady was a
Christian, seems very probable from Tacitus, who tells us,
Tacit. Ann. " that notwithstanding she was a person of a great character,
' ' cap ' " yet being charged with foreign superstition, she was tried for
her life before Plautius her husband, who acquitted her.' 1 '' And
the historian adds, " that though she lived to a great age, she
passed her time very uncomfortably, and discovered a deep
melancholy both by her habit and behaviour." Now, if Tacitus
had designed to describe the primitive Christians, it is sup-
posed he would have represented them in this manner, that he
would have miscalled their religion superstition, and inter-
preted the severity and reservedness of their lives to spleen
and melancholy. It was the custom of the heathen writers of
Suet. l. G. ^hat time, such as Suetonius and Plinv, as well as Tacitus, to

c. lo. •> '

Plin. Epist. lib. 10. Ep. 98. Tacit. Annal. 15. cap. 44. Id. Annal. 13.

cent, i.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 15

load Christianity with the imputation of a barbarous and wicked
superstition ; because it disagreed with the system of paganism,
and was discountenanced by the Roman constitution. This
trial of Grsecina happened in the consulship of Nero and Cal-
purnius Piso, which was after St. Paul's coming to Rome, and
therefore it is no absurdity to suppose her one of his converts :
and if this was so, the apostles might be informed by this lady
of the condition of Britain, and be farther encouraged to un-
dertake a voyage upon her relation. To make this more pro-
bable, it is certain St. Paul converted several persons of quality
at Rome, as appears from his mentioning "the saints in Philip. 4. 22.
Caesar's household." Neither is it improbable but that some J a a i C1 i'o Au "
of the British prisoners, transported with Caractacus and his
family, in the reign of Claudius ; it is not improbable, I say,
but some of these captives might be proselyted at Rome by
St. Paul ; and if they were so, we may reasonably suppose
they would recommend the conversion of their country to the
same Apostle.

Before I take leave of this argument, it may not be im- The Tradi-
proper to consider the tradition concerning Joseph of Arima- i n q Joseph'
thea ; this being taken for matter of fact by many of our f^™™^
English historians, and supposed to stand upon the credit of dered.
ancient records, I shall briefly examine the evidence on both
sides, and leave it to the reader's determination. But before
the proof or disproof is brought upon the board, it will be
necessary to give an abstract of the history, which may be
taken from William of Malmsbury's book of the Antiquity of
the Church of Glassenbury. This writer, after some prefatory
discourse to Henry of Blois, nephew to king Henry I. and at
that time bishop of Winchester, and abbot of Glassenbury,
proceeds in the narrative of the antiquities of Glassenbury, in
the manner following : —

" After the glorious resurrection and triumphant ascension
of our blessed Saviour, and the descent of the Holy Ghost,
the success of the Gospel began to spread, the number of
believers increased daily, and all of them maintained such a
friendly and charitable correspondence, that they seemed to
have but one heart and one soul. The Jewish priests, with
the Scribes and Pharisees, growing envious at the progress of
Christianity, stirred up a persecution against the Church,
murdered the proto-martyr St. Stephen, and made the country

16 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book i.

too troublesome for the rest. Thus the storm blowing hard
in Jewry, the disciples dispersing, went off into several coun-
tries, according to their respective commissions ; and as they
travelled along, preached the Gospel to the Gentiles. Amongst
these holy men, St. Philip, as Freculphus relates, lib. ii. cap. 4,
arriving in the territories of the Franks, converted a great
number of them : and, being desirous to enlarge his Master's
kingdom, he picked out twelve of his disciples, and dispatched
them to preach the Gospel in Britain ; Joseph of Arimathea,
as it is said, being one of the number, and constituted a supe-
rior to the rest. These holy missionaries coming into Britain
in the year of our Lord 63, and in the fifteenth of the blessed
Virgin's assumption, published the doctrine of Christ with
great industry and courage. But the barbarous king, and his
subjects, being somewhat alarmed at so unusual an under-
taking, and not relishing a persuasion so different from his
own, refused to become a proselyte ; but in consideration of
the length of their voyage, and being somewhat charmed with
their unexceptionable behaviour, gave them a little spot of
ground, surrounded with fens and bushes, to dwell in. This
place was called Ynswitrin by the natives, and situated upon
the confines of his dominions. Afterwards two other pagan
kings being affected with their remarkable sanctity, gave each
of them a certain proportion of ground, and, at their request,
settled twelve hides of land on them, by instruments in writing,
according to the custom of the country : from whence it is
Supposed the twelve hides, now part of the abbey's estate, had
their denomination.

" These holy men being thus settled in this place, which
was no better than a wilderness, were, in a short time, ordered
by the angel Gabriel, who appeared to them, to build a church
in honour of the blessed Virgin, in a place to which they were
supernaturally directed : who, immediately pursuing their in-
structions from heaven, built a chapel, the walls of which were
made of osiers twisted together. This small structure was
finished in the one-and-thirtieth year after our Saviour's pas-
sion, having little of ornament in the figure, but very remark-
able for the Divine presence, and the beauty of holiness : and
this being the first church in this island, the Son of God was
pleased to grace it with a particular distinction, dedicating it
himself in honour of his mother. These twelve holy men

(int. i.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 17

above mentioned, serving God with extraordinary devotion in
this place, and making particular addresses to the blessed
Virgin ; and, in short, spending great part of their time in
watching, fasting, and prayer, were (as is reasonable to believe)
supported under all the difficulties of their condition, by the
assistance and appearances of the blessed Virgin. And for
the truth of this matter, we have St. Patrick's charter, and
the writings of the ancients, to vouch for us." Thus far Malms-
buriensis.

The king that was thus kind to Joseph of Arimathea and
his company, is said to be Arviragus. Ex Anpcn-

dice Cnron-
ici Glasto-

Glastoniw bis sex hi das dedit Arviragus rex. S^Biblioth

Cottonian.

The next proof for Joseph of Arimathea's coming to Glassen-
bury may be taken from Melkinus Avalonius, a British author.
Leland tells us, that he met with the fragments of Melkinus in Leland ^

, . script, in

the library of Glassenbury, by which he concluded Melkinus Melchino.
had written something of the history of Britain, and particu-
larly something concerning the antiquity of Glassenbury, and
Joseph of Arimathea ; " but this story," says Leland, " he
sets on foot without any certain author ;" which made this
learned antiquary dissent from him, " not thinking it at all
credible, that Joseph of Arimathea should be buried there, but
rather some hermit of that name, which gave occasion to the
first mistake." And elsewhere, when he speaks of the Glas- Leland in

... '. . . ... Eluano.

senbury tradition, he observes, " that twelve hermits are said
to have come thither under the conduct of one Joseph, but
not Joseph of Arimathea," according to Iceland's opinion.

The charter of Henry II. shall be now produced in regard
of the great antiquity to which it reaches.

"Henry, by the grace of God, king of England, duke of^0 Henry
Normandy and Aquitain, and earl of Anjou, to all arch- to 'the abbey
bishops, bishops, abbots, earls, barons, &c. greeting. Con- i ury assen ~
siderino- that ' whatsoever a man sows, that shall he also reap;'' Harpsfield

o r ' Hist. Eccles

and that the church of Glassenbury, when, in my hands, hap
pened to be burnt down, I design, by God's permission, and at Antiq.
the instance of Heraclius patriarch of Jerusalem, Baldwin Academ.

t»- • i i» tip Cantab.

archbishop of Canterbury, Richard bishop of Winchester, lib. l.
Ralph Glanville, and several others, that the said church shall
either by me or my heirs be rebuilt in a more magnificent

C. -j.

Cains de

VOL. T.

18 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book i.

manner than formerly ; and whatever privileges have been
granted to the church aforesaid by my predecessors William I.
William II. and Henry my grandfather ; comprehending,
likewise, those princes and benefactors of greater antiquity, as
St. Edgar, father to St. Edward, by Edmund, his father
Edward, and grandfather Elfred ; by Bringwalth, Henthwin,
Baldred, Ina, the famous Arthur, Cundred, and many other
Christian kings ; and likewise by Renewal, a pagan prince,
which charters of privilege I have caused to be carefully
examined, and read before me, being all made and confirmed
to the church aforesaid, formerly called by some ' the Mother
of the Saints,' and by others, ' the Saints' Grave, 1 in regard it
was built by the disciples of our Lord, and dedicated by him-
self, as appears by the venerable testimony of ancient writers.
In consideration of the premises, and in honour of God, and

the blessed Virgin his mother . For my soul's health,

and those of my heirs and ancestors, I grant and confirm by
this charter all the liberties, pre-eminences, privileges, and
free customs, which have been granted to the said church by
the noble benefactors abovementioned."

Then the charter proceeds to a recital of the particular pri-
vileges, which it is not necessary to transcribe.
Monast. To this we may subjoin the charter of king Ina : this

v °' p * record, which needs not be inserted at length, makes the
church of Glassenbury, dedicated to Christ and the blessed
Virgin, the first in the kingdom of Britain, and the spring-
head of Christianity in this island. But here the learned
King Liu's Dr. Stillingfleet observes, that the authenticness of this charter
fmstionabie. is vei 7 questionable, not only from the difference of style
Antiquities between this and other Saxon charters of undisputed authority,
British such as those in Ingulphus, William of Malmsbury, the addi-
Churdies. t j ong to M a ^i lew p ar ig 5 & c# — the charter, I say, is not only

questionable upon this account, but for two other reasons
which seem to have weight in them ; first, because it refers to
other ancient charters of that church to prove the exemption
of the monastery. Now, the Benedictine monks have lain a
long time under the imputation of forging charters of ex-
emption ; and to omit the objections made to their credit by
Gallonius, Launoy, Naudeus, and others, it is evident by the
epistle of Richard archbishop of Canterbury to Alexander III.
Petr. Bie- i n Petrus Blesensis, that there was a general suspicion of foul

sens. Ep. C8.

cent. 1. 1 OF GREAT BRITAIN. 19

play in the charters of exemptions insisted on by the monaste-
ries ; " ut falsitas in omnium fere monasteriorum exemptione
prffivaleat," &c. And he there gives an instance in the bishop
of Salisbury charging the abbot of Malmsbury with producing
counterfeit charters for his exemption from the bishop's right
of election : and to shake the credit of these Saxon charters
farther, sir Henry Spelman not only suspects the authority of Concil.
king Ethelberfs charters to the monastery of Canterbury in p . i_>.v
the time of Austin the monk, but farther observes, that it was
the custom of the Saxons in that unpolished age, not only to
pass estates in land, but likewise liberties and privileges also,
without any instruments in writing ; and that this custom
continued to the time of Withred king of Kent, who is said to
have begun his reign about the year of our Lord 700, and to
have been the first that conveyed his benefactions to the
Church in writing, which charter of his he ordered to be pre-
served among the Church records at Canterbury, and to remain
there as a form and precedent for posterity ; and therefore,
as this learned antiquary continues, all charters prior to this of
king Withred have a suspicious face, and are to be examined
with great caution ; and even some of our ancient writers have
thought them by no means to be relied on ; particularly Ger-
vasius Dorobornensis, who wrote in the twelfth century, takes Gcrvas.
notice that the monks of the monastery of St. Austin's, Can- A .°™ii8i.
terbury, " had produced a great many suspicious and razed
charters ^ therefore, as sir Henry Spelman concludes this
remark, it is good to observe their dates, and examine how the
year of our Lord, of the pope, of the indiction, and the kings' 1
reigns agree with the measures of chronology ; for in some
of these particulars, ignorance and insincerity is often dis-
covered.

Farther, there are some other marks of forgery in the
charter above mentioned ; for which way comes king Ina to
have so great authority over all the kings of Britain, over the
archbishops, bishops, dukes, and abbots, as this instrument
mentions I In the beginning of the charter Baldred is called
one of his viceroys. In the middle he speaks of Baldred as
one of his predecessors, and joins him with Kenewalkius,
Kentwin, and Cedwalla. But, in the end, he brings him in
confirming what Ina has granted, " ego Baldredus rex con-
firmavi." But what dominions had this kino; Baldred I As

c 2

20 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [hook i.

for the kingdom of Kent, Edricus reigned there in the begin-
ning of Ilia's reign, according to the Savilian Fasti, and With-
ridus from the sixth to the end. In the kingdom of the East
Angles, we have for Ilia's contemporaries Beorna and Ethel-
redus. In the kingdom of Mercia, Adelredus, Kenredus,
Ceolredus, Athelbaldus. In the kingdom of Northumberland,
Alfredus, Osfredus, Kenredus, Osricus ; but, among all these,
there is no such person as Baldredus. It is true, there was
one of that name king of Kent near a hundred years after ;
but what signifies this to the time of Ina ? Farther, suppose
Baldred then living, and only a viceroy to king Ina, the ques-
tion will then be, how comes this Ina by this universal
monarchy in the island ? What authority had this king of
the West Saxons to set forth such an extent of jurisdiction,
and command all the kings of Great Britain? For, as the
charter runs, he speaks in an imperial strain, and pretends to
the sovereignty over a great many princes, " sed et omnibus
regni mei regibus, &c. prEecipio. 11
King's Ina's But, to return to Glassenbury ; and here we need not ques-
ts ZotMng tion king Ina's founding a monastery, where there had been
of Joseph of f orme rlv an ancient British church ; but from hence it will not

Arimathea. J

follow that Joseph of Arimathea had honoured the place with
his preaching and residence. However, the monks pretend to
support the credit of this tradition by another charter of

Monast. St. Patrick, which the reader may see in the Monasticon.

vo . p. . rp^jg c ] iar t er mentions some writings of St. Phaganus and
Diruvianus, wherein it was affirmed, " that twelve disciples of
the holy apostles, St. Philip and James, built the church at
Glassenbury to the honour of the blessed Virgin, 1 '' with some
other circumstances concerning the dedication, &c. already
mentioned in Malmsbury. If this record proves right, it will
go a great way towards the proving the antiquity of the Glas-
senbury tradition as to the preaching of Christianity there in
the apostles 1 time. But here we may observe, the charter
says nothing of Joseph of Arimathea ; but this is not all, for
this charter discovers itself a counterfeit in the very beginning,
which runs thus : " In nomine Domini nostri Jesu Christi.
Ego Patricius humilis serviunculus Dei, anno incarnationis
ejusdem quadringentesimo vicesimo quinto, 11 &c In this
charter St. Patrick dates by the modern era ; but it is certain,
that in his time no such way of computation was used from

cent, i.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 21

the year of our Lord. For Dionysius Exiguus wrote his first
epistle to Petronius a.d. 525, where he first mentions "the
reducing the cycle to the years of Christ's incarnation, that
people might be better acquainted with it." After which it
remained a great while in private use with the paschal cycle,
and was not publicly received till the seventh or eighth cen-
tury : besides, the date of the charter cannot possibly agree
with the time of St. Patrick's going first into Ireland : for
William of Malmsbury owns St. Patrick was made bishop by Malms, de
Celestine, and sent by St. German into Ireland ; but then it ^J.'* P° n_
is universally agreed that Palladius was dispatched thither
before him ; and Prosper, who lived at that time, assigns the
sending Palladius to the year of our Lord 431, which was six
years after the date of St. Patrick's charter. Now if Palla-
dius, who was sent to Ireland, did not arrive there till the
year 431, how could St. Patrick come to Glassenbury in 425,
since it is confessed in his charter that St. Patrick did not
make his voyage into Britain till he had first settled Chris-
tianity in Ireland ? The words are, " et cum eos (viz. Hiber-
nicos) in fide solidassem, tandem, in Brittanniam sum reversus,"
&c. And here, notwithstanding the word reversus is made
use of, it is certain, both by the tenor of the charter, and the
history of St. Patrick's life, that Ireland was the first place
where he executed his mission, and that he is not so much as
pretended to have been at Glassenbury till he came from
thence. In short, this chapter smells so rank of art and
practice, that Capgrave himself questions the truth of it ; and Cap^r. Vit.
one argument more may be drawn from St. Patrick's mention
of indulgences, which, as the learned Stillingfleet observes,
was not used for the relaxation of penance till the eleventh
century, as even Henschenius and Papebrochius (both Jesuits)
confess : to this we may add St. Patrick's saying in the
charter, "that he had procured an indulgence for twelve
years from pope Celestine ; " which being understood of Glas-
senbury, implies an impossibility in time. For St. Patrick
is said not to come to Glassenbury till toward the end of his
life, whereas Celestine died soon after his first sending St.
Patrick into Ireland. These objections against St. Patrick's
charter are too difficult to deal with, and therefore I shall leave
them.

c 3 -J-

22 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book i.

The tradi- It is farther urged against the credibility of this tradition,
ing Joseph' that ^ is unmentioned by the most ancient and considerable
o/Arimathea British historians ; insomuch that neither (lildas, nor Bede,

unmentioned . . .

by the most nor Assenus Menevensis, nor Marianus Scotus, not to quote

tishhistori-' anv others, take the least notice of it. Besides, in the old

ans - catalogue of saints buried in England, written both in the

Saxon and Latin languages by Grotcelinus, and published in

archbishop AnselnVs time, there is not the least mention made

Usher. Bri- of Joseph of Arimathea : and in a book treating of the relics

Antj EccleS ' m Glassenbury monastery, and written in the reign of king

Henry III., there is the same silence as to this matter.

It is granted the charter of king Henry II. above men-
tioned was confirmed by the Inspeximus of Edw. II. ann.
6, 7. of Edw. III. ann. 1. 6. and 1 Edw. IV. And from
this countenance the tradition was mightily reinforced, grew
the common opinion of the nation, and was insisted on by the
English ambassadors at the councils of Pisa, Constance, and
Basil, to justify their privilege of precedency against the pre-
tensions of the crowns of France and Spain : particularly in
the council of Basil, the ambassadors urged that there were
very ancient records to prove this point in England, and par-
ticularly in the abbey of Glassenbury, which makes express
mention of Joseph of Arimathea's coming thither. Now it is
probable, amongst other evidences, they might refer to two
large plates of brass, one of which was fixed to a pillar in
Glassenbury church, and charged with a very full and particular
inscription : but then, as archbishop Usher observes, the air
of it is modern and somewhat romantic, insomuch that it dis-
covers a far less antiquity. And, to proceed with it a little
vol. l.'p. 9. farther, sir Henry Spelman had this brazen plate or table in
his custody, and has transcribed the whole inscription in the
character in which it was engraved. And, upon examination,
he finds it a modern letter upon comparison, as indeed it ap-
pears to be, and not above three hundred years old at most.
He pronounces it a plain legendary dream ; and though it is
possible there might be some churches built in this beginning
of Christianity (which, however, it is difficult to prove), yet it
will by no means follow that there was any churchyard belong-
ing to it, according to the custom of later times. It is true
there were several churches built in Britain in the first ages

( int. i.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 23

of the Christian religion ; but there was no such thing as the
appurtenance of a churchyard, till Cuthbert procured this pri-
vilege from the pope, of having churchyards in cities. Now
this Cuthbert was the tenth archbishop of Canterbury from
Austin the monk, and died about the year of our Lord 798.
sir Henry Spelman goes on, and puts this question, " What
ancient writer, 1 '' says he, " ever told us of any persons buried
in churches at that time of day? Or where do we read,
churches dedicated to the saints in the first century \ or that
the blessed Virgin was addressed in a religious manner by any
of her contemporaries V And then, as to the consecrating of
the church, there is no notice taken of it in any records of that
age, nor for about five hundred years after ; till St. David, who
was made archbishop of the see, since called by his name, in
the year of our Lord 519, where he sat sixty-five years ; till
this St. David, I say, happened to dream of this wonderful re-
lation. Thus far sir Henry Spelman. And thus we find the
records for the Glassenbury tradition will not bear a thorough
examination ; they look untowardly when brought to the test,
and do not shine at all upon the touchstone. As to the ancient
charters, if they were counterfeited, as seems probable, it is
likely this legerdemain was played in the eleventh century.
It is upon this age that the time for this practice is fixed by
Papebrochius and Dr. Stillingfleet. Now it was, as they Antiquities
conjecture, that the ignorance of the age was gross enough to churches,' 8 ' 1
make the artifice pass ; and, besides, the monks had occasion cba P- *
enough to fortify their privileges, by such pretended antiqui-
ties, against encroachments upon their lands, and the jurisdic-
tion of bishops over their monasteries. And it may be the
unusual favour granted to Battle abbey by William the Con-
queror, might sharpen the invention of the elder monasteries,
and put them upon straining truth, and producing equivalent
privileges from the Saxon kings.

And as the evidence for the Glassenbury tradition stands The Gim-
upon an unfirm bottom, so the circumstances of the story look dittonLiT
(to speak softly) somewhat incredible. For, to return to the g^Jj.
account given by Malmsbury, where St. Philip is said to have stances of
come into France (they should have said Gaul), and to have
sent Joseph of Arimathea from thence ; now both Eusebius Euseb. l. 5.
and several of the ancients inform us, that St. Philip pursued
his commission in the eastern parts, about Phrygia, and suffered ^%ott
at Hierapolis.

24 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book i.

The eremiti- Farther, the retired eremitical way of living of these twelve
Hvinyof disciples, sent hither by St. Philip, is not agreeable to the
the twelve manner of the first age. The Christians of the apostolical

wassenbury , ° x

disciples, not times did not affect such a solitary scene. We find nothing

tluitage. of such monastic retreats till the Dioclesian persecution; it
was then that the Christians first retired into the deserts of
Egypt ; so that it was not choice, but necessity, which drove
them from towns and cities, and made them live remote from
society. If it is said that this was the case of St. Philip and
his twelve disciples, and that it was persecution which drove
them from their country ; to this it may be answered, that
this rugged usage was only in Judsea ; for, as to the British
kings, though they refused to be proselyted, yet they were so
far from persecuting Joseph and his company, that, as Malms-
bury relates, they received them with a handsome welcome,
and gave them an estate for their subsistence. He tells us,
they had the grant of twelve hides, which was a considerable
extent of ground, and a very noble present for strangers to
receive from a pagan prince ; and, which is somewhat remark-
able, Malmsbury adds, that the twelve hides, then in posses-
sion of the abbey, were so called, as it was thought, from the
name of the first endowment. But this, if there was nothing
more, is sufficient to weaken the credibility of the story ; for

Glossai . the word hide, as both sir Henry Spelman and Somner observe,
is no British word, but apparently of Saxon original. Their
spending their time likewise in devotions to the blessed Virgin
is another mark of forgery ; for in those early days of Chris-
tianity, none of these votaries are to be met with, unless it is in
Epiphanius, and there they are mentioned as heretics. And,
lastly, as far as it appears by Malmsbury, these holy men
kept close to their little island of Glassenbury, and lived, as it
were, within themselves. He does not tell us of any progress
or converts they made in the country, or, indeed, that they so
much as attempted it after this retirement. Now this inactive
behaviour does not seem to answer their design of coming
hither, nor has any resemblance with the zeal and industry of

The incon- apostolical missionaries.

griutypfthe ]j u t there is still another material objection against the

tradition . JO

with the Glassenbury tradition, and that is, the inconsistency of it with
of (he the condition of the Roman province at that time ; for there was

Roman no g^k British king as Arviragus in that country, when Joseph

cent, i.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 25

of Arimathea is supposed to come hither. According to this
tradition, Joseph is said to come to Britain in the year of our
Lord 63. Now the more southern parts of the island, where
Glassenbury stands, were seized by the Romans, and formed
into a province before that time ; for, as Tacitus reports, the Tacit, in
hithermost part of Britain was gained and planted by Aulus c .'i4. g "
Plautius and Ostorius Scapula ; and that several colonies of
the veteran troops were fixed there. Now between these two
governors and Suetonius Paulinus, were Didius Gallus and
Veranius ; and, in probability, the Belgse were subdued by
Vespasian, who commanded under Plautius, and of whom
Suetonius relates, " that he conquered here two powerful Sueton. in
nations, above twenty towns, and the Isle of Wight ;" by esp ' c ' '
which we may conclude his expeditions lay westward. Now
the Belgse and Damnonii were the two powerful nations that
way ; and in all the progress of the war against the Britons
afterwards, we find no care taken by the Roman generals to
secure themselves against the Belgse, as they did against the
Brigantes and the Silures, among whom Caractacus com-
manded ; so that there could be no such British king at that
time among the Belgse, as Arviragus is supposed to have been.
For had there been such a prince among the Belgse, it is not
supposed that when Ostorius marched northwards against the
Cangi, or Cheshire men, that he would have fixed his garrisons Tacit. An-
on the Severn and the Avon to secure the province. For had °* ' 3 J" 32 .
there been such a British king as Arviragus among the Belgse, Cambd.
what would the fortifying the Severn have signified, when the
enemies to the Romans lived on the Roman side I

To go on ; White of Basingstoke supposes this Arviragus Lib. 4.
to make Joseph a grant of the Glassenbury island, when Tre- p- 293-
bellius Maximus was governor here, who succeeded Petronius
Turpilianus in the year of Suetonius Paulinus's consulship ;
but all this signifies nothing, if, as we have seen, there
could be no such king as Arviragus among the Belgse at that
time.

But, after all, was there no such British prince as Arviragus \
Yes, without doubt ; otherwise we should not have found him j U ven. Sat.
thus mentioned in Juvenal : 4 - v - 12 °-

Omen habes, inquit, magni clarique triumph^
Begem aliquem copies, aut de temone Britanno
Excidet Arviragus.

26 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book i.

Chron. Do- The author of the Chronicle of Dover will have this compliment
LekntLCoi- made to Nero, it may be to make it serviceable to the Glas-
leC 50 Vo1 2 senDUI 7 tradition ; but this author is out in his observation ;
for it is evident from Juvenal that these verses relate to
Domitian. Now the compliment Vejento put upon this prince,
upon the taking that extraordinary fish mentioned by the poet ;
the reading, I say, upon this fish would have been a fulsome
piece of flattery, unless Arviragus had been a prince of figure
then living, and an enemy to Csesar. For what conquest or
glory could he otherwise gain from such a person ? But that
no such enemy was in Britain, especially in the southern parts,
at least in the beginning of DomitiaiVs reign, is plain from
Tacit. in Vit. Tacitus ; for Petilius Cerealis had overrun the Brigantes ;
18^20 23 ' Julius Frontinus had conquered the Silures, and the Ordovices
were brought under by Julius Agricola, who afterwards car-
ried his successes beyond Tweed, and fortified the passage
between Glota and Bodotria, that is, between Dunbritton and
Edinburgh frith. From all which it appears there could be
no such king as Arviragus in these southern parts of the island,
over whom Domitian could expect a triumph. But it may be
objected, that there must be some prince of that name, who
was unfriendly and troublesome to the Romans ; otherwise,
why does Vejento, in the poet, presage the defeat of him as a
great advantage to Domitian I To this it may be answered,
that it is granted there was such a British prince as Arvira-
gus in Domitian's time, but this can do no service to the Glas-
senbury tradition ; because, according to that, Arviragus lived,
and made the grant of the little island to Joseph of Arimathea,
Antiq. of in Nero's reign. And here Dr. Stillingfleet is of opinion,
Churches, that it is very probable, upon the recalling of Agricola from
chap. l. Ya S government in Britain, which happened in the beginning of
Domitian's reign ; upon the recalling this general, it is pro-
bable the Britons revolted under the conduct of Arviragus ;
and thus the Roman interest was embroiled, till the emperor
Spartian in Adrian made a campaign here in person. And if the matter
stood thus, the juncture was proper enough for such a prince
as Arviragus to head the Britons in Domitian's reign ; and if
so, Vejento\s flattery to that emperor, in wishing Arviragus
dismounted, was suitable enough to the occasion. And so
much for the Glassenbury tradition concerning Joseph of
Arimathea.

cent, ii.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 27

By what has been said already, it is evident Christianity got
footing here in the apostolical age : but what progress was
made upon the infidels ; in what parts the Church was settled,
and under whom ; what successes or discouragements ; what
revolutions happened in the ecclesiastical history of this island,
from the apostles to king Lucius, is altogether uncertain.
Length of time, persecutions, and the ravages of war have, in
a manner, sunk the memory of these matters. It is true,
Gildas informs us, " that though the Christian religion was Gild. Hi«t.
but coldly entertained," — by which it is plain he means it p '
was confined to a narrow compass ; but, notwithstanding
this, — "it held on," as he adds, "in some places, without
the least discontinuance, as far as the Dioclesian perse-
cution V

Cent. II.

To proceed to the conversion of King Lucius ; and here The conver-
authors are by no means agreed about the time ; archbishop z^cms *"^
Usher cites no less than three-and-twenty different opinions. £•?• ] ? 6 -
Bede, the old Saxon Annals, and the author of the Annals of cles. Antiq.
the Church of Rochester, who flourished about the year 1224 ; p ' " '
these historians, I say, fix upon the year 167, in the consulship
of Severus and Herennianus, and in the eleventh year of the
emperor Marcus Aurelius, when Eleutherius was bishop of
Rome ; but primate Usher dates this conversion nine years
later. And though authors differ so much in their chronology,
yet that there was such a Christian king in Britain as Lucius
about that time is beyond question ; for first Nennius, who Nennius,
lived in the beginning of the seventh century, is positive ^nfc is!
for this point. It is true he affirms this conversion to have
happened in the time of pope Evaristus ; but primate Usher
observes, that one copy reads Eleutherius ; and thus Nennius
falls in with the general opinion. For farther evidence, arch-
bishop Usher mentions two very ancient coins, one silver,
and the other gold ; the last of which was part of sir Robert

1 Mr. Collier's account of the first planting of Christianity in our island is very accu-
rate, and his theory respecting the relative probability of the dates is now pretty generally
received. He exercises a wholesome degree of suspiciousness as to the assertions of
several patristic and monkish historians, whose zeal towards God was not always according
to knowledge, and whose ambition to magnify the Church made them remarkably indif-
ferent to the hard facts of chronology.

28 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book i.

Cotton's collection, and examined by the primate. That both
these coins were made by some Christian prince, appears by the
impress of the cross ; and that it was the king in question,
may be concluded from the letters LVC, which, though some-
what worn by time, are not unlegible. Farther, from Bede
downwards, we have the concurrent testimony of abundance of
historians for this matter of fact. This point was so uncon-
tested a piece of history, that the English ambassadors at the
council of Constance, pleaded Lucius's conversion against the
ambassador at Castile, as an argument for precedency. But
then, as to the extent of king Lucius's dominions, and that he
was monarch of the whole island, several modern authors, and
particularly cardinal Pole, are altogether mistaken. This car-
dinal, in his speech in the parliament-house, among other things,
Antiquit. takes notice, " that Christianity did not gain ground in Britain
vi't. Poli. by degrees, according to the progress of it in other nations,
but that the whole island disengaged from their error by
unanimous consent, and were all made happy in their belief, as
it were, in the same moment ; " which general success must be
interpreted to the time of Lucius, and therefore Geoffrey of
Monmouth will needs have him king of the whole island. But
that this is enlarging his dominions to an improbable, not to
say a romantic, extent, will appear from the government of the
ancient Britons, and the condition of the island at that time ;
for the ancient Britons were not so early under a single prince,
but split into several independent governments, as we may
De Bello learn from Julius Csesar, Diodorus Siculus, Strabo, Tacitus,
Diodor. ' ' Grildas, «fec. Besides, the greatest part of the island was now
Sicui. 1.5. conquered by the Romans, and reduced into a .province ; and
graph, l. 4. a wall built by Antoninus Pius, in the north of the island, to
12 Dn i4." secure the Roman part of it from the Caledonian, or the natives
Epfst 8 ' J" 6 * 1 unsuD d.ued. If it is farther inquired in what part of Britain
Capitoiin. this king Lucius lived, the learned Dr. Stillingfleet conjectures
Pium. it to be in that division afterwards called Surrey and Sussex.
He supports his opinion by observing, that wherever the
Romans settled, it is easy to trace them by their ways, by their
buildings, by their coins, by their urns and inscriptions ; but
scarce any of these antiquities are to be found in Surrey and
Antiq. Sussex. It is probable, therefore, this Lucius might, by the
Churches, permission of the Romans, succeed Cogidunus, though at some

cent, ii.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 29

distance of descent, which Cogidunns is supposed to have
reigned over the Regni, that is, the counties, as they were after-
wards called, of Surrey and Sussex. Stillingfleet,

Having gone over these preliminaries, I shall give the reader
a farther account of this matter from Bede. This historian Bede, Re-
tells us, " that in the reign of Marcus Aurelius Antoninus, and
his partner in the empire, Lucius Verus, when Eleutherius
was bishop of Rome, Lucius, a British king, sent a letter to
this prelate, desiring his directions to make him a Christian.
The holy bishop immediately complied with this pious request ;
and thus the Britons, being brought over to Christianity,
continued, without warping or disturbance, till the reign of the
emperor Dioclesian." Thus far Bede. To whom I shall add
the testimony of Marianus Scotus, who informs us, that
Lucius king of Britain wrote to pope Eleutherius to be
assisted in his resolution to turn Christian.

To proceed : the old book of Llandaff reports this matter as Monastic.
follows, viz. — "That king Lucius sent Elvanus and Med- V o" g 3.'
winus to Eleutherius, the twelfth bishop of Rome, to desire p - 188 -
that he might be made a Christian by his instruction. Upon
which, the pope gave God thanks that such a heathen nation
were so earnest in their applications for Christianity. And
then, by the advice of the priests of the city of Rome, they first
baptized these ambassadors, and afterwards instructing them
more fully in the principles of the Christian faith, they pro-
ceeded to ordain them, making Elvanus a bishop, and Med-
winus a teacher ; and they, being thus qualified, returned to
king Lucius, who, with the chief of the Britons, was baptized :
and then, according to the form of Eleutherius^ instructions,
the ecclesiastical order was settled, bishops were ordained, and
the Christian religion farther propagated among the inhabit-
ants."" This account carries a great air of truth, and seems to
have been the original tradition of the British Church : which
was afterward interpolated with legendary mixtures, particu-
larly by Geoffrey of Monmouth, who gives a fabulous relation
of flamins, and archi-flamins, and that bishops and arch-
bishops were fixed upon this pagan form, and settled in their
respective jurisdictions.

This account having gained some ground, I shall give it The story of
somewhat more at large to the reader. It stands thus then in and arcM-
Geoffrey of Monmouth, who flourished in the middle of the^"""" 4 ^

.SO ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book i.

Britain un- twelfth century : " These holy doctors, 1 '' says he, (meaning
Speiman," Faganus and Dervianus,) " when they had cleared the greatest
voT" 1 P ar ^ °f Britain of heathenism, procured many of the pagan
p. 12. temples to be consecrated to the honour of the true God,

having first removed the relics of idolatry and false worship
out of them. There was at that time of clay eight-and-twenty
flamins in Britain, and three arch-flamins, who, in conformity
to the pagan rites elsewhere, used to offer incense and sacri-
fice cattle to their pretended deities. These ceremonies of
heathenism being suppressed, and all things governed by the
standard of Christianity, they consecrated bishops in the room
of the flamins, and archbishops in the jurisdiction of archi-
flamins. And the residence of the archi-flamins being in
the principal cities, that is, London, York, and Caerleon upon
Usk, they turned these three towns into archbishops 1 sees.
And as for the other five-and-twenty cities of lesser note, they
erected them into bishoprics, and settled the bounds of every
diocese. The division of Deira and Albania, parted from
Loegria by the river Humber, was assigned to the archbishop
of York ; Loegria and Cornwall fell to the metropolitan of
London; and the churches in Wales were made the jurisdiction
of the archbishop of Caerleon.

" Things being brought thus forward, the two holy men
above mentioned went back to Rome, and procured the pope's
confirmation of their proceedings ; where, being furnished with
palls, and receiving other marks of respect suitable to their
character, they made a second voyage into Britain, having a
great many other holy men aboard ; by whose assistance their
old converts were fortified, and more of the natives brought
over. A farther detail of which matters may be seen more at
large in Gildas the historian. 11 Thus far Geoffrey of Mon-
mouth, whose account looks very suspicious, as will appear by
a farther inquiry ; for, first, not to mention that the testimony
of Gildas, whom he makes his voucher, is no where to be met
with ; not to mention this, his order of flamins and arch-
flamins settled in the respective cities will not hold water ;
for, among the Romans, the flamins were no other than
priests, each of which was consecrated to the service of some
particular deity, from whom they took their title : of these, as
sir Henry Speiman observes, there were but three at first, the
flamen Dialis, Martialis, and Ouirinalis, who belonged to

cent, ii.] OF GREAT BRITATN. 31

Jupiter, Mars, and Romulus. Afterwards, every pretended
deity had his flamin, as Vulcan, Flora, &c. And at last the
Roman emperors, when they were dead and deified, had their
flamins or priests too.

We may observe farther, that this sacerdotal jurisdiction
did not reach to the compass of a province : so far from this,
that at the first institution by Numa, when Rome was divided
into thirty curiae, or parishes, each of these divisions had two
flamins ; and then, as for any archi-flamin superior to these
flamins, we read of no such distinction among the Romans :
the priests of the respective divisions or wards of Rome being
subject to the college of priests, and to the pontifex maximus,
who was president of that society. It is true the flamins
were distinguished into majores and minores; but then this dif-
ference of title was founded only on the antiquity and quality
of their order, and not upon any difference of power. Thus,
the three first flamins instituted by Numa, and chosen out of
the nobility, were called flamines majores, whereas the other,
that were afterwards added out of the commons, were distin-
guished by the title of minores, or the less. Thus, those that
had the administration of religion in the curise, or wards, were
called flamines curiales, which the other were not. Now this
scheme of the pagan hierarchy at Rome, has little or no resem-
blance to that mentioned by Geoffrey of Monmouth. Farther,
notwithstanding the Roman priests were distinguished into
greater and less, and formed into a college and corporation,
with a pontifex maximus at the head of them : yet then, as
Festus observes, this high priest was only the first of the
college, and, which is more, the jurisdiction of the whole
society was confined to a single city, and, by consequence,
could not reach to the pretended primacy of an archi-flamin,
or include a provincial superintendency. It is true the Theo-
dosian Code mentions an order of priests called sacerdotes C. Theod.
provinciarum. And here Gothofred observes, that the diffe- 1 4*6. 75, e '
rence between the flamins and these priests was, that the &c -
flamins'' office lay within the compass of particular cities,
whereas the other had whole provinces under their care. But J - Gotho.
the learned Dr. Stillingfleet makes it appear, that in all pro- 12. Tit. l.
bability this archierosyne, or provincial priesthood, was of later j e 2 j 112.
institution, taken up by the emperors in imitation of the Chris-
tians, and posterior to the settlement of episcopacy in the

32 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book i.

Antiq. of British Churches. We may likewise observe, that neither
Churches * Malmsbury nor Giraldus Cambrensis take any notice of these
chap. 2 flamins and archi-flamins, neither does the first of them

Gesta Re- „ . . .

gum, 1. 1. mention anything about the consecration of bishops ; and the
de sedis™ latter gives a relation of the number of the bishoprics diffe-
Menevensis ren t f rom that of Geoffrey of Monmouth. That there were

dignitate. . • . . . .

Angi. Sacr. British bishops in Lucius s time is without question, episco-
pacy being the only form of government in the Church for the
first fifteen hundred years. It is likewise granted, there were
eight-and -twenty cities in Britain, which we need not take
Gild. Hist, upon the authority of Geoffrey of Monmouth, for Gildas and
Bede Hist Bede say the same thing : but that Christianity spread to such
1. 1. c. 1. an extent in this island in the reign of Lucius, or that this
petty prince had interest enough to carry such a regulation
through all the British cities, does by no means agree with
his narrow dominions, nor his dependency on the Roman
empire.
Eleutiw- I shall now give the reader the translation of pope Eleuthe-

2 u fl '?/!?' rius's letter to king Lucius, as it stands in the laws of Edward
Lambert, de the Confessor. This letter is supposed to be an answer to a
eiorum An request made to the pope by this prince. It runs thus :
legibus. " I n the year 16.9, from the passion of our Saviour, our lord

Eleutherius, the pope, wrote to Lucius, king of Britain, at the
instance of that prince and his nobility. ' You have desired
us,' says the pope, ' that we should send you a copy of the
Roman and imperial laws, with a design to make them the
rule of justice in the realm of Britain. As for the imperial
laws, we may dislike and disapprove them at any time, but the
law of God is above all censure and exception. I mention
this, because, through the mercy of God, you have lately
received the Christian faith in the kingdom of Britain, so that
now you have the privilege of consulting both the Old and New
Testament. Out of these holy volumes you may, by the advice
of your subjects, collect a body of law which, under God's pro-
tection, may enable you to govern your realm of Britain. For,
according to the royal prophet, you are God's vicegerent within
Ps. 24. l. your own dominions, ' the earth is the Lord's, and the fulness
thereof, the world and they that dwell therein. - ' And again,
Ps. 4.5. 7. according to the same royal prophet, ' thou hast loved right-
eousness and hated iniquity, therefore God, even thy God, has
anointed thee with the oil of gladness above thy fellows. 1 And

<ent. ii.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 33

elsewhere in the Psalms David prays, " Give the king thy Ps. 72. l.
judgments, O God," &c. " Thy judgments, ,1 not any secular
regulations, not any systems of royal sanction ; now the king's
sons, which follow in the text, are Christian subjects, who
live in peace and tranquillity under your protection, and being
sheltered by your administration, are cherished, as the Scrip-
ture speaks, "as a hen gathers her chickens under her wings,"
&c. As for the people of the kingdom of Britain, they are
your subjects, and committed to your care, amongst whom,
it is your part to promote unity and good understanding, to
bring them to a submission to the Gospel, and into the bosom
of the Church ; to restrain them from disorder ; to support,
protect, and govern them, and screen them from the insults of
injurious malice. " Wo to thee, O land, when thy king is a Eccles.
child, and thy princes eat in the morning. 11 I do not suppose 10 * lfi '
that a king is here called a child either for having lived too
little or too long, upon the score of his first or his second in-
fancy ; but this character of disadvantage is given him for his
folly and injustice, for his licentious and extravagant conduct,
according to the royal prophet, "the blood-thirsty and de-Ps. 55. 23.
ceitful men shall not live out half their days, 11 &c. By "eating, 11
we are to understand gormandizing, which proceeds from a
luxurious appetite, and is commonly attended with a train of
other vices. These disorders make a man uncapable of the
blessings of religion ; for, according to king Solomon, " Into Wisd. 1.4.
a malicious soul wisdom shall not enter, nor dwell in the body
that is subject unto sin. 11 A king has his royal title from the
functions of government, not from the advantage of power.
As long as you govern well, you will be a king in propriety of
language ; but if you fail in this point, the royal character will
not belong to you, and you will lose the very name of a king,
which I heartily wish may never happen. God Almighty
grant, that you may so govern the realm of Britain, that you
may reign with him for ever, whose representative you are in
your kingdom above mentioned, &C. 1

This letter is esteemed a very valuable curiosity by some The credit
learned men, and particularly by the author " de Antiquitate fj^/j!' 6 ''
Britannicse Ecclesise, 11 who calls it an august record : but not- picwus.
withstanding the credit it has gained, there lie several great
objections against its authenticalness : for, first, not to men-
tion the date or chronology seems somewhat questionable, not
VOL. i. d

ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book i.

In Ludo
de Morte
Claud. Ca;

saris.

to mention this, the request of Lucius proceeds upon different
matter from that reported by Bede and other historians ; for
they tell us, that Lucius desired Eleutherius to send him
instructions to turn Christian : but this letter solicits for
nothing but a copy of the Eoman laws. But this difficulty
may possibly be answered, by supposing Lucius wrote twice to
Eleuthei'ius, and that his first letter relating only to religion,
he sent a second for the imperial laws. That the case might
stand thus, seems somewhat hinted in the pope's answer,
where he tells Lucius, " through the mercy of God, you have
lately received the Christian faith in the kingdom of Britain. 1 "'
But then, secondly, the next objection presses closer; for
what necessity was there for Lucius to send to Rome, to
Eleutherius, for a copy of the Roman laws, when he might
have procured this favour at home, from the emperor's lord-
lieutenant. For from the reign of Claudius Cesar, who con-
quered the greatest part of Britain, the imperial laws were
common in the island, and current as far as the Brigantes, or
northern counties of York, Lancaster, and the bishopric of
Durham, as appears from these verses of Seneca.

Ills Britannos
Et Cwruleos
Colla Catenis
Jura Securis

Ultra Noti
Scuta Brigantas
Jtissit, <Sf i/psum
Tremere Oceanum

Litora Ponti
Dare Romuleis
Nova Romance

Annal.
1. 14.

This emperor Claudius erected courts of justice after the
Roman form, about a hundred years before Lucius's reign ; as
appears from Tacitus, who, mentioning the state of the colony
at Camalodunum or Maldon, when Suetonius Paulinus had the
sword, takes notice, that " there were foreign voices heard in
the sessions-house ;" which, happening at a time when the
doors were shut, and the court not sitting, were looked upon
as presages of ruin. Eutropius likewise tells us, that " Maldon
was made a strong garrison ;" that " the veteran troops were
settled in the neighbourhood, that they might be in a readiness
to suppress a revolt, and to bring the Britons, their allies, to a
conformity with the Roman laws.'" To this we may add, that
soon after the death of Lucius, there was a famous court of
judicature fixed at York, where that celebrated lawyer iEmi-
lius Paulus Papinianus sat upon the bench. But to press this

cent, n.] OF (IRE AT BRITAIN. 35

objection no farther, to what purpose should king Lucius so-
licit a bishop about the civil laws, who might be supposed to
be too far engaged in the business of his character, to concern
himself about secular affairs ?

Thirdly, that which bears still harder upon the credit of this
letter, is, its taking no notice of the Roman government in
Britain, and treating Lucius as an absolute and independent
prince ; " you are God's vicegerent,"" says the letter, without
mentioning his reigning at the emperor's courtesy. And a
little after, " the nations of the kingdom of Britain are your
subjects.'" Now Lucius, as we have seen already, was far
from reigning over all Britain : neither was he any more, even
within the compass of his jurisdiction, than a homager to the
empire of Rome.

Fourthly, the phrase of the pope's letter looks spurious and
modern, particularly the word manu temre, was not used in
Eleutherius's age. This term smells strongly of the Norman
Latin, from whence it was first conveyed into our common
law.

Fifthly, the texts of Scripture are cited from St. Jerome's
translation, who lived almost two whole centuries after pope
Eleutherius.

Sixthly, and lastly, Sir Henry Spelman observes, that this Spelmi
letter is not to be met^with till a thousand years after Eleu- vol. l.
therius's death, and where it was first found, is altogether
uncertain. The author of " The Customs of London," printed
it in the twelfth year of Henry VIII.; afterwards Lambert
inserted it among the laws of Edward the Confessor : but here
it is printed in an italic letter, as a mark of its being spurious.
Hoveden's manuscripts of about four hundred years' standing,
take no notice of it ; and which is remarkable, his contem-
porary, Geoffrey of Monmouth, who did not use to suppress or
overlook any British antiquities, says nothing about it. And
as for the manuscript in Guildhall, London, it seems, at the
most, to be no more than two hundred years old.

As to the reasons which moved Lucius to address the bishop Conjectures
of Rome, they are differently reported. The collector of the Ifotk-es
Antiquitates Britanniea? will have it, that "the Roman em-^™^
peror, publishing an edict to suppress the superstition of the *> <*« b^hop
Druids, put king Lucius upon a farther inquiry into the wor- °"
ship of the true God, to which he seemed very strongly in-

n 2

Iman,
['oncil.

36 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book i.

Britan. Ec- clined." But here, as primate Usher observes, we have no
cap S 4. nt ' q authority to prove the setting forth any such edict. The
author of the Antiquitates Britannicse goes on, and tells us,
"that Lucius was a great friend to the Roman interest, and
very intimate with Marcus Antoninus Verus, by whose order
the above-mentioned edict was published against the Druids.' 1
He proceeds, and affirms, " that Lucius was not altogether
unacquainted with the Christian religion, which, as we have
already observed, had gained some ground in Britain ; how-
ever, notwithstanding he seems to have been privately satisfied
with the reasonableness of the Christian faith, yet he hung in
suspense a great while before he came to a resolution of
making it public : for being somewhat governed by the
maxims of a secular spirit, he did not think it suitable to his
quality to be made a convert by his own countrymen, upon the
score of the meanness of their condition ; but thought it more
agreeable to the dignity of his station to be instructed by per-
sons of figure. And being informed, that not only Adrian and
Antoninus Pius had sheltered the Christians from persecution,
and published edicts in their favour, but that the bishop of
Rome had converted several noblemen of that city ; and that
quality coming thus into the Church, made the Christian reli-
gion spread farther into the Roman provinces : these con-
siderations prevailed upon Lucius to wave being instructed by
the British Christians, and to apply to the bishop of Rome ;
and for this purpose, he dispatched away Elvanus and Madui
nus to Eleutherius, to desire his assistance in this matter."
Where, by the way, we are to take notice, that Elvanus and
Meduinus had brought Lucius off from the paganism of the
Druids, and reconciled him, in a great measure, to the prin-
ciples of Christianity. Thus far this author, who seems to be
right in part of his conjecture. And to strengthen his opinion,
it is not unreasonable to suppose that Lucius might be in-
formed of the miraculous shower, which was procured by the
prayers of the Christians, in the battle against the Marco-
manni. This remarkable accident is mentioned by Tertullian
Tertui. and others ; Tertullian appeals to the emperor Marcus Aure-

EusebJaist. liuss letter ' m wmcn he owns, " his army was refreshed by a

l. 5. c. 5. shower, and preserved from perishing by the prayers of the

Christian troops :" in consideration of which service " he

stopped the prosecution of the Christians, and laid a severe

cent, ii.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 37

penalty upon those that informed against them." Now this
order of the emperor might probably make an impression upon
king Lucius, and promote his conversion.

" Cardinal Baronius relates the matter with some diversity Baron.
of circumstance, and cites the acts of Lucius for his authority : to m. 2.
and here it is reported, that Lucius never behaved himself like An - 183 -
an enemy to the Christian religion ; that he admired the mira-
cles wrought by the Christians, and the remarkable exemplari-
ness of their lives ; and that he had sooner turned Christian,
had he not been pre-engaged, as it were in honour, to the
paganism of his ancestors : besides, he was somewhat dis-
couraged in his belief, by seeing the Christians treated by the
Romans with so much contempt ; to suffer in their reputation
upon the score of their creed, and to be almost always out-
raged and oppressed. But afterwards he understood by the
emperor's lord-lieutenants, that several Roman noblemen
turned Christians, and particularly, that one Trebellius and
Pertinax were of that number. After this account, the car-
dinal proceeds to mention the favour showed to the Christians
by the emperor Marcus Aurelius. v>

But here primate Usher takes notice, that the cardinal's Britan. Ec-
pretended acts of Lucius have no better voucher than the cen- |l. 4!
turiators of Magdeburg, from whom the cardinal borrowed his
testimony. Their words are, " postea quam igitur comperit Centur.
(meaning Lucius,) ex legatis Csesaris praepotentes atque illus-
tres quosdam ex Romanis, Trebellium nempe et Pertinacem,
aliosque nonnullos Christianse religioni aceessisse," &c. Now
we may fairly allow the cardinal and the centuriators, because
we have Eusebius's word for it. That when Commodus held Euseb.
the empire, the Church had the benefit of an universal indis- Ecdes'.
turbance ; and Christianity recommended itself to that degree, L 5 - c - 2L
that, at Rome, " a great many persons, eminent for fortune
and quality, with all their dependents and relations, provided
for their future happiness, and submitted to the Gospel.' 1 '' But
then, as primate Usher observes, this happened after the Britan. Ec-
baptism of Lucius, as he proves, even from the testimony of c.T.
Jacobus Philippus Bergomensis. Simpler.

But on the other side, it is a great mistake to affirm, " that Chronic,
Lucius was informed by any of Caesar's generals, that several
Roman senators were turned Christians, and that Pertinax ? a £*°|j"'
and Trebellius were two of them :" for this Pertinax was no nace.

38 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book i.

other than the same person that was Commodus , s lord-lieu-
tenant in Britain, and afterwards his successor in the empire ;
but that he turned Christian was never so much as heard of
before. To trace this mistake to the head, the case lies thus ;

Hect.Boeth. Bale, having read in Hector Boethius " that Lucius was in-

Scot. Hist. f orme( j by some Romans in Britain, who served under Trebel-
lius and Pertinax, that a great many miracles were wrought

Bale Cen- by the Christians,'' 1 &c. This passage Bale both amplifies and
* c '" 'alters: I say, and alters; for he makes Lucius receive his
information from the emperor's generals Trebellius and Perti-
nax. This mistake is still farther improved by the negligence
of the Magdeburgenses, who, by over hastily transcribing Bale,
make the Roman generals above mentioned, those persons of
quality which Lucius heard were converted to Christianity.

Three Con- This blunder is taken upon trust by Parsons, and affirmed as

versions of , • i i , , n n ,

England, unquestionable matter ot tact.

c - 4 - In examining this case of Lucius, Harpsfield supposes that

the reader may be somewhat at a loss, for the reasons which
moved this prince to lose so much time in his conversion, and
to send such an expensive embassy to Rome, when he might
have been fully furnished with instructions and conveniences
for this purpose, either at home, or at least in the neighbour-
ing country of Graul, which was then very famous, both for the
settlement of churches, the reputation of prelates, and the suf-
ferings of their martyrs. Notwithstanding this was matter

Harpsf. of fact, yet Harpsfield concludes that Lucius's application to

cies. Anglic. Rome was determined with great prudence and discretion.

eap ' ' And here he makes Lucius consider, that, both in the former
age and his own, the Church had been pestered with a great
many dangerous heresies ; that the Basilidians, Valentinians,
Marcionists, Montanists, &c. had overrun all Cappadocia, and
got footing in Galatia ; and that every sect made their own
subdivision the true Church : that the heretics showed no less
resolution than the orthodox, many of them losing their lives
for Christianity, in the times of persecution : " and thus, 1 '
says he, " by a list of their martyrs, they pretended to justify
their doctrine." This universal courage, among such diversity
of tenets and communions, might, as Harpsfield continues,
put Lucius somewhat to a stand, and shock his mind at his
first resolution for baptism ; but then, that which this historian
adds, as a motive of his sending to Rome, will by no means

cent, ii.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 39

hold. It was not, as Harpsfield fancies, upon any information
Lucius could receive of the pope's supremacy and universal
pastorship, that all controversy was to be determined there in
the last resort ; and that the care of all the churches lay par-
ticularly upon that bishop's shoulders. At that time of day
there was neither practice nor principles set on foot, to give
Lucius any such persuasion ; as amongst other things will
appear by the contest of the British bishops with Augustine
the monk, which I shall give the reader when we are come
down to that century.

The truest account of this embassy seems to be this ; king The mod
Lucius being convinced of the truth of the Christian religion, ^ M ./„ m
and having; had a long- intercourse and correspondence with Lucius sent

°...° *• fits agents to

the Romans in Britain ; from hence we may most reasonably the bishoj) of
suppose him acquainted with the great fame of Rome. We
may likewise fairly suppose him informed of the progress of
Christianity in that city, and that there was a bishop fixed
there, the twelfth in succession from the apostles. From this
general information it is likely he might be desirous to under-
stand how far the British Christians and those of Rome agreed.
He might likewise fairly presume the Christian religion was
taught there without mixture or sophistication ; the distance
of time between the apostles and the present bishop being so
little ; and the town, as Irseneus argues, having a particular Iran. lib. 3.
advantage, being, as it were, the general rendezvous of com- cap ' '
merce and correspondence, a resort being made thither from
all places, upon the score of its being the imperial city. These
were reasonable considerations, which might move king Lucius
to send his agents to Rome, and not any opinion of a supre-
macy, settled by St. Peter upon the bishop of Rome ; of
which pretended privilege the British Christians had no
notion at that time, nor a great while after, as I have already
hinted.

King Lucius having received satisfaction in this point from churches,
Rome, and fully perfected in his conversion, is said to have been f nd ° tJl f. r

7 •> x 7 benefactions

a great benefactor to the Church ; to have turned the heathen of Lucius,
temples into places of worship for the true God, and trans- "Thwhnot
ferred the revenues of idolatry to the service of the Christian S2 ^ cw " tl i/

•> attested.

religion ; making, over and above, a considerable settlement

out of his own royal patrimony. Some authors, as Polydore, ji^ 1 ^' th

lib. 5. cap. 1. edit. Heidelberg,

40 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book i.

Poiyd. Ver- Vergil, &c, make Westminster Church built by this Lucius :

ffil Anglic

Histor.° that he likewise built a chapel, dedicated to our Saviour, in
Leiand. Dover castle. And Eadulphus de Diceto affirms that he built
Assert. ^he church in the suburbs of Canterbury, afterwards called St.

Artuni. . J

foi. 7. Martins.

Cains de Farther, Lucius is said to be a great patron to the univer-

AcadTcan- sity of Cambridge, as Dr. Caius endeavours to prove from two

tabrfg.hb. l. rova ] charters ; one, of King Arthur, dated London, April the

7th, a. d. 531 ; the other is King Cadwallader's charter, dated

at Cambridge, in the year of our Lord 685 ; in both which

there is mention made of the privileges granted by king

Lucius to that university, together with a confirmation of

them by pope Eleutherius ; which confirmation is attested by

the bull of pope Honorius I. dated at Rome, February 20, in

the year of our Lord 624. But the credit of these records is

Autiquit. shrewdly shaken by Bryan Twyne.

Academ! To return to king Lucius, who, beside the churches above

l - '• mentioned, is said to build St. Peters, Cornhill, in London, as

appears by a plate of brass which hung up in that church before
the great fire in 1666. To the building of this church, Ciran,
one of king Lucius^ courtiers, is said to have largely contri-
buted, at the request of Thean, then archbishop of London.
To these we may add, a church and college of Christian philo-
Pits. de sophers at Bangor. A church dedicated to the blessed Virgin
num 22 npt a ^ Glassenbury, re-edified under the countenance of this prince
Caius de D y Faganus and Deruvianus. And, lastly, a church and
Cantabrig. monastery at Winchester, which the history of the church of
Manuscript Winchester informs us was made a cathedral by king Lucius,
in the Cot- f urn i s hed with monks, and endowed with large revenues. But as

ton Library. g . . °

for this last author especially, the relation of a monastic settle-
ment thus early, is sufficient of itself to destroy the credit of
his testimony. But not to examine king Lucius's benefactions
to the church in England, his zeal is said to have carried him
into foreign countries, to propagate Christianity. Primate
Usher mentions Stumpfius, and a great many other authors,
Usher Bri- for this point. The matter is thus reported : that king Lucius,
Antiq. CdeS resigning his kingdom, and quitting a secular life, sailed first
cap. 6. p. 71. into Gaul, to preach the Gospel there; from thence he passed
Chronic. the Rhine, and prosecuted his religious design in High Ger-
lib io! many, travelled into Bavaria, and preached there ; and, making
cap. 15. some stay near the Danube, was so happy as to convert that

cent, ii.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 41

country. From hence, he travelled to Augsburg, and preached King La-
Christianity in several parts of Suabia, where, making a great ^ehiilooiiul
many proselytes, that little church at Augsburg is said to have and Ger -
been then built, which pope Leo IX. afterwards dedicated to questionable.
St. Gall. But the major part of this country preferring the
worship of Cybele and Sylvanus to this new doctrine, first out-
raged this holy preacher in language, then stoning him, threw
him into a pit ; from whence, being drawn out half dead, and
recovered by some of his converts, he travelled to the Rhsetian
Alps. And here, having a very troublesome journey, he passed
the hill beyond the castle of Gutenburg, which is still called
St. Lucius's cliff, and began to preach in the country of Coira,
or Chur, and in the territories of Zurick. Here he made a
considerable progress, was afterwards chosen bishop of Chur,
now belonging to the Grisons. And residing mostly in the
district of Chur, declaring with great freedom against idolatry,
and always endeavouring to gain upon heathenism, and enlarge
the borders of the Church. The Romans, who could not bear
this alteration in religion, complained of him to the emperor
Marcus Aurelius, who was no friend to the Christians.
Lucius being examined by the emperor's order, and refusing
to renounce his belief, was sentenced to execution. Under-
standing his doom, he absconded for some time in a cave ;
but being afterwards discovered by some of the infidels, the
governor of the country ordered him to be brought to a place
called Mars's castle, near the city'of Chur, where, on the third
of December, he suffered martyrdom. His sister Emerita is
likewise said to have had the same honourable exit, after she
had converted the greatest part of Rhsetia to Christianity.
The place where she suffered was Trimontium, a castle, about
a league distant from Chur, or Coire. Thus far the story of
king Lucius and his sister, as Velserus and several others
report it : but this relation is contradicted by Achilles Gas- Rerum Au-
sarus, a writer of character, who positively affirms, " that deiic. lib. 6.
Lucius, the German preacher, was a different person from the * d an " 179,
British king, who never travelled out of the island." This last Augustana?
account seems most probable : for both Matthew Paris, Mat- SC rjptj on e".
thew of Westminster, and other British historians, tell us,
Lucius died at Gloucester, and was buried in the great church Tiw Death

f\i m 7/1* ? II V

there. After this prince's death, which happened in the year
of our Lord 201, the Roman interest, as Matthew of Westmin- 2 oi*.

ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book i.

A brief Ac
count of
Britain,

Britan.

ster continues, declined in Britain, and the country was much
embroiled till things were settled again by the coming of the
emperor Septimius Severus.

To this account of Church affairs, I shall add something
briefly concerning the condition of the island with relation to
with relation f^Q State. And having already had occasion to mention some-

to the State. .

what upon this head as far as part of the reign of Domitian, I
shall go on at that period.
Tacit, in Agricola, Domitians general, and viceroy in Britain, having

c 1 * bd gnC marched into the northern part of the island, as far as Gramp-
hill or Grantsbain, defeated Galgacus, general of the Caledo-
nians, in a main battle, and brought this part of Britain to a
submission, sailed round the island, and arrived at Richbo-
rough, in Kent, from whence they set out.

The whole island being thus discovered, and in a manner
conquered, and the south part of it brought under the regula-
tions of a province, Agricola informed the emperor of his
success, who, envying his good fortune, recalled him, and sent
Salustius Lucullius for his successor, who received the country
in a very good and settled condition. This Lucullius held his
post but a short time, and did little memorable, being put to
death by the emperor's order, for suffering certain pikes, of a
new fashion, to be called Lucullians.

Domitian being slain in the year of our Lord 96, Nerva
succeeded him, in whose short reign we find nothing remark-
able in Britain ; neither is there much history for this island
in the reign of Trajan, only some authors take notice that the
Britons made an attempt to recover their liberty, but were
quickly checked.

Adrian, who came to the empire in the year of our Lord
117, being informed that the northern Britons made an irrup-
tion into the Roman province, dispatched Julius Severus to
suppress them : but this general being recalled for an expedi-
tion against the Jews in Syria, could not finish the enterprize.
And therefore, to hinder the unsubdued natives from gaining
farther upon the Romans, the emperor came in person, with
an army ; and with this reinforcement charged the northern
Britons, recovered such places of strength as they had taken,
and forced them to retire into the woods. And, for the better
security of the province, he threw up a wall of eighty miles in
length to defend the frontiers. This wall, extending from the

Sueton.
Dora,
cap. 10.

cent, in.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 43

Irish to the German sea, began near Bulness, and passing over Spartian. in
Eden, or Solway Frith, was carried on by Carlisle, and ended Ca^ib^Biit
at Walsend, about three miles from Newcastle-upon-Tyne.

The provincial Britons, now fearing nothing so much as an
invasion from their northern countrymen, stuck to the interest
of the empire, and willingly conformed to the Roman customs
and laws.

Upon Adrian's death, in the year of our Lord 138, Anto-
ninus Pius mounted the throne, whose general, Lollius Urbicus,
driving the enemy farther northward, built another wall between
Dunbritton and Edinburgh Frith. For this fortification, Capitoiin.
though commonly called Severus's wall, was built in the reign p io A ^° n '5
of Antonius Pius.

The next emperors were Marcus Aurelius and Lucius Verus, carubd.
who governed jointly till the death of the latter. In this reign, Bnt '
Calphurnius Agricola had the sword in Britain, who being
well qualified both for the civil and military part, quieted the
disturbances of the north, and reconciled the barbarians to a
submission. And thus the affairs of the island continued easy
till about the year of our Lord 186, when the northern Britons
having forced the wall, surprised the Roman camp, cut most Dio. lib. 72.
of the troops with the general in pieces, and marching onward
harassed the province to a great extent.

Commodus, who was now emperor, being terrified with this
misfortune, sent Ulpius Marcellus against them, who being a
person of great courage, temper, anjl experience, quickly chas-
tised the Britons for their incursion, and revived the discipline
of the army.

Commodus, being displeased with his general's reputation,
put him out of commission, and gave the government of Britain
to Helvius Pertiuax, who, at his arrival, found the army muti-
nous, and out of order : this difficulty he got over, and punished
the mutineers, though with great hazard to his person. How-
ever, having no fancy for the employment, he got leave to
resign, being succeeded by Clodius Albinus. But this general,
being misinformed about the death of Commodus, and haran-
guing his troops in favour of an aristocracy under the senate,
Commodus was so enraged at this liberty, that he presently
discharged him, sending Junius Severus in his room ; of whose
government, either for time or action, we have little of cer-
tianty. Commodus, being murdered not long after (a. n. 192),

44 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book. i.

and the reigns of Pertinax and Didius Julianus being very
short, we find Albinus again at the head of an army in Britain,
in the beginning of Severus's reign : these two competitors
trying their fortune in a battle near Lyons, Albinus was
defeated and killed. And now Severus, being possessed of
the empire without a rival, divided Britain into two govern-
ments ; giving the north part to Virius Lupus, who was so
incommoded by the incursions of the Meatse and Caledonians,
Spartian. in that he was forced to purchase a peace.

Dio! \\b.' 75. To return to the British Church, where, from the death of
The history Lucius to the Diocletian persecution, the history, for about
Church eighty years, is in a manner sunk. However, we are thus far

re-assumed. • , ,, « , i n P ,

Bede, lib. l. certain, both from ancient and modern, trom our own and
ca^^An- 8 ' f° re ig n writers, that the Christian religion held on, through
nales Anglo- the whole period, without the least interruption. For this
rentius WI- point, beside the authors in the margin, I shall produce a
iienr^of ' testimony or two from the Fathers.

Huntington, Origen, who died in the year of our Lord 253, puts this
de Diceto, question, in his fourth Homily upon Ezekiel : " When, 1 ' says
he, " did ever the country of Britain own the unity of the
Godhead before the coining of our Saviour V And, in his
sixth Homily, upon the first chapter of St. Luke, he tells us,
that "the influence of the Gospel, and the power of our
Saviour's kingdom, reached as far as Britain, which seemed to
lie in another division of the world."

And Tertullian, who lived before Origen, in his list of the

converted nations, mentions " the different clans of the Moors,

the provinces of Spain, from one end to the other, the country

of the Gauls, and that in Britain, the Gospel had made its way

through places impregnable against the Roman arms." And a

little after he adds ; " the Germans are not suffered to pass

their bounds ; the Britons are, as it were, imprisoned by the

ocean ; the Moors are kept within compass, and blocked up

with the Roman legions : nay, the victorious empire itself is

not without its limits and non ultra ; but the dominions of our

Tertul. lib. Saviour have no frontiers to confine them : his authority is

jSs owned in ever y climate, and his majesty adored by all the

cap. 7. nations above mentioned."

To the testimonies of Origen and Tertullian, we may add
those of Gildas and Bede, the one a Briton, the other a Saxon,

Gild. Hist, and both of them natives of this island. Gildas, who lived in
p. II.

cent, in.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 45

the middle of the sixth century, informs us, that Christianity
continued here to the Diocletian persecution ; and Bede Ijib ' U Ec "
affirms the same thing, adding withal, that the Britons were cap. 4.
constant to their profession, and maintained the faith without
apostacy or heretical corruption.

Before I proceed any farther upon this persecution, I shall
run through the interval in a word or two ; and just touch
upon the British affairs, with reference to the Roman empire.

Severus having defeated his rivals, and grown absolute in n cr0( j
the empire, was at leisure to attend the business of this island ; 3 j, b - 3 -

1 ... oeverus

from whence he had lately received intelligence by Virius makes cm
Lupus, that the northern Britons had broke into the Roman iJaoBritain.
province, and harassed the country ; and that there was need T,ied $<-

r ^ cutties Unit

of a reinforcement to deal with them. The emperor Severus, success of
being an ambitious prince, was glad of the news, in hopes of a pns e .
triumph ; to this purpose, he goes in person in the expedition.
The enemy being discouraged with the formidableness of the
preparations, sent an embassy to excuse what they had done,
and beg a peace. But the emperor, being unwilling to lose
the opportunity of a victory, threw in delays, and drew out the
treaty in length ; and when his troops were ready to march, he
dismissed the ambassadors, without concluding upon any articles.

At his arrival in Britain, he found great difficulties in his
march, being obliged to pass a great many rivers and morasses, Dio. lib. 76.
to cut down woods, dig through hills, and make causeways
over places otherwise impassable. These disadvantages were
a great fatigue to his forces, and lessened them to the number
of fifty thousand : however, the emperor pursued his point,
and held on his march to the extremity of the island ; and, in
fine, obliged the northern Britons to lay down their arms, sub-
mit to a peace, and resign a great part of their country. He Spart. in
likewise strengthened Adrian's wall, repairing it with stone, cap. 18.
and making it a fortification of twelve foot high, and eight B^ bden
foot thick, with towers and battlements at proper distances.
At his return into the province, he gave the command of the
army to his eldest son Antoninus Caracalla, committing the
administration of justice to his youngest son Geta.

The emperor had no sooner quitted the enemy's country,
but they began to draw their troops together ; upon which he
ordered his army to fall upon them, and give no quarter ; but
before his commands were executed, he died at York.

ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book i.

Caraccdla

makes a
peace with
the unsub-
dued Bri-
tons, and
leaves the
country.

Cambd.
Brit.

Carausius
revolts, and
sets up for
himself in
Britain.

Allectus
murders
Carausius,
and suc-
ceeds in his
usurpation.

Bede, Ec-
cles. Hist.
lib. 1 . cap. 6,

Cent. IV.

The Diocle-
sian per-
secution.

Lactant. de
mort. per-
sec. Euseb.
Hist. Ec-
cles. lib. 8.

Victor, in
Trajan.

He was succeeded by his son Caracalla, in the year of our
Lord 211, who made peace with the Britons, and receiving
hostages, returned to Rome. From this time there is a silent
interval of the affairs of this island for many years ; only it is
probable, some of the thirty tyrants, as Lollianus, Victorinus,
Posthumus, Tetricus, and Marius, in the reign of Gallienus,
might usurp the government here ; as may be conjectured by
their coins, which have been found in great quantities.

In the year of our Lord 284, Dioclesian was proclaimed
emperor ; in the third year of whose reign, Carausius, a person
of no extraction, but of great courage and abilities, and of an
enterprising temper, gave Dioclesian some trouble in Britain.
This Carausius, being ordered to guard the coasts against the
Franks and Saxons, misbehaving himself in his post, and
being suspected of holding a correspondence with the enemy,
was ordered to be executed by Maximianus, who was now
raised by Dioclesian to a partnership in the empire. Carau-
sius having notice of this order, assumed the purple in his own
defence, and set up for himself: and seizing upon Britain, held
it seven years, maintaining his ground with great conduct and
resolution ; but at last he was assassinated by Allectus, a
friend of his, whom he had used with the greatest confidence,
and trusted with the main of his affairs. This Allectus usurped
the island three years, and was then slain in the field by the
prsefectus prsetorio Asclepiodotus, who commanded under
Constantius Chlorus. And thus, after ten years 1 revolt,
Britain was recovered to the Roman emperors.

This reign of Dioclesian brings the history to the Church,
which now suffered a terrible persecution. This storm broke
out at Nicomedia, in February, a. d. 303, when an imperial
edict was published for pulling down churches, and burning
the holy Scriptures ; that no Christians should be capable of
any office or post of honour ; that they should be outlawed, and
barred the privilege of maintaining an action ; and that no pre-
tence of quality should excuse them from being put to the torture.

This dreadful persecution being no less general than violent,
Britain had a share in the severity : and though Constantius
Chlorus, who was a favourer of the Christians, had the govern-
ment of Britain at this time, yet being no more than Caesar, he
was under the jurisdiction of Dioclesian and Maximianus, and
obliged to execute their orders : for, as Aurelius Victor ob-

cent, iv.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 47

serves, though the titles of Augustus and Caesar were both
names of sovereignty, yet the latter had more of sound than
power in it, being perfectly under the command of him that
was Augustus : and, therefore, Lactantius says, when Diocle- Lactam, de
sian called Galerius Caesar, after his defeating the Persians; sec.^ap.".
Galerius replied, in a question, with some disgust, " Quousque
Caesar V — How long must I be Caesar ? meaning, he expected
to be advanced to the supreme station of Augustus. Con-
stantius, therefore, having no more than a subordinate com-
mand when the Dioclesian persecution came on, was forced to
see some rigorous orders put in execution. Thus Lactantius
informs us, that " the edict against the Christians was sent to H. cap. is.
Constantius without asking his consent :" and he confesses,
Constantius complied so far as to " pull down their churches."
But his kindness, when declared Augustus, made the Christians
willing to forget what they had suffered under him in other re-
spects. From this observation, we may conclude the persecu-
tion was general, till Dioclesian and Maximian resigned the
empire, a. d. 305 : upon which, Constantius being declared
Augustus, the persecution ceased in Britain and other places
of the west ; where, Eusebius affirms, it did not last two Eliseb de
years, though it continued ten in the east. But though the M^tyroi.
persecution was comparatively short, yet it went to the extremity
of punishment, and took away the lives of several Christians.

When Gildas comes to this period, he first gives a general
description of what the Christians suffered, in these words : — Hist. p. n.
" The churches," says he, " were demolished throughout the
whole empire ; the holy Scriptures searched for and burnt in
the streets, and the priests and people dragged to the shambles
and butchered like sheep ; insomuch, that in some provinces
there was scarcely any remains of Christianity. How miserably
the Christians were forced to fly from one country to another ?
What slaughters ? What various kinds of torment ? What
numbers were frighted into apostacy, and how gloriously
others endured the trial, and were constant to martyrdom ?
In short, how savage the heathens were in their persecution,
and how remarkable the Christians, for their patience, may be
learned from ecclesiastical history : during which time, the
whole Church seemed to be under execution, and charging
bravely through this ill-natured inhospitable world, marched
(as it were) in whole bodies to heaven."

48 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book i.

GildafsDe- Thus much in general ; and then coming to his own country,
the Persecu- Britain, he continues : " That God, in his great mercy, willing
tab? tna * all men should be saved, fortified the martyrs with extra-
ordinary courage, and raised them to a noble instance of
perseverance ; whose places of burial, were they not in the
possession of a barbarous and foreign nation, might refresh
the idea of their sufferings, and be a serviceable sight to our
countrymen."

After this, Gildas goes on and tells us, that St. Alban of
Verulam, Aaron, and Julius of Caerleon, and others of both
sexes in several places, suffered martyrdom with the utmost
firmness and resolution. As for St. Alban, he relates how
he sheltered a confessor ; with what fortitude he suffered,
what miracles he wrought, and what impression he made on
the executioner : but this being mentioned more at large by
Bede, I shall wave the particulars till I come to that author.
But to take leave of Gildas, who adds, " that many other
Christians were dispatched with diversity of torture, and torn
limb from limb in a most unheard of and cruel manner ; that
those who escaped the fury of their persecutors retired to
woods and deserts, and hid themselves in caves, where they
continued confessors till God was pleased to revenge their
usage upon their persecutors, and afford better times to the
Church.'"
St. AlbarCs Amongst the British martyrs, St. Alban being not only the

martyrdom. °

first but the most eminent, I shall be somewhat more parti-
cular in the relation. St. Alban is said to have been a person
of noble extraction ; he lived in the town of Verulam, which
had the privilege of a Roman colony. It stood near our St.
Alban's, and was sacked at a miserable rate by the Britons,
under the conduct of Boadicea, when Suetonius Paulinus was
Tacit. An- Nero's general and governor in this island. Thus much for

nal. lib. 14. ° °

Dio. lib. 62. the place. As for the martyr, he is mentioned by Venantius
Fortunatus, among the rest of his glorious catalogue :

q^Ijj 8 * -4 Ibanum egregium foecunda Britannia profert.

About the year of our Lord 303, when Dioclesian and
Maximianus Herculseus were joint emperors, the persecution
spread from the east as far as Britain. At this time, St.
Alban, though a pagan, yet being of a generous and hospitable
temper, entertained a clergyman that absconded upon the score

cent, iv.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 49

of the persecution. St. Alban being affected with the pious
behaviour of this stranger, who spent a great part of his time
in prayer, and other religious exercises, was suddenly wrought Bede Ec-
upon by the grace of God to imitate his example. And being JJJJlSSJY.
instructed by him, was brought from his error by degrees, and
at last throughly converted. This clergyman continuing
several days at St. Albans house, the Roman governor hap-
pened to hear of it ; upon which he ordered some of his soldiers
to make search and apprehend him ; who, coming to the
house, St. Alban putting on the clergyman's habit and so
counterfeiting his person to the soldiers, was bound and carried
off to the judge. Now it happened that this magistrate was
standing by the altars, and offering sacrifice to the pretended
deities, when St. Alban was brought before him. The appear-
ing of this saint put him into a great passion ; and thus, being
enraged that the other should presume to shelter a Christian,
and expose himself to danger with such resolution, ordered him
to be dragged to the statues of his idols, and then menaced him
in this manner : — " Because, - ' 1 says he, " you have had the
assurance to conceal a sacrilegious person, and one that has
revolted from the gods, rather than deliver him into the hands
of justice, that he might be punished for his blasphemy ; for
this misbehaviour you shall be treated like that criminal, if
you pretend to go off from our religion.'" But St. Alban, who
frankly declared himself a Christian, was not at all moved by the
threatenings of this magistrate, but told him plainly he could
not obey his orders. The judge then "asking him about his
family, he answered, That question was foreign to the pur-
pose ; but if he was desirous of being informed of the true
religion, he told him he was a Christian, and was ready to be
serviceable to him under that character. Upon this, the
judge asking his name, St. Alban satisfied his question, adding,
withal, that he was a constant worshipper of the living and
true God. The judge, being worked up into rage by his
answers, commanded him to sacrifice immediately to the im-
mortal gods, if he expected to be for ever happy. St. Alban
told him, that those sacrifices were offered to evil spirits ; that
the pagans paid homage to devils, who were in no condition to
assist their votaries, or make them a jot the better for their
application. So far was this worship from procuring any
advantage, that, on the other side, those who sacrificed to

VOL. I. E

50 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book i.

these statues would be eternally punished in hell for their
idolatry. By the freedom of this discourse, the judge being
blown up to the utmost fury, ordered the holy confessor to be
seized by the officers, and put to the question ; imagining that
pain might go farther with him than menacing ; that his
courage might give way, and his constancy be overcome by
torture. But St. Alban disappointed the court, and though
they strained their invention to put him to pain, yet he seemed
to suffer not only with patience, but satisfaction. When the
judge perceived the rack signified nothing, and that St. Alban
was not to be wrought on by any terror, he ordered him to be
beheaded. Being led to execution, he was to pass over a river ;
and coming to the bridge, he found a vast crowd of people, of
all ages and degrees, many of which were supposed to attend
him out of respect. The bridge being blocked up with this
vast number, who could scarcely all have passed till night,
St. Alban, whose zeal could not well digest any delay of his
martyrdom, came to the river-side, and lifting up his eyes to
heaven, made a mental prayer : upon which the stream imme-
diately parting, the channel was passable. This, we may
imagine, was a surprising spectacle to the company, since the
executioner himself was converted by it. This man being
struck with the miracle, and touched with the grace of God,
threw away his drawn sword ; and when he came to the place,
fell down at St. Alban's feet, and desired that, instead of
beheading him, he might have the honour to die with him, or
rather for him, if they pleased. The headsman turning Chris-
tian, made a stop in the execution : upon which St. Alban
walked up a neighbouring hill, where, praying for water, a
fountain burst out immediately at his feet. Here the noble
martyr suffered, and received his crown : and the person that
struck off his head was seized with exemplary vengeance, his
eyes dropping out of his head immediately upon the stroke
given to St. Alban. That soldier was likewise beheaded at
the same time who refused to execute St. Alban ; who not-
withstanding he had not time to receive the initiating sacra-
ment, yet, being baptized in his blood, we may conclude him
qualified for heaven. The judge being surprised with these
unexpected accidents, and astonished with the interpositions
of heaven, ordered a stop to be put to the persecution.

cent, iv.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 51

St. Alban suffered upon the 20th of June, near the city of Rede, ibid.
Verulam, which, in Bede's time, was called Uverlamacestir, llb- ^? d fi

' ' vcn. tol. 14.

or Uvarlingacestir. In this place, when the times grew more
favourable, there was a stately church built in honour of the
martyr's memory, where, as Bede continues, sick people are
recovered, and several miraculous cures performed to this very
day. The place where St. Alban suffered was called Holm
Hurst by the Saxons, which signifies a woody place.

This relation contains an account of the ancient acts of St.
Alban's martyrdom, which Bede has inserted in his Ecclesias-
tical History, without making the least question of the autho-
rity. This narrative used likewise to be read upon St. Alban's
anniversary in the English Church, before the Norman con-
quest, as appears by the Saxon copy in the Cambridge edition
of Bede ; and by the breviary, secundum usum Sarum ; first
probably drawn up by Osmund, who might receive this par-
ticular service, put into form by Alfrick, who was abbot of
St. Alban's about the end of the tenth century. Matthew Usher. Bri-
Paris, in his History of the Abbots of St. Albans, tells £a??7.
us, that " this Alfrick, upon the promotion of his brother
Leofrick to the see of Canterbury, being chosen abbot of St.
Albans, drew up the short history of St. Albans sufferings,
which is now used in the Church, and set notes to it ; and by
the interest of his brother, the archbishop, brought the form
into public use throughout the province, and raised the anni-
versary to a holy day.'" This relation concerning St. Alban,
mentioned by Bede, agrees exactly with a very ancient account
written in the Verulamian or British language, as Matthew
Paris informs us. The account translated out of British into
Latin by one Unwo, a priest, may be seen in archbishop
Usher, who likewise takes notice of an old inscription dug up Usher, ibid.
in St. Alban's church, in the year 1257, with these words,
" In this mausoleum was found the venerable corps of St.
Alban, the proto-martyr of Britain." This inscription, upon a
leaden plate, is thought to have been made in the reign of king
Offa.

The miracles of a fountain breaking out at St. Alban's feet,
and the executioner's eyes dropping out of his head, are un-
mentioned by Gildas, who only takes notice of his drying up
a passage in the river. But then we are to observe, that
Gildas is very brief, and does not seem to design a detail

e 2

52 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [hook i.

of circumstances. And to show that Bede is not singular
in recounting these miracles, Ado Viennensis, Rabanas
Maurus, Notkerus, and Matheus Florilegus, affirm the same
Ibid. thing.

No reason to As for St. Alban's miracles, being attested by authors of
irimcks ethe suc h antiquity and credit, I do not see why they should be
icrought by questioned. That miracles were wrought in the Church, at
this time of day, is clear from the writings of the ancients.
To suppose there are no miracles but those in the Bible, is to
believe too little. To imagine that God should exert his
omnipotence, and appear supernaturally for his servants in no
place but Jewry, and in no age since the apostles, is an unrea-
sonable fancy : for since the world was not all converted in the
apostles' 1 times, and God designed the further enlargement of
his Church, why should we not believe He should give the
pagans the highest proof of the truth of Christianity, and
honour his servants with the most undisputed credentials.
Now if this is very reasonable to suppose, why should St.
AlbaiVs miracles be disbelieved, the occasion being great
enough for such an extraordinary interposition I For, by
this means, the martyr must have been mightily supported,
the British Christians fortified against the persecution, and
the pagans surprised into a conversion.
St. Alba7iS The behaviour of St. Alban at his death, and other extra-
fortitudeand ordinary circumstances, made, as we may easily imagine, a

miracles in- J m . • 1 1 «

stnmiental strong impression upon the company ; insomuch that many of
others™ "^ them were much altered from their old sentiments, and enter-
Matth. tained very different notions of Christianity from what they
Histor. had formerly. Being thus well prepared, one of them, more
amiiVs. forward than the rest, delivered himself to this purpose : he
hS^Ec- told them, that if St. Alban had proved his belief by nothing
cies. Anglic. but bare rhetoric, he should not have wondered if his countrymen
Britan. Ec- had taken no notice of the discourse ; for why should they
quit' c "7!" surrender themselves to a persuasion which stood condemned
by the constitution, contradicted the religious customs of their
ancestors, and seemed likewise not very reconcileable to reason
itself? But since he produced miracles for his doctrine, not
to be gained over by such irresistible evidence, was in effect
to stand out against the omnipotency of God : for that God
was the author of these wonderful effects, is beyond all ques-
tion. With what colour of sense, then, can we dispute the

cent, iv.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 53

truth of those tenets, and the importance of that doctrine,
thus supernaturally attested? For when, says he, was ever
anything of this kind performed hy our deities, or heard of in
our religion ? And, besides all this, the character of the man
was altogether admirable : his patience and constancy, his
temper and devotion, were particularly remarkable ; insomuch
that, all things considered, his behaviour seems almost as great
a miracle as any of the rest. When he was affronted and
outraged, he seemed not at all uneasy, nor made any return
in resenting language ; nor, indeed, seemed to have any
passion about him, unless that of pity. And when he was
brought to the place of execution, there was so much uncon-
cernedness and pleasure in his face, as if he had been going to
an entertainment. Who, upon reflection, does not easily
perceive that Alban was supported with more than human
assistance ; and if such greatness and constancy are the peculiar
privileges of divine favour, the next question is, What sort of
people are qualified for it ? Does God use to dignify wicked
and profligate persons with such a particular countenance ?
No, certainly ; such blessings are bestowed on none but the
virtuous and devout. And, at last, he concluded that the
best service they could do for themselves and country was to
resign to St. Albans principles, and to imitate his practice.

This discourse being well received by the company, they
unanimously declared for the Christian religion ; and wanting
a person to inform them more fully, and assist them in reli-
gious offices, they went in quest of the clergyman lodged by
St. Alban. This old man had taken a journey into Wales,
where his preaching was extraordinarily successful, insomuch
that he was talked of, for his conversions, far and near. The
men of Verulam above mentioned, being informed where to
find St. Alban's instructor, travelled, about a thousand of
them, into Wales, where they were all baptized by him. This
extraordinary visit promoted the progress of Christianity, and
made the pagans still more desirous of inquiring into it. But
the burghers of Verulam, who continued heathens, being dis-
turbed at the losing so many of their neighbours, who, upon
their turning Christians, settled in Wales ; being disturbed,
I say, at this accident, they formed themselves into troops,
and made an expedition against them ; and, without any
regard either to friendship, blood, or innocence, fell upon their

54 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book i.

townsmen, the new converts, and cut them in pieces. And as
for the priest that had taken care of them, they brought him
off to Verulam, to put him to a more cruel death. Upon his
drawing near the city, the Verulamians ran out in a rage to
see him, laying the death of their friends and relations all to
his charge. Being thus heated with revenge, they seized the
holy man, used him with all the barbarity imaginable, and
hacked and wounded him almost in every part ; under all
which cruelty he showed no signs of the least uneasiness, but
seemed impregnable against torture, and superior to the im-
pressions of pain. Indeed the people wondered to see an
old infirm body bear up under so much execution, a small
part of which was sufficient to dispatch the most robust
person.

This being a very surprising spectacle, the people were
divided in their opinion about the martyr ; some imputing
this extraordinary fortitude to the force of witchcraft, and
others to a divine power. These latter took the courage to
remonstrate loudly against the barbarity of their countrymen :
they told them it was a scandalous instance of passion to treat an
innocent person at such a savage rate, and that it was inhumanity
to use even the worst malefactor with such rigour : they desired
to know what crime they could lay to his charge ; unless it was
a fault to bring people off from a bloody and unreasonable
religion, and from the excesses of a brutish and libertine beha-
viour ; whereas, if they rightly considered the case, they ought to
receive this person with all imaginable respect, and put him in
a station of ease and honour for the public service he had done
them, by teaching people the worship of the true God, and
promoting such a reformation of manners. As for themselves,
they declared, they looked upon him as a peculiar favourite of
heaven, and that his persecutors were highly under the divine
displeasure, for putting such undeserved usage upon an inno-
cent man. Having spoken their mind with this plainness,
they recommended themselves to our Saviour, and desired the
martyr to pray for them : upon which the infidel mob fell
upon them and dispatched them, with the martyr above
mentioned.

This holy man (by some called Amphibalus) suffered at
Redburn, about three miles from Verulam, in which town
Thomas Rudburn, who wrote in the fifteenth century, affirms,

cent, iv.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 55

there were two knives of an extraordinary size, supposed to be
used upon this occasion.

It is granted, the martyrdom of this clergyman, St. Albans
guest, is neither mentioned in Gildas, Bede, nor any of the
ancient martyrologies ; but Matthew Paris and other histo-
rians vouch the matter of fact from a book of great antiquity
in St. Alban's monastery, which, I suppose, is the same with
the author that Harpsfield makes older than Bede. As for iiarpsfieid.
the name Amphibalus, which is given to this clergyman that des* Anriic
suffered, neither Gildas, Bede, nor the Saxon commemoration Bede Hist,
of St. Alban, call him by this or any other name. Geoffrey of p. 36. edit.
Monmouth being the first author that mentions Amphibalus, ^mpkibalva
which appellation, Archbishop Usher supposes, belongs more fi;' st ™ en -
to the man's habit than his person. Geoffrey of

In the year of our Lord 305, Dioclesian and Maximian re- UsherJBri-
signed the empire ; upon which Galerius and Constantius t»n. Eccles.
Chlorus were declared Augusti, and governed by a division p. in.
independently of each other : and the western provinces, Spain, c'/ttn'u" ck-
Gaul, and Britain, falling to Constantius's share, the perse- chired em -

, ° .11. peror, puts

cution ceased, and the Christians were undisturbed in those « stop to the
parts. Thus Eusebius tells us, that the Christians under Con- ^ n . Dom.'
stantius had the liberty of their religion, and were protected "p 5 -
from injury and insult. His meaning is, that they lived in this Hist. iib. 8.
condition of indisturbance, after Constantius was raised to the ° ap '
supreme command : for when he was only Caesar, he submitted
so far to Dioclesians edict, as to practise* some severities
against them, as has been already observed : but that these
rigours were perfectly against his inclination, appears by his
countenance afterwards. This Constantius Chlorus, though
a great favourer of the Christians, was never professedly of
their religion. Cambden takes notice of the pagan solemnities Cambd. Bn-
at his funeral, and that his deification was represented upon ^ n n ( [y™{T
several coins. This learned antiquary therefore seems to strain
in his panegyric when he calls Constantius an emperor " sur-
passing in all virtue and Christian piety." Neither is he less n,id. p . 703.
mistaken, in making him the founder of a bishopric at York.
It is true, Constantius having held his division of the empire Constantine
somewhat more than a year, died in this city, leaving the^££ew!
sovereignty to his eldest son Constantine. Thus the Greek s l? rdius -

. . . r.utrop.

Menreon informs us, that Constantius made Constantine his Hist. lib. 10.

Enseb. de
Vit. Constantini,lib. 1. cap. 15. Me nse. Mai. 21.

56 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book i.

heir in the empire, being then in Britain. To which, not to

mention any more, we may add the testimony of the orator

Enmenius, in his harangue to Constantine, where he calls

Britain the "most fortunate country in the universe, for

Eumen. having the honour of seeing Constantine first put on his purple
Panegyric. ^^ „

As for Constantius, though he was no declared Christian,
yet was he so far advanced as to acknowledge the true God.
Euseb. de Eusebius mentions one remarkable passage concerning this
staiit. lib. l. prince. Having a mind to examine the temper of his courtiers,
cap. 11. ] ie p re t en ded himself an enemy to the Christian religion, or-
dering his servants to sacrifice to the gods, under the penalty
of being discharged, and losing his favour. Those who were
Christians in earnest, told him plainly they must retire and
resign their business, and that the loss of God's favour must
not be hazarded to comply with their prince : but others, who
professed Christianity before, shrunk under the test. And
when they found their religion discountenanced by Constantius,
told him they were ready to sacrifice rather than incur his
displeasure. Constantius having discovered the men, repri-
manded them sharply, and dismissed them the court, letting
them know withal, that he had no opinion of persons of such a
mercenary belief, whose persuasion was governed by their
interest ; and that those would never be true to their prince
that were thus false to their God. And as for the others that
were prepared to suffer, he commended them highly for their
constancy, esteemed them as his best friends, and gave them a
share in the administration.
Constantine To return to Constantine, who is said to have been born in
bam TnBri- Britain, not only by our English historians, but by the generality
tam. f thers. The learned Cambden and Lipsius had some dispute

about this matter: Cambden urges the general consent of
historians, excepting Cedrenus and Nicephorus, both modern
authors, for the affirmative. Lipsius, among other things,
objects the testimony of Julius Firmicus, who writes, that
" Constantine the Great was born at Tharsus," &c. To this
Cambden returns, that it should be written Constantius Maxi-
mus, instead of Constantinus, and vouches two Oxford manu-
scripts for the reading. And to prove these manuscripts
authentic, and that the text is to be understood, not of Con-
stantius Chlorus, but of Constantius's grandson, observes,

cent, iv.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 57

that Julius Firmicus wrote in the reign of Constantius, and
not till about eighteen years after the death of Oonstantine the
Great. The learned Cambden goes on, and argues from the Cambden's
text, where the prince mentioned is called " emperor of the Lipaius.
whole world, 1 ' which agrees to Constantius ; who, after the Biitan.*JEe-
death of his brothers Oonstantine and Constance, was possessed cies Antiq.
of all the empire, and had the style of Maximus, as appears
by several coins. Farther, Firmicus adds, that the prince
contested, " a primo setatis graclu, as it were from his infancy,
had the government put in his hands."" This passage cannot
be affirmed of Oonstantine the Great ; for he was thirty years
of age before he had this sublime character. But as for his
son Constantius, it may be applied to him without a strain ;
for as Cambden collects from Firmicus's preface, he was made
Csesar, and governor of the eastern part of the empire at his
father's vicennalia, when he was no more than eight or nine
years of age.

At last, Cambden meets with something of a difficulty in
Firmicus, and that is the mention of the emperor's children,
calling them " invictissimos Csesares, et dominos." Now it
is certain Constantius had no issue : to this the learned anti-
quary replies, that it is possible the author might mean Gallus
and Julianus, who, when they were declared Csesars, were
adopted by the emperor. But not relying much upon this
reply, he imagines Firmicus's words may be interpreted as a
sort of wish, and a complimental presage that Constantius
might have children that might answer the glorious character
of invincible, &c. above mentioned. To fortify the opinion of
the learned antiquary, Primate Usher cites another panegyrist
upon Constantine's marriage, who, addressing the emperor and
mentioning his father Constantius, " Liberavit ille," says he,
" Britannias servitute ; tu etiam nobiles, illic oriendo, fecisti ;" rjsher Bri-
that is, " He restored Britain to her liberty, which country ^n"^" 1 ^'
was much honoured by your majesty's being born there."

To proceed, and come farther down. A Saxon writer of the usher. BH-
life of Helena affirms this lady to have been a person of great tan. Ecdes.
quality, and that her son Oonstantine was born in Britain.
Henry of Huntington makes Helena the daughter of Coel, Hist. lib. 15.
king of Colchester. And William of Malmsbury is clear for Maimsbur.
Constantine's British extraction, and affirms it the general ^ n „{^ '
belief of his countrymen. But, to allege no more of our

ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book i.

Cap. 13.

Lipsius's
Letter to
Cambden.
Usher. Bri-
tan. Eccles.
Antiquit.
cap. 8.

Monsieur
Pagi, &c.

a. d. 306.
Lactant. dc
Mort. Pcr-
sec.

Gild. Hist,
p. 12.

Floril. His-
tor. ad an.
Cliri. 313.
Bede, Eccl.
Hist. 1. 1.
c. 7.

English historians, Constantinus Porphyrogenitus, in his
book de Administrando Imperio, takes notice of an order of
Constantine - ^ the Great, written upon the altar of St. Sophia's
church ; the contents of it were, that no Roman emperor
should intermarry with any foreigner, unless with the Franks ;
" these being excepted, because Constantine the Great was born
in those parts." Now it is very well known, that the later
Greeks comprehended all the western Europeans under the
name of Franks ; which is likewise the custom of the Turks
at this day. And if Constantine the Great was a Frank, it
will follow that he was born in Britain, because no other
western country in Europe ever pretended to that honour.
But here it is objected, on the other side, that Bede, who was
an author of credit, makes no mention of Constantino's being
born in Britain. This omission, Lipsius fancies, he would not
have been guilty of, had he been furnished with matter of fact
for the affirmative. To this it may be replied, that Bede,
being a Saxon, was not so nearly concerned in the British
honour. And if we consider this author, we shall find him
touch very briefly upon the British Church history. Indeed,
the Saxons, at their first coming, had no good understanding
with the natives, and therefore we need not wonder if they
were less diligent in searching for records, and dilating upon
the advantages of a nation they did not fancy. But all these
reasons and authorities will not satisfy some modern authors,
who are of opinion that Constantine the Great was born at
Naissus in Dacia, now called Nissa in Servia.

But to pass from the place of Constantine"^ birth, to the
condition of the Church under his government : the first thing
he did was to give the Christians " a free exercise of their reli-
gion." This happy change of the times is mentioned by Gildas,
who tells us, that " after the ten years 1 severity was over, and
the authors of the persecution taken off by remarkable judg-
ments, the Christians were returned to a state of ease ; the
victorious cross was displayed, the churches rebuilt, and the
holy solemnities kept without disturbance." And from this
time we may date the flourishing state of the British Church.
And not long after, it was, as Florilegus and Bede relate,
that a stately church was built at Verulam, in honour of
St. Alban.

But we meet with a farther evidence of the settled condition

cent, iv.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 59

of the British Churches, in the record of the prelates that went
from hence to the council at Aries ; to which we find the sub- a. d. 314.
scriptions of three British bishops, viz. Eborius bishop ofsirmond.
York, Restitutus bishop of London, and Adelfius bishop de t.™" ' 9 ^ c ;
civitate colonia Londinensium. But the difficulty is, what Three Bri-
place is meant by the civitas colonia Londinensium. Selden subscribe to
and Sir H. Spelman suppose it the old colony of Maldon, or %%£*
Camalodunum : but the learned Dr. Stillingfleet conceives a Spelman.
more probable sense may be given it: he concludes it unrea- vol> i'
sonable to imagine, that every Roman colony or city sent a E-J9-
bishop upon such occasions ; for then every council would Antiquit.
have been far more numerous than they are represented. He British
thinks it improbable that Constantine should summon so Cll _ u : che8 »
great a number about the case of the Donatists, where the deinc.
main business was only to hear the parties and pronounce
judgment. This observation seems reasonable, if we consider
that there were but nineteen bishops summoned to Rome to
decide this controversy a little before. The learned Dr. Stil-
lingfleet goes on, and collects from the subscriptions of the
council of Aries, compared with a passage in St. Hilary, that
there were no more than one bishop, with a presbyter or two,
summoned out of a province, excepting those cities in the
neighbourhood of Aries. This conjecture is confirmed by the
emperor's summons to Chrestus bishop of Syracuse, in Sicily ; Euseb. Ec-
which, by the way, is the only imperial summons to this coun- y^ la "
cil, extant, and which Baronius believes was couched in the cap. 5.
same form with the rest. In this summons, Chrestus " is re- Baron,
quired to come out of that province, and bring two priests £ 43 3U '
along with him." And St. Hilary, mentioning the councils of Hilar, de
his time, particularly the council at Ancyra, and the great s > no<L
council at Ariminum, informs us, that one or two bishops were
sent for out of a province. And thus, in the council before
us, Chrestus comes from the province of Sicily, Quintasius out
of that of Sardinia, and so in most of the rest we have a re-
cital of the provinces from whence the bishops came. Now,
when this council of Aries was convened, there were three
provinces in Britain, as we may learn from the manuscript
copy of Sextus Rufus, cited by Cambden. From whence we Cambden.
may reasonably infer, that since the other two British bishops, ^"/f".'
Eborius and Restitutus, belonged to the two provinces of
Maxima Csesariensis and Britannia Prima ; from hence, I say,

ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book i.

Ciimbden.
Britan.
p. 111.

The aposto-
lical succes-
sion ofilve.
British
bishops.

Cypr. Ep.71

Tertnl. de
Proescri|).
cap. 32.

we may fairly conclude, the third bishop came from the third
province of Britannia Secunda, wherein two noted colonies were
settled ; the one called Colonia Divana, in the coin of Septimus
Geta, and Civitas Legionum, now Chester : the other, Civitas
Legionis ad Yscam, where was a colony of the eleventh
legion ; which province is sometimes called Britannica Secunda.
And thus, according to the true reading, the third bishop
Adelfius must come ex civit. col. Leg. II. which, by the fault
of the transcribers, might be changed to ex civit. col. Londin.
Again, it is objected, that Britain was divided into four pro-
vinces, and that one of them was then called Flavius Csesa-
riensis. But here the learned Dr. Stillingfleet is of opinion,
that Cambdens manuscript for the division of the British pro-
vinces is most to be relied on ; I say Cambden, who tells us,
that this fourth province was not heard of thus early ; that it
was afterwards so called from Flavius Theodosius, before whose
time we never meet with Britannia Flavia.

From what has been observed, it will follow that we are
not to infer there were no more than three bishops in Britain,
because they did not exceed that number at the council of
Aries : on the other hand, we may rather conclude our pre-
lates were more numerous, since it was the custom to send but
one or two out of a province that was best furnished. Indeed,
we have no reason to question the succession of bishops here
from the first planting of Christianity : for why should we
suppose the Church under any particular regulations in this
island, and which were no where else to be met with ? For in
the primitive Church, and indeed within a few ages of our
own, there was no part of the Catholic Church without a
succession of bishops, which run up to the apostles. Thus
we cannot carry the history of other Churches farther, than
we find them governed by bishops. For although the first
settlement of Christianity in Afric is somewhat difficult to
determine ; yet as soon as the Churches grew up into any
notice, we meet with a council of their bishops, viz. of Agrip-
pinus, and his brethren out of the provinces of Africa, Numidia,
and Mauritania. Now this Agrippinus was not the immediate
predecessor of St. Cyprian, who suffered in the middle of the
third century. Farther, Tertullian puts the proof of apostolical
Churches upon the succession of bishops from the apostles, allow-
ing no churches for such, unless they could prove their pedigree,

cent, iv.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 61

and make out their claim this way. Now, this would be very-
weak inconclusive arguing, unless it had been generally agreed,
that wherever the apostles formed any Churches, they likewise
appointed bishops to govern them : we have all imaginable
reason, therefore, to presume that the British Christians were
under an episcopal administration from the very beginning ;
and that the Church here was monarchically governed, in con-
formity to the rest of Christendom : for notwithstanding the
records of a lineal succession of our bishops of the first ages
are not to be recovered, yet when the Dioclesian persecution
was over, and the British Christians came to correspond freely
with foreign Churches, we find they appeared with a pro-
portionable number of bishops to those of other provinces :
neither was their succession in the least disputed, their autho-
rity questioned, or their subscriptions refused by the Fathers
at Aries ; which is a clear argument, that their character was
well vouched, and that they could make out their title from
the apostles, as well as the rest of their brethren.

And since the British bishops had such an interest in the
council of Aries, it will not be foreign to the subject to give The canons
an account of the proceedings of this assembly ; the Churches fJJw'u^f
of this island being bound by their representatives. I shall Arl **>
therefore, in the first place, give the reader a translation of
their canons, being in number twenty-two.

"1. That Easter should be every where observed on the
same day and time ; and that the bishop of Rome should give
notice of it according to custom." But this'latter part was
altered, as Binius confesses, by the council of Nice, which
referred this business to the bishop of Alexandria.

"2. That every clergyman was to continue in the diocese
where he was ordained."

" 3. That those who renounce their military profession,
now the persecution was ceased, were to be excommuni-
cated." The Latin runs thus : " Qui in pace arma projiciunt,
excommunicentur." Binius, Baronius, and Albaspinseus are
somewhat at a loss about the meaning of this canon : but the
most probable construction seems to be this ; that since the
persecution was stopped, and the emperor turned Christian,
and the soldiers not obliged to any idolatrous practices, as
they had been under heathen princes ; Constantine likewise,

62 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book i.

Euseb.de as Eusebius informs us, having given them the liberty to
Btant. lib" 2. resume, or quit their employment ; the case standing thus,
cap. 33. ^} ie counc il of Aries might probably apprehend, that if all
Christians refused to serve in the field, they must have an
army of heathens, which might be of ill consequence ; and,
therefore, since the profession of arms was now clogged with
no unlawful conditions, the council made this canon, to prevent
the inconveniences above mentioned.

" 4 and 5. That those who drove chariots in the circus,
and acted in the playhouse, should be excommunicated as long
as they continued their business.'' 1

" 6. That those who were converted in their sickness,
should have imposition of hands afterwards ;" that is, they
were to be put under discipline on their recovery.

"7. That those who were Christians, and made governors
of remote places, should carry the communicatory letters
of their own bishop along with them, and not be barred
communion, unless they broke through the discipline of the
Church."

" 8. That those who were baptized in the faith of the Holy
Trinity, should not be re-baptized. 11

" 9. That those who brought testimonials from confessors
should be obliged to take communicatory letters from their
bishop. 11

"10. That any person who had proof of his wife^ adultery
should be advised not to marry another, living the woman. 11

"11. That those young women that took heathens for
their husbands should, for some time, be refused commu-

nion.

" 12. That clergymen, who put out money to usury, should
be excommunicated. 11

" 13. That those (bishops) who delivered the holy scrip-
tures, or the Church plate, up to the heathens, in times of
persecution, or had betrayed their brethren, were to be deposed
upon conviction. However, their ordinations, if made in form,
were to stand good. 1 '

" 14. That those who bring in a false information against
their brethren are not to be admitted to communion till the
point of death. 11

15. That deacons, who celebrate the Lord's supper, go

cent, iv.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 63

beyond their commission, and therefore that practice shall not
be allowed for the future."

" 16. That those, who are under excommunication for their
misbehaviour, must be restored in the same place where the
censure passed upon them. 1 '

" 17. That no one bishop should maltreat, or trample upon
another ;" which Albaspimeus interprets, of encroaching upon
another's diocese.

"18. That city deacons should not presume beyond their
character in the offices of religion, nor do any thing without
the knowledge and consent of their respective priests. "

" 19. That foreign bishops, when they come into a city,
may have the liberty of consecrating the holy sacrament."

" 20. That no bishop ought to presume to ordain another
to that character without having seven bishops to assist him ;
or at least three, in the consecration."

u 21. That presbyters and deacons ought to officiate in the
places in which they were ordained ; and that those who
ramble, and refuse to be governed by this order, are to be
deposed."

" 22. That those, who having turned apostates, and neither
come to church, nor move for penance ; if they happen after-
wards to fall sick, and desire to be reconciled, they are not
to be admitted to communion, unless they recover, and submit
to a course of discipline."

Thus much for the canons. And now a word or two con- The inde-
cerning the style of the council, and the manner of their appli- ^^/"/ie
cation to the bishop of Rome. And here the form of saluting council of
that see is very different from that of later ages ; here are no the terms
signs of submission, no acknowledgment of supreme pastor- withu'hffh
ship, or universal supremacy. By their language we may ih .J treat t,ie
plainly understand, that they looked upon the authority of the Rome.
council to be perfect in its legislative capacity, without the
concurrence, or after-consent, of the bishop of Rome. Their
words run thus :

" Ouse decrevimus communi concilio, charitati tuse significa- Baron, a. d.
mus, ut omnes sciant quod in futurum observare debeant." • n - ° •
Now, one would hardly have imagined that Baronius should Ibic] n 68
have found out the necessity of the pope's confirmation
from thence : for do not they plainly tell him, " The points

64 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book i.

were already settled by common consent, and that they sent

them to him to make them more public :"" that is, according

Pet. de to Petrus de Marca, as the emperors sent their edicts to their

Marca de , . J

Concord. praefecti praetorio, or viceroys ; which, without doubt, was not

imperii, 6 t° gi ye an y new force to the sanction, or perfect the authority,

L 7. c. 14. J3 U t, only to notify them to the subject, and provide for the

execution. It is true the Fathers of Aries intimate, that

the pope had a larger diocese ; but if these words had implied

so much as even a patriarchal power over the bishops of this

council, how could they have justified their right of making

canons within themselves ? How could they have defended

this legislative language, this independent way of treating the

bishop of Rome ? in which they do no more than acquaint him

with what they have done, and desire him to publish their orders.

Would such freedom as this have been allowed in a council

since the claim of the papal supremacy ? Would it not have

been looked upon as a great failure of respect in a provincial

council, even within any of the eastern patriarchates ? JBut at

this time of day, the Fathers assembled at Aries thought

charitati tuse, your friendliness, ceremony enough, even for

the see of Rome. They likewise call him dear brother, as

St. Cyprian had often done before them. They let him know

that they were convened at the instance or command of the

emperor; that they had the warrant of a divine authority,

and a certain rule and standard of faith to justify, and direct

their proceedings ; that the sentence they had pronounced

was warranted by the divine commission and the authority of

the Church. It is true, they tell him, they wish he had been

Baron, a. d. there, and should have been glad of his vote and company ;

Concil'. or > as ^ is m the Latin, " Et utinam, Frater dilectissime, ad

Labbe, } 10c tantum spectaculum interesses," or " interesse tanti fecis-

tom. i. J- ....

p. 1425. ses . Et te pariter nobiscum judicante, ccetus noster

majore ketitia exultasset." Was it possible for this council, who
declared the completeness of their authority, and treated the
pope with such familiarity, — was it possible, I say, for them to
look upon that bishop as their supreme head, or that he had
any paramount jurisdiction, to confirm or annul the acts of
the council 1 By what has been said, we may understand what
opinion the British bishops of this century, and the rest of
their order, had of the pope's supremacy.

cunt, iv.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 65

At the breaking up of the council, Restitutus, bishop of Godwin de
London, is said to have brought home a copy of the canons man own'
with him. voL >• P- 43 -

About this time Kebius Corinnius. son of Sampson duke of Spelman,
Cornwall, is said to have been bishop of Anglesey, and to have
converted North Wales.

About eleven years after the synod of Aries, the famous
council of Nice was convened. Now, in regard the list of the Some o/tite
remaining subscriptions is imperfect, we cannot find any of bishops in
the British bishops upon the roll, which it is very probable uU /l * < '/' Aood

r r J l present at

we might have done, if either Athanasius's Svnodicon, men- &e council
tioned by Socrates, or the Catalogue seen by Epiphanius, had Socrat. lib. i.
been extant. For that the British bishops were present at Epipban
this general council may be fairly presumed from the following Uxr - 69 -
circumstances. To begin : the emperor Constantine declares,
that he intended to have as full an appearance of bishops as
could be. For this purpose he sent out an universal sum-
mons, for the bishops to come from all quarters of the empire
tnravTaxodtv, as Eusebius expresses it : and, presently after,
he tell us, Constantino's edict was divulged iravTayov, "all
over his dominions." But how could this be, if the notice did
not reach as far as Gaul and Britain 1 And, to make the
journey practicable from remote places, Eusebius tells us, the Euseb. ibid,
emperor provided the bishops with carriages and other accom-
modations for their passage. To be thus furnished, they had
tractoripe ; that is, imperial warrants, or recommendations to
the governors of provinces, the form of which may be seen in
Baronius. Farther, Constantine seems very well satisfied ^ :l !' on - f D -
with the number of the bishops that appeared ; from whence
we may reasonably conclude, they came up to his expectation :
for, in his Epistle to the Church of Alexandria, he tells them, Socrat. lib. i.
" he had convened a great number of bishops." And still cap * b "
more fully in his Epistle to the Churches in general, he lets
them know, " that it was necessary, for the settlement of the Socrat. ibid.
Christian faith, that all, or at least the greatest part of the
bishops, should meet together." From whence it follows, the
emperor made the council as full as might be. But how could
such expressions be used, if the western provinces were unsum-
moned I In which parts, if we look back to the council of
Aries, we shall find the prelates were very numerous. Now,

VOL. I. F

66 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book i.

Euseb. yit. as far as the summons reached, they were complied with, with

cap. 6. ' all imaginable respect and inclination, as Eusebius informs us ;

Id. cap. 7. adding more particularly, that " the most eminent prelates, as

well out of Europe, as out of Asia and Afric, came up to

Nice." Now, it cannot be said, that Eusebius knew nothing

of the Churches of Britain ; for we have seen already that he

mentions the early preaching of Christianity in this island.

But to put this matter beyond dispute, in this very book of the

Life of Constantine, he names the Churches of Britain as well

ibid. cap. 19. as those of Gaul and Spain.

Farther To this we may add, that it is not probable that the

proo/ of the Churches of Britain should be overlooked, if we consider the

emperor '

Omskmr particular relation Constantine had to this island ; who was

ttJIG S uClffO • • * •

bom in BH- not only proclaimed emperor, but in great probability born
Eumen nere ^ 00 ' as nas Deen already observed : for which last point
Panegyr. I shall produce another testimony from Eumenius. This
cap. 9. orator, in his harangue to Constantine, amongst other things,
flourishes mightily upon the commendation of Britain, " from
the fruitfulness of the soil, the temperature of the climate, the
length of the days," &c. Now, if this was Constantine^
native country, these topics were pertinent, and to the pur-
pose ; but if not, all this part of the panegyric seems alto-
gether foreign, and without art. Eumenius goes on, and
compares Britain with Egypt, where Mercury, he says, was
born : which makes it pretty plain, that he designed Britain
for a parallel in this part of the advantage, by having the
honour of being the place of Constantine's nativity. I men-
tion this testimony, together with the rest already produced,
to show the improbability that the British Churches should be
omitted by Constantine in the summons to the general coun-
cil. And now, granting they were summoned, the importance
of the business and the conveniences of the journey, make it
extremely unlikely they should neglect to appear : which will
still look the more improbable, if we consider that they were
certainly summoned to the councils of Sardica and Ariminum,
held in the next reign, where likewise we find them present ;
why then should we suppose them either pretermitted or
absent at the council of Nice ?

As for the business transacted in this council, I shall only
observe, that the main design of its being called was to sup-
press the Arian heresy, and settle the time for the keeping of

cent, iv.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 67

Easter. These main points being determined, the bishops
made twenty canons for the discipline and government of the
Church ; three of which, viz. those relating to the election
and consecration of bishops, the appointing provincial synods
twice a year, and the settling the bounds of jurisdiction among
the respective bishops, are very remarkable. By the last of
which we may easily perceive that the Churches of Alexandria Can. 6.
and Antioch are put upon the level with that of Rome ; that
the jurisdiction of this last was confined to the limits of the
suburbicary provinces, and had no more pretence to supre-
macy than the former : but the enlarging upon this matter
might possibly seem foreign, and therefore I shall pursue it no
farther.

As to the civil government of Britain, under the emperor Pacatiamts
Constantine, it was put into the hands of Paeatianus, who was vicermi\n '
deputy to the praetorian prefect of Gaul. Constantine at his Dritain -
death divided the empire amongst his three sons, Constantine,
Constantius, and Constans ; France, Spain, and Britain, falling
to the share of his eldest son, Constantine : but this prince was
quickly disturbed and murdered by the ambition of his brother
Constans, who then seized that part of the empire : thus the
matter is reported by Zosimus : but the major part of histo- z°simus,
rians throw the encroachment upon Constantine. However, Baron A D<
Constans enjoyed the government not long after, for Magnen- 34 °- n - 43 -
tius revolted from him, and got him dispatched at a town called
Helena, by the Pyrenean mountains. Magnentius being now
master of a great part of the empire, Constantius marched
against him, drove him from place to place, and at last reduced
him to that distress, that he despaired of emerging, and killed
himself. This usurper being thus removed, Britain submitted ibid,
to Constantius, who now remained sole emperor.

As to Constantine the Great, whose death we have lately
mentioned : this prince being probably born in Britain, the
first Christian emperor, and making so happy a revolution in
the affairs of the Church, it may not be amiss to add some-
thing farther concerning him, especially as to the motives of
his turning Christian. Being in his march against Maxentius,
in the year of our Lord 311, and entering Italy with an army
of about ninety thousand foot, and eight thousand horse, he
began to consider the difficulty of the enterprise, and to project
for some better assistance than was yet in view. This thought

f 2

68 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book i.

brought the miscarriages of his predecessors into his mind ;
and that notwithstanding their zeal for their gods, they had
been generally unfortunate. He likewise considered that his
father, who believed the government of the world in a single
deity, and confined his worship to that notion, was wonderfully
successful in his affairs. These considerations prevailed with
him to quit the pagan system, and adhere to the Unity of the
Godhead. And thus addressing himself to the Sovereign Being,
he prayed for his assistance in the expedition, and a farther
discovery of his will : and here God was pleased to give him an
illustrious proof that his prayer was heard ; for, in the day-
The appear- time, about two o'clock in the afternoon, he saw a figure of a
ingofthe cross i n the air, with this plain inscription upon it, IN HOC
Cross in the VINCE, By this overcome. This representation was very
stantine the lively and strong, seen and wondered at by the whole army, as
Great. we jj ag ^q emperor. Being uneasy about the meaning of this
prodigy, and revolving it in his thoughts till night, our Saviour
appeared to him in his sleep, with the exact sign of the cross
he had seen in the air, and commanded him to make a royal
standard of that figure, and always use it in the field ; which
he performed the next day accordingly. This relation is so
Euseb. Vit. surprising, that Eusebius declares that it would almost have
cap?22, 23. ' shocked his belief, if he had not had it from the emperor's own
et deinc. mouth, who solemnly swore the truth of it to this author, who
then designed to write his life. To proceed, Constantine being
fortified with this miraculous appearance, charged Maxentius,
and defeated him, notwithstanding the superiority of his num-
bers. This tyrant being drowned in the Tiber, not long after
Licinius, who had overthrown Maximin, proved false to his
articles, and came to a rupture with Constantine : upon which
this emperor drew out his forces against him ; and here, when
Euseb. Vit. they came to decide the quarrel, Eusebius observes, that where
lib™, cap. 7. an y P ar t °f Constantine"^ troops gave way, the bringing the
standard with the cross to that quarter put new vigour into the
men, and changed the fortune of the battle. He likewise
relates another remarkable passage from the emperor's own
Ibid. c. 9. mouth, that the standard-bearer who carried this emblem of
Christianity, being pressed by the enemy, and somewhat dis-
pirited, delivered it to another, upon which he was immediately
slain ; but the person who received the holy standard was made
as it were invulnerable, and had no manner of harm, though

cent, iv.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 69

the enemy seemed to single him out from the rest, and spent
their arrows and lances particularly upon him.

To say a word or two relating to the character and adminis- A short cha-
tration of this prince. He was a handsome person, tall of r p^^ •
statui'e, and had his limbs put together with great strength
and proportion : neither was he less remarkable for the
advantages of his mind. He was well qualified both for
the camp and cabinet. His capacity was great, and his
courage enterprising and extraordinary; good at the directing,
and brave at the executing part. After he turned Christian,
he modelled the constitution in favour of that religion.
To instance in some particulai-s : he made it death for the L. 2.
Jews to blaspheme our Saviour, or to outrage or mob any
Christian : he made a law for the solemn observation of the Euscb. Vit.
Lord's day : he ordered that no person should be crucified, ub^^is
had the confessors immediately discharged out of prison, from
the mines, and other places of punishment ; and commanded
the restitution of their goods and estates, without delay. And
as for the martyrs, in case they had no heirs, their fortunes
were to fall to the Church. Neither was he kind only to the
Christians of his own empire, but likewise recommended those
of that profession in Persia, to the favour of their prince. He Euaeb. Vit,

iii • ii Constant.

granted the clergy an exemption from the common burdens, lib. l. c. 8.
and offices, incident to their condition, in the commonwealth : Sozom.
and when there was an action brought against any of them,
before a secular magistrate, he gave them the liberty to try
the cause in the bishop's court, where the matter was finally
determined. He likewise backed the canons of the Church Sozom. ibid.
with the civil sanction, and would not suffer the governors of
provinces to break through them. And lastly, he released the
fourth part of the taxes to his subjects, and was remarkably
charitable to the poor. This great prince died at Nicomedia Euseb. Vit.
in Bithynia, in the year of our Lord 337, in the thirty-second c °2 % '&2s\
year of his reign, being about sixty-six years of age. *?|™ n - i- D -

The next thing remarkable relating to the Churches of British hi-*
Britain is the council of Sardica, formerly a city of Thracia, f e ^ s a f r t j~ e
now the capital of Bulgaria, and called Triadizza by the Bui- council of
garians, and Sophia by the Greeks. This council was held in
the year of our Lord 347, under the emperors Constantius and
Constans, sons to Constantine the Great. That the British
bishops were present at this council, joined in the condemning

70 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book i.

Arianism and acquitting Athanasius, we may learn from the
testimony of Athanasius himself, both in his second Apology
Subinit. against the Arians, and in his Epistle Ad Solitariam Vitam
a.d. 347. Agentes. The British bishops having a share in this council,
and the liberties of the Catholic Church being remarkably
cleared by some passages in it, I hope the reader will not think
it an unseasonable digression if I enter a little upon some part
of the affairs transacted here.
The reasons And first, concerning the occasion of its being called. After
wninqtMs Arius and his adherents had been condemned by the great
council. council of Nice, that party, though they durst not appear
openly against the decisions of the council, yet endeavoured to
gain their point by more unsuspected methods ; by disguising
their sentiments, mixing with the orthodox in other councils,
defaming the bishops of the Catholic Church ; and where they
had any interest and power, outing them of their estates,
driving them into banishment, and treating them with all the
ill usage imaginable. Now Athanasius bishop of Alexandria,
being a person of great abilities and reputation, a noble cham-
pion for the Church, and appearing vigorously in defence of
the Homoousian doctrine, the Arians, both in the reign of Con-
Atiian. de stantine and afterwards, did their utmost to destroy him. To
Fp n °ad solit ^ s purpose, they charged him at the Synod of Tyre with cut-
Vit. Agent, ting off Arsenius's hand, in order to a magical preparation,
lib. l. This calumny and several others being disproved, they per-

cap ' " suaded the emperor Constantine that Athanasius had stopped
the transportation of corn from Egypt to Constantinople. The
emperor giving credit to this information, banished Athanasius
to Treves upon the Moselle ; and being afterwards restored to
Socrat. • his see by Constantine the younger, the Arians, in a council at
i . .cap. . Antioch consisting of ninety bishops, where their party was
the majority, alleged against him, beside other pretended arti-
cles, that having returned to the exercise of his character
without the authority of a synod, he had invaded the see of
Alexandria ; and upon this ground they turned him out.
Athanasius, with Paulus of Constantinople, and several other
bishops who had been deprived by the Arians, upon the score
of their standing firm to the Nicene faith, retired to Rome,
and applied for the protection of pope Julius ; of Julius, I say,
who was eminent both for the considerableness of his see, and
the character of his orthodoxy. The Arians, to give a colour

text, iv.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 71

of fair dealing, wrote to Julius, and told him they were willing
the cause should be re-examined, and brought upon the board
in another synod. Upon this Julius convened a provincial Athan.
council at Rome, and gave them notice to come thither. The TheooCl. 2.
Arians distrusting their cause, and apprehending they should c - *•
be overvoted, pretend the wars had made their journey imprac- Apol. 2.
ticable ; that Julius had straitened them in time : and thus c . 4.
they threw in delays for a year and a half together. During AD< 347-
this time, pope Julius having received several letters from the
bishops of Egypt, who vindicated Athanasius, and wrote fully
in his behalf, opened a council of fifty bishops at Rome, where
the articles against Athanasius being examined, and found
false, himself and the other deprived bishops were unanimously
acquitted by the council, and pronounced worthy to return to
their respective bishoprics. These proceedings were highly Athan.
resented by the Arians, who meeting again at Antioch, pub- ,)0 ' '
lished reproachful letters against Athanasius, falling hard like-
wise upon Julius, and taxing him with encroachment upon the
authority of the Church for presuming to reverse the decrees
of their council at Antioch. And thus the interest of the Socrat. i. 2.
Arian party prevailing, two new creeds being published in c. ll.Sozoui.
opposition to that at Nice, and the affairs of the Church grow- Julius in ep.
ing more and more embroiled, pope Julius applied to the Apol. 2.'
emperor Constans, who, with the concurrence of his brother •
Constantius, fixed upon the meeting of the council of Sardica.
The council met accordingly in the year of our Lord 347, Ruf-
finus and Eusebius being consuls. The number was very con-
siderable, amounting to about two hundred and eighty western
bishops, together with seventy-six from the east. Hosius
bishop of Corduba, together with Archidamus and Philoxenus,
presided in the council ; and, as Labbe and Cossartius will Concil. Lab-
have it, represented pope Julius. Athanasius likewise, Paulus be ' *° m - 2 -
of Constantinople, and the rest of the injured bishops, appeared
there to defend themselves, and answer to whatever might be
objected. But the eastern part of the council being Arians,
perceiving the debates were like to be free, and that they could
not procure a guard from the court to overawe the votes, they
concluded it best to stand off: and therefore declared against
joining with the western bishops, unless Athanasius and the Athan. Ep.
other prelates they had outraged were forbidden the council. a , d solit - Vit «

1 , p -1 • Agent, et

Ihis motion was refused by the council, who summoned the Apol. 2.

72 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book i.

eastern bishops to appear, and make good their charge against
Athanasius : but these Arians despairing of overruling matters,
withdrew to Philippopoli, and sat there.
This council And here, by the canons, the style, and several other cir-
oftJw'pawl cumstances in this council, it is plain the modern supremacy
supremacy, of the see of Rome was neither allowed, nor so much as pre-
tended to at that time. First, these Fathers of Sardica, in
their letter to all the Churches of Christendom, declare that
Concil. they were convened by the emperor's order : from whence it
torn b 2 appears, that the Arians complaining of Pope Julius for not
p. 680. giving them sufficient notice, implies only, that Julius had the
lib. 2. publication of the emperor's summons. To proceed ; in this

tap ' ' letter the council calls Julius, " frater et consacerdos noster,"
their brother and fellow-bishop. And in their letter to Julius
himself, they treat him with the same familiar language of dear
brother ; give him a short account of their proceedings, and
desire him to notify the decrees of the council to his neighbours,
the bishops of Sicily, Sardinia, and Italy ; that they might
not, through want of information, receive the communicatory
letters of the Arians, who stood condemned by the council.
But here is not a word of requesting the pope^ confirmation ;
such applications of councils to the see of Rome, were alto-
gether unpractised in that age. Farther, the very business of
this council proves it a jurisdiction superior to the see of
Rome ; for the design of their meeting was to judge by way of
appeal, and re-examine the case already determined by Julius
and his Roman council in favour of Athanasius ; and this
review was set on foot at the instance of Julius himself, who
Condi. addressed the emperor for that purpose.

Labbe, j± m \ ^hat ^j ie mo( j ern claim of universal supremacy was un-

p. 624. pretended to in this council, appears evidently by the third
canon, by which we are given to understand that Hosius made
the following motion, viz. : " That if any bishop should conceive
himself injured by the sentence of the neighbouring bishops,
and desired to be reheard ; if you please, in respect to the
memory of St. Peter, let those bishops who have pronounced
judgment write to Julius, bishop of Rome, and transmit a copy
of their proceedings to him ; and if he thinks it proper that
the cause should be tried over again, let him assign judges for
that purpose : but if he is satisfied with what is done, and
declares against a reversal, let his sentence stand good, and

cent, iv.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 73

determine the point." To this the council replied, " They were
content." This canon, which stands the third in the version of
Dionysius Exiguus, and is in a manner repeated in his seventh,
is the fifth in the Greek copy. And, besides, instead of Julius, Concil.
the bishop of Rome is indefinitely mentioned ; from whence we J^J^
may conclude, the privilege of the canon was intended for his P- 629 - G45 -
successors, and, as it were, settled upon his see ; I say, set-
tled, as far as the authority of this council, which was no more
than a provincial one, could reach. To return to the purport
of the canon, by which nothing can be more plain, than that
the divine right to the government of the universal Church,
settled upon the bishops of Rome, in virtue of their succession
to St. Peter, was a claim not started at this time of day : for
if Hosius was the pope's proxy, as Labbe, and others of that
communion suppose, can we imagine he would have betrayed
the interest of the person he represented, and have sunk the
grandeur of the see of Rome so low, as to beg for so slender a
privilege I For if our Saviour had made the see of Rome the
seat of the spiritual monarchy, put the government of the
universal Church into the hands of that bishop, and made him
the supreme judge of all controversy, it had been a weak, not
to say a disrespectful motion in Hosius, to desire the council,
that out of regard to St. Peter's memory, they would allow an
appeal to the pope, in the case of a single bishop. Such a •
request as this destroys the supposition of a divine right, and
is utterly inconsistent with the pretences of the universal pas-
torship. And if Hosius should have overshot himself to this
degree, which is most unlikely, we may imagine the council
would have been more modest, and more just too, than to have
pretended an authority of granting the pope any part of that
right which was so incontestably his own before ; as being a
branch of that sovereignty which was handed down to him
from St. Peter. But this right of receiving appeals, in some
cases, as slender a privilege as it is in comparison of a divine
supremacy, yet the popes were well satisfied with the favour,
as appears by the sixth council of Carthage, where Zozimus,
to justify his receiving appeals from transmarine Churches,
insists upon this concession in the case of Apiarius, and endea-
vours to pass it upon the African Fathers for a canon of the '

t» ii Labbe, Con-

Council of Nice. But ol this, more by-and-by. cil. Car-

+ 1 rr ft

At present we may observe, that to show the pope's prero- p/f^

74 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book i.

gative, it is urged, on the other side, that Hosius, who sub-
scribed first at the council, was Julius's legate. But this
supposition is so far from carrying the point, that whether he
A dilemma was ? or was no ^-> there lies a dilemma against the papal supre-
uponthe macy. For if Hosius was legate to the see of Rome, then we

papal supre- ^ .... .

macy. may reasonably conclude he received his instructions from pope

Julius, that he would be particularly careful to support the
character of an agent, and not diminish the rights of the see
he represented. To imagine him defective in these points, is
to make him fall short, either in common sense or common
honesty : but such notorious failures do by no means agree
with the reputation of the great Hosius. This prelate, there-
fore, being a person of such known abilities and good faith,
and by the present supposition the pope's legate ; what should
make him desire the council to give the pope leave to review
the cause of a bishop, who had been censured by the bishops
of his own province ? Why should Hosius request the Sardi-
can Fathers to condescend to this motion, and pass it into a
canon, out of respect to the memory of St. Peter I Does not
this plainly imply, that Hosius moved for a new branch of
jurisdiction? and that the bishops of Rome had no autho-
rity to receive appeals prior to this canon \ I say no authority,
except within the suburbicary provinces : for had the see of
Rome been the supreme ecclesiastical court, and the last re-
sort of justice, either by divine or so much as by human right,
what should make them so impolitic as to betray their own
privileges, and to entreat for that which so incontestably be-
longed to them before ? This would be much such a piece of
conduct as it would be in a sovereign prince to beg of his
subjects to prefer him to the office of chief justice, or lord
chancellor. The popes of Rome do not use to squander, away
their prerogative in this manner, nor manage at such a negli-
gent rate. Besides, if Hosius, as legate, had thus uncautiously
exceeded his commission, we may imagine his principal,
Julius, would have disowned him at his return, and remon-
strated against the proceedings ; but there is nothing of this
to be met with in history. On the contrary, Julius and his
successors were well pleased with the council of Sardica, valued
themselves upon the concession above mentioned, and endea-
voured (as it has been hinted) to pass it for a canon of the
council of Nice. Thus we see the case stands, upon the sup-

cent, iv.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 75

position that Hosius was pope Julius's legate. But if we turn
the supposition, and consider Hosius as acting only in his own
capacity, then we have another argument against the pope's
supremacy, from the order of preference, and the subscription-
roll ; for it is certain Hosius, bishop of Corduba, stands at the
head of the subscriptions. Condi.

Now, that Hosius represented nobody but himself is ex- jp abb |>
tremely probable, as appears, to mention nothing more, from p- 662.
the council's letter to pope Julius. To make this letter short, ^£" 6 * I" 0-
the Fathers give him to understand, " that the proceedings of %«'« of the
the council were all drawn up in writing ; letting him know, Ibid 6C1 *
besides, that Archidamus, Philoxenus, and Leo, two priests
and a deacon, and all of them Julius's legates, could inform
him fully of the particulars." Now if Hosius was Julius's
legate, it is somewhat surprising the council should take no
notice of him in this character ; that they should not refer
pope Julius to his information. To mention priests and
deacons, and overlook a bishop of Hosius's fame, who, we may
imagine, was the principal person in the legation, is very un-
usual ; and therefore, from the silence of the council in this
point, we may fairly conclude that Hosius was no legate to
pope Julius.

These proceedings of the council of Sardica, in granting The fifth and

, , , , e -rt ' .1 n si)th canons

appeals to the see of Kome in some cases, put the meaning ot y t / ie coun .'
the fifth and sixth canons of the council of Nice beyond all cd °/ . iV ' ce ,

J ea-plamea by

doubt. By the fifth canon, provincial synods are to be held the council
twice a-year. And at these, if any person complained he was Condi,
unjustly excommunicated, the cause was to be re-examined, Labbe,
and the former censure to stand good, unless the judgment P . 31. '
was reversed by the provincial synod. And though the case
of bishops be not here expressly mentioned, yet it was urged
with great reason by the African Fathers, that it ought to be c on riL
understood ; for the canon makes a general provision for the ton ?;.H-
business of every respective province : neither is any jurisdic-
tion mentioned by the council of Nice, superior to that of a
metropolitan ; the three great sees only excepted, who had a
peculiar privilege by prescription, and are jointly secured in the
sixth canon. Now the right of appeal being determined by
the fifth Nicene canon, this was the proper place to have saved
the privileges of a supreme Court, if any such claim had been
allowed, as has been since pretended. Indeed, it is next to

ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book i.

Concil.
Nicen.
can. 6.

A farther
argument
against the
supremacy,
from the
pretended
council of
Philippo-
poli.

impossible the Nicene Fathers should have stopped at provin-
cial synods, had they known or believed that Christ had ap-
pointed a vicar upon earth, who was to be supreme judge in
all ecclesiastical matters. And that a provincial synod is the
last court of appeal, according to the council of Nice, is like-
wise evident from the canons of the council of Sardica above
mentioned, where the pope has a qualified grant of this privi-
lege ; which right commencing at the Sardican council, must
be posterior to the council of Nice ; and therefore the fifth
canon, taking no notice of any ecclesiastical judicatory, beyond
a provincial synod, cannot be understood with a tacit reserve
in favour of the see of Rome. Thus, likewise, we are to un-
derstand the sixth canon of the council of Nice, where Alex-
andria, Rome, and Antioch, being the three greatest cities in
the empire, and places of extraordinary resort, the bishops of
those sees had a larger jurisdiction than the rest ; the Church
thinking it convenient to model the hierarchy into some con-
formity with the civil government. Thus the canon, declaring
for the observation of ancient custom, confirms the bishops of
Alexandria and Antioch in their ancient and extraordinary
jurisdiction ; adding, that such privileges were likewise cus-
tomary to the bishop of Rome. But that this extent of juris-
diction was confined to certain limits, with respect to the see
of Rome, as well as the other sees of Alexandria and Antioch,
appears from the undistinguishing language of the canon, there
being not the least hint of any exception of superiority for the
Roman see. And that there was no ground for any such dis-
tinction, appears from the Sardican council, where the pope's
jurisdiction is enlarged, and a new right of appeal granted ;
which, were there any such thing as a prior supremacy, had
been an affront to grant, and great weakness to accept it.

Farther, another argument against the pope's supremacy
may be drawn from the conduct of those eastern bishops, who
separated from the council of Sardica, and sat down at Philip-
popoli. These eighty bishops, in their circular letter to the
universal Church, begin with their prayers for the continuance
of the old discipline, that the standing rules of government,
handed down to them from the beginning of Christianity,
may continue in force : from hence they pi'oceed to set forth
the crimes of Marcellus bishop of Ancyra, of Athanasius,
Asclepas, &c. After this they complain that Julius, and

cent, iv.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 77

some other bishops of the west, had received those censured
bishops to communion : this they looked upon as an into-
lerable novelty, and a notorious violation of the laws of the
Church. For this reason they speak with a great air of
authority, and, assuming the character of a council, expressly
command the bishops all Christendom over : their words are,
" Ex aperto mandamus, 11 no " firmiter injungentes 11 could
rise higher ; they expressly command, I say, that no part of
Christendom should communicate with Hosius, Athanasius,
Marcellus, Julius, &c, nor have any religious intercourse
either with them or their adherents. Here we see the eighty
bishops at Philippopoli make no difficulty to excommunicate the
bishop of Rome. But it may be said this synod was no better Concil.
than a conventicle of Arian heretics. But what of all that, Labb e,

torn. 2.

though they had revolted from the faith in a great article, yet p. 708.
it is more than they owned ; and, besides, we do not find
them anywhere charged with opposing the government of the
Church. Farther, can we imagine them so weak in their
conduct, so deserted by common sense, as to revolt against
their undisputed supreme ; to renounce the universal pastor,
and excommunicate Christ's vicar upon earth \ Had the
bishop of Rome been owned under these titles at that time of
day, the Arians had not only been heretics, but madmen, to
complain of pope Julius and the western bishops for reversing
the decrees of the council of Tyre, &c, in favour of Athana-
sius ; and much more to have excommunicated the monarch Concil.
of the Church, who was the highest judge of controversy, and ^j^'
the bishop of the infallible see. Was this the way for the p- 702, 703.
bishops of Philippopoli to approve the justice of their proceed-
ings, and recommend themselves to the Christian world I
Had the pope's supremacy been owned at the meeting of this
council, the presumption of the Arians at Philippopoli had been
sufficient to have ruined their design, and make them odious ;
and therefore we may be pretty well assured, that in common
prudence they would have declined it.

From what has been observed, it appears sufficiently, that
the bishop of Rome had no pretence for receiving appeals,
beyond the suburbicary provinces, prior to the council of
Sardica, the last resort, in the standing and ordinary method
of proceeding, being settled in a provincial council : I say, the
standing and ordinary method of proceeding, because, in

78 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book i.

matters of faith, or upon extraordinary occasions, a general
council is the highest ecclesiastical court. That the process
of ecclesiastical jurisdiction was thus fixed, is evident from
The decision the sense of the ancient Church, particularly from the sixth
council of famous council of Carthage, convened in the year of our Lord
againdlhe 418, anc ^ consisting of the bishops of all the African provinces,
pope'sreceiv- Aurelius bishop of Carthage presiding in the synod. The

ing appeals. . r , ° , \ ° a • •

occasion ol the council s meeting was this : one Apianus, a
priest of Sicca in Mauritania, being uncanonically ordained, and
guilty of several other crimes of a higher nature, was degraded
by his bishop Urbanus, which sentence was afterwards con-
firmed by a provincial synod. Apiarius lying under this
censure, set sail for Rome, and complains to Zozimus. Upon
this application, the pope presently restores him to his degree,
and, dispatching his legates into Afric, gives them instruc-
tions to see him put in his former post, and to insist upon the
right of the Roman see for receiving appeals : and if this
branch of jurisdiction should be questioned, they were to jus-
tify the practice by the authority of the council of Nice. The
African Fathers, meeting in council upon this occasion, examined
the heads of the legate's instructions, digested in Zosimus's
Commonitorium. And here the pope, alleging two canons of
the council of Nice to defend his privilege of receiving appeals,
the African Fathers, not knowing that the council mis-
quoted, and that these two canons belonged only to the
council of Sardica, promised to govern themselves by the
authorities insisted on by the legates, till such time as they
could procure some authentic copies of the council of Nice :
and with this their resolution they acquainted Zozimus, who
died soon after.

The synod, breaking up in autumn, met the next year at
Carthage in the latter end of May, to the number of two hun-
dred, and seventeen African bishops. And here, Aurelius
bishop of Carthage, and Valentinus metropolitan of Numidia,
had the chief seats in the assembly : after these, Faustinus an
Italian bishop, and the pope's legate, had the third place ; and,
as for Philippus and Asellus, who were no more than priests,
they sat below all the bishops, notwithstanding they came from
Rome, and represented his holiness. And here, after having
read the proceedings of the former synod, together with Zosi-
mus's Commonitorium, and not finding the two canons men-

cent, iv.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 79

tioned in the pope's letter, in any of their copies of the council
of Nice, they immediately dispatched away their agents into
the east, to search for the most unquestionable records of that
council, and bring back some transcripts with them. In this
session, at the request of Apiarius, there was an order passed
to discharge him from the Church of Sicca, and to give him
leave to exercise his function elsewhere. At the breaking up
of this council, the proceedings were all subscribed ; and here,
Aurelius and Valentinus simied first ; then Faustinus the
bishop-legate ; and after all the rest, Philippus and Ascllus,
the other two legates of the pope : and the next day there was
an account of the proceedings transmitted by the legates to
pope Boniface.

About the end of this year, the delegates of the council
returned out of the east, and brought authentic and attested
copies of the Nicene canons along with them, together with
the letters of Atticus bishop of Constantinople, and Cyril bishop
of Alexandria. These transcripts being inspected, there was
not the least syllable to be found that had any resemblance
with the canons alluded to by Zozimus : upon this, the council
immediately dispatched their delegates who came out of the
east, to pope Boniface, with the records they had brought from
thence. And now the dispute seemed to be fully satisfied.
But pope Boniface dying soon after, and Apiarius growing
restless, and reviving the business ; Ccelestine, who succeeded
Boniface, wrote to the prelates in Afric in favour of him. And
now the African Fathers, or at least a committee of them,
convened the third time, Faustinus the pope's legate being
present ; and notwithstanding in this last meeting, Apiarius
being touched with remorse of conscience, made a voluntary
confession of his misbehaviour, yet the Fathers wrote a sharp
and reprimanding letter to pope Ccelestine ; in which, after a Concil.
short account of Apiarius's case, they earnestly desire him, t ^ m o.
" That for the future, he would be cautious in giving ear to &., lb74# T
the complaints of those that came from Afric to Rome ; and remonstrat-
by no means admit those to communion who had been excom- "ill pope.
municated in Afric. Letting him know, that what they in-
sisted on was no more than had already been decreed by the
council of Nice. For, as they go on, if this council has made Can. V.
a provision for the security of the inferior clergy and the laity,
it may be concluded a fortiori, that they designed to guard the

80 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book i.

jurisdiction of bishops ; lest those who are barred communion
by their own diocesan, should be over hastily or unduly restored
by his holiness. They request him therefore not to receive
their revolting clergy, there being no decrees of the Fathers
which suppose the Church of Africa in such a state of depen-
dency and imperfect authority : and as for the canons of the
council of Nice, they evidently resign the inferior clergy and
suffragan bishops to the jurisdiction of their respective metro-
politans. This oecumenical council ordering with great pru-
dence and justice, that all disputes should be. determined in the
places where they commenced, there being no reason to suspect
that the assistance of the Holy Ghost would be wanting to any
province ; but that the priests and representatives of our
Saviour would be furnished with sufficient proportions of wis-
dom and resolution. Which decision of the Nicene Fathers
is still more reasonable ; because, if the censured person is dis-
satisfied with the sentence, he has the liberty to appeal to a
provincial or general council. This they insist on as a reason-
able way of proceeding, unless, as they continue, any man can
be so singular in his fancy as to believe, that God will qualify
a single bishop for the functions of justice, and yet deny the
same assistance to a whole body met together of that order.
The African Fathers urge their point farther, and demand,
how it is possible a cause should be rightly managed, and
judgment duly pronounced in transmarine and remote places ;
when either through the infirmities of age or sex, or several
other impediments that may happen, the witnesses necessary
to inform the bench cannot come so far and appear in court ?
And then, as for the pope^ sending any persons abroad with
commission to examine the cause, they tell him there is no
authority from any synod to warrant such a practice. They
give him likewise to understand, that the Nicene canons pro-
duced by his legate Faustinus were counterfeit. And that the
true copies of that council received from St. Cyril bishop of
Alexandria, and Atticus bishop of Constantinople, and attested
by both of them ; and which were after transmitted by their
delegates to his predecessor Boniface, had nothing of that kind
in them. And now, towards the close of the letter, the African
Fathers exert their character, and rise in their language upon
the pope, positively forbidding him to send any of his clergy to
intermeddle in the affairs of their country, at the instance of

cent, iv.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 81

any person whatsoever. For such attempts would be altogether Quihusque
foreign, and unecclesiastical, and would bring in a sort of pagan ^litemit-
pride into the Church of Christ, which so- strongly recommends fere > n ? liie
the practice of an humble and unpretending behaviour. And
thus, after some few lines they call the pope brother, and take
their leave. 11

And thus, this celebrated council of Carthage was finished
at three meetings.

And here, if it is demanded, why the African Fathers were
so earnest against appeals to Rome, since this privilege had
been granted that see by the council of Sardica ? To this it
may be answered ; first, that the canons of Sardica give the
liberty of appealing to none but a bishop, whereas Apiarius,
being no more than a priest, was not within the favour of the
council. But secondly, to reply more fully, the Sardican
Fathers were only a provincial council, and therefore the
African Churches did by no means think themselves bound by
their regulation.

But here it mav be urged, that since the British bishops £ n oi >^ ww

•J . . . . from the

were present at the council of Sardica, the British Churches British
were bound to observe the canons of it ; and appeals to the ^thelo'vmA
bishop of Rome being established there, they were then °{ n f^f^
brought under his jurisdiction, as patriarch of the western
Churches.

In answer to this, besides what has been said already, I
observe ; first,

That this allowance of appeals to the see of Rome was
granted upon a particular emergency, most probably because
pope Julius was orthodox, stood firm to the Nicene faith, and
was a friend to Athanasius, whereas many of the eastern
bishops, and particularly the emperor Constantius, to whom
Athanasius, as bishop of Alexandria, was a subject, were
inclined to Arianism : insomuch that the Sardican canons
about appealing to Rome, seemed to be framed on purpose to
do justice to Athanasius : Now, such an authority being given
by a provincial council upon present and particular circum-
stances, cannot be binding to posterity ; especially when that
limited authority is altered in the ground, and overstretched
in the practice, when it is challenged for an absolute and
supreme power, founded upon a divine right, and not upon the
act of the council. For, in this case, the claim is so much

VOL. i. g

82 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book i.

overstrained, and the difference so great, that the one can give
no colour or pretence for the other.

Secondly, we may observe, that the Sardican council does
not place the right of appeals to the pope as head of the
Church : indeed, the very grant supposes the contrary.

Thirdly, this privilege can never justify the drawing causes

to Rome by way of appeal ; because the cause is still to be

heard in the province by the neighbouring bishops. In short,

Can. 5. in the Sardican council, the pope could do no more than grant

tom. C 2.' a new hearing. And here he had not the liberty to assign

P . 630. yftiat judges he pleased, but was tied to nominate the bishops

of the province where the cause was first depending. It is

true he was authorized to send two or three to represent him,

if he thought fit, and join them in commission with the rest ;

but then his legates could overrule nothing ; they could sway

no farther than by their votes ; for the sentence was to be

governed by the majority : now this is wonderfully short of

supremacy and sovereign power.

Fourthly, the proceedings of the Sardican council are not
all of them unexceptionable, nor justifiable by the rules of the
Church ; particularly their receiving Marcellus to commu-
nion : for not only the eastern bishops, in their Synodical
Epistle, affirmed him condemned for heresy by the council
Concil. of Constantinople, held in the reign of Constantine ; and that
tom. 2. Protogenes of Sardica, and others of the council, had sub-
p. 700. scribed his condemnation. Marcellus is not only thus cen-
sured by the bishops of Philippopoli, but Athanasius himself
afterwards condemned him : and St. Basil blames the Church
Sulpit. of Rome for receiving him to communion ; and, which is more,
" Baronius confesses, that this business was much complained of
by Catholics of great character, and brought a blemish upon

Baron, a. d. the Council.

Basil.Ep.52. Fifthly, the decrees of this council were not universally
received ; as appears plainly by the contest between the
bishops of Rome and Afric about appeals already mentioned ;
and here it cannot be objected, that the African bishops had
none to represent them ; for Baronius owns Gratus, bishop of

Baron, a. d. Carthage, was present at the Council : and in one of the lists
of the subscriptions, Gratus, and a great many more African

Concil. bishops are mentioned, either as subscribers or approvers of

p OI 672.' the synod. Now, notwithstanding the African Churches were

cent, iv.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 83

not unrepresented at Sardica ; yet it is evident the Fathers
of the sixth council of Carthage did not look upon themselves
bound by the canons ; but stood stiffly in defence of their own
independency, and overruled the pretence of appealing to the
see of Rome : neither, indeed, did the pope insist upon the
authority of the council of Sardica, but on that of Nice, to
justify his plea. Now, since the African Churches were not
tied by the canons of Sardica, notwithstanding they had
bishops concerned there ; why should the consequence hold
stronger upon other remote Churches ? why should the British
Christians be in a greater condition of servitude than those of
Afric ? why should the representation of their bishops draw
them to a dependence upon Rome, and make them in worse
circumstances than other places, represented at Sardica, no
less than themselves ? The reason of the slender authority of
the Sardican canons seems to be this ; there was a design, it
is true, for a general council, but the eastern and western
bishops disagreeing about the preliminaries, and refusing to
sit with each other, there was little or no regard paid to what
was done by either division. So little notice was taken of
their proceedings that St. Augustin knew of no other than
the council of the eastern bishops. Indeed the calling ofcontra
councils was so common at this time upon the Arian contro- Cre8C - c - 54 -
versy, and the deposition of bishops of one side and the other
was so frequent, that the remoter Churches concerned them-
selves little in what passed amongst them. And thus the
Sardican council having so little reputation in the world, the
see of Rome did not think it proper to insist upon that autho-
rity, but endeavoured to pass their decrees upon the African
Fathers for the Nicene canons.

Lastly, the council of Sardica, as we have seen, gives the
bishop of Rome no more power than the re-hearing the com-
plaint of a bishop, which does not nearly amount to the pri-
vilege of even a patriarchal jurisdiction : for here, notwith-
standing this concession, the other Churches of Christendom
had the regulation of worship and discipline, the government
of the clergy and people ; and, in short, the whole ecclesiasti-
cal legislature left them entire. To which we may add, that
if there was a good understanding amongst all the bishops of
the province, as it often happens ; if the dispute came to no

g 2

84 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book i.

extremity ; if no bishop was deposed by his com-provincials, or
if he acquiesced in the sentence, and refused to complain, in
all these cases the pope was shut out, and had no liberty to
interpose, even by the Sardican canons.
The liberties To proceed ; this independency of provinces was farther
dom secured secured against the encroachment of the greater sees by the
by the council general council of Ephesus. Where, upon the complaint of
Condi. the bishops of Cyprus, against the encroachments of the
tom. 3. bishop of Antioch, this latter claiming a right to consecrate
p. 801. tn e Cypriot bishops, and making that island one of the
dependencies of his see : upon this complaint, I say, the
bishop of Antioclis claim was examined, and being found
all novelty and usurpation, it was rejected by the council.
And to prevent all invasions of liberty for the future, there
was a general canon drawn up in these words, which was
to hold in all other places, no less than in Antioch and
Cyprus ; the former part of the canon having determined
the cause in favour of the bishops of Cyprus, and decreed
them a security for the future, proceeds thus ; to Se avrb
Can. 8. tcai £7Ti tCjv aXXiov $ioitat](riiov Kai twv cnravTaypv lirap^iuiv
Trapa<pv\axOi'i<yzTai, &c. " And the same regulation shall be
observed in all other provinces, viz. that no bishop shall
exercise any jurisdiction in a foreign province which has
not been under the government of his predecessors from the
first planting of Christianity. And if any prelate shall make
any forcible seizure, he shall be obliged to desist from the
invasion, that the constitutions of the Church may not be vio-
lated, nor any ecclesiastical pretence be made a cover for
worldly ambition ; that the liberties of Christendom may not
be swallowed up by degrees, which our Lord Jesus Christ, the
Redeemer of mankind, has purchased for us at the price of his
own blood. It is therefore decreed by the holy oecumenical
council, that the original rights, which every province has
enjoyed from the beginning, shall be secured to them entire
and undiminished, according to the course of ancient custom ;
and that every metropolitan shall be allowed a copy of the acts
of the council, 1 ' 1 &c.

Now, the British Churches being in no circumstances of
subjection to the bishop of Rome till long after this time, as
will be farther shown afterwards ; the case, I say, standing

cent, iv.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 85

thus, their liberties are effectually secured by the general
council of Ephesus, and all future attempts of encroachment
barred, and declared nullities.

I hope these remarks upon the councils will not seem foreign
or unseasonable ; for he that designs the history of a Church
ought to defend her government, disentangle her claims, and
set her privileges in a true light.

To go on with the course of the history : the next news we
hear of the condition of the British Churches is from St.
Hilary ; who, being banished into Phrygia by the emperor
Constantius, published his book De Synodis there, in the year
of our Lord 358. In the beginning of this book, " he salutes a. d. 3.53.
the bishops of Britain among the rest of the prelates of address^
Christendom, and complains a little, that the distance oftjteBrUish

. ... bishops.

place, and the disadvantages of his banishment had barred
him the satisfaction of receiving frequent letters from them.
After this complaint, he congratulates their orthodoxy, and
that they had preserved themselves all along from heretical
infection,'" The reason of his address seems to be this :
during the Arian controversy, a great many Christians, as
Sozomen observes, looked upon the word bf.ioovaiog as an Sozom.
unnecessary term ; and that the meaning of the council of ^ 3.Y12
Nice was sufficient, without being tied to the expression.
Now, it seems, most of the bishops of Germany, Gaul, and
Britain were of this opinion ; for this reason St. Hilary ad- Usher,
dresses them in his book, that they might not only be Catholic Ecde" An-
in their belief, but conformable in their language to the council ti 9"j.t. c - 8 -
of Nice.

The next year there was a council convened by Constantius, at a. d. 359.
Arimini, in Italy : and here, as Sulpitius Severus reports, above mIs* present
four hundred western bishops met together : all which were pro- at J\ e C(m j icil

.,,., . •-!• n i of Antrum.

vided with conveniences m diet, &c, at the emperor s charge. Sulpit. Se-
But the bishops of Gaul and Britain did not think it proper to gacr. lib.°2.
be thus supported by the exchequer, and chose rather to live
upon their own pocket : excepting, as the historian goes on,
three bishops out of Britain, whose circumstances were parti-
cularly narrow ; these prelates, being proffered a supply from
their brethren, thought it more convenient to be subsisted
by the emperor, than be burthensome to a few of their own
order.

And here it may be inquired, how the British bishops came

86 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTOEY [book i.

Why the to be so poor above the rest, who were not only in a condition
bishops were to support themselves, but to furnish their brethren. What
somewhat became of all the endowments of the British churches by king

unfurnished i«i*t»»«

at the council Lucius ? Does not Geoffrey of Monmouth, in his British
num.™" 11 ' history, tell us, " that king Lucius not only granted all the
nifs! ra° D;> ^ ana ^ s belonging to the heathen temples to the churches built
by him, but likewise made a great addition from his own patri-
monial revenue." Most of our monkish historians go on with
the same relation ; but then Geoffrey of Monmouth is their
voucher, whose authority is not great. But notwithstanding
Geoffrey's romantic way of writing, it seems somewhat strange
that the British bishops should be so low in their circum-
stances, since Liberius, in Constantius's presence, told Epic-
tetus, an Arian bishop, " that the churches were able to defray
the expenses of their bishops in going to councils, without the
Baron. conveniences of travelling allowed by the emperor." Farther,
a. iv 356. tl ia j. ^ e c i lurc h es had revenues settled upon them before
Constantine's time, appears by several imperial edicts : first, by
the edict of Maximin, not only houses, but the lands which
belonged to the Christians, whether seized into the emperor's
hands, or in the possession of any city, let the title be never
so much alienated or transferred, are all commanded to be
Euseb. Ec- restored. And that this order does not relate to private
iib S p. 18t estates, but to the public endowment of their churches, is
cap. 10. evident by the following edict of Constantine and Licinius ;
which, in the first place, orders all their churches to be re-
stored ; and then it is added, because the Christians are well
known, not only to have those places, where they meet toge-
ther, but others also which belong to their body ; that is,
their Churches : these are commanded likewise to be returned
Euseb. Ec- to them, without any dispute or delay. This order is backed
lib! io.' S by another edict of Constantine to Anulinus ; where houses,
L P "t 5 t d g arc l en8 5 or whatsoever estates they had, are expressly men-
Mort. Per- tioned. There is another law of Constantine, directed to the
Euseb P ibid. governors of Palestine, to the same purpose : and here the
terms of the edict are very full and comprehensive, including
Euseb. Vit. all sorts of property, whether personal or real estate. Now if
Constant. ^ ne endowments of churches had not been then considerable,
cap. 39. what need was there of so many edicts for restitution I But
Constantine did not stop here, but went much farther for the
benefit of the Church ; publishing an order, that in case the

cent, iv.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 87

martyrs and confessors died without heirs, their estates, of
what kind soever, should be settled on the churches. And Euseb - Vit -
after this, about four years before the council of Nice, he set lib. 2.
forth the famous constitution extant in the Theodosian code ; Coif '
by which " all persons are left at liberty to bequeath what T he 9 od -. 16 -
they thought fit by will, to the catholic churches of Christians."
And this, as Gothofred observes, was the true donation of
Constantine. For, by the favour of this law, wealth flowed
amain into the Church, and especially at Rome.

We need not wonder, then, to find so many of the bishops
at Ariminum refuse the emperor's allowance, having a suffi-
cient Church revenue to support themselves. But it seems the
British bishops had not so good a purse as the rest : the
reason of which disadvantage was probably occasioned by
Constantino's drawing all the wealth and trade eastward, by
his removing to Constantinople : and, besides, this country
having been harassed with wars for a long time together, may
well be supposed to be impoverished upon that score. Amm. Mar-

But notwithstanding the British bishops might not be so 1^26
wealthy, they were no less orthodox than the rest; and kept ca P- L
clear of the Arian heresy through the whole reign of Con-
stantius, and his successor Julian, as appears by the letter
addressed to the emperor Jovian by Athanasius, and others
of the bishops of Egypt, Libya, &c, where, mentioning the
faith established by the council of Nice, they let the emperor
know, " that the churches all the world over, particularly those
of Spain, Britain, Gaul, &c. were unanimous in this form." Athan.
But not long after, the Arian heresy gained ground and „. 309.'
spread into all quarters. Thus Bede tells us, " the churches ij dlt f h' ™ 6 "
were undisturbed from the Dioclesian persecution downwards, dor. lib. 4.

. . . Hist. Ec-

till the Arian distraction appeared : which, making a surpris- c les. cap. 3.
ing progress in every country, reached this island at last, and J^* j^
shed its poison. This account Bede seems to have transcribed probably
from Gildas, who tells us the churches held a perfect good tain.
correspondence with each other till the Arian distemper f a p de 8 hb '
crossed the ocean, and was brought in upon them : by which
infection the Britons were the more easily seized, through the
curiosity of their temper and their inclination for novelty and
change." Gildas

This unhappiness in their belief seems to have begun in the Hlst0l 'P 12 -
reign of Gratian, who had Britain, Gaul, and Spain for his

88 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book i.

dominions. This emperor published a toleration in the year

of our Lord 383, only with an exception of the Photinians,

Usher. BH- Manicheans, and Eunomians. Now this liberty of almost all

^n. Eccies. persuasions in religion, might probably give the occasion of

cap. 8. spreading Arianism in Britain.

\he state of And now a short view of the civil government of Britain
the civil go- may no t De unseasonable. After the death of Magnentius,

vernment of J . . °.

Britain, already mentioned, the empire fell wholly to Constantius, who
i'tantius't'o gave the government of Britain to Martinus. This viceroy,
Gratkm. was offended at the inhumanity of Paulus Catena, who was
sent to inquire into the accomplices of Magnentius, which
office he managed with unreasonable rigour, informing against
the innocent as well as the guilty, obliging them to purchase
their peace, and bribe him to stop the prosecution. Martinus
being concerned for those who were ill-used, interceded with
Paulus, and desired him to desist from some of his impeach-
ments ; letting him know, that if he gave the people so much
trouble he would quit the island. Paulus being apprehensive
Martinus might be as good as his word, brought him into the
list of the conspiracy, and moved that he might be seized and
guarded off to the emperor. The viceroy being enraged at
this affront, immediately drew, with a design to dispatch
Paulus, but missing his pass, plunged his sword into his own
breast, and so died.

In the year of our Lord 355, Julian the Apostate was made
Caesar by Constantius, and the government of Gaul, Britain,
&c. assigned him. This prince, who had his residence at
Paris, receiving news of the irruption of the Scots and Picts
into Britain, sent Lupicinus to put a stop to their ravages, and
Amm. Mar- settle the country. Lupicinus, marching with an army to
cell. hb. 20. J$ l g ne5 embarked his men, and arrived at Richborough, near
Sandwich, in Kent. From hence he continued his march to
London, where he fixed his quarters for some time, that he
might be in a better posture to prosecute his enterprise.

Not long after, Julian rebelled upon Constantius, which
latter died in his expedition against the revolt, in the year of
our Lord 362, leaving the empire to Julian by will, notwith-
standing his perfkliousness and ingratitude.

The succeeding reigns of Julian and Jovian being but short,
we meet with little remarkable in Britain.

After the death of Jovian, Valentinian was elected emperor,

cent, iv.] OF GKEAT BRITAIN. 89

who took his brother Valens into a partnership of the govern-
ment, assigning him the eastern provinces for his dominions.
This Valentinian, who reserved the western division for him-
self, while he was making his progress from Amiens to Treves,
received a dismal account that the Picts, Scots, Attacots, and
Franks had almost overrun and destroyed all Britain, killed
Nectaridius, the count or intendant of the sea-coast, and sur-
prised Buchobaudes, duke of Britain, and general of the
emperor's forces ; who, upon the news of these misfortunes, Amm. Mar.
dispatched away Severus, and afterwards Jovinus, to put a c f l ] ib \ 26 -
stop to the enemy, but all to no purpose. lib. 27.

The affairs of Britain requiring a greater reinforcement,
Valentinian at last pitched upon Theodosius for the expedition .
This general being a person of great courage and experience,
and furnished with a body of good troops, had better success
in the business : for after having landed at Richborough, and
marched to London, he detached his army in several divisions,
and falling upon the enemy, who minded plunder more than
military discipline, gave them a defeat, and recovered the pri-
soners and whatever else they had taken from the country.
All which Theodosius returned to their right owners, except-
ing a small part for the refreshment and encouragement of his
troops. And having made a triumphant entry into London,
he proclaimed an indemnity to such as had deserted : upon
which, most of them returned under the Roman Government.
However, the enemy continuing very numerous, being patched
into a confederacy of several nations, and distressing the coun-
try with several parties, he sent for Civilis, a person of great
probity and abilities, and made him his deputy governor, ad-
vancing one Dulcitius, an eminent officer, to the quality of duke.

Theodosius being thus successful against the barbarous Tkeodosius's
nations, employed himself in repairing the forts and towns s J^ ces l ™
which had suffered damage, and providing for the quiet of the me » ( o/BH-
country. While he was thus concerned for the interest of his
government, one Valentinus, a Pannonian, a man of an ambi-
tious temper, who was banished into Britain ; this man, with
some other exiles and soldiers, hoping to rise upon Theodo-
sius's ruin, attempted to take away his life : but the plot being
discovered, Valentinus, with some of the most forward in
the conspiracy, were put into duke Dulcitius's hands for
execution : the rest were unprosecuted by Theodosius, not

90 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book i.

thinking it proper to make too strict an inquiry into such a
formidable conspiracy, for fear it might grow worse by making

Amm. Mar- the criminals desperate.

cap. 27.' d After this, he proceeded in the settlement and security of
the island ; strengthened the fortifications, and put sufficient
garrisons into places bordering upon the enemy. And thus,
having recovered that part of the province which was seized,
he brought it under the former regulations ; giving it the

Amm. Mar- name of Valentia, from the emperor Valentinian.

Theodosius having managed to this advantage, being re-
called, and well received by the emperor Valentinian, was
succeeded by one Froamarius, king of the Businobantes, or
inhabitants of the country of Weisbaden, upon the Rhine.
This Froamarius had the government of Britain given him,

Amm. Mar- about the year of our Lord 374.

cap.' 9. ' ' Upon the death of the emperor Valentinian, Gratian, his
eldest son by Severa, succeeded him. This young prince, by
the advice of the council, and approbation of the army, took
his half brother, Valentinian the younger, into the partnership
of the government.

Meantime the affairs of the empire growing more and more
perplexed, by the invasion of the Goths and other barbarous
people, Gratian was glad to project for a more serviceable expe-
dient ; and, not thinking himself big enough for the adminis-
tration, advanced Theodosius to a share with him in the empire.
He was son to that Theodosius who had acquitted himself so

Amm. Mar- honourably in Britain.

cap 12 Zo- Gratian being a prince of an easy temper, and too much

zim. lib. 4. governed by flattery, entertained some renegado Alans in his
service, and preferred them to the highest posts of honour and
trust. The emperor's native troops, finding themselves thus
overlooked, began to remonstrate and mutiny. Things being
in this disposition towards a revolt, Maximus, a Spaniard and
an officer in the army in Britain, repining at the advancement
of his countryman Theodosius, and looking upon himself neg-
lected, heightened the discontent of the troops, and pushed
the sedition so far as to get himself proclaimed emperor.

This rebellion of Maximus, breaking out about the year of

Gildas. His- our Lord 383, is mentioned by Gildas, who lashes him for his

tor. p. 12. usurpation, and salutes him very freely in the language of his
character. Sulpitius Severus speaks very civilly of him, owns

cent, iv.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 91

him to be a person of great abilities, CQurage, and regularity, Sulpit.
and who, had it not been for his invasion of the throne, had Dia1 ' 2 " c " 7 *
deserved the commendation of an excellent prince. Bede like-
wise, mentioning this Maximus, calls him a stout and unexcep-
tionable person, as to the main of his behaviour ; and that he
had deserved the imperial purple, had he not made his way to
it by perfidiousness and treason . This usurper being supported
by the revolt of the troops, he passed over into Gaul, and pur- Bede, 1. 1.
suing the emperor Gratian, by his master of the horse, Adra- c ' 9 *
gathius, got him murdered at Sigisdunum or Semandria in
Servia.

Being thus successful against Gratian, he turned his arms
upon Valentinian, and expelled him from Italy. Valentinian re-
treated to Theodosius, who was successful against the usurper,
and defeated him and his brother Marcellinus in two pitched
battles. And thus, Maximus, after five years 1 usurpation, was
taken at Aquileia, brought in chains to the emperor Theodo- Zozim.lib.4.
sius ; and the troops being apprehensive that the emperor A a ™ n 388
might be overswayed by compassion, immediately struck off P- 5 ' °-

Maximus's head. The usurper

About this time, travelling to Jerusalem to visit the holy s i^ m
places was very customary. Gregory Nissen has a tract upon Pilgrimages
this subject. And St. Jerome, in his thirteenth epistle top r f^^ lem
Paulinus, gives us his opinion of this practice. " One may
find the way to heaven," says he, " with the same ease in
Britain as at Jerusalem ; for the kingdom of God is within ye.
Neither Anthony, nor any of the numerous body of monks of
Egypt, Mesopotamia, Pontus, Cappadocia, and Armenia, ever
saw Jerusalem, and yet the gate of Paradise stands open to
them, without taking their journey through this city. St.
Hilarion, though he was born and lived in Palestine, was
never but one day at Jerusalem ; and by managing himself in
this manner, he took care neither to put a neglect on the holy
places, when they were so near him, nor yet to confine the
blessings and protection of providence to a single spot of
ground. 11

And that our countrymen, the Britons, used to travel to
Jerusalem with the rest of Christendom, appears both from
Palladius and from St. Jerome. Palladius mentioning the noble
hospitality of Melania, who used to entertain those strangers
at Jerusalem, that came thither upon the motives of religion :

92 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book i.

" It is not my business alone," says he, " to record the Chris-
tian generosity of this lady. The Persians, Britons, and
almost all countries being witnesses, and sharers in her bounty ;
Paiiad.Hist for indeed every quarter of almost the whole universe was
c L a a pTl8. ^liged by her."

Hieron. And St. Jerome, speaking of these pilgrimages, tells us, "that

l° m \}' the Britons, though divided from the rest of the world, when
religion gains the ascendant, quit their western sun and go in
quest of a climate which they know nothing of, unless by report
and the history of the Bible." And a little after, speaking
more in general, he adds, " Strangers," says he, " from all parts
frequent these places, and show us the particular virtues of
their country, and improvement. Their language is different,
but their religion is the same." This consent in religion, men-
tioned by St. Jerome, in which the Britons were likewise
unanimous, refers chiefly to the Catholic Church, and not to
the particular see of Rome ; for here, as we may learn from
that Father, was no such singularity of privilege, nor any
necessary centre of communion. For in his epistle to Eva-
grius, he gives us to understand, " That the Churches of Gaul,
Britain, Persia, Africa, the Indies, and all the barbarous
nations, worship the same Christ, and are governed by the
same standard of faith. Neither is the Church of the city of
Rome supposed to be different from the rest of Christendom.
However, if authority is insisted on, ' Orbis major est urbe; 1
the rest of the Christian world is preferable to the town of
Rome. And wherever a bishop is fixed, whether at Rome, or
Eugubium, at Constantinople, Rhegium, or Alexandria, the
character and dignity of the office is the same."

As for the Britons, they used to travel to see Rome, ac-
cording to the custom of other provinces; and from thence
falling down the Tiber, set sail for the Holy Land, and from
thence passed into Syria, to make a visit to the famous
Simeon Stylites. Thus Theodoret, who wrote the life of
Theodor. in this holy man, informs us. " There came a great many,"
riJe ss. e0 ' sa y s ne ' " to P a y tneir respects to this celebrated hermit, from
Patrum. the remotest parts of the west ; from Spain, Gaul, and from

Hist. cap. 26. _ ..... * r ' '

Britain.

Usurpation And here it may not be improper to observe, that the

Britons. Britons' 1 taking part with the usurpation of Maximus proved

fatal to them ; for, as Gildas takes notice, the army that env.

cent, iv.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 93

barked with Maximus never returned. And thus, the island a. d. 393.
being exhausted and disfurnished of troops, and unpractised
in the exercises of war, was made a prey, and miserably ha-
rassed and oppressed for several years by the Scots and Picts.
These outlandish nations, taking advantage of the opportunity,
invaded the country, the first from the north-west, and the

latter from the northern quarter. Gildas Hist.

. . P a g e i2.

Before we take leave of Maximus s memory, it may not be

amiss to take notice of his pretended settling colonies of British

troops in Armorica, since called Britain in Gaul. The story is Nennius.

told thus : That Maximus sent for a hundred thousand pea- ] h ^ Bllt '

sants out of Britain, together with thirty thousand regular Galftid.

troops, to defend the colony; and thus, having stocked Armo- Hist. Britaii.

rica with the British nation, gave the country to Conanus ^itis 16

Meriadocus, who it seems had such an interest with Dionotus, F °rdun.

King of Cornwall, that he not only gave him his daughter Histor.

Ursula in marriage, but likewise made him a present of eleven 77^ ' r o man '-

thousand single women of quality, and about sixty thousand u ? st ° r v °f

virgins of ordinary rank, to supply the Armorican Britons with thousand

wives. The greatest part of these young women were cast Baron!' in

away, and lost in the transportation, and the remainder partly ° otis ad

murdered, and partly taken prisoners by Guanius, king of the Martyrolog.

Huns, and Melga, king of the Picts. This relation, as unac- Brower. in

countable as it looks, is defended by Baronius, who flourishes Notls . a <?,Ve-

•' nantn For-

upon it extremely, and produces it as a great curiosity. But tunati.iib.3.
this legendary narrative is so fully exposed by Browerus, that Usher'Bri-'
it is perfectly unnecessary to spend any more time about it. Antiqu?/ 68 '
Indeed, I had hardly so much as mentioned it, had it not been p- .107. ™d
to satisfy the reader that it was not overlooked.

About this time the heretic Pelagius began to appear in the a. d. 394.
world. Bede gives the following account of him: " In the Eccles.Hist.
year of our Lord," says he, " 394, Arcadius, son of Theodo- lib - *' e " 10 -
sius, began his reign with his brother Honorius, and held the
empire thirteen years. In this prince's reign, Pelagius, a The heresy of
Briton, began to spread his pestilent heresy against the doc- Pelagius,
trine of grace and supernatural assistance. He was seconded
by Julianus of Campania, an ambitious man, and who thought
himself mortally disobliged by the loss of a bishopric. St.
Augustin and the rest of the Catholic Fathers appeared vigor-
ously against this dangerous novelty. However, their answers
were not successful enough to silence Pelagius, and his adhe-

94 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book i.

rents ; but, on the other hand, the distraction seemed to rise
upon opposition, and gain ground by being confuted and exposed.
Poiydor. This Pelagius is said to have been born in Wales, and that
glic^Hist! 1 hi s name, in the British language, was Morgan, which signifies
llb- 3 * sea-born, from whence he had his Latin name Pelagius. He

was likewise a monk by profession, as we may learn from the
Augustin. testimonies of St. Austin, and the acts of the Palestine Synod ;
PaliEstin. from St. Chrysostom, Isidor, Hispalensis, and Photius, not
20 P 33 4 35 19 ' *° men tion several others. This Pelagius wrote several books
Chrysost. before he appeared a heretic, particularly three concerning the
ad. epist P i6. doctrine of the Trinity."

ifid'or^His- As to the ^ me wnen this heresy broke out, historians are
pa] Origin no t agreed. Johannes Major dates it from the year of our
Phot. BibH- Lord 394 ; but the learned primate Usher proves it appeared
Genn?ad ' later, from the authorities of St. Augustin and St. Chryso-

Cataiog. vir. s tom : the latter Father mentioning it as a misfortune iust
Illust. c. 42. . , p . «

The time sprung up, in one of his epistles which was written from Ara-

when this -, • • a ai p t l a /\r

heresy ap- bissum in Armenia, in the year ol our Lord 405.
peared ^ s ^ Pelagius's character: he was a person of learning and

Gestis Sco- sense ; and had a considerable reputation at Rome before he

c. 15. " discovered his un-orthodoxy. St. Augustine himself treats

ad'oiympi- n * m w ^ n g rea t respect in a letter. And that Pelagius had no

ad. ep. 16. ill hand at writing, we may collect, to mention nothing more,

tan. Eccles. by his letter to the lady Demetrias ; it was written upon the

Somethiiig subject of Rome's being sacked by Alaricus, king of the Goths,

by way of an( j soon a fter that fatal misfortune. " This dismal calamity,"

character of . .

this heretic, says he, " is but just over, and you yourself are a witness how
GestisPaies- Rome, that commanded the world, was astonished at the alarm
Peia'n Ca 27 a °^ ^ ne ^"°^ n ^ c trumpet, when that barbarous and victorious
nation stormed her walls, and made their way through the
breach. Where were then the privileges of birth, and the
distinctions of quality? Were not all ranks and degrees
levelled at that time, and promiscuously huddled together?
Every house was then a scene of misery, and equally filled with
grief and confusion. The slave and the man of condition were
in the same circumstances, and everywhere the terror of death
and slaughter was the same ; unless we may say the fright
made the greater impression upon those who got the most by
living. Now if flesh and blood has such power over fears, and
mortal men can frighten us to this degree, what will become
of us when the trumpet sounds from the sky, and the arch-

cent, v.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 95

angel summons us to judgment I When we are not attacked
by sword or lance, or by anything so feeble as a human enemy?
But when all the terrors of nature, the artillery of heaven, and
the militia, as I may so speak, of God Almighty, are let loose

Upon US ? " Inter Au-

This specimen may serve to show that Pelagius was a person of epist. a i42.

no heavy imagination, but had something of raciness and spirit

in his pen. St. Augustine gives him this farther commendation,

" of having the esteem of a very pious man, and of being a

Christian of no vulgar rank." And that his improvements in August, de

. Gestis Pa-

sense and learning may be easily accounted for, St. Augustine lest. cap. 22.

tells us, " Pelagius lived very long at Rome, and kept the best

company there ;" and soon after the taking of that city by August, de

Alaricus, he set sail for Africa, and was at Carthage when the cap C . C 8. 2L g

famous conference was held there, between the Catholics and

Donatists : from Carthage he travelled into Egypt ; and at last Pelagius no

settled at Jerusalem. From hence it appears, though Pela- Bangor, nor

gius was a monk, yet there is no probability that he ever lived, ZrUdinto

either under this character, or that of an abbot, at Baingor, as Britai »-

i • • mi i • i-i -n n August de

our monkish historians will have it ; which will appear from Gest. Palest,
these following considerations : first, because according to the w cap.^b.
most learned Dr. Stillingfleet, the British monasteries were . Isi( ? or - P* 5 -

. _ _ ' . lusiot. lib. 1.

somewhat of later date, being no older than St. Patrick's time. ep. 314.
And as for his being a monk, those were called monks at Rome, tan. EccUs!
in Pelagius's time, who had no office in the Church, but yet An I t j^- c - 8 -
retired from the common employments of the world, for reli- Stiiimg-
gious studies and devotion. Thus Garnerius confesses that qu ity of
Pelagius was no otherwise a monk, than as those were so chuAhes
called who led stricter lives than others within their own c - 4. p. 185.
houses. The chief employment of these persons, next to their stilling.
devotions, was the study of the Scriptures, as appears from St. lbld -
Jerome's epistles : and here some person of particular emi-
nency used to instruct his disciples: this was St. Jerome's
practice at Bethlehem. This office Ruffinus performed to
Pammachius, to Melania and her family. And so did Pelagius
at Rome, where he was not without his scholars, as appears by
Ccelestius and Julianus, whom he instructed very young ; and
by Timasius and Jacobus, who afterwards recovered themselves,
and applied to St. Augustine. It was under this employment
that Pelagius wrote his short commentaries on St. Paul's Epis-
tles, and his letters to Melania and Demetrias : but after he

96 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book i.

was charged with heresy, his time was taken up in his own vin-
dication, and for this purpose lie travelled to the places above
mentioned ; so that, in short, there is no likelihood that either
Pelagius or Ccelestius should return to Britain, to spread their
heresy here. For Pelagius complained of his age, when he
published his commentaries at Rome, about the year of our
Lord 404. And he was certainly in the east, at the council of
Diospolis, a.d. 415 ; from whence he wrote apologetical letters
to Innocent I., and afterwards to Zozimus, bishops of Rome ;
Stilling. and at last, died somewhere in the east.

186." P " ' And since Pelagius was undoubtedly a Briton, and made
Usher. Bii- gucn an unfortunate figure in the world, it may not be improper
Antiquit. to give a short account of some of his tenets, as we find
cap. .p. . ^ ern c h ar g ec i U pon his disciple Ccelestius, by the Church of
Augustin. Carthage.

lestirTc'. ll" " 1« That Adam had mortality in his nature, and that
etdePeccat. w l ie ther he had sinned or not sinned, would certainly have died. 11
Some of ^ " 2. That the consequences of Adam's sin were confined to

temts! U his person ; and that the rest of mankind received no disad-
vantage from thence.'"

"3. That the Law qualified for the kingdom of heaven, and
was founded upon equal promises with the Gospel.' 1

" 4. That before the coming of our Saviour, some men lived
without sin.*"

"5. That new-born infants are in the same condition with
Adam before his fall. 11

" 6. That the death and disobedience of Adam, is not the
necessary cause of death to all mankind, neither does the
general resurrection of the dead follow in virtue of our Saviour's
resurrection. 11

"7. That if a man will make the most of himself, he may
keep the commands of God without difficulty, and preserve
himself in a perfect state of innocence. 11

" 8. That rich men, notwithstanding the advantage of their
baptism, unless they parted with all their estate, all other in-
stances of virtue would be insignificant to them ; neither could
they be qualified for the kingdom of heaven. 11

"9. That the grace and assistance of God is not granted
for the performance of every moral act ; the liberty of the will,
and information in the points of duty, being sufficient for this
purpose. 1 '

cent, v.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 97

" 10. That the grace of God is given in proportion to our
merits. 11

"11. That none can be called the sons of God, unless they
are perfectly without sin. 11

" 12. That our victory over temptation is not gained by
God's assistance, but by the liberty of the will. 11 Condi.

These heterodox assertions were not only objected against t0 m. 2.
Ccelestius in Afric, but charged upon Pelagius in the council |V Q 1529, &c *
of Diospolis in Palestine, where they were all recanted, and the AD ' 415
contradiction of them acknowledged by him. Upon which he
was cleared by the council. But Pelagius relapsing, and dis-
covering the insincerity of his recantation, was afterwards con-
demned by several councils in Afric, and by a synod at Antioch.
Innocent likewise, Zozimus, and Xystus, popes of Rome, who
had been favourable to him at first, were at last brought over
to renounce him, at the instance and information of the African

Fathers. August, de

The synod of Diospolis, where Pelagius was acquitted, con- J^adBmii-
sisted of fourteen bishops. But here, St. Augustine seems to fac - !£ b - ?•

• C3T) o 4

intimate, that the council proceeded with too much precipi- Marius. '
tation, entering upon the decision of the question before those Comment.
who impeached Pelagius could come up and appear in court. ."P^ 3 - Stil "
St. J erome represents Pelagius as a man of art and mystery ; Antiquit. of
that he endeavoured to dive out of sight, and keep his meaning churches,
in reserve. " This is the only heresy, 11 says he, " which is jg|- p - l85 '
ashamed to own that in public, which they teach in private : Retract.
but then the intemperate confidence of his disciples, discovers Ep. ad
that which is secretly instilled by these instructors ; the dis- 2°S hont '
ciples, I say, proclaimed on the housetops, what they heard Pela s-
in the secret chambers. And if the doctrine is approved, and
goes down with the audience, the master has the credit of it :
if it displeases, the scholar is only blamed, and the instructor
lies under covert. By these methods your heresy has gained
ground, and entangled a great many, especially those who ad-
mire the conversation of women, and are confident it is impos-
sible for them to sin, 11 &c. As to Pelagius's writings, they
are as follow. A commentary on the epistles of St. Paul,
attributed to St. Jerome : a Letter to Demetria, and some
others in the last tome of St. Jerome : a Confession of Faith
to pope Innocent : fragments of a treatise, of the Power of
Nature and Free-will, in St. Augustine. These are extant.

VOL. 1. H

98 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book i.

He wrote likewise, a treatise of the Power of Nature ; and
several books concerning Free-will, which are all lost.
Pelagiamsm j} u £ notwithstanding; Pelagianism was condemned by several

got footing . ... . .

in Britain, councils and imperial constitutions, yet it made its way as far
4 l9° n north-west, as the British Churches; being conveyed, as

Prosper in Prosper informs us, by one Agricola, the son of Severianus,
Chr °n. 1^.°\ a Pelagian bishop. It appears by the rescript of Valen-
nys. Cons, tinian III., a.d. 425, that there were several Pelagian bishops
in Gaul. Now the severe execution of the edict there, was
probably the occasion of Agricola's quitting that country, and
bringing the heresy hither. But Agricola was not the only
Prosper unfortunate traveller for this purpose ; for Prosper tells us,
contra Col- a ^ nac | taken possession here by the enemies of God's grace."
From hence some have imagined, that Ccelestius at least, if not
Pelagius, came hither, being expelled Italy by the interest of
pope Ccelestine. But the Commonitorium of Marius Mercator,
addressed to Theodosius, in the consulship of Dionysius and
Florentius, i. e. a.d. 429, makes it evident, that Coelestius
returned into the east, and was banished from Constantinople
by the emperor's proclamation : from whence it follows, that
Ccelestius did not travel into these parts, nor do we read what
became of him after the council of Ephesus, in which he was
condemned by two hundred and seventy-five bishops, as the
stiiiin«fleet. same Marius Mercator informs us.

Original jj u t whoever were so unhappy in transporting Pelagianism

Churches, hither, Prosper is positive they were Britons, and that they
p.TsV were very successful in propagating the heresy. However,
the orthodox party were not negligent to check their progress,
and that they might be the better prepared to encounter their
adversaries, they looked out for foreign assistance, requesting
the bishops of Gaul, as Bede tells us, to send them some per-
sons of eminence to manage the contest. Upon this, the Gal-
lican bishops called a great council, and unanimously pitched
Bede Ec- u pon Germanus and Lupus for this undertaking. The matter
cles Hist. i s thus reported by Bede, who seems to have transcribed Con-
stantius. By the way, this Constantius was a Gallican priest
of reputation ; and Baronius thinks that he was afterwards
Baron. preferred to a bishopric : he wrote St. German's life, and par-
t0 ™- 4o 9 ticularly his voyage into Britain, addressing this tract to Cen-
p. 531. surius bishop of Auxerre.
> a n° 420. About this time lived Fastidius, a British bishop : he is

cent, v.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 99

mentioned by Gennadius, who tells us, that he wrote a book, catai
De Vita Christiana, to one Fatalis, and another, De Viduitate ^"P 4 - Ec -

cits

Servanda ; and that the doctrine was sound and suitable to his
character. Trithemius rises in his commendation ; says he Trithem. de
was a person very learned in the holy Scriptures, an admirable cnp *
preacher, and of an exemplary life : that he was remarkable for
style and genius, and wrote several pious tracts, where he men-
tions the two books Gennadius speaks of, with this small differ-
ence of intituling the first, De Doctrina Christiana. Bale Bai. cent. l.
reports, that upon his being consecrated bishop, he preached tap '
all over Britain, and was, as the tradition goes, metropolitan
of London. Pits speaks with a more decisive air, and makes De Britan.
him promoted to the see of London for his merit. Archbishop ^"P 1 -.
Usher thinks they had no other ground for giving him this Britan Ec _
metropolitical character, but only a different reading in Gen- cles._Antiq.
nadius, where he is called Britanniarum episcopus ; from which
Bale and Pits concluded, he must be archbishop of London,
that being, as they supposed, the metropolis of Britain. But
the primate rather inclines to the opinion of Berterius, who
makes York the metropolis of Britain at this time ; not only 43.
because it was a Roman colony, but because the prsetorium
and emperor's palace was there. But these arguments, the
learned Dr. Stillingfleet concludes, have not weight enough in Stilling.
them to disprove London's being the chief metropolis under the British'
Roman government : for, as he observes, every province had clluI |hes,
its metropolis ; and the superiority of one metropolis above
another, depended on the residence of the Roman governor,
called Vicarius Britanniarum. And that London was the
ordinary seat of the emperor's lieutenant, he thinks may be
probably concluded from its convenient situation for trade, and
for sending and receiving dispatches from abroad. To fortify
this conjecture, this city is called Augusta by Ammianus Mar-
cellinus, which shows, it was then the imperial city of Britain ; Am. Mar-
no other town in the island having that honourable distinction, "g, 28. 3.
To which we may add the remark of the learned Velserus, Velser. Rer.
who informs us, that those cities that had the title of Augusta, Vindeiicar.
were the capitals of the country. Now, since according to
the general custom of the Church, the ecclesiastical govern-
ment was modelled in conformity to the state, and the dignity
of sees was regulated by the quality and distinction of cities
in the civil list ; from hence we may reasonably infer, that if

h 2

100 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book i.

Fastidius was then bishop of London, he was chief metropolitan
of the British Churches.

But waving any farther inquiry into the advantage of his
character ; his doctrine in his book De Vita Christiana, is of
Hen. de late charged with a tincture of Pelagianism. But this censure,
Pdag HlSt as t ne learned Dr. Stillingfleet observes, is over rigorous ; the
l. l. c 19. spirit and orthodoxy of this book being such, as makes the
commendation which Cennadius and Trithemius give him not
at all hyperbolical. Bale and Pits multiply this single book,
or, at least, this and the other about widowhood, into four.
Hist. Scotor. And Dempster makes him the author of a book called Chroni-
' "' ' con Scotorum ; but these accounts are not at all to be relied
on, Gennadius's authority being the only good voucher in this
case.
a. d. 420. To Fastidius we may join his contemporary St. Ninian, a
noble Briton, born in North Wales, and very eminent for his
learning and piety. He was very remarkable, when but a
youth, for his abstinence, application to books, and the extra-
ordinary gravity of his behaviour. After having carried the
improvement of his education to all the advantages of his own
Harpsficid. country, he travelled into Italy, and went to Rome, where he

Hist. Eccles. . .

Angiic. furnished himself with the knowledge of the customs and rites
p of that Church. And here his learning and exemplary life

made the pope take notice of him, who is said to have sent
him back to Britain, for the farther instruction of that island
and the neighbouring countries. In his return he made St.
Martin a visit in Gaul, and was received by him with great
respect. Being arrived in Britain, he applied himself chiefly
Bede Eccles. to the conversion of the Southern Picts, and was so successful

Hist.

l. 3. c. 4. as to bring them over to the faith, and make them quit their
Cambden. idolatry. He had the character of a bishop, and fixed his see
p. 18. Bede' at Whitliern, or Candida Casa, in Gallaway ; which place, after
the coming of the Saxons, was possessed by the English, and
lbW - made part of the kingdom with Northumberland. Here he built

a church of free-stone, which was then unusual, and exceeded
the British structures. This church was dedicated to St.
Martin's memory, by which name the town is also called.
St. Ninian is said to have consecrated several bishops, and di-
vided the country into parishes ; though some are of opinion
that there was but one bishop in the whole kingdom of the
Picts, and that his see was at Abernethv in Strathern. St.

cent, v.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 101

Ninian wrote a comment upon the Psalms, and made a book
of collections of the remarkable sentences of holy men, as Bale
relates, who places his death to the year of our Lord 432, in
the reign of Theodosius the younger. B:ile s c i>ipt.

To return to Bede, who tells us, " That St. German, bishop Bli ; :i »-

' ' . . « cent. I.e. 4.?.

of Auxerre, and Lupus, bishop of Troy, receiving the com- Usher. Bii-
mands of the Church with all imaginable inclination, immedi- Antiq.
ately embarked and had a voyage good enough till they were fej^^. 1,
half way over the channel, when all of a sudden the powers of and Lupus
darkness, who envying their enterprize, and apprehensive of Britain to
their success, overcast the sky, and raised a violent storm. y^';^,'f'
The force of the tempest tore the rigging in pieces, and made A - D - 4 - 9 -
the seamen signify nothing, insomuch, that the ship, growing
unmanageable, was driven at random, without any direction
from the helm. And amidst all this danger, St. German hap-
pening to be tired with his voyage, or over-watching, was
fallen asleep ; and now the tempest grew more furious, and
blew so hard, that the ship was almost under water. Things
being come to this crisis, Lupus and the other passengers
awakened the holy old man, whose courage rising in proportion
to the danger, addressed our Saviour ; and throwing a little
water out of his hands, in the name of the blessed Trinity,
exhorted his fellow bishop and the rest of the company to
assist him with their devotions, and so they went all hands to
prayers. Immediately upon this application, heaven interposed
for their relief. The prince of the air retired, the rage of the
tempest fell, the air was brightened, and the sea calmed ; and
the wind chopping about, and blowing gently astern, they were
quickly carried to the British shore. There was a great com-
pany of people gathered together to receive them at their
arrival ; for it seems the evil spirits were forced to prognosti- 44.
cate their coming, though against their will. For, being
obliged to quit their possession, they unwillingly confessed to
the exorcist that these celebrated prelates were shortly to come
over, and that their voyage would prove dangerous to them.
And now these apostolical bishops filled the island, as it were,
with their fame, their preaching, and their miracles. They
omitted no opportunity of instructing and recovering the
Britons ; preaching not only in the churches, but sometimes
in the fields and highways ; and thus the orthodox were con-
firmed, and those misled acknowledged their error. As for

102 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book i.

these two reverend prelates, their eminent sanctity gave them
the lustre and authority of apostles ; their learning qualified
them for the employment, and their miracles made the impres-
sion of their other qualifications go much farther. Being thus
every way furnished for the employment, they carried the
whole country before them. As for the heads of the heresy,
they kept out of the way at first, and, like evil and envious
spirits, lamented the loss of their proselytes. But, at last,
they recollected themselves, and resolved to make a stand, and
Germanus give Germanus and Lupus a meeting. When they came to
"diutTwith t ne conference, they were richly habited, came attended with
the Pela- a great train of their party, and made a pompous appearance ;
choosing rather to enter the lists and run the risk of a public
dispute, than to lose themselves among their people, who
would conclude them either cowardly, or conscious of the bad-
ness of their cause, if they declined the contest. The fame of
this conference drew abundance of people together, who came
both to hear and pass sentence. The contending parties were
very different in their temper, figure, and furniture ; one side
relied upon the divine aid, the other presumed on their own
abilities ; piety appeared in one, and pride in the other party ;
Christ was for the first, and Pelagius for the other. The holy
bishops Germanus and Lupus gave their adversaries leave to
argue first ; who spent the time and amused the audience with
abundance of words, without any thing that was either solid or
convincing at the bottom. When they had done, the holy
prelates entered upon the confutation with a wonderful force
of rhetoric, reason, and scripture proof. They argued from
every topic of the question, and made reading and human
learning subservient to revelation. In short, the pride of the
Pelagians was mortified, and their sophistry exposed ; and
being driven to silence by every objection, they owned their
being baffled by not answering. As for the people, they gave
sentence in their acclamations, shouted for Germanus and
Lupus, and could scarce command their temper so far as to
VitaG^rat 6 f° rDear Seating the Pelagians."

ni. 1. 1. c. 19. This conference was held at St. Albans, as Mattheus Flori-
lioth. Cotton legus informs us. That Florilegus is in the right seems pro-
S°Sn Hi8t ' k aD ^ e fr° m some °ld parchment records in the church of St.
Grat. 446. Albans, where it is said that St. German went into the pulpit
and harangued the people, in the place where is still a little

cent, v.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 103

chapel of his remaining. Besides, this tradition is confirmed Cambden
by Constantius himself, who tells us that St. Alban's tomb was ?? rtfor i" M

Rill Vf*. 11 "f i

opened at that time. " Germanus," says he, " having the relics Usher Bri-
of the apostles and several martyrs about him, made a prayer Antiquit.*"
suitable to the occasion, and then ordered the tomb to be <1; 10 -p- 176 -

' Constant.

opened, with a design to lodge a very honourable present there, 1. 1- c 25.
thinking it reasonable that this holy collection, made from
several countries, should be deposited with others of their own
kind and character; and that those eminent saints, whose
spirits dwelt together in heaven, might be neighbours to each
other in some part of their bodies upon earth. And having
laid these venerable remains in St. Alban's tomb, he took
away with him some part of the martyr's dust, which seemed
tinctured with the colour of blood." Constant.

I have observed already, that the orthodox Britons applied Vit.German.
to the Gallican bishops to reinforce them against the Pelagians, M.S. in Rib-
and that Germanus and Lupus were sent by a deputation of a buriensi,and
synod in Gaul ; but it is objected on the other side that Cceles- nh^'n •
tine, bishop of Rome, sent Germanus as his legate hither, and tan. Eccles.
for this, the testimony of Prosper is alleged. But this asser- p . L76.
tion seems sufficiently overthrown by the authorities of Con- ^T>?*1
stantius, Bede, Paulus, Diaconus, Freculphus, Erricus of Aux- sent . in . ( °
erre, and Ado of Vienne, who all agree that Germanus and Gallican
Lupus received their commission for this employment from the ^fythfT*
bishops of Gaul. Baronius, who is always careful to set the P !*-
pope at the head of church business, endeavours to reconcile
this matter, and offers to make Prospers testimony consistent
with the rest. To this purpose, he tells us, " that the pope
might approve of the choice of the synod, or might leave the
nomination of his representative to the bishops of Gaul." But Baron,
neither of these pretences will hold ; for Prosper affirms Coeles- p."35i^J2
tine sent him, vice sua, in his own stead, which is very different
from appointing a council to choose one to be sent. And
Constantius affirms, "that Germanus and Lupus undertook
their voyage immediately," which is a sign they did not stay Constant d
for the pope's instructions and approbation. Besides, the Vita Ger-
Gallican bishops and Coelestine had no good understanding at 1. 1. " c . 19.
this time of day, they being looked upon at Rome as somewhat Prosper
inclined to Semi-Pelagianism. This makes it highly improba- AugusUn
ble, that either Coelestine should refer the choice of his legate inter

August.

to these prelates, or that they should wait for his direction. Epist. 22.

104 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book i.

45. There are likewise some different accounts in chronology,

aS£ hardl y t0 be reconciled.

of British As to the testimony of Prosper, about Coelestine 1 s sending
chap. 4. ' St. German, it may be answered ; first, that the Prosper, pub-
p ' " lished by PitliEeus, never mentions it. Secondly, Prosper, in
his tract against Cassian, which undoubtedly belongs to him,
Prosper does not affirm it. For there he only declares that Coeles-
sian. ad fin. tine took care to disengage Britain from Pelagianism. To
this we may add, that supposing Prospers testimony is not
interpolated, yet Constantius's authority is preferable to Pros-
pers in this matter : for Constantius was not only in a manner
contemporary with St. German ; but likewise a person of
great eminency, as appears by Sidonius Apollinarius , s Letters,
and wrote with great exactness and impartiality, even by the
Baron, a. d. confession of Baronius. Neither does Constantius stand single
429. p. 531. f or ^jg p 0m ^ ? | ju t the author of the Life of St. Lupus gives

account, and so does Bede and the rest of the historians above-
mentioned.

Soon after the famous conference was ended, " a person of
quality and his lady came to these holy prelates, and brought
their daughter of about ten years of age, requesting them to
cure her of her blindness. Upon which, they advised her
parents to carry her to their Pelagian adversaries : but these
men, being discouraged by their conscience to attempt the
child's recovery, joined with the parents in their application
to the bishops, and desired them to undertake the cure ; who,
finding their adversaries began to yield and relent, made a
short prayer. And thus, when Germanus had invoked the

A victory blessed Trinity, with some other religious applications, the

the prayers miracle was perfected, and the girl restored to her sight.

and Lwpwt This supernatural performance made these holy men extremely
regarded, and made a wonderful impression upon the people,
insomuch that multitudes of them were immediately undeceived,

Bede Ec- | returned to the orthodox belief. 11

cles. Hist.

lib. i. cap. 18. About this time, as Constantius and Bede inform us, the

vit. Germ. Saxons and Picts attacked the Britons, and obliged them to

Bede, C ibid. ' ne ^trenched. And being conscious of the disadvantage and

cap. 20. inequality of their forces, they sent to the holy bishops to

entreat their assistance. Gemanus and Lupus complied with

their request, and went immediately to their camp : the

troops were wonderfully encouraged at the sight of these

cent, v.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 105

venerable men, and thought themselves as it were reinforced
with a new army. This happened in the holy solemnity of
Lent, which was kept more strictly by the example and autho-
rity of these prelates ; and thus the soldiers, being every day
instructed in set discourse, were qualified for the privileges of
Christianity, and great numbers of them baptized. Thus the
army, animated with the grace of baptism, and fortified by
their holy religion, depended wholly upon the assistance of
heaven, without any regard to their military preparations.
The enemy, having intelligence of the posture of their affairs,
promised themselves an easy victory, and marched against
them with all the cheerfulness and expedition imaginable :
however the Britons had scouts, who gave them notice of
their coming : and now, the Easter festival being just over,
the greatest part of the army baptized and ready to be drawn
up in order of battle, St. German offers himself for their
general, and being accepted, he detaches a party of horse to
scour the fields, and give intelligence : and, being informed
of the enemy's inarch, he ranges his troops in a valley sur-
rounded with hills. And now the advanced guards gave
notice of the enemy's approach : upon this, Germanus orders
all the troops to be, as it were, an echo, and repeat what they
should hear pronounced by him. And the enemy advancing
with strong presumptions of success, and expecting to sur-
prise the Britons, the prelates pronounced Hallelujah, with a
strong voice, thrice together. This holy sound, being repeated
by the whole army, and the force of the noise doubled, and
reverberated by the enclosure of the mountains, the enemy
was seized with all the terror imaginable, and fancied that
not only the mountains, but even the sky was ready to tumble
upon them, and thought they could never run fast enough out
of the field. Thus they retired with all the speed and con-
fusion imaginable, and, throwing down their arms, were glad
to carry off their limbs, and secure themselves : and a great
many of them, being hurried and overset with the surprise,
were drowned in the river they endeavoured to pass. On the
other side, the British army had nothing else to do but to see
themselves revenged by miracle, and were only spectators of
the victory. However the religious army gleaned up the
plunder, and paid their acknowledgments to Heaven. The
prelates triumph for their conquest without slaughter, and for

106

ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book i.

Usher. Bri-
tan. Eccles.
Antiquit.
An objection
from chro-
nology satis-
fied.

46.

Floril. Hist.
Ann. 448.
Sigon. de
Occidental.
Imper.
lib. 12.
Ann. 429.

Amm.

Marcellin.

in lib. 26.

Claudian.

lib. 2. de

Laudib.

Stilic.

routing the enemy with their faith, and not with their forces.
And now, having every way secured and settled the island,
defeated the enemy of all kinds, and carried their point against
men and devils, they prepared for their return : and taking
their leave, with the regret of the country, arrived safe in
Gaul.

This victory was gained in Flintshire, near a town called
Mold, by the English, and Guid Cruc in Welsh : and the
place where the armies were drawn up, has the name of Maes
Gannon, or German's Field, to this day.

But here we have a chronological difficulty to deal with,
and to satisfy the query, how the Britons could be relieved
against the Saxons in this miraculous manner, since the
coming of these latter into Britain seems posterior to St. Ger-
man^ being here. Matheus Florilegus and Sigonius, not
being able to untie the knot, have ventured, like Alexander,
to cut it ; and, instead of Saxonum, will needs read it Scoto-
rum. But there is no need of altering the copies, and making
use of such strains as this : for, upon consideration, it will
appear that the Saxons made several descents upon Britain
before the remarkable arrival of Hengist. For in the begin-
ning of the reign of Valentinian I. the Britons used to be fre-
es o

quently disturbed, not only by the Picts and Scots, but by
the Saxons too, as Ammianus Marcellinus informs us : and
under the emperor Honorius, Claudian introduces Britain
making this panegyrical acknowledgment upon Stilicon.

Illius effectum curis, ne bella timerem
Scotica, ne Pictum tremerem ; ne littore toto
Prospicerem dubiis, venturum Saxona ventis.

Gild. Hist.

And to secure the island from the insults of this foreign
enemy, the emperor had a comes Saxonici littoris, or an in-
tendant to guard the coasts, as appears by the Notitia Im-
perii. But when the Roman legions were recalled, and the
coasts left naked, it is no wonder to find the Britons ha-
rassed by frequent descents of the Saxons. This made Gildas
astonished at the weakness of Vortigerns council for inviting
the Saxons over. Was ever any thing, says he, more short-
sighted, or could ever any men lose their senses to a greater
degree ! To take those into their country, and, as it were,

cent, v.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 107

into their bosom, whom they dreaded more than death !
Indeed the Britons had been for some time in a worse con-
dition to defend themselves than formerly; for, breaking off
by little and little from the sovereignty of the empire, the
Romans, it is likely, were not very inclinable to transport
forces for their relief. However, this moving towards an
independency might be probably with the permission of Hono-
rius, who seems to discharge them of their allegiance, by
writing to them to provide for themselves, and manage their
own affairs. Zozim.lib.6.

Not long after, being terribly harassed with the Piets and
Scots, they petition the emperor Honorius for recruits, making A; D - f^o.

• • 1 « TT • ^^ CIVIL

all the profession of respect and duty imaginable. Honorius, affairs of
overlooking their former disloyalty, sent them a legion, under ntatn '
the command of Victorinus. This reinforcement gained a
great victory over the Picts and Scots, and drove them out of
the country. When these Roman troops were recalled, they
ordered the Britons to run up a wall between the two friths QfDunbri-
to guard their frontier. But the natives having not so much Edinburph.
skill in building and fortification, and it may be being some- _ ^Bedej
what lazv, made the barrier of turf instead of stone, and so it ^cies.Hist.

■J' ... lib. 1. cap. 12.

signified little. And now, being disfurnished of the Roman
assistance, the Picts and Scots make another descent upon
them, break through their wall, and ravage the country.
Upon this the Britons address the empire for another rein-
forcement. The Romans, being affected with their lament-
able story, dispatched away a legion, which giving a defeat to
the Scots and Picts, obliged them to retire, and quit the
country. And now the Romans, at their going off, give the Gildas. Hist.
Britons to understand, that they could not go through with Ecdes. Hi 8 t'.
any such fatigues, nor make any more long marches to their lib.i.cap.12.
assistance ; and therefore bid them take care of themselves,
and practise the exercises of war ; and so leaving them some
directions for their defence, embarked their forces. Bed? ibid.

The Romans were no sooner gone, but the old enemy ap- a.d. 446.
peared again, and marched up as far as Severus's wall, which
the Romans at their last visit had repaired with stone and
fortified with towers : and here, at the approach of the enemy,
the wretched Britons had not courage enough to man the
wall and defend the fort ; but were such notorious cowards as
to let the enemy hook them off the battlements, and knock

108 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book i.

them on the head. In short, they quickly abandoned the
wall and their towns too, and were miserably scattered about
the country, gleaned up in great numbers, and slaughtered
like sheep by the enemy. And now the ravage of the country
occasioned a terrible famine, which pressed the Britons so
hard, that they preyed upon their friends, and plundered one
another ; having at last scarcely any thing to subsist upon,
excepting what they took in hunting. Being thus lamentably
distressed, they addressed the empire once more, and send the
groans of Britain, as they call them, to consul Aetius ; where,
amongst other arguments for compassion, they tell him what
Gildaa et a dismal condition they were in ; " that the barbarians pushed
them to the sea, and the sea drove them back upon the bar-
barians ; so that they had only the choice left them of the
two ways of dying, either to be drowned, or have their throats
cut."

But now they sent an embassy to no purpose, for the Ro-
mans had their hands full of business ; and having the Huns,
Goths, and Vandals to deal with, were in no condition to assist
Gildas.Hist. them. And now, as Gildas goes on, the Britons were glad to
jib.l.eap.13! come to terms, and submit ; though some of them chose
rather to retire to fastnesses, and live in woods and caves, than
part with their liberty.

The Picts and Scots having got firmer footing, and con-
tinuing their depredations longer than usual, the Britons
despairing of human assistance, began to reform, and apply
to the aids of religion. It was not long before they found the
benefit of this recollection ; for the enemy receiving several
checks, withdrew to the extreme parts of the island, and grew
much more inoffensive than formerly.
47. During this interval of indisturbance, there was wonderful
plenty through all the island, and such as had not been known
in the memory of man. But then the misfortune was, that
luxury and libertinism seemed to increase with their provi-
sions, and keep pace with their prosperity. " For then," as
Gildas continues, " St. Paul's reproof of the Corinthians might
properly be applied to them, that ' there was such fornication
among them, as was not so much as named among the Gen-
tiles. 1 But this was not their only vice, for there was scarce
any instance of disorder which escaped them ; and, which was
more particularly their ruin, they hated truth, and all that had

cent, v.] OF GREAT B1UTATN. 109

the courage to maintain it : lies and imposture were their de-
light : they called evil good, idolized wickedness, took darkness
for day, and Satan for an angel of light. They set up princes
and deposed them at pleasure, and commonly the last choice
was the worst. And if any of their princes happened to be of
a better temper, and more a friend to virtue than the rest, this
was enough to draw a general odium and obloquy upon him.""

And having lashed the laity, the historian carries on his

satire to the church, and tells us, " that the clergy, who ought

to be exemplary, and live for their congregations, as well as

for themselves, were sad instances of misbehaviour : and here

he taxes them particularly with intemperance and ambition,

with envy and litigiousness." This universal corruption of Gi W. Hist.

manners proved fatal to the island, as we shall see afterwards.

I shall now proceed to St. German's second voyage into St. Ge>--
Britain, upon the reviving of Pelagianism ; which was not roy'age?™
undertaken so soon after the first as Bede seems to imagine ; Britain.
the interval taking almost twenty years, as we may collect
from the death of St. German, who, according to Constantius,
and all other writers, died soon after his second return. For
though the learned Cambden places St. German's death to the Cambden
year 435, yet he has none but Baronius for his voucher. And p/94"^
that the cardinal was mistaken, appears plainly by the testi- ^ a £ on 4 ' 35
mony of Honoratus, his contemporary, and bishop of Marsielle, p. ccs.
who tells us, " that German us was present at a Gallican coun-
cil, convened upon the account of a bishop called Chelidonius,
and held in the year 444." Sigonius makes St. German die in Concil. Gall,
the year 448 : and the writer of St. Grenovese's life affirms p °™ 9 et 5 q 7
St. German reached the year 451. Florilegus fixes the second
voyage to the year 449, in which he agrees with Sigeberfs
Ohronicon.

And now Germanus had Severus, bishop of Treves, and one
of his scholars for his companion ; St. Lupus being otherwise

engaged. Constant.

Upon the arrival of these holy men (or rather before it) a ^^ 2
vast number of the Britons were met together to receive them. Bede, Hist

-r,, . f it n i i Eccles. 1. 1.

And here one Elaphius, a person 01 the first rank, appeared c . 21.
with the rest, and brought his son along with him. This
young man had the sinews of his leg and thigh shrunk to that
degree that he was not able to walk. The reverend prelates,
upon their coming ashore, find the generality of the people

110 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book i.

orthodox enough, and that the infection had only seized a few :
and thus inquiring into those who had revived the heresy, they
proceeded to censure. Upon this Elaphius, falling down at
the bishop's feet, presented his son, and entreated their assist-
ance and benediction. St. German being touched with the
misfortune of the family, ordered the young man to be placed
in a sitting posture, and then stroking his hands over the parts
affected, motion and strength immediately followed his appli-
cation ; the withered place returned to its former colour and
bulk, the muscles swelled and performed their function, and
the youth was returned perfectly cured to his father, before all
the company. The people were surprisingly struck with the
miracle, and well prepared for the impressions of what the
bishops should deliver : and thus, according to the condition
of the persons, they were either confirmed in the right or
retrieved from the wrong persuasion. And for their better
security, they unanimously agreed to banish the chief, and
most active Pelagians. These men were delivered to the
bishops, to be transported into the Continent. By this as-
sistance and expedient, the island continued orthodox and
catholic a great while together. Things being brought to this
happy conclusion, the holy prelates took their leave, and had
a fair wind to carry them over. Soon after, Germanus taking
a journey to Ravenna, to solicit in behalf of the province of
Armorica, and being honourably received by the emperor
Valentinian, and his mother Placidia, exchanged this life for
a better. From this town his corpse was carried to Auxerre,

Constant, et and attended with a great train of quality.

Bede. ibid. fjij^ accoun t f St. German's voyages into Britain, was
written by Constantius, when Censurius was bishop of Auxerre ;
whose coming to that see was about forty years from the death
of St. German, as we may learn from Ericus, a monk of the
same church, in his preface to his two books of St. German's

Usher, Bri- miracles.

Antiquit. eS ' And nere ** ma y not ^ e i m P r op er to observe, that St.
p. 205. German and his companions are, by our antiquaries, reported
to have been serviceable to the British churches, in other
Schools of respects, besides the confuting Pelagianism ; of which there
learning sd- are two considerable instances. First, the institution of
tain hy Ger- schools of learning ; and, secondly, the introduction of the
~ W tallica,! liturgy.

cent, v.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. Ill

First, as to schools of learning, none were of greater repu-
tation than Dubricius and Iltutus ; who are both said to have
been St. German's scholars. The anonymous author of the
Chronicle in Leland tells us, " that St. German and Lupus, Collect.
having suppressed the Pelagian heresy, consecrated bishops in vo " ' p "
several parts of Britain, and, among the rest, they erected a 48.
cathedral at Landaff, and made Dubricius archbishop, who
fixed his disciples in several churches : for this purpose, he
made Daniel bishop of Bangor, and disposed of Iltutus to a
place from him, called Lan Iltut, or the church of Iltutus."
Cambden relates, " it is still called Lantuit, where the founda- Biitan.
tions of many houses were to be seen in his time, near the P- 498 -
place called Boverton ; but there is another place near Nidum
or Neath, called Llanylted, which has a great deal of resem-
blance in the name. The old register of Landaff, after the Monast. An-
mention of frequent messages dispatched by the Britons to the gl 'i 8 3 o1 " 3 '
bishops of Gaul, to assist them against the Pelagians ; and Libr. Lan-
that Germanus and Lupus came over at their request, adds, f i. 1.
" that they consecrated bishops in many places, and made
Dubricius archbishop over all the Britons, dextralis partis
Britannise, of the right-hand part of Britain." By this right
hand part of Britain, primate Usher understands South
Wales : but it appears by Asserius Menevensis, that North De Gestia
Wales is called the right-hand part of Britain, no less than £ ^g.]" 1
the other. And therefore the most learned Dr. Stillingfleet is
of opinion that Dubricius was made archbishop over all the
Britons in those parts. For Ralph Higden, in his Polychro- Stilling.
nicon, affirms, the bishop of Caerleon had seven suffragans British" '
under him ; and Matthew Westminster informs us, that Ch u ™ hes '

p. 202.

Dubricius was made bishop of Caerleon : which province Hig- Poiyc. lib. l.
den, in his Polychronicon, tells us, extended as far as the j^at. West.
Severn ; and so took in Chester, Hereford, and Worcester. ^J>- 490 et
But before Dubricius was raised to so high a station, the
authors of his life speak of the great number of scholars which
resorted to him from all parts of Britain ; and not only the
vulgar, but persons of great rank and reputation ; for the pur-
pose, St. Theliaus, Sampson, Aidanus, and several others.
They likewise mention two places where he used to receive
and instruct his disciples, one at Hentland, on the river Wye,
where he had no less than a thousand students bred to
divinity and human learning. The other was at Moch-Ross,

112 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book t.

where he was furnished with a convenient settlement for study
Usher Bri- and devotion.

c!"i3. CC eS And as to Iltutus, Vincentius, and the author of the life of
Vinceiit. Sampson, are positive for his being a disciple of St. German's :
]. 21. c. 105. and the writer of Gildas's life relates, that in the school of
Fioriac. Iltutus, a great many noblemen's sons were educated ; among
Vifciild ^ ne principal of which, he instances in Sampson, afterwards
ibid. c. 3. archbishop of Dol, in Brittany, in Paulus, bishop of the
Oxismii, the most northern of the Armorici ; and, in Gildas,
called Sapiens, of whom more hereafter. To these, Leland
subjoins David and Paulinus ; and affirms, that his school
Bolland. flourished like an university among the Britons. Bollandus
Febr. 9. vit. makes a very probable conjecture, that when St. German
St. Tehan. came m t Britain and found the decay of learning to have
been the great occasion of spreading of Pelagianism ; he ap-
pointed Dubricius and Iltutus to undertake the education of
the British clergy, and that by this seasonable provision the
country continued orthodox.

The story of St. German's making a visit to Oxford and
Cambridge being not supported by any good authority, I shall
Vid. Usher, pass it over.
Bntaii. Ec- Another benefit the British churches are said to receive from

cles. Antiq.

c - 2 - . Germanus and Lupus, relates to the public liturgy : for, in an

liturgy intro- ancient MS. in the Cotton library, treating of the original of

C Britain% ( li vme offices, Germanus and Lupus are said to have brought

Genna?ms Ordinem Cursus Gallorum into the British churches ; by which

we are to understand the Gallican liturgy : for Cursus, in the

ecclesiastical use of the word, is the same with Officium Divinum,

as we may learn from Dominicus Macer's Hierolexicon ; and

Concil. Cal. in this sense, the word is used by our Saxon writers.

Asler. Vit. This passage will make it necessary to inquire briefly what

Thl^r'tr ^ ne Gallican liturgy was at this time, and how far different

ence between from the Roman ? Now it is agreed on all hands, that there

and Gulikan was a material difference between them : for when Gregory

offices. sen t Augustine the monk into England to convert the Saxons,

Bede, Ec- one of the questions proposed to the pope by Augustine was,

mKl HlSt ' " tnat smce there was such a diversity between the offices of

the Roman and Gallican churches, he desired to know which

he should follow V Pope Gregory's answer was, " that he

should choose what he thought most proper for the English

Church:' 1 which plainly implies, that the pope granted, the

(knt. v.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 113

churches of Christendom differed in their liturgical offices, and
that lie did not think it reasonable all other churches should
be concluded by the practice at Rome. If the books of Gennad. de
Musseus, mentioned by Gennadius, were extant, we might cap. 79.
easily understand the difference between the Roman and the
Gallican form : for, he being a priest of the church of Mar-
seilles, and a learned divine, was desired by his bishop,
Venerius, to draw up a form of public service, consisting of
two parts ; the ordinary morning service, and the office for the
communion. The first of these performances was finished in
the time of Venerius, and the second under Eustathius, his
successor : and both of them commended by Gennadius, upon
the score of their order, usefulness, and decency.

To be somewhat more particular, in pointing out the differ-
ence between the Roman and Gallican churches in these two
main parts of the public liturgy. And first with reference to
the morning service.

Now, in the church of Rome, for above four hundred years

they had nothing before the sacrifice, beside the epistle and

gospel : but in the fifth century, Celestine appointed the

Psalms to be used, or, as Wallafridus Strabo, and Micrologus Waiiaf.

. C 22. Mi-

inform us, ordered antiphome to be made out of them and C roi. c. l.

sung. But, in process of time, as Wallafridus Strabo observes, ^V "^ t of

other lessons were taken out of the Old and New Testament, Brit ish

Churches

suitably to the occasion, which might probably be transcribed chap. 4.
from the Gallican church, as other enlargements of their offices ^9.
were by the confession of the ritualists. Farther, cardinal Stilling.
Bona observes, that Gregory I. composed the Antiphonse at Card. Bon.
the Introitus, and at the Responsoria, &c, out of the old ver- ^2. cap!l!
sion, made before St. Jerome's time: for which, he gives this sec - 4 -
reason, " that the people at Rome were so used to it, that
they would not learn the New Testament of St. Jerome :"
and the same author takes notice, also, "that the old italic Lib. 1.

cap 12

version was not only used in Rome, but in all the suburbicary
churches, and other foreign churches, Gaul only excepted."
And from thence St. Jerome's translation was called Versio
Gallicana, because it was immediately received by the Gallican
church. To this we may add, that the Ambrosian Hymns Turon.
were publicly received in Gaul, as appears by the second q^'^
council at Tours. And Cassander observes, that not only Prasf. ad
those made by St. Ambrose, but others in imitation of them, c i eB .
vol. 1. 1

114 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book i.

went under his name ; which opinion is confirmed by Walla-
Waiafr. fridus Strabo. To proceed, Cassian informs us, that in the
Cassian' Gallican churches, Gloria Patri, &c, was said by the people at
Justif. Mo- the end of every psalm : but Wallafridus Strabo takes notice,

nach. lib. 2. _^ , n . . i » i -r» 1

cap. 8. that at Rome they used it rarely at the end of the Psalms,

but more frequently after the Responsoria. From hence, the
Beliar. de cardinals, Bellarmin, Baronius. and Bona, all of them con-
cap S 16. J Ba- cm de " those ritualists mistaken, who make Damasus the
ron. a^d. author of adding Gloria Patri, &c, to the end of every psalm :
de Psaimod. and that the letter to that pope, which goes under the name
of St. Jerome, is evidently counterfeited."

From hence it appears, that the morning service of the Gal-
lican Churches consisted chiefly of lessons, hymns, and psalms
of St. Jerome's translation, with the Gloria Patri at the end
of every psalm. And that in this part of the divine service,
they differed in several circumstances from the Roman office.
Gennad. in As to the communion service, Musseus, as Gennadius reports,

!\t 11 SJ60

composed a large volume of the sacraments, with several offices,
suitable to the seasons, together with a proper diversity of
lessons, psalms, anthems, prayers, and thanksgivings. This
book is called Liber Sacramentorum ; and so is Gregory the
Stilling. Great's ; it being the ancient name for books of liturgic offices.

Antiquit. . . . .

British And here, cardinal Bona confesses there is undeniable evidence
c 'il'p.^-is. that the old Gallican liturgy differed from the Roman. And,
? eru v b L i to fortify the cardinal's testimony, the emperor Charles the
cap. 12. Great informs us, that there was such a difference in the cele-
Imag. l. l. bration of the divine offices : and more than that, the emperor
c ' 6- affirms, that the Gallican Churches were very unwilling to

change their form for the Roman.

To mark the distinction a little in some particulars :
First, the learned Dr. Stillingfleet observes from Berno
Antiquit. Augiensis, that, in the communion service, the Creed was not
Churches, said nor sung at Rome, after the Gospel, till the reign of the

c 4. p. 22G. em p eror Henry I., at whose instance it was introduced,
Baron -.. a.d. 1014. Before this time, none that mentioned the customs

A. D. 1014. , . '

of the Roman missal, say any thing of the Creed ; as may be
Stilling. seen in Alcuinus, Amalarius, Rabanus, and others. And this
British 1 ' cannot be understood barely of the Constantinopolitan or
c ' hu . rches ' Nicene Creed, as Menardus observes ; because then Berno

ch. 4. m '

Menard. would have spoken more distinctly. And as for the Athanasian

Crag Sacr Creed, as far as we can trace it, that was first used in the
p. 370.

cent, v.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 115

Gallican Churches ; as we may learn from Abbo Floriacensis
in Baronius. It is true, the third council of Toledo orders the Baron.
use of the Creed in all the churches of Spain and Galkecia, or Ca °' 2° 01 '
as some copies have it, of Gallia ; Gallia Narbonensis being
then under the dominion of the Gothic princes. Much about
this time, at a council at Narbonne the Gloria Patri was or- Condi. Nar-
dered to be used at the end of every psalm ; which, as we have
observed, was the custom in other Gallican Churches, in
Cassian's time. Now it seems very probable, that the Spanish
Churches w r ere governed by the usages of the Gallican, in other
parts of the divine offices, as well as this : a passage in the
epistle of Carolus Calvus, cited by Cardinal Bona, seems to Rerum Li-
confirm this observation : this prince, speaking of the ancient c"p g 'i2
Gallican offices, before the introduction of the Roman, takes
notice, " that he had seen and heard how much they differed,
by the priests of the Church of Toledo, who performed the
divine service of their Church when he was present." Now
this had been foreign to the emperor's point, unless the Gothic
and Gallican offices had been the same. Not that the old
Gallican service can be exactly inferred from the form of the
Mozarabic liturgy, as it was settled by cardinal Ximenes, in a Gomez. <ie
chapel of the Church of Toledo; because so long a tract of^'^iw'
time may have occasioned a great many alterations. But, as far ibid
as we can trace the ancient form of the Gothic Missal, we may
probably conclude upon the customs of the Gallican Church at
that time, and argue for the difference between them, and the
Roman offices ; and of this difference we may give another
instance in the prophetical lessons, which by the rubric of the
Mozarabic liturgy, were part of the standing service. And
thus, as Gregory of Tours observes, three books were laid upon Gregor. Tu-
the altar in the Gallican churches: that of the Prophets, of ™"' \'^' &r
the Epistles, and of the Gospels : but nothing but the Epistle
and Gospel were read at Rome, as has been shown already :
from whence it appears, that the book, called the Lectionarius, 50.
or Comes, assigned to St. Jerome, must be counterfeit ; because
here we meet with the lessons out of the Prophets. stilling.

To proceed : after the Gospel, in other Churches, the sermon lbld - p - 229 -
used to follow ; but in the old Roman offices there is no men-
tion of any sermon to the people. Thus cardinal Bona affirms, Rer. Liturg.
" That it has been the constant practice of the Church, from 12c - 7 - n - 6 -
the apostolical age to our own, for the sermon to follow the

i 2

116 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book i.

Gospel." The antiquity of this custom the cardinal proves
clearly enough, from the testimonies of Justin Martyr and Ter-
tullian, and the general practice in other Churches, particularly
the Gallican. But he does not attempt to prove this usage
received in the Church of Rome. But then on the contrary,
Sozom. 1. 7. Sozomen takes notice of it as a singularity in that Church,
" that there was no preaching in it, either by the bishop or
any one else." This Valesius seems to be surprised at :
however, he confesses the truth of the remark ; " for had it
been otherwise," says he, " Cassidore, who was certainly well
acquainted with the customs of the Church of Rome, would
never have repeated it."

To mention another difference between the Roman and
Gallican Churches : the Gallican began with a peculiar confes-
sion of sins, made by the priest : a form of this we have pub-
Rer. Liturg. lished by cardinal Bona, out of a very ancient manuscript in
the Queen of Sweden's library : and this the cardinal proves
to have been the old Gallican office. It is true, there are
Sacr. Greg, several such confessions in the sacramentary of Gregory, but
p ' " ' all different from the Gallican form.

There is likewise a considerable difference in the canon of
the mass or prayer of consecration, between the Roman and
the old Gallican Church ; the form of the latter making strongly
Stiiiing.ibid. against the doctrine of transubstantiation.
p. 23. r >, 236. rp conc } uc ] e thj s subject : there was a considerable differ-
ence between the two Churches above mentioned in their
music. And here, the Roman Church had the advantage,
insomuch, that the fineness of their music made way for their
De imag. offices in foreign Churches. Thus Charles the Great says,
that his father Pepin introduced the Roman way of singing
into the Gallican Churches, and brought in their offices along
with it. And notwithstanding, as he continues, the innovation
was opposed by several Churches, yet the point was carried by
the prince's interest. To this purpose some of the best music-
masters in Rome were invited into France, and settled there
Pithsei Gios- to teach their manner to the French Churches. By this pro-
Cautus Gal- vision > tlie °ld Gallican service was forgotten to that degree,
c a Tcaiv m tlle ie ^ n ° f ^ aroms Calvus, that this prince was forced to
Epist,' ad ' send as far as Toledo for some of the clergy to perforin the
Cier. Raven. Q j d ffi ces And t \^ s may j )e su ffi c i ent to gj ve tne rea( Jer a

specimen of the difference between the Roman offices, and the

cent, v.j OF CHEAT I31UTA1N. 117

ancient service of the western Churches. From hence likewise
we may discover that the English prelates at the Reformation,
rather followed the latter ; and where there happened to be a
difference, were more governed by the British or Oallican, than
by the Roman form.

To return more directly to the history, and go a little back-
wards. And since Ireland is parcel of the British crown, and
was principally converted by St. Patrick, born in Britain, it
may not be amiss to touch, in a word or two, upon some of
the most early and considerable advances of Christianity in
that country. And here, to prevent the chronology from being
disturbed, the retrospection shall be marked in the margin.

In the year of our Lord 431, Palladium, as Prosper informs £'>• &}•
us, was consecrated bishop by pope Coelestine, and sent ad sent into
Scotos in Christum credentes, i. e. to the converted Scots in Irela ' uL
Ireland. This author in his book, Contra Collatorem, men- Prosper,
tioning the care Coelestine had to drive Pelagianism out of
Britain, adds, that " the pope by sending the Scots a bishop,
not only secured a Roman island in its orthodoxy, but likewise
brought a barbarous one to Christianity. By this barbarous
island, as primate Usher observes, we are clearly to understand
Ireland : for so the Romans called all countries unsubdued by
the empire. 11 And thus Prosper, by distinguishing the island
of the Scots from Britain, cannot possibly mean any thing but
Ireland. And here, as the primate takes notice, by the bar- Usher. Bri-
barous island turning Christian, as Prosper speaks, we are not Antiouit
to suppose that there was no Christianity in the country before P- ^s. 416.
Palladins's mission ; for Kiaranus, Albeus, Declaims, and
Ibarus, had made some progress in the country before his time,
and were all of the episcopal order. How then is Prospers Usl)er il)id
testimony to be reconciled with this account ; I mean, as to 417 -
his calling Palladius the first bishop of the Scots I This seem-
ing difficulty of the primus episcopus, archbishop Usher disen-
tangles, by interpreting it primse sedis episcopus ; so that
though the Scots in Ireland had bishops amongst them before,
yet Palladius was their first archbishop. Usher, ibid.

As to the time of Palladius's being sent into Ireland, it was
in the consulship of Bassius and Antiochus, which falls in with
the year of our Lord 431. This Palladius, though he is said f*™ 1 ^
to be an Irish man by some writers, yet his country is uncertain ; p- 619.
however, it is plain, he was none of that Palladius that wrote P . 418.

118 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book i.

St. Chrysostome's life. To conclude with him : Ireland was
not long happy under his instructions, he being quickly taken
Barou. ibid, off by death, as Baronius observes.

St. Patrick Upon the death of Palladius, Celestine is said to have sent
PaUadius. St. Patrick to succeed him, who is supposed to have been the
S Ann S 49i seconc ^ archbishop in that island. This St. Patrick was fur-
Usher, nished with extraordinary qualifications, to make him big
enough for his undertaking. As to his birth, he came into
51- the world with advantage enough : his father's name was Cal-

phurnius, a noble Briton, and Conche, St. Martin's sister, was
his mother. His education was first formed under his uncle
St. Martin, and afterwards improved by the famous Grermanus
of Auxerre, who called him Magonius. But at his baptism he
took the name of Suchar. Afterwards he happened to travel
to Rome, where the quality of his birth, the fame of his learn-
ing, and sanctity, made Celestine take great notice of him.
This pope called him Patrick, and made him archbishop of
the Scots. When he came to his charge in Ireland, he was
wonderfully successful there, and made, as it were, a thorough
Usher, Bri- conversion of the country.
tan Eccies. rr ne W riters of St. Patrick's life, Probus, Jocelin, Giraldus

Antiquit. > m '

c 17. Cambrensis, and others, report a great many miracles per-

il short cha- formed by him. And Sigebert informs us, that he was no less
Patricifand remarkable upon this account, than for his learning and ex-
Ms progress emplary living ; and that he spent sixty years in that country.
Sigebert iti Neither have we reason to wonder at St. Patrick's being fur-
on. nished with such a supernatural assistance, considering the
difficulty of the task, and the barbarity of the people he had
liieion. l. 2. to deal with. For it was not long before, that St. Jerome
tells us, they had no such thing as any property in marriage ;
but as if they had been governed by Plato's commonwealth, or
Cato's extravagance, there was a perfect community of women
amongst them ; their inclinations being under no better regula-
tion in these matters than those of brutes. The same Father
takes notice that he had seen these Irish feed upon human
flesh in Gaul ; and notwithstanding the country was suffi-
ciently stocked with beef and mutton, yet, if they could sur-
prise a shepherd, and rob him of his haunches, or cut off a
Cambrens woman's breasts, they used to make a meal on it, and think
Dist. 2. Tit. themselves extraordinarily regaled. Cambrensis relates, that
Hibem. ' St. Patrick came into Ireland in the reign of Laegirius, son

viman.

cent, v.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 119

of Nellus the Great ; that he perfectly exterminated idolatry,

settled several bishopricks, and made Armagh the principal

see. Archbishop Usher places his death to the year 493. Usher, Bn-

Besides the great St. Patrick, there were two more relations Antiquit"'

of his, of the same name ; the younger was his nephew, and P- 45 ®-

survived him ; the elder died before him, in the year 449.

This elder, or Sen- Patrick, is the person who is supposed to

come to Glassenbury, where he found twelve monks, and was

made their abbot. Usher, bh-

There is a collection of Irish canons, published by Dache- Antiquit.
rius, several of which he is of opinion, were drawn up by p- 464-
Gildas and the great St. Patrick. I shall mention some few
of them.

This collection is divided- into sixty-five little books. In the
first book, or division, it is decreed, that no person ought to
be consecrated to a see, without the consent of the metropo-
litan and the provincial bishops.

That none ought to be preferred to the dignity of a bishop,
without a previous examination upon the points of discretion,
probity, and learning.

In the fifteenth book, and the second chapter, the Synod
assigns four reasons for praying and saying mass for the dead,
founded upon the different lives and qualifications of the per-
sons deceased. If they were very good, the offices of the
Church import nothing more than giving of thanks for their
happiness and exemplary behaviour. If they were very bad,
these ministrations were looked on as some sort of ease and
comfort to their friends then living. If their virtue was im-
perfect, and had a mixture of failings, these offices were sup-
posed serviceable, to procure a full remission : and those who
were not bad to the last degree, were thought to have their
damnation made more tolerable by such assistances. Dacherius

To return to Britain. Soon after St. German had left the Spiciieg.

torn. 9. in

island, the natives were alarmed with another descent of the Praefat. et
Scots and Picts ; and at the same time, there was such a ter- d; inc et
rible mortality among them, insomuch, that as Gildas reports, Qfii^mn
the living were scarce enow to bury the dead : but neither p. 15.
the present judgment, nor the prospect of another at hand,
was sufficient to bring them to a reformation ; they continued
incorrigible, and went the old lengths in licentiousness and

120 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book i.

disorder : "And when God," as the historian goes on, " called to
Isa. 22. 12. weeping, and to mourning, and to baldness, and to girding
with sackcloth ; behold ! joy and gladness, slaying oxen, and
killing sheep ; eating flesh, and drinking wine ; let us eat and
di'ink, for to-morrow we shall die." For now the country grew
ripe for vengeance, and the measure of their iniquities, like
Gild. ibid, that of the Amorites, was just filled up.

The Saxons' And now Vortigern and his court began to deliberate about
'mentbi Bri- their preparations against the enemy, and finding their own
a *d 450 f° rce too weak for the field, they call in the assistance of the
Saxons ; which expedient almost puts Gildas out of patience,
and makes him call it the most downright frenzy and folly
imaginable. For the Saxons, as we observed before, had
made several depredations upon the island, and the Romans
had kept a guard upon the coast, particularly against that
enemy. However, their condition being somewhat low, and
their minds infatuated, they were resolved to try so dangerous
a remedy. The Saxons receiving this information from Vor-
tigern, king of the Britons, undertook the expedition, and
embarking their forces in three vessels, under the conduct of
Bede, lib. l. Hengist and Horsa, landed in the isle of Thanet. Soon after
Britan. Ec-' their coming ashore, they marched northward, fought the
^ esAn ~ enemy, and defeated them. An account of this victory was
52. presently sent to their countrymen in Germany, together with

a relation of the richness of the island, and the sloth and
cowardice of the inhabitants. Upon this news they presently
equipped more vessels than before, and put a greater number
of troops on board ; which, upon their landing, joined the first
body, and carried all before them. The Britons assigned their
Saxon auxiliaries quarters, and granted them a division of the
country, upon condition, they should be ready to appear in the
Bede, l. l. field upon occasion. The Saxon generals, Hengist and Horsa,
were the sons of Victgist, grandsons of Vecta, and great
grandsons of Woden. From this family of Woden, a great
Ibid. many royal branches in Germany were extracted. Horsa lost

his life in the field against the Britons in East Kent, and had
ibid. a monument there in Bede's time.

As to the country where the Saxons were seated, whether
it was Westphalia, the Duchy of Holstein, or Dithmarch
Stormar, and Wageren in Denmark ; or some places upon

cent, v.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 121

the Rhine, nearer Gaul, I shall not nicely examine, nor trouble
the reader with the different opinions of learned men about it. Usher, Bri-
ll owever, that the matter may not seem overlooked, I shall Antiquit.**'
set down Bede's account, who being a Saxon, and living near Sio^ir 09,
the times of the Saxons coming hither, may be well supposed Antiquit. of
to understand in what part of Germany his countrymen lived churches,
before their removal. This historian informs us, that his c : 6 : P- 307,

et deinc.

countrymen, who came over, at the invitation of the Britons, Bede > 1- 1.
consisted of three of the stoutest German clans, the Saxons,
the Angli, and the Jutes. That the Kentish men, those who Thecomties
lived in the Isle of Wight, and in those parts of Britain over Saxon Clan*
against it, were descended from the Jutes. The historian settled -
proceeds to the Saxons, and tells us, that the East, South,
and West Saxons came from the country in Germany called
Old Saxony. And that the East Angles, the Midland Angles,
the Mercians, all those people on the north of the river Hum-
ber, together with the rest of the English, are extracted from
the Angli, who inhabited a part of Germany, between the
Jutes and the Saxons, called Angulus, and which, as the
author continues, was, in a manner, dispeopled in his time.
To make the division somewhat more intelligible to the reader,
I shall just mention the settlement of the Saxons, according
to the modern division of the counties. As to the Jutes, their
quarters are marked out plainly enough already. To go on to
the South Saxons, who settled in Surrey. The East Saxons
had their divisions of Essex, Middlesex, and the south part of
Hertfordshire. The West Saxons, anciently called Gevissi,
seized the counties of Surrey, Southampton, Berkshire, Wilt-
shire, Dorsetshire, Somersetshire, Devonshire, and part of
Cornwall : the greatest part of this last county being held by
the remainder of the old Britons. The East- Angles spread
into the parts since called Norfolk, Suffolk, Cambridgeshire,
the Isle of Ely, and reached probably into part of Bedford-
shire. The Middle- Angles, who were under the jurisdiction
of the Mercian kings, were fixed in Leicestershire. The
Mercians seated on the south of the Trent took up the counties
of Lincoln, Northampton, Rutland, Huntingdon, Bedford, the
north part of Hertfordshire, together with the counties of
Buckingham, Oxford, Glocester, Warwick, Worcester, Here-
ford, Stafford, and Salop. The northern Mercians dwelt in
Cheshire, Derbyshire, and Nottinghamshire. The Northuin-

122 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book i.

brians, seated on the north of the river Humber, were sub-
divided into the Deiri, and Bernicii. The Deiri dwelt in
Lancashire, Yorkshire, Westmoreland, and the south part of
Cumberland, on this side of the Derwent. The Bernicii in-
habited the north of Cumberland, with the adjacent parts of
Westmoreland, the Bishoprick of Durham and Northumber-
land ; to which we may add the south part of Scotland, as far

Bede,l. l. as the Frith, between Edinburgh and Dunbritton.

L4.c. 26. I nave laid this division of the Saxon Heptarchy together,

ta Sh6 E ^e" *^at ^ ie rea( ^ er ma y see it a t one view, and not be at a loss,
Antiquit. when any part of it comes up in the history.

• p. - - rpj le £j me Q f £j ie g axons settling here is fixed to the year of

our Lord 449, by the Cambridge edition of Bede, by Fabius,
Ethelwart, William of Malmsbury, Henry of Huntingdon,
Florilegus, Polydore Virgil, and others : but the learned
primate Usher believes the sera is better fixed at the consul-
ship of Valentinianus and Avienus, which falls in with the year
of our Lord 450 ; or if it is carried two years farther, to the
consulship of Herculanus, and Asporatius, he thinks the time
Usher, Bvi- not indefensible.

Antiquit. To touch a little farther upon the motives that prevailed

A l con^ecture u P on Vortigern to send for so formidable an old enemy, as the
upon 'Vorti- Saxons ; and not to repeat what has been already hinted by
'fives in send- Gildas, Nennius supposes Vortigern not only apprehensive of
Galons tke the Picts and Scots, but likewise that he was afraid of a rising
from the Roman party, being particularly jealous of a com-
Nenn. c. 28. petition from Ambrosius. This Ambrosius, Gildas tells us,
was a person of the first quality, and of Roman extraction.
He commends him very much for his probity, temper, and
courage ; and adds, that his parents had a sovereign charac-
Giia. Hist, ter, and were killed with their purple about them. This
author had observed a little before, that after the Romans had
left the Britons to themselves, these latter set up kings of
their own, and dethroned them with great levity and freedom.
Now Vortigern having got into the seat, and perceiving his
subjects so false and undutiful as to depose their princes at
pleasure ; and being afraid of the merit and interest of Am-
brosius, and particularly for his Roman extraction ; these
motives might probably drive him upon the desperate resolve
53, of looking out for a foreign assistance, and venturing upon the

Saxons.

cent, v.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 123

These foreign troops having received several reinforcements
from home, began to grow formidable to the natives ; and de-
signing to be the Britons 1 masters, they concluded a peace with
the Picts, and then began to pick a quarrel with their old
allies that invited them over. The colour the Saxons made
use of to break with the Britons is differently related by histo- Gildas Hist,
rians. Gildas and Bede tell us they pretended injury in their |} C cie S B Hu t .
quarters and pay, and that the Britons had broke their arti- *• !• «• I5 -
cles ; and unless they had satisfaction in these points, they
threatened them with military execution.

William of Malmsbury reports, that the Britons and Saxons Malms, de
held a good correspondence for seven years after their landing; R^um.
and then Vortimer, penetrating farther into their designs, and ] - *• °- 1 -
finding they did not deal clearly, persuaded his father Vortigern fo-eak with
and the Britons to come to a rupture. And thus the war A . d. 453.
breaking out, continued twenty years ; during which time,
beside the skirmishing of parties, they tried their fortune in
four pitched battles, in the first of which the day was unde-
cided, Horsa being killed on one side, and Catigis on the other.
In the rest, the Saxons having always the advantage, and Vor-
timer being dead, the Britons were glad to submit to a dis-
honourable peace ; and thus the affairs went ill, till Ambrosius
retrieved them.

Henry of Huntingdon is somewhat different in reporting this Hist. 1. 2.
matter. By him we are told, that Vortigern was so hated for
marrying Hengisfs daughter, that he retired to the woods and
was afterwards burnt in his castle. Upon this, Ambrosius
Aurelianus joining Vortimer and Catigis, Vortigern's two
sons, attacked the Saxons. The first battle was fought at
Ailestrue, or Elstree ; the next, after Vortimer's death, at
Creganford, or Orayford, where, he says, the Britons were
beaten and quite driven out of Kent, and the Saxons erected
that kingdom. The last battle, according to this historian,
was fought at Wippedsflede, which was so bloody and equally
balanced, that both sides were quiet for a great while, the
Saxons keeping within Kent, and the Britons falling out among
themselves.

The Saxon annals and Matthew of Westminster differ from
the historians already mentioned, but these I shall pass over. Cl0 D n ' 4 ^ a 5 x '

Now whatever was the occasion of the quarrel, the conse- Matt. West,
quence of it was very terrible to the Britons; for, as Gildas 455, 456.'

124 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [hook i.

Gild. Hist, and Bede inform us, the victorious Saxons overrun the whole
1. 1. c. 15. country with fire and sword, and set it blazing from one end
to the other. This desolation, brought on by the pagans, was
a judgment upon the wickedness of the natives. Gildas and
Bede compare it to the burning of Jerusalem by the Chal-
deans ; and the former applies these texts of scripture to the
calamity. " They have set fire upon the holy places, and have
Psalm defiled the dwelling-place of thy name even unto the ground."

" O Cod, the heathen are come into thy inheritance, thy holy
Psalm temple have they defiled,''' &c.

Theterr'ibk ^ n short, there was nothing but slaughter, flame, and ruin,
ravage and i ]j e me ^ w jth . public and private buildings, palaces, and
the country, churches were burnt down without distinction. The priests
were butchered upon the altars ; clergy and laity, prince and
people, fell under a common slaughter, without any regard to
quality or character ; and unless they happened to be burnt,
their carcasses lay exposed to beasts and vermin, and none paid
them the last office of a burial. Some of the remainder retired
to mountains ; but even here they were often pursued by the
enemy and cut in pieces. Others, being almost starved, were
forced to surrender, and sell their liberty for a maintenance,
taking it for a great favour if the Saxons would spare their
lives and admit them to slavery. Some of them got them-
selves embarked, and transported their fortunes into foreign
countries ; and some of them, resolving to keep the island and
stand upon their defence, retreated to morasses, mountains,
and woods, where they passed their time at a very anxious and
unfurnished rate.
T/te doctrine About this time, Faustus bishop of Riez, in Gaul, flourished.
Ijtrof&ms- Now, this person being a Briton by birth, and making a consi-
tus born in derable figure in history, it may not be improper to give a short
Stilling. An- account of him. It seems probable that he quitted the island
Churches P re tty early, and had most of his education in Gaul, where he
p. 197. had an extraordinary reputation, both for piety and learning.
Noris. Hist. He was worshipped as a saint in the church of Riez. Neither
1. 2^1". 297. ^ la< ^ ne on ty ^ ie res P e ct of posterity, but was likewise a person
of great note in his own time, as appears by the commenda-
tion given him by Sidonius Apollinaris ; by the books written
by him, and by the Gallican bishops in the council of Aries,
who employed him to draw up their sense on the points about
predestination and grace. As to his writings, Gennadius in-

cent, v.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 125

forms us that he wrote an excellent tract about grace, in which Gennad. <ie
performance he asserts that the grace of God always precedes, cies. p c '. 8.5.
assists, and inclines the will to a good disposition; so that how
much soever the exerting ourselves, and the co-operation of
our endeavours may be considered, nothing of this concurrence
can properly be placed to the score of merit, but ought to be
attributed to grace and divine favour. Thus far Gennadius
from Faustus. Now, says Baronius, who would suspect that Tom. 6.
a book of such orthodox expressions should be tinctured with
heresy, or that a snake should be lodged under such beautiful
flowers as these ?

To this we may add the letter written to Faustus by Sido-
nius Apollinaris. It goes upon the subject of his receiving 54.
Faustus's two books. " You fell into my hands, Sir," says he,
" at last, though I think against your will. I confess I cannot
take it very kindly, that when your books went just by my
house, you should not order them to make me a visit. What !
were you afraid I should envy your performance? I thank
God I stand clear of no vice more than this ; besides, the
despair of coming any thing near you in this kind would have
been sufficient to have laid that passion asleep. What, then !
Were you apprehensive of meeting with an over-nice and ill-
natured critic ? There was no fear of that ; for what reader
can be so morose in his judgment, or so heavy and unaffected
in his imagination, as not to run a strong panegyric upon the
least laboured of your performances? But it may be you
slighted a young man, and thought me below your notice ; I
can hardly believe this. But though you did not undervalue
me for my youth, you might do it for my ignorance. I can
best bear a neglect upon this score ; yet I must say, that
though I am too ignorant to write, yet I am not unqualified
to read. What, then ! Was there any difference or misun-
derstanding between us in any point ? And could you imagine
I waited for a revenge, and would have made reprisals upon
you in your books ? This pretence is out of doors ; for even
our enemies have no colour to suggest that there was so much
as any coldness, or faint friendship between us.' 1 After these
complaints, he tells Faustus, " That he was obliged to seize
his books, and as it were plunder those that had them about
them.'' 1 And upon the reading of them, he gives the author
the compliment, " That they would keep him, as it were, alive

126 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book r.

in his grave, and make him immortal ; particularly that the
performance was a very laborious work, and written with a
Sidon. 1. 9. great deal of method, spirit, and force."

epis ' ' This is enough to show what a value Sidonius Apollinaris

put upon Faustus's writings. The books referred to in this
Baion. letter were written, as Baronius observes, upon the controversy
a. d. 49 . £ g race an( j f r ee-will. In this first book, he disputes against
Pelagius, who makes the happiness of man depend entirely
upon his own choice ; and likewise against those who run into
the other extreme, resolving all virtue and final success so
entirely into the overruling efficacy and force of grace, as to
make the soul nothing better than a mere machine. In his
second book, he treats at large of prescience and predestination,
as he himself informs us in the preface to his tract to Leontius.
To give somewhat a fuller account of this matter, and to show
what was commendable or erroneous in Faustus's writings, it
will be necessary to observe, that after St. Augustine's decease,
his tracts upon this controversy were misunderstood by some
Sigeb. people. These Sigebert calls predestinarian heretics. Their
A.D° n 4i5. assertions were so crude and extravagant, as to maintain that
Baron - piety and good works would signify nothing if they lay under
a decree of reprobation. Neither would a licentious life do
any disservice to those that were predestinated to happiness.
These tenets they pretended to justify by St. Augustine's doc-
trine. One Lucidus, a priest of reputation, was entangled in
this error. To this clergyman Faustus wrote his letter, which
was afterwards subscribed by the council of Aries ; and, being
a matter of considerable moment, as we may imagine by the
solemn approbation given to it, I shall lay some of it before the
reader. The superscription runs thus :

Domino Devinctissimo et miki speciali affectu venerando ac sus-
piciendo Fratri Lucido Presbytero, Faustus.

In the letter, amongst other things, he tells them that we
must take care not to turn to the right or to the left, but to
keep straight on, without running into either extreme. After
this, he gives an abstract of the Catholic doctrine upon the
question ; under these articles, giving him to understand, in
the first place, that the concurrence of human endeavours must
always be joined with the grace of God, and that the asserting

. int. v.j OF GREAT BRITAIN. 127

predestination, exclusively of our care and co-operation, is
equally to be abhorred with Pelagianism. And therefore those
ought to lie under an anathema, who assert that man is born
without sin, and that he may be saved by the strength of his
own performances, and that there is no necessity of the grace
of God to interpose for him.

Those likewise are to be anathematised who maintain that
a Christian baptized, and of an orthodox belief, happening to
be overborne by the temptations of the world, perishes upon
the score of original sin and Adam's transgression.

He is likewise to be anathematised who make's God's pre-
science the cause of man's damnation.

He also is to be censured by anathema who maintains that
those that perish had no possibility of being saved. This pro-
position is to be understood of a person baptized, or of a pagan
at years of discretion, who had opportunities of believing, and
refused them.

Those also are to be anathematised who affirm, a vessel of
dishonour cannot mend its condition, nor reform into a vessel
of honour.

Lastly, let him be anathematised who maintains Christ did
not die for all, nor desire the salvation of all men.

Thus far Faustus goes in his anathemas.

After which, he tells Lucidus, that when this priest either
came before him, or was summoned by the council to purge 55
himself, he would then produce his authorities, and show the
grounds of his assertions. In the mean time he tells us, it
was his positive persuasion, that those who are lost by their
own fault, might have been saved by the grace of God, if they
had exerted themselves, and made the most of their own
strength. And, on the other side, those who doing their own
parts, and joining their faculties with the grace of God, have
been safe and happy in the event, might have sunk by their
sloth, and been ruined by their misbehaviour.

Now, my belief in the point lies between these extremes ;
for, as we are nothing without God's grace, so neither can we
expect a prosperous event without acting upon our own liberty,
and doing something for ourselves. Not that we are to trust
in our own strength, or grow vain upon our endeavours ; but,
when we have laboured to the utmost of nature, lest the
grace of God should be lost upon us, we must then pronounce

128 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book i.

all the assistances of heaven to be the mere result of God's
goodness, and not at all a due consideration for any thing we
have done ; and that our good actions are matter of duty and
not of merit, confessing with the evangelist, " That we are

Luke xvii. unprofitable servants, we have only done what was our duty to
do." Having explained my opinion briefly and proportionably
to the compass of a letter, I expect an answer from you to in-
form me whether you acquiesce in this doctrine or not ; for I
must needs say, that whoever does not go this length of truth,
giving the first beginnings of virtue to the grace of God, and
seconding this assistance with his own endeavours, making
both these principles necessary, deserves to be expelled the
communion of the Church.

And, a little after, admonishing him to relinquish his error,
he continues : That the error of Lucidus, if maintained with
obstinacy, would amount to blasphemy ; for we must neces-
sarily throw an unacountable imputation of rigour upon the
Author of our being, if we affirm that he refused a possibility
of being happy to any person that proves miserable in the
event. This procedure, I say, would look incomprehensibly
strange ; since we cannot deny, but that God's sentence for
punishment at the last day will be founded on the transgression
of his commands. Now, I cannot understand, that any per-
son, who was in no capacity to make use of the grace of God,
can be charged with the abuse of it. And thus, by advancing
grace beyond the measures of caution and sobriety, we shall at
last be driven to an inconsistency in the divine attributes, and
impeach the justice of God.

This letter was afterwards read in the council of Aries, and
subscribed by the prelates. It was likewise subscribed there

Baron. by Lucidus, who made a recantation of his error.

a. d. 490. .

Fau'stus's Notwithstanding the clearness of this letter, and the appro-
7ured after Da tion it met with, Faustus did not afterwards stand straight
his death for [ n the opinion of the Church. Baronius will have it, that he
ffianism. used something of art and mystery ; that he was orthodox in
public, but discovered his heterodoxy in some of his writings
which went privately about. In which, while he made a feint
Baron to attack Pelagius, he discovered himself too much his friend.

a. d. 490.

P .' 455. This is certain, his books were severely censured, especially
after his death ; for, in the west, Cesarius and Avitus, two
Gaulish bishops of great learning and piety, wrote vigorously

cent, v.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 129

against him. And, in Africa, Fulgentius bestowed seven
books upon his confutation ; and in the east, he was not only Baron,
prosecuted by the pen of one John, a priest of Antioch, but A - n - 40 °-
almost all the orthodox sat hard upon his books and memory.

Farther : Possessor, one of the African exiled bishops, being
then at Constantinople, and finding great heats and clashing
about Faustus's books, sends to pope Hormisdas to desire his
judgment about them. The pope speaks modestly of Faustus,
and returns a cautious answer, referring him, for the sense of
the Church, to St. Augustin, Prosper, and Hilary, and to what
his predecessors had defined. Afterwards, Faustus's doctrine
was condemned in the second council of Orange, which main-
tained the necessity of preventing grace. The denying of this
was the main error charged on Faustus, not as to good works,
but as to faith and good inclinations, this being one branch of
the Semi-Pelagian error. jansen.

To return to the condition of the Britons. Some time after Hi ^- Pe,a 8-
the general ravage and burning of the island, the Saxons gave The Britons
over the pursuit, and marched back to their head-quarters ; de%aTtke n
and thus, the enemy being out of sight, the Britons began to s ^ xons ^
recover their spirits, to peep out of their hiding-places, and a. d. 489.
draw into a body ; and having resolved upon an attempt to Gildas and
recover their country, they unanimously, in the first place, Bede- Ibld#
implored the protection of heaven. When the time of action
drew near, they pitched upon Ambrosius Aurelianus above-
mentioned for their general ; and thus encouraged, by being
under his conduct, they march up into the country and bid the
enemy battle, and by God's blessing gave them a defeat.

After this victory, the fortune of the Britons and Saxons
was various, and success seemed to float from the one side to
the other. Thus matters hung, as it were, in suspense, till
the dispute at Bannesdown near Bath, where the Saxons were
entirely routed, and lost a great many men. This battle,
Gildas tells us, was fought in the year he was born, and forty- Gildas. ibid.
four before he wrote his history. But notwithstanding this
advantage, continues Gildas, the cities have not recovered their
former condition, but remain uninhabited and in rubbish; and 56.

though they are not disturbed with a foreign enemy, they are
so unhappy as to quarrel amongst themselves. However, the
memory of the late calamity made a serviceable impression for
some time ; insomuch, that the governors of Church and State

VOL. I. K

ISO ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book i.

and all ranks and conditions lived regularly, and did the busi-
ness of their station. But the sense of the deliverance decayed
by degrees, and was worn out in tract of time ; for when a
new generation came up, who were acquainted with nothing
but prosperity, and had no experience of the former misery to
keep them in order, they laid the reins upon their fancy, and
run riot immediately : and, in short, degenerated so far, that
there was scarcely any thing of good faith, justice, or sobriety to
be met with. Amongst other instances of disorder, Gildas in
Bede. 1. 1. j} e de takes notice, that the Britons were so careless in propa-
gating Christianity, that they did not so much as attempt the
conversion of the Saxons that lived among them. However,
he owns there were some that were not carried off with this
torrent of vice, but stemmed the tide and preserved their vir-
Gildas. Hist, tue to an exemplary degree.

Amb'rosius After the Britons had defeated the Saxons, and obliged them
Churches and *° Te ^ re a great way northward, Ambrosius Aurelianus is said
provides/or to have convened the princes and great men at York, where

tlld S€ttl&')ilC7it

of religious he gave order for repairing the churches destroyed by the

afhi?-s! Saxons. This, though reported by Geoffrey of Monmouth,

seems agreeable to matter of fact, in the opinion of the learned

Stilling. j) r Stillingfleet. For the Britons having; a considerable res-

Antiquities ° o

of British pite, after their advantage in the field, it is reasonable to sup-
c 5. p. 328. P ose that Ambrosius and the rest of the people should do their
endeavour to re-build the churches, and restore the conve-
niences and honour of religion. This relation of Geoffrey's is
Flore 488 ist ' cormrme d ty Matthew of Westminster, who dilates upon the
great zeal of Ambrosius in encouraging the clergy, repairing
the churches, and bringing divine worship to the former con-
dition of solemnity and order. And more than this, Geoffrey
tell us, that in a council of the Britons, Ambrosius gave direc-
tions for two metropolitans to supply the vacancies of York
and Caer-leon ; Sampson being promoted to the first, and Du-
St 329 g ' kricius to tne other. This, Matthew of Westminster affirms,
was done a.d. 490, and makes them both flourish to the year
507. He adds, that Sampson, being afterwards forced to quit
the country, went over to Armorica, and was made archbishop
of Dole.
He defeats As to the particulars of the civil dissensions among" the
and mia. Britons, Geoffrey of Monmouth informs us, and that not
stiiiingtieet. w j t hout probability,, that one of Vortigem's sons, called Pas-

cent, v.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 131

centius, formed a British party against Ambrosius, and raised
a rebellion in the north. But these revolters, upon trying
their fortune, were defeated and obliged to disperse. Matthew
of Westminster, speaking of Ambrosius, tells us, that he was Fiores. Hist,
general at the battle of Mecredsburn, against iElla, king of
the South Saxons, and his sons, where he gained so considera-
ble a victory, that the enemy was forced to send for recruits
from Germany. About twelve years after this success, Pas- Andispoi-
centius is said to have hired a Saxon to poison Ambrosius at V^ d ?L

1 Winchester.

Winchester, which accordingly took effect. Gaifr. l. 5.

. . c 6 Matth

To enlarge a little farther upon the condition of the state, west,
and to touch briefly upon the declension of the British affairs, ^ ^"'jy? 181 '
and how the Saxons carried their point by degrees, and gained
ground upon the island. This revolution of the State will help
to discover the circumstances of the Church ; for, as our histo-
rians observe, religion was forced to fly everywhere before the
Saxons, those barbarians leaving not so much as the face of
Christianity wherever they prevailed. Radoiph.

To proceed therefore to the fortune of the island. After qy°j™ Mat
Ambrosius's death, according to the British history, his bro- Westmin.
ther Uther Pendragon succeeded, who defeated the Saxons in uther Pen-
the north, raised the siege of York, took the sons of Hengist /J^™ s
prisoners, marched to London, and there summoning a con- v, alfli f' B
vention, was solemnly crowned. Then happening to come to c. 2.
a rupture with Goalois, duke of Cornwall, he killed him at the
siege of his castle. After this, Uther is said to have routed
the Saxons at Verulam ; where, being afterwards poisoned by
a practice of that enemy, he was succeeded by his son Arthur.

This is an abstract of Geoffrey of Monmouth upon this
matter. But, upon examination, the account seems somewhat
defective and partial, and passes over the advantages gained by
the Saxons ; for Matthew of Westminster takes notice of the a. d. 494.
landing of Cerdic, and Kenrick his son, with a reinforcement,
at a place near Yarmouth, called from him Cerdic Shore, and Cambden.
that they fought the Britons with success at their first coming ntan '
ashore ; and opening their passage with their swords, they
marched up into the western parts, and erected the kingdom
of the West Saxons. Seven years after Cerdic, Port and his
two sons, Bleda and Magla, followed ; and, arriving at Ports-
mouth, left one of their names upon that place, as Florentius
and Huntingdon inform us from the Saxon annals. Now,

k 2

132 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book i.

Geoffrey of Monmouth takes no notice of all this ; besides, he
omits one of the greatest ^battles fought between Cerdic and
Nathanleod. This the Saxon annals, Flore ntius and Matthew
of Westminster, place to the year of our Lord 508. In this
battle, which was fought with all the strength and confederacy
on both sides, Nathanleod behaved himself with that bravery,
that he drove Cerdic out of the field and followed the pursuit ;
but Kenric, Cerdics son, who commanded the other wing,
perceiving his father pressed, fell in upon Nathanleod's rear,
"•• killing him, with five thousand of his men; the rest of his

troops quitting the field upon the death of their king. This
battle, so disadvantageous to the Britons, was fought at Char-
Britan. 6 "' f° r d u P on the Avon, between Salisbury and Ringwood. But who
this Nathanleod was, is still a question. Matthew of West-
minster will not allow him the character of a crowned head,
and makes him no more than Uthers general, who lay sick at
that time. But Henry of Huntingdon, and Florence of Wor-
cester, are positive for his being a king ; the first calling him
Rex Maximus Britannorum, which seems to intimate that the
Britons, as well as the Saxons, had more than a single monarch,
and that one of their princes had an ascendaney of power above
Usher. Bri- ^] ie res t # Archbishop Usher is of opinion that this Nathanleod
Antiquit. was the same with Uther ; that Nathanleod was his right name,
" the distinction of Uther being given him for the heat and bold-
Gild. Hist. ness f hjg temper. But since Gildas affirms that some of the
line of Ambrosius were living in his time, and the history of
Stilling. Uther is not altogether unquestionable ; for this reason the
British" learned Dr. Stillingfleet conjectures, that the prince slain in
Ch 334 heS ' the battle above-mentioned might probably be Ambrosius^ son.

Cent. vi. Upon the death of Uther, king Arthur his son is said to

ceeded by his succeed him, being fifteen, or, as some historians will have it,

rV*508 '' eighteen years of age at his father's death. Archbishop Usher

places the beginning of his reign to the year of our Lord 508.

p. 250. and Geoffrey of Monmouth dilates very much upon the bravery and

nol.p.524. successes of this prince ; and Poly dore Virgil relates that his

memory was very fresh, and wonderfully magnified in his time;

that he defeated three Saxon generals, conquered Scotland,

with the neighbouring islands, routed the Romans under their

general, Lucius, near Paris, over-run Gaul, and killed several

giants with his own hand. And after success in so many

cent, vi.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 133

glorious adventures, and designing to march onward and sit
down before Rome, he was called home by the sedition of his
subjects. Being arrived in Britain, he fought his nephew
Mordred, who had seized the government in his absence, where,
though he had the good fortune to dispatch this usurper, he
was mortally wounded himself. But then the inscription about Polydor.
his seal, with which he signed the diploma of the University of gil^HUt?
Cambridge, is still more magnificent ; for here he is styled llb- 3 ' p- 58-
Patricius Arthurius, Britannue, Gallia?, Germanise Daciae
Imperator.

These flourishes upon the extent of his dominions, together
with his conquest of Ireland, Norway, and the Orcades, men-
tioned by Geoffrey of Monmouth, are so groundless and roman-
tic, that they do not deserve the trouble of a confutation. King
Arthur was so far from stretching his dominions into foreign
countries, that he fell much short of being monarch of this
island ; as appears by the several Saxon kingdoms which grew
up in his reign. To make this out, we are to observe, that
king Arthur, according to the general computation, began his
reign in the year 508, and died in 542. Now, within this time,
and partly before it, we shall find several kingdoms of the
Saxon Heptarchy erected. 1 shall give the readers sir Henry
Spelman's account of this matter, as far as the argument is
concerned. Speiman,

The kingdom of Kent was set up by Hengist about the year ^ a \' and
457 ; the kingdom of the South Saxons began in the year 491 ; in Init -
the kingdom of the AVest Saxons commences at the year 519;
the kingdom of the East Saxons bears date from the year 527.
Thus we see four kingdoms of the Saxon Heptarchy were
either prior to Arthur's reign, or began and continued in it ;
and therefore it is evident king Arthur could be no such
mighty monarch even in Britain as Geoffrey would make him.

Indeed, the achievements of this prince are so enormously
magnified by the British history, that upon the reviving of
learning, the very being of his person was called in question, stilling.
However, Leland has proved to satisfaction that there was British"'
such a person, from the Caire-Arture in Wales ; from Arthur's Churches,
Gate in Montgomery, and particularly from the abundant tes- Assert.
timony he brings about his coffin in lead, found in Glassenbury Alt,lul -
in Henry II. 's time, with an inscription, where the figure and
order of the letters appear very rough and unartificial, and the

134 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book i.

titles very short and modest, which argue the truth and anti-
quity of the inscription ; which is this : —

H1C JACET SEPULTUS

INCLITUS REX AKTURIUS

IN INSULA AVALONIA 1 .

1 The history of king Arthur has given our critics infinite trouble. It is so full of incre-
dible romance and palpable contradictions, that the most ingenious antiquarians have
been foiled and baffled by it. Perhaps, however, some light may be cast on it by the
mythologic theory prevalent in Germany. The theory alluded to presupposes that many
grand truths of theology, philosophy, and physical science, have been presented to the
world under the names of the distinguished men who took pains to teach and illustrate
them. It presupposes that a certain analogy subsists between the divine, moral, and
historical spheres ; so that the realities of the one may be symbolized by the realities of
the other. Thus, for instance, the theogony and astronomy of the ancients have come
down to us indissolubly associated with the biographies of the sages and heroes who
exhibited their mysteries to the world. The most occult theories respecting theophanies
and divine developements, the revolutions of the stars, and the transitions of the seasons,
are thus reflected in the lives and actions of " the mighty dead — all the great chiefs of
the nations." This mode of handing down theologic and mythologic doctrines in associa-
tion with historical facts, was particularly in vogue among the theosophic lodges of ini-
tiation. The adepts considered it an admirable plan of impressing abstract verities on the
memory of the initiated, and of keeping the profane vulgar in the dark. The poets, too,
whose object was to invest the transcendental mysteries of the metaphysical and physical
world in forms of humanity, carried this system of biographical symbolization to the
greatest extent, and described their favourite heroes as achieving adventures and under-
going trials which they thought analogous to the spiritual experiences that might not be
more directly revealed. Hence the apparent confusion that subsists in their mythologic
accounts. Hence the sublimest truths of their divine and natural philosophy are dis-
coverable under their narrative of the life and exploits of Hercules. Under this name
they signified an eternal principle prevailing alike through spheres of mind and matter,
morals and history. And never were they more pleased than when they could illustrate
what they conceived of this principle, by the personal characteristics and actions of some
living hero, who either bore the name of Hercules, or laboured to extend the knowledge
of the Herculean doctrines. If this theory be correct, it may be applied to the history
of Arthur. Learned authors have stated that divine truth is symbolized under the
name of Arthur ; others have stated that liberty, valour, chivalry, &c, were symbolized
under the name of Arthur. Others have maintained that the sun and the solar system
are symbolized in the history of Arthur; others that the progress of theosophy and free-
masonry are delineated in his extraordinary records. Now, all these suppositions may
be partially correct : they may all stand together without destroying each other; and
granting them all, still Arthur may have been a real man and a royal prince, even as he
is represented by the chroniclers. If he was the master, as there is much reason to
think, of a great secret society of initiates, it may have been the interest of those initiates
to extend their opinions aud their influences under the name of their leader. Hence we
may account for the rapid growth of the fame of Arthur, not only in this country, but
throughout Europe. Hence the indissoluble connection established between his vague
and undefined traditions, and the entire framework of chivalry and the orders of knight-
hood. Arthur thus became the symbol of a principle,— call it religion, liberty, truth, or
what you will, and his name was used in a mystic sense, which endeared it to the hearts
of men. Arthur thus likewise became the symbol of a vast theosophical association,
which has ever flourished in the world. In this way we may perhaps explain all that
has been written about Arthur andthe knights of the round table, and why his name

cent, vi.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 135

The form of the letters, as they stand in the cross, may be
seen in Cambden. Cambden.

And here, as I observed, not only the antiquity of the letters, nt " p '
but the modesty of the inscription is an argument of the genu-
ineness of it ; for should we suppose that the monks designed
foul play in Henry II.'s time, and laid the coffin there on pur-
pose to produce it as a curiosity, — though, in this case, they
might have counterfeited the antique form of the letters, — yet
they never would have made such a lean inscription, and les-
sened the glory of the hero ; especially since common tradition
and the British history were much more liberal to king Arthur's
memory.

It is true, Gildas takes no notice of king Arthur ; but Nen-
nius does, who lived in the century after him. And as for Nen. Hist.
Gildas, his principal design is more exhortation and preaching c " 62-
than history, and therefore he passes over other things, only
mentioning Ambrosius Aurelianus by the bye, and addresses
himself to his main business, which was the repentance and
reformation of the Britons.

If it is objected, that Gildas mentions several petty princes 58.

in Britain, as Constantine, Aurelius Conanus, Vortiper, Cune-
glassus, &c, but makes no application to King Arthur, nor so Gild. Epiet.
much as mentions him, to this it may be answered, — first,
that these princes were guilty of great disorders both in their
administration and private life, and therefore Gildas treats
them with great freedom and satire. But king Arthur being
a prince of regularity and religious conduct, there was no rea-
son of bringing him within the invective of this epistle.

Secondly, Gildas is said to have lived ninety years; and if so, he
must considerably have survived king Arthur. Now, his epistle,
where he mentions these British princes, seems to have been
his last performance, and therefore might probably be written
after king Arthur's death ; and then, his saying nothing about
him, may be easily accounted for. Nay, according to the
chronology of the learned primate Usher, Gildas wrote this Usher. Bri
satirical epistle in the year of our Lord 544 ; and if so, the ^j^£ es '
time will fall two years after king Arthur's death. p- 255 -

was so dearly cherished by Dante, Petrarch, Ariosto, Spenser, and the poets of chivalry.
In this short note we have only been able to drop a hint on a topic that demands a
volume. Those who would search further, must examine a range of literature, which is
too erudite ever to become popular.

136

ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book i.

Dubricius.

In Vit.
Sancti Da-
vidis.

A. d. 519.

Godwin
Catal. of
Bishops of
England.
Monast.
Anglic,
vol. III.
p. 101.
St. David.

By what has been said, it appears the Saxons had set up
several principalities in king Arthur's time, and by consequence
that his dominions must be very narrow ; it may be, not more
than Wales fell to his share. This looks the more probable,
because now Christianity seems driven, as it were, into this
corner. Here, then, we are to search for the history of the
British Church ; and upon enquiry we shall meet with several
persons that made a considerable figure in this century.

To begin with Dubricius, of whom something has been said
already, which I shall not repeat. As to his birth, it is not
known who was his father ; but his mother, Eurdila, was a
lady of great quality. Upon the death of Aurelius Ambrosius,
he is said to have crowned Uther Pendragon, and afterwards
king Arthur ; in whose reign there was a council held under
Dubricius, at Brovi in Cardiganshire. It was convened upon
the revival of Pelagianism. Griraldus Cambrensis tells us, it
was a general synod of all Wales, consisting not only of the
clergy, but of the laity ; that a great many being infected,
St. Paulinus, a person of sanctity, elocution, and conduct, was
delegated by the council to go to St. David to persuade him to
come to the council ; but Paulinus not prevailing in his mes-
sage, Dubricius and Daniel were sent to try their interest.
St. David, being governed by these great men, came up to the
council, and by the persuasiveness of his sermons gained the
heretics. Now Dubricius, finding himself less qualified for his
function on the score of his age, resigned his archbishopric of
Caerleon to St. David, and not long after died in the isle of
Enlhi, now called Bardsey, in the year of our Lord 522. This
St. Dubricius, for so he was called after his death, was the first
bishop of Landaff, as far as we have any records to inform us.
The old register of Landaff seems to go upon a different
chronology, and makes the death of Dubricius fall upon the
vear 612.

St. David shall come next. He was born in the latter end
of the fifth century. His father was Xantus, a prince in
Wales ; his mother's name was Melearia. He was a person
of considerable learning and elocution, and very remarkable for
the strictness and austerity of his life. St. David entered into
holy orders, and had, as we have seen, the archbishopric of
Caerleon resigned to him. He removed his see from Caerleon
to Menevia, now called St. David's : king Arthur, who was

cent, vi.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 137

his nephew, consenting to it. It seems he disliked Caerleon,
on the score of its populousness, and withdrew to the solitude
of St. David's for the advantage of contemplation.

Soon after the former synod, there was another convened a. d. 529.
under St. David, at a place called Victoria, in which the acts
of the first council were confirmed, and several other supple- Gerald,
mental provisions made for the advantage of the Church. s^David' 1
These two synods were, as it were, the rule and standard of
the British Churches, and copies of their proceedings were
sent by St. David to most of the Churches in Wales. As
for St. David, as Giraldus goes on, he was the great ornament
and pattern of his age. He spoke with great force and per-
suasiveness, but his example was more powerful than his rheto-
ric ; and though he was a most admirable preacher, his piety
exceeded his learning and genius, and his life was his master-
piece. He is said to have continued upon his last see sixty-
five years ; and, having founded twelve monasteries in the
neighbourhood, died in the year 642, being a hundred and
forty-six years of age ; and about five hundred years after his
death was canonized by Pope Calixtus II. A great many
extraordinary things are reported of him, some of which may
very probably be true ; for in the infancy of a Church, miracles
are more necessary, and therefore may be supposed much more Cambreneis
frequent, than afterwards. To mention something of this kind, and Godvvm -
it is said his birth was predicted thirty years before it hap-
pened ; that he had always an angel both for his guard and
conversation ; that he gave the waters at the bath that extra-
ordinary heat which still continues upon them ; with a great
deal more too long to insert.

About this time lived the famous Sampsons ; the elder was The two
archbishop of York, from whence, upon the invasion of the Sum P^-
Saxons, he travelled into Armorica, and was made archbishop
of Dole. In this see he was succeeded by another Sampson, Usher. Bri-
scholar to Iltutus, and consecrated bishop at large by Dubri- j^vf 8 '
cius. And having continued a considerable time in Great a. d. 522.
Britain, he embarked with several of the clergy and laity, and
landed in French Britain, where he prosecuted his function, 59.

and was made archbishop of Dole. The old register of Lan- Usher, ibid.
daff, called Liber Landavensis, reports this Sampson extracted p- 277 ' ,
from a royal family ; that his father's name was Amon ; that

138 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book i.

his birth was little less than miraculous ; that he was ordained
bishop by the direction of a vision ; that he wrought a great
many miracles ; that at his death he was conveyed to heaven
with music in the air ; and that many extraordinary cures
Liber Lan- we re wrought at his tomb. Bale reports, this Sampson car-

davens. MS. . , ° i » .1 t» •.• i • •

De Scrip, ned away a great many records ol the British antiquity with
Sampson™ n ™ m ^° France, which, it seems, we have not had the good
fortune to retrieve.

About this time, for exactness in chronology is not here to

Cadocus. be expected, Cadocus, abbot of Llancarvan, flourished. He

was son of a prince of that country : he was a person of great

discipline and example, yet did not think it proper to renounce

all the advantages of his birth ; for he reserved part of his

Johan. Tin- patrimonial estate, with which he is said to have supported

in°vit. enS1S * three hundred clergymen and poor people, besides the constant

Hist. Eccks. hospitality of his table. Harpsfield makes him live to the

27 ng ' c * c ' year of our Lord 570.

Paternus. To proceed to Paternus, another person of eminence : he

was extracted from a noble family in Armorica, or French

Britain ; but, being much more affected with the greatness of

virtue and religion than with that of his family, he retired

from the world : and that his relations might not divert him

from his purpose, he sailed into Ireland, and lived incognito

there. From whence he embarked for Wales, where his

piety and conduct raised him to an extraordinary interest ;

insomuch that several princes of that country, that were upon

terms of hostility with each other, laid down their arms and

Brit. Cardi- consented to a peace at his application, Cambden tells us,

I ai D. 540. that St. Patern resided in Cardiganshire ; and that there is

a church there dedicated to his memory, called Lhan Badern

Vaur, or " the church of Patern the Great. 1 "' This place was ,

made an episcopal see, and continued so for some time, till the

people happened to be so barbarous as to murder their bishop.

There was a great intimacy between St. Patern, St. David,

and Teliaus. St. Patern, having done great service to religion

in Wales, left the country, and settled in Armorica, at the

Harpsfield. instance of the French Britons, where he was received with

Angiic.'c. great respect by Sampson the Younger, archbishop of Dole.

28 - The French Britons kept three holy days in honour of his

memory ; one upon the day he procured a peace among the

cent, vi.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 139

British princes, the second commemorates his going into Harpsfield.
orders, and the third is kept upon the anniversary of his Mdt
death.

To St. Patern we may subjoin St. Petrock, from whom a. d. 548.
Petrocstow, alias Padstow, in Cornwall, has its name. He ■*• Pe *rock.
was a person of remarkable piety, and took great pains to
promote the interest of Christianity. He went from Cornwall
into Ireland, where he is said to have spent twenty years in
retirement and the study of divinity. And now, being well
qualified for an instructor, he returned home ; and, living in a
monastery near the Severn, he read publicly upon the heads of
divinity, having several persons of eminence for his audience.
In Harpsfield's time there was a monument of his at Bodmin,
in Cornwall, where he was buried.

St. Teliau was another person of character in this age. His St. Teliau.
birth was noble. He was instructed in religious learning by
Dubricius, bishop of Landaff ; and, afterwards, St. David and
he were farther improved by Paulinus. The correspondence
between St. David and him was cultivated to a most intimate
friendship. St. Teliau was afterwards promoted to the see of
Landaff, where he managed himself to great exemplariness and Ang. Sacr.
commendation. ^ " p '

After St. Teliau we may add Oudoceus, the third bishop of AD - 56 °-
Landaff. In the year of our Lord 560, he convened the clergy Oudoceus.
and abbots of his diocese ; and, in a full synod, solemnly ex-
communicated Mouricus, king of Glamorganshire, for his per-
fidious murder of Cynitus. This prince continued two years
under the excommunication ; but then, being touched with
remorse, came in tears to the bishop Oudoceus, and desired to
be restored to communion. Upon which the bishop put him
under penance, letting him understand that he was obliged to
make reparation to God and the church, by more than ordinary
rigours and mortification ; and then prescribed him the disci-
pline of fasting, prayer, and charitable distributions : to which Speiman.
the king willingly submitted. l. p . 62.

Oudoceus convened another synod at Llan-Iltut, where king
Morcant and his uncle Frioc, being present, concluded a peace
between each other, and swore solemnly to the articles : — that
if either of them should prove so perfidious as to kill the other,
or make any infractions of the peace, the injurious person
should immediately quit all claim to his respective dominions,

140 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book i.

and spend the remainder of his life in pilgrimage. However,
not long after, king Morcant assassinated Frioc ; and, being
struck with the horror of the crime, came to Oudoceus at Lan-
daff, to make satisfaction for the perjury and murder. Upon
this application, the bishop convened the clergy and three
abbots, to give sentence in the case. The synod came to this
resolution : that it was not convenient for the government that
the king should live out of the country ; therefore they pitched
upon a commutation of the penance, discharged Morcant of his
engagement to perpetual banishment, and imposed the disci-

60. pline of fasting, prayers, and alms, upon him : which the king

solemnly promised to perform, and to manage the admistration
with justice and clemency.

Oudoceus, bishop of Landaff, summoned another synod,
where he excommunicated Guidnerth, who murdered his bro-
ther Merchion, upon a competition for the kingdom. At the
end of three years, Guidnerth came to the bishop to tender his
submission, upon which he put him under penance ; but Guid-
nerth not holding out to the end of the course prescribed,
Oudoceus refused to take off the censure, and died soon after.
Guidnerth, having too much conscience to stand out against
the excommunication, applied to Berthguin, Oudoceus"s suc-
cessor, and, giving satisfaction upon the points of discipline,

Speiman. received absolution.

Condi, tom. There are several other instances of these censures upon

Mo'nast.An- princes, in the old register of Landaff, commonly called Liber

clic. part iii. t j

p. 188. and Laiidavensis.

dcinc. ad p. Kentigern flourished much about this time. His mother was
Kentigem. daughter to Lothus, king of the Picts ; as for his father, he was
a person of condition, but a libertine. Kentigern had his edu-
cation formed by Servanus, a person of great piety, who had a
wonderful affection for his pupil. Indeed, Kentigern gave very
early indications of an extraordinary resignation ; abstaining
wholly from flesh and wine ; fasting frequently for three days
together ; wearing goat-skins with sackcloth next him ; and,
in short, living up to all the rigours and self-denial of St. John
the Baptist. He converted a great many pagans, and was
successful in his contest with the Pelagians. He is likewise
said to have cured a great many diseases by miracle. There
was an intimate friendship between him and St. Columba. He
is likewise said to have been an abbot at Glasgow, in a very

cent, vi.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 141

numerous monastery, from whence he used to send several
missionaries to convert the pagans. Afterwards he left Al-
bania, now called Scotland, and came into North Wales,
where he formed a religious society, and was much celebrated
for his preaching. At last he returned into his own country, Harpsfieid.
and died at Glasgow, about the year of our Lord 560. AngiieTc.'

To Kentigern it will not be improper to subjoin St. Asaph, 28 -
who was born in North Wales, and educated under Kentigern
in the monastery of Elgwin, or Lanelwin. He was a person of
noble extraction, and very eminent for his learning and piety.
Nature seems to have set him upon ground of advantage, both
for virtue and letters. Neither was he at all defective in
industry and care ; so that, in short, he was very remarkable
for commendable qualities. Kentigern, being charmed with Godwin, de
his behaviour, gave him the government of the monastery, ^ngU*.
and afterwards made him his successor in the bishopric. He ? lt 1 s i e .J

1 , lust. Bntiin.

used frequently to repeat this sentence : " That those who hin- Scriptor.
dered the progress of God's word envied the happiness of man-
kind. 11 He wrote the life of his master Kentigern, and some
other things. As for the precise time of his death, or how
long he sat in the diocese, is not certainly known ; however,
Pits makes him live to the year 590.

To this century St. Columba must be reckoned. Primate St. Columba.
Usher makes him born in the year of our Lord 522. He was Usher. Bri-
extracted from a noble family of the Scots, then living in Antiquit.'
Ireland. His father was Feidlimyd, son of Fergus, and his c - lo -
mother's name was JEthnea ; but this Fergus, St. Columba 1 s
grandfather, was not the son of Ericus, but of Conallus. Bede Bede. Ec-
informs us, that this holy man, being now made a priest and 3.^4.'*
an abbot, came into Britain, and preached Christianity to the
northern Picts. This historian assigns his coming thither to
the year of our Lord 565 ; but the learned primate Usher sets
it two years sooner. Bede goes on, and tells us, that St. usher ibid.
Columba arrived in Britain when Bridius, a powerful monarch, p - 363 -
was king of the Picts ; and that, by the force of his preaching
and example, he converted that nation in the ninth year of
Bridius's reign. That prince gave him the island of Jona,
or Icolm, for a monastery, where he was buried, at seventy-
seven years of age, and about two-and-thirty after his coming
into Britain. Before he left Ireland he founded a considerable

142 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book i.

monastery there, called Dearmach in the Scottish language,
i. e. " a field of oaks." These two monasteries of Jona and
Dearmach multiplied into a great many religious houses in
Britain and Ireland ; of all which, the monastery of Jona,
where Columba lies buried, is reckoned the principal. This little
island was always governed by an abbot in priest's orders, who
had not only a jurisdiction over the laity, but, by a strange and
unprecedented singularity, " ordine inusitato," as Bede speaks,
was likewise superior to the bishops of the place ; because St.
Columba, the first missionary and abbot, was no more than a
priest. But, with due respect to St. Columba's memory, this
was but a weak ground to found the practice upon. This
inverting the order of the hierarchy, giving power and pre-
ference to an inferior character, was an unwarrantable inno-
vation, and a flat contradiction to the practice of the Catholic
Church.

But here there may be something offered to clear St. Co-
lumba, in some measure, from this imputation. For,
St. Columba First, this holy abbot owned the superiority of the episcopal
ucknow- order above that of a priest, and that even within his own

ledgedttie ,..,.. r\p i •

distinction monastery and jurisdiction. Of this we have an instance,

and superio- . -, < i • « n i 1 • 1 •.<»

rityofthe reported by his successor, Aclamnanus, who wrote his hie.
episcopal rphjg Adamnanus was abbot of Hv, or Jona, when Bede was

order. .

a child ; and, therefore, seems well qualified to give his testi-
mony. This author tells us, that a certain bishop, who had a
mind to conceal himself, made Columba a visit at Hy ; and,
61. to make his character the more unsuspected, was unusually

modest and submissive in his behaviour : however, he was
willing to pass for a priest. When Sunday came, St. Columba
desired him to assist in the consecration of the eucharist.
When this stranger came up to the altar, being invited to
break the holy bread with St. Columba, this ceremony being'
the custom of that place when two priests were at church
together, — the stranger, I say, coming to the altar, upon this
occasion, Columba, looking strongly upon him and discovering
his character, desired him to make use of the privilege of his
order, and break the bread alone : for, says he, we know you
vftaS n! Co- are a bishop ; why, therefore, have you endeavoured to conceal
lumb. in Ca- yourself, and hinder us all from treating you with due respect
Lect. par. 5. and veneration ? By this way of saluting the bishop, it is plain

cent, vi.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 143

St. Columba acknowledged the episcopal character to be supe-
rior to his own order, which was no more than that of a
priest. But,

Secondly, there may be something farther alleged on St.
Columba's behalf : for he not only acknowledged bishops to be
of a distinct and superior order, but likewise believed them
necessary for perpetuating the hierarchy, and ordaining others
to the functions of priesthood. That this was his persuasion,
appears by his taking care to have always a bishop resident
upon his monastery, as archbishop Usher informs us from the
Ulster annals. Now, why could not the abbot manage without BishopofSt.

A e 1 * TT'

a bishop's assistance ? For this we can assign no other reason, tori ^j s Ac ' 8 "
but that there was some singularity of privilege, some branch ">unt of
of power, in the episcopal character, which exceeded the com- vemment,
mission of a priest ; and this distinguishing prerogative it p . c ioi, a ?02.
was which made the presence of a bishop so necessary to
that little island. St. Columba died about the year of our
Lord 597.

And now it will be time to mention Gildas, called Badonicus, Gildas.
to distinguish him from Gildas Albanius ; though the learned
Dr. Stillingfleet is of opinion there was but one Gildas. In- Antiquities
deed, the history of Gildas Albanius has so much the air of churches,' 9
a romance that I shall say nothing about him. As for the P- 209 -
historian, though authors are agreed as to the century he lived
in, yet they differ about the precise time : some will not allow
him longer than the year 512, others bring him forward to
565 ; Polvdore Virgil makes him flourish to the year 580, and Edit. Gild.
Radulphus de Diceto affirms that he wrote his history four Lector.
years after. Archbishop Usher is of opinion that he wrote usher. Bri-
lns book, " De Excidio Britannia?," in the year of our Lord ^5^*
564. He studied under the famous Iltutus, and had Paulusp.278.
for his fellow pupil. He was a person of great piety and con-
siderable elocution, making an allowance for the times he lived
in. He was a monk in the famous monastery of Bangor, and
was contemporary with several petty British princes who held
Cornwall, Wales, and, it may be, some other parts of the isle,
independently of the Saxons. Archbishop Usher places his
birth to the year of our Lord 520, in which the Saxons were
defeated by Arthur, at Baden Hills. Gildas, in his epistle, Usher. Bri-
reproves the princes above mentioned with extraordinary Antiquit.
freedom and vehemence, and seems to carry his satire to p- 278 -

144 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book t.

somewhat of an excess : however, he was so successful as
to recover Constantine, who was one of them. He likewise
reproves the clergy very sharply for their irregularities, par-
ticularly for being too eager in their pursuit of preferment, for
despising the poor, and making their court to the rich. After
he has harangued upon their misbehaviour to a great length,
he proposes the examples of St. Ignatius and St. Polycarp for
their imitation, and concludes with a prayer to God to preserve
those few good pastors that were left. He died, according to
the learned primate Usher and Du Pin, in the year of our
a. d. 570. Lord 570. He wrote his history and satirical epistle in
tanEccies. Armorica, or French Britain.

Antiquit. To Gildas we may add Columbanus, born in this century, in

Du Pin. Leinster, in Ireland, and scholar to Congallus, abbot of Ben-
Cent. vi! S C01 \ m the eastern part of Ireland. Columbanus travelled first
Columbamm. into Britain, where having stayed some time, he removed into
A ' D ' ' Burgundy, founded the abbey of Luxevil there, and was abbot
of the place. Having continued about twenty years in this
post, he was banished by Theodoric, king of Austrasia, for the
freedom he took in reproving him for his licentiousness. Upon
this he made the tour of France, and then retired into Italy ;
where, having the grant of a convenient place from Agilulphus,
king of the Lombards, he built the monastery of Bobio, near
Cave. His- Naples, where he was abbot a year, and then died.
tor. Liter. j^ was m £ ne l a tter end of this century that Theonus and
a. d. 587. Thadiocus, archbishops of London and York, retired from the
Theonus and Saxon persecution into Wales. And here the learned primate

jhcidiocus

retire Mo reports the reason of their retreat, and the lamentable preva-
il h 6S ' b ■ ^ enc y °f paganism in the greatest part of the island. Upon
tan. Eccies. the declension of piety and justice, says Fletus, among the
p. n 29o\ 299. Britons, the Saxons, being reinforced by several recruits, grew
Usher, ibid, too big for the natives, and seized the sovereignty of the
Fieto. island ; and thus, having the odds of power in their hands,

they set up their own heathenism, demolished the Christian
churches, and suppressed the true worship, as far as their
dominions reached. And now, " the abomination of desolation
may be said to have invaded the holy place." The Britons are
expelled their country ; London sacrifices to Diana, and Thor-
Now called ney spends her perfumes upon Apollo ; and, indeed, the whole
Westminster. coun t rv j s l os t as to their faith, and quite sunk in the heathen
inChronico. idolatry. Thus, Radulphus Niger tells us, that the pagan

cent, vi.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 145

Saxons gained, by degrees, upon the creed, as they did upon
the country ; insomuch, that at last heathenism was the 62.

prevailing religion. And, to the same purpose, Wendover
and Florilegus relate, that paganism kept pace with the Saxon Rog. Wen-
conquest, and almost overspread the whole island. In short, Matth. Flo-
the Church now lost ground almost every where, was driven, as ^- ad An -
it were, into a corner, and no where visible to any degree, ex-
cepting in Wales, Cornwall, and Cumberland: for in those
places the Britons had still some footing. Usher, ibid.

. • d 299 535

And here, before the close of this period, it may not be amiss
to throw in a word or two about Armorica, in Gaul ; for, since when the
this country was planted by a colony of the Britons, held a hubly first
close correspondence with this island, and served for a retreat ^^f,^ a
for this Church and nation, I hope it will be nothing foreign
to the subject to inquire a little when the British settlement
there was first made. Now, though it is hard to determine
the precise time, yet it is not improbable, that, after the
disturbances occasioned by the revolt of Maximus and Con-
stantine, a colony of Britons might settle themselves upon the
sea-coasts in Gaul, near their own island ; that, being thus
advantageously planted, they might either receive their coun-
trymen, or return to them, as the circumstances of their affairs
should require. Besides the authority of Nennius, Geoffrey
of Monmouth, and William of Malmesbury, for this opinion,
the learned Dr. Stillingfleet is inclined to it from these
arguments. Stilling.

First, from the testimony of Sidonius Apollinaris, who has British' 1
two material passages for this purpose. The first is concerning Ch 3 5 r j che9 '
Arvandus, prosecuted at Rome for high treason, for practising
with the Goths to invade the emperor Anthemius, and make
war upon the Britons on the Loire. This happened about the gidon. Apoi.
year of our Lord 467, when Sidonius Apollinaris was living, E P 1 !, t - '■ '•
and before Anthemius was the second time consul. From
whence it appears, not only that there were Britons then
settled on the Loire, but that they were considerable for their
force and interest. And, therefore, this colony cannot be
supposed to consist of those vanquished refugees that were
lately expelled their country : for which way should a battered
handful of men grow up so quickly to such a degree of con-
siderableness ? This is still more unlikely if we observe, that,
about this time, Ambrosius was successful against the Saxons,

VOL. I. h

146 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY hook i.

and in a fair way of driving them out of the island ; so that it
is not at all probable that those Britons who were bred to
arms, and were serviceable in the field, should quit their native
country, and settle in Gaul, at this juncture, — at this juncture,
I say, when they were so much wanted, and likely to be so
significant, at home.

A second proof from Sidonius Apollinaris relates to Riotha-
L. 3. ep. 9. mus, a king of the Britons, in the time of Sidonius Apollinaris,
and to whom this author wrote. Now, this prince marched
with twelve thousand Britons to assist the Romans against
Euricus, king of the Goths, in the year of our Lord 470, as
Sigebert computes it. And is not this a clear argument, that
a considerable number of Britons were then planted in Gaul,
and that they were not only strong enough to stand upon their
own defence, but to assist the Romans ? Which strength and
figure cannot be supposed to be made out of the debris of
a routed army, which was lately forced to transport them-
selves and leave their country to the enemy. Besides, in
Sirmundus's Gallican councils, we find Mansuetus, a bishop
of the Britons, subscribing to the first council at Tours, which
was held a. d. 461. Thus it appears the Britons had then so
thorough a settlement in Gaul as to have a king and bishops of
their own : which was great encouragement for other Britons
to go over and incorporate with them, when they found them-
selves so distressed by the Saxons at home ; for, unless they
had such a stand to retreat to, a people beaten out of heart
would hardly have ventured into a foreign country, where they
might probably have been forced to act offensively, and dispute
their settlement by inches. From hence the learned Dr. Stil-
lingfleet concludes, there was a large colony of Britons in
Armorica before those bodies went over that were broken and
Stilling. routed by the Saxons. But, as to the first colony of the
p. 252. Armorican Britons, whether they came over in the beginning
of the public disturbances here, when the people were so rebel-
lious against their princes as Gildas relates, or whether they
embarked to assist Constantine and his son, and so continued
upon the continent, is hard to determine. But that the Bri-
tons were well settled there before Sampson, archbishop of
Mattb Pa- York, and his company crossed the seas, is evident from
ris. Historia. Matthew Paris, who tells us, that, in the heat of the Saxon
U99. p .199. persecution, this archbishop transported himself, and retired

cent, vi.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 14-7

to his countrymen in Gaulish Britain ; where he had an ho-
nourable reception, and, upon the vacancy of the see of Dole,
was made archbishop of that province. This election of
Sampson to the metropolitical church of Dole, is assigned
by the learned primate Usher to the year of our Lord 522. Usher. Bii-
And thus much shall suffice for the first period of Christianity Antiquit. 6 *
in this island, till the conversion of the Saxons. p- 526 -

THE END OF THE FIRST BOOK.

i,2

ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY

GREAT BRITAIN.

BOOK II.

63. I have already related the misfortunes of the island upon the

The cornier- g axon invasion, and to what a degree of distress the British

swn of the o

Savons. Church and State was then reduced. But notwithstanding
the prevalency of paganism within the enemy's conquest, yet
Christianity, as we have reason to believe, was not totally
De Regib. extinguished even there. Malmesbury informs us, that many
'■ L of the Britons submitted to Cerdic, king of the West Saxons.

Those who yielded in this manner were probably the British
peasantry, whose circumstances, though too low to keep up
the face of a Church, yet many of them were constant to their
Godwin de religion, and endeavoured the conversion of the Saxons. Thus
AngL p. 40. Offa, of the royal Saxon blood, is said to have turned Christian
Munster in at the instructions of some pious Britons. This is farther
Cosmog. confirmed by the letters of St. Gregory the Great, to Theodoric
and Theodobert, kings of the Franks ; where, complaining of
the negligence of the French to propagate the gospel, he has '
Epist. 1. 5. these words : " We are informed," says he, " that through the
mercy of God, the English nation is desirous to turn Christian ;
but the clergy of your nation, notwithstanding their neighbour-
hood, refuse to assist them in their good motions, and encou-
ibid. c. 159. rage their piety" And in his letter to queen Brunechild, he
L 1 1 gdun Edlt ' g ives ner to understand, that the English were very willing to
quit their paganism, and come into the Church ; but that the
French clergy wanted the compassion of their character, and
took no care to forward that people in their good dispositions.

cent, vi.] ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY, &c. 149

Now, whence should this inclination to Christianity in the
Saxons proceed, but from the information they had received
from the Britons, who lived amongst them, or, at least, from
the influence of their example ? This neglect of the French
was, not long after, supplied by the industry of Gregory the
Great, whom God was pleased to make very instrumental in
the conversion of the Saxons in this island. And here it will
be proper to relate, from what a slender occasion this great
blessing took its first rise.

St. Gregory, before his advancement to the see of Rome, Johan.
happened one day to walk through the market where they sold Qrego" L 1*.'
slaves, and here, taking notice that certain youths of fine fea- c - 21 -
tures and complexion, and well dressed, were set to sale, he
asked the merchant that disposed of them what countrymen
they were ? He answered, " They came from Britain, and
that all the country had such good skins, and the same advan-
tage of person." Upon this, Gregory enquired whether these
islanders were Christians or heathens? The merchant told
him, " They lived under the unhappiness of heathenism. 11 Then
Gregory, fetching a deep sigh, said, " It was a lamentable con-
sideration, that the prince of darkness should be master of so
much beauty, and have so many graceful persons in his posses-
sion, and that so fine an outside should have nothing of God's
grace to furnish it within. - " The seeing these youths made a 64.

great impression upon St. Gregory's piety, who from this time
projected the Saxon conversion.

Soon after, therefore, he applied himself to pope Benedict, St. Gregory
and earnestly requested that some persons might be sent tojf^L""*-
preach Christianity in Britain. And perceiving nobody willing v ersiono/tiie
to undertake the mission, he offered himself for the service,
with the pope's permission. The pope at last gave him leave ;
and he set forward for his voyage, though with the great re-
gret of the clergy and people at Rome. He had not been
gone above two or three days, before the pope had a remon-
strance delivered him in the streets, for sending off Gregory,
and therefore was forced to recall him.

About seven years after this time, when Benedict above-
mentioned and Pelagius the second were dead, and Gregory
promoted to the papal chair, he resolved to do that by others
which had hitherto been impracticable for himself; which
Christian design he began to put in execution in the fourth

. . . Irlem. 1. 2.

year of his pontificate. For this purpose he dispatched Augus- c . 33.

150 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book n.

He sends tine into Britain, with several other monks of his own monas-
tUmlnk tery ; who, setting forward at his command, began to disrelish
tthem^h 1 - ^ le i r employment after a few days' travelling, and to sink
ment. under the difficulty of the undertaking. Growing thus dis-

couraged, they concluded it more advisable to return than to
make a long voyage to a savage, unpolished, and infidel nation,
where, besides other disadvantages, they did not so much as
understand their language. This resolution being taken, they
immediately send Augustine the monk to Rome, to intreat the
pope that they might have liberty to come home, and not be
obliged to prosecute so fatiguing and dangerous a voyage, and
Bede, Ec- which was so unlikely to answer in the success. Pope Gregory
l. i.e. 23. finding his missionaries thus dispirited, writes them a letter to
Diacon. Vit. encourage them, which runs thus : —

Gregor. l. 2. " Gregory, the servant of those that serve God, greeting, &c.
a. d. 596. Since it were better not to enter upon a worthy design, than
to break off that which is commendably begun : for this rea-
son, my dear sons, you ought to exert yourselves to the utmost
to finish that great work, which, by the grace of God, you have
engaged in. Do not let the fatigue of the voyage, nor the
censures of ill men discourage you ; but press forward in your
business with all the zeal and application imaginable, being
well assured that the troublesomeness of the employment will
be rewarded with eternal glory in heaven. I have sent Augus-
tine back to you, and made him your abbot, requiring you to
submit entirely to his directions ; for I know he will enjoin
you nothing but what is serviceable to your best interest. God
Almighty take you into his protection, and grant that I may
see the success of your labours, even after I am dead. For
though my circumstances will not give me leave to go along
with you, and bear a part in the fatigue, yet I hope afterwards
to have a share in the reward, because I want no inclination to
engage. God Almighty have you in his good keeping. Dated
the tenth of the calends of August, in the fourteenth year of
Bede, Eccl. our sovereign lord Mauritius Tiberius, &c."

TT' ill " '

c. 23. This holy pope wrote another letter to Etherius, archbishop

Ibid. c. 24. f Aries, to give Augustine and his company a friendly recep-
tion, and to furnish them for their voyage with what conveni-
ences lay in his way. This letter, as appears by the date, was
Epist. Gre- written at the same time with the other. His holiness like-
Ep.' 58, 59. w i se wrote to the king and queen of the Franks to assist them
with their countenance and directions, and not to let them

cent, vi.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 151

suffer for want of necessaries. By the strength of these
recommendations, they were everywhere entertained with great
civility and respect, and furnished with several interpreters;
from whence we may collect, as bishop Godwin observes, that De Piaesul.
the language of the English and Franks was much the same at Ang1, p ' 43 '
that time : which is not unreasonable to suppose, since these
two nations were both of German original, and made their
removal into Britain and Gaul much about the same time, it
being not above a hundred and fifty years since the Saxons,
who moved first, transplanted themselves.

And now Augustine the monk, and his companions, having
recovered their spirits by his holiness's letters and recommenda-
tion, pursued their journey through France, and then embark-
ing, arrived in Britain, in the isle of Thanet. At this time
Ethelbert reigned in Kent, his dominions reaching, as Bede
observes, as far as the Humber. Not but that the kingdoms BedeEccics.

XT" 1 1

of the East Saxons and the East Angles were now in being; c 25' ' '
but Ethelbert, being a more potent prince than the rest, had
some of these petty kings for his homagers. Augustine, a. d. 597.
landing thus in the isle of Thanet, sent some of his French
interpreters to king Ethelbert, acquainting him that he came
from Rome upon the best message imaginable, and that those
that would please to hear him, and be governed by his direc-
tions, would be rewarded with immortal happiness, and reign
with God Almighty for ever in heaven. The king, receiving
this information, ordered Augustine and his retinue to
remain in the isle of Thanet till they heard farther from him,
taking care to furnish them with conveniences in the mean
time. This prince was then married to a Christian queen,
called Bertha, daughter of Clotaire the first, king of the
Franks. She had the liberty of religion secured her by Baron,
the articles of marriage. She had likewise one Luidhardus a tom - 8 - „

A. D. 597.

bishop in her court, to assist with his character and direct her (55.

conscience. And thus, having several Christians in her family,

they had a church allowed them in the suburbs of Canterbury,

called St. Martin's. Christianity having this countenance at

Ethelbert's court, we may reasonably imagine that several of

the Saxons were either brought over, or, at least, disposed for

conversion before the arrival of Augustine. And thus, by

these preparatory steps, the missionaries' way was made plain,

and, as Malmesbury speaks, the king's inclinations brought Malmesb.de

J L ' & fo Regib. 1. 1.

152 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book ii.

somewhat forward to hearken to Augustine. For this reason,

in Vit. St. Capgrave calls Luidhardus Augustine's harbinger, and affirms,

ugustm. ^ a j; fa smoothed his passage, and made his enterprize more

practicable ; which remark will appear very reasonable to any

one that considers with what unexpected kindness Augustine

was received at his first coming.
A mtine Some few days after their landing, the king came thither,
and his com- an( J sitting down abroad in the air, commanded Augustine and

panionsmeet , . -it m i • mi

with a kind his company to come and discourse with him. Ine reason
froSkTng w ^y ne sat abroad proceeded from a heathenish fancy, which
Etheibert. made him decline trusting himself in a house with these stran-
gers : for fear, if they had dealt in the black art, they might
have surprised his understanding, and proved too hard for him.
But these good men, as Bede continues, held no correspond-
ence with the devil, but had their authority and credentials
from heaven. When they were introduced to the king, they
carried a silver cross for their banner, together with the pic-
ture of our blessed Saviour, and singing the Divine service,
they put up their prayers to God Almighty for his blessing
upon themselves, and those they came to convert. And now,
the king making them a sign to sit down, they opened their
commission, and preached the Gospel to him, and his whole
retinue ; when they had left speaking, he told them the pro-
posals they made were noble and inviting, but being new to
him at present, and uncertain, he could not abandon the an-
cient religion of the English, and become their proselyte.
However, says he, since you have undertaken a long voyage,
and ventured yourselves with a strange nation, upon motives
of kindness and good nature ; and that you might communi-
cate those truths to us, which you esteem most valuable and
important ; we shall be so far from giving you any trouble,
that you may be assured of a friendly entertainment. And,
besides, we shall not hinder you from preaching to our sub-
jects, and gaining as many over to your belief as you can. The
king performed his promise, furnished them with houses in
Canterbury, the capital of his kingdom, and supplied them
with other conveniences. When they drew near the city of
Dan. 9. 16. Canterbury, they are said to have sung this hymn : " Lord,
according to all thy righteousness, we beseech thee, let thine
anger and thy fury be turned away from this city, and from thy
holy place ; for we have sinned, Hallelujah. 11

cent, vi.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 153

Baronius, in transcribing this passage of Bede, falls into Baron.
some tragical reflections upon the condition of the modern ^°™' 5 97
Church of England. He represents the case as if the Eng- ca P- 23 -
lish, in his time, had, in a manner, apostatised from Christ-
ianity, and turned monsters in belief : but, with due respect to
the cardinal's memory, his declamation runs strangely upon
misapplication. For the terms of communion stand by no
means upon the same footing they did in Gregory the Great's
time : to give an instance or two from the matter before us :
And here Baronius takes notice, that Augustine the English
Apostle was a monk, and that the rest of the missionaries
were of the same order : that they appeared at their audience,
and made their entry into Canterbury with the cross, and the
picture of our Saviour carried before them ; and then he com-
plains that these things are all forgotten and laid aside by the
modern English. To speak to this charge by parts ;

It may be replied, in the first place, as to a monastic life, tu condi-
that the Church of England has not declared against it in any S^T~
of her articles. Besides, the cardinal may remember that the tered since
dissolution of abbeys here was an act of the State, and not of the Gregory 'the
Church ; that it was prior to the Reformation, and earned on Great -
by a prince and parliament of the Roman communion in all
points, excepting the supremacy.

Secondly, as to the cross and our Saviour's picture, the
Church of England has a great regard for both of them ; and
makes use of the first in the solemn administration of baptism.
It is true, we dare not carry our respects to the lengths of the
Church of Rome. And if we examine the passage in Bede,
though we find St. Augustine and his company carried the
cross and our Saviour's picture in their procession, yet there
is not the least intimation that they worshipped them. Nay, it
is plain that image- worship was none of the doctrine of Rome
in that age : for pope Gregory the Great determines flatly
against it : it is in his letter to Serenus, bishop of Marseilles.
I shall translate so much of it as concerns this matter.

" I am lately informed, 11 says St. Gregory, " that, upon your
taking notice that some people worshipped images, you ordered
the Church pictures to be broken and thrown away. Now,
though I commended you for your zeal in preventing the
adoration of anything made with hands ; yet, in my opinion,
those pictures should not have been broken in pieces. For the
design of pictures in churches is to instruct the illiterate, that

154 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book ii.

people may read that in the paint, which they have not educa-
66. tion to do in the book. In my judgment, therefore, brother,

you are obliged to find out a temper, to let the pictures stand
in the Church, and likewise to forbid the congregation the
worship of them. That, by this provision, those who are not
bred to letters may be acquainted with the Scripture history ;
and the people, on the other side, preserved from the criminal
Epist. Greg, excess of worshipping images."

• • e P- - ^ n( j m ano ther letter of his to the same bishop, he seems to
intimate that religious pictures were placed in the churches
partly in condescension to the heathens, and to encourage
them to Christianity. Therefore, as he is dissatisfied with
Serenus^ conduct in breaking the pictures, so, on the other
side, he advises him to inform his people rightly in this matter,
convincing them by the authority of Scripture, that no pro-
duction of human art is to be adored ; because it is written,
" Thou shalt worship the Lord thy God, and him only shalt
thou serve. " (Luke iv. 8.) " In short," says he, " let no
statuary or painter be discouraged in their profession, but take
all imaginable care that nothing made by them be honoured to
adoration. Thus, by this temper, the understandings of the
unlearned may be instructed, and their affections warmed at
the sight of church pictures ; and our worship at the same
time be all of it reserved for God, and directed to the Holy

Farther, St. Gregory did not carry the supremacy up to the
pretensions, since insisted on by the court of Rome. This we
may fairly collect from his complaint against John bishop of
Constantinople for taking the title of universal bishop upon
him. This, in his letter to Constantia the empress, he inveighs
against as great pride and presumption in his brother and
fellow-bishop, John. He declares against this haughty title,
as a contradiction to the tenor of the Gospel, an infraction of
Epist l. 4. the canons, and an injury to the whole Catholic Church.

And that Gregory may not be thought to complain against
the bishop of Constantinople, only for usurping above the pri-
vilege of his see, and taking a title which belonged to none
but the bishop of Rome ; that this was not the meaning of
his remonstrance, is evident from his letter to the emperor
Mauritius. By this letter it appears that Cyriacus, bishop of
Constantinople, had made use of the same pompous style
begun by John, his predecessor. Now it seems the emperor,

cent, vi.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 155

being informed that Gregory had not received Cyriacus's
agents with that regard that was usual, and expected, he
advises the pope to treat them in a more friendly manner,
and not to insist upon the punctualities of style so far as to
give a scandal about a title, and fall out about a few syllables.
To this the pope replies, " that the innovation of the style
Was not much in the quantity and alphabet ; but the bulk of
the iniquity was weighty enough to sink and destroy all. And
therefore I am bold to say," says he, " that whoever uses or
affects the style of universal bishop, has the pride and charac-
ter of Antichrist, and is in some manner his harbinger in this
haughty quality of mounting himself above the rest of his
order. And, indeed, both the one and the other seem to split
upon the same rock. For, as pride makes Antichrist strain
his pretensions up to Godhead, so, whoever is ambitious to be
called the only or universal prelate, prefers himself to a distin-
guishing superiority, and rises as it were upon the ruins of the

res t- Epist. Greg.

And in his letter to Anastatius, bishop of Antioch, he has L 6 - e P- 3 '-
these words upon the same subject : " Oyriacus and myself
can never be made friends, and come to any good understand-
ing, unless he is willing to give up the vanity and usurpation
of his style. This is a point of the last importance, neither
can we comply with the innovation, without betraying religion
and adulterating the faith of the Catholic Church. For, not
to mention the invasion upon the honour of your character, if
any one bishop must have the title of universal, if that uni-
versal prelate should happen to miscarry, the whole Church
must sink with him," &c. E ist L 6

And in his letter to Eulogius, bishop of Alexandria, we have ep. 24.
more to the same purpose. Here pope Gregory complains to
this patriarch for saluting him with the title of universal bishop
in his superscription. " I beg of you," says he, " not to salute
me in such language for the future ; for by giving another
more than belongs to him, you lessen yourself. As for me,
I am but a brother of the order, neither do I desire to flourish
in respect, but in behaviour : nor do I reckon that an honour
to myself, which is paid me at the expense and prejudice of
my brethren. My reputation lies in the honour of the univer-
sal Church, and in preserving the dignity of the rest of the
prelates. I am only then respected to my satisfaction, when

156 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book ii.

every one else has the privileges of his character secured to
him. Now, if your holiness," for so he calls the patriarch of
Alexandria, " treats me with the title of universal bishop, you
exclude yourself from an equality of privilege. But pray let
us have none of this. Let us not feed our vanity with pomp-
ous applications ; for this is the way to weaken the grace of
charity, and disserve us in our best qualities. Your holiness
may remember, that this style of universal bishop was offered
my predecessors by the Council of Chalcedon, and by some
other prelates, several times since ; but none of them would
ever receive the compliment, or make use of the title, but chose
rather to maintain the honour of the whole episcopal college :

67. looking upon this as the best expedient to preserve themselves

Gregor. in the esteem of God Almighty.""

ep P1 |6. I might instance in several other particulars, but history,

and not dispute, being the principal business of this work, I
shall carry on the controversy no farther.

Bede, Hist. To return to Bede ; where we are told, that as soon as
Augustine and his company were brought to the houses
assigned them, they immediately began to govern themselves
by the primitive and apostolical practice, spending their time
in prayer, fasting, and other exercises of discipline, preaching
as fast as opportunity presented ; and living in a noble con-
tempt of secular interest, receiving nothing from those they
instructed but bare necessaries, acting up to their own doc-
trine in all instances of duty ; and being ready to undergo any
hardship, even to the loss of life, in defence of the truths they

King Ethel- published. This holy conduct was quickly answered with suc-

greaimany cess ' severa l °f the pagans were gained to baptism, being

o/ im sub- charmed with their behaviour and doctrine. On the east side

jects, con-
verted, of Canterbury, near the town, stood St. Martin's church

above-mentioned ; it was built in the time of the Romans, and

was the place where queen Bertha, and the Christian part of

a.d. 597. her court used to meet. This congregation was now joined

by St. Augustine, and the other missionaries, who prayed,

preached, baptized, and performed all the solemn offices of

religion here. To this Church they were confined at first, till

Augustine the king was converted. But when the exemplariness of their

"ompwiy l^ e ' tne reasonableness of their doctrine, together with the

wrought f orce f their miracles, had persuaded this prince to turn

miracles. , . * J-

Christian, and be baptized, then their liberty was enlarged,

cknt. vi.J OF GREAT BRITAIN. 157

they had a numerous audience every day, and a great many of
the Saxons quitted their paganism and came into the Church.
Now though the king was extremely pleased with the conver-
sion of his subjects, yet he compelled nobody to his own belief,
only bestowing more countenance and affection upon those
that were proselyted to Christianity. For he had learned from
Augustine, and his other instructors, that force and dragoon-
ing was not the method of the Gospel ; that the religion of
our Saviour was to make its way by argument and persuasion ;
to be matter of choice, and not of compulsion. Soon after
this, the king provided these holy missionaries with lodgings
in Canterbury, suitable to their character and employment,
and made them easy in their circumstances.

Having made so successful a progress in Britain, Augustine
crossed the seas into France, travelled to Aries, and, pursuant Bede ' '■ l -
to St. Gregory's orders, was consecrated metropolitan of the he travels
English nation by Etherius archbishop of that city. Being Aries, and
thus qualified, he set sail for Britain, and immediately dis- so ° n a f te ?\

1 ' •> returns into

patched Laurentius a priest, and a monk called Peter, to Britain.
Rome, to inform his holiness of the conversion of the English,
and of his own consecration at Aries. He likewise gave them
instructions to desire the pope's resolution of several ques-
tions. He received satisfaction upon the points requested. I
shall mention some of them from Bede. Ibid -

His first question is, How the bishops ought to manage
themselves, with respect to their clergy, and in what manner
and proportion the distributions of what was offered by the
faithful ought to be made ?

The pope's answer was this ; that it was the custom of the The P°Pf s

. . . . anstver to

Church to divide the offerings or presents of the laity into four Augustine's
parts ; one of which was to be for the bishop, to support his qm
family, and put him in a condition to live hospitably : another
part was to be divided amongst the clergy : a third part was
to be given to the poor ; and a fourth reserved for repairing
the churches. But then he tells him, that there was some-
thing particular in his case : for being under a monastic rule,
he ought to be' governed by the forms of that institution, and
not live separately from the rest of the clergy ; and, therefore,
it would be his duty to conform to the practice of the Primi-
tive Church, mentioned in the Acts of the Apostles, where it
is said of the converts, " that none of them said that aught of Acts iv. 32.

158 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book ii.

the things which he possessed was his own, but they had all
things common." He advises him farther, to inspect the
manners of the lower orders of the clergy ; to keep them
strictly to their respective duties in the Church ; and take
care not only for their maintenance, but that they may be in-
offensive and exemplary in every part of their behaviour.

His second question was, that, since there was a diversity in
the solemn service of the Church, the Gallican and Roman
Church not being uniform in this matter ; he desired to know
how he was to manage in this affair ?

The pope's answer was, that he was left to his own choice
in this case ; that he might select what he thought fit from
the Churches of Christendom, always preferring that which he
judged most acceptable to God Almighty, and suitable to the
circumstances of the place. But something of this has been
mentioned already.

In his third question, he desires to be informed, what
punishment ought to be inflicted upon those that stole any
thing from the Church \

To this the pope answers ; first, by distinguishing between
covetousness and necessity : that those who stole out of the
latter motive ought to have a gentler punishment ; that the
whole proceeding should be managed with charity and temper,
and nothing of heat nor passion appear in the discipline. And
being applied to concerning the measure of the restitution, he
answers ; God forbid the Church should receive more than she
68. lost, or make her advantage out of the trifles of this world.

Augustine puts another question, and desires to be informed
at what distance of consanguinity it is lawful to marry ?

Pope Gregory bars this relation no farther than cousin ger-
mans ; so that one remove from this nearness of blood leaves
the parties at liberty to intermarry : which is more than the
present Church of Rome allows of.

His next question is concerning the ordination of a bishop ;
whether in case the length of the journey makes it inconve-
nient for the bishops of foreign dioceses to meet, the solemnity
of the consecration ought to be performed by a single bishop ?

To this St. Gregory replies ; that in regard St. Augustine
was now the only bishop in the English Church, it was im-
practicable for him to have any assistant at the first consecra-
tion ; but when any French bishops happened to travel into

cgNT. vi.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 159

Kent, he advised they might join in the office, so far as to be
witnesses of the solemnity. But after the English Church was
once furnished with a number of bishops in the neighbourhood,
then no clergyman ought to be promoted to the episcopal
character, without three or four of that order at his con-
secration.

Augustine inquires farther, how he ought to manage with
respect to the bishops of Gaul and Britain 2

The pope tells him, that he allows him no manner of juris-
diction over the French bishops, because the archbishops of
Aries had received the pall from his predecessors for a long
time ; of which privilege the pope did not think it lawful to
deprive them. The French bishops, therefore, were to be
treated upon the level, and nothing offered but by way of
advice and persuasion : for "nobody ought to put a sickle into
his neighbour's standing corn." But as to the bishops of Deut. xxiii.
Britain, he puts them all under St. Augustine's jurisdiction.

The other questions put by Augustine I shall pass over.

To proceed to the English Church. And here Baronius
observes, that the new converts were baptized the Christinas
after the arrival of Augustine. This observation of the cardi-
nal is made good by Gregory the Great's letter to Eulogius,
patriarch of Alexandria ; in which, among other things, he Gregor.
informs him of the success of Augustine the monk upon the ^30. *
English. He tells him, he had received an account of the pro-
gress of this undertaking ; that Augustine and his company
were so supernaturally assisted in their mission, and worked
so many miracles, that in this respect they seemed to come up
almost to the character of an apostle : that on the festival of
our Saviour's nativity last past, there were above ten thousand a. p. 598.
of the English baptized.

And here we may take notice of the cardinal's remark, that
Augustine was consecrated a bishop before his arrival in
Britain, as this letter seems plainly to intimate : and if so,
Bede must be mistaken, in reporting Augustine travelled from
Britain to Aries, for an episcopal character : for according to
this letter, he was consecrated in France, at his first voyage
hither. Besides, Virgilius, and not Etherius, was bishop of
Aries at this time. But in the beginning of the next century, Baron,
the cardinal seems to quit the authority of pope Gregory's sect. 26.'
epistle, and rely upon Bede ; for here he tells us, that Aligns-

160 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book it.

tine, pursuant to the pope's instructions, went from Britain to
Baron. Aries for his consecration.

Sect 6 26 Augustine, in his application above-mentioned to pope

Gregory, desired he might be furnished with some more assist-
ance : the pope complied with this request ; and when Peter
a.d. 601. and Laurentius came back for Britain, his holiness sent Mel-
litus, Justus, Paulinus, Ruffinianus, and several others along
with them, and furnished them with church plate, vestments,
relics, and habits for the clergy, books, and whatever else was
requisite for the service and ornament of religion. He like-
wise wrote to Augustine, giving him to understand that he
had ordered him a pall, and laid down some directions about
Bede, 1. 1. the settling episcopal sees in Britain. The pope likewise re-
commended those that were travelling for Britain to Clotaire,
Brunechild, Theodorick, and Theodobert, kings, and queen of
the Franks.

And here, the sending the pall to Augustine, since it is the

first time we have hitherto met with it, may not be an unsea-

The anti- sonable occasion to dilate upon this usage. I shall therefore

\c V oftU entertain the reader a little, with the form, antiquity, and

i>all. design of this distinction of habit ; by whom it was originally

given, and the great consequences it has drawn along with it.
Haipsfieid, The pall, as Harpsfield describes it, is a small piece of
clef Andic. W0 °W en cloth, put on the archbishop's shoulders, when he
c. 6. P . 58. officiates, and lies over the rest of his habit. It is not at all
ornamented with any rich dye, but is just of the same colour
the sheep wore it : it is laid upon St. Peter's tomb by the
bishops of Rome, and then sent away to the respective metro-
politans. This ancient ceremony is supposed to signify these
two things : first, that the archbishop may not grow vain upon
the pompousness of his habit ; and that by looking upon the
homeliness of the pall, the gold tissue and jewels about him
may not affect his fancy, and make an unserviceable impres-
sion. The other lesson held forth in the emblem was, that the
prelate considering the pall was taken from St. Peter's tomb
at Rome, should be careful to adhere to St. Peter's doctrine.
Thus far Harpsfield.
De Marca. But the learned Peter de Marca, archbishop of Paris, has a
Sacei°d nC & d- muc h larger and more instructive discourse upon this subject,
imper. 1. 6. As to the form, he observes, that the modern pall is much dif-
(39' ferent from the ancient ; that the modern one is nothing but a

cent, vi.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 161

white piece of woollen cloth, about the breadth of a border,
made round, and thrown over the shoulders. Upon this border
there are two others of the same matter and form, one of
which falls down upon the breast, and the other upon the
back, with each of them a red cross, several crosses of the
same colour being likewise upon the upper part of it, about the
shoulders. This pall is tacked on with three gold pins. Thus
the modern fashion of it is described by Hohorius of Autun,
Hugo a Sancto Victore, and Pope Innocent III. But the old
pall was a rich robe of state, and hung down to the ground,
and the same with the Greek omophorion. This ojfiocpopiov
the Latins call pallium, which is a plain argument, that it was
an entire garment, and not only a few borders. Thus Pela-
gius and Gregory I. inform us, that it was a magnificent habit, Gregor.
designed to put the prelate in mind that his life should answer ^'112.
up to the dignity of his appearance.

The learned Peter de Marca observes farther, that the pall
was part of the imperial habit ; and that the emperors gave
the patriarchs leave to wear it. Thus, Constant ine's Donation,
inserted in Gratians Decretum, informs us, that the use of the
pall was given to the bishop of Rome by that prince. It is De Marca.
true, as De Marca acknowledges, this Donation is a coun- SacreT.^and
terfeit evidence; but, for all that, the antiquity of it is not ^ pe ^"g"
inconsiderable, being extant in the time of Charles the Great
and Adrian I. And thus we see, that the pall's being a favour Re Marca.

• • o 1 • 1 i 1 i j ibid. and 1.3.

from the emperor, is an opinion 01 above eight hundred years c . 12.
standing. This point may be farther proved by unquestionable
authority ; for the purpose, Liberatus Diaconus relates, that Breviar.
Anthimus, patriarch of Constantinople, being expelled his see,
returned the pall to the emperor Justinian. The original runs,
" Pallium reddidit imperatoribus ;" that is, to Justinian and
Theodora his empress. Now, nothing can be plainer than this
expression ; for what is returning, but restoring a thing to the
person from whom it was received ? And, that the force of the
argument may not be put by upon pretence that Anthimus
returned the pall to their imperial majesties upon the score of
his being preferred to that see by their favour and nomination,
it may not be improper to support the proof by other testimo-
nies from antiquity. And here we may observe, that the see
of Aries, having received some distinguishing marks of respect
from Zozimus and Symmachus, bishops of Rome, in the fifth
vol. 1. m

162 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book ir.

and beginning of the sixth centuries, Auxanius, being pro-
moted to this metropolitical chair in the year of our Lord 543,
desired the privilege of the pall might be added to the honour
DeMaica. of his being the pope's legate. This request was made to
sect 3 l 5. Vigitius- And here the pope did not think fit to gratify Auxa-
c. 33. and 36. n ius till he had gained the emperor's consent. Had it been
sect. 10. done without such a permission, it might have been looked on
Vigil, ep. l. as a failure in duty and respect to the emperor. Thus Vigilius
uxan. re p 0r ^ s the matter : and two years after, upon his gratifying
Auxanius at the instance of Childebert, king of the Franks,
he puts this bishop in mind to pray for Justinian and Theodora,
in return for their consent to his being the pope's legate, and
receiving the privilege of the pall. Upon the death of Auxa-
nius, the pope Vigilius, after having done his successor Aurelian
the same honour, wrote a letter to advise him to return his
thanks to Belizarius, for procuring the emperor's consent for
Vigil, ep. 5. this favour. Upon this De Marca observes, that, in the year
595, Gregory I. continued the legantine power, and the use of
the pall, to Yirgilius, bishop of Aries, without staying for the
emperor's consent ; concluding the approbation of Childebert,
king of France, was sufficient, considering it was customary for
the bishops of Aries to be thus distinguished. But the next
year, when queen Brunichild requested the favour of the pall
for Syagrius, bishop of Autun, the pope, though not inclined
to refuse her, delayed the grant till he had consulted the em-
peror, by his agent at Constantinople. After this he returns
her an answer of satisfaction, letting her know, that he had
now sent the pall as she desired, having received intelligence
by his nuncio that the emperor had given his consent, and
Gregory condescended to the motion. Now, if the reason of the em-
Epist. 7. peror's consent for the bishop's pall is demanded, it seems to
be this : that the pall being a royal habit, the emperors had a
right to dispose of it ; therefore we find them granted to the
pope and the other patriarchs by the civil sovereign, it not
being lawful to wear them without leave from the imperial
court : for it was high treason, by the Roman laws, for any
De Marca. one to wear any part of the royal habit without licence. De
ibid. Marca is likewise of opinion, that the use of the pall in

the Church was not so early as the reign of Theodosius
the Younger.

To proceed : De Marca makes it appear, that the use of the

cent, vi.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 163

pall was given to none of the Gallican bishops, the see of Aries
excepted, till the year 600 ; and that the pall enjoined the De Marca
archbishops by the council of Mascon, held a. d. 581, was not 1>6 - * 7 -
the Roman, but the Gallican pall. But, in Gregory the Great's
time, it was the practice for the bishop of Rome to gratify the
metropolitans under his patriarchate with this ornamental
distinction ; but, as for the rest, their habits continued as
formerly.

And thus the case stood, as to the pall, with the French
bishops, till Boniface was sent by pope Zachary into France
and Germany. This prelate, convening a synod in the year
742, got a canon passed, that all Christendom, for the future,
should own the Church of Rome for the centre of communion, 70.

and live in subjection to St. Peter's see ; that the metropolitans
should apply to Rome for their pall, and pay a canonical obe-
dience to St. Peter's injunctions. To this period, as De Boniface.
Marca continues, the metropolitans of France had only made ^ P cuthbert
use of the Gallican pall ; but now, Boniface obliged them to
fetch it from Rome, to make them more subject to that see,
and bring them under an unprecedented dependency. But
these bishops, being apprehensive they might suffer in their
liberties, and lose that archiepiscopal authority which was
secured them by the canons, demurred upon the point, and
were in suspense for some time whether they should make
good their engagements to the late synod or not ; and, there-
fore, Boniface, having made application to pope Zachary for
three palls, for the archbishops of Rouen, Rheims, and Sens,
stopped his hand. Zachary, in the year of our Lord 744,
expostulates with him for desisting in his suit. z ,

Boniface, in his answer to this complaint, writes the pope e P- s -
word, that the French prelates were very heavy in the point,
and likely to fail in the performance. But when the meaning
of the pall was agreeably explained to them, that it was
designed only as a distinction between the archbishops and
their suffragans, and that it suggested an obligation to a more
exemplary life, and to defend their metropolitical privileges,
they were then contented to accept the favour. In this
century, the form of the pall was the same with the modern,
as appears from Alcuinus, who lived in the reign of Charles
the Great. This author makes the pall resemble the rationale Divin. bffic.
or breast-plate of the Jewish high-priest, and calls it nothing

m 2

164

ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book ii.

tiphon.

De Marca
ibid.

more than a mark of distinction between a metropolitan and
Rhaban. the bishops of his province. Rhabanus Maurus likewise de-
o -d" 1 "' h A de scr ^ es ^ to a resemblance with those used at present, adding
withal, that it was bestowed upon the archbishops to show
they represented the pope, and acted by authority of the
apostolic see. These last words of Rhabanus, as the learned
De Marca takes notice, are very remarkable : " From hence,"
says he, " we may learn the reason why the popes have been
so diligent in sending palls to the Gallican archbishops : it was
to create an opinion that their metropolitical privileges, assigned
them by the canons, were owing only to their representation of
the pope, or their legatine character ;" for, as Rhabanus ex-
presses it, " Propter apostolicam vicem pallii honor decernitur."
Hincmar, archbishop of Rheims, being aware of the danger of
this construction, and well acquainted with the politics and
finesse of the court of Rome, told pope Nicholas I., — who
reproached him with ingratitude, and how his see of Rheims
had been obliged to pope Bennet for the grant of the pall, — he
told this pope, I say, that the pall was no enlargement of his
jurisdiction, nor gave him any new privilege ; and that he only
took it, because he thought it might procure a respect to his
character, and signify somewhat with his disorderly neigh-
bours, who had not a due regard for the old canons.

The necessity of procuring the pall was decreed in the
eighth general council at Constantinople, held in the year
872, and in the pontificate of Adrian II. Here the council
passed a canon to oblige the metropolitans to receive confirma-
tion from their respective patriarchs, either by imposition of
hands, or the grant of the pall. This canon is not in the
Greek text of the council, but only in the version of Anasta-
tius. However, we may draw this inference, that it was no
less customary for the eastern patriarchs to send the pall to
the metropolitans within their jurisdiction, than for the pope
to those in the west.

After the metropolitans of Europe had digested the canon
above mentioned, and owned themselves obliged to receive the
pall, they had new conditions of servitude imposed upon them
by the see of Rome. First, they were forced to promise obe-
dience and subjection to the apostolic see, under their hand-
writing ; and that they would execute the pope^ orders in
every thing, in conformity to the canons. " This new law,"

De Marca.
1. 6. c. 7.
sect. 5.

cent, vi.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 165

says Peter de Marca, "was introduced by Boniface, arch- ibid. sec. 6.
bishop of Mentz, in the synod held by him, a. d. 742, as we
may learn from his letter to Cuthbert. 11 Before this time the
metropolitans were under no such engagements ; being only
obliged to make a public profession of their faith at their
consecration, and to promise the keeping of the canons, to
the bishops of the province. But as for any promise of
obedience, there was no such matter. Indeed, this was so
far from having any warrant from antiquity, that Leo I.
thought it injurious to the episcopal character. However, De Marca.
though this promise of obedience and subjection to St. Peter '
and his successors was perfectly new, yet it was limited by
a stated rule, and kept within the compass of the canons,
" Per omnia prrecepta Petri canonice sequi." Ibid.

Thus the case stood till Gregory VII.'s time. This pope,
to speak softly of him, being of an enterprising temper, clogged
the form of submission with new clauses, and changed the pro-
mise of obedience into an oath of allegiance. The tenor of this
oath may be seen in this pope^ register, upon the occasion of
the patriarch of Aquileia's swearing to him, in a synod at
Rome, a. d. 1079. And here, after the promise of canonical in Regesto.
obedience, there is an oath of allegiance superadded, couched impost.
in the same language that a subject swears to his prince : ^P Ist - 17 ',^ e
" Non ero in consilio, neque in facto, ut vitam, aut membra, sect. 7.
aut papatum perdant, aut capti sint mala captione :" i. e. " I
will neither be assisting with my person nor advice to the
intent that they may either lose life, limb, liberty, or pope-
dom. - " Besides, the metropolitan swears he will observe
" Regulas sanctorum patrum; 11 "the regulations of the holy 71.

fathers :" for this, and not " regalia," as De Marca observes, ibid.
is the true reading.

This form grew up into common law, and was quickly in-
serted in the decretals. To fortify this invasion upon the
right of princes, this pope, in another synod, forbad the
bishops the swearing of homage to the civil sovereign ; which
injunction was confirmed by his successors, Urban II. and
Paschal II. But foreseeing this argument will come up again,
I shall reserve it to a farther opportunity. As to the pall, the
decretals collected, or at least published, by the order of pope
Gregory IX. in the thirteenth century, oblige every archbishop
not to call a council, bless the chrism, consecrate churches,

166 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book ii.

ordain a clerk, or consecrate a bishop, till he had received his
pall from the see of Rome, at the delivery of which, he was to
swear fidelity to the pope.
Cent. vii.

a. d. 601. To return to Gregory I., this pope, in his letter to Augus-

UttertoAu ^ me ' navm g acquainted him that he had sent him the pall, as
gustine. a mark of his esteem, for the great service he had done in

T5 n/ia IV ft f» I p O

Hist. 1.1. ' converting the English, proceeds to give him directions to
c 29. erect twelve sees within his province ; and that the bishop of

London should receive the pall from the Apostolic see. As
for York, he orders Augustine to settle a bishop there, leaving
the person to his choice ; adding, withal, that if it should
please God that city and the neighbouring country should turn
Christian, he was to form it into a province, with twelve suf-
fragans under the metropolitan of York ; to which archbishop
the pope designed to send a pall, with this reservation, that he
should be subject to the primate of Canterbury.

The pope proceeds to lay down his directions, by which he
provided, that after Augustine's decease the archbishop of
York was to preside over the bishops he ordained, and to be
perfectly independent of the jurisdiction of the see of London ;
and that the precedency of the bishops of London and York
was to be regulated by the priority of their consecrations.
That they were to govern within their respective limits, and
not to clash or interfere with each other ; but to act with
unanimity and joint advice for the common interest of Christ-
ianity. In the close of the letter, the pope gives Augustine to
understand that all the British bishops, as well as those or-
dained by himself and the bishop of York, were to be under his
jurisdiction, and receive the rule of faith and manners from him.
This letter was written on the tenth of the calends of June.
We have another of the same date, directed to King Ethel-
bert, which, considering the dignity of the person and argu-
ment, will be proper to insert. The superscription runs thus :
" Domino Gloriosissimo atque Prsecellentissimo Filio Ethel-
berto " ,1 (or Aldiberto, as it stands in the epistles of Gregory
Hist. LI. ' the Great) "Regi Anglorum Gregorius Episcopus."
A ^other let- " ^ ne design of God Almighty in raising persons of probity
ter of pope to a sovereign station, is to diffuse their good qualities, and
King Ethel- make their virtues imitated by their subjects. This design,
>"i> 601 we understand, is in some measure happily answered in Eng-

cent, vii.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 167

land, within your majesty's dominions ; where you have the
sceptre put into your hands, to bring your people under the
same privileges of Divine grace with which God has blessed
your royal person. Therefore, my illustrious son, forget not Gioriose
to maintain your ground, and make a suitable return to the-^'*'
Divine bounty. Make use of the first opportunity, and exert
yourself to enlarge the pale of the Church within your terri-
tories ; quicken your zeal for the conversion of the country ;
prosecute the remains of idolatry, and demolish the temples of
false worship : engage your subjects to Christianity, by good
example, by encouragement, and discipline, and by all the
proper instances of terror and persuasion : that the God,
whose majesty you have owned, and whose worship you have
published on earth, may reward your piety in heaven. And
besides this, your promoting the honour of God Almighty will
immortalize your fame, and prove glorious to your memory.
Thus, the noble Constantine, by bringing the empire off from
paganism, and recovering his subjects to the acknowledgment
of the true God, carried his reputation above the pitch of his
predecessors, and raised the grandeur of his character in pro-
portion to that of his virtue. In imitation, therefore, of this
emperor, may your majesty use your utmost endeavours to
promote the adoration of the blessed Trinity among your
subjects, that you may exceed the commendation of your an-
cestors, and, by contributing towards the reformation of your
people, you may be the better prepared to have your own
pardon passed at the day of judgment. As for our most
reverend brother Augustine the bishop, I must do him the
justice to say, he is a person remarkable for his knowledge in
the Holy Scriptures, and for the regularity of his behaviour ;
be pleased, therefore, to hearken to what he shall suggest ;
remember what he delivers, and practise his instructions : for
if you attend to his discourses, who speaks to you in the name
of God Almighty, God will be more inclined to hear his
prayers, put up on your behalf. But if you slight his exhorta-
tions, which I hope will never happen, how can you expect
that God Almighty should hear Augustine for you, when you
refused to hear him for God ? Exert your zeal, therefore, and
act in conjunction with him for the propagating Christianity, 72.

that God may take you into the participation of his own king-
dom, for making his revelation acknowledged in yours. Far-

168 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book n.

ther, we desire to acquaint your majesty, from the Holy Scrip-
tures, that the world is almost at an end, and that the eternal
kingdom of the saints is ready to commence. Now when the
world draws towards a period, there will be a great many
accidents altogether strange and unheard of ; the air and sky
will be full of prodigy and terror ; the quality of the seasons
will be changed ; war, famine, mortality, and earthquakes will
be unusually frequent. All these prognosticating signs are
not likely to happen in our time : but if you find some of them
come up in your own country, be not disturbed at the extra-
ordinary appearance. For these preliminary warnings are
sent on purpose to awaken our caution, to put us in mind of
the uncertainty of our life, and to qualify us the better to give
an account of ourselves at the great tribunal. Thus, my illus-
trious son, I have saluted your majesty in a few words ; and
when the Christian religion has made a farther progress in
your kingdom, I desire to correspond with you more at length :
for I shall take the greater satisfaction in conversing thus with
you, by receiving a fresh account of the farther conversion of
your subjects. I have sent you some small presents, which I
hope you will not disesteem, considering they bring St. Peter's
benediction along with them. May God Almighty bless you
with farther degrees of his grace, finish what he has so merci-
fully begun ; grant you a long life in this world, and eternal
happiness in the other."

This letter, though dated the nineteenth year of Mauritius,
Baron. according to Bede ; yet Baronius, by the mark of the indic-
sect. 31. tion, assigns it to the fifteenth year of that emperor.

With this letter, the pope wrote another to the queen, to
press the king, her husband, to quicken his zeal in the cause of
Greg. Epist. Christianity. It runs thus : —

Baron. 1 *' 59 ' " Those that desire a crown of glory, after they have quitted
A- "• £?^„ their sovereignty on earth, must take care to be serviceable to

sect 32 33

a.d. 601. God Almighty in proportion to the power he has given them ;
qmm^Ber- ^ na t by this means their good actions may be instrumental to
tha. raise them to the height of their desires. And thus we are

glad to find your majesty acting upon this view. The intelli-
gence we received from Laurentius the priest, and Peter the
monk, was extremely welcome. They informed us how much
our brother and fellow-bishop Augustine was farthered in his
design by your countenance and assistance. Upon this occa-

cent, vii.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 169

sion we returned our thanks to Almighty God for laying the
English in your way, and reserving their conversion for your
majesty. For, as Helena, of pious memory, mother to Con-
stantine the Great, animated the good dispositions of the
Romans, and encouraged them to Christianity, so we hope
your majesty's zeal, by the blessing of God, will have the same
happy effect upon the English. To speak plainly, your ma-
jesty's obligation has commenced long since, to use your
utmost interest with the king your husband, to bring him to
the same Christian persuasion with yourself, this being the
only expedient to make him and his subjects happy ; and to
make your own degree of glory much greater in heaven. For,
since your majesty has the advantage both of learning and
orthodox belief, such an undertaking should neither have
begun late, nor been looked on as over-difficult. And now,
since God is pleased to furnish you with a proper opportunity,
join your endeavours vigorously with so great a providential
overture, and do your utmost to retrieve the omissions of what
is past. Fortify the good disposition of the most noble king
your husband, bring him forward in his esteem for Christi-
anity ; make him so thoroughly affected with the mercies of
God, and the blessings of Christianity, that he may act with
all imaginable inclination for the conversion of his subjects.
Such a flaming zeal in both of you for so noble a cause, will
be the most acceptable instance of worship to heaven. And
thus may the fame of your pious industry increase, and the
truth of the report grow unquestionable : for I am obliged to
acquaint you, that your commendation upon this score is not
only talked of at Rome, where your lives are heartily prayed
for ; but has spread to more distant countries, and reached
the emperor at Constantinople. Therefore, as you have given
us great satisfaction for what is already done for the service
of Christianity ; so I desire that, by pressing forward upon the
progress, you may perfect so worthy an undertaking, occasion
joy to the angels in heaven, and make an addition to the hap-
piness of the blessed. As to Augustine, our most reverend
brother and fellow-bishop, and the rest of the holy men we
have sent thither for the conversion of your nation, forget not
to assist them to the utmost of your power, that the most
noble prince, your husband, and yourself, may reign happily
here, and after a long course of prosperity upon earth, may

170 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book n.

be translated to eternal glory in heaven. We beseech Al-
mighty God to inspire you with such a degree of his grace,
that you may happily pursue and accomplish what is already
mentioned, and be for ever rewarded for doing that which is
acceptable in his sight."

St. Gregory, in his letter to the king, had given his advice,
that the idol temples should be demolished ; but, upon recol-
73. lection, he altered his measures : and therefore in a letter to

Mellitus, an abbot, who was upon his voyage into Britain,
BedeEcdes. he orders him at his arrival to acquaint archbishop Augustine
^3q L that, upon farther thoughts, he had come to a resolution that
Greg. Epist. the pagan temples in that country should not be pulled down ;
He advises it being sufficient that the idols in them be destroyed.
tot t^ mil " Therefore let these places of heathen worship be sprinkled
down the with holy water : let altars be built, and relics placed under
pies, but turn them : for, if these temples are well built, it is fit the property
Christian of tnem should be altered ; that the worship of devils be
churches. abolished, and the solemnity changed to the service of the
true God : that when the natives perceive those religious
structures remain standing, they may keep to the place, with-
out retaining the error ; and be less shocked at their first
entrance upon Christianity, by frequenting the temples they
have been used to esteem. And since it has been their cus-
tom to sacrifice oxen to the devils they adored, this usage
ought to be refined on, and altered to an innocent practice."
He advises, therefore, that "upon the anniversary of the saints,
whose relics are lodged there, or upon the return of the day
the church was consecrated, the people should make them
booths about those churches lately rescued from idolatry,
provide an entertainment, and keep a Christian holiday ; not
sacrificing their cattle to the devil, but killing them for their
own refreshment, and praising God for the blessing : and thus,
by allowing them some satisfactions of sense, they may relish
Christianity the better, and be raised by degrees to the more
noble pleasures of the mind : for unpolished ignorant people
are not to be cured all at once. He that intends to reach the
top of an eminence, must rise by gradual advances, and not
think to mount at a single leap : thus God, when he disco-
vered himself to the Israelites in Egypt, did not forbid them
the customary rites of sacrificing, but transferred their worship
from the devil to himself." — Thus Gregory thought fit to con-

cent, vii.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 171

descend to the weakness of the new converts, to comply with
part of their prejudices, and gratify their humour, in some
measure ; looking upon this temper as a more likely expedient
to reconcile them to Christianity, than if he had indulged them
in no circumstance of their former customs, and drove them
wholly from one extreme to another. This letter is dated in
June in the same year with the last.

St. Gregory being certainly informed in what a wonderful a. d. 601.
manner the missionaries were countenanced from Heaven, He cautions
cautions Archbishop Augustine in a letter against being elated H'^J^fa^i
by the ffift of miracles. After having premised his great satis- with h ? s

J . ° . ° . . miracles.

faction at the conversion of the English, he lets him know he
was convinced that God had wrought surprising miracles in
favour of his mission. " This supernatural assistance, 11 says he,
" ought to be a great comfort to you, so you should be very
solicitous about the exactness of your behaviour. You have
reason indeed to rejoice, because the exterior pomp and
dazzling lustre of miracles has brought the English to the
inward reformation and spiritual advantage designed by them ;
but then, on the other side, you ought to be afraid, lest
through human infirmity you should grow vain upon your privi-
lege, and make the splendour of the outside prove a loss to you
within. 11 He puts him in mind it is his duty to remember that
" when the disciples, being overjoyed at the evidence and honour
of their credentials, told our Saviour, with an air of transport,
' Lord, even the devils are subject unto us through thy name, 1 Luke x. 17.
they received this answer, ' Rejoice not that the spirits are
subject unto you, but rather rejoice that your names are Verse 20.
written in heaven. 1 For to be pleased with miracles looks
like a satisfaction founded on private regards and temporal
interest ; the pleasure therefore must be refined, the affections
enlarged to the public good, and the thoughts transferred from
time to eternity. ' Rejoice in this, 1 saith our Saviour, 'be-
cause your names are written in heaven. 1 All the elect, 11 as the
pope goes on, " do not work miracles, and yet their names are
all registered in the court of honour above. Those who are in
the interest of truth and virtue are pleased with no advantage
but that which is beneficial to the world, nor strongly affected
with any satisfaction but that which will never end. 11 He
proceeds to exhort the Archbishop to guard himself and
examine the state of his mind with great niceness and impar-

172 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book ii.

augus- tiality, for otherwise the working of miracles might prove
Abp. Cant, circumstances of danger to him. He advises him likewise
v v ' to consider how much the English were the favourites of
heaven, since God enabled him to alter the course of nature
and perform such wonderful things to promote their conver-
sion ; he suggests to him the prudence of recollecting his own
failings, this being a good expedient to preserve his humility
and suppress the tumours of pride ; and lastly, he puts him in
mind that whatever degrees of supernatural power were be-
stowed upon him, they were not designed for figure and great-
ness, nor given for his own sake, but intended principally for
their advantage, whose happiness he was sent to procure.

Archbishop Augustine having his see fixed in the capital

city, and encouraged by the king's favour, recovered an old

church built by some Roman Christians, and dedicated it to the

BedeEccles ho nour of our Saviour. The king likewise soon after made a

Hi oo 1- lm present of his palace to the church, and retired himself to

Reculver ; and in the suburbs of Canterbury, on the east side

Prasu/ 1 de °f ^ ne town, the monastery of St. Peter and St. Paul, after-

Angi. wards known by the name of St. Augustine's, was built by this

74 prince at the archbishop's instance : this, as Bede observes,

was designed a burying-place for the kings of Kent, and the

prelates of Canterbury. One Peter, a priest, was the first

abbot of this monastery, who being sent by the church upon

some public business into France, was cast away in the voyage.

The kingdom of Kent being thus happily converted by St.

Augustine, it may not be improper to insert a word or two

concerning the religion of these people in their paganism.

Now the Saxons being a clan of the Germans, a general view

of the religion of that nation may direct our enquiry a little in

this matter.

Tacit de Tacitus informs us that Mercury was the principal object of

Germ ^he Cerman worship, and that upon certain days they spent

c. 9, 10. human sacrifices upon him. As for Mars and Hercules, their

solemnities had none of these barbarities, the victims at their

description a ltars being nothing but beasts. Part of the Suabians sacri-

°f*^™ on need to Isis : this idol, as Tacitus believes, was not the growth

of the country, but imported upon them, which he collects

from her figure resembling a fly-boat. The Germans, as this

historian goes on, think it beneath the majesty of celestial

beings to be shut up between four walls, or to be represented

paganism.

cent, vii.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 17

■i

in a human shape ; for this reason they decline the use of ethel-
temples, consecrate groves to their pretended deities, call K of J Ke ' ]lt
those shady retirements by the names of their gods, and are
struck with a religious awe at the sight of them. They are
great admirers of augury, and casting of lots ; this latter
practice is very easy and uniform. They cut down a bough
of a fruit tree, and, after having sliced it into small pieces,
they distinguish them by certain customary marks, and then
throw them at random upon a white piece of cloth. If they
are to make their enquiry for the public interest, the ceremony
is managed by the priest of the town ; but if the concern is
only private, the master of the family, looking up to heaven,
and making a short prayer, takes up all the pieces thrice,
and interprets the event by the difference of the marks upon
them. If these figures prove negative and forbidding, they
throw the business aside for that day ; but if the signs appear
favourable, they do not determine upon them, but proceed
to augury for a farther confirmation, being not at all un-
skilful in the noises and flight of birds. They have a peculiar
fancy for relying upon the presages of their horses ; those for
this purpose are kept in groves at the public charge. Their
colour must be white, and no mortal must presume to mount
them, or put them to any drudgery ; but when they are to use
them for prognostication they are put in a consecrated chariot,
and followed by the priest, the king, or principal person of the
city, whose business it is to make remarks upon the manner
of their neighing. No sort of augury was more depended on
than this, not only by the peasantry, but even by the priests
and men of quality ; being firmly persuaded these horses were
conscious they were the gods 1 interpreters to signify their
pleasure. They have another method of augury which they
practise to inform them about the events of war ; and here
their way is to surprise some person of the enemy, and then
pitching upon one of their own countrymen they bring them
into the lists against each other, furnishing them with weapons
and armour suitable to the custom of each nation, and then
conclude the success of the war by the fortune of the com-
batants. Thus far for the Germans in general.

As to the Saxons in particular, their Woden, from whence
Wednesday has its name, is the same with Mercury. He was
supposed to preside over their wars, and inspire them with

174

ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book ii.

AUGUS-
TINE,

Abp. Cant

Cambden.
Britan.
p. 135.

Bede, I. 2.
c. 34.

Ibid.

The time of
the Scots
settling in
Britain.

75.

Usher. Bri-
tan. Eccles.
Antiquit.
p. 320, 321.

fortitude. Frea, or Frico, which has left its name upon Fri-
day, was looked on as the procurer of peace, plenty, friendship,
and love. Tuisco was another pretended deity ; he is supposed
to be the first great ancestor of the German nation. His
memory stands perpetuated in Tuesday. But Thor, from
whence our Thursday, according to Adam Bremensis, was the
principal deity, resembled the qualities of Jupiter, governed
the seasons, and was sovereign of the sky. There are several
others in this train of idolatry, which I shall pass over ; but
this may be sufficient for the scheme of their paganism.

About the time Christianity was first settled in the kingdom
of Kent, Bede takes notice, that Ethelfrid, who had the king-
dom of Northumberland, being an ambitious and enterprising
prince, sat very hard upon the Britons, made incursions upon
some of those petty governments, and forced the natives either
to quit their country or submit to the Saxons. Edan, king of
those Scots that dwelt in Britain, being alarmed at the pro-
gress of Ethelfrid, resolved to put a stop to his conquests, and
drew down a great army upon him. But Edan miscarried
miserably in this attempt, and had almost all his troops cut in
pieces. This battle Bede reckons to the year of our Lord 603.
This blow discouraged the Scottish princes to that degree,
that none of them, says Bede, were so hardy as to attack the
English ever after.

And here Bede's mentioning the Scots in Britain may not
unseasonably put us upon a brief enquiry when they came first
hither; for, that they were a foreign colony, and originally
seated in Ireland, has been sufficiently proved already from
Gildas and Bede.

As to this matter, archbishop Usher observes, from the
Irish annals of Tigernacus, that Fergus, great grandfather of
king Edan abovementioned, came into Albania, now called
Scotland, and there settled and died. This Fergus and his
clan came from a place called Route, of about thirty miles in
length, in the county of Antrim, in Ireland. It was anciently
called Dalrieda, or Dalreuda, and this was the extent of his
dominions. From this place, according to Jocelin, the writer
of St. Patrick's life, and Tigernacus, Fergus, with the Dalrie-
dan clan, set sail, and landed on the opposite shore of Britain.
Archbishop Usher is of opinion that this part of Britain where
Fergus first settled was anciently called Dalrieda, or Dalreuda.

< knt. vii.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 175

And though Cambden be somewhat at a loss for this country, ETHEL-
yet the primate proves the situation of it on the north side of K B f ^' nt

Dunbritton Frith, from an author who wrote the life of Ken- ' v '

neth II., in the twelfth century ; where, mentioning the king- BriTJrMn'
dom of Dalreuda, or Dalrieta, he takes notice that the Scots Scot - P- 37 -
planted themselves there at their first coming into Albania.
Now, this kingdom of Dalrieta, takes in the divisions of Can-
tire, Knapdale, Lorn, Argyle, Breadalbain, with the adjacent
islands. This testimony may be further fortified by the autho-
rity of Bede, who informs us, that the Scottish colony from Bede,
Ireland settled upon the north side of Dunbritton Frith, and Jj^ [* Ist *
that this arm of the sea was the barrier between them and the and 12 -
Britons. The time of the Scots first settling in this island is,
by the learned primate, fixed to the year of our Lord 503.
It is plain, however, from Tacitus and Dio, that when Agricola
overrun the island with his arms, marched to the northern
extremity, and sailed round it, it was inhabited by none but
Britons. That the Meatse and Caledonii were the only nations
on the north of Dunbritton Frith, and that both of them were Tacit, in Vit.
British clans. If the reader is inclined to examine this argu- gr ' c ° *'
ment any further, he may please to consult the learned Dr.
Stillingfleet, in his preface, and fifth chapter of his Antiquities
of the British Churches, where he will meet with a reply to
the counter-evidence offered by Sir George Mackenzie, Lord
Advocate of Scotland.

To return to the Church. Augustine being supported with A Con/er-
the interest of king Ethelbert, endeavours to settle a corres- Augustine 6 "
pondence with the British bishops, and bring them to a con- a £ d !H
formity with the Roman Church. To this purpose, a confer- Bishops.
ence was pitched upon, at a place called Augustine's AC, or A " D '
Augustine's Oak ; it was upon the frontiers of the West Saxons,
and probably in Worcestershire. At this meeting, Augustine
endeavoured to persuade them to take him by the hand, to
make one communion, and to assist him in preaching to the
unconverted Saxons. And here Bede observes, the British Bede l. 2.
Christians were singular in their manner of keeping Easter, c2-
and disconformed in several other particulars to the general
practice of the Church. But it seems, the British bishops
thought their customs defensible enough ; for neither Augus-
tine's arguments, entreaties, or reprimands, could prevail upon
them. Being thus unsuccessful, at the close of the dispute

176 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book h.

augus- ne was willing to appeal to supernatural evidence, and cast the
Abp. Cant, cause upon a miracle. The British bishops, as Bede reports,
agreed to this test, though with some unwillingness. The
trial was to be made upon an impotent person, and the party
that cured him when their adversaries failed, was to be pro-
nounced orthodox and in the right. Upon this, a Saxon that
was blind, was brought for cure to the British prelates, but
being carried to Augustine, he immediately recovered his sight.
This made all the company cry out that Augustine had truth
on his side.

The Britons, though surprised at this extraordinary perform-
ance, refused to yield at present, and told him, they could not
resign their old customs, without leave from their party : and
therefore desired a second meeting. This being granted, they
met at the time appointed. And here the appearance was
much greater than before ; for now there came seven British
bishops, and a great many learned monks from the monastery
of Bancornaburg, or Bangor, who were under the direction of
their abbot Dinoth. These Britons, at their setting forward
to the synod, went to a hermit of great eminence for piety and
sense. Their business was to inquire whether they should
part with the usages and traditions of their Church, and go
into St. Augustine's model ? His answer was, if he was a man
of God, they were to be governed by him. They desired to be
informed, how they should know whether he was or not ? His
answer was, our Saviour says, " Take my yoke upon you, for I
n' ^ atth ' am meek, and lowly in heart." If therefore Augustine is a man
of an affable unpretending behaviour, it is very likely he has
taken the yoke of Christ upon him, and offers you the same
privilege : but if his carriage is rough and haughty, it is plain
he is no agent from heaven, neither is his discourse to be
regarded. They asked him further, which way they might dis-
tinguish the temper of his mind, and by what signs they were
to be governed ? He replied, they were to manage the matter
so, as that Augustine and his company might be first upon the
place ; and then, if he rose to them at their coming in, they
might conclude he belonged to God Almighty, and then his
doctrine was to be followed. But if he overlooked them to
that degree, as not to pay them the civility of standing up,
they might return his contempt, and have nothing to do with

Bede ibid. him.

cent, vii.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 177

Baronius is by no means pleased with the hermit's criterion, ETHEL-

BERT

calls him a false prophet, and charges him with laying down a K. of Kent.
wrong mark of humility. But why all this hard language upon b^'
the anchoret, since Bede owns him a man of character, both A - D -„ 6 , 04 '

sect. 71.

for piety and prudence \ But the cardinal justifies his satire
by a text from St. John, as if those who were out of the
Catholic Church were not to be treated with the least respect.
" If there come any unto you, and bring not this doctrine, 76.

receive him not into your house, neither bid him God speed." 2 John
But the cardinal seems not to have considered that those who
were to be received thus coldly, and kept at such a distance,
was such "as denied our Saviour's being come in the flesh." Ver. 7.
But could Augustine charge the Britons with any thing of
this I Not at all. We do not find he had any exceptions to
their creed. But Baronius will have it, that Augustine knew
them to be an obstinate people ; that they were not to be
moved by the authority of the apostolic see ; that they pre-
ferred their own customs to those of the Roman Church ; that
they were so wilful, as not to surrender to a miracle ; that he
believed they came purely to wrangle, dispute, and try his
patience. But if Augustine was thus knowing, as Baronius
makes him, and absolutely despaired of success, to what pur-
pose should he give himself all this trouble, and appoint a
second meeting ? Besides the cardinal might remember, that
a failure in breeding is no part of Christianity, and that it has
been the custom of the Church to treat heretics and heathens
too, with common civility. But then, that the hermit should
make Augustine's not rising a just ground to refuse him ; this
Baronius can by no means away with. "What," says he,
"are malefactors to except against the authority of their
judge, because he will not compliment them ? No, our Saviour
commanded obedience should be paid to the Scribes and Pha-
risees, because they sat in Moses's seat : for their pride was
no forfeiture of their authority." Thus Baronius argues, upon
the supposition of the pope's supremacy, which was a doctrine
the British bishops knew nothing of ; and therefore, when they
came into the synod, and found Augustine received them sit-
ting, they resented the affront, took him for a haughty person,
and argued strongly upon the points in debate.

The articles insisted on by Augustine were ; that they should a second
keep Easter, and administer baptism according to the usages Con f erer

VOL. I. N

178 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book ti.

augus- of the Roman Church, and own the pope's authority. If they
Abp. Cant, would comply upon these heads, and assist in the conversion
v ' of the Saxons, he told them he would bear with the disagree-
ment of their customs in other cases. They replied, they
could yield none of the points contested : and particularly, as
to the pope's authority, what their sense was upon that article,
Dinoth ah- appears by the abbot Dinoth's answer, who spoke the opinion
gor°his an- of the rest. The substance of the answer is this :
steer to Att- u That the British Churches owe the deference of brotherly

ffustme, con- _ > J

ceming sub- kindness and charity to the pope of Rome, and to all Christ-
ie Pope. ians. But other obedience than this, they did not know to be
due to him whom they called pope : and for their parts, they
were under the jurisdiction of the bishop of Caerleon upon Usk,
who, under God, was their spiritual overseer and director."
The manuscript which reports this part of the conference,
Speiman. sir Henry Spelman sets down at large in Welsh, English, and
vol. i. p. 108, Latin, tells us, he had it from Mr. Peter Mostyn, a Welsh gen-
tleman ; that he transcribed it exactly to a tittle ; that it ap-
peared to sir Henry to have been an old manuscript, transcribed
from an older, but without date or author, and that he believed
it to be still in the Cotton library.

However, to weaken the authority of this manuscript, it is
objected, " There was then no bishop of Caerleon upon Usk,
nor had been since the metropolitical jurisdiction was trans-
ferred to Menevia by St. David." In answer to this, it is
granted, that from the time of Dubricius, the see was trans-
ferred first to Landaff, and then to St. David's ; but this latter
translation was not agreed to by all the British bishops : for
in the time of Oudoceus, the bishops of Landaff challenged
the metropolitical privilege of Caerleon to themselves, and
therefore would not be consecrated by the bishop of St.
David's : and Caerleon having been the ancient metropolitical
see, it was no absurdity at all, to mention that place in a
dispute which depended upon ancient right : for the authority
over the British Churches was not upon the account of St.
David's, or Landaff, but lay in the metropolitical jurisdiction,
which belonged to the see of Caerleon. But farther, the
certainty of the British Churches rejecting, the pope's autho-
rity, and Augustine the monk's jurisdiction, does not depend
on the credit of this Welch manuscript ; for this point is suf-
ficiently cleared from Bede's own words, where the British

cent, vii.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 179

clergy declare, as we have observed already, against owning ETHEL-

Augustine for their archbishop. Whereas, had they owned k. of Kent.

the pope's authority, they ought to have submitted to Augus- ' v '

tine, who acted by the pope's commission, and had his orders

to be their superior. Now, it was not possible for them, at

such a distance from Rome, to express their disowning the

papal authority more effectually than by rejecting him whom

his holiness had sent to be archbishop over them. Besides,

Nicholas Trivet, in his manuscript history, written in old

Norman French, and cited by Sir Henry Spelman : Trivet, I Spelman.

say, in this manuscript, affirms expressly, that Augustine did „°\ul v

demand subjection of the Britons to him, as the pope's legate ;

but Dinoth, in the name of those Churches, refused it. Now,

the British Churches being thus independent of the see of

Rome, at the coming of Augustine the monk, they were under

no obligation to own his authority : and thus their case being

the same with the Cypriot bishops, the pope was bound, by

the general Council of Ephesus, to leave them in that state

of independency, and not to attempt any encroachment upon

their liberties. To this pope Gregory was particularly obliged,

because, at his first promotion to the see, he declared, in a

letter to the patriarchs of Alexandria, Antioch, &c, that he 77.

received the four general Councils of Nice, Constantinople,

Ephesus, and Chalcedon, with the same submission and regard Gregor.

1 . ' ... ' ° Epist. lib. l.

he did the four Gospels. ep. 24.

If it be enquired, why the British clergy were so tenacious Some/artAer

of their old customs, as to break with Augustine, rather than uponthe

alter their way of keeping Easter, comply in some of the cir- r J™°™ £

cumstances of Baptism, and in preaching to the Saxons; to ptianee of

this it may be answered, that these terms were not demanded c ler gy .

upon the level, not as conditions of brotherly communion, but

as marks of submission and inferiority. That the case stood

thus appears from Bede's expression, "Si in tribus his mihi Lib. 2. c. 2.

obtemperare vultis," &c, i. e. If they would be governed by

his proposal, and own his authority in those three things, he

would close with them in the rest. But the British bishops,

perceiving their liberties were struck at, answered to the

point, and told him, "they could not give him satisfaction

upon those heads, nor receive him for their archbishop." Now,

why should they refuse the owning his superiority, had it not

been demanded I This, very probably, was the reason of their

k 2

180 ECCLESAISTICAL HISTORY [book n.

augus- being shocked at his receiving- them sitting*. It was not the
tine, & . . .

Abp. Cant, bare missing a compliment that disobliged them ; but they

J looked upon this negligent manner as an instance of authority,
and that Augustine received them with this state to distin-
guish his superiority, and practise upon his pretences : this
made them take particular notice of his behaviour, and look
upon the omission of usual respect as no good sign. They
concluded among themselves, that if he refused rising to them,
when they were upon articles, they had reason to expect he
Bede, lib. 2. would treat them with great neglect when he had them under.
If it be farther enquired, why the British clergy were so
backward to assist in converting the Saxons I Leland seems to
Leland <ie hint at one reason, which might make them thus disinclined ;
Dinoth!" " This writer charges it as an omission upon Gregory, in not
putting the Saxons in mind of their usurpation upon the
Britons, in not refreshing their solemn oaths upon their con-
sciences, and pressing them to their restitution ; for the pope
had no authority to confirm them in their usurpation. The
pretence of bringing in the true faith could not justify such a
practice ; for if principles were thus loose, if this latitude was
StiHingfl. once allowed, no princes could be safe in their dominions."
British 1 '' ° These reasons, it is likely, put together, made the British
churches prelates unwilling to unite with the Roman missionaries, which
had otherwise been inexcusable.

Augustine, being disappointed in this synod, is said to have
menaced the Britons at his going away. He told them, that
if they would not accept of peace from their brethren, they
Bede, l. 2. should be forced upon a war by the enemy ; and if they de-
c- 2- clined to afford the English the word of life, they should receive

their death from them by way of revenge. This unfriendly
prediction, as Bede observes, was afterwards made good. This
historian, who seems somewhat prepossessed in favour of Au-
gustine, reports it as a judgment. He tells us that Ethelfrid,
king of the Northumbrians above mentioned, marched a great
Bede, ibid, army into Oaerleon, and made a terrible slaughter among the
Britons. This prince having his forces drawn up in battalia,
and ready to give the onset, perceived a body of men, but
without any military appearance, planted in a place of security
by themselves. These men making a figure something unsuit-
able to the occasion, he enquired who they were, and what
their business might be? Now, by the way, these were all

cent, vii.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 181

priests, who came into the field to pray for the success of their etf non-
party. Most of them were religious, of the monastery of K B ot k'mi

Bangor, where above two thousand monks lived, under seven ' * '

directors, and maintained themselves by their labour. Most

of this convent came into the field with the rest of the clergy,

having fasted three days to recommend their prayers more

effectually. When king Ethelfrid was informed of the reason

of their being there, he told his officers, " These men," says he,

" endeavour to engage their God against us ; and though they

do not carry arms, and draw their swords, yet they fight against

us with their prayers, which is as much an act of hostility as

the other." Upon this, he orders his men to charge them in

the first place. The falling upon these unarmed Britons looked

more like an execution than a battle ; for one Brocmail, who

had the command of a detachment to cover them, retired at

the first charge, and left them naked to the enemy. Of these

monks and clergy, who were about twelve hundred, not above

fifty made their escape. The British army was likewise cut in

pieces ; though king Ethelfrid purchased the victory with the

loss of a great many of his troops. This battle, Bede takes care

to inform the reader, was fought after the death of Augustine.

But several writers are of opinion that this passage of Bede is Antiquitates

interpolated ; first, because it is not found in king Alfred's Augustine.

Saxon version ; secondly, bishop Godwin takes notice of a char- jM ^pi

ter signed by Ethelbert and archbishop Augustine in 605, which suiibus

he makes the year of this battle : and therefore Augustine could J

not be dead a great while before, as the text in Bede supposes.

In answer to these objections, it may be returned, that Augustine
though the passage contested is not in king Alfred's transla- behiy coiL° m
tion, yet, as Bede's learned editor Whelock observes, it was in c ^f ht " l r *H
all the most ancient manuscripts of the original which he had the British
met with; and that king Alfred omitted the translating it be- NotaTin
cause the history of Augustine's life was not yet finished ; for ^\il llb ' 2 '
in the next chapter this prelate is said to have consecrated two 78.

bishops, Mellitus and Justus.

As to the objection of Augustine's signing king Ethelbert's
charter, the learned sir Henry Spelman observes, that it was
the Saxon custom of that age to pass estates and privileges
without instruments in writing : that king Withred, who
reigned about the year of our Lord 700, was the first that

182

ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book 11.

AUGUS-
TINE,

Abp. Cant.

Spelman.
Concil.
vol.1. p. 125.
Angl. Sacr.
pars. l.p. 91.

Usher. Bii-
tan. Eceles.
Antiquit.
p. 536.
Spelman,
Concil.
vol. l.p. 112

A.n. (i04.

Bede, 1.2.

e :i.

made use of this method ; and that all the charters prior to
this king of Kent's are to be suspected of forgery.

Further, that Augustine died in the year 604, and before
the slaughter of the monks of Bangor, the learned Wharton
endeavours to put beyond all question.

As for Augustine's prediction of this calamity, it does not at
all infer he was any way instrumental in it. It only amounts
to a warm expression, dropped upon a disappointment and a
probable conjecture upon the posture of affairs ; for at that
time the country was much embroiled, and the Britons sur-
rounded with formidable enemies ; so that unless, by closing
with Augustine, they procured king Ethelbert for their ally,
he foresaw the case might probably go hard with them. Besides,
we are to observe, that the defeat was given the Britons by
king Ethelfrid, a pagan prince, whose dominions lay beyond
the Humber, and by consequence could be no homager to king
Ethelbert. For these reasons, there is no manner of likelihood
that Augustine should have any interest or correspondence
with him. To this we may add, in the last place, that the
annals of Ulster reckon the slaughter of the British monks by
king Ethelfrid to the year of our Lord 613, which was certainly
after the death of archbishop Augustine ; and this computation
is allowed by the learned primate Usher.

Nicholas Trivet, who wrote a chronicle in Norman French,
tells us, as sir Henry Spelman cites him, that the cruelty of
king Ethelfrid, in falling upon these naked monks, was quickly
revenged upon him. For this prince, marching forward, after
the victory, towards Bangor, was encountered by a fresh body
of Britons, commanded by Blederic, duke of Cornwall, Mar-
gaduc, prince of South Wales, and Cadwan, prince of North
Wales, who killed above ten thousand of his men, routed
the rest, and pursued Ethelfrid as far as the Humber ; and
receiving a reinforcement here, this prince designed to try his
fortune again in the field ; but before they came to blows, he
and the Britons entered upon articles, and the quarrel was
taken up. Thus far Trivet.

In the year of our Lord 604, archbishop Augustine conse-
crated Mellitus and Justus above mentioned ; the latter, as
Bede reports, was designed for the province of the East Saxons,
on the other side of the Thames. London was the metropolis

cent, vii.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 183

of this territory; and Sebert, Ethelbert's nephew by his ETHEL-
sister, Ricula, was king of the country, though under the sove- K^fKe'nt

reign jurisdiction of his uncle Ethelbert, who commanded, as ; v '

lord paramount, as far as the Humber, as has been already
observed. This province being so happy as to be gained to
Christianity by Mellitus's preaching, king Ethelbert built St.
Paul's, in London, and it was made the cathedral of the dio-
cese. As for Justus, he was ordained bishop of Rochester by
Augustine ; and here king Ethelbert likewise built a church,
and dedicated it to the honour of St. Andrew. The king made
several rich presents to both these churches, and to that of
Canterbury, and settled a revenue upon them for their bishops
and chapter.

This year archbishop Augustine died at Canterbury, and was The death of
buried in the churchyard of the monastery that goes by his !%t£.
name, the church being then not finished ; but after the con-
secration of that church, his corpse was taken up and deposited
in the north porch, where, as Bede continues, the succeeding Bede, ibid,
archbishops were all buried till Theodorus's time, who was
laid in the church because the porch would receive no more.

Augustine's epitaph, as Bede relates it, makes mention,
among other things, of the miracles he wrought for the con-
version of the pagans. His tomb likewise informs us that he
died on the seventh of the calends of June, in the reijm of
Ethelbert ; but the year is not mentioned, being a thing so
well known, that it was probably omitted by the person that
cut the letters.

To speak a word or two of him by way of character. He was
a very graceful person, lived suitable to the business of a mis-
sionary, and practised great austerities ; and if he fell into any Antiquit.
inequalities of temper, if he was too warm in his expostulations, Britan -M9.
or strained his privilege too far upon the Britons, it ought to
be charged upon the score of human infirmities, and covered
with his greater merit. This is certain: he engaged in a glo-
rious undertaking, broke through danger and discouragement,
and was blessed with wonderful success. He converted the
kingdom of Kent by the strength of his owti conduct and
miracles, and that of the East Saxons, by his agent and coad-
jutor, Mellitus. The spreading of Christianity thus far among
the Saxons was a great step towards the conversion of the rest,
Let his memory therefore be mentioned with honour, and let

184 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book ii.

l AUREN- us p ra i S e God Almighty for making him so powerful an instru-
Abp. Cant, ment in the happiness of this island.

a. d. 604. Gregory the Great died the same year with Augustine, as

Baron Baronius informs us. Now, since this prelate was the first

a. d. 604.

that projected the conversion of the English Saxons ; since it
was he that sent off the missionaries, encouraged them in the
design, recommended them to foreign princes, and directed the
conduct of the affair ; for these reasons, it may not be amiss to
say something of him.
79. St. Gregory was extracted from a noble family of Rome; his

fouuttf' ' father's name was Gordianus, and his mother's Sylvia. His
Gregory tlie great-grandfather was pope Felix II. Gregory was bred to
letters at Rome, made a considerable progress in his studies,
and by the strength of his quality and merit, was very early
preferred to the post of governor of that city. After his
father's death, he quitted his secular way of living, and gave
all his estate towards the building; and maintaining- of monaste-
ries. Pelagius II. ordained him deacon in 582, drew him
somewhat from his retirement, and sent him to Constantinople
in quality of nuncio, to the emperor Tiberius's court. His
business here was not much, as it happened : there is only a
conference mentioned which he had with the patriarch Euty-
chius, wherein he maintains against him, that after the resur-
rection, the bodies of the blessed shall not be so much altered
from their present texture, as to be rarefied to air or wind ;
but that they shall sensibly resist the touch, and have a
palpable solidity, though wonderfully subtle and refined.

After the death of Tiberius he returned to Rome in 586,
where he was secretary to pope Pelagius. This pope dying,
the clergy and people chose Gregory to succeed him. About
this time, the emperors concerned themselves very much, that
none might be promoted to the see of Rome who was averse to
their interest, and therefore they used to stop the consecration
of the person chosen, till they had approved the election. St.
Gregory, who avoided this dignity with as much earnestness
as any other could make for it, wrote a letter to the emperor
Mauritius, entreating him not to consent to his election, but
order the proceeding to another. This letter was intercepted
by the governor of Rome, who secured St. Gregory's person
for fear he should abscond and keep out of the way, and sent
the emperor an account of the proceedings. Mauritius, being

cent, vii.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 185

no stranger to St. Gregory's character and qualifications, was ethel-
much pleased with the choice, and ordered he should be inime- k. of Kent,
diately consecrated. ' * '

There was a great mortality at Rome about this time, which
swept away vast numbers, and almost turned the city into a
desert. Pelagius dying of this contagious distemper, Gregory,
in the vacancy of the see, exhorted the people to a public ap-
pearance of humiliation ; this was called a litany, or solemn
procession of the whole city, thrown into seven divisions.
Some time after, Gregory had himself put in a chest, and
passed the guard that were set to prevent his escape. Thus
slipping through the gates, he retired to a wood, and hid him-
self in a cave ; but being discovered, he was consecrated Sep-
tember the third, in the year of our Lord 590.

Immediately upon his promotion, he made a publick profes-
sion of his faith, and wrote letters to the eastern patriarchs.
He regulated the service and singing of the Church of Rome,
reformed his clergy, and put the city in good order. He de-
claimed, with great vehemence and dislike, against the title of
universal bishop, as has been already observed. He was very
vigilant for the maintenance of discipline, prosecuted vice and
disorder with great courage and impartiality : and, in a word,
did his utmost to secure the observation of the canons. To
conclude, if the rest of his successors had kept close to his
doctrine, governed themselves by his plan, and moved within Johan. Dia-
the compass of his pretensions, it is probable the Church might Gregor! bu
have continued in its primitive good correspondence, and the E 1 n ; Ne ^.
divisions of Christendom have been prevented.

Upon the death of Augustine, Laurentius succeeded him in
the see of Canterbury. He was consecrated by Augustine,
and declared his successor, by him, in his lifetime. He was
apprehensive, lest the English Church, being, as it were, in its
infancy, might suffer, if left to a vacancy : this put him upon
making a provision beforehand. Bede, l. 2.

And here we may observe, the succession was taken care of, c ' *
and the person nominated by the ecclesiastical, and not by the
secular power. It seems king Ethelbert looked upon the
Church as a distinct and independent society, and that his
regale received no diminution by leaving the Church in her
ancient liberty of choosing her own governors.

186 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book 11.

LAUREN- Laurentius, upon his being promoted to the archbishopric,

Abp. Cant, carried on the progress of Christianity with great vigour and

ZaMreSi7' success, and supported his character to advantage, both by his

endeavours preaching and example ; neither was he solicitous only for the

British and English, but extended his care to the ancient inhabitants of

V ft' i

Churches to Britain, not forgetting the Scots in Ireland : for both these
" llafti "! mty nations, as Bede reports, lived in several singularities, and to
Saxon. speak particularly, differed from the general custom in the

keeping of Easter.
Baronius's And here Baronius complains, that the Scots were dipped

Z7lf&VOlCCS

upon the in the same schism with the Britons ; and guilty, as he calls
Scot7im-' d *t, of deserting the Roman Church ; upon this account he ven-
c/rounded. tures to say, the judgments of God fell upon them, and deli-
a.d. 604. vered them up to the mercy of a barbarous nation, meaning
the English and Saxons. Then he quotes several texts, of
Jerem. v. Jeremiah and Samuel against them, and makes their case
parallel with the Israelites, who revolted to idolatry. This the
cardinal delivers with so decisive an air, as if he had been in-
spired with the cause and reason of the calamity, and had
viewed the records of the court above : or, as Tully expresses
it, in his pagan manner, concerning Velleius the epicurean,
" quasi ex deorum concilio, aut ex epicuri intermundiis descen-
disset." The cardinal goes on, and concludes in several other
instances, that going off from the Church has been the only
80. cause all along that the Christians have so often sunk under

the arms of the barbarians, and fallen into the condition of
servitude : thus, he tells us, the Christians of Africa were
overrun by the Vandals, because they grew obstinate in their
schism, and declined the communion of the Catholic Church.
Thus the Arian Spaniards fell under the Saracen dominion,
and thus the eastern Churches lost their civil liberties to the
infidels.

But notwithstanding the cardinal's declamation, to assign
the reason, and point out the cause of God's judgments, is a
task too great for human understandings. " God's ways," as
the Scripture speaks, " are past finding out, his judgments are
like the great deep." The administration of Providence in
these cases, is oftentimes too big for conjecture, and too dark
for us to penetrate. Baronius, when he laid down this rule,
seems to have forgotten, that when Italy was overrun, and

cent, vii.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 187

Rome sacked by Alaric king of the Goths, and Gensericus ETHEL-
king of the Vandals, the country was orthodox enough upon K of Ke ' nt
the cardinal's scheme, and held close to the communion of )~^(^~ J
Innocent I. and Leo the Great. A - D - 455.

To return to Laurentius, who wrote a letter to the Scots,
for the purpose above-mentioned : it is directed to the bishops
and abbots per universam Scotiam. And here he acquaints
them, what a great regard he had for the Britons at his first
arrival in the island, going upon the charitable presumption of
their conformity to the Catholic Church : but finding himself
mistaken, he hoped the Scots were governed by more exact
measures : but now he understood by the bishop Daganus,
who sailed into this island, and by the abbot Columbanus,
whom he met with in France, that the Churches of the Scots
and Britons were perfectly alike. " For Daganus the bishop, at
his coming hither, refused not only to eat with us," says he,
" but would not so much as lodge in the same house." He
wrote letters, with the rest of the Saxon bishops, to the British
clergy, to press them to catholic unity, as Bede expresses it. Bcde, 1. 2.

By this letter it appears, that the bishops of Rome did not '
intermeddle with the government of the British Churches ; for
if they had, Laurentius, and the rest of the missionaries, could
not have been such strangers to the condition and usages of
the British Churches, as to believe them conformable to the
Roman, till they came hither and found it otherwise. It is
plain, therefore, the British Christians had the spiritual sove-
reignty within themselves, were under no foreign superintend-
ency, nor used to apply to the see of Rome to pay their homage
to the pope's primacy, to get their metropolitans consecrated,
or receive directions for discipline or government from thence ;
and, which is more, neither were they declared schismatics for
want of this deference and application : for had they lain under
this censure at Rome, Laurentius would never have had so
good an opinion of them at his first coming hither, nor pre-
sumed so strongly upon their conformity.

Not long after this time, Mellitus, bishop of London, took a a. d. 607.
voyage to Rome, to consult with pope Boniface about some
affairs of the English Church : and when Boniface convened a
synod of bishops in Italy to settle some regulations about the
monasteries, Mellitus sat with them, and subscribed the
canons : and, returning into Britain not long after, he brought

188 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book ii.

lauren- a copy of the synod along with him, together with a letter of

Abp. Cant, the pope's to archbishop Laurentius and the clergy, and

a7xT~6To\ another to king Ethelbert and the laity.

In the pope's letter to the king, he commends him for his
zeal in Christianity, and the regularity of his behaviour ; and
then tells him he was willing to satisfy his desire concerning
the monastery, which Augustine had dedicated to the honour
of our Saviour ; that Laurentius, and the rest of the mis-

c.V'speim. sionaries under him might take in new monks for a standing

Concil. ord en-
voi. 1. oruer.

p. 130. In the year of our Lord 613, or, according to the Saxon

The death of chronology, 616, Ethelbert, king of Kent, died, having reigned
kinfof' 1, fifty-six years : he was the third English Saxon king, whose
Kent. sovereignty reached as far as the Humber, Elli, and Celin, or

Bede, l. 2. Ceaulin, being the two first. King Ethelbert was buried in
c5 - the porch of St. Martin's, where queen Bertha was likewise

interred some time before.

Amongst other advantages of this prince's reign, we may
reckon the legal provisions he made with the advice of his
council. These public regulations were extracted from Roman
precedents ; they were drawn up in English, as Bede reports,
Bede, ibid, and held in force in his time. Amongst these laws, there is
mention of the satisfaction that was to be made by those that
stole any thing from the Church or clergy ; the king being
resolved to protect those who had instructed him in the
Christian religion, and furnished him with the means of hap-

Bede, ibid. pineSS.

Eadhaid Upon the death of Ethelbert, his son Eadbald succeeded

jects relapse him, which was a great misfortune to the Church ; for this
l Lm. paya ' l ~ P rm ce not only refused the profession of Christianity, but was
l Cor. v. guilty of that incestuous fornication mentioned by the apostle,
" of having his father's wife." Laurentius exerted his character
upon this occasion, and, like St. John Baptist, reproved Ead-
bald with a becoming freedom, but could not prevail. The
king's being thus a libertine both in his principles and practice,
had a fatal influence upon his subjects, and made them revolt
to the worship and disorders of paganism. This calamity of
the Church increased upon the progress, and the storm began
to blow higher upon the death of Sebert, king of the East
Saxons. This Christian prince left his dominions to his three
81. sons, whom he was not so happy as to recover from their

cent, vii.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 189

idolatry : it is true they gave him hopes of their conversion, ead-
and kept their heathenism private during his life ; but mime- k. of Kent,
diately after his death, they pulled off the mask, declared ' '

themselves pagans, and gave their subjects the liberty of as
much idolatry as they pleased. And when they saw the
bishop Mellitus performing divine service, and giving the
people the holy sacrament, they are said to have been so unac-
countable as to ask the bishop why he would not give them
some of that fine bread their father used to receive from him,
and which he still continued to distribute among the people ?
He told them, " if they would be baptized, as their father was,
they might partake of the same holy bread ; but if they slighted
that initiating sacrament, he could not admit them to the pri-
vilege of the other." They answered, " they had no need of /
baptism, and therefore would not be obliged to that cere-
mony :"' but insisted, notwithstanding, upon receiving the
consecrated bread. Being still denied by the bishop, at last
they fell into a rage, and told him, " that if he would not
gratify them in so easy a matter, he should stay no longer in
their dominions.'''' They made their menaces good imme-
diately, and ordered him to be gone. Being thus forced away
from his diocese, he came into Kent, to consult Laurentius
and Justus what measures were most proper for the juncture.
And here they came to an unanimous resolution, that it was
more advisable to quit the island, and retire to a place where
they might serve God without disturbance, than to lose their
time and hazard their persons among a company of renegado
barbarians. Having thus determined the matter, Mellitus Mellitus and
and Justus went off first, and embarked for France, where £fj^5
they stayed to see the event. Now it was not long before embark/or
those princes, who expelled Mellitus and revived idolatry,
were punished for their misbehaviour. For, going on an ex-
pedition against the Gevissi, or West Saxons, they all three
fell in the field, and had their army cut in pieces. But not-
withstanding the chief promoters of paganism were taken off,
the common people stuck close to their error, neither was
there any good to be done upon them at present.

Laurentius being ready to quit the island, and follow
Mellitus and Justus, ordered a bed to be made for him in the
church at Canterbury ; and here, after he had spent a great
part of the night in watching and prayer, St. Peter, as Bede

190 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book. ii.

lauren- reports, appeared to him, and, scourging him severely upon
Abp. Cant, the shoulders, asked him, in a very reprimanding manner,
B^dTTi - ^ " Why he deserted his flock in time of danger, and left the
c - 6 ' sheep with the wolves about them V The Apostle asked him

farther, " If his example was perfectly lost upon him ? If he
had forgotten what loss of liberty, what hardships, what im-
prisonments, and what a tormenting death himself had suf-
fered for the interest of Christianity V

Laurentius being thus remarkably corrected by the vision,
went to the king in the morning, and making his shoulders
Laurentius bare, shewed him the marks of St. Peter's discipline. The
fdlowthem. king was strangely surprised, and enquired who it was that
was so bold as to strike Laurentius, and treat a man of his
character so ruggedly \ But being informed by the archbishop
how he came to be thus handled, the king was mightily
affected with the relation, and growing now apprehensive for
himself, he renounced his idolatry, disengaged from his un-
lawful marriage, turned Christian, was baptized, and laid out
his endeavours for the benefit of the Church. To this purpose
he sent into France, and recalled Mellitus and Justus, and
gave them the liberty of managing their diocese at their
discretion. Thus these prelates, after a year's stay in France,
re-embarked for Britain.

Justus, upon his coming to Rochester, entered upon his
charge, and continued there ; but the Londoners refused
to receive their bishop Mellitus, being much better pleased
with the pagan worship. Now Eadbald, though he solicited
for Mellitus, and pressed his ready mission, yet the Londoners
took no notice of his recommendation ; and not being so
powerful a prince as his father Ethelbert, he was glad to
acquiesce, being in no condition to restore Mellitus by force.
However he prevailed with his own people, made Christianity
the religion of his kingdom, and afforded this prelate an
honourable retreat.
a. n. 619. I n the reign of this Eadbald, Laurentius, archbishop of

Canterbury, died, and was succeeded by Mellitus, who held
the see five years. This prelate was nobly extracted, and very
Lib. 2. c. 7. remarkable for his parts, piety, and good government. Bede
relates, that a terrible fire breaking out in Canterbury, and
burning down a great part of the city, the archbishop coming
up to the conflagration, and falling to his prayers, the wind

cent, vii.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 191

immediately chopped about, and the fire stopped. He died EA T I ^j
April 24, in the year of our Lord 624. K. of Kent.

Justus, bishop of Rochester, succeeded to the see of Can- 6 ^7~
terbury, who soon after consecrated a Roman for the diocese
of Rochester, having received an authority for the consecration
of bishops from pope Boniface V. His predecessor, Boniface
III. procured from Phocas the emperor, though not without
some difficulty, that the see of Rome should be called the head
of all other churches. Piatina in

About this time the English in the kingdom of Northumber-
land were converted by the preaching of Paulinus.

The occasion of this happy revolution in their religion was The coaoer-
this: — Edwin, king of this country, courted Edelburga or Tate, kingdom^/
daughter to the late king Ethelbert, and dispatched am- ££ m "
bassadors for this purpose to Eadbald her brother, where,
entering upon the subject of their embassy, king Eadbald told
them, " that it was not lawful for a Christian to many with a 82.

pagan ; such an alliance with a prince of so foreign a belief
could not be engaged in without dishonour to God, and pro-
faning their religion." Edwin, receiving this answer, "pro-
mised not to act any thing against the religion the princess
professed : that nobody should be molested upon this score,
but that herself and all her retinue, both priests and servants,
should have the liberty of serving God as they thought fit.
And more than this, he did not stick to say he might probably
be of the same religion himself, provided that upon inquiry
it was found to be a holier institution, and more suitable to the
worship of the Supreme Being than his own."'''

This satisfaction being given, the princess was contracted to
king Edwin ; and before she left her brother's court the holy a. d. 625.
Paulinus was consecrated bishop by archbishop Justus, in the
year of our Lord 625. He seems promoted to this episcopal Bede 1. 2,
character to qualify him the better to go along with the c '
princess Edelburga ; that being thus fortified in his authority
he might have the greater ascendant over Edelburga's family,
and preserve them from relapsing into paganism, to which
they might probably be tempted by the fashion and ill example
of a pagan court.

Paulinus, at his coming into the kingdom of Northumber-
land, used his utmost endeavour to convert the pagans, but
did not meet with much success. The next year there

192 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book it.

Justus, happened an accident at court, which, in the consequences

> ^ ^Ll; of it, seemed to bring the king's inclination somewhat nearer to

Bede l. 2. Christianity. Guichelm, king of the West Saxons, practised

Edwin in with an assassin to murder king Edwin : this fellow, to make

bein 61 °^ ^he mm *der sure, poisoned his dagger ; and that he might be

assassinated, admitted to the king without suspicion, he came with the

character of an ambassador. Being introduced into the

presence, he takes his opportunity, and, drawing his dagger

from under his coat, makes a furious pass at the king ; one

Lilla, a loyal courtier, perceiving what would follow, interposed

his naked body, and received a mortal wound. This good

office it seems was not sufficient to protect his master, for the

thrust was made with such a force that after it had passed

through LihVs body it reached the king.

About this time the king had a daughter born, and was per-
suaded that Paulinus's prayers had been serviceable to the
queen in her recovery. Upon this he promised the bishop to
renounce idolatry and worship our Saviour, if he would please
to preserve his life, and give his arms success against that per-
fidious prince that sent a ruffian to murder him ; and, for a
security of his promise, he put his daughter into the bishop's
hands, who baptized her the Whitsuntide following, with
twelve more of Edwin's court.
a. d. 625. The king, being now cured of his wound, levied a considera-
ble army, marched against the king of the West Saxons, and,
giving him battle, cut all those in pieces, or took them pri-
soners, that had been engaged in the attempt upon his life.
And now, though he brought victory home with him, he did
not turn Christian immediately. It is true he performed his
promise so far as to disengage from idolatry ; but, being a
person of great prudence, he did not think it fit to precipitate
matters, to resign his belief in too implicit a manner, nor take
things of that consequence upon trust. Before he determined
himself, he conferred frequently with Paulinus about the
grounds and reasonableness of Christianity, debated the point
with his council, and revolved the arguments of either side in
his own mind, to cast the balance and examine the strength of
the cause.

The king, being thus inclined by his temper to move slowly
and to take wary steps, made a stand for some time, and con-
tinued, as it were, in a state of neutrality. Pope Boniface,

cent, vii.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 198

being informed of the posture of affairs, wrote a letter to him, ead-
to bring him forward and engage him to declare for Chris- i^of^'nt

tianity. The pope, amongst other arguments to persuade him ' '

to take leave of his idols, urges some texts to him out of the
Scripture, as that of the Psalmist : " All the gods of the hea-
then are but idols, or devils ; but it is the Lord that made the
heavens. ,, " They have eyes, and see not ; they have ears, and Ps. xcvi. 5.
hear not ; noses have they, and smell not ; they have hands,
and handle not ; feet have they, and walk not : they that make
them are like unto them, and so are all such as put their trust
in them. 11 By the pope's arguing in this manner, we may con- p 8 . C xv. 5—
elude Paulinus's instructions had succeeded so far with Edwin, 8 '
as to satisfy him of the inspiration of the Old Testament. For
had he not owned the authority of these Scriptures, the pope,
we may imagine, would never have gone about to convince him
out of them.

This pope sent another letter to queen Edelburga, to exhort
her to make use of all her interest for the conversion of king
Edwin her husband : to reason with him, to set the advantages
of Christianity before him in the best light, and never to give
over praying for the success of her endeavours ; that she might
have the happiness of accomplishing that which St. Paul men-
tions, " that the unbelieving husband may be sanctified by the

Wife." 1 Cor. vii.

Notwithstanding all these endeavours for the conversion of 14,
Edwin, he still continued unresolved ; but his memory being
refreshed concerning a vision he had formerly seen, which fore-
told his escape of the danger he was then in, and the prosperity
and grandeur which afterwards happened to him ; the circum-
stances of this vision being revealed to Paulinus, he put the
king in mind of the engagements he made in his distress, and
that it was now time to perform his promise. The relation is

tms : Bede 1. 2.

When Edwin was pursued by his predecessor Ethelfrid, and c - 2 -
forced to abscond and wander through a great part of the
island, he retired at last to Redwald, king of the East-Angles, ^ mVs
and desired his protection. This prince gave him a very gene- conversion

hastened by

rous reception, and promised his person should be safe. After- putting him
wards, Ethelfrid, receiving intelligence that Edwin and his^JSw^
retinue were entertained at Redwald's court, he immediately
sent away ambassadors, who offered a great sum of money to
vol. i. o

194 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book ii.

JUSTUS, get Edwin murdered. Being refused in his first offer, he

> p " ant, i repeated the request by fresh agents, endeavouring to bribe

Redwald with a much greater sum, and threatening him with
a war in case he refused. Redwald, being now overawed by
menaces, or gained by money, promised that he would either
kill Edwin, or put him in the hands of Ethelfrid's ambassadors.
One of RedwakTs courtiers, and Edwin's friend, having notice
of this agreement, acquainted Edwin with it, and promised to
convey him immediately out of Redwald's dominions, and pro-
vide him a shelter where neither that prince nor Ethelfrid
should find him. Edwin thanked him for the discovery, and
the favour of so seasonable a provision ; but told him withal,
that he had engaged his honour to continue at Redwald's court,
and that he thought the going off so privately would be looked
on as a breach of good faith ; that he was resolved the rupture
should not begin on his side ; that he had suffered nothing
from Redwald as yet, and, if he must lose his life, he had
rather die by the hands of a prince than a mean person.
Besides, he did not know how to dispose of himself, or whither
to retire. This being his resolution, his friend left him before
the palace-gate ; where he stayed alone, in a very pensive con-
dition, till late in the night. Being very uneasy and perplexed
what to resolve on, there comes a person, altogether unknown,
up to him, at which he was somewhat surprised. This stranger
presently enters into conversation, and asks him, what was the
reason of his sitting alone so melancholy at that time of night ?
a. d. 625. Edwin returning a negligent and unceremonious answer, the
other told him that he was not at all ignorant of the reasons of
his melancholy and concern: "I know," says he, "you are
troubled, because you apprehend some great misfortune is
pretty near you ; but what will you give that person that
shall bring you out of all this perplexity, and prevail upon
Redwald so far, as neither to do you any harm himself, nor
put you into the hands of your enemies V Edwin replied,
that he would make his acknowledgments, to the utmost of
his power, for so great a favour as this. The stranger went
on farther, and asked him, what if this person should give him
the certain prospect of a crown, and acquaint him that he
should survive his enemies, and be the greatest prince that
ever reigned of the English race ? Edwin, being somewhat
revived with this discourse, answered that he should never

(knt. vii.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 195

forget his obligations to so great a benefactor. Upon this, ead-
the other put another question, " What say you," says he, " if K^f" Kent
the person that has proved a true prophet to you, in all these
predictions of prosperity, shall propose a method of life much
more for your interest than any thing of this kind your family
was ever acquainted with ; will you be governed by his direc-
tions, and go into the scheme he shall lay down T To this
Edwin immediately replied he would resign himself entirely to
that person's conduct, that should disentangle his circum-
stances, bring him off from danger, and make him so great
a prince.

Having received this promise, the stranger that talked with
him laid his right hand upon Edwin's head, and advised him,
that, when that token happened to come up, he should not
forget recollecting the condition he was now in, and the
discourse that passed between them, and not fail to make
good his promise without delay. After this advice, it is said
the stranger went off in so sudden and surprising a manner,
that it was plain it was no man, but an apparition, that had
made all this conversation. While Edwin was employing his
thoughts upon the strangeness of the person and discourse,
and projecting his own escape, his friend at court comes to
him again, and, saluting him with a very cheerful countenance,
bid him get up, go to his apartment, and take his rest, without
troubling himself any farther : for now the king had altered his
mind, was resolved to be true to his first engagement, and do
him no manner of harm. It seems, upon breaking his design
against Edwin to the queen, she prevailed with him to desist :
she told him it was strangely unbecoming the character of so
great a prince to desert his friend in his necessity, to set his
honour to sale, and be bribed out of honesty and good nature.
The king, upon second thoughts, concluded this advice very
reasonable, refused to deliver up Edwin, and ordered the
ambassadors to be gone. Neither did his kindness stop
here : he carried his friendship much farther, and resolved
to assist Edwin in gaining the kingdom of Northumberland.
For this purpose he raised an army with great expedition, and
falling upon Ethelfrid before he could draw all his troops toge-
ther, defeated and killed him upon the northern border of the
Merc an territories, near the river Idle. Thus far the story.

Now Paulinus, perceiving the king deferred the declaring

o 2

196 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book ti.

JUSTUS, himself a Christian, — that lie was debating the case of religion

« p " an '> with himself, and not come to a thorough resolution, — and

happening to find him alone in a thinking posture, came up to
him, and, laying his right hand upon his head, asked him
whether he understood the meaning of that token ? The king,
being sensibly surprised at this question, offered to prostrate

84. himself at Paulinus's feet. But this posture being prevented

by the bishop, he put him in mind, that now, since God had
rescued him from his enemies, and raised him to such a royal
station, he advised him not to delay the performance of his
promise : that this was to be done by submitting to the insti-
tution, and obeying the commands, of that Sovereign Being
that had done so much for him already ; and, in case he would
comply with the directions the bishop would acquaint him with,
he should be secured from the perpetual torments of wicked

Bede. ] . 2. men, and be happy with God in heaven.

I have given the reader this relation at length, because, as
Bede reports, such great events depended upon it : no less
than the conversion of a king and kingdom. And how strange
soever it may appear to an age of slender belief, I do not per-
ceive how the truth of it can well be questioned ; for Bede
relates it as certain matter of fact. Now, his attestation
seems to be an unexceptionable authority, for he was born in
this kingdom of Northumberland, but one-and-fifty years after
Edwin's conversion ; so that it is not improbable but that he
might receive the account from those who had it from the king.
Besides, in the dedication of his Ecclesiastical History to Ceol-
wolph, king of Northumberland, he acquaints him, that the
memoirs of the history of that kingdom, since their conversion,
were unexceptionable. To this we may add, that it is not
likely king Edwin and his subjects should quit the prejudices
of their education, and the religion of their ancestors, without
something of a supernatural appearance. Now, though Pau-
linus was a person of eminent sanctity, yet Bede does not
acquaint us that he wrought any miracles among the Northum-
brians, or performed any thing above a human capacity, unless
in discovering this vision to the king.

The credit of the story being thus settled, I shall proceed to

Bede. l. 2. a farther account of this matter.

King Edwin, being surprised by hearing the vision related
to him, told Paulinus that he was now fully satisfied, and ready

13.

cent, vii.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 197

to receive the Christian faith ; but thought it proper, in the ead-

BALD,
K. of Kent.

first place, to communicate his design to his council and

nobility ; that, in case he could bring them over to his per-
suasion, they might all be baptized together. Paulinus con- Kin Ed _
senting to this proposal, the king summoned a council ; and, **" ■* co >! rt -
putting the question to each person, asked them what they
thought of this new religion ? And here one Coifi, the pagan
high-priest, answered that he was not at all satisfied with his
own religion, and that he thought there was little in it : " For,
sir," says he, " none ever served our gods with more heartiness
and devotion than myself; and yet I find there are many that
have a greater interest with your majesty, and better pre-
ferred, than I. Now, if our deities were any thing significant,
they would, without question, reward me in proportion to my
piety, and make me somewhat more distinguished in my cir-
cumstances ; therefore, if, upon inquiry, you find this new
doctrine more reasonable and better proved, let us submit to
the best evidence, and receive it without delay." This priest's
speech was seconded by another courtier, who put the king in
mind of the shortness and uncertainty of life ; and that we
knew nothing how we came into the world, nor what became
of us when we went out, only the prospect looked somewhat
dark and uncomfortable, and that our going off looked some-
thing like a man that was forced out of a warm house into bad
weather. Several other men of quality approved this motion,
and spoke in favour of it. Upon this, Coifi proposed that
Paulinus might be heard again upon the subject of religion ;
which, at the king's instance, was accordingly done. When
the bishop had enlarged upon the heads of Christianity to a
considerable length, Coifi declared aloud, that as he was for-
merly convinced of the folly of their own worship, so now he
had found out that truth and reasonableness which he was at
a loss for before ; that the other world was now, as it were,
opened to him, and that he had a bottom for the expectation
of future happiness. Then, turning to the king, he told him,
it was his humble advice, that the temples and altars, which
had been treated with respect and expense to no purpose,
might forthwith have fire set to them, with all the circum-
stances of defiance and contempt.

The king, having thus debated the matter in council, made
an open renunciation of idolatry, and declared himself a Chris-.

198 ECCLESIASTICAL HIST011Y [book ir.

Justus, tian. And now, asking the priest above mentioned, whom he
A-bp.Cant bought it was proper to employ to demolish the pagan temples,
with the other appendages and marks of false worship ? Coifi
replied, he thought none fitter for such an employment than
himself : for, since God had enlightened his understanding, he
thought himself particularly obliged to undeceive the people,
and take off the force of his former example. Upon this, he
desired to be furnished with a sword and lance, and have leave
to mount the king's charging-horse. Now, it seems it was not
the custom for the pagan high-priests of that country to go
armed, or ride upon any thing but a mare : people, therefore,
seeing Coifi making this military figure, thought his head had
been disturbed. However, without minding the singularity of
the appearance, Coifi rode on, and, coming to the heathen
temple, tilted against the idols with his lance, and ordered his
Bede. ibid, company to burn the temple, with all its appurtenances. This
temple was one of the chief seats of paganism, and stood at
Grodmundingaham (now Grodmundham), near the Derwent, not
Cambden. far from York.

Yorkshire King Edwin, having made this declaration of his conversion,
p. 709, 711. was baptized in the eleventh year of his reign ; all the nobility,
85. and a great part of the commonalty, following his example.

The king was admitted to baptism on Easter-day, in St. Peter's
church, at York. The building was then of wood, and hastily
run up, by the king's order, for that purpose. In this city, also,
the king gave Paulinus a seat for the bishop's see ; and, soon
after his baptism, he began a much larger building of free-
stone for the cathedral ; but, living not many years, it was
left imperfect, and finished by Oswald his successor.

During the six years Paulinus continued in this country,
Christianity was wonderfully spread. To give some instances.
Osfrid and Eadfrid, king Edwin's sons, by Queenburg, a daugh-
ter of Cearll, king of the Mercians, were baptized with their
father ; and afterwards three other children of his, by queen
Edelburga, were initiated by the same Sacrament : two of which
dying in their white baptismal habit, were buried in the church
Bede. ibid, at York. This I mention, because burying in a church, espe-
cially for the laity, was not the custom of this age.

To proceed. The people of this country were so charmed
with the Christian religion, and pressed into the church with
such zeal, that Paulinus, attending the king and queen to one

cent, vii.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 199

of their houses in the country, is said to have spent above five ead-
weeks in instructing and baptizing great numbers that flocked k. of Kent,
thither ; his time from morning till night being wholly taken up j^ f n 1 ^'
in these pious and serviceable offices. Thus the preaching of umberiand.
the gospel prospered while he attended the court in the pro-
vince of Bernicii ; and the king making his progress sometimes
into the province of Deira, Paulinus used to visit him fre-
quently there. And while the court continued in these parts,
he baptized great numbers in the river Swale, near Catterick,
in Yorkshire ; for, as Bede observes, Christianity being, as it
were, just begun in this country, there were no fonts or bap-
tisteries till afterwards.

Edwin, after his conversion, was very zealous for the interest Redwald
of Christianity, and endeavoured to propagate it farther than Ivaid turn
his own dominions. Eorpwald, or Carpwald, son of Redwald, nl^f™™'
king of the East Angles, renounced paganism and came into c - 15 -
the Church at Edwin's persuasion. His father Redwald was
baptized somewhat before this time, in Kent, at his making-
king Eadbald a visit ; but upon his return home his queen and
some other bigots for paganism made him relapse. However,
he would not sink to a total apostacy, but hoped to compound
the matter and take the benefit of both religions. For this
purpose he pitched upon the Samaritan expedient : worshipped
the true God and the pagan deities together, and had the
communion table and an idolatrous altar in the same church.
As for Eorpwald, he survived his conversion not long, being
murdered by one Richbert, a pagan ; and then, as Bede tells
us, the country went on in heathenism for three years, till the
reign of Sigebert, of whom more afterwards.

Paulinus having made so happy a progress in the kingdom The conver-
of Northumberland, crossed the Humber, and travelling south- c^Xw-nor
ward to Lincoln, converted Blecca, the governor of that town, of Lincoln.
with his whole family ; and here he built a fine church of free-
stone, of which nothing but the walls were standing in Bede's
time. Bede, l. l.

Of the conversion of this part of the country, Bede received c- 16#
an account from one Deda, abbot of Pertaneu, a person of
great credit and veracity. This abbot told Bede, that an
elderly person gave him a relation how himself and abundance
of other people were baptized by the bishop Paulinus in the
river Trent, king Edwin being present. This old man like-

200

ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book n.

JUSTUS,
Abp. Cant.

Edwin s

admirable

government.

Malmesbu-
ry de Gest.
Reg. Angl.
1, 1. c. 3.

Bede, 1. 2.
c. 17.

Malmesbur,
de Gestis.
Poutif.
Angl. 1. 1.
Edit. Savil.

86.

Bede, 1. 2.
c. 18.

wise described to him Paulinus's stature, his complexion, his
air, and almost every thing remarkable in his person. The
bishop had one James, a deacon, to assist him ; a person of
learning and character, who was living in Bede's time.

As for king Edwin, he was a very prosperous prince, and
governed extremely to the satisfaction of his subjects. There
was then, as Malmesbury relates, neither robbery nor house-
breaking. He made the country too hot for knaves and liber-
tines, so that nobody durst presume to injure their neighbours,
either in their marriage or estate. Bede takes notice of one
remarkable thing, to shew the force of his government. He
ordered copper pots should be fastened to a piece of wood at
most of the springs that lay upon the roads. This was done
for the conveniency of travellers. Now, as the historian ob-
serves, this prince was either loved or feared to such an unusual
degree, that nobody ever stole one of them.

Pope Honorius, who succeeded Boniface, receiving intelli-
gence of the conversion of the Northumbrians, sent Paulinus
a pall, and at the same time wrote letters to king Edwin, to
continue in that laudable course he had begun. Amongst
other things in his letter, he informs him that he had directed
two palls for Honorius and Paulinus, the archbishops of Can-
terbury and York. This he did that the English Church
might never be unprovided, and that when either of the metro-
politans died, the survivor might consecrate another, to prevent
a vacancy.

The mention of Honorius's pall makes it proper to take
notice of the death of Justus, which happened about this time.
Malmesbury allows him but three years in the see of Canter-
bury, though others make it no less than ten. Honorius being
elected for his successor, came into Lincolnshire to Paulinus,
where he received his consecration : the pope, as I observed
before, giving an authority to the archbishops of Canterbury
and York to consecrate upon a vacancy of either see. This
favour, as the pope reckoned it, was granted to prevent the
fatigue and inconveniences of making a voyage to Rome. The
pope dates his letter to Honorius from the consulship of the
emperor Heraclius and his son, whom he calls his most gra-
cious sovereigns. It was written in the year of our Lord 634.

Pope Honorius being informed that the Scots mistook the
time in the keeping of Easter, wrote to them to put them in

cent, vii.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 201

mind of their singularity ; that they should consider how few ead-
they were in comparison of the rest of Christendom ; that it k. of Kent,
could not but appear strange, that they should pretend to be
wiser than the ages both past and present ; that their paschal
computation differed from the general custom, and contradicted
the canons of the whole church.

This letter of pope Honorins was seconded by John, who
succeeded Severinus ; it is directed to Tomianus, Columbanus,
Oronanus, Dimanus, and Baithanus, Scottish bishops, and to
several priests and abbots. In this letter he takes notice, that
the heresy, as he calls it, about mistaking the time of Easter,
had but lately gained ground upon them ; and that only a
party, and not the whole nation, was chargeable with it.
After he had dilated upon the paschal controversy, and in-
structed them in the computation, he proceeds to the subject
of Pelagianism, laments the revival of that heresy amongst
them, and endeavours their recovery with great earnestness.
He tells them, " It is an execrable piece of pride, to affirm
that a man's innocence can subsist upon the strength of his
own will, and that he does not stand in need of the grace of
God to preserve him from sinning ; and that it is blasphemous
folly to suppose any man without sin, excepting our Saviour."

To proceed. We are now to relate a most unfortunate
accident, which overcast the face of the English Church in
the kingdom of Northumberland. For Edwin having reigned
seventeen years to all imaginable commendation, two of the
princes that were homagers to him broke out into a rebellion ; Bede, l. 2.
their names were Caedwalla and Penda : the first was king of d' e Gestis ™
the Britons, and the other of the Mercians. These two , R f • A ^ L
princes, joining in a confederacy, gave Edwin battle at a place
called Hethfelt, where his army was cut in pieces, and himself
slain in the forty-eighth year of his age. King Edwin

The loss of this prince was a great blow to the nation and A . d.' 633.
church of the Northumbrians; for the conquering princes
immediately marched forward and harassed the country.
Indeed, Penda and his troops being all pagans, little better
could be expected from them. And as for Caedwalla, notwith-
standing his profession of Christianity, yet the barbarity of his
temper was such, that he spared neither age nor sex, but put
all that came in his way to death and torture. He hung upon
the country a great while, and made a terrible ravage and

202 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book 11.

hono- devastation, in hopes either to exterminate the English or
Abp. Cant, force them to quit the island. Neither did he show the least
v - j ' regard to the inhabitants upon the score of their being Chris-
tians ; for, as Bede reports, the Britons even in his time had
no opinion of the Christianity of the Saxons, neither would
they communicate with them in the offices of religion, any
more than with heathens. King Edwin's head was afterwards
Bede, l. 2. brought to York and deposited in St. Gregory's porch ; from
c ' 20, whence we may probably conclude that his children above

mentioned, who are said to have been buried in the church,
were only buried in the porch, the custom of that age going no
further.

Affairs being thus ruffled in the kingdom of Northumberland,
Paulinus and the country overrun by the enemy, Paulinus thought it
r Yorkinto m proper to retire ; and therefore, having provided a vessel, he
KenL takes queen Ethelburga, her children, and one Bassus, Edwin's

general, aboard, and returns into Kent, where he was honour-
ably received by king Eadbald. Paulinus brought off a great
deal of king Edwin's plate along with him, and amongst the
rest, a great gold cross and a gold cup, which that prince had
given for the altar, and was to be seen in the cathedral at
Bede, ibid. Canterbury in Bede's time.

There was now a vacancy in the Church at Rochester, the
prelate of that see being cast away upon the coast of Italy, in
his voyage to Rome. Paulinus therefore, being forced from
his archbishopric of York, and invited to this diocese by arch-
bishop Honorius and king Eadbald, accepted the offer, and sat
there the remainder of his life.

Paulinus left his deacon James at his church in York, who hav-
ing the courage to continue upon the place, preserved the laity
from relapsing, and gained a great many converts from hea-
thenism. The village where he used to reside was near Catte-
rick, in Yorkshire, and called by his name in Bede's time.
This James was a great master of church music ; and when
the storm began to blow over, he made it his business to teach
the Roman way of singing in that country.
Osric and King Edwin falling in the field, as has been related, his
feed^Ed^in dominions were parted between Osric and Eanfrid. Osric
and mis- succeeded to the kingdom of Deira, and was converted to
Bede,' 1.3. Christianity by Paulinus. He was son to Elfrick, uncle to
Cl ' king Edwin. Bernicia, or the other division of the kingdom of

cent, vii.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 203

Northumberland, was seized by Eanfrid, son of Ethelfrid, EAD-
Edwin's predecessor. And here it is proper to acquaint the k. of Kent.
reader, that Ethelfrid's children, with a great many of the ,9 S ^ L ?'

,..,. ,. , ,. , . ., K. ofNorth-

nobihty that adhered to them, lived m exile among the Scots umberiand.
and Picts during king Edwin's reign. Here they turned
Christians, and were baptized. These princes above-men-
tioned, were no sooner possessed of the kingdom of Northum-
berland, but they renounced the faith, and apostatized to 87.
paganism. But both of them were quickly punished for their
infidelity. Osric fell the first campaign : for laying siege to
a town without taking proper measures, or not keeping upon
his guard, Caedwalla made an unexpected sally upon him, and
cut him and his troops in pieces. And now, Caedwalla, over-
running the country at pleasure, Eanfrid, perceiving himself
too weak, came with a small retinue to beg a peace ; but whe-
ther he had a safe conduct, or was too uncautious in venturing
his person, is uncertain. But let this be as it will, the event
proved fatal ; for Caedwalla destroyed him as soon as he came
within his power.

Upon the death of Eanfrid, Oswald his brother succeeded Oswald suc-
him. This prince kept firm to his engagements of baptism, /rid, and
and proved prosperous in the field. Caedwalla inarched a very CaafaaVa
numerous, and, as he thought, an invincible army against him ;
but was defeated and slain at a place called Denises- Burn, or
the river of Dennis. This prince, before the battle began, was
remarkably devout, obliging all the army to fall upon their
knees and pray to God for the success of their arms. And
here, to quicken their devotion, he had a cross erected, but
without any application either to that religious emblem, or to
any of the saints. ;P e | e ' '■ 3 -

Oswald, being a pious prince, and sensibly affected with the Atdan, a
advantages of Christianity, endeavoured to bring all his sub- bishop, pro-
jects within the same privilege. To this purpose he sent to ^^ mi "
Scotland, whither he had formerly been banished, to desire Oswald's

doilllTllQtlS

some person of character and learning might come for the
instruction of his subjects. The Scottish clergy dispatched
away a missionary without delay : but this person being a man
of somewhat a rugged unplausible temper, was disliked by the
English, and made no impression upon them. And thus, find- Bede, l. 3.
ing himself unsuccessful, he returned home, made his report of c
his mission in a synod, and told his countrymen, "that the

204 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book ii.

mono- English were an untractable sort of people, bigotted to pagan-
Ab P . Cant, ism, and that it was impracticable to do them any service. 11
The synod, displeased with this account, began to debate whe-
ther any farther expedient was to be tried. Upon this, Aida-
nus, a clergyman of great reputation for piety and conduct,
applied himself to the priest that came back from England,
and told him, "he thought his measures were not exactly
taken, that he was somewhat too incompliant with his audi-
ence, and did not condescend enough to the weakness of their
capacities ; that he did not follow the apostle's advice, and
feed them with milk at first : that he did not begin with the
most plain and intelligible truths, and from thence advance by
degrees to what was more sublime and mysterious. 11 This dis-
course was very much approved by the synod, who came to an
unanimous conclusion, that Aidan deserved the honour of the
episcopal character ; and that none was better qualified for the
conversion of the English than himself. Upon this he was
presently consecrated, and sent off upon the employment.
a. d. 634. This Aidan, though highly commended by Bede for his

piety and discretion, yet he takes notice he was not altogether
orthodox in the keeping of Easter, being governed by the
custom of the Scots, Picts, and Britons. It is true these
Churches were no quarto-decimans, for they always kept this
festival on a Sunday. But then, they reckoned from the four-
teenth day to the twentieth ; whereas the Roman and general
practice was to compute from the fifteenth to the one-and-
twentieth ; and thus, as it is supposed, the rule was settled by
Bede, l. 3. the council of Nice. And here Bede observes, that the Scots
c ' 3 " who dwelt in the southern parts of Ireland, conformed to the

usages of the western Church.

Aidarfs see Aidan, at his coming to Oswald's court, desired the bishop's

■j$ot in see might be fixed in Holy Island, which was granted accord-

Mand. ingly. Whatever Aidan suggested was cheerfully complied

with, the king thinking himself obliged to be governed by his

directions in whatever related to religion.

By Aidan's fixing the episcopal see in Holy Island, upon
the coast of Northumberland, we may conclude he had no
great regard for pope Gregory^ regulation ; for this pope, in
his directions to Augustine the monk, ordered the principal
see for the northern parts to be settled at York. It is plain,
therefore, Aidan did not think himself under the pope's juris-

cent, vii.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 205

diction. Had this been the practice or belief of the Scottish R E .^^:
Christians, Aidan would never have altered the seat of eccle- K. of Kent.
siastical jurisdiction, and removed it from York to Holy k. of North-
Island, umberknd.

As for Oswald, nothing could be more commendable and
forward than this prince's zeal : for Aidan, not having a per-
fect command of the English tongue, the king was his inter-
preter, and explained his discourses to his nobility and retinue.
For living a considerable time in Scotland, he could deliver
himself in that language with advantage enough. f &?.%!' 8 "

Aidan, beine; thus successful in his employment, several of Malms, de

• , • • , i i j --1 Gest - Re ?-

his countrymen came in to his assistance, and preached with Angi. 1. 1.

great application all over Oswald's dominions. higdonHis-"

And now the business of religion went on apace ; the audi- tor jji 3 '
ences were very numerous, and churches were built in several
places. Lands were granted, by the king, for the support of
monasteries, and a great many of the English put themselves
under the discipline of those religious societies. This way of
living might probably be recommended to them by the Scot-
tish missionaries, who were most of them monks ; Aidan him-
self being of that order, and belonging to the monastery of Hii
or Iona. This religious house was the capital monastery, and
had a jurisdiction over the rest, belonging to the Scots and 88.

Picts The island is one of the Hebrides, and was given by
the Picts to the Scottish monks, as an acknowledgment for
their conversion.

As for Aidan, his practice and behaviour was admirable. Aldan's
He lived up to his doctrine, and made his example wonderfully a Jndwt. *
significant : he minded nothing of secular interest, and was as
it were dead to the common satisfactions. Whatever the
king, or any persons of figure or fortune presented him with,
he generally gave away to the poor. Whoever he met with,
whether rich or poor, he used to apply himself to them. If
they were pagans, he instructed them in the principles of
Christianity, and attempted their conversion : if they were
Christians, he confirmed them in their faith, and pressed them
to a suitable practice. He took care, that all those that tra-
velled with him, whether clergy or laity, should spend a consi-
derable part of their time in reading the holy Scriptures. For
at this time of day the Bible was not counted a dangerous
book ; it was not kept under restraint, or granted with facul-

206 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book it.

kono- ti es an( j dispensations. The Saxon homilies exhort the people
Abp. Cant, with great earnestness, " to the frequent perusal of the Scrip-
tures, and enforce the advice from the great benefit of that
exercise ; that the mind was refined, and the passions purged
by this expedient : that this was the way to refresh our greatest
concern upon us, and make heaven and hell have their due
impression. That, as a blind man often stumbles in his
motion, so those who are unacquainted with the word of God,
Not* Whe- are apt to make false steps, and miscarry.'"
cap. 5. To proceed, if Aidan happened to be invited to eat with the

Bede king, he used to carry two or three of his clergy along with

him ; where, after taking a very moderate repast, he withdrew
with his company, that they might lose no time for reading or
prayers. He had one admirable quality among the rest, and
that is, never to spare a great man upon the score of his
wealth or quality ; but always to reprove with freedom when
occasion required : neither was it his custom to present the
wealthy with any thing, excepting entertainment, when they
came to his house. If he had any money, it went either in
common charity, or was disposed of for the redemption of
slaves and captives.

Aidan's instructions, with the force of his example, were
very prevalent upon Oswald, who proved an extraordinary
prince, and was remarkably blest for his piety ; for, as Bede
relates, his dominions were much larger than any of his prede-
cessors ; he reigned through the whole island, and had the
Bede, l. 3. Britons, Picts, Scots, and English, within his jurisdiction :
not that we are to suppose him sole monarch of Great Britain;
but that he was, as it were, lord paramount, and received some
kind of homage or acknowledgment of superiority from the
other princes. All this advantage, and distinction of his
grandeur, did not give him the least tincture of pride, or make
him forget the meanest of his subjects. There goes a story of
him, that one Easter day, when he and the bishop were at
dinner, there was a fine silver dish with meat, curiously
dressed, set upon the table. This being the first dish, they
were going to beg a blessing ; but before this was done, the
king's almoner comes in, and acquaints him there were a great
many poor people in the streets who desired some relief from
the king. They did not beg to no purpose ; for this compas-
sionate prince immediately ordered the meat served up should

cent, vii.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 207

be given to the poor, and the silver dish broken into small EAP-

RAID

pieces and distributed. The historian observes farther, that k. of Kent.
by Oswald's prudent conduct, the divisions of the Deiri and K^Non?-
Bernicii laid down their ancient animosities, came to a friendly umberiand.
correspondence, and were, as it were, incorporated into one
body.

About this time the West Saxons were converted by the a. °- 634.

The West

preaching of Birinus. This person offering himself at Rome, Saxons con-
to gain the pagan English to Christianity, pope Honorius ^fjf
thought fit to send him with the advantage of the episcopal
character : and thus, being consecrated by Asterius, bishop of
Genoa, he came on for Britain, and arrived in the territories
of the Gevissi, or West Saxons : and here, meeting with
nothing but paganism, he enters upon his employment, and
was so successful as to prevail upon Kyngil the king. King
Oswald happened to be at this prince's court while Birinus a. d. 635.
was executing his mission : Oswald's endeavours, we may
imagine, were not wanting upon the occasion. In short,
Kingil was baptized, and Oswald was his godfather. It seems
he did not think this office would obstruct his marriage with
KingiFs daughter, which was the business of his visit. These
two kings, as Bede reports, gave the bishop the town of Dor-
chester for his episcopal see ; where, after having built several
churches, and converted a great many people, he departed this

life. Bede, 1. 3.

Cenwalch, who succeeded his father Kingil, refused baptism a.d.64S.
and the profession of Christianity, and, not long after, lost his Bedc ' ibkl -
kingdom to Penda king of the Mercians. The occasion of the
rupture between these two princes was this : Cenwalch, upon
some dissatisfaction, parted with his queen, Penda's sister, and
engaged in another marriage. Penda, resolving to revenge his a. d. 645.
sister, marched an army against Cenwalch, seized his domi-
nions, and forced him to retire to Anna, king of the East
Ano-les, where, living three years in exile, he was so happy as a. d. 646.
to turn Christian. Being afterwards restored, one Agilbert, a a. d. 650.
French bishop, who had retired into Ireland to get leisure for
the study of divinity, came to his court, and offered to preach
to his subjects. The king, perceiving him a person of zeal
and learning, invited him to stay with him at Dorchester, and 89.

make it his episcopal see. The bishop complied with this
overture, and sat there several years : at last, the king, who

208 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book ii.

hono- understood no language but the Saxon, grew uneasy at the
Ab^Cant. foreign dialect of Agilbert, and brought one Wina, a Saxon, in

1 v ' upon him. This Wina being consecrated in France, the king

divided his dominions into two dioceses, and gave his country-
a. d. 660. man Winchester for his see. Agilbert, being not consulted
upon this occasion, looked upon the partition as an encroach-
ment upon his spiritual jurisdiction. Upon this he quitted the
country, sailed into France, and being invited to the bishopric
of Paris, accepted the offer, and died there.

It seems, by this resentment of A gilbert's, which is not at
all censured by Bede, it was not the custom of this age for
princes to canton out a bishop's diocese, and lessen the extent
of his authority. And if the Church is an independent society,
which we must grant, unless we will charge the Christians of
the three first centuries with mutiny and disobedience to the
Roman emperors, — I say, if the Church is an independent
society, Agilbert had reason to take this usage ill from the
king : for, upon this supposition of the Church's independency,
the civil magistrate has no more right to wrest the bishop's
flock out of his hand, or draw the people from their obedience
to their spiritual superior, than the bishop has to pervert the
subjects from their allegiance, and grant away parcel of the
dominions of the secular sovereign.
Bede. ibid. This king Cenwalch seems to have been somewhat of an
arbitrary temper : for, not long after the departure of Agilbert,
he outed Wina of his bishopric ; who, retreating to Wulfhere,
king of the Mercians, purchased the liberty of acting upon his
character at London, where he continued bishop the remainder
of his life. And thus the West Saxon territories had no
prelate for several years together. During this vacancy in the
Church, Cenwalch's affairs grew troublesome and embroiled,
and his government was very unfortunate. The king, being
thus perplexed, began to recollect himself, and consider, that,
by expelling the bishop, he had, as it were, thrown himself out
of the divine protection. This reflection going deep with him,
he immediately dispatched his agents into France, to offer the
bishop satisfaction, and entreat him to return to his see. But
Agilbert excused himself, and declined the offer, alleging he
was now under engagements to a new diocese, and had not the
liberty to remove. However, that he might not be wanting in
a due compliance with the king's request, he sent him one

cent, vii.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 209

Leutherius, his nephew, and in priest's orders ; acquainting ead-
the agents withal, that he was well qualified for the episcopal K B ^ Kc ^ t
character. This Leutherius, upon his arrival in the West °^w ald,

li -li i_ ' i « K. of Nor-

Saxon territories, was honourably received by the king and his thumber-

subjects ; and, soon after, at their request, being consecrated > _^J ,

by Theodorus, archbishop of Canterbury, the country was
thrown into a single diocese, and the see fixed at Winchester, The epism-
where Leutherius died, after he had governed about seven tyJfsLLs
years. These affairs of the Church, though falling out at^g^
some distance of time, yet belonging to one kingdom of the
heptarchy, I have laid them together, to prevent the course of
the history from being broken and entangled. And now matter
of-fact will call us backward.

The murder of Eorpwald, king of the East Angles, soon
after his conversion, has been already mentioned, together with
something of the progress of Christianity in that kingdom.

Sisrebert, brother to Eorpwald, succeeded to his dominions. Bede. l. 3.

o ' *■ * c 18.

This prince was a person of great probity and devotion. He A . d.63
had his education in France, where he was baptized ; being
forced to retire hither to secure himself from the practices of
king Redwald. Upon his accession to the crown, he began to rite conver-
refine the country upon the French model, and introduce those ^adA^les.
commendable regulations he had observed abroad ; but, in the
first place, he took care to benefit his subjects in their best
interest, and bring them over to the true religion. He was
assisted in these holy purposes by Felix, a Burgundian, who,
applying himself about this time to Honorius, archbishop of
Canterbury, acquainted him that he desired to try his endea-
vours upon the East Angles. Honorius, approving the gene-
rous motion, immediately consecrated him, and sent him
thither. Felix was surprisingly successful in his undertaking,
and made almost a thorough conversion of the whole country.
He had Dommoc, or Dunwich, for his see, where, after having
sat seventeen years, he departed this life. Bede. 1.2.

But it seems, after all, the conversion of the East Angles c - 15 -
was not solely carried on by the labours of Felix the Burgun-
dian ; for one Furseus, a monk of remarkable piety, had a
share in the enterprise. This holy man came from Ireland
into the country of the East Angles, in search of a monastic
retirement. Sigebert entertained him with great regard, and
furnished him with a place for a monastery. But Furseus was

VOL. i. p

210 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book ii.

hono- not so far smitten with a solitary life as not to endeavour to do

RTTJS i

Abp. Cant, the world what service he could. In order to this, he preached
• ' in the country with great application, proselyted some, and
fortified others already converted. This person coming from
Ireland, we may reasonably conclude him of the opinion of the
Scottish Christians there ; and yet Bede gives him an extraor-
dinary commendation, reports that he was honoured with the
conversation of angels before his death, and that his corpse
Bede. 1.3. was miraculously preserved from putrefaction.
qV " Farther : it is probable this Furseus was of the communion

Bede. ibid, of the Scots and Picts ; for Bede not only tells us the Scots
were his countrymen, but likewise that he travelled through
Wales into the territories of the East Angles. Now, by his
taking his journey through Wales, we may fairly suppose he
was of the British communion, which was the same with that
of the Picts and Northern Scots.
Sigehert a To return to Sigebert : he went on in the project of polish-
rager of™' m g n ^ s subjects, and gaining them to an inclination for letters,
learning. an( | erected schools for the education of youth. Malmesbury

Malmsbur. • J

de Gestis calls them schools, and supposes several ol them set up at
i. e f.c.6 g proper distances ; but Bede speaks in the singular number, as
Bede. 1.3. jf a jj this provision had been confined to one place. This
improvement of men's understandings the king expected would
prove serviceable to religion : for Christianity, standing upon
so solid a basis, upon such reasonable doctrine, and such
unquestionable matter of fact, having this strength of principle
and evidence, there was no fear of bringing it to the light.
The more people were qualified to examine so well established
a belief, the better they would like it. Sigebert, therefore,
looking on learning not only as an ornament to his kingdom,
but as a proper expedient to recommend the doctrine of the
Gospel, made it his business to encourage it. Felix, the
bishop, promoted the execution of this design, and furnished
him out of Kent with masters and professors in several of the
learned faculties.

Sigebert is commonly said to be the founder of the university
Poiydor. of Cambridge, though some others contend for a much greater
l.Xp. 65. antiquity : Polydore Virgil, Leland, Bale, &c, are of this
Cyeneara °P m i° n - But the credit of their authority seems weakened by
Cantionem. the silence of authors much more ancient ; for neither Bede,
Sigebert. Florence of Worcester. Malmesbury, nor Huntingdon, make

cent, vii.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 211

any mention of Cambridge. It is true, some of them mention earcon-
this king's encouragement of learning, and founding schools or K< of Ke ' nt-
seminaries for that purpose ; but then they do not tell us where ^olxwih-
the Muses settled, nor point upon any place. If the liberty of umberiand.
a conjecture might be allowed, it seems more probable, consi-
dering the custom of that age, that the grand seminary of
learning should be settled at the episcopal see ; and, upon this
foot, Dunwich will have a better claim to this privilege than
Cambridge. As for those that bring the antiquity of the
university of Cambridge up to the reign of Lucius, or insist on
the charter of king Arthur, their assertion is encumbered with
unanswerable difficulties, and their vouching records of no
credit.

To finish the remaining part of Sigebert : religion was so Sigebert
much the governing passion of this prince, that all the advan-^ w
tages of his station were disrelished by him ; and, not thinking
his government would give him leisure enough for contempla-
tion and pious exercises, he grew weary of the administration
at last, and, resigning to his cousin Ecgric, retired to a monas-
tery. After he had lived here a considerable time, Penda,
with his Mercians, happened to make war upon the East
Angles ; who, finding themselves overmatched by the enemy,
desired Sigebert to take the field with them. But Sigebert,
being turned monk, refused to gratify their request. How-
ever, having formerly the reputation of a great general, and of
being remarkably brave, they concluded his appearing in person
would be a great encouragement to their troops. Upon this
view, they dragged him, as it were, out of his retirement, and
conveyed him into the army. This expedient proved little
serviceable : for Sigebert, looking upon the military function
as inconsistent with his monastic character, refused to be
martially accoutred, and would have nothing but a wand in his
hand ; and, the battle proving unfortunate to the East Angles,
he was slain in this figure. Ecgric the king likewise lost his
life, and all the troops were either cut in pieces or dispersed.
Anna, the son of Eni, of the royal family, was the next king of
the East Angles. He proved an excellent prince, but had the
misfortune to fall in the field by the same Mercian king that
defeated his predecessor.

In the year of our Lord 640, Eadbald, king of Kent, de- A . D . 640.
parted this life, and was succeeded by his son Earconbert, who

r 2

2] 2

ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book it.

HONO-
RIUS,

Abp. Cant.

v J

Earconbert

destroys the
remains of
idolatry.

Bede. 1. 3.
c. 8.

91.

a. u. 642.

Bede, 1. ."..
c. 9.

KingOsivald
slain at the
battle of
Macerfeld.
Bede, ibid.

Bede, 1. 3.
<;.9. 10, 11,
12, 13,15,
16,17.

reigned, with great commendation, four-and-twenty years. This
Earconbert was the first Saxon prince who made paganism
penal, and ordered that the idols should be broken, and their
worship forborne. By this injunction it appears there were some
remains of heathenism, which continued all along from the
time of Augustine the monk : which is the less to be wondered
at, if we consider that Ethelbert, this prince's grandfather,
compelled nobody to turn Christian ; and it seems his son
Eadbald indulged the same latitude of toleration. These mea-
sures of lenity might be accountable enough at the first
preaching of Christianity. To give the pagans time to ex-
amine the doctrine of the Gospel, and not hurry them by force
into a new and unheard-of belief, was no more than reasonable ;
but, after they had conversed with Christians for two reigns
together, and had so many opportunities for conviction, Ear-
conbert might now think their refusing to come into the
Church was nothing but obstinacy and dissolution of manners.
This consideration, it is likely, made him put paganism under
penalties, and lay the objects of false worship out of his
subjects'' way. This prince likewise commanded the keeping
of Lent, and punished those that broke through the fast before
the forty days were expired. His daughter Earcongota, being
a very devout lady, retired from the world, and was abbess of
a nunnery in France. For, at this time, there were few reli-
gious houses within the heptarchy.

We must now proceed to king Oswald, the shortness of
whose reign, considering his character, is much to be re-
gretted. This admirable prince, after he had held the govern-
ment nine years, lost his life in the field. The contest was
between him and Penda king of the Mercians, who was the
aggressor. The battle fought at Macerfeld was obstinate and
bloody : here Oswald, fighting bravely for his country, was
slain by the pagans in the thirty-eighth year of his age : Bede
reports a great many cures were done by making use of the
dust where his corpse lay. He mentions several extraordinary
relations upon this subject, as he does likewise concerning
Aidan the bishop, both living and dead. Whether Bede was
truly informed or not of these matters of fact I shall not
dispute, that which I am to observe is this.

Oswald and Aidan were both of the Scottish or British church,
and died under that distinction. They kept Easter differently from

cent, vu.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 213

the Roman custom, and therefore lived independently of that oswi
see, conformity in this point being insisted on by Augustine the oswin
monk as a condition of communion, without which the British, kings o f Nor .
in consequence of their opinion, were not to be received. Now
from Bede's giving so great a character of Oswald and Aidan,
notwithstanding they disconformcd from the church of Rome,
refused to come under the pope's patriarchate, or submit to his
regulations; from hence it appears, I say, that Bede, though
living in the Romish Church, did not believe the pope a
necessary centre of communion ; or that the rest of Christen-
dom were indispensably obliged to be subject to his orders and
authority. Had this been his belief, he would never have
raised Oswald and Aidan to so great a distinction of saintship;
he would not have told us what numbers of converts they
made, and how Christianity flourished under them ; he would
not have recorded their miracles, and dilated upon the cures
wrought by the touch of their relics. Nothing can be more
evident than that, as he thought them eminent for their
holiness upon earth, so he made not the least question of their
being proportionally rewarded in heaven. And thus, even
in Bede's opinion, a man might live independently of the pope,
and die out of his customs and discipline, and yet be miracu-
lously countenanced by God Almighty, and distinguishable'
Happy in the other world.

Oswald, as Bede expressed it, being removed to the regions
of the blessed, was succeeded by his brother Oswi, who reigned
about eight-and-twenty years. In the second year of this A . d. 64 4.
prince's government, Paulinus, who had formerly been arch-
bishop of York, died upon the see of Rochester. Honorius,
archbishop of Canterbury, consecrated one Ithamar to succeed
him. He was a Kentish man, and eminent for his piety and
learning.

Oswi, in the beginning of his reign, had Oswin for his
contemporary. This Oswin, the son of Osric, and of the
family of king Edwin, was a prince of remarkable piety ; he
governed in the division of the Deiri seven years. His sub-
jects lived easy and in great plenty under him, which made
him extremely beloved ; but Oswi, being an ambitious prince,
came to a rupture with Oswin, and made a breach in the pros-
perity of his kingdom. Things being now come to an ex-
tremity, and armies levied on both sides, Oswin perceived him-

214 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book. ii.

deus- self too weak to venture a battle, for Oswi, it seems, had
Abp. Can't, reinforced himself with a potent confederacy ; Oswin, there-
'oswlfbe^ mre ' thought it most advisable to dismiss his troops and
trayedto reserve himself for a more favourable juncture. His army
slain! being thus disbanded, he retired with only one officer in his

company to one Earl Hunwald, whom he expected would
prove true to him ; but this man, being governed either by
interest or fear, betrayed him to king Oswi, who was so
barbarous as to dispatch him. And thus he went off by
a. d. 651. treachery and violence in the ninth year of his reign.
Bede, l. 3. King Oswin, as Bede describes him, was a very graceful
'. * . , person, and of an admirable disposition. He was remarkably
character, condescensive and obliging in his behaviour ; and both the
rich and poor had a large share of his bounty. Being thus
doubly recommended by the advantages of person and temper,
every body was charmed with him, inasmuch that men of the
first quality came from all parts of the island to his court, and
offered their service. Amongst the rest of his good qualities
his humility was particularly extraordinary, of which Bede
gives the following instance : — King Oswin gave Aidan
the bishop a fine horse, for the bishop, though he used to
walk on foot most commonly, yet wanted the convenience of a
horse upon some occasions. The bishop, a little after, hap-
pening to meet with a poor man upon the road who begged
his charity, dismounts immediately, and gives him his pad,
with all his rich housings and equipage ; for the bishop was so
compassionate that he could not bear the sight of a poor man
without relieving him. This coming to the king's ear, he
seemed not pleased with the story ; and the next time the
bishop came to dine with him he accosted him in this manner :
" My lord bishop," says he, " what made you so prodigal of
my favour as to give away my pad to a beggar \ If there was
a necessity of setting him on horseback, could you not have
furnished him with one of less price ? or if he wanted any
other relief you might have supplied him in another way, and
not have parted so easily with the present I made you."" To
this the bishop replied, " Your majesty seems not fully to
92. have considered the point ; for otherwise I know you will

grant a son of God is much to be preferred to the son of
Films Dei. a mare." Upon this no more passed, but they went to dinner.
Films eqnee. Not j Qn g after ^ k j ng came from hunting when the bishop

cent, vii.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 215

was at court, and remembering what words had passed between deus-
them, he laid by his sword, and making up hastily to the Ab CaIlt '

bishop, fell down at his feet, desiring him not to be disgusted v » '

at their former discourse about the pad ; and that he would

neither censure his charity nor prescribe about the proportion

for the future. The bishop being very much disturbed to see

the king in this posture, took him up immediately, and desired

him not to trouble himself about that matter. And now the

bishop grew insensibly melancholy in his turn, and wept very

much, and being asked the reason by one of his priests, he told

him in the Scotch language, which was not understood at

table, " That he foresaw Oswin's life was but short ; for in my

life, 1 ' says he, " I never saw such an humble prince before ;

his temper is too heavenly to dwell long among us, and indeed

the nation does not deserve the blessing of such a governor."

The bishop proved a true prophet, for the king was soon The death of

taken off in the manner above mentioned : and about a fort- Aidan.

night after Aidan himself died, and, as Bede expresses it, re- Be £ e 6 ib Jj

ceived the reward of his pious labours in heaven.

About this time Felix, bishop of the East Angles, died.
He sat seventeen years, and was succeeded by Thomas, deacon
to Honorius, archbishop of Canterbury, who provided for
this see upon the vacancy. Thomas governed the diocese five
years and died, and was succeeded by Boniface, a Kentish
man, who was preferred by the archbishop above mentioned.
This prelate dying in the year of our Lord 653, the see of Can- A . D . 653.
terbury continued vacant for a year and a half, and was then
filled by Deusdedit a West Saxon, who governing the province
seven years, died, and had Damianus, a South Saxon, for
his successor. These two last archbishops were both con-
secrated by Ithamar bishop of Rochester. Bede, l. 3.

And now it will be time to say something of the Middle ^j£-
Angles, who were converted in the reign of Peada, son of king c. 21.

-„ , m, . . , . „ -, The conver-

Penda. 1ms young prince being a fine person, and very sionofthe
promising, had the crown settled upon him by his father. ^ l ff^
Being thus made heir-apparent, he makes a visit to Oswi king
of the Northumbrians, desiring Athfl ede is daughter in
marriage. This request would not be granted unless upon the
condition of his turning Christian, and using his interest
in making his subjects of the same religion. Upon this some
of the principal articles of Christianity were laid before him.

216 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book ii.

deus- Now when he understood the doctrine of the gospel gave so
Abp. Cant, noble a prospect, and was so inviting in the rewards — when he
v perceived the resurrection of the bod}', a state of immortality,
and a kingdom in heaven, were all in the expectation, he
declared himself willing to turn Christian, though the princess
should be refused him. He was worked up to this holy resolu-
tion in some measure by his brother-in-law Alfrid, king Oswi's
son, who had married Cyniburgh, daughter to king Penda.
Peada, being thus satisfied and prepared, was admitted to
baptism with all his train, by Finanus the bishop. Being
thus successful in his journey, he returned home, taking four
priests along with him to promote the conversion of his
subjects ; they were all well qualified for the employment, with
reference both to learning and morals ; their names were
Cedda, Adda, Betti, and Diuma ; the three first were English,
and the last a Scotchman. These priests, coming along with
the prince into the kingdom of the Middle-Angles, began
to enter upon their function ; they were heard with inclination
and respect, and a great many, both of the nobility and
common people, were persuaded to renounce paganism and
come into the church. As for king Penda, though he did not
turn Christian himself, yet he gave the missionaries leave
to preach and proselyte as far as they were able ; but as for
such as lived unsuitably to the engagements of baptism he had
them in the utmost contempt, looking upon those as a de-
spicable and scandalous sort of people who refuse to be
governed by the maxims of their own religion, and disobeyed
the commands of that God in whom they believed.
The East About this time the East Saxons were recovered to the
covered to Christian faith, from which they first revolted when Mellitus
Christianity. t,h e ir bishop was expelled. This happy revolution was brought
on by the zeal and interest of king Oswi ; Sigberet, who
succeeded Sigberet, surnamed the Little, was then king of the
East-Saxons. This prince keeping a good correspondence
with king Oswi, used to make him frequent visits. Oswi being
desirous to improve his friendship to the best purposes, en-
deavoured to dissuade him from paganism : he pressed him to
inquire farther into the grounds of his persuasion ; that it was
unintelligible to conceive that men should be able to make an
object big enough for application and worship ; that wood and
stone was by no means a fit matter to produce a deity ; that

( i:nt. vii.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 217

the Divine Nature was infinitely above such contemptible E ^X)N-

11 • ci ■ • 1 J31l«Kl,

things ; that God was an eternal and omnipotent Spirit ; that kingof Kent,
the world and all mankind were created by him ; that the
Beat of his majesty was in heaven, and not in any little figures
of metal or marble ; that he would afterwards call mankind to
a solemn account for their behaviour, and make those ever-
lastingly happy who made it their business to understand the
pleasure and obey the orders of their Creator. Oswi fre-
quently discoursing upon these heads, and recommending his
advice with an air of friendship and concern, at last the force
of his reasoning and the obligingness of his manner prevailed 93.

upon Sigberet, who, consulting his retinue upon the point, and
finding them all inclined to turn Christian, was baptized, with
his train, by the bishop Finanus, at a town where the king
resided, called Admurum by Bede ; it was situated about Bede j 3
twelve miles from the German sea, and was so called because c - 22 -
it stood by the Roman wall built by the emperor Severus.
Sigberet having made his progress to so happy a purpose,
prepared to return, and desired Oswi to furnish him with some
clergy for the instruction of his subjects. Upon this Oswi
sends for Cedd from the Middle-Angles, who having another
priest for his assistant, travelled in king Sigberet "s train to the
East Saxons ; and here, after having pursued their employ-
ment with application, and converted a great many people,
Cedd took a journey into Holy Island to consult the bishop
Finanus, and receive some farther directions. Finanus being
informed of the progress of Christianity amongst the East
Saxons, consecrates Cedd, bishop of that province, having first
sent for two other bishops to join with him in the solemnity,
and make the consecration more canonical.

Cedd, upon his promotion to the episcopal character, re-
turned to the East Saxons, where, upon this enlargement of
his authority, he proceeded to finish and form that church ;
ordaining priests and deacons, to assist him in the functions of
preaching and baptism. He built several churches, and be-
gan a monastery at Tilbury upon the Thames. Thus the
interest of Christianity was carried on for a considerable time,
the king being very assisting to the bishop's endeavours.

This pious prince was at last assassinated by two brothers ; „. ,
who being demanded upon what motive they ventured upon of the East
such a villany, had nothing else to say for themselves, but S «^S«T

218

ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book ii.

c. 22

DEDIT tnat tney were dis g uste(i witn tne kin g for showing himself so
Ab P . Cant, easy in forgiving his enemies. And thus he fell a martyr to
the doctrine of the gospel. It seems the bishop had foretold
his death upon this occasion. One of the assassins, who be-
longed to the court, was engaged in an unlawful marriage :
the bishop having admonished him upon this misbehaviour to
no purpose, proceeded to excommunication, and forbid all in
his diocese either to eat with him, or so much as make him a
visit. The king slighted the bishop's injunction ; and being
invited by this courtier, went to his house, and accepted the
entertainment. As he was coming back, the bishop happened
d_e, l. 3. to meet him upon the road. The king, being surprised at the
sight of this venerable man, alighted from his horse, and falling
at the bishop's feet, asked his pardon for his misbehaviour.
The bishop likewise dismounted, and touching the king gently,
exerted his character with great freedom, and told him with an
air of authority, that since he would not decline the visiting
that wretched and ungovernable libertine, he should lose his
life in his house : which fell out accordingly. This Sigberet
was succeeded by Smidhelm, son of Sexbald, who was baptized
by Cedd at Rendlesham, in the kingdom of the East Angles.
Ethelwald, king of that country, and brother of king Anna,
was his godfather. By the way, this Anna was a pious prince,
and was slain in the field by the pagans, in the year of our
Lord 654.

And here it will not be improper to observe, that the
Middle Angles were converted, and the East Angles recovered
by Cedd and his assistants, who received their ordination from
Finanus, of the Scottish communion. We may observe far-
ther, that before Cedd was consecrated bishop by Finanus, he
did not pretend to organize the church of the East Saxons,
nor give the orders, either of priest or deacon. But I need
not insist any longer upon this, nothing being more plain,
through the whole history of Bede, than that the power of
ordination and supreme government of the Church was always
reserved to the bishop.

To proceed to Cedd. This holy man, notwithstanding his
diocese lay in the East Angles, used sometimes to travel into
his own country, to exhort the Northumbrians to hold on in
their course of piety ; and here Ethelward, king Oswi's son,
granting him a piece of ground, at his request, he had a

a. d. 654.

Chrouolog.

Saxon.

Bede, 1. 3.

c. 21,22.

cent, vii.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 219

monastery built upon it, where the religious were governed by earcon-
the rule of Holy Island, where Cedd had his education. While K B f Kent,
the monastery was building, he desired the king that he might 9 S ^?'
have liberty to continue upon the place all the time of Lent, Noithum-
for the conveniency of his devotions. During this term, v u ans ' ,
according to custom, he fasted every day, Sunday excepted, f e ^ 3 '
till the evening ; and even then he allowed himself but a very
moderate refreshment. Bede mentioned something before of Bede, ibid,
the self-denial of the Saxons upon this head ; for, speaking of
the austerities of Aidan, he tells us, that those among the
Northumbrians who were any thing remarkable for religion,
used to fast all the year round upon Wednesdays and Fridays,
till three o'clock, excepting the interval between Easter and
Whitsuntide. Neither was this any more than the general Bede, l. 3.
practice of the Church in other places. " The Saxon Homilies
upon this occasion are penned with great conduct and conside-
ration. They commend the discipline of fasting ; they declare
it founded upon the word of God, and assert the usefulness of
it for the restraint of appetite and disorder. But then, they
observe that this affair has been sometimes managed with
great imprudence ; that, either through obstinacy or shortness
of thought, things have been pushed to that extremity as to
frighten people from this discipline. Thus, for instance, some
people in Lent fast beyond the strength of their constitution, 94.

and make themselves sick for want of discretion. Others
refusing to take any refreshment for four-and-twenty hours
together, give their palates a full liberty the next day, and eat
almost to gluttony. But this is contrary to the direction of
the holy Fathers. They teach us to practice this duty within
a rule ; that we should take our measures from necessity and
convenience ; and neither hurt our health, nor make our bodies
unserviceable on the one hand, nor encourage our senses too
far, and indulge the animal life, on the other. From hence
the Homily proceeds to argue, from the disadvantage of this j n Noti's
part of the globe, and that in these northern countries, it is ^ h ^o cl [' a 3 d
impracticable to strain up to the rigour of warmer climates." Bede.

About this time, Penda, king of the Mercians, made terrible /the Mer-
irruptions into the kingdom of the Northumbrians, and laid S&fs»*!
the country waste at a miserable rate. King Oswi, being; hard J ects con -

. ° verted.

pressed, offered to present him with the plate and jewels of his a. d 655.

220 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book 11.

PJ^l™ court, and purchase his peace, almost upon any terms. But
Abp. Cant, this pagan prince, resolving to exterminate the nation of the
v Northumbrians, would hearken to no proposals. And thus
Oswi was forced to try his fortune in the field. His troops
were comparatively but a handful ; the enemy being said to
have thirty times as many, commanded by experienced gene-
rals. When they came to the charge the pagans were routed,
thirty of their general officers, and most of their forces, cut in
pieces ; among the rest Edilhere, who succeeded his brother
Anna in the kingdom of the East Angles, was likewise slain.
This prince had pushed Penda upon the war, and brought him
a great body of auxiliaries : the battle was fought in the divi-
sion of Bernicia, at a place called Winwidfield, near the river
Bede, l. 3. Winwid, and here Penda fell with the rest.
ren.Wigorn" Before the fight, king Oswi vowed his daughter to a reli-
ad sto G ° 5 gi° us hfe' if ^°d should please to bless his arms with success :
Hunting- he likewise engaged to give twelve farms for the revenue of a
i. 3.' ' monastery ; all which he performed upon the victory ; and his

daughter Elflede was put into the nunnery called Heroteu, or
Bedeand Hartei, i.e. Hart's Island. The famous Hilda was the abbess
ibid. of this religious society : from whence, after two years, she re-

moved to Streneshalh, or Whitby, in Yorkshire. This battle
was gained in the thirteenth year of king Oswi. The conse-
quences of it were very considerable, for now there was a stop
put to the incursions of the pagans. And more than that, the
Mercians, after the death of their king Penda, who it seems
was a great bigot for heathenism, were brought over to the
Christian faith. Diuma, above-mentioned, was the first bishop
Bede, l. 3. of the Mercians and the Middle Angles : he died upon his
diocese, and was succeeded by Cellach, who, after some time,
left his bishopric, and retired into Scotland. Both these pre-
lates were Scots. The third bishop of the Mercians was
Trumhere ; he was an Englishman by birth, but had his
orders and education from the Scots : he had formerly been
abbot of the monastery of Ingetling, which was built upon the
place where king Oswin was murdered. Here queen Eanflede
persuaded king Oswi to build and endow a monastery, by way
of satisfaction, for taking away the life of Oswin in so unjusti-
fiable a manner : and here the grant of the place was made to
Trumhere, upon the score of his beins' a near relation to king

(kmt. vii.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 221

Oswin. The principal design of this monastery was, to pray earcon-
for the soul both of the prince that was slain, and of him that k of Kent
took him off. K S rfk e
After Penda, king of the Mercians, was thus slain, Oswi Northu in-
possessed himself of his dominions, reigned over the other v ua " 8 ' ,

southern provinces, and forced a great part of the Picts under
the English jurisdiction : and now he was so frank as to return
his kinsman Peada part of the kingdom of the Mercians. It Bede. l. 3.

. . . . c. 21. 24

was that part of it which lay south of the river Trent. This a. d. 657.
Peada was barbarously murdered the Easter following ; his ^^°' k '" 9
queen, as some report, being deeply concerned in the plot. Smtthem

Three years after the death of king Penda, the Mercians assassinated.
revolted from king Oswi, and set up Wulfhere, Penda's son, a A ' u " <K> '
young prince, whom they had kept incognito for this purpose.
And thus they recovered their liberty, whether fairly or not,
is hard to determine : however, they kept firm to the profes-
sion of Christianity. Wulfhere held the kingdom of the Mer-
cians seventeen years. There were four bishops of the Mer-
cians who governed in the Church in his reign ; Trumhere,
Jam man, Ceadda, or Chad, and Winfred. Bede, 1.3.

Aidan, as has been already observed, was succeeded in his
bishopric by Finan ; who, being consecrated and sent into
England by the Scots, went to his see in Holy Island, and
built the cathedral there. Bede takes notice, it was not built
of free- stone, but with timber, and covered with reed, after the Bede, I. 3.
Scottish maimer.

And here, the historian repeating the death of Aidan, it
may not be amiss to observe, that Baronius speaks favourably Baronius
of this bishop, allows him to die a Catholic, and tor his sake, his opinion
as it seems, acquits the Scottish Church of the imputation of ^Z'nwfd
schism. However, it is plain, by their different way of keeping ^Scottish
of Easter, and several other instances of dissent from the
Roman Church : from this, I say, it is plain, they did not own Bede, ibid.
the pope for an infallible judge of controversy, nor think them-
selves obliged by his precedent. Notwithstanding this, the
eminent sanctity of Aidan's life, the blaze of his miracles, and
the wonderful success of his preaching, made Baronius loth to
part with him. But here the cardinal is somewhat embar- 95.

rassed with his good nature. He seems to have perfectly for-
gotten how he had formerly loaded the Scottish Church with
schism, and pronounced them nationally punished upon that

222 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book ii.

deus- score. Now the Scots held on their old customs of keeping
Abp Cant. Easter, notwithstanding they had been pressed to conformity

h~p' ' by pope Honorius. They likewise differed from the Roman

plane qua Church in several other instances. Bede mentions the eccle-
pariter et siastical tonsure, and gives a general hint of disagreement in
Scon er f. nt other points. And here, archbishop Usher informs us, the

schismatis l . .

fuligine Britons and Irish Scots had liturgies distinct from the Roman.

tincti tic ^"^

disces'sionis Farther, Aidan, and the other bishops they sent to Holy

Roma/mrd I^ 11 ^ acted independently of the archbishops of Canterbury :

&c. Baron, they were neither consecrated by them, nor owned their pri-

scct. 78. macy, nor took any of their directions.

Bedo, 1. 2. ;p rom hence it follows, that a Church may live counter to the

Bede, l. 3. customs of Rome, slight the pope's admonitions, and take no

Usher, Reli- notice of his patriarchal authority, and yet not be in a state of

Ancient schism, according to Baronius 1 s reasoning.

*™*h \; . 4 ; But the cardinal endeavours to disengage himself and the

Bede ibid. ~ ~

Scots by urging, that the errors of that Church related only to
Baron. discipline, and not to matters of faith. But this will not do ;
Sect. 12. f° r > hacl their mistake lain in points of doctrine, they must
have been heretics. The notion of schism consists in revolting
from their lawful ecclesiastical superiors. Now, which way the
Scots could be cleared from this charge, if the pope was supreme
pastor, is not to be imagined. The cardinal was hard pressed,
otherwise he would never have attempted to disentangle them
in this manner. In short, Baronius must of necessity either
leave the Scots under the guilt of schism, or else retract his
former censure ; and, since his last opinion is the most favour-
able, and the most reasonable too, it is fit it should have the
privilege of a will, and stand good against the other.
No pretence Before we take our last leave of Aidan, I must observe, that
for the Pres- fa e D i s h p, sent to king Oswald before Aidan's mission, was

byterian Jr' T . .

platform consecrated at Hye. Aidan likewise received his own conse-
'lanltofHye. oration there ; where, as it appears by the historian, there
Be^de. l. 3. were more bishops than one. This makes the island and
Bede. l. 3. monastery of Hye, or Iona, no precedent for Presbyterian
' government, and perfectly overthrows their model and preten-
sions from thence.
The confer- The progress of the history will now bring us to the famous
'wyf synod at Streaneshalch, or Whitby. The synod or conference
a. d. 664. was held in the nunnery of the abbess Hilda. It was convened
to decide the controversy about Easter, the ecclesiastical ton-

cent, vii.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 223

sure, and some other usages, in which the Scottish and Can- Earcon-
terbury Churches did not agree. Bede informs us, that one k. of Kent.
Ronan, a Scotchman by birth, but educated in France and ^f the
Italy, was a great champion in the paschal controversy against Nortbum-

the Scots. He used to dispute the point with Jb inanus, and < '

brought a great many off to the general practice ; but Finanus, c- 25.'
as Bede represents him, being a man of some warmth and
spirit, grew disgusted by the dispute, and more tenacious of
his own opinion. Eanflede, Oswi's queen, a Kentish princess,
and who brought one Romanus a priest out of Kent with her,
kept Easter according to the Catholic custom. Now, by the
different usages of the Scottish and Kentish Church, it hap-
pened sometimes that there were two Easters kept at Oswi's
court within the same year ; and thus, when the king's Lent
was over and he was celebrating the solemnity of Easter, the
queen and her part of the court were in their fasting discipline,
and came forward no farther than Palm-Sunday. During
Aidan's time, this diversity of custom was borne without much
disgust. The piety and great character of this prelate was
such, that even Honorius, archbishop of Canterbury, and
Felix, bishop of the East Angles, as well as the rest of the
Kentish communion, had a great respect for him.

Upon the death of Finanus, Colman, who had his consecra-
tion from the Scots, succeeded to his bishopric. And now, as
Bede continues, the controversy about Easter and some other
ecclesiastical usages revived, and was carried on with more con-
cern than formerly. King Oswi was of the Scottish persuasion ;
but his son Alchfrid, who had Wilfrid for his preceptor, was on
the other side. This Wilfrid had travelled into France and
Italy, and was a person of learning. Prince Alchfrid preferred
him to the government of a monastery ; and Agilbert, bishop
of the West Saxons, had lately given him priest's orders : and
now, both parties being desirous to determine the question, the
conference was opened at Whitby. It was held before king
Oswi and the prince his son above mentioned. Bishop Colman
and his clergy from Scotland made their appearance, and so
did bishop Agilbert, Wilfrid, Agatho, Romanus, and James :
these four priests and the bishop were of the Kentish side ;
the abbess Hilda and those in her interest were for the Scots ;
and bishop Cedd, who had his consecration from the Scots, was
interpreter to both parties.

224 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book it.

deus- Before they entered upon the debate, king Oswi made a
PEDIT, s h or t speech, putting them in mind, that those who served the

Abp. Cant. l ' * » , , ,, in 2.'

v > same God ought to be governed by the same rule ot practice,

and not differ about the celebration of the holy sacraments : it
was, therefore, their business to inquire which of the traditions
was best grounded, and acquiesce in the strength of the evi-
dence.

Upon this, he ordered Colman to deliver himself, and defend
the custom of his Church. Colman alleged, that he was go-
96 verned by the practice of his predecessors, and of those that

consecrated him in Scotland ; that all the holy fathers of his
country had celebrated Easter in this manner, from the first
entrance of Christianity. And if this was no sufficient pre-
scription, it might be farther fortified by the precedent of St.
John the Evangelist ; that blessed disciple who had such a
particular share in our Saviour's affection. This holy apostle,
as Colman alleged, and all the Churches under his jurisdiction,
kept Easter according to the usage then observed in the Scot-
tish Churches. When Colman had dilated upon this argument,
the king spoke to Agilbert to set forth the rise of the Roman
custom, and produce the authorities by which they were go-
verned. Agilbert excused himself by alleging his unskilfulness
in the English language, and therefore desired that Wilfrid,
who was better qualified in that point, might be allowed to
speak the sense of the party.
a. d.664. And now Wilfrid, having the kings permission, spoke to
this effect : " He set forth, in the first place, that their way of
keeping Easter was practised at Rome, where the apostles St.
Peter and St. Paul preached, settled, and suffered martyrdom ;
that, to his knowledge, this custom was generally observed in
Italy and France ; that he was certainly informed the Churches
of Afric, Asia, Egypt, Greece, and in short all the world over,
kept close to the same circumstance of time, excepting the
Scots, Picts, and Britons, and yet even all these were not
chargeable with this foolish obstinacy. 11 To this lively way of
arguing Colman made a handsome reply, and told him, " He
was surprised to find their practice reproached with folly, since
they had the authority of so great an apostle for their defence,
and whose conduct was never yet charged with the least fail-
ure or false step. 11 Wilfrid, who, I suppose, might now be
sensible he had spoken with too much freedom, answered the

cent, vii.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 225

bishop, " That the charging St. John with indiscretion was far EARCON-

RKR.T

from his intention ; that this apostle's governing himself in this k. of Kent.
matter by the Mosaic institution was no more than necessary Junius
at that time ; that the Church was obliged, at first, to comply Northum-

with the Jews in a great many things ; and that it was not « J —>

prudential to throw off the legal ceremonies all at once." A
religion of divine appointment, though the period of it was
determined, was to be treated with respect, to prevent the
Jews being prejudiced against Christianity. For this reason
St. Paul circumcised Timothy, offered a sacrifice in the temple,
and shaved his head, with Aquila and Priscilla, at Cenchrsea.
Thus St. James told St. Paul, "Thou seest, brother, how Acts xxi.20.
many thousands of Jews there are which believe, and they are
all zealous of the law. 1 ' 1 And yet this compliance was to be no
standing rule : for now, since the Gospel is thoroughly pub-
lished, and time enough has passed for a full information, it is
neither necessary nor lawful for the faithful to be circumcised,
or worship God with bloody sacrifices. Thus, St. John, pur-
suant to the directions of the Mosaic law, begun the solemnity
of the paschal feast upon the fourteenth day of the first month
in the evening, without regarding whether it fell upon Saturday,
or on any other part of the week ; but St. Peter, considering
that our Saviour rose from the dead and gave us an expectation
of the resurrection upon the Sunday, concluded, that, though
the Mosaic institution was so far to be followed as to regard
the fourteenth day of the first month, yet he did it with this
difference : that whereas St. John observed the day at the
beginning or upon the evening of the precedent, so St. Peter
always waited for the evening or latter end of the fourteenth.
And. when this time came, if the Lord's day happened the next
morning, it was then his custom to begin the Easter festival in
the evening before; which, as Wilfrid urged, was then the
practice of the Catholic Church. But, in case the Lord's day
or Sunday did not immediately follow the fourteenth day after
the vernal equinox, but stood distant to the sixteenth, seven- Rede, l. 5.
teenth, or any other day forward, then the solemnity of Easter ^ f emal
was deferred till the one-and-twentieth, and part of the festival equinox

1 ' tvas reckoned

begun on the Saturday at night. And thus the stated time tor ontiw \2thof
Easter Sunday was fixed from the fifteenth day to the one-and- Apr a^
twentieth inclusive. This apostolical rule, as Wilfrid would { ^ n f ^J ht
have it, was rather a conformity to the Mosaic law than other- "
vol. i. ft

226

ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book xi.

DEUS-
DEDIT,

Abp. Cant.

Socrat. 1. 5.
c.21.

97.

Euseb. Ec-
cles. Hist.
1. 5. c. 23.

Euseb. Vit.
Constant.
1.3. c. 17, 18

Socrat. ibid

wise : for, in Exodus, we find the passover was to begin on the
fourteenth day of the first month at even, and to continue till
the evening of the one-and-twentieth. By this circumstance
of time, all St. John's successors in Asia, and indeed the whole
Catholic Church, were determined : and, that this was the true
keeping of Easter, may be farther confirmed by the authority
of the council of Nice.

But, by the way, Socrates, whose testimony seems preferable
to Wilfrid's, is of another opinion. He tells us, the design of
the apostles was not to determine the circumstances of holy
days, but to set posterity an example of regularity and good
life. This historian is of opinion, that, as many other usages
began upon custom posterior to the apostles, so he believes this
paschal solemnity, at least as to the circumstances of time,
commenced from some such private authority. From hence
he proceeds to give an account of the " Quarto-Decimans, 11 in
the Lesser Asia above mentioned. However, this difference in
the keeping of Easter occasioned no rupture in the Catholic
Church : for, notwithstanding this diversity of custom in the
Eastern and Western Churches, St. Polycarp, and Anicetus,
bishop of Rome, kept a friendly correspondence, and received
the communion together. This good understanding held on
till Victor, bishop of Rome, insisted upon the practice of the
Western Church with too much heat. He carried things to
an unprecedented extremity ; for which he was sharply repri-
manded, not only by the Asian bishops, but also by the famous
Irenseus, bishop of Lyons, in Gaul. As to the council of Nice,
they aimed at an uniformity of practice : and, since the Quarto-
Decimans were the smaller part, and seemed to stand too near
the Jewish observation, the council, as appears by Constantino's
letter, determined for the Western practice, and fixed the
solemnity upon the Sunday ; but whether from the fourteenth
of the first month to the twentieth, or from the fifteenth to the
one-and-twentieth, inclusive, is not so certain. Socrates con-
cludes by observing, that the Eastern Quarto-Decimans ap-
pealed to the practice of St. John ; and the Western Church,
to that of St. Peter and St. Paul, for their justification.
. " They pretend, 11 says he, " they go upon apostolical tradition,
but neither side has any written record to support the allega-
tion." From whence this historian infers, that the usage was
not originally determined by canon, but grew up from custom.

cent, vii.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 227

To return to Wilfrid, who, from what he had already al- EARCON-

• BFRT

leged, infers against Colman and his party, that they were k. of Kent.
wide both of St. John s and St. Peters practice ; and neither K °f JJ^.
conformable to law nor gospel. For St. John, complying nmberland.
with the Mosaic dispensation, never stayed for the Sunday ;
whereas, it was the Scottish custom always to keep their
Easter on the Lord's day. And then, as to St. Peter, he kept
the solemnity from the fifteenth to the one-and-twentieth ;
whereas, Colman and the Scottish Churches, as Wilfrid con-
tinues, made their computation from the fourteenth day to the
twentieth : so that oftentimes they began the festival upon the
thirteenth day in the evening, of which neither the Jewish nor
the Christian institution make the least mention. But Baro-
nius is not of Wilfrid's opinion in this point. He argues Baron,
against the Scottish usage from this inconvenience : that in §;£; 5. '
case the Sunday fell upon the fourteenth day of the month,
they must celebrate the festival upon the same day with the
Jews.

But to proceed to the conference. Colman endeavoured to
justify the practices of his Church by the authorities of St.
Anatolius, of St. Columba and his successors. He urged that
these men were remarkable for their sanctity, and many of
them worked miracles. This eminent piety, these credentials
from heaven, he looked upon as sufficient evidence to defend
their practice. To this Wilfrid returned, that it was true that
Anatolius was a person of great sanctity and learning, but that
Colman could not claim under his precedent; for Anatolius
formed his paschal computation upon the cycle of nineteen
years, which the Scots either knew nothing of, or despised.
Anatolius began his reckoning for the paschal Sunday upon
the fourteenth day after sunset ; and then, according to the
Egyptian account, he took it for the fifteenth day. And thus,
when the Sunday did not fall till the twentieth, he stayed till
the evening, and then the one-and-twentieth commenced. But
that Colman and his party, knowing nothing of this distinction,
precipitated their Easter to a singularity, and began the festi-
val upon the thirteenth, before the moon was at the full.

But here we may observe, that the bishop of St. Asaph Historical
endeavours to prove, from Bucherius and primate Usher, that church' °
the Roman Church had changed their cycle ; for the time of ^l™™™ *
finding out Easter had been formerly settled by a cycle of p. 67.

228 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book ii.

deus- eighty-four years, which, in pope Leo's time, was called the
Abp.^nt. Roman account. The Scots and the Southern Picts used the
B^TdT^ same cycle from the time of their conversion, and so did the
Canon. Britons too, without any alteration. Afterwards the Roman
P . a i38, 190. Church quitted this cycle for the new one of nineteen years,
Jion e of th?" which, notwithstanding it was better adjusted, was new and
ancient unpractised in these north-western parts; and this is that
c n 9. p. 70. computation which Augustine the monk formerly, and Wilfrid
at the present contest, insisted so much upon. From hence
it will follow that Wilfrid's argument proceeded upon two mis-
takes in matter of fact ; first, by pretending to receive the
paschal computation from St. Peter, since their cycle of nine-
teen years was drawn up but an age or two before at Alexan-
dria. Neither, secondly, was it received in all the western
Churches, excepting Britain and Ireland, as Wilfrid suggests;
for, as Bucherius observes, it had not then prevailed in some of
Bnch. ibid, the French Churches.

To take leave of the conference. As to St. Columba and
his successors, Wilfrid does not deny any part of the advan-
tage of their character. He believes they meant well, and
lived in the favour of heaven ; but then, he adds, it was nothing
but misinformation which kept them in this error, which they
would willingly have laid down, had they understood the con-
troversy more exactly. But then he tells Colman and his
party, that if they continued in their singularity, refused the
regulations of the apostolic see, and, which was more, if they
went counter to the practice of the universal Church, they
could have none of St. Columba's excuse. Here, we see,
Wilfrid insists strongly upon the decisions of the Roman see,
as if that authority ought to go a great way in overruling the
dispute. But pope Honorius, in his letter to Tomianus,
Columbanus, and the other Scottish bishops, delivers himself
in a more modest, unpretending strain. He only complains of
them for computing differently from the rest of Christendom,
98. and not acquiescing in the determination of all the bishops in

the world ; and afterwards exhorts them not to prefer their
inconsiderable numbers to so vast a majority. But then, as
to the privileges of his own see, and that they owed an implicit
resignation to the orders passed there, he mentions nothing of

Bede, 1. 2. that.

Wilfrid concludes his speech by putting this question to

cent, vii.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 229

Colman : " Granting your Columba," says he, " was so remark- earcoN-
able for life and miracles, will you prefer him to the prince of K B f ^; it
apostles, St. Peter? To St. Peter, I say, who had the honour oswi,
of this sentence from our Saviour : ' Thou art Peter, and upon amberknd
this rock will I build my Church, and the gates of hell shall ^L^T^t.
not prevail against it ; and I will give unto thee the keys of 18 ' 19 -
the kingdom of heaven,' 1 " &c.

And now it being granted, that Wilfrid followed St. Peter's
custom; that St. Columba's authority was not to be put in
balance with this apostle's ; and that Colman had no pretence
to vouch St. John for a counterpoise ; the king and the audi-
ence declared themselves on Wilfrid's side, and quitted the
Scottish usage.

The king seems to have been swayed in tins controversy by
the distinction of St. Peter's apostolate ; and by his answer it
looks as if he understood the text gave St. Peter the keys of
the kingdom of heaven, either exclusively of the rest of the
apostles, or at least to some degree of advantage, and that this
apostle was the rock upon which the Church was principally
founded. But that this was not the doctrine of the Saxon
Church, appears by their Homilies, or Sermones Catholici, Scnu.

Cathol. de

where the text, " Thou art Peter, and upon this rock I will g p,"

build my Church," is thus expounded from St. Augustine : Pj 405 -

"That Peter is put figuratively to signify the Church; that loc. in c. 25.

our Saviour was the rock, and that St. Peter was an emblem ' ' e '

of the Christian society." The Homily goes on, and adds,

" Thou art Peter, and upon this rock, i. e., upon that faith and

confession thou hast now declared, I will build my Church."

And in another place they tell us, " The keys of the kingdom

of heaven were given to the rest of the apostles, as well as to

St. Peter," and quote the text of St. John for their assertion. st.Joim,xx.

Ol OO O 9

The other part of the controversy argued at this conference g e ' ri ^ ' **■
was the ecclesiastical tonsure. That which Wilfrid contended Cathol. Cai.
for was called St. Peter s tonsure ; it was made in the place P . 160.
where our Saviour wore the crown of thorns, and with a design lo^Tbid. e
to be an emblem of that figure. The Scottish tonsure was
somewhat different from this ; but Bede does not inform us on
the particulars. Bede, l. 3.

When the conference was ended, Colman finding his opinion ^cdman re-
overruled, and his party grow into disesteem, threw up his f L n ' s ., 1 "^
diocese, and retired with his adherents into Scotland, to consult

230 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book ii.

deus- about farther measures. Cedcle likewise returned to his see,

T) "F D T T

Ab P . Cant, and was brought over to the Catholic way of keeping Easter.
Tudasuir' Upon Column's returning into Scotland, one Tuda, a man of
ceeds Mm in learning and character, was made bishop of Holy Island in his

his uii)iio7)')*tc

"' stead. This Tuda, though he received his consecration from
Bede, l. 3. the Scots, had now deserted their custom of keeping Easter.
When Colman went off, he took some of Aidan's relics along
with him ; and notwithstanding his nonconformity in the point
of Easter, and his refusing to be concluded by the majority,
Bede gives him the commendation of an admirable person ;
that he lived a very mortified and heavenly life ; and was per-
Bede, ibid, fectly disengaged from secular interest.

Tuda living but a very little while, Alchfrid, king Oswi's son,
sent Wilfrid, then only in priest's orders, to the king of France,
Bede, 1.3. to recommend him to the French prelates for consecration.
c- 28 ' And here it may seem a little strange, that Wilfrid should

Wilfrid goes take a journey into France, and not apply to Deusdedit of
llnsecratimu Canterbury for his episcopal character. Did he not know the
metropolitical jurisdiction of that see, and the privileges granted
to it by pope Gregory the Great ? But it seems the regula-
tions of the see of Rome were not, at that time of day, received
with such an absolute submission, even by those of their own
communion. It is true, he seems not altogether regardless of
the pope in this affair, as appears in his address to the two
kings, Oswi and Alchfrid. He represents to them, that since
they were pleased to desire his promotion to a bishopric, he
thought himself obliged to procure that honour by the most
unexceptionable method. He was sensible there were a great
many bishops in Britain, against whose authority he would
object nothing ; though he very well knew they were either
British or Scottish Quarto-Decimans, or else ordained by
such ; and that these bishops, and those of their correspond-
ence, lay under the imputation of schism, and were not
Eddius ste- admitted to communion by the apostolic see.
wafrid" ^ u ^ cei> tainly Deusdedit, archbishop of Canterbury, could be
c. 12. no Quarto-Deciman, as Wilfrid calls them. Why, therefore,

Scriptor. did he not consult this prelate before his going into France ?
Especially since there were the bishops of Dunwich and Win-
chester, of the Canterbury persuasion. Had these prelates,
with the metropolitan, joined in the consecration, what excep-
tion could have been made against it I From this discourse of

CENT

vii.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 231

Bcde, 1. 3.

Wilfrid in Eddius, it appears plainly, that the British and EARCON-

Scotch bishops, and those ordained by them, were out of the k. of Kent.

pope's communion. But, notwithstanding this discountenance j? s o ^ ^

at Rome, we find Birinus, who was ordained in Italy, and Northum-

bruins

began the conversion of the West Saxons, joined with those wulf-
of the Northumbrian communion : for when king Kingil was K.^the
baptized by Birinus, king Oswald was his godfather ; which Mercians.
could not have been, if Birinus had declined his communion. 99.

Thus Bede tells us, that Aidans singularities about Easter, The Sa * ™
&c. were rightly understood, and borne with by those of the with the
Kentish persuasion ; and that Honorius of Canterbury, and Scottish*
Felix, bishop of the East Angles, had a great regard for him. jjjjj^ 3
From whence, it is plain, they looked upon him and the c. 7.
Northumbrian Christians as part of the Catholic Church. To c .
give another instance, when Chad w T as sent to Wine, bishop of
Winchester, to be ordained bishop, this Wine, though ordained
in France, took two British quarto deciman bishops, as they Bede, 1. 3.
sometimes called them, to assist at the consecration. Thus, c '
we see, even those of the Canterbury persuasion, though many
of them descended from the mission of Augustine the monk,
took the freedom to communicate with those prelates in
Britain that lay under the censure of schism at Rome.

One reason why these two British bishops were taken in at
Chad's consecration was, because Deusdedit, archbishop of
Canterbury, was lately dead, and the see not filled up with
another. But then Dunwich was under no vacancy. But the Bede, l. 3.
British bishops, being the bigger number, and it is likely more compared
at hand, Wine did not think it necessary to send farther far I™*, 1 - J
those of the Roman mission. It is true, Bede tells us, that at
this time there was never a bishop in all Britain, excepting
Wine, who was canonically ordained : the reason of this ex- Bede, 1. 3.

c 28

ception will be considered by and by.

Chad, being now consecrated bishop of York, was an
eminent instance of apostolic piety, and was almost always
travelling, and in motion for the benefit of his diocese. He
was one of Aidan's disciples, and proposed his pattern for
imitation.

And now Wilfrid, having received his consecration from
Agilbert, bishop of Paris, returned into Britain, and brought
several usages of the French model along with him. And thus

232 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book ii.

deus- the Scottish Christians, who resided in England, either sur-
Abp. Can't, rendered their old customs, or retired to their country.
B^pf~3~^ About this time, Sighere and Sebbi succeeded Swithelm in
c. 28. the kingdom of the East Saxons, though both of them

the East homagers to Wulfhere, king of the Mercians. Now there
vrttfrom' happening to be a great mortality in the country, the East
Christianity, Saxons grew impatient under the calamity, insomuch that
covered. Sighere relapsed into paganism : and since Christianity did
Bede, ibid. no t relieve them, they resolved to apply to their old religion.
By Bede's description of this prince and his court, their prac-
tice was irregular, and their belief but slender at the best.
But Sebbi and his subjects continued firm to their creed, and
lived suitably to their baptismal engagements.

When king Wulfhere received intelligence that part of the
East Saxons had deserted Christianity, he sent bishop Jaru-
man to recover them ; who was so successful, that he pre-
vailed with the king and country to demolish their temples,
disengage from paganism, and return to their Christian pro-
fession. When Jaruman had thus happily recovered the East
Saxons, he and his company returned home with satisfaction.
This account Bede received from a priest that attended Jaru-
Bede, ibid, man, and had a share in the undertaking.

This year, which was remarkable for a great mortality,
Deusdedit, archbishop of Canterbury, died in July : Earcon-
bert, king of Kent, died likewise at the same time, and was
succeeded by his son Ecgbert, who reigned seventeen years.
After the death of Deusdedit, the see of Canterbury was vacant
a. d. 664. about four years. During the vacancy, the two kings of Kent
Epitome. an( I Northumberland, Ecgbert and Oswi, had a consultation
Chronoiog. about filling up the see, and making a farther provision for the
English Church. As for Oswi, Bede observes, that notwith-
standing his Scottish education, he was fully satisfied that the
Church of Rome was a catholic and apostolic Church. The
historian means, that since the late conference at Whitby,
king Oswi had got over the prejudices of his education ; that
the Scottish bishops, who were his first instructors, did by no
means look upon the see of Rome as the rule of faith and the
standard of practice ; otherwise they would not have held on
Bede, l. 2. m their customs against the pope's admonitions, nor have re-
c 19 - fused being concluded by the late conference. But now Wil-

cent, vii.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 233

frid's flourish about the apostolic see, and St. Peter's preroga- ecg-
tive, had made an impression upon the king, and altered his k. ofKmt.
belief in these matters. And now Oswi, being gained to the K f^ I 'i
Kentish persuasion, Ecgbert and himself furnished one Wig- umberiand.
hard, a Kentish priest, and recommended him to pope Vita- here
lian for consecration. He was to return with an archiepiscopal ,?• °. f
character, and to have power of ordaining bishops in all the ^~pf^
English dioceses. c. 29.'

And here we may observe, that Gregory the Great's regu- ^gorxj the
lation, in his letter to Augustine, had slept, and been dis- regulations
regarded a great while : for this pope gives Augustine the s t \ e a ^r linces
primacy of all Britain, as a personal privilege : he likewise °£ *°** ™ d
designed London for the metropolitical see for the southern
part of the island ; and that after the death of Augustine, the
archbishops of London and York should be independent of
each other, and have precedency according to the priority of
their consecration. The archbishop of York was likewise toBede, l. l.

r 29

have twelve suffragans under him when the country was con- ibid.

verted. But this scheme of pope Gregory's never took effect,

but was laid aside almost in every particular. For as to the

northern parts, the see of York was removed, not long after,

to Holy Island : and when the jurisdiction was brought back,

and the metropolitical power revived, those archbishops fell

always very much short of the superintendency of twelve

dioceses besides their own. And then, as to the southern

part of the island, London was never advanced to the archi- 100.

episcopal dignity ; that privilege was annexed to the see of

Canterbury, where it has all along continued ; I say all along,

for the short encroachment of the see of Lichfield is not worth

mentioning.

To return to Wighard, who, though sent to Rome by
Ecgbert and Oswi, yet these two princes did not drive the
regale so far upon the Church as to exclude her from a share
in this affair : for Bede tells us, that Wighard was pitched
upon for this voyage and character, by the choice and consent
of the English Church. Wighard, being thus recommended,
arrived at Rome, and acquainted the pope with his business,
but did not live to receive the honour intended him : for soon
after, himself, and most of his retinue, were taken off by the
plague.

The pope Vitalian, upon this accident, thought it proper to

234

ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book ii.

THEO-
DORUS,

Abp. Cant.

Pope Vita-
lian conse-
crates Theo-
dorus to the
see of Can-
terbury.

Bede, 1. 4.

c. 1.

a. d. 668.

a.d. 669.

Thcodorus
makes a
general
visitation,
and intro-
duces the
Roman
customs.

Bede, 1. 4.
c. 2.

About

tiventy miles
from Ox-
ford.

Bede, ibid.

provide an archbishop for the English Church. And after
having offered the promotion to two monks, Adrian and
Andrew, who excused themselves upon the score of their
insufficiency or ill health ; at last, one Theodoras, a religious,
and born at Tarsus in Cilicia, was recommended to the pope :
he was a person well qualified in respect of age, morals, and
learning. Adrian above-mentioned, presenting this person to
the pope, he was accepted by his holiness, upon condition that
the other, who had been a traveller, would attend him in his
voyage. Things being thus adjusted, he was consecrated
archbishop by Vitalian in April, a. d. 668.

Theodoras and Adrian took their journey through France ;
and here, visiting several bishops in their way, and being
stopped for some time by Ebro, mayor of the palace, they did
not arrive in Britain till June, a. d. 669.

Theodoras, soon after his coining to Canterbury, made a
visitation through all the English part of the island, settled
the Catholic way of keeping Easter, and brought the people to
a thorough conformity, as is most likely, with the customs of
Rome : and which is remarkable, this Theodoras was the first
archbishop that was universally submitted to by the English
Church : for before this time, as has been already observed,
the bishops of the kingdom of Northumberland governed with-
out any dependence on the see of Canterbury. This prelate,
being a great master in most parts of learning, both sacred
and secular, drew an audience together; the place of their
meeting is supposed to be Grekislake, or Crecgelade, from
whence the university of Oxford might possibly be afterwards
supplied. But let the place be where it will ; let the seminary
be fixed or ambulatory, it is certain Theodoras and Adrian
took upon them the functions of professors. And besides their
instructions in divinity, they used to read arithmetic, astro-
nomy, and music to their audience. Bede informs us, there
were some of their disciples living in his time, who had made
so great a proficiency under these masters, that they could
deliver themselves in Greek and Latin with as much ease and
propriety as in their own language. The historian continues,
that Britain was never more happy since the arrival of the
Saxons, than at this time : that the Christian kings here were
much superior in strength, and overawed the pagans ; that the
people were generally regular, and hearty in their zeal for

cent, vii.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 235

Christianity. He tells us, Ecldi, surnaraed Stephen, upon his ecg-
receiving an invitation from Wilfrid, came from Kent into the g; B f foirt
north, and taught the Northumbrians church music. This OSWI,
Wilfrid, as Bede remarks, was the first prelate of English umberiand.
extraction that introduced the Catholic usages. By the here!
Catholic usages, Bede means the ecclesiastical customs prac- K.ofMercia .
tised in Italy, France, &c. From whence it follows, that CaSoficam
before this time the English bishops, especially those in the rem. Bede,
north, did not believe themselves obliged to follow the Roman lbld '
customs. Theodoras, in his progress through the country,
ordained bishops, and brought the form of the Church to the
Roman standard.

When this archbishop objected against the canonicalness
of Chad's consecration, the holy prelate made this modest
reply, " that if he questioned the manner of his promotion,
he was willing to lay down his authority ; for that he always
thought himself unworthy of the episcopal character, and took
it upon him only in obedience to his superiors." Bede ' lblti -

One reason of Theodorus's dissatisfaction about Chad's ;?'• c . Iia i -

deprived of

episcopal authority, may be learned from Eddius, who informs kis see at
us, that when Theodoras visited in the kingdom of the North- afterwards
umbrians, and brought the pope's injunctions along with him ; b £($£ e %
he understood that Chad had made a breach upon the canons, Eddius. Vit.
by accepting the see of York after Wilfrid had been elected c . 15.
to it ; for which reason he, in conjunction with other bishops,
decreed his deprivation. To which Chad submitted with all
imaginable resignation.

Secondly, Theodoras might probably question the canoni-
calness of Chad's consecration, because he received it from
the Scottish bishops, who kept Easter after their old manner,
and paid no submission to the Roman see. That Theodorus's _ .,

,,..,, Concil.

scruples went upon this ground, appears by his capitula, where Labbe,
those who are ordained by the Scottish or British bishops, p OI i877.
who dissent from the Catholic Church in the tonsure, and
keeping of Easter, were to have their character confirmed by
receiving imposition of hands from a Catholic bishop. This
usage was practised upon the Cathari, or Novatians, upon Concil.
their return to the Church. Now, by Theodorus's order in Nlca5 ?-

' «/ can. o.

his capitula, it is plain he applied the canon of the council of
Nice against the Scottish and British bishops, and by conse-
quence took them for schismatics, and for that reason made 101.

236 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book ii.

theo- an exception to the character of St. Chad. But, notwith-
Abp. Cant, standing Theodorus's opinion, it is not long since the see of
v v ' Rome owned the authority of these Scottish bishops - ' prede-
cessors ; and saluted them in the style of their order. This
was no longer ago than the time of pope John IV., as may be
Bede, lib. 2. seen in his letter transcribed by Bede.

cap 19 ...

St. Chad submitting with so much temper, Theodorus
dissuaded him from laying down his episcopal function : and,
to take off all pretences of any defect, brought him to pass
through the Catholic forms, as Bede calls them ; that is, to
receive imposition of hands : and, upon the death of Jaruman,
bishop of Lichfield, he was, by the interest of Theodorus,
Eddius. vit. recommended to that see.

c 1 5." Bede, About this time Theodorus consecrated Putta, bishop of
l. 4. c. 3. Rochester ; the see having been vacant a considerable time
Bede, l. 4. after the death of Damianus.

st.Chad's As wr St. Chad, he lived after a most exemplary, seraphic
piety and man ner ; and, as Bede reports, had the honour of a visit from
Bede, l. 4. heaven, the angels acquainting him with the time of his death.
c - 3 - Among other instances of his piety, Bede relates this : that if

it happened to blow a storm, or the weather proved tempes-
tuous in thunder and lightning, that he used to go to Church,
and spend the time in prayer and singing of psalms, till the
disturbance of the weather was over : and being demanded the
reason of this custom, he asked if they had not read, " that the
Lord thundered out of heaven, and the Highest gave his thun-
der, hailstones, and coals of fire. He sent forth his arrows,
and scattered them ; cast forth his lightnings, and destroyed
Ps. xviii. them V " God," says he, " puts the air into a rapid motion,
raises the winds, darts his lightning, speaks in thunder, and
draws up the terrors of the sky, that he may awaken mankind
to a due regard of his majesty, refresh the expectation of a
future judgment, and mortify their pride ; that so, by these
warnings, they may recollect the dreadful appearance of the
last judgment, when heaven and earth shall be flaming and
flying in pieces, when God shall appear in the clouds to judge
the quick and the dead, and exert his Deity with astonishing
magnificence and terror. Upon these considerations," says
this holy bishop, " when God speaks to us in the creation in an
unusual and awakening manner, we ought to behave ourselves
with proportionable submission and regard. Thus," says he,

cent, vii.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 237

"when there is an alarm in the air, and a judgment seems ECG-

ready to be discharged against us, we ought to implore the K^Kent

mercy of God, that we may not feel the stroke with which we oswi,

£ ,'„ J K. of North-

are threatened. umberknd.

St. Chad lies buried at Lichfield. Theodorus consecrated here
Winfrid, one of St. Chad's deacons, for his successor. By the K.ofMercia .
way, the diocese of Lichfield was very large at this time, com-
prehending the country of the Mercians, Middle Angles, and
that afterwards called the county of Lincoln : for thus far king
Wulfhere's dominions extended. Bede, ibid.

Column's laying down his bishopric and retiring into Scot-
land has been already observed : to which we may add, that all
the Scots and about thirty English monks went off with him.
Malmesbury takes notice, that neither Colman nor hispredeces- Malmesb.de
sors Aidan and Finan, notwithstanding they governed the tificum^e""
diocese of York, which had been advanced to a metropolitical Archiepis-
privilege, would ever make use of the pall. Indeed, if they l. 3.
would have worn this distinction, they must have given it
themselves, there being no correspondence kept on foot between
these prelates and the pope. For this reason, Malmesbury tells
us, that when Wilfrid was elected to the see of York with
general approbation, he refused the honour, for fear of being
obliged to receive his ordination from the Scottish prelates, or
those ordained by them, all which were out of the pope's
communion. And this was the reason of his travelling, for his Malmesb.
consecration, into France.

In the year of our Lord 670, Oswi, king of the Northum- a. d. 670.
brians, fell sick and died, in the fifty-eighth year of his age. In ^ q osu-i
this last sickness he was gained to such a veneration for the
Roman customs, that he resolved, in case of recovery, to go to
Rome and spend the remainder of his life there ; but the exe-
cution of this purpose was prevented by his death, which
happened about the middle of February. Bede. l. 4.

In the third year of his son and successor Ecgfrid, Theodorus A " d', 673.
convened a synod of bishops, with several priests of character A synodMd
and learning. They met at a place called Herudford, now, under Tfieo-
most probably, Hertford. The bishops present were, besides Magjstris
the archbishop, Bisi, bishop of the East Angles ; Putta, of Ecciesias
Rochester ; Lutherius, of the West Saxons ; and Winfrid, of Florent.
the Mercians. Wilfrid of York was not there, but sent his and g Matth.
proxies. The bishops being seated, Theodorus opened the | Ve D st ' 6 73

238 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book ii.

theo- council with a short speech, pressing them to act unanimously,
Ab° R St. and enter u P on P r oper measures for the security of the faith

( * ' and discipline of the Church ; that those points which have

been decreed by the holy Fathers might be handed down to
posterity without the least variation, and adhered to with a
just deference and regard ; that they should lay out their
endeavours to promote charity and good correspondence, and
prevent all occasions of division. Having delivered himself to
this purpose, he put the question to each of the bishops dis-
tinctly, Whether they were willing to stand by the ancient
canons I to which they all answered, " Content." Then the
archbishop produced a book of canons, whether transcribed
102. from the councils, or drawn up by himself, is not certain. He
pitched upon ten articles out of this book, and asked their
consent to each of them.

1. Article, or Canon. That the festival of Easter might be
uniformly kept, and the time fixed upon the first Sunday after
the full moon, in the first month.

2. That every bishop should be contented with the govern-
Paroeciam. ment of his own people, and not invade a foreign diocese.

3. That the monasteries should not be disturbed in their
temporal concerns, nor have their property wrested from them
by any of the bishops.

4. That the monks should not have the liberty to remove,
and ramble from one monastery to another, without leave from
their abbot, but keep strictly to the terms of their engage-
ment.

5. That it should not be lawful for any of the clergy to desert
their bishop ; and that, if any of that order came into another
diocese, they should not be received without a recommendation
under their own bishop's hand : and, in case any such person
shall be received and refuses to return home upon invitation,
both the entertainer and the person entertained shall be
excommunicated.

6. That bishops and other clergy that are strangers ought
to be contented with a hospitable reception in their travels, and
that none of them execute any part of their function without
permission of the bishop of the diocese.

7. That a synod shall be convened twice a-year : but this
form of the canon was, upon farther consultation, altered to

cent vii.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 239

once a-year : the first of August was to be the time, and ECG-
Clofesho the place. K of Kent-

8. That no bishop should set his pretensions above the rest ecg-
of his order, but be governed, in this respect, by the priority K.ofNorth-

„ .. umbevland.

oi consecration. wulf-

9. That new sees should be erected upon a farther conversion T . H ,v{* E '.

1 K.ot Mercia.

of the country. This canon was proposed, but not passed. v v '

10. That nobody should be allowed any farther than lawful
marriage; that no married person should disengage himself,
unless upon the score of adultery ; and that if any one should
part with his lawful wife, he ought to marry nobody else, but
either be reconciled or remained single.

These canons or articles, being agreed to, were engrossed by
a public notary, and signed ; the archbishop pronouncing de-
gradation and excommunication upon those that should make
any infraction upon them.

Baronius will have this synod convened by the pope's Baron,
authority, and that the archbishop of Canterbury acted upon A
a legatine character. But Theodoras, in Bede, gives the
cardinal no ground for this assertion : for there, Theodoras
only tells the bishops that he was consecrated by the pope to
the see of Canterbury. Now, the bare consecration of a bishop
by the pope was never understood as sufficient to make him
his legate. Malmesbury and Florence of Worcester are alto-
gether silent about the pope, and only mention that the synod
was convened by Theodoras of Canterbury. Maimesb.

As to the persons who had the legislative power in this toriar . An.
synod, it seems they were none but the bishops, and that the jjJ^J 8,
priests or second order were excluded ; that the authority of w ig b °™-
decreeing was lodged only in the bishop seems very probable
by Theodorus\s list of the council, in which he mentions none
but the prelates ; and when the canons were passing he applies
himself to none but those whom he styles consacerdotes nostri,
which expression, when used by a bishop, always implies one
of the same order ; besides, Malmesbury mentions none but the
bishops in the subscription. That the sanction of provincial
councils rested in the bishops seems farther probable by the
fourth council of Toledo, where, amongst other circumstances
relating to the form and proceedings of provincial councils, it
is decreed. " That the acts of the council shall be subscribed

240 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book ii.

tiieodo- by all the bishops ; but as for the priests, deacons, or laity, if
Abp. Cant, they had any business to propose to the council, they were
(5^] ' obliged to do it by the archdeacon of the province." This
Toier. Can council of Toledo being held near the beginning of this century,
in tom'. 5. ' and going, as we may believe, upon ancient practice, it is
Labbe,* probable Theodoras and his synod might be governed by it ;
P- ]70 iL but I mention these only as hints for farther consideration,

a. d.673. . , .

The death o/and determine nothing.

Bedcff V' This year, in July, Ecgbert departed this life, and was suc-
c - 5 - ceeded by his brother Lothaire, who held the kingdom of Kent

eleven years and a half. After relating the death of this
prince, Bede informs us, " That Bisi, bishop of the East
Angles, a person of a very exemplary piety, falling into ill
health, and disabled from managing his diocese, Theodorus
consecrated Ecci and Badwin in his stead ; and from that time
Bede, 1. 4. forward that kingdom had always two bishops."
°Winfrid Not long after Winfrid, bishop of the Mercians, being not

Th°odtrus so compliant with his metropolitan as was expected, Theodo-
rus, who seems to have had his share of the spirit of govern-
ment, made no difficulty to depose him, and consecrated
Peter- Sexwulf, who built and governed the monastery of Medesham-

° roug ' sted in his stead. Winfrid acquiesced in the sentence, and,
returning to his old monastery, spent the rest of his time in
the exercises of devotion. Bede, notwithstanding his deposi-
Bede, 1. 4. tion, gives him the character of an admirable man.
c - 6 - If it be inquired whether Theodore deposed Winfrid by

his single archiepiscopal authority, or in conjunction with the
suffragans of the province ? The first seems most probable,
103. for Bede, who mentions Theodore's convening the bishops at

Be « e ' lm A-„ Herudford and Hethfeld, takes no notice of any other pre-
c. y iinii 1/

lates joining with him in this sentence. To this we may add,

that Theodore exercised his metropolitical jurisdiction with a

great deal of vigour, and settled and displaced bishops at plea-

Maimesbnry sure. Now in case Theodore tried the cause, and pronounced

Pon^tif. 1- sentence in virtue of his archiepiscopal character, the question

Angior. in w [\\ \y e w h e ther he acted arbitrarily or not 1 But this being

Archiepisc. , • t i n l i .li j_

Dorobem. too long a business to examine, 1 shall only observe that
by the apostles'' canons he seems to have overstrained his
metropolitical jurisdiction ; for there, as the provincial bishops
are to undertake nothing of moment without the consent
of their metropolitan, so neither is he to act in such cases,

cent, vii.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 241

without the concurrence of his suffragans. It is true the LO-
canon speaks in general words without pointing upon any k T of^Kmt
particular case. ecgfrid,

m /» i • ,- i ii. K - of North-

lo pass from this question to another, and that is, from umberiand.
whence Theodore derived his metropolitical jurisdiction ? here"
That is, whether it was conferred on him and his see by the ^i of Mercia ;
Church or the State ? That this privilege was no grant of the Canon-
civil magistrate will appear from the following considerations : The. metro-
First, because it is evident by the records of the Church ]uri^ikthn
that the metropolitical distinction was prior to Constantine ^nce

derived

the first Christian emperor. It may be we do not meet just
with the name and title, but that the thing and power was
settled in the government of the Church is plain from the
apostle^ canons just mentioned, where the bishops of each
district are obliged to take notice of the chief prelate in the
province, and do nothing of moment without his approbation. Canon 34.
These canons, though not strictly of apostolical authority, yet
the learned Dr. Beveridge proves the collection published either
in the latter end of the second or the beginning of the third
century, which was long before the conversion of any pagan
sovereign. Farther, the first Nicene council calls the metro-
political rights to. apxala Wrj, ancient customs, and decrees
their confirmation. The canon runs thus : — " Let the ancient
usages be kept both in Egypt, Lybia, and Pentapolis ; by
virtue of which the bishop of Alexandria has a right of
primacy and jurisdiction in all these places, for the bishop
of Rome has likewise a customary privilege of a resembling
nature. Let the same regard be continued for the Church of
Antioch and in all other provinces ; let the Churches remain
undisturbed in their ancient privileges." can"*? 1 ' NlC '

From this form of the canon it is plain the privileges of the
Churches above-mentioned were of a long standing, and had
immemorial custom to plead for them, from whence nothing
can be more evident than that the sees of Rome, Alexandria,
Antioch, &c, had a peculiar and paramount jurisdiction a
great while before the first general council ; and yet Constan-
tine, the first Christian prince, had not been converted above
twelve years before the meeting of this council. Now we
cannot suppose that the bishops of Rome, Alexandria, or
Antioch, received these privileges from heathen emperors, or
that the Christians ever applied to any unconverted sovereign

VOL. I. R

242 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book 11.

theo- to direct the model of the ecclesiastical administration. But,
Abp°Ci^'t n °t to enlarge too far upon this subject, the learned Dr.

( ' Beveridge proves the apostles formed the Church with regard

to the scheme of the Roman empire, and settled a preference
and advantage of jurisdiction upon the chief cities of pro-
Codex Ca- vinces. Thus the sees of Csesarea, Ephesus, Lyons, Carthage,
Eccles. &c, had a particular pre-eminence, and were the heads of
dicat c l m their respective provinces when Victor was bishop of Rome,
i- 2 - . and when St. Cyprian sat at Carthage ; the latter of which
Eccles. l. 5. periods was almost an age before the council of Nice. Thus
B^veridg. the council of Chalcedon tells us that the privileges of the see
ibid « of Rome were settled there upon the score of its being the

Concii. imperial city. It seems it was not by virtue of any divine
cin al 28 d ' right of any succession from St. Peter ; no, to give the words
Edit.Concil. f the council, it was Sia to BarriXsvetv rrjv ttoXlv Ikuvw,
tom. 4. that the Fathers allowed of this distinction ; but then it was
p ' ' the Fathers ; it was no concession of the state (for that was

hostile and heathen), but ecclesiastical settlement and con-
stitution. Now the metropolitical right standing plainly upon
an ecclesiastical bottom, exercised when the empire was
heathen, and the Christian religion prohibited by the civil
magistrates ; the case standing thus, it is plain it could
be no grant from the crown, for the Church is no less sui juris
under a Christian prince ; it is only baptism which makes
a prince as well as a subject a Christian. When a prince
is admitted into the Church by this sacrament, he passes under
the common form, and is tied to the same obligations with
other Christians, i. e. he is obliged to practise the duties,
and be governed by the rules of the society into which he
is admitted. His baptism, as it does not diminish, so neither
does it extend his power ; he is neither baptized bishop nor
priest, and therefore it is hard to conceive how any ecclesiasti-
cal authority should be lodged in him merely by virtue of his
being a Christian. As the Church was originally made inde-
pendent of the State by our Saviour's charter, and exercised all
the functions of government not only without, but in opposi-
tion to, the authority of the civil sovereign for the first three
hundred years, so there is no imaginable reason to suppose
that the conversion of princes, which was much more for their
own benefit than hers, should destroy the spiritual authority,
and dissolve the Church into the State. This supposition

cent, vit.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 243

would make the very being of Christianity precarious, and the lo-
prince might extinguish it at pleasure. kT tf E K5t.

From this reasoning it follows, that the metropolitical ecgfrid,

° i »» K. of North-

jurisdiction at Canterbury did not stand upon royal iavour, or umberiand.

the grant of the civil magistrate. It is true the archiepiscopal here,
see was fixed here, because it was the capital city of Ethel- K.ofMercia .
bert's kingdom who commanded as far as the Humber. But 104.

this was done in all likelihood by ecclesiastical direction, and ^ede, 1. 1.
in conformity with the ancient practice of the Church,
by which the metropolitical power was settled upon the chief
city in the province. That the giving or taking away the
archiepiscopal right was not within the verge of the preroga-
tive, appears plainly by the twelfth canon of the general
council of Chalcedon, in which it is decreed, " That if any
bishop should endeavour to divide the jurisdiction of a pro-
vince, and procure any instruments from court to erect
his own see into an archbishopric, he should be deposed for
his misbehaviour ; and if for the future any cities shall be

..-ill Concil.

raised to the privilege of a metropolis by the emperor s patents, chaiced.
the bishop of that city, so advanced, shall have nothing but c" ucil ~'
the bare title of a metropolitan ; and that all the power and £"?: 4 *
jurisdiction shall remain to the ancient metropolitan. 1 ' p: 761.'

To proceed : about this time Sebbi, King of the East Sebbi, king

_ - , , of the East

Saxons, grew weary of the parade ol a crown, and turned Saxons,
monk. He was a prince of extraordinary charity and devo- ££J£.
tion, and had his queen complied with his inclinations, he had
retired from the world much sooner. At last, having gained
her consent to disengage, he went to Waldhere, bishop of
London, where he passed through the forms of a religious,
and received the habit : he brought the bishop a great sum
of money to be distributed among the poor, to which condition
he had now reduced himself. Notwithstanding his monastic
character he had not altogether forgotten his former station,
but had something of the spirit of a prince left him, for in his
last sickness, when he found death approaching, he was solici-
tous about his behaviour, for fear the sharpness of the agony
might sink him beneath his quality, and drive him upon some
indecency, either in posture or expression. For this reason
he sent for the bishop of London, and desired him that none
but himself and two of his own servants might be present ,

at his last hour. But this good prince perceived afterwards c . n.'

r 2

244 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book ii.

theo- he had no reason to be apprehensive of any disorder, for he
Abp. Cant, expired without the least pain or struggle, and passed into the
* ' ' other world with all the ease imaginable.

To come now to the West Saxons, where Leutherius was
bishop. Cenwalch was king in this division of the country,
who, after having reigned one and thirty years, died, and left
Malmesbur. his kingdom to his queen Sexburga. This princess was ex-
Reg. Anglor. tremely well qualified for all the functions of government, and
llc " 2 ' understood the managing the military no less than the civil
part of the administration ; she died within a year after her
accession to the throne, and then the kingdom was cantoned
Bede, l. 4. out, as Bede informs us, amongst several petty princes, who
Ci 12, held it about ten years. During their reign Leutherius died,

and Heddi was consecrated to succeed him by Theodorus, the
archbishop. In this bishop's time the petty princes were
outed by Ceadwalla, who possessed himself of the whole divi-
sion ; of whom more afterwards.
a. d. 675. In the year of our Lord 675, Wulfhere, king of the Mer-
cians, died, and was succeeded by his brother Ethelred. Reli-
gion, as Malmesbury observes, was more this prince's inclination
than arms : for, excepting his expedition into Kent, and giving
• Ecgfrid of Northumberland a check for invading his dominions,
Maimesb. de we do not find him distinguished by any other martial exploit.
And ? e f -^ u t> mr the management of the Kentish war, he is much cen-
c 4. sured by Bede, who reports that his troops harassed this coun-

cil miser- try with a most intemperate liberty and rage, and that they
i^EtMred plundered and defaced churches and monasteries, without any
king of the re gard to religion ; and, particularly, that Rochester, Putta's
see, was sacked in this expedition. This calamity obliged
Putta to leave his diocese, and retire to Sexwulfus, bishop
Bede, l. 4. of Lichfield : and here, being kindly received, and having a
c- 12- Church put into his hands, he spent the remainder of his life,

de Gest. ' and taught the country church music. However, the see of
de°Eptscop' Rochester was filled by Theodore, who consecrated Quichelm
Roffen. in Putta's stead.

Wilfrid I n the year of our Lord 678, and the eighth of king Ecgfrid,

MoceseV™ there happened a misunderstanding between this prince and
kingEcgfrid, Wilfrid, bishop of York, which was carried to a great extre-
ifiepope, and mity . Bede, in relating this rupture, says nothing of the
warte to occasion ; but, in another place, he seems to hit upon the
tome- e ground of this dissatisfaction, without applying the passage to
e. 12.'

cent, vii.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 245

this purpose. He tells us, that EcgfricTs first queen, Ethelred, LO-
had a strong inclination to quit the court, and retire. Ecgfrid, k. of Kent.
who was very unwilling to part with her, promised Wilfrid a ^^North-
large gratification to bring her off her monastic fancies, with umberiand.
which she seems to have been somewhat overgrown. Whether red/
Wilfrid used his interest with her or not, this author does not Jj^Jj™
tell us ; but the queen, whose piety seems greater than her j^pf^
knowledge, persisted in her singularities, and at last went into c 19.'
a monastery, and received the habit from St. Wilfrid.

Thomas, a monk of Ely, gives a farther light into this IIistoria
matter. He reports, that, upon her being veiled by Wilfrid, ^ ie ° B5 |-
she retired to the nunnery of Cawood, near York ; that, about par. 1*. p. 698.
a year after, king Ecgfrid was very desirous to live with her,
and designed to force her out of the monastery. Ebba, the
abbess, who was king Ecgfrid's aunt, having intelligence of the
king's resolution, advised Ethelred to get off, upon which she
retired to Ely ; that king Ecgfrid endeavoured to recover her,
but in vain ; that, upon this disappointment, he married
Ermenburga, grew very cool towards Wilfrid, and at last
expelled him. the country.

Eddius, Wilfrid's chaplain, relates the breach in a different ^(^

manner. In one place he tells us, that Ecgfrid had disseized
the Church of St. Peter, at York, of a considerable estate ;
and that Wilfrid's pressing a restitution, occasioned his dis-
favour at court. And in another place he informs us, wherein yit. Wilfrid.
he is seconded by Malmesbury, that Ermenburga, Ecgfrid's S^J;
queen, was Wilfrid's enemy ; that she endeavoured to draw an Scriptor.
odium upon him, upon the score of his great revenues in c 2 ] us '
religious houses, for the figure and numerousness of his G* s \™ e p - n d _ c
retinue, and the expense of his way of living. This charge tificum, l. 3.
was so dexterously managed, that it made an impression {!j it ga^
both upon the king, and the archbishop of Canterbury.
And here Eddius and Malmesbury do not stick to say, Eddius and
that Theodore was bribed by the court. Whether this i bi d. mes
was so or not, it is certain, Theodore was in the king's Theodore
interest, gave ear to the complaint against Wilfrid, so far as c ^g ls d ^f' e
to erect several new bishoprics in the diocese or province of without his
York, without Wilfrid's leave. He pretended the port of ccw
Wilfrid's living, and the extent of his diocese, were too great ;
and that there was both revenue and people enough for four
bishops. Had this been done with Wilfrid's consent, the pro- i ] ^j lmcsb '

246

ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book ii.

THEO-
DORE,

Abp. Cant.

Eddius and

Malrnesb.

ibid.

Eddius and

Malmesb.

ibid.

ceedings had been more defensible : but it seems the whole
course of the management was transacted in an overruling and
arbitrary manner. When Wilfrid came to court, to set forth
his grievances, the king gave him a rugged answer ; told him,
though he had no crime to charge him with, he was resolved
to satisfy his own pleasure, and maintain what he had done.
Wilfrid finding the determination of the case resolved into the
king's will, and that there was no hope of redress, appealed
to the pope ; at which the courtiers fell out a laughing in the
presence. It seems this appealing to the pope was a thing
unheard of at king Ecgfrid's court. Had this method not been
looked on as a great singularity, one would imagine these
courtiers would not have treated a prelate in so disrespectful a
manner ; though after all, it might be no better than a piece
of flattery to their prince. However, Wilfrid kept up his
spirits, and told them, that notwithstanding their mirth at
present, their gaiety would be strangely overcast that day
twelvemonth. And as Eddius and Malmesbury report, the pre-
diction was made good by the event. For soon after Wilfrid's
expulsion, Ethelred, king of the Mercians, began a war upon
the Northumbrians, to revenge a quarrel, in the reign of Wulf-
here his brother. Ecgfrid levies an army, and inarches against
him with a strong expectation of victory ; but his troops were
defeated by the Mercians, and his brother Edwin slain in the
field : and thus the kingdom of the Northumbrians was, as it
were, put into mourning, and the body of the young prince
brought into York just that day twelvemonth that Wilfrid had
been a jest at court. The bishops ordained by Theodore upon
the cantoning the diocese of York were these : Bosa was made
bishop of York, and Eata of Hexham and Lindesfarn. Edhed
was likewise made bishop of Lindsey in Lincolnshire ; this
country being lately conquered from the Mercians by king
Ecgfrid. Sexwulf was Edhed's predecessor in this see. But
when Wulfhere lost the country to Ecgfrid, Sexwulf was
forced to retire to the Middle Angles, where he exercised his
character. These three bishops, Edhed, Bosa, and Eata, were
all ordained by Theodore ; who, as Eddius reports, had no
other prelate to assist him in the consecration : and if so,
Theodore broke through the fourth canon of the council of
Nice. Three years after Wilfrid's going off, the archbishop
divided the diocese of Hexham and Lindesfarn, and furnished

cent, vn.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 247

it with another bishop. Thus Trumberth had his see at Ha- lo-
gulstad or Hexam, and Eata continued bishop of Lindesfarn. k orient
Theodore likewise consecrated Trumwin bishop of Candida ecgfrid,
Casa, or Whitern upon the borders of the Picts. As for Edhed, uinberiand.
he held his bishopric but a little while ; for the country of RED
Lindsey being recovered by Ethelred king of the Mercians, he ^. o{ . the

was obliged to retire ; and then to soften his misfortune, ' v '

Theodore gave him the jurisdiction of the Church and Abbey of

Ripon. • Bede, lib. 4.

By the way, Theodore, by acting in such an absolute and cap '
metropolitical manner in Wilfrid's diocese, seems perfectly to
have overlooked the constitution of Gregory the Great ; for by
this pope's provision, and that of one of his successors Hono-
rius, York was erected into a province, honoured with a pall,
and made independent of the southern or Kentish metropolitan,
after the death of Augustine the monk. But it seems Theo- Bede, 1. 1.
dore did not think himself obliged in every particular to the l\n\
pope's model of jurisdiction.

Wilfrid finding himself overborne at home, makes a voyage
to Rome, but being waylaid in France, his company and equi-
page were plundered, and himself made his escape with some
difficulty. After this accident he embarks again, and arrives Eddius, Vit.
in West Friesland ; and here, though the people were pagans, c . 24' 25.
he was very hospitably received, both by the king and country. 0^^' de
The temper of the people gave him hopes, it might be in his tificum, 1. 3.
power, through the blessing of God, to make them a requital.
And thus being encouraged by their civility, he began to preach wu/rid cow-
Christianity : and Adalgisus the king, being gained to the ve { ^ f.-jf' o/ -
Church, the people came in apace, and Wilfrid made a great T«* Fne*

,, -,-,, . r ,, , land, and a

progress in the country. Ebroine, mayor 01 the palace to great many
Theodoric king of the Franks, being solicited by Ecgfrid's |fj" s sub ~
court, endeavoured to stop Wilfrid in his voyage. To this 106.

purpose he writes a letter to king Adalgisus, promising him a
vast sum of money, upon condition he would destroy Wilfrid.
This letter Adalgisus having read at table in Wilfrid's hearing,
threw it into the fire, with this generous sentence, " So may a noble sen-
that man burn," says he, " who breaks with his friend out of ^'dZi^su*. 9
covetousness, and basely betrays him for bribes of gold." wtwh Vit *

Wilfrid having a friendly dismission from this court, on his c. 26.
journey to Rome : when he came there, he found pope Agatho GratPontifc
busy in pitching upon his legates, and preparing instructions An s 1 - P- 49 -

248 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book ii.

theo- for the sixth general council, convened by the emperor Con-
Abp. Cant, stantine Pogonatus, against the Monothelites.
c^ndh ' Baronius pretends that archbishop Theodore, understanding
Labbe, Wilfrid had taken a journey to Rome, and that he was ac-
p. 598.' quitted, after a hearing, by pope Agatho, furnished him with a
procr'i/for° commission to represent the English Church in the Roman
the English synod. But that the cardinal is mistaken in this account,
Baron, a. d. appears from the misunderstanding between Wilfrid and Theo-
sect. \2.' dore. For first, Theodore, as has been already observed, can-
toned Wilfrid's diocese, and ordained bishops against his con-
sent ; of which usage Wilfrid complains to the pope in his
Eddius, Vit. petition. Now that Theodore was dissatisfied on his part, with
c. 29! p! 66. Wilfrid's conduct, we may learn from Malmesbury, who informs
d^Gestis US ' ^ na t wnen Wilfrid came to Rome, he found one Kenewald,
Pontif. An- a monk, there before him. This Kenewald was Theodore's
c 149. ' agent, and sent thither with a heavy charge against Wilfrid,
which was delivered in writing, and set forth in terms of vehe-
mence and aggravation. The pope having a council of about
fifty bishops, sitting at that time, laid the matter before them ;
but of this by and by.

In the mean time, I observe farther, that Theodore and
Wilfrid were not reconciled till several years after this latter
prelate's coming from Rome : for when Theodore owned he
had gone too far, and asked pardon of Wilfrid, Aldfrid was king
of Northumberland, whose reign did not begin till the year 685.
c. 42. p'. 73. However, the cardinal cites Bede for his assertion : but this
Saxon° l0g pl ace does not come up to this point. It is true, the historian
Bede, l. 5. tells us, that Wilfrid having been acquitted by an universality
dius, c. 51. in the synod at Rome, pope Agatho brought him into the
p " council convened against the Monothelites, and desired him to

give an account of the belief, both of his own diocese, and the
rest of the island as to this article. That thereupon Wilfrid
made a declaration and signed it ; in which he vouched for the
orthodoxy of the English, Britons, Scots, and Picts, who dwelt
in the northern part of Britain, with reference to the present
controversy : but then it is not said, that he was proxy for
these Churches ; indeed there is no reason to suppose him fur-
nished with any such delegation. As for his own diocese, he
was outed there, and the jurisdiction divided. Now we cannot
suppose he would take a delegation from those bishops who
had usurped upon him ; neither is it likely it would be proffered

cent, vii.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 249

him. And as for the Scots and Britons, they were of another lo-

T H" "K R R

communion, as we have seen already, and held no correspond- k. of Kent.
erice with the see of Rome ; therefore nothing can be more K C ^f North-
chimerical than the making Wilfrid a representative of the umberiand.

FTHFT -

Scots and Britons. The cardinal's design in this strain, was red,
to draw the Churches of Britain within the Roman patriarchate ; Mercians'

but this instance has failed him. v «« '

To return to Wilfrid, who, upon his coming to Rome, prefers
his petition to the pope then in the council. In this petition, wu/'rids
he sets forth how unjustly he had been deprived of his diocese : ^^ mt0
that he had been convicted of no crime, neither had there been
any breach of the canons proved against him : that Theodore
archbishop of Canterbury, without the concurrence of any other
prelate, had split the jurisdiction of his diocese, and brought
in three bishops upon him, against his consent. He referred
himself wholly to the apostolical see, and was willing to abide
by the judgment given with all imaginable submission. This „,,.
ceremonious application, we may imagine, did Wilfrid no dis- c. 29. p. 66.
service. In short, whatever the motive was, he had not only Gest. Poiitif.
the pope's favour, but the whole synod declared for him. The Al \ g 5o 1 " 3 '
judgment given, was to this effect : that Wilfrid should be
restored to his bishopric ; however with some regard had to
the late division of the diocese. To this purpose there was to
be a synod of English bishops convened, and that such coad-
jutors, as Wilfrid with the consent of this synod should pitch
upon, should be consecrated by the archbishop, and the present
intruders removed. And that if any person should refuse to
abide by this order, or break through any branch or part of it, he c. 31. p! 67.

..T 1-i-pi i -j'!" Malmesb.de

was to be degraded it a clergyman, and excommunicated it one Gest. p on tif.
of the laity ; the king himself being drawn within the censure. An f^ L 3 '

This sentence runs in the name of the synod, and not of the
pope's single authority : however, we may perceive both by the
appeal and the judgment, that the see of Rome laid claim at
this time of day, to a jurisdiction as far as Britain, and pre-
tended to a prerogative of binding the English Churches. The sentence

Wilfrid having succeeded in his suit, returns home with a °f theRoman

o _ ' _ synod, m

copy of the sentence, and with an order to show it king Ecg-/«w«rqf
frid, and archbishop Theodore. Upon his arrival, he made his regarded by
first application to the king, and laid the instruments, signed a^iheT^
and sealed, before him. Upon this the kins; summoned a con- Northum-

. brian

siderable appearance of the clergy and laity to examine the bishops.
contents. These, finding the determination go against them, c 33 1 "®' 69

250 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book ii.

theo- refused to acquiesce, alleging moreover, that the court of Rome
Abp. Can't, had been governed by interest in this affair, and the instruments
-Tryf" ' gained by bribery. And now, the king with the consent of his
council, and the bishops of Wilfrid's diocese, ordered this pre-
late to be imprisoned : and thus he was confined and used
pretty ruggedly for almost a year. And here we must leave
him for some time, and proceed to the council at Hatfield.
The synod at This svnod was convened by Theodore, archbishop of Can-

Hat field or , J __,, . » , • ... ,

Ciyff,near terbury. The occasion ol the meeting was to inquire into the
Rochester. ^ t ^ f the English Churches, with reference to the contro-
versy of the Monothelites, then on foot. And, upon examina-
tion, he found all the bishops agree in the orthodox part of the
question. This synod was held in the year 680, upon the
fifteenth day of September, in the tenth year of Ecgfrid, king
of the Northumbrians ; the sixth year of Ethelred, king of the
Mercians ; the seventeenth year of Aldulf, king of the East
Angles ; and the seventh year of Lotharius, king of Kent, as
appears by Theodore's synodical letter ; in which we have an
account of the belief of the synod. And here, their receiving
the first five general councils is particularly mentioned, toge-
ther with the Roman synod, held under Pope Martin against
Bede, l. 4. the Monothelites.

Annai. There was one John, precentor of St. Peter's at Rome, and

tom. 8 ' abbot of St. Martin's, at this synod. He was sent hither by

sect, 5. pope Agatho to inquire whether the English Churches stood

Bede, l. 4. clear of the heresy of the Monothelites. Bede seems to hint,

j' biJ as if the council at Hatfield was convened to give the pope

satisfaction in this point. When the council broke up, this

John had a copy of the proceedings, which he was to transmit

to Rome ; but happened to die in the voyage. However, the

instrument was preserved, and delivered to the pope, who,

upon the perusal, was much satisfied with it. The synod was but

part of John the precentor's business ; for, as Bede informs

us, the pope sent him over with one Benedict, an Englishman,

intheUskop- who built the monastery of St. Peter's, at Wearmouth, and

TIC Of DltV—

ham. was abbot there. This Bennet having a grant of some lands

from the king for an endowment of the abbey, went to Rome,
and procured the pope's bull for a farther security. At his
return, the pope ordered John the precentor to go along with
him, and teach him and his monks the manner of singing used
at St. Peter's in Rome. John, at his coming hither, performed
this part of his commission, taught the monastery Church

cent, vii.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 251

music, and pricked out a course for the choir for the whole LO-

year. This manner of Church music was quickly spread K.^Ken't.

through most parts of the kingdom of the Northumbrians. S cc i?T RI ?'

11 p -i -i • k. of North-

Before we take leave of the councu at Hatfield, it will not umberiand.

be improper to mention a famous bull of privilege, sent by red,

Agatho to Sexulfus, abbot of Medeshamsted, now Peterbo- K. of the

O ' ' Mercians.

rough. By virtue of this bull, the abbot of Medeshamsted is v v- — '

. .... . a. d. 680.

not only discharged from the jurisdiction of his diocesan, but Bedc, l. 4.
likewise exempted from the powers of a synod, and made the c '
pope's legate all over England. There are a great many other Speim.
immunities too long to mention, but these, with some other ^'T.n 163
circumstances, I shall observe, are sufficient to prove it spu- et deinc -
rious. Sir Henry Spelman, as he owns himself, was furnished
with nothing but the Saxon manuscript ; but the Latin copy
has been since published in the Monasticon. First, that Monast.
which shakes the credit of this bull, is the affirming it brought An s lic -
over by Wilfrid, archbishop of York, and delivered by him at
the council of Hatfield, where he subscribes with the rest of
the bishops. Now Eddius takes no notice of Wilfrid's being Sp f^'
entrusted with this famous bull, though he mentions several
things in Wilfrid's life, of lesser consideration, neither does he
acquaint us that Wilfrid was ever at the council of Hatfield ;
which, had it been true, would have been a strange omission.
But Eddius knew it was impossible for Wilfrid to be at this
council ; for Wilfrid was at Rome in the year 680, when a
synod was held there against the Monothelites. Concil.

After this synod, Wilfrid came from Rome, and upon his ^s, vit,
arrival was imprisoned nine months in Northumberland. Wilfrid.
Which way, then, is it possible for him to have been at the
Council of Hatfield, which was held in September in the same
year, 680. Another mark of forgery may be collected from Spelm.
the difference between the Latin and Saxon copy. The Saxon p "
gives the abbot of Medeshamsted a legatine power all over
England ; but the Latin speaks in terms of much lower privi- Sp f 6 5'
lege and importance ; and only admonishes the bishop of the
diocese, not to strain the strength of his character upon him,
but to treat him like a brother, and with the same respect as
if he had been honoured with a deputation from the pope. Monast.
Farther, Ethelred, king of the Mercians, subscribes the bull, voLI -P- 66 -
at the council of Hatfield, as the Saxon copy will have it, but
by the account which Bede gives us, there is no mention at all

252 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book ii.

theo- of King EthelrecTs being at this council. Bede tells us, it
Abp. Can't, was convened by Theodore, archbishop of Canterbury, and
v ' takes notice of none but the clergy. Lastly, the pope's dis-
charging the abbey from all secular service, and pretending to
bind property, is another mark of a counterfeit bull : for the
popes, at this time of day, did not encroach to this degree
upon the rights of princes, nor insist upon the prerogative of
exempting the estates of monasteries from the civil legislature,
or the burthens of the commonwealth. And, as for the
legatine power pretended to be settled upon this monastery,
it is certain the abbots of Peterborough never exercised any
authority of this kind.
108. This year Hilda, the famous abbess of Whitby, died. Her

Hildas cha- father's name was Hereric, nephew to king Edwin. She was

racter and , 7 l o

government, a very eminent instance of regularity and devotion. Bede
relates of her, by way of commendation, that she governed her
society by the model of the primitive Church. That she re-
moved the distinction of rich and poor, that property was

Bede, l. iv. extinguished, and all things possessed in common.

By Bede's mentioning this regulation, as a particular com-
mendation in Hilda, we may conclude it was not then the
general custom of the religious to renounce all their estates,
when they entered the monastery. Bede goes on with her
character, and reports her a lady of that reach and capacity,
that kings and princes used to make her a visit for her advice
in matters of state. This lady had several monks under her
government, five of which were afterwards bishops : their
names were Bosa, iEtla, Oftford, John, and Wilfrid.

a. d. 680. ' ' ' . '

Four MsJiop- This year the country of the Mercians, which had but one
to that of bishop before (viz. of Lichfield), was divided into five sees, and
Lichfield in t] ie bishoprics of Leicester, or Chester, Worcester, Sidna-

the kingdom l ' ' '

qftiie Mer- cester, in Lindsey, and Dorchester, or as others will have it,
Lcgecestria. an d it may be more probably, Hereford, were erected.
«icon Cl T°5 '^ re t urn to the kingdom of the Northumbrians, where
p. 241. Wilfrid, at the instance of the abbess Ebba, king Oswin's
Pawl/' * sister, was set at liberty, but not allowed to live in Ecgfrid's
V mMid dominions. Being thus banished, he travelled into the coun-
rehres to the try of the Mercians, and was kindly entertained by Beorth-

J\l€/'CiU7lS

wald, nephew to king Ethelred, who gave him and his com-
pany a parcel of land for their subsistence : upon which, Wil-
frid began to erect a little monastery, but he was quickly

cent, vii.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 253

forced from this shelter. For king Ethelred, who was mar- LO-
ried to Ecgfrid's sister, understanding Wilfrid, who lay under k. of Kent.
Ecgfrid's displeasure, came to settle in his kingdom, ordered f c ^N R1 ?'
him to be gone immediately. However, the monks that came umberiand.
along with him, had the liberty to stay. Wilfrid, being ex- red, "
pelled the country of the Mercians, applied to the protection f { - of . the
of Centwin, king of the West Saxons, who entertained him ^7777-'— 77?

•>• 1 • n i 1 p 1 Eddius, Vit.

for some little time : lor it was not long before he was pur- Wilfrid.

sued, even hither, by king Ecgfrid and his queen, who sent p '. 71' 72"

their agents to dislodge him : and thus he was hunted from f™™ ^"^

one country to another, it being impracticable for him to Saxons,
,. . . ,-,.. , ,. t* <• • -i 1 1 from whence

live in any princes dominions where king Ecgfrid had any he travels to
interest. _ < _ fj^ and

Notwithstanding the progress of Christianity in this island, converts
there was one kingdom of the heptarchy unconverted. This
division was that of the South Saxons, containing the two
counties of Surrey and Sussex. Hither Wilfrid took his next c . 40. p. 72.
journey ; and entered upon the office of a missionary. He
made his first application to king Edilwalch, who had been
lately baptized in the country of the Mercians, at king Wulf-
here's persuasion ; who adopted him, and gave him the Isle of
Wight upon his conversion. Wilfrid having represented his Eddius
case to Edilwalch, that prince promised his protection, and 1. 4. c. 13.
that neither force nor money should prevail with him, to put vid^wicdi!
him into the enemy's hand. And now Wilfrid, being secured
of a retreat, preached the Gospel with success, and baptized
the great men of the country; neither was it long before the
army and peasants were converted : queen Ebba had been A D ggi,
formerly baptized in her country of Worcestershire. It seems
this was not the first time the South Saxons had been in-
formed of the doctrines of Christianity : for one Dicul, a
Scotchman, with five or six monks under his government, had
a little monastery at Bosenham, by the sea-side in that coun-
try. But these monks, notwithstanding their strict way of
living, made no impression upon the South Saxons, the pagans
having no inclination to hear them discourse : but Wilfrid
gained their attention effectually, and was very successful in
his undertaking ; and, as Bede reports, secured this world for
them, as well as the other. For the country, it seems, had no
rain for three years before Wilfrid's arrival, which must occa-
sion, we may imagine, a terrible famine. But as soon as the

254 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book ii.

theo- people were baptized, they received the blessing of seasonable
Abp. Cant, showers, and the ground recovered its former fruitfulness.

^~[^ v ^~^' When the bishops came first, and found them so miserably
distressed for want of provisions, he taught them the art of
fishing in the sea ; for before their skill went no farther than
the catching of eels. Their improvement in this business was
a wonderful relief, gave them an extraordinary opinion of Wil-
frid, and disposed them to hearken to his doctrine with more
attention.

About this time, king Edilwalch gave Selsea to Wilfrid and
his company : the compass of the place took in about eighty-
seven plow-lands. It was surrounded with the sea, except a
narrow neck of land on the west side. Here Wilfrid founded
a monastery, and here the bishop's see was first fixed, being
afterwards removed to Chichester. Wilfrid continued bishop
in this country for about five years, that is, till the death of
Ecgfrid. When Edilwalch gave this prelate the land of Selsea,
he likewise made him lord of the peasants that lived there.
These people he took care to baptize in the first place, and
then manumised two hundred and fifty of them ; for so many
were under the disadvantage of villainage.

While Wilfrid was bishop of the South Saxons, Ceadwalla,
a general of great reputation, and of the blood royal of the
West Saxons, marched an army into Edilwalch 1 s dominions,
cut off that prince in the field, and overrun the country with
fire and sword. But Edilwalclis generals, Berchthun and
j 09. Andhun, quickly made a stand against Ceadwalla, checked the
course of his victories, and drove him out of the country : and
being thus successful, they took the kingdom for their pains.
But Berchthun could not hold it long, being slain in the field
by Ceadwalla, who was now king of the West Saxons. Upon
this advantage he harassed the country, and brought it under
servitude. Ina, likewise, who succeeded Ceadwalla, made the
South Saxons very uneasy, and held them to hard conditions.
During part of this time they had no bishop of their own, but
after their first prelate Wilfrid was recalled home, they were
annexed to the see of Winchester, which lay in the dominions

Bede,1.4. of the West Saxons> T have f u 0W ed Bede's method in

relating these passages ; and, notwithstanding some little
distance of time, have laid them together, to prevent the in-
terruption of the history.

cent, vii.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 255

To return a little to Cead walla. This prince, after his LO-
recovery of the kingdom of the West Saxons, of which he had K T ^xfnt
been some time dispossessed, made a descent upon the Isle of ^ LD "
Wight, then inhabited by pagans. And here he made a very K. of the
intemperate use of his victory, putting all the people to the brians™"
sword, and planting the country with his own subjects. It E red L
seems he had made a vow, that in case he became master of K. of the
the island, he would give the fourth part of it to the Church ; » ,^-L>

f~*l V 1

which he performed to Wilfrid, who happened to arrive at that s a xon°
juncture. The bishop took care to convert the country ; and Bcd ®> •• 4 -
thus the Isle of Wight, though the longest of all the Saxons in
paganism, was gained at last.

To proceed. In the year of our Lord 684, Ecgfrid, king of a. d. 684.
the Northumbrians, sent his general, Bert, with an army against o/xoii/^M-
the Scots in Ireland. And here, as Bede observes, he harassed ierlmd, ha-

vctascs t/ic

an innocent nation, that had always been friendly to the English, Scots in /,■<■-
at a miserable rate. The barbarity of the soldiers made no #"de l. 4.
distinction in their ravage ; they broke through the guards of c - 26 -
religion, and plundered and made prize of all the churches and
monasteries that came in their way. The country made what
resistance they could ; but were too weak to deal with the
enemy. Bede believes the injustice and cruelty of this expe- He makes an
dition proved the ruin of king Ecfrfrid not Ions; after ; for the expedition

r r^ i i i i. aqainstthe

next year this prince marched at the head of an army to attack Picts, and is
the Picts, though he was very much dissuaded by his council If^in.
from undertaking this expedition. And now being entered
into the enemy's country, and coming to a battle, the Picts
made a feint of running away, till, drawing the king into great
disadvantage of ground, they faced about, and cut him and the
greatest part of his troops in pieces.

The loss of this battle was a great blow to the kingdom of A . D . 685.
the Northumbrians ; for now the Picts recovered their country
and drove the English from Dunbritton Frith as far as the
Tweed. And now Trumwin, bishop of Whithern, and abbot
of Abercurnig, near the Frith, was forced to retire with the
debris of the army, the Picts being possessed of his diocese.
He came southward as far as Yorkshire, and died in the abbey
of Whitby.

Aldfrid succeeded his brother Ecgfrid in the kingdom of the
Northumbrians. This prince was very conversant with the

256

ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book ii.

Bede, 1. 4.
c.26.
Hunting.
Historiar.
1. 4. p. 192.

St. Cuthbert

Bede, 1
c. 27.

THEO- Holy Scriptures ; he had likewise a good talent at governing,
Abp. Cant, and recovered the kingdom from a state of declension, though

- j ' the extent of his dominions was much narrower than formerly.

Tiie death of This year Lothere, king of Kent, died about the middle of
rf t Keni king February. He died of his wounds which he received in a
battle against the South Saxons, winch his nephew Edric, son
of Ecgbert, had brought into the field against him. It is most
likely Edric, being son to Ecgbert, took his uncle Lothere for
a usurper, and fought for the crown,

Ecgfrid, in the last year of his reign, procured the bishopric
made bishop f Holy Island for Cuthbert. This holy man had been under
Island? the monastic institution from the beginning of his youth. He
was first in the monastery of Melross, upon the Tweed, under
the abbot Eata, afterwards bishop of Holy Island. Boisil, a
person of extraordinary sanctity, succeeded Eata in the govern-
ment of the monastery, and after BoisiFs death Cuthbert was
made abbot. Being in this post, he was very serviceable to
the country, and brought off a great many of the people from
several heathenish customs, by the practice of which they had
made their Christianity, in a great measure, insignificant.
For when they were visited with the plague, they seemed to
forget their religion, overlooked the engagements of baptism,
and applied to the assistances of idolatry ; made use of charms,
and ventured upon dangerous correspondences with evil spirits.
To bring them off from their reliance upon these desperate
remedies, St. Cuthbert used to travel about the country and
preach in the villages. Parochial churches being at this time
very scarce in the country, it was the custom, as Bede observes,
for the country people to flock about a clergyman, for the ad-
vantage of his instructions, when he came into a village. St.
Cuthbert being a person of great elocution, of a graceful pre-
sence, and a most exemplary life, was very persuasive upon the
audience ; insomuch, that none of them durst conceal any part
of their misbehaviour, but laid their conscience open before
him. After St. Cuthbert had lived many years at Melross, he
was removed to the abbey of Holy Island. It had been the
ancient custom of this place, for the bishop and his clergy to
reside with the abbot and monks ; but then these monks, as
Bede, ibid. Bede takes notice, were under the bishop's jurisdiction, and
sometimes the same person was both abbot and bishop. Bede

His cha-
racter and
merit.

cent, vn.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 257

relates, that St. Cuthbert foretold the time of his death ; that alfrid,
his corpse continued unputrified about eleven years ; and that Nor°hnm-
a man was cured of a palsy by praying at his grave. ft it ft

Notwithstanding the great character of Cuthbert's piety, it red,
is plain he sided with king Ecgfrid, and Theodore, against Mercians!
Wilfrid, and by consequence took no notice of the sentence in * <TT7\
Wilfrid's favour, decreed by the Roman synod. Had not the
case stood thus, he would never have made use of king Ecg-
frid's recommendation, nor have accepted the see of the Holy
Island, which was part of Wilfrid's jurisdiction, and taken out
of the diocese of York against his consent.

And now it will be time to return to the remaining part of Theodore
the history of Wilfrid. Theodore, archbishop of Canterbury, wllfr^ *°
began to recollect the hard usage which had been put upon A - D - 6!!7 -
Wilfrid, and growing very old and infirm, was desirous to be c . 4o" s
reconciled to him. To this purpose, he invited Wilfrid and
Ercenwald, bishop of London, to his house in that city. Upon
their coming, he addresses himself to Wilfrid, and told him he
was very much afflicted for his compliance with king Ecgfrid,
and giving Wilfrid so much trouble ; promising him, that now
he would endeavour to undo what he had done, and use his
interest with all the princes and great men of his acquaintance
to inform them more fully of the case. He likewise offered to
secure him the succession of the archbishopric of Canterbury.
Wilfrid told the archbishop that he heartily desired his grace
might not suffer upon the score of any injuries he had received
by him ; that he would not fail to pray for him, and be heartily
his friend for the future. As for his offer of succeeding him in
the archbishopric, he told him he thought it was proper to
postpone the settling that affair, and refer it to a more nume-
rous assembly. In the mean time, he desired him to use his
interest, that he might have the liberty of returning into his
own country, and have some part of his fortune restored him.

From Theodore's offering to settle the archbishopric offtearch-
Canterbury upon Wilfrid after his death, and from Wilfrid's Canterbury
reply, that this affair was proper to be managed in a more ^atedHy'the
numerous meeting, and that Theodore's consent was necessary Orwm.
for such a disposal ; from hence, I say, we may infer, that the
nomination of the see of Canterbury did not lie in the crown at
this time of day.

vol. i. s

258 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book ii.

theo- Wilfrid and Theodore being thus made friends, the arch-
Ab^Cant. bishop wrote to king Alfrid in Wilfrid's behalf, conjuring him

v v ' by his duty to God Almighty, by the regard he owed to the

Theodore apostolic see, and for the benefit of the late king Ecgfrid's soul,
and Wilfrid (who had banished Wilfrid, and treated him with undeserved

V€C07iCll€(l

rigour) that he would be reconciled to Wilfrid, and permit him
to live peaceably in his dominions. Theodore wrote to several
others upon this account, particularly to the abbess of iElflede.
His letter to Ethelred, king of the Mercians, being somewhat
particular and different from the modern form of addressing
princes, I shall translate part of it for the reader.

Theodore's " To the most illustrious, and most excellent Ethelred, king
Etkeired Mnff of tne Mercians : Theodore, by the grace of God, archbishop
See CoUec- f Canterbury, &c. Dear son, this is to inform your piety,
cords, that the reverend bishop Wilfrid, and myself, are now come to

a right understanding, and therefore, out of my paternal affec-
tion, I exhort you, and for the love of Christ, enjoin you to
afford that holy prelate all the favour and countenance that
lies in your power. In regard, that since he has been expelled
his country, and wrongfully dispossessed of his estate, he has
taken great pains in converting the Pagans, and enlarging the
borders of the Church. 1 '' A little after he desires the king to
make him a visit, in these words : " If I continue still," says
he, " in your favour, I could wish you would please to overlook
the trouble of a long journey, that I might have the satisfaction
of seeing you, and ' that my soul may bless you before I die."'
My son, do not forget to act upon my entreaty, and use that
holy person abovementioned accordingly. If you are governed
by your ghostly father's advice, who is almost upon the verge
of the other world, it will contribute very much to your future
happiness. Farewell, live answerably to your creed, and God
Eiiciius, Vit. Almighty have you in his protection."

c. 42.

This letter was very prevalent upon king Ethelred, who

afterwards gave Wilfrid a very frank reception, and treated

him all along with great regard.

Wilfrid re- It was not long before Alfrid, king of the Northumbrians,

Hn?A?Trid. recalled Wilfrid, at the archbishop's instance. At his first

coming the king put the abbey of Hagulstad or Hexham into

( knt. vri.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 259

his hands ; and not long after permitted him to return to his alfrid,
see at York, putting him likewise in possession of the monas- *p ° f the

tery of Ripon. brians.

"FTHPLi-

And now the breach seemed to he made up between the red,
king and bishop. But the latter having enemies at court, who Mevchns

made it their business to misrepresent him, and revive old ^~rp' '

quarrels, it was not long before the king grew cool, and began c. 43.
to disrelish Wilfrid. This declension of favour, after some
short turns of countenance and friendship, was at last pushed
to extremity, and settled in a standing aversion. The grounds
of the rupture were, first, as I observed, because the king had
secularized part of the revenues of St. Peter's Cathedral in
York. He had likewise turned the monastery of Hagulstad Ed 4 (1 J us '
into a bishopric, and taken away the monastic privileges
granted by several kings, and confirmed by pope Agatho.
And lastly, king Alfrid would oblige Wilfrid to the injunctions 1 1 1 •

and orders of archbishop Theodore. By which he did not only
mean those canons that were synodically drawn up in the be-
ginning of his government ; nor those published in the latter
end of his life, when he invited all the English bishops to a
friendly correspondence with Wilfrid : but the submission to
those canons was chiefly intended, which were passed between
the rupture and reconciliation of those two prelates. Now
Wilfrid refusing to be concluded by these, and insisting on
restitution upon the other points, king Alfrid broke with him, Heisbamsk-

-ii-i-ii-i-i-- ed a second

and banished him his dominions. i i mem

In the third year of Alfrid, Ceadwalla, king of the West
Saxons, after he had reigned to commendation two years, and Ceadwalla
made a great figure in the island, threw up the government in crown, goes
the flower of his age, and took a voyage to Rome. Whether %^°//' e e ;"' ld
his conduct in this point was defensible or not, I shall not de-
termine : however, it is certain he was strongly penetrated by
religious motives ; otherwise a prince of so enterprising a tem-
per, and so well established in his dominions, would never have
renounced his crown, and run away from his greatness, to re-
tire to a cell. He was baptized upon Easter-eve, by pope A . d. 689.
Sergius, and falling sick, died upon the first of May, before he
had put off his baptismal habit. c . 7. '

Malmesbury relates, that when Ceadwalla set up his first
claim to the crown, his administration did not please the great
men : they thought him of too martial and tempestuous a

s 2

260 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book ir.

theo- temper. And thus being disgusted by his management, they

Abp. Cant, formed a faction, and drove him out of the country. How-

Md^esbTde ever 5 ne na( ^ sucn an interest remaining, that he carried off the

Gestis Re- best part of the military men along with him. When Wilfrid

gum Anglor. o 1 in

l. i.e. 2. was at Selsea, among the South Saxons, Eddius tells us, this
banished prince came to him, and desired his instructions, both
for his conduct in religion and other matters : that Wilfrid
was serviceable to him in his secular interest, and suggested
proper methods for the recovery of his kingdom : that when
Cead walla had subdued the faction, and mounted the throne, he

Eddius de gave Wilfrid an invitation to court, received him with all

c.4l. ' " imaginable respect, and made him chief minister of state.
Ceadwalla was buried at St. Peter's at Rome, and had an epi-
taph made by the pope's order, part of which I shall give the

Bede, l. 5. re ader.

c. /.

Histo™\°4! Culmen, opes, sobolem, pollentia regna, triumpJws,

p * 193, JExuvias, proceres, vnoenia, castra, Lares ;

Quceque patrum virtus, et qua? congesserat ipse,
Cedwal armipotens liquit amore Dei.

Commutdsse magis sceptrorum insignia credas,
Quern regnum Christi promeruisse vides.

About this time Erkenwald, bishop of London, died. This
prelate gave a promising appearance, almost from his infancy,
being very remarkable for his religious disposition, and the
gravity of his behaviour. He received his first instruction in
the Christian religion from Mellitus, bishop of London. His
sister Adleburgh was likewise of a very devout and exemplary
conversation. Erkenwald conceiving retirement most service-
able for the purposes of religion, built two monasteries, one for
himself and another for his sister, and furnished them with
rules of conduct : that for himself was built at Chertsey, upon
the Thames ; and his sister's at Barken, in Essex, where she
was abbess.

Upon the death of Cedde, bishop of London, Erkenwald was
elected to succeed him ; and in this post he managed to the
commendation of a truly primitive bishop, lived up to every
part of his instructions, and is reported to have wrought a
great many miracles. Upon his death, which happened at
Barken, the canons of St. Paul's and the monks of Barken

cent, vii.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 261

strove for his corpse ; but the citizens of London coming in to alfrid,

the assistance of the canons, carried off the body, and buried Northum-

it in their cathedral. He was first laid in the body of the j£JS^?;

i i HIi.1.-

church ; but in the year 1148 he was removed to the east side RED,

of the wall, above the high altar. And in regard of the mira- Mercians.

cles wrought at his tomb, as it was generally believed, the
corpse was enclosed in a very rich shrine, and a great many
offerings of value made at it. In the year of our Lord 1386,
Robert Braybrooke, bishop of London, made a constitution for
the revival of St. Erkenwald's holiday, which of late had been
neglected. The solemnity was kept upon the last of April,
and a relaxation of forty days penance to those who should
duly observe it. Dugdaie's

•L . . . History of

This prelate enlarged the buildings, and augmented the St. Paul's
revenues of his cathedral to a considerable degree. Some p. 20. ami'
little time before his death, being very much seized with the \il' na t
gout, he ordered himself to be carried in a horse-litter about An e ] - vo1 - ? >

. . . p. 299

his diocese, and so preached to the people. He is said to

have sat about eleven years. Wharton,de

The next year Theodore, archbishop of Canterbury, died, at dinens.
eighty-eight years of age. He used to say in his health, that T,ie lh :" th °f
this year of his death was revealed to him in a dream. He Theodore.
sat two-and-twenty years, and was buried in St. Peter's church, g e( " e ^\
at Canterbury. As to his character, he acted with great c - 8 -
vigour and application, and endeavoured to bring the church
to a conformity with the customs at Rome. Baronius will
have him act by virtue of a legatine power, and that he de-
posed AVilfrid, and consecrated Sexwulf upon the strength of
this character. But the passage in Bede, cited by Baronius, Be ^ c ' '• 4
proves no such thing; neither does he produce any other 112.

record to make good his assertion. Besides, Theodore's in- Baron.
compliance with the synod of Rome, in Wilfrid's case, is of sect. 13.
itself sufficient to show the unreasonableness of such a suppo-
sition.

Next to the affairs of the Church, Theodore made it his
business to revive and encourage learning, in which he suc-
ceeded very happily. To this purpose he brought a very
considerable library, both of Greek and Latin authors, into
England with him ; some of which are still remaining in manu-
script, viz., Homer, David's Psalms, St. Chrysostom's Homi- Britannia
lies, all written in a very beautiful hand. This prelate wrote a ™53 dor "

262 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book ii.

wvr T i?~ k°°k called Poenitentiale, which was a large performance.

Abp. Can't. This book remained entire in manuscript in Bennet College

Speiman. library, at Cambridge, in sir Henry Spelman's time, who gives

tom C i" us ^ e ^ eac ^ s °f ^, which are seventy-eight. But it is to be

p. 154. 155. feared it is now not so easily to be met with : for the copy now in

Bennet College library, and printed at Paris, is only an extract

of a larger volume. All that was extant of this Poenitentiale,

together with several other remains of ecclesiastical discipline,

was printed at Paris in 1677, with very serviceable notes of

Jacobus Petitus upon it. To conclude, this Theodore was

the first that wrote a Pcenitential tract in the western Church ;

upon which argument he was afterwards followed by several

Cave, Hist ot h e rs.
Liter, pars 1.

in Theodor. Whelock, in his notes upon Bede, reports from the Codex
Cantuariensis in manuscript, that Theodore made a great
improvement in the English churches, set the distinction of
parishes on foot, and brought them forward towards the pre-
sent form. To this purpose he procured a license from the
respective princes, that any person of substance, who was re-
ligiously disposed, might have the liberty of building churches
upon their estates, and enjoy the patronage for their encou-

l N °5 te p h 399 8 ' ra g ement -

Stilling- ' Bede, as Dr. Stillingfleet observes, mentions the progress
siasticai C ° C " °f this design in several places ; and so do the Saxon councils :
Cases, &c. however, we may take notice, that parochia in Bede is not
always taken for the modern subdivision of a village, but some-
times comprehends the extent of a diocese. Thus Cenwalch,
when he cantoned the diocese of Dorchester^ and fixed a new
bishop at Winchester, is said to divide the province or country
Bode, 1. 3. into two parishes. What steps Theodore made in this matter
is uncertain : however, his conduct in general was very service-
able. His reputation was so considerable at Borne, that pope
Agatho, in his letter to the sixth general council at Constan-
tinople, acquaints them, that he had deferred the council thus
long, in hopes that Theodore, archbishop of Britain, would
have taken a journey to Rome, and assisted at the debates.
It is true, the pope means only the synod at Rome, consisting
of the Roman patriarchate, and not the general council, as
SSoS bur ' Malmesbury represents it. However, the passage is sufficient
Pontif. 1. 1. to show the pope's esteem of Theodore.

P- 112. ._ ...

Dacherms, in the Oth tome of his Spicilegium, has published

CENT. VII

OF GREAT BRITAIN.

263

a collection of ecclesiastical discipline, extracted from Theo-
dore's Poenitentiale, and some other canons, either made or
collected by that prelate.

The seventh canon, relating to the observation of Sunday,
informs us, that in the Greek Church, those who worked upon
this day were, at the second relapse, punished with the loss of
a third part of their goods, and put under a week's penance.

The eleventh canon declares, that by the constitution of the
Greek and Roman Churches, those who were sick of the plague
ought to be visited by the clergy.

The thirty-fifth canon pronounces, that in case of necessity,
confession to God Almighty alone is sufficient.

By the sixty-seventh, no persons ought to be buried in a
consecrated church. And if any were buried there before the
church was consecrated, that ceremony was not to be per-
formed.

The eighty-seventh decrees, that the Britons were not to
have chrysm, or the Eucharist given them, unless they would
own themselves willing to continue in the communion of the
Saxon Church.

The hundredth canon ordains councils to be held twice a
year, i. e. a month after Whitsuntide, and in the beginning of
October.

The hundred and twelfth takes notice, that the Greek Church
allowed marriage in the third degree of consanguinity : neither
is this practice condemned in Theodore's collection.

The hundred and fourteenth commands people to pray in a
standing posture.

Lastly, the hundred and sixteenth allows a man to part with
his wife upon proof of adultery, and gives him the liberty to
marry another.

To return to Theodore : beside other commendable qualities
in this prelate, his learning was of an extraordinary size ; es-
pecially considering the age he lived in. The author of Anti-
quitates Britannica? relates, that Bede, John of Beverly, Albi-
nus, abbot of St. Augustine's at Canterbury, and Tobias,
bishop of Rochester, were all men of distinction in letters, and
obliged to Theodore for their education.

After Theodore's death, the see of Canterbury was vacant
about two years ; after which period, one Bertwald, abbot of
Reculver in Kent, was elected archbishop, July 1, 692

ALFRID,

K. of the
Northum-
brians.
ETHEL-
RED,
K. of the
Mercians.

Dacher. Spi-
cileg. tom. 9.
p. 52.

Antiquit.
Britan in.
Theodor.

Bede, 1. 5.
c. 9.

264 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book n.

berth- Withred and Suebhard then reigning in Kent ; but it was

W AT D

Abp. Cant, almost a year before he received his consecration from Godwin,
Bede^ibkT^ a French, as Bede calls him. or, as others will have it, a
Antiquit. Welsh archbishop. This prelate, though well skilled in Scrip-
Berthuaid. ture learning, and ecclesiastical customs and discipline, was

not to be compared to his predecessor.
113. About this time the Quinisex council, or the council in

a. d. 692. Trullo, was convened at Constantinople by Justinian II. : the

oome re- . .

marks upon fifth and sixth general councils held in the reigns of Justinian the

Trutto. m Great, and Constantine Pogonatus, making no canons, this synod

was summoned as a supplementary provision to the other two,

which is the reason of its being called the Quinisex council.

It consisted of the four eastern patriarchs, and about a

hundred and eighty bishops, but the pope's legates were not

Concil. there. This assembly is reckoned a general council by Bal-

e.p. ii-24, samon and the Greek church, but Baronius will, by no means,

I, 128 - allow it this title. The cardinal, among other things, is

Baron, a. d. _ % . .

692. sect. 10. shocked with the thirteenth canon which allows the marriage

p. 1148. ' of priests and deacons; and, which is more, the restraint of

the Roman Church upon the clergy is censured by name

in the canon, and the marriage of priests justified from St.

Matth. xvii. Matthew, the first epistle to the Corinthians, and the epistle

27. Heb. Vn ' to the Hebrews. They likewise urge the apostles' 1 canons in

xtii. 4 defence of this liberty ; and, at last, the Fathers conclude,

that if any person shall presume to procure a separation

between priests, or deacons, and their wives, the penalty

is degradation. And if any priest or deacon shall part with

his wife upon the score of religion, or any inconsistency of that

state with his orders, he is to be struck out of the list of the

clergy, and forfeit his character.

Now this canon being a flat contradiction to the constitu-
tions of several popes, and the practice of the Roman church,
Baronius is out of all patience with it, and gives it several
hard names, though not to much purpose.

The fifty-fifth canon of this council displeases the cardinal
no less than the former ; it runs thus: " Being informed that it
is the practice at Rome to fast upon Saturdays in Lent,
contrary to the received custom of the Church, the holy synod
has thought fit to decree the revival of the apostles 1 canon upon
Can. Apost. the Roman see, by which it is declared, that if any clergyman
shall fast, either upon the Lord's day, or Saturday, (unless

cent; vii.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 265

one Saturday, i. e. Easter Eve,) he is to be degraded ; and, if alfrid,
a layman, excommunicated. Northum-

This canon not only charges the church of Rome with inno- F m r i^p s ;
vation, and condemns her practice, but likewise brings that RED,
see within the jurisdiction of the council, asserts an authority Mercians 6
paramount to that of the pope, binds him to a submission ' '

to their decisions, and degrades him in case of non-compliance.
It is no wonder, therefore, to find Baronius so vigorous
in attacking the credit of this council. Amongst other things
he tells us, that the bishops of this synod being conscious
their canons were of no force without the pope's consent, pre-
vailed with the emperor to send them to Rome to pope
Sergius for his confirmation. But I have already proved the
pope's consent was not necessary to complete the authority of
a council, and that the canons of the council were only sent to
the pope to publish them. But, to go on with Baronius, Peter de
his holiness, says he, perceiving the canons contained a great Marca. de
many rash and unorthodox decisions, he nulled them all Sacerd. and
instead of confirming them. The emperor not prevailing upon c m v4 ei n V'
the pope by his letters, changed his battery, and resolved to Vid - s,1 P ia -
force him to a compliance. To this purpose he dispatches f the first
an agent, with a military guard, with orders to bring the pope ^J™ ot
prisoner to Constantinople. By the way we are to observe 52T 011, A "•
that Italy was, at this time, part of the emperor of Constanti-
nople's dominions, and the pope, by consequence, one of his
subjects ; which way, therefore, was it possible for his holiness
to secure his liberty, and avoid the storm ? Why, Baronius
informs us, he was rescued by a wonderful interposition of
Providence. How so 1 The cardinal relates that the troops Divmum
of Italy appeared for the pope against the emperor, and so "fff™* auM ~
secured him ; that is, they revolted from their lawful sovereign Baron, ibid,
the emperor, and deserted to the pope, and preserved him by
the strength of their numbers and rebellion. This insurrec-
tion against the civil magistrate the cardinal is pleased to call
a Divine interposition. Other sort of language had been
much more religious and becoming the occasion, as it had been
more honourable for the pope to have gone prisoner to Con-
stantinople, than accepted a rescue from rebels, and disengaged
himself by so scandalous a protection.

I have mentioned something of this council in Trullo, because
the celibacy of the English clergy and the rigorous usage of

266

ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book ii.

berth- married priests will afterwards make part of the history of the

WT A T T\

Ab P . Can't. English Church.

To this year we may reckon the ecclesiastical laws of
callows of I na ? wn0 succeeded Ceadwalla in the kingdom of the West
fa?ig ina. Saxons. The regulations relating to the Church are these :

Lambert
Archaio-
nom. p. 2.
Spelman.
Concil. vol.
1. p. 127.
114.

1. That the clergy live conformably to the customs and
discipline of the Church.

2. That every child be baptized within thirty days after its
birth, under the penalty of thirty shillings forfeit. And if the
infant happens to die before baptism, all the personal estate is
forfeited.

3. If a slave is forced to work upon the Sunday by his mas-
ter's order, let him be manumized, and let the master be fined
thirty shillings over and above ; but if the slave does any work
of his own accord, let him smart for it in corporal punishment.
And if a person that is free works voluntarily upon the Sunday,
he shall forfeit his freedom.

4. The first-fruits of seeds, or the church dues arising from
the product of corn, &c, are to be paid at the feast of St.
Martin. And let him that fails in the payment forfeit forty
shillings, as Lambert reads it, or sixty, according to sir Henry
Spelman.

5. If any person guilty of a capital crime takes sanctuary in
a church, his life shall be spared ; but then he shall be obliged
to fine, according to equity and the constitution. And if any
person has made himself liable to corporal punishment, and
recovers the protection of a church, the drubbing shall be
remitted.

6. If any person quarrels so as to come to blows in the
king's palace, he is to forfeit all his goods and chattels, and lie
at the king's mercy for his life. And if he strikes in the
church, the forfeiture is a hundred and twenty shillings.

7. If any person gives in a false testimony before a bishop,
he is to forfeit a hundred and twenty shillings.

8. The breach of the peace in a town where the king or
the bishop resides, incurs the forfeiture of a hundred and twenty
shillings. The penalty for the same misdemeanour where an
earl resides is somewhat lower.

9. Church dues, for the product of the fields, are to be paid
where the person owing them dwelt the foregoing Christmas.

cent, vii.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 267

10. The last article states the fine that was to be paid for with-
the murder of godfathers or godsons. And if the person mur- K ^Kent
dered was the king's or bishop's godson, the fine was heavier alfrid,

. . ° K. of the

than 111 Other Cases. Northum-

brians.
ETHEL-

The first-fruits of seeds, or cyricsceatta, mentioned in the K RE f D ]
fourth article, has some difficulty in it. Lambert translates it Mercians.
Primitive Seminum ; but the learned Whelock, in his epistle to k. of the
the reader, before Lambert's Archainomia, makes it appear g^ons
that cyricsceatta comprehends the Church dues in general, ^ — J'~^~ J
whether arising from corn or any other branch of tithes. It Archainom.
is true these duties are called chirchseed in some manuscripts ; ffes M
but Whelock proves that these records are posterior to the
Norman conquest, and only corruptions of the Saxon cyricsce-
atta. Now, in the Saxon language this learned person proves,
in several instances, that sceat signifies a part, or portion ;
and that the term extends to other things besides corn, is
evident from sir Henry Spelman, who tells us, from Doomsday
Book, that cocks and hens, due to the Church at Christmas, Gks™r!in
are called cyricset. Circsct.

Two years after the passing these ecclesiastical laws of king
Ina, there was a great council held at Becanceld ; it was sum- ^2^"^
moned by Withred, king of Kent, who was present at it. The a.d. 694
assembly was composed of the clergy and laity ; for besides Concii. vol.
archbishop Berth wald, Tobias, bishop of Rochester, abbots, p ' 189 '
priests, and others of the clergy, there were several dukes, as
they are called, and great men of the laity. The constitutions
are all drawn up in the king's name, run in the form of a char-
ter, and relate in a manner wholly to the privileges of the
Church. Amongst other things, the sin of sacrilege is set
forth in terms of vehemence and detestation ; and all the laity
of what degree soever are solemnly forbidden to make en-
croachments upon any churches or abbeys, or bring them
within their jurisdiction. The king likewise exempts all the
churches within his dominions from the payment of taxes, and
all other services and incumbrances incident to a lay-fee ; and,
which is somewhat remarkable, the king makes a frank decla-
ration of the authority originally vested in the Church, to
govern her own body. Pursuant to this declaration, it is
ordered, that when any bishop, abbot, or abbess happens to
die, the archbishop of the province should have notice of it,

268 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book n.

berth- and that no election should pass without his knowledge and

as 7 " a ^ t~\ ^^

Abp. Cant, consent ; for, as king Withred proceeds, the prerogative royal
J does not reach to these matters : for as it is the right of the
crown to make grants of secular titles, as earls, barons, &c,
and to dispose of posts of honour and trust in the civil govern-
ment, so it belongs to the archbishop to govern the churches
of God, to elect and consecrate bishops, to appoint abbots,
abbesses, and other persons of ecclesiastical character and
jurisdiction. This charter was subscribed by five abbesses,
who signed not only before all the priests, but also before one
Botred, a bishop. The record was ordered to be laid up in
Christ's Church, Canterbury, for security, and that it might
Spelman. serve for a precedent for the rest of the English Churches,
ibid. jy r \y" a k e questions the genuineness of this council, though

he does not proceed so far as to pronounce it spurious. I shall
State of the mention some of his exceptions.

cieret, &c. * • Tnis Earned gentleman observes, " That the king sub-
p. 140. and scribes for himself, and for Werburg his queen ; but in his
charter granted the very next year, his queen appears to have
Spelman. been Kynigith. 11 This is true ; but where lies the inconsistency
1 c {q 2 vo1, of these two relations \ Might not queen Werburg die soon
after the council of Becanceld, and the king be engaged in a
second marriage at the date of the latter charter ? For though
the council was held in the year 694, and the charter granted
in the year 695, yet there might be an interval of almost two
years between the one and the other ; which makes the suppo-
sition of a second marriage decently practicable.

2. This learned author objects that king Withred, in a
charter dated An. 700, takes notice of his own ignorance ;
that he was not able to write his name, and therefore set only
a cross + in confirmation of it. But in the council of Becan-
celd he subscribed for himself, for his wife, and son, without
Ibid, 142. any such excuse or acknowledgment. Now this gentleman
wonders how the king should forget to write his name in six
years' 1 time. The surprise would have been greater, if he had
pleased to remark, that king Withred owns himself thus un-
^5 lettered, in his charter to the abbess Eaba, An. 695, which

Spelman. was the next vear after the council of Becanceld. But after
vol. l.p. li)3. au \ it does not appear the king had forgotten any part of his
education ; it is more likely he never learned to write, than
that he had lost that faculty. This gentleman's inference

cent, vii.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 269

therefore seems to be strained, and is more than can be col- with-

RFD

lected from the record. It is true, the king is said to subscribe k. of Kent.
the council at Becanceld ; but it is not said he wrote his name k ofVho'
himself, neither does the word "subscribe 11 imply so much; for Northum-

. . . « . brians.

what is more common than to say, a man signs or subscribes ethel-
a deed, when he only makes a mark, and his name is written k. of the
by another ? But the king made no excuse for his not being M jIP? n8 -
able to write at the council, What need was there of making k. of the
a record of his ignorance upon every occasion I In fine, we Saxons.
cannot reasonably conclude the king's manner of signing at the ' v
council was different from that in his later charters ; and by
consequence no mark of disadvantage can be drawn upon the
council from thence.

3. The learned Dr. Atterbury, in vindication of the authority
of this Council observes, that " Sir Henry Spelman printed it
from five good manuscripts, and one of them near as old as the

Saxon age." To show the antiquity of one of these copies, Rights, &c,
Sir Henry Spelman observes, it was interlined with various gnthewo-
readings in Saxon characters. To this Dr. Wake replies, all cation,p.31l.
these copies came from the Church of Canterbury ; that the Spelman.
charter at the end of the council was made for the benefit of 1 °p. 19™ '
that cathedral, and that the monks of Canterbury are infamous
in history for their forgeries. State of the

But first, granting the monks of Christ Church guilty of Ch " ^ 1 ch,
foul dealing in some instances, can we conclude from hence,
that all the manuscripts and charters drawn for the advantage
of that convent are counterfeit records ? To affirm the Church
of Canterbury has no privileges fairly conveyed, no evidence of
unquestionable credit, would be a strange assertion.

Secondly, The supposition of the monks 1 forgery cannot rea-
sonably be stretched any farther than the advantage they were
to gain by it : from whence it will follow, that the marks of
imposture can only be fixed to the charter part of the record,
relating to the Church of Canterbury ; and thus the credit of
the main of the council will remain untouched. Indeed some
of the provisions of this synod secure the jurisdiction of the
bishops against the encroachments of the monasteries, and
therefore it is very unlikely the monks should forge any thing
of this kind.

4. To fortify the authority of this council, Dr. Atterbury
takes notice, that " in the ancient Saxon Chronicle, there is at

270 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book ii.

berth- the year 694, a very large and particular account of it." To
Ab P . Can't, this Dr. Wake replies, " that the Saxon chronicle which in-

j^rp' ' serts the history of this council, is miserably interpolated, and
that the language of the Saxon original does not agree, as he

state of the is informed, with the age it pretends to. 1 ' To this it may be

Church. &c. i

p. 140, 141. answered,

1st, That the charge of interpolation supposes truth and
matter of fact in the record, and that the whole is by no means
liable to the imputation of forgery. Thus the interpolated
Epistles of St. Ignatius were part of them written by that
apostolic bishop. Indeed this gentleman at last does not seem
to carry his suspicions of falsification any farther than the
interest of the monks of Canterbury and Kent were concerned
in it.

2dly, This learned author has laid down an assertion which
perfectly destroys his objection against Dr. Atterbury's copy

Ibid, p. 141. of the Saxon Chronicle. His remark is this : " that the time
which most of the charters were forged, was in the reign of the
Conqueror, or in those which immediately followed. The pri-
vileges granted by him to Battel Abbey, were both the occa-
sion of them, and the great pattern by which they drew them.
Now the Normans, who forged them, were not only utterly
unacquainted with our Saxon history, but could not so much

state of the as read the Saxon letters. 1 ''

Church, &c. From this passage I infer, that if the counterfeit charters
were drawn by the precedent of the Conqueror's charter to
Battel Abbey, which was granted but one year before his
death ; if the Normans were the forgers of these charters ; if
these Normans were altogether ignorant of the Saxon history,
and not so much as able to read the Saxon character ; from
hence I infer, that the history of the council of Becanceld,
written in the Saxon language, and mentioned in the Saxon
chronicle, can be no counterfeit memoir; for the Normans,
who are the only suspicious persons in this case, were in no
condition to pass these forgeries upon the world.

This observation secures the authority of the council against
the rest of Dr. Wake's exceptions, I mean as to the bulk, and
greater part of the synod, which is all I have occasion to con-
tend for. And what I have here alleged in defence of this
ecclesiastical assembly, may serve for the vindication of that at
Berkhamsted, convened three years forward ; for the constitu-

cent, vii.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 271

tions of this council are likewise penned in the Saxon Ian- WITH-

g ua g e - K.of E !Lt.

To proceed : I have already observed, that the charters of ^J"™ 1 , 0,

. , K. 01 tilt*

this king Withred are supposed to be the first authentic grants Northum-
of any of the Saxon kings. ethel-

In the year of our Lord 696, according to Baronius's chrono- K R S D t i e
logy, Willbrod, an English priest, being encouraged by Pepin, Mercians.
mayor of the palace of France, made some progress in the con- k. of the
version of the West Frieslanders : and afterwards taking a gaxons

journey to Rome, was made archbishop of that country by <^~ p- '

pope Sergius ; and by the favour of Pepin, had his see fixed at Condi, vol.
Utrecht, where he built his cathedral. He built likewise a Dr. Wake'a
great many churches and monasteries in that country, erected ^^ &"
several episcopal sees, and furnished them with prelates out of P- l 44 > l 45 -
his own retinue of missionaries that went along with him. „ . "'

-i Spelman.

The next year the council of Berkhamsted was held ; it was Condi, vol.
convened in the dominions of Withred, king of Kent, and in Baron, a. d.
the fifth year of his reign. Berth wald, archbishop of Canter- ™; ,
bury, presided in it. Gebmond, bishop of Rochester, and some «*»* West
of all the orders of the clergy, together with several persons of A . d! 697.
condition of the laity, were likewise present. The following ^5^^"
constitutions were made by the joint consent of the whole con- sted.
vention. And here it was enacted, Spdman.

(_ oncil. vol.
1. p. 194.

First, that the Church should be free, and enjoy all her
privileges, customs, and revenues ; and that prayers should be
made for the prosperity of the king.

Secondly, that the breach of the Church's peace should be
punished with a fine of fifty shillings, and be as deep in the
forfeiture as the breach of the king's peace.

Thirdly, that those who are guilty of adultery, are to be put
under penance ; and if they refuse that discipline, or continue
unreformed, they are to be excommunicated.

Fourthly, And if any who are foreigners live in such a course
of licentiousness, and refuse to be reclaimed, let them be ex-
pelled the kingdom, and carry off their goods, and their lewd-
ness along with them.

Fifthly, if any sithcund man or hundredary, who is obliged

to serve in the field, shall be guilty of adultery, in contempt of Complete'

the king,

shillings.

the king, the bishop, and the laws, he shall forfeit a hundred

272 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book ii.

berth- Sixthly, If any priest shall tolerate or connive at adultery or
Abp. Can't, unlawful marriage, or defers the baptizing of children beyond

( v ' the proper time, he shall be suspended ab officio - by the

bishop.

Seventhly, If any person enfranchises his slave at the altar,
his freedom shall stand good, and he shall enjoy the privilege
of inheriting, and the liberty of going where he pleases.

Eighthly, the bare affirmation of the king and bishop shall
have the force of an oath in the operation of law.

Ninthly, When a priest or abbot is charged with any crime,
and is brought to the altar, and declares solemnly, " I speak
the truth in Christ, and lie not ;"" this declaration shall be
looked on as an equivalent to an oath.

Tenthly, If any person belonging to a bishop is prosecuted,
the cognizance of the cause belongs to the Church.

In reciting these laws, I have neither mentioned all of them,
nor observed the order in which they stand in Sir Henry Spel-
man : the selecting those which relate chiefly to the Church
being sufficient for the purpose in hand.
a. d. G99. In the year of our Lord 699, according to Baronius's com-
699°sect. c. putation, Naitan king of the Picts, who dwelt in the northern
parts of Britain, dispatched his agents to Ceolfrid, abbot of
the monastery of Weremouth near the Tyne, to desire him to
draw up a scheme of the Roman manner of keeping Easter,
together with the arguments used in defence of it. He like-
wise desired to be farther instructed in the ecclesiastical ton-
sure ; promising that himself and his subjects would conform
for the future to the Roman Church. Ceolfrid complied with
his request, and wrote him a long letter upon the controversy ;
which I shall not translate, having been large enough already
upon this subject.
Naitan,king This letter was read before the king in a full audience, and
°{nform*lo S ave great satisfaction, insomuch that the king declared this
the Catholic usage, together with the Roman tonsure, should be observed

custoTYt or

keeping ' in his dominions : for now he was fully instructed to defend
the practice ; and therefore they resolved to be governed by
the paschal cycle of nineteen years, instead of the old one of
eighty-four. And now, as Bede expresses it, the nation of the
Picts were disentangled from their old error, and wonderfully
pleased with the new privilege of being brought under the

cent, viii.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 273

government and protection of St. Peter ; which is as much as wiTH-
to sav, thev had no correspondence with the see of Rome, nor Tr R ?R>

■to i p a i K. of Kent.

paid any deference to the pope before. About three years alfrid,
since, a great part of the Scots in Ireland, and some of the Nothum-
Britons, were prevailed on to conform to the Catholic manner E ^HFi
of keeping; Easter. The occasion of it was this : one Adam- RED,
nanus, a priest and abbot of Hi, or Iona, was sent ambassador Mercians.
by his countrymen to Alfrid king of the Northumbrians. K^ofthe
While he continued at this court he was convinced of his error, West

and made a convert. At his return home, he endeavoured to > .. — '—>

satisfy the monks of Iona, but failed in the attempt. Upon c . 22.'
this disappointment he sailed into Ireland, and gained the f e ^ ' *■ 5-
greatest part of the country to the Catholic custom. When he
came back to Hi, he disputed strongly about the paschal con-
troversy, and made a second trial upon the monks ; but could
not disengage them from their old persuasion.

And now the thread of the history will lead us to the North- Cent. vm.
umbrians, where, after the second rupture between king Alfrid
and Wilfrid of York, the bishop retired to Ethelred king of
the Mercians, where he was honourably entertained : but it
seems Berthwald, archbishop of Canterbury, had a mind to bring
the cause to a second hearing ; who, as the author of the An- - 0J
tiquitates Britannicse relates, had the pope's bull, or letters Antiquit.
patent for the primacy of all England. Berthwald therefore Berthiiaid
convenes a synod of almost all the English bishops, at a place
called Onestresfeld. Wilfrid had notice given him to be present
at this synod. At first he refused to appear, being apprehen-
sive of ill usage ; but afterwards, having procured a safe-conduct, 117.
he went thither. The design of the convening of this s\ r nod, Eddius, Vit.

. ... Wilfrid

it is thought, was to persuade Wilfrid to resign his bishopric ; c. 45.
and if they could not prevail upon him, the next point was Britain'
to get him condemned by a majority of the bishops, that so Berthuaid.
the odium of expelling him might be taken off from the king. Britan"ibid.

When Wilfrid appeared, they began to open a charge The synod at
against him, and preferred several articles which they could a hout\fa- '
not prove ; and particularly they pressed him to a submission -^^'j^'
to the canons and orders made under the late archbishop Eddius, ibid.
Theodore. To this he replied, that he was ready to acquiesce
in any determination canonically settled. But then he re-
monstrated with great freedom and spirit against their pro-

vol. 1. T

274 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book it.

berth- ceedings ; and asked them how they could venture to be so

WALD . .

Abp. Can't, hardy as to slight the apostolical orders, sent to Britain by the
v ' holy popes, Agatho, Bennet, and Sergius, and prefer the arch-
bishop Theodore's injunctions before them ; he meant, the
judgments and orders given by Theodore, during the misun-
derstanding between him and Wilfrid. And here he proceeds
to reproach the synod with open opposition to the authority of
Eddius, ibid, the see of Rome for two-and-twenty years together.

From hence nothing can be more plain than that Theodore
and the other British bishops did not think themselves obliged
to be arbitrarily governed by the see of Rome.

To proceed with Wilfrid's cause : one of the king's court
coming in a disguise into the council, told him, that the synod
was prepossessed on the king's side ; that there was a snare
laid for him, and advised him to be cautious as to what he sub-
scribed. As Eddius reports the matter, there was some reason
for this circumspection : for at last they spoke out, and passed
sentence against him ; by virtue of which he was to be dis-
seized of all his revenues, both in the kingdoms of the Nor-
thumbrians and Mercians. This sentence, though agreed to
by the king and the archbishop, was thought over-rigorous,
even by some of Wilfrid's enemies : upon which they pro-
ceeded to a new consultation, and softened the severity in
some measure. By this last judgment, Wilfrid was to be put
in possession of the abbey of Ripon, with all its appurtenances,
provided he would give it under his hand, not to stir out of
the precincts of the monastery without the king's leave, nor
execute any part of the episcopal function ; but be contented
WUfM ap- to degrade himself, and resign his character. Wilfrid declared
P Rome, which aloud against the partiality of these proceedings, and appealed
TotheunZ ^° ^ ne see °f R° me - His making this appeal gave a farther
bkhop. offence to the king and the archbishop, who now charged him
with contumacy for preferring the judgment of a foreign see to
Eddius, ibid, a synod of his own country. The king told the archbishop
over and above, that provided this prelate would consent to it,
he woidd let his troops loose, as Eddius speaks, upon Wilfrid,
and dragoon him into a submission to the council. To this
the other bishops replied, that Wilfrid made his appearance
under the security of a safe-conduct, and therefore desired he
might not be put under duress, but have the liberty to return,
which was granted accordingly.

cent, viii.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 275

And now the synod breaking up, Wilfrid retired to king wiTH-
Ethelred, and gave him an account of the proceedings of Ones- „■ R ?J?'

* o \$s. t of Ivcnt.

tresfeld. He likewise asked him, whether his majesty pleased alfrid,

to continue him in the privileges and revenues formerly granted? No'rthum-

The king told him, he designed to give him no trouble, nor re- ethfL
voke any grants made to the advantage of religion : however, RED,

he intended either to send agents or letters to Rome, and to Mercians.
govern himself, with respect to Wilfrid, by the directions of

that see. Eddius,c.46.

Eddius goes on with Wilfrid's case, and reports, that now Wilfrid and
this prelate and all his party were declared excommunicated in eaxommuni-
the kingdom of the Northumbrians. And it seems their aver- c ^{ e f.- An

° . Eddius,c.47.

sion grew to such a height, that if any priest of Wilfrid's
party had begged a blessing upon the meat in any house, they
ordered the people to throw it out of doors immediately, as if it
had been offered to an idol : and if any of our friends, says
Eddius, had made use of any church plate, they used to have it
washed before they would touch it.

Wilfrid being excommunicated at home, and thrown out of i?;^ 2,

° < n ujrid s se-

the king's protection, goes a second voyage to Rome ; and co»rf voyage
here, presenting himself before the pope upon his knees, makes
his appeal with all imaginable submission, setting forth the Eddius, Vit.
hardship of his case, and resigning himself entirely to the c . 48.
pope's determination ; particularly amongst other things, he dc^stis" 1 "'
desired his holiness would give him recommendatory letters to Pontic 1. 3.
Ethelred, king of the Mercians, that he might enjoy the monas-
teries granted him there without disturbance. He likewise
desired a letter to king Alfrid, to return him his revenues
and jurisdiction. And if that prince was not contented he
should be restored to the see of York, he requested his holi-
ness would provide a prelate for that see ; and that the two
monasteries of Ripon and Hexham might be secured to him.

On the other side, archbishop Berthwald thought fit, it
seems, to send his agents to Rome to justify the proceedings
against Wilfrid. These commissioners delivered in a charge
against him in writing. One of the articles was, that Wilfrid's
refusing [to'submit to the determination of an English synod,
and the "orders of his metropolitan, was a high crime, and an
unpardonable contumacy. To this Wilfrid replied, that he ^S^
did not absolutely refuse obedience to archbishop Berthwald, Maimesbur.
but only so far as the orders of that archbishop were inconsis-

t 2

276 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book ii.

berth- tent with the canons, and the decrees of the see of Rome.
Abp. Can't. The manner of Wilfrid's defence, and his making the pope the
iT^T ' arbiter of the controversy, was extremely acceptable at Rome :
and without doubt, Wilfrid fared the better for making his
court with so much address. In short, after the pope had
ordered both parties to withdraw, he directs his speech to a
synod then convened, of the neighbouring bishops : and here
he puts them in mind, that before they came to pronounce
judgment, or to give their votes on either side, they were to
examine the process of the cause from the beginning, and con-
sider the resolutions of his predecessors, Agatho, Bennet, and
Sergius, upon the point, and then govern themselves in the
decision by those precedents. This was telling them in plain
terms, they were to bring in their verdict for the defendant.

By the way we are to observe, that the cause had several
hearings, was four months depending at Rome, and brought

before seventy consistories, or little synods, as Eddius calls
Eddius, them>

Wilfrid, to show the rigour with which his adversaries

treated him, alleged, that he was required by the king and

Berthwald to submit, without reserve, to the archbishop's

single sentence ; though, by the way, this is contradicted by

king Alfrid, as we shall see afterwards : but to proceed in the

course of the trial. After the allegations of both parties had

Wilfrid ac- been heard, Wilfrid was acquitted by the pope and synod, con-

popeandRo- siting of a hundred and twenty five bishops ; and then he was

man synod, allowed to sit in the council.

Eddius, ibid. _____ _-,.-,. _

And now pope John VII. wrote letters to Ethelred, king ot
the Mercians, and Alfrid, king of the Northumbrians : the
contents have a strong air of authority, and run in high terms.
The pope acquaints these princes, that Wilfrid's cause had
been debated at length, and therefore, if his adversaries did not
acquiesce in the sentence, he advises Berthwald, archbishop of
Canterbury, to convene a synod, and that Wilfrid and the two
other Northumbrian bishops, Bosa and John, might be present
at it ; and if they could not come to an agreement upon the
points contested, that then both parties should apply to Rome
for a final determination : and in case any prelate of the Eng-
lish synod should refuse to be tried by the last resort of the
Eddius, apostolic see, he was to forfeit the dignity of his order. And
c - 52, to make the submission of the English the more easy, the

a. d. 704.

cent, viii.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 277

pope sets forth in his letter to king Alfrid, that Theodore, WITH-
the late archbishop of Canterbury, never contradicted pope k. of Kent.
Agatho's order in Wilfrid's case. But under favour, this ^K^ft^'
suggestion is opposed to matter of fact : for it is plain, that Novthum-
Theodore took no notice of Agatho's decision a great while in a,"
after Wilfrid's first return, neither was he reconciled to Wil- wLt "
frid till a little before his death. To which we may add, that v Saxon8 -
Wilfrid himself had charged the synod at Onestresfeld with Eddius,ibid.
two-and-twenty years' disobedience to the see of Rome, and Gestis Po'n-
with preferring the decrees of Theodore before those of several *' ^

nnnps Eddius,c.4'2.

P °P . . . Eddiu8,c.45.

Wilfrid being thus successful at Rome, sets forward for
Britain ; and at his arrival sends some of his retinue to the
archbishop, who finding how the matter had passed, and that
Wilfrid came fortified with the pope's recommendation, he
began to relent, and promise his friendship.

From Kent Wilfrid travels to Ethelred's court, where he was
honourably received : and upon his producing the instruments
of his acquittal at Rome, and the pope's letter to Ethelred,
that prince made a profound reverence in respect of the pope,
and declared, that he would never censure the least syllable in
his holiness's letter, but do his utmost to see the contents well
executed : neither was he worse than his word. Ed fio lls '

Not long after, by the advice of king Ethelred, Wilfrid sent
an abbot and another of his retinue to wait upon king Alfrid ;
and to desire he might have leave to come to that prince's
court, and deliver him the pope's letters, with a copy of the
proceedings in his own case. King Alfrid, at first, returned
Wilfrid's deputies no rugged answer, but ordered them to
come the next day, which being accordingly done, he professed
a great regard for their persons and character : but as to
Wilfrid's business, he could by no means give him satisfaction :
there being no manner of reason why he should hold any cor-
respondence with a person of Wilfrid's obstinacy ; neither
would he communicate with one that had been twice con-
demned by a synod of almost all the bishops in Britain : to
stand out against such an authority was so irregular a prac-
tice, that no recommendation or sentence of the apostolic see
should make him pass it over. ? T ddius, ?' 6 i -

1 < Malmesb. de

Soon after the king fell sick ; and then, as Eddius and Gest. Pouti-
Malmesbury report, he began to own he had failed in his re- p . 152!

278 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book n.

BERTH- gards to the pope : and promised to comply with the court of
Abp. Cant. Rome upon his recovery. But this sickness proving his last,

J nothing was done in that matter.
King Al- Alfrid was succeeded by Edulf, who usurped the govern-

ment. This prince being formerly a friend to Wilfrid, the
bishop ventured to address him. But here he was very rug-
gedly entertained, and ordered to depart the kingdom within
six days, under the highest penalties of forfeiture and disgrace.
But Edulf s reign was short ; for within two months he was
Eddius c 57 deposed an( ^ slain ; and Osred, king Alfrid's son, acknowledged
Maimesb. sovereign.

The synod at In the first year of this prince's reign, Berth wald, archbishop
\!o'lQ5 °f Canterbury, came into the kingdom of the Northumbrians,
and desired the king, with the prelates, and temporal nobility,
Eddius,c.58. to meet in council about Wilfrid's case. This motion was
ibid. mCS agreed to, and they met accordingly, in a place near the river
Cambd.Brit. Nidd. The king brought three northern bishops, and several
p. 17. abbots along with him ; the abbess Elflede was likewise there,

119- together with Wilfrid, and the archbishop. The archbishop

opened the meeting, by acquainting the synod with the pope's
letters, and other instructions relating to Wilfrid, which he
desired might be read ; which was done accordingly. It seems
all the company did not understand Latin, and therefore Berec-
frid, Osred's prime minister, desired they might be interpreted
in English. The archbishop replied, that to do this at length
would be somewhat tedious, and therefore he would abridge
the matter, and lay the sense and design of the whole before
them in a few words. And here, having flourished a little
upon the pope's authority, and the advantage of his succession
from St. Peter, he told them, his holiness gave the Northum-
brians their choice of two things, either to resign their sees to
Wilfrid, and leave him in possession of the ancient jurisdiction,
and extent of his diocese : or, in case they refused to drop the
dispute upon these terms, which, in his opinion, were the most
reasonable, then they were all to take a journey to Rome to be
tried there, and put an end to the controversy in a more
The synod numerous synod. But if any person should be so unhappy as
against the to slight this order, and reject the alternative, he was to be
2j£* sen ~ denied the sacrament of the Eucharist in case he was any of
the laity ; and to be degraded if a bishop or priest. This,
says the archbishop, is the sum of his holiness's commands.

cent, viii.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 279

To this the bishops replied, that let the pretence be what it with-
will, they could not see any reason to reverse the decision made K of K e Ut .

by Theodore, archbishop of Canterbury, with the consent of 2 SR f E P'

king Ecgfrid, and afterwards confirmed in the synod of Ones- Northum-
tresfeld, where both Berthwald and king Alfrid, and most of jna'

the English bishops were present. K ^° f the

Notwithstanding the incompliance of this answer, the abbess Saxons.

Elflede, king Alfrid's sister, and Berecfrid, the prime minister, Eddius,c.58.
being in Wilfrid's interest, overruled the synod, and gave a lasuhey' °
new turn to their resolutions. Elflede declared that her c " me to a ,

temper, ana

brother Alfrid, upon his death-bed, had promised to stand by the contro-
the apostolic see, with reference to Wilfrid ; and in case he cobmbo-
should die before his resolves were put in execution, he charged dated -
his successor with the performance. This speech of Elflede's
was seconded by Berecfrid, who told the synod, that when
they were besieged and hard pressed at Bebbanburg, they
made a solemn vow of compliance with the apostolic see : upon
which, the enemy made an overture of an honourable peace,
and raised the siege. And now the bishops withdrew, and
consulted apart, and at last suffered themselves to be prevailed
on by Elflede and the archbishop ; and, in short, they came in
the conclusion to this accommodation : that John, at this time
bishop of Hagulstad, or Hexham, should be removed to the
see of York, now vacant by the death of Bosa ; and that
Wilfrid should succeed him in the bishopric and abbey of
Hexham, and together with them, be restored to the abbey of
Ripon. Eddius,ibid.

. . „.,,„ . ,, . Malmes.

I have been the larger in reporting Wilfrid s case, because ibid.
there are a great many remarkable circumstances in it.
Amongst other things, it appears pretty plain that the pope,
though he had gained some ground, yet he had not mastered
the liberties of the English Church at this time of day. For
notwithstanding the respect the Saxon bishops might some
of them pay to the see of Rome, it is evident they looked upon
their own body as a competent authority to determine contro-
versies arising among themselves. Why else should they
censure an appeal to Rome as an act of contumacy, and a
crime that was not to be passed over? Why should they
insist on the force and legality of their own decrees, and de-
clare against reversing them upon any pretence whatsoever?
If it is objected that Theodore and BerthwakFs sending agents

280 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [bookii.

BERTH- to Rome, implies an acknowledgment of their dependence ;
Abp. Can't. an d that they owned the superiority of that see, —
v v ' To this it may be answered, that this inference cannot neces-
sarily be drawn from such an application. For their sending
deputies to Rome to complain against Wilfrid, might only
imply that they were willing to inform the pope of matter of
fact, and keep a fair correspondence with him upon a foot of
equality : thus one prince may send ambassadors to another,
to acquaint him with the injuries received from a third state,
and all this without a design of owning any inferiority, or
paying any homage. That this was something of the case,
appears by Theodore and Berthwald's governing themselves
by the resolution of the English synod, and taking no notice
of the pope's decision, which, it is plain, they did not for
several years together, as has been observed.

We may observe, farther, that though Theodore and Berth-
wald sent their agents to Rome, yet the northern bishops of
York, Hexham, Whithern, and Holy Island sent none. For
if they had, we have reason to believe that Eddius and Malmes-
bury, who mentioned the other, would have taken notice of it.

To this we may add, that these prelates, who stood out so

stiffly against Wilfrid's restitution, were all men of character,

and reputation ; the famous Cuthbert, already mentioned, was

one of them ; Bosa, bishop of York, a man of exemplary

Eddius,c.52. sanctity and mortification, was another. To these we may

Bede, l. 5. a( |^ j i m f Beverley, who succeeded Bosa in the bishopric of

Eddius and York. This person was remarkable not only for his learning

and piety, but for his miracles too ; several of which are re-

Be | e ' j- 5 - lated by Bede, who had his education under him.

These are the famous men that appeared against Wilfrid,
all along executed their episcopal function in that which had
been his diocese, and possessed themselves of what he called
120. his jurisdiction and revenues. And when the pope's letters in

favour of Wilfrid were produced at the synod of Nidd, when
his prerogative from St. Peter was pressed, and compliance
with the sentence enjoined, under the penalty of degradation,
they took no notice of all this menace, but frankly appealed
to the authority of their synod, and pronounced their own
Eddius, decrees unalterable. And though they came to an accommo-
dation at last, out of regard to Elflede and Berecfrid, in
honour to the memory of the late king, and at the report of a

cent, vin.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 281

miracle ; yet their keeping off all along, and recoiling at the ^}J^'
orders of the Roman see, is sufficient to show their judgment k. of Kent.
in this matter. g 8 ^

This year the famous Ethelred, king of the Mercians, after , N ° r . thura -
he had held the crown thirty years, and governed with great

reputation, turned monk, and died at the monastery of Bar- King EtM-
deney, in Lincolnshire. He resigned to his kinsman Cenred, ^ d J t ^ eath '
to whose favour he recommended Wilfrid, at his second return Westminst.

Flores. His-
irom Rome. toriarum

To this year we may reckon the death of Heddi, bishop of 705'. Tiat '
the West Saxons. Upon the decease of this prelate, his ff*}" 18 /^ 5 '
diocese, which had for some time comprehended the kingdoms c 20.'
of the West and South Saxons, was divided into three : Daniel
was made bishop of Winchester ; Aldhelm, bishop of Sher- Godwin, de
burn ; and the see of Selsea, which had been annexed to the Anglise! U
bishopric of Winchester since Wilfrid's removal from the * Ial ™ e |, b - de

1 _ Ocestis I'on-

South Saxons, was conferred upon the abbot Eadbert, and tif. l. 2.

made a distinct bishopric. Bede, 1. 5.

This division of the sees in the kingdoms of the West and c- 19,

South Saxons, Bede tells us, was settled in a synod held in

the year 707, as sir Henry Spelman computes it. Hunting- Bede, ibid.

don mentions this matter somewhat differently, and reports that '^ di^voi

Ina, in the twentieth year of his reign, divided the dioceses of l - P- 208 -
... . a. d. 707.

the West Saxons into two bishoprics. These different accounts Huntingd.

may be easily reconciled, by supposing, that this partition being j t £' p™ 1 ^.

made by a synodical constitution, the king, it is probable, was

present at the council, and acquiesced in the settlement.

The next year affords us nothing from the Church, and is
only remarkable for a battle between Ina, king of the West
Saxons, and Garents, king of Wales. In the beginning of the
fight, Higebald, Ina's general, was slain; but at last the
Welch were forced to retire, and leave their arms and baggage
to the English. About the same time, Offer, king Osred's A . D . 70s.
general, gained a victory against the Picts, made a terrible ^^' ■
slaughter, and revenged the misfortune of king Ecgfrid. Flores His-

And now the time will lead us to Wilfrid's death. This Grat. 70&"
prelate, who had run through a great deal of trouble, survived Wil f>' v - idies -
the accommodation at Nidd about four years, and then died
at his monastery at Oundle, in Northamptonshire, at the age
of seventy-six, having worn the ejuscopal character forty-five
years. His body was embalmed, and attended to Ripon with

282 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book 11.

BERTH- great solemnity. He made a nuncupative will, and divided his

Abp. Can't, estate into four parts ; one of which was bequeathed to the

Eddius, churches of St. Mary's and St. Paul's, to pray for his soul :

I 6 d 709 an °ther fourth he gave to the poor : a third to the abbots of

Ripon and Oundle, that they might be in a condition to

make an interest at court upon occasion : the remaining fourth

was disposed of for the maintenance of those who had followed

Eddius, ibid. hi s fortune, and travelled along with him in his exile.

This year Cenred, king of the Mercians, who had shown him-
self well qualified for the functions of government, threw up his
crown, travelled to Rome, and taking the monastic habit under
pope Constantine, spent the remainder of his life in charity, dis-
The tivo cipline, and devotion. Ceolred, son of the late king; Ethelred,

kmqsJJenrcd l ... .

an'dOfa,re- succeeded to his dominions. Offa, son of Sighere, king of the
turnrnonJcs East Saxons, kept Cenred company both in his journey and
Bed° n \ e 5 d es ig n ' By Bede's description, he was a very graceful person,
c. 20. and in the prime of his youth ; a prince of great hopes, and

one that would have filled the throne very much to the advan-
tage of his country. But, as the historian proceeds, the other
world had so much the ascendant over him, that he would not
venture himself with the temptations of sovereignty ; but dis-
engaged from his princess and relations, and parted with his
interest and country, to put himself, as he believed, in a safer
condition for salvation.

We meet with several English princes, that have taken
leave of the world in this manner. I know their conduct is
censured by some winters, as if they grew morose, by finding
their ambition crossed ; retired to cover their defects, and
screen themselves from the odium of mal-administration. I
shall not pretend to enter upon a disquisition of the point any
farther than to observe, that we ought to be very favourable
in our conjectures upon this matter ; for though probably it
might have been more for the benefit of the government, if
they had not gone off ; though their good qualities would have
made them extremely valuable upon the throne : however, we
must grant their meaning was very commendable in retiring.
To quit a life of pomp and power ; to exchange the pleasures
and liberties of the court for a state of restraint and mortifica-
tion ; to do all this in the bloom of their youth, when their
fortune is so well established, and they have both leisure and
inclination to enjoy the advantages of their birth, can proceed

cent, viii.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 283

from nothing but a predominancy of virtue and conscience, with-
and a noble disregard of secular greatness ; of secular great- k. of Kent.
ness, I say, in competition with the glories of the other world : ^^P'
besides, their example may be serviceable to others in a lower Northum-
station, who, though they do not imitate their manner in every v n a DS ' /
circumstance, and follow them to a cell; yet the force of such 121.

royal precedents may refresh the idea of religion, and make
them more solicitous for the security of their future state.

This year Aldhelm, bishop of Sherburn, died ; he was the Aldhelm,
son of Kenten, king Ilia's brother, and had formerly been sherburn
abbot of Malmesbury. This prelate had, by the direction of a hisexhviaion
synod, written a book against the mistake of the Britons, with meter.
reference to the paschal controversy. He likewise, as Bede c \l]
continues, charged the British church with a great many *£? reiu
singularities, and which kept them at a distance from the Higden. Po-
Saxon communion. This book, it seems, prevailed upon great p ". 944, & c . '
numbers of those Britons that lived under the jurisdiction of
the West Saxons, so far at least as to reconcile them to the
Catholic usage of keeping Easter. Aldhelm wrote a book in
commendation of virginity, in which it appears he was not
unacquainted with the writings of the Fathers and other monu-
ments of ecclesiastical learning ; it was composed in prose and
heroic verse ; the first has been lately printed among Bede's
Opuscula. He wrote several other things, and Bede gives
him a great character for his sufficiency, both in the belles
lettresand in divinity. Malmesbury seconds Bede, and makes Malmesbm-.
him a great master of style, and that he understood the force tif. inter
and propriety of the Greek, Latin, and Saxon languages, to a s c "iptores
great exactness. He mentions several tracts written by him p- 339, &c,
relating to versification, and a great many letters, most of
which were lost when this historian wrote. The fame of his
learning and devotion, it may be, somewhat set off by the ad-
vantage of his quality, made pope Sergius desirous to see him,
and give him an invitation to Rome. He complied with his
holiness's civility, and took a journey to Rome before his
promotion to the see of Sherburn ; and here, amongst other
marks of esteem, the pope exempted his abbey of Malmesbury
from episcopal jurisdiction, concerning which privilege I shall
say nothing farther at present. Forthere succeeded Aldhelm Mahnesbur.
in his bishopric, was very well skilled in the learning of the

284 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book ii.

berth- Holy Scriptures, and was living when Bede wrote his ecclesias-
Ab P . Can't, tical history.

B^dTTsT' To this year we may reckon the synod of Alne, though if
c. 19. Wilfrid was present at it, as Godwin observes from Brithwal-

Tlie synod of . ... , . . . - , _,,

Alne. dus (ilascomensis, it must be in the beginninff. The occasion

PrasuL An. °^ ^he counc il was this : — Egwin, extracted from a royal family,
f„ V - U was mac ^ e bishop of Worcester about the year 693. Not long
after, being thrown out of his bishopric, he took a journey
to Rome, where he was well received, and sent home, as it
may be supposed, with recommendations from that see. Soon
after his arrival, he procured a grant of a place called Evesham,
in Worcestershire, built a monastery upon it, and took a
second journey to Rome to get it fortified with new privileges.
And here succeeding in his design, he returned for Britain,
and got a national synod convened.

Berthwald, archbishop of Canterbury, made part of this
council, in which the lands granted to this abbey were all
confirmed, and Wilfrid directed to consecrate the abbey
church ; upon which Egwin furnished the house with Benedic-
tine monks, and died upon the twenty-ninth of December
following.
a.d. 710. After Wilfrid's death, Acca, a priest in his familv, suc-

Acca sue- < ; ' i j 7

veedsWiifrid ceeded him in the see of Hexham. This prelate, as Bede
ricofHe^ informs us, ornamented his cathedral to a great degree of
pTede l 5 beauty and magnificence, furnished it with plate and holy
c. 21. vestments, procured a large collection of the lives of the saints,

and made a noble library there, consisting chiefly of ecclesiasti-
cal learning. Bede commends him farther for an able divine,
and for his great skill in Church music ; that he sent for
a considerable master in this science out of Kent to instruct
his choir ; and after having given him a general commendation,
he tells us he had his education under that most holy prelate
Bosa, bishop of York ; from whence he removed to Wilfrid's
patronage, and attended him in his journey to Rome ; and
here, as the historian adds, he improved himself in several
things relating to ecclesiastical usage and discipline, which
it was impracticable for him to learn in his own country.

From this last passage we may infer that the Roman and
English Churches were not, as yet, brought to a perfect uni-
formity in all points.

cent, vin.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 285

The next remarkable thing which comes up is the council WITH-
of London, in which, according to Bale and the Magdeburgen- K of Kent
ses, the worship of images and the celibacy of priests were k 08 ^ ;
decreed. But the authorities they produce for this synod umberknd.
are of no antiquity, and therefore it is reasonably enough k. of the
looked upon by Baronius and Binius as a romantic relation. West

1 ■* t baxons.

Baronius observes rightly, that, had there been any such synod, v *- — '

it would not have been unmentioned by Bede. The'pretend-

However, Urspergensis, who lived in the thirteenth century, £<JX„ at
and other modern historians, report that Egwin being elected Madgebur-

. . . gens. cent. 8.

to the see of Worcester, had an immediate direction from c. 9.
heaven to set up the image of the blessed Virgin in his 714. ° e ' c t.'
cathedral. The authority of this order being disputed, the ^ 4 - .,
controversy was at last brought before the pope, where Egwin Labbe, tom.
appears upon summons, swears the truth of the vision, and
had others to support him in his testimony. Upon this Con-
stantine sends his legate Boniface into Britain, who convenes
a council at London, in which there was a canon passed to
the purpose above mentioned. All this story Baronius and
Binius look upon as a fiction. Now, though they are right in 122.

the main, they are plainly mistaken in the ground of their
conclusion ; for to disprove the matter of fact they affirm
there was no need of any council upon such an occasion.
Why so I Because, as they argue, the worship of images had
been the practice of the English Churches ever since their
conversion by St. Augustine the monk. But the passage of Bede, 1. 1.
Bede, from whence they draw their inference, does by no c ' '
means come up to their point, as I have already proved. Vid. supra,

That Bede went no farther than Gregory the Great in the Bale's opi-
use of images, is evident both from the silence of his history, ^ l f ancernr
and from another tract of his, where, pleading for the lawful- p b - d e
ness of them, he speaks to this purpose : — " If it was lawful lomonis, a
for the Jews to set up the brazen serpent, why may we not c ' 19 - tom - 8>
have a crucifix before us ? Such a representation refreshes
the memory of our Saviour's passion and miracles, helps
to produce pious and serviceable thoughts, and informs the
unlettered in the gospel history. And if Solomon was allowed
to support his bason of the sea with twelve brazen oxen, why
may not a painter or statuary represent the twelve apostles,
both in their persons and design, and give us part of the Holy
Scripture, as it were, upon marble and in colours V Thus Bede

286 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book ii.

berth- stops short of the excess of adoration, and carries the use no
At>i>. Can't, farther than instruction and memory. But this argument will
"^ return upon the history, and therefore I shall say little more
at present ; only it may not be amiss to observe that neither
the charters of Cenred and Offa, nor that of Egwin, bishop of
Worcester, take any notice either of the worship or introduc-
Spelman. tion of images. Besides, these two charters seem to have
i.°p C 209° ' been the contrivance of later times, and have some marks
21 L of forgery upon them. To examine them in a line or two

distinctly: — In the charter of Cenred and Offa this latter
prince is called Gubernator, or king of the East Angles ;
Bede, l. 5. whereas it is evident from Bede, Florence of Worcester,
Fiorent.Wi- Higden's Polychronicon, and others, that Offa was king of the
gom.Chron. East Saxons at the date of this charter ; and that there was
l. 5. p. 244. no king of the East Angles of this name till the year of our
Lord 793, in which Offa, king of the Mercians, barbarously
murdered Ethelbert, king of the East Angles, and seized his
Matth. dominions. And as to Egwin's charter, not to mention the
£■§£*" difficulty in the date, which runs a. d. 714, in which Cenred
r- 3 'i p sig ns m the royal style, though it is plain he had quitted his
lychron. dominions, and was turned monk five years before ; not to
' ' p- ' mention this, I say the charter is said to be written by Berth-
wald, archbishop of Canterbury, at the pope's order, with the
consent of all the princes and great men of England. And
yet, as sir Henry Spelman observes, these princes were neither
convened, nor the pretended council sitting, nor had Berth-
Speiman. wald ever been at Rome, as the charter seems to suppose.
voLL To return to the council of London, which is said to have

V Th 10 ' ? 12 ; keen summoned upon the credit of Egwin's visions, we have
ed council of another mark of imposture upon the story, for here Boniface
ther dis- is said to be pope Constantine's legate, and to have been
proved. dispatched into Britain to summon and preside in the council.
Now this Boniface must be the same with Winfrid, an Eng-
lishman, who altered his name to Boniface, was afterwards
archbishop of Mentz, and successively legate to Gregory the
Second and Third, and Zachary the Second. This Boniface,
in a letter of his to pope Stephen, after having excused him-
self for not being more early in his address, desires his lega-
tine character, with which he had been honoured for thirty-six
Condi. years, might be continued. This letter to pope Stephen III.
e^TeST*" must nave been written in 752, if not two years after. Now

cent, viii.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 287

take it at the earliest date, and then by computation, Boni- with

face's legatine commission will commence in the year 71 6, K ^^en t

which was after the death of pope Constantino, falls in with osred,

the papacy of his successor Gregory II., and is about six years umbedand.

after the time assigned for the pretended council at London. k of^he
A few years forwards will bring us to the death of St. West

Saxon*'

Guthlack, who being the first Saxon anchoret, and giving » ,, — '—>

occasion to the founding the monastery of Croyland, it will
not be improper to say something of him. St. Guthlack, as St. ctntk-
Malmesbury and others relate, was a person nobly descended. rac ( eK
The first part of his youth was spent in the profession of arms ;
and here he managed himself with unusual tenderness and
humanity, it being his custom to return the enemy the third
part of the plunder taken from them. Having been a soldier
about seven years, he began to reflect upon the insignificancy
and danger of secular greatness. This thought quickly
brought him to a resolution of quitting his way of living.
And now, taking his leave of his fellow-soldiers, who by the
way seemed to have been little better than a party of moss-
troopers, he retired to the monastery of Rependon, where he took Mat. West-
the tonsure and habit, did penance for his former misbehaviour, Fiores. His-
and submitted to the discipline and austerities of the place ; GratTn^
and being resolved to improve in his mortification, he retired
to a fenny place called Croyland. This place, it seems, was so
disturbed with apparitions, that no mortal would venture to
live in it. However, St. Guthlack's piety and courage enabled
him to stand the shock, and weather out the storm, though he
had several times been very roughly handled by these spectres.
St. Guthlack at last grew famous for his manner of living, ibid,
insomuch that one Hebba, a bishop, made him a visit, and
ordained him priest. Ethelbalcl, likewise of the blood-royal of
the kings of Mercia, had a great veneration for him. This 123.

prince being of an ambitious temper, and giving umbrage to
king Ceolred, was obliged to quit the country; Ceolred, not
thinking himself safe, pursued him from place to place. Ethel-
bald being thus distressed, applies to St. Guthlack, represents
his case, and makes him his confessor. This holy man fur- ingulpbus,
nished him with good advice, admonished him to repent and Hlstor - p- 2 -
reform, and gave him an assurance, that in case he lived
regularly, and like a Christian, he should be advanced to the
crown of Mercia, and that without the effusion of blood.

288

ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book ii.

BERTH-
WALD,

Abp. Cant.

Ingulphus,
ibid.

A. D. 716.

King Osred
assassinated.

Chronol.
Saxon.
Malmesb. de
Gestis Re-
gum Angl.
1. 1. p. 10.
The monks
of Hi con-
form to tlie
Roman cus-
tom of keep-
ing Easter.
Bede, 1. 5.
c. 23.

Bede, ibid,
and cap. 24.

A. d. 721.

The death of
John of
Beverley.
Godwin de
Praesul.
Angl.

Bede, 1. 5.
c. 2. et
deinc. ad
c. 7.

Malmesb. de
Gestis Pon-
tif. Angl.
1. 3. p. 153.
Matth.
Westminst.
Flores His-
torian An.
Grat. 721.

Ethelbald was mightily pleased with so great a prospect, and
promised, when the prediction was made good, to found a
monastery there in honour of his confessor's memory, which
was afterwards performed accordingly. St. Guthlack, after he
had continued fifteen years in this hermitage, died in his cell,
and left the reputation of an extraordinary saint.

In the year of our Lord 716, Osred, king of Northumberland,
was slain by a conspiracy of his kinsmen, Cenred and Osred.
He lived a licentious life, and carried his disorders so far as
to break through the privileges of religious houses and debauch
the nuns. He was succeeded by Cenred, one of the assassins.

This year, one Egbert, a celebrated monk in priest's orders,
came from Ireland to Hi, or Iona, and persuaded the monks
there to admit of the Roman tonsure, and conform to the
Catholic custom of keeping Easter. This Egbert, Bede tells
us, was an Englishman, though not the same with him that
was afterwards archbishop of York. Bede looks upon the
undeceiving these Scots, and reconciling them to the Roman
custom, as a blessing upon that nation, for the pains they had
taken in converting the English ; whereas, says he, the Britons,
who refused to preach Christianity to the Saxons, continue
still in their ancient errors, and perform the holy solemnities
in a manner altogether singular, and without the communion
of the Church. His meaning is, they stood upon their ancient
privileges, and refused to be overruled by the authority of the
Roman see.

And now it will be proper to mention the death of the
famous John of York, commonly called John of Beverley. To
what has been said of him already, I shall only add, that after
he had been bishop about three-and-thirty years, and perceived
his age sat heavy upon him, he resigned his mitre, with the
consent of the clergy, and made his chaplain, Wilfrid junior,
his successor. He spent the rest of his time in his monastery
at Beverley, died there in May, 721, and was buried in the
church porch. He was famous for working miracles, both living
and dead. Malmesbury, Westminster, and Higden, report one
very strange thing, which continued to their time, and was
shown as it were for a sight. They tell us, that the people of
the place used to bring bulls, the wildest and fiercest they
could meet with ; these unmanageable creatures they used to
bring hampered with cords, with several strong men to drag

cent, vni.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 28.9

them along, who, as soon as they entered the church-yard in edbert
Beverley, dropped their fierce and formidable nature, and were f,p«A e 5
as tame as if they had been metamorphosed into sheep. And K. of the'
the people were so well assured of their inoffensiveness, that briansT
they used to turn them loose, and play with them. K IN f A h

In the year of our Lord 725, Withred, king of Kent, died w e»t
He reigned four-and- thirty years and a half, and was succeeded — ' " . " 8 " •
by his son Edbert. ^J

This year the famous charter of king Ina, to the monks of k . 1 !'-' °fKent,
Glassenbury, bears date, in which he makes a very liberal grant King Ina's
of land and privileges to this house. Malmesbury and sir tkeJLyof
Henry Spelman take notice, that he raised this abbey out of ^^JX
rubbish, and ornamented the chapel with a prodigous deal of Gratia Re-
plate. The charter is signed by Ina, and Ethelburg his queen ; L 1. c. 2. 8 "
by Berthwald, archbishop of Canterbury, and by Daniel and f^S™'
Fordred, or Forthere, bishops of Winchester and Sherburn. vol. l. p. 229.
These privileges were all confirmed by the pope, some of the Antiquitate
particulars of which I shall have occasion to mention after- si ' g ^cdes!*
wards. p- 309 -. inter

About three years after, Ina retired from the world, and king ina
turned monk at Rome. He was persuaded at last to this thegowm-
resolution by his queen, Ethelburg. This princess had often "•?**« " nd

"1 1 • V t • A 1 1 • /» T lttfi.CS lfl€ fird —

endeavoured to disengage the king from a secular life. Ina bit at Rom .
promised her fair, but seemed to be somewhat slow in the
execution. Being thus disappointed, she resolved to try
another expedient, and see if she could work upon him by
surprise. One of the king 1 s palaces in the country was richly
furnished to receive him in his progress. Here the king, having
stayed some time, removed his court.

About a day after he went off, the queen ordered one of her
servants to make it unsightly and offensive, by throwing horse-
dung and rubbish into the rooms of state, and to bring a sow
with her litter into the bed-chamber. When the king was
gone about a mile or two from the house, the queen desired
him to return back, making him believe it would be very dan-
gerous to do otherwise. The king complied ; but when he
came to the house he was much surprised to see a magnificent
palace turned into a hog-sty so very quickly. Upon this, the
queen, thinking she had an opportunity to make her advice
work, accosts the king in this manner : " Sir, 11 says she,
" where is all the expense and curiosity of your palace ?

vol. r. u

290 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book n.

TAT- Where are your rich hangings and massy plate? What is
WINE .

Ahp. Cant, become of the luxurious entertainment of your table \ Where
' are the parasites and trencher-flies that used to be so busy in
these rooms ? Alas ! these amusements are all nothing but
smoke and vapour. The face of things is strangely changed,
and the late scene of pomp and luxury is all shut up ; and,
which is worse, the remaining tinsel and pageantry of your
station will quickly disappear in the same manner. Sir, (says
she) pray consider how soon a pampered carcase will fail us,
* and sink to putrefaction ; and the more we gorge and indulge,
the faster we shall drop into decay, and then mighty men will
a. n. 728. be mightily tormented. 1 ' 1 This stratagem prevailed upon the
king, made him throw up the government, and retire to a cell
at Rome. And here his modesty was such, that he entered
the city incognito, took the tonsure, and spent the rest of his
time in the habit of a private monk. This turn of life was the
more remarkable, considering Ina was of a martial and enter-
prizing temper, and had been prosperous in the course of his
Malmesb. de government. He was succeeded by his kinsman Ethelardus.
Anglor.il. In the year of our Lord 731, Berthwald, archbishop of
Maimesbur. Canterbury, died January 9th, after having sat thirty-seven
ii>ui. and years and a half. The vacancy was quickly filled ; for in June

Chronolog. J , -»»• i • . ,, n

Saxon. following, Tatwine, a Mercian monk, in priest s orders, was
The'death of consecrated in his stead, by Daniel, bishop of Winchester,
Berthwald, l no -wald, bishop of London, Aldwin, bishop of Lichfield,

Cl'KChhlSflOJ.) Of ^

Canterbury, and Adolph of Rochester. Tatwine was a very considerable
divine, and a person of great probity and prudence. And here,
notwithstanding the regard paid by the see of Canterbury to
that of Rome, Tatwine made no difficulty to govern his see,
and exercise his metropolitical functions two years before he
received his pall from the pope. For this distinction was sent

Bed. Epi- hi m n0 sooner than the year 733.

nolog. And now Bede, in the close of his history, gives in a list of

the English bishops, which it may not be unserviceable to tran-
scribe, because a view of this kind will help us to form an idea
of the progress of Christianity, and the condition of the Church
within the Saxon Heptarchy.

To begin. Tatwine and Aldulf governed the sees of Canter-
bury and Rochester ; Ingwald held the see of London, and
was the only prelate within the kingdom of the East Saxons ;
Ealdbert and Hadulac governed the sees of Dunwich, and

Snxon.

cent, viir.] OF GBEAT BRITAIN. 291

Helmam in the country of the East Angles ; Daniel was ethel-
bishop of Winchester, and Forthere of Sherburn in the West jf'tf'the
Saxon kingdom. ^eoT'

To proceed to the kingdom of the Mercians. Aldwin was wick,
bishop of Lichfield, and it may be of Leicester too ; Walstod Northum-
was bishop of Hereford ; Wilfrid the third, as Higden calls e JJ™™l
him, of Worcester ; and Cynebert of Sydnacester, or Lindsey. ardus,
The kingdom of the South Saxons, Bede tells us, had been \y est e
some years unfurnished with a prelate, and was taken care of E dbert
by the bishop of Winchester. All these southern counties, as K. of Kent.
far as the Humber, as the historian acquaints us, were under Higden -
the jurisdiction of Ethelbald, king of the Mercians ; that is, Pol >' chron
the other princes were homagers to him. The kingdom of 8 ^ 1 - 5 -
Northumberland had four bishoprics. Wilfrid, junior, or the
second, was bishop of York, Ethelwald of Holy Island, Aca of
Hagulstad, or Hexham, and Pethelm had Withern, or Can-
dida Oasa, where he was the first bishop, the place being lately
erected into a cathedral. Tbul

At this time the kingdom of Northumberland was undis-
turbed by the neighbourhood of the northern nations. The
Picts had entered into a treaty with the English, and those
clans of the Scots who dwelt in Britain kept quiet within their
own frontiers, and attempted nothing upon the Northumbrians.
As for the Britons, they stood off from friendly correspond- Ibid
ence, hated the English upon the score of an old quarrel, and
refused to conform to the Catholic usage of keeping Easter.
However, Bede seems to think they suffered for their obsti-
nacy, even in their civil liberties ; for though a part of that
nation maintained their ground, and preserved themselves
independent, yet some of them fell under the dominion of the
English; he means part of Devonshire and Cornwall, who
were forced to submit to the West Saxons. And now, just ibid.
at the conclusion, the historian informs us, that the Northum-
brians enjoying a profound peace, and having no apprehension
of disturbance from their neighbours, were strongly affected
with a monastic life, and chose rather to qualify themselves for
a cell than to make a campaign. This retired fancy, it seems,
had spread very much among the nobility, as well as those of
private condition. What this will come to, says Bede, the
next age will be better able to discover. By this reflection, ibid.

u 2

2.92 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book il

tat- we may conclude he thought the monastic inclination ran
wine somewhat too high.

Abp. Cant. o

r-pv — ' And that he believed the monasteries, unless their numbers

Bede s ad- . • 1 1

vketoEgbert and regulations were taken care of, might prove disserviceable
monasteries. to Church and State, appears by his letter to Egbert, bishop
of York, which was written some few years after his ecclesias-
tical history.

In this letter, amongst other heads of advice, he recommends
the finishing St. Gregory's model, to this prelate ; by virtue
of which, York was to have been a metropolis with twelve
suffragans. He insists upon coming up to this plan the rather,
because in some woody and almost impassable parts of the
country, there were seldom any bishops came either to confirm,
or any priests to instruct the people. And therefore he is of
opinion, the erecting new sees would be a great service to the
Church. For this purpose he suggests the expedient of a
synod, to form the project and adjust the measures : and that
an order of court should be procured to pitch upon some mo-
nastery, and turn it into a bishop's see. And to prevent oppo-
sition from the religious of that house, they should be softened
with some concessions, and allowed to choose the bishop out
of their own society ; and that the joint government of the
125. monastery and diocese should be put into his hands. And if

ad Egbert, the altering the property of the house, should make the increas-
Antist. jjjg Q f ^g revenues necessary, he tells him, there are monas-
teries enough that ought to spare part of their estates for such
uses, and therefore he thinks it reasonable, that some of their
lands should be taken from them and laid to the bishopric ;
especially, since many of them fall short of the rules of their
institution. And since it is commonly said, that several of
these places are neither serviceable to God, nor the common-
wealth, because neither the exercises of piety and discipline are
practised nor the estates possessed by men in a condition to
Bciie, ibid, defend the country ; therefore, if these houses were some of
them turned into bishoprics, it would be a seasonable provision
for the Church, and prove a very commendable alteration.
And a little after, he entreats Egbert to use his interest with
king Ceolwulf to reverse the charters of former kings, for the
purposes above mentioned. For it has sometimes happened,
that the piety of princes has been over lavish and directed

cent, vin.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 293

amiss. He complains farther, that the monasteries were fre- ethel-
quently filled with people of unsuitable practices. That the ^ ^th'e
country seemed overstocked with these foundations : that there Mercians.
were scarcely estates enough left for the laity of condition : and WULP,
that if this humour increased, the country would grow disfur- Xonhum-
nished of troops to defend their frontiers. He mentions another brians.

i » * i ■ i i /» i" ETHEL-

abuse crept in, of a higher nature : that some persons ot quality ardus,
of the laity, who had neither fancy nor experience for this way \yj t e
of living, used to purchase some of the crown lands under the ^" n '-
pretence of founding a monastery ; and then get a charter of k. of Kent.
privileges, signed by the king, the bishops, and other great
men in Church and State ; that by these expedients they
worked up a great estate and made themselves lords of several
villages : and thus getting discharged from the service of the
commonwealth, they retired for liberty, took the range of their
fancy, seized the character of abbots, and governed the monks,
without any title to such an authority. And, which is still
more irregular, they sometimes do not stock these places with
religious properly so called, but rake together a company of
strolling monks, expelled for their misbehaviour ; and some-
times they persuade their own retinue to take the tonsure, and
promise a monastic obedience. And having furnished their
religious houses with such ill chosen company, they live a life
perfectly secular under a monastic character; bring their
wives into the monasteries, and are husbands and abbots at
the same time.

Thus for about thirty years, ever since the death of king
Alfrid, the country has run riot in this manner : insomuch
that there are very few of the lord lieutenants or governors of
towns, who have not seized the religious jurisdiction of a
monastery, and put their ladies in the same post of guilt, by
making them abbesses, without passing through those stages
of discipline and retirement that should qualify them for it.
And as ill customs are apt to spread, the king"^ menial servants
have taken up the same fashion. And thus we find a great
many inconsistent offices and titles incorporated, the same per-
sons are abbots and ministers of state, and the court and
cloister are unsuitably tacked together : and men are trusted
with the government of religious houses before they have prac-
tised any part of the obedience belonging to them. To stop the
growth of this disorder, Bede advises the convening of a synod :

294 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book 11.

TAT- that a visitation might be set on foot, and all such unqualified
Abp Cant P ersons thrown out of their usurpation. In short, he puts the

( bishop in mind, that it is part of the episcopal office to inspect

the monasteries of his diocese ; to reform what is amiss both
in head and members, and not to suffer a breach of the rules of
the institution. " It is your province,"" says he, "to take care
that the devil does not get the ascendant in places consecrated
to God Almighty ; that we may not have discord instead of
quietness, and libertinism instead of sobriety.""

The satire and declamation in this epistle, show the pious
zeal and integrity of the author; who, notwithstanding he
was bred a monk, wrote this letter in a monastery, and had so
great a veneration for the institution, was so impartial as not
to dissemble the miscarriages crept into that state. But then
he presses no farther than reformation, and bringing things up
to their first design. It is true, he is willing part of the reve-
nues of some of them might be laid to the bishop's sees : this
he looked upon as no misapplication, but an improvement of
the religious use, and a greater service to the Church.
a. d. 735. This letter of Bede's was written, as we have seen, thirty
years after king Alfrid's death, which brings it to the year 735
Bede, Epist. or 736, in which the author died. He was very ill when he
ad ^? ] bert ' wrote it, otherwise he had made bishop Egbert a visit, and dis-
coursed with him upon the subject of the letter. It is plain there-
fore, that this epistle was written but a little before his death,
which is the reason we find it omitted in the catalogue of his
works at the end of his Ecclesiastical History.

There is one thing more in this letter, which must not be
forgotten, and that is, he reminds Egbert that the discipline
and reformation of monasteries belonged to no secular jurisdic-
tion, but only to the bishop of the diocese : unless the monks
Bede, ibid, had been guilty of any crime against the state. For this rea-
son he tells the bishop, it is his business to inquire carefully
into the behaviour of these places, and correct what he found
amiss.

From hence we may conclude, that the monasteries were

part of the care of the diocese, and not wrested out of the

126. bishop's jurisdiction by papal exemptions.

BedeS death And now Bede's life, ending with his letter, it will be season-

racter. able to say something of him. This historian was born

a.d. 673, in the precincts of the monastery of Jarrow, not far

cent, vin.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 295

from the mouth of the Tyne, within the bishopric of Durham. ETHEL-
He was sent to this abbey in his childhood, where he continued j? A f j^' e
the whole course of his life, and made a great proficiency in ^f^' 8-
almost all parts of learning ; for which he was one of the most wulf,
eminent of his age. He spent his whole time in study and Northunv
devotion, wrote a great many tracts, which are printed in eight pjupj
tomes, besides his Opuscula : his last tract is said to be the ardus,
translation of St. John's Gospel into English ; the last sentence \v es t
was finished when he was just expiring. Malmesbury gives him kdbert
an extraordinary character ; and says, it is much easier to ad- K - of Kent-
mire him in thought, than give him his desert in expression. Asseril. An-
How great his reputation was in foreign countries, may be inter ifi
collected by the pope's letter to his abbot Ceolfrid, to send him Scr, P tor -
to Rome. Malmesbury, after having given him an extraordinary Malmesb. dc
commendation for his piety and learning, laments the loss of g'^ \ngi~.
his industry and abilities in the ages following. He tells us, '• *• *• 3 -
that history slept, and all notice of public transactions were in
a manner buried, since his time. The English, as he complains,
grew slothful and unlettered, and took no care to come up to
the sense and figure of their predecessors : and thus the in-
clination of posterity grew cooler and cooler for improvement,
till they dwindled at last to a remarkable ignorance His Maimesbur.
death is reckoned to the year 735, by sir James Ware, though
some others will have him live a year longer. He was buried Ware, inter
in the monastery of Jarrow, from whence his corpse was after- cula, in re-
wards removed to Durham, and put in the same coffin with tj u pj n ' ™ c _
St. Cuthbert's. cles - H ,st -

cent. o.

Archbishop Tatwine died the same year, and was succeeded
by Nothelm, who received his pall at Rome, and was conse- a. d. 736.
crated by Gregory III.: and after having sat five years, died Tatwine and
in October 741. This Nothelm had been formerly a priest oi NotMm -
the diocese of London, and is supposed to be the same person
mentioned by Bede in his preface to king Ceolwulf, where he Bede, Prae-
informs this prince, that Nothelmus procured him the records cles. Hist"
of the progress and settlement of Christianity in the kingdom ^q 1 ^ 111 *
of Kent: and afterwards going to Rome, transcribed several Pontif. l. 1.
letters out of the pope's register, and gave them to that his- p '
torian.

Upon the death of this prelate, Cuthbert, descended from a A - D - 74 ' 2 -
noble English family, was translated from the see of Hereford
to that of Canterbury, in the year 742.

296 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book n.

CUTH- To go a little back and settle the chronology of the state.

Abp. Cant. I n the year 738, Ceolwulf, king of the Northumbrians, resigned

Maimesbun n ^ s crown to his cousin-german Eadbert, brother to archbishop

ibid. Egbert, and took the monastic habit in the abbey of Holy

Island, where he spent the remainder of his life in great piety

Malmesb.de an <l devotion. Three years after, Ethelard, king of the West

Gestis Re-

gum. Angi. Saxons, died, and was succeeded by Cuthred, who held the
p. i-2. government seventeen years, and had a very sharp contest in

Chronoiog. i\ ie fig^ ^h Ethelbald, king of the Mercians.

About this time the Saxons were grown very licentious,
degenerated into luxury, intemperance, and almost all manner
of disorder. It seems their dissolution of manners was such,
as made them remarkable in foreign countries. Boniface,
archbishop of Mentz, their countryman, was Christianly con-
Boniface's cemed for them, and attempted their recovery. And finding

letter to king . .

Ethelbald. this liberty took its rise from the disorders of the court, he
writes a letter to Ethelbald, king of the Mercians, to persuade
him to a reformation ; which being remarkable in several par-
ticulars, I shall give the reader part of it. The letter runs
in the name of Boniface, and several other bishops who met

a.d. 745. together in a synod at Mentz. In the beginning of their
address, they acquaint the king how much they were touched
with his interest, and how sorry they were to hear him under
any disadvantages, either with relation to this world or the
next. From hence they fall to a commendation of him for his
great charity and care of the indigent ; for the vigour of his
administration, and the impartiality of his justice ; for prose-
cuting theft, discountenancing perjury and rapine, and taking
the widows and the poor under his protection ; for securing
the peace, and guarding the property of his subjects : but then
they tell him, how extremely troubled they were to hear, he failed
in point of sobriety, and the measures of a conscientious con-
duct. And to draw their charge to particulars ; they let him
know, they are certainly informed, that his majesty was never
engaged in lawful matrimony ; a condition settled in paradise
by God Almighty, to secure the virtue and regularity of man-
kind. And for this purpose it is advised by St. Paul, in his

l Cor. vii. 2. first epistle to the Corinthians. However, if he made choice
of celibacy upon the score of discipline and religion, they rather
commend him for his resolution. But, alas ! as they go on,
this was none of his case ; for he lay under the public scandal

cent, viii.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 297

of a licentious life, gave the reins to his appetite, and tarnished ETHEL-
the glory of his government by the insobriety of his practice. K.'of'th'e
This, they inform him, was not only a flaming impiety before Mercians.
God, but likewise a great blemish upon his reputation. They bert,
proceed to complain, that he was not only guilty of common Northum-
fornication and adultery, which was sufficient to sink him in J^"^
the other world ; but that he had gone the last lengths of dis- RED,
order, broke through the privilege of religious houses, and dis- \v es t' e
honoured those who had vowed single life, and consecrated edbert
themselves more particularly to the service of God Almighty. K - of Kent -
Here they dilate a little upon the guilt, and show the heinous- 127.

ness of the sin : and for a general dissuasive, they put him in
mind, that the bodies of Christians are the temple of the Holy
Ghost ; and " that neither fornicators nor adulterers can in-
herit the kingdom of God." A little after, they conjure him 1 Cor. vi.
by all that is sacred and serious, to set about a speedy reforma-
tion, and consider that by luxury and debauching, a man forfeits
his dignity, as well as his soul ; degrades himself from the pri-
vilege of his nature, and transforms the image of God into that
of the devil. They give him to understand, that it was the
bounty of God, and not his own merits, that raised him to the
royal station : that it would be more than ordinary ingratitude
for a person so particularly favoured, to renounce the honour
of God's service, and engage himself a vassal to the kingdom
of darkness. They tell him, that this licentious indulgence
was condemned by the very heathens ; that pagan virtue, and
natural conscience, had all along declared against these sallies;
that those who never heard of Christianity, were true to the
engagements of marriage, and punished adultery and fornica-
tion : for amongst the old Saxons, if a maid happens to lose
her virtue, and dishonour her family ; or if a married woman is
convicted of adultery, they sometimes force them to be their
own executioners and strangle themselves ; and then burning
the corpse, they hang up the whoremaster over it. Sometimes
they call a company of women together, who stripping the
guilty person to the waist, scourge her through the villages,
prick her with their bodkins, and pursue her in this manner
with torture and infamy, till she is either dispatched, or very
near it. Since " therefore the Gentiles, who are not under the
instructions of the law of God, do, by nature, the things con-
tained in the law, and show the work of the law written in their

298 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book 11.

cuth- hearts, 11 what a deplorable prevarication must it be, for a man
Abin Cant ^hah ^ ves m the %^t of revelation, and has all the advantages

' * ' of Christianity, if such a person suffers himself to be overborne

by the importunities of youth and pleasure ; if he takes his full
range in vice, and denies himself in no instance of infamy !

They proceed to press him upon recollection, and suggest
that it is now high time to disengage himself from the servi-
tude of the devil ; to reform his practice, and recover himself,
and not persevere in so destructive a course. They desire him
to compassionate the case of his subjects, and not destroy
them by the infection of his example ; for the immorality of a
prince is a dangerous mischief, and fatal in the influence.
They put him in mind that everybody must answer for the
ill effects of his own precedent, and that our punishment will
rise in proportion to what others suffer by us. And therefore,
if the English are so scandalous as they are generally reported,
if they contemn the law of engagements of marriage, run into
all the excesses of riot and debauch, almost to the liberties of
Sodom and Gomorrah, their prince will be in a great measure
accountable for it. Besides, what can be expected from such
infamous correspondence, but an ignoble and degenerous off-
spring ? This is the way to make vice immortal, and infect the
ages to come ; to make wickedness universal, and sink the
people to the last degree of wretchedness and insignificancy :
at this rate, they will neither have conscience, honour, nor
courage in them long together ; they will be apt to turn
knaves and traitors at home, and cowards in the field against
the enemy ; and, in short, grow^ despicable both to God and
man, and not have so much as one valuable quality remaining.
Thus the Spaniards, Burgundians, and inhabitants of Pro-
vence, giving themselves up to a licentious course, and growing
worse upon the progress, were at last sunk almost into pagan
ignorance, and delivered to the barbarity of the Saracens.
Besides, debauchery is often attended with another fatal
mischief: for those disorderly women, to screen themselves
from shame, are apt to procure abortion, and add murder to
their other wickedness.

The remonstrance proceeds to charge the king upon another
article; that he had invaded the property, and seized the
effects of the Church. And here the bishops set forth the
crime with all the plainness imaginable : they tell the king,

cent, viii.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 299

that the robbing of God is the most provoking instance of in- ethel-

justice ; that Ceolred, king of the Mercians, and Osred, king k. of the

of the Northumbrians, had been pursued by the Divine ven- ^J^ 8 '

geance, and remarkably punished upon this score. They treat bert,

him all along in the style of son, though not forgetting his No'rthum-

dignity in other expressions. And in the close of the letter, curk-

after having: put him in mind of the shortness of life, the in- , RE „ D ,>

3> K - of the

stability of human greatness, and the dismal consequence ot West

prefering appetite to conscience, and pleasure to probity : edeiert,
they entreat him not to slight the admonitions of his ghostly V K - of Kcnt ;
fathers, who dealt thus plainly with him, to discharge their
conscience, and do him service ; for nothing can be more for
the interest of a good prince than to reform upon advice, and
guard his practice for the future. Baron.

To make the contents of this letter pass the better, Boni- Mdmesbury
face ordered another short one to be delivered to him first, ^ e Ge8tis >
together with a present of a goshawk, a cast of falcons, and Angi.i. l.
some other curiosities. He likewise wrote a letter to Heres- c '
frid, a priest, who officiated in the king's court ; and desired
him to translate their letter to king Ethelbald in the same
order and form in which it was written. He told Heresfrid
that the other bishops and himself put him upon this office,
because they were informed that he was a person of a bold 128.

honesty, feared nothing but God, and was not apt to be over-
set with the grandeur of a court. And besides that, the king
had a particular regard for him, and took his reproofs patiently
enough, when seasonably applied.

This letter, we may observe, is written with great plainness
and freedom. They go honestly to the bottom of the case, and
represent the king's miscarriages to him without anything of
softening or palliation. Indeed, when princes are not put in
mind of their failings, and dealt with thus sincerely, their con-
dition is most lamentable. The liberties of their education,
the flattery of their courtiers, and the extent of their power,
are all snares to virtue, and circumstances of danger. And
therefore, unless they have somebody to refresh their con-
science, and put them in mind of the consequences of a sen-
sual liberty, their crown is a misfortune to them ; and they
seem to come into the world upon the greatest disadvantages
of all men living.

This letter of archbishop Boniface being seconded, as it is

300 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book ii.

CUTH- most likely, by some others of the English clergy, had a good
Abp. Cant, effect upon the king, as we have reason to conclude by some
^~^~i45^ of his charters, which I shall mention afterwards.
Bom/ace's And now Boniface's letter to Cuthbert, archbishop of Can-
arckbishop terbury, must, some of it, be laid before the reader. It was
Cuthbe_>-t written just at the close of a synod at Augsburg, where Boni-
face presided. And being desirous the English should con-
form to the model of the Augustine synod, he sends Cuthbert
a transcript of their canons for his perusal.

By the first canon, the Roman see was made the centre of
unity, and subjection to St. Peter, and his vicar, decreed.
And that metropolitans should be obliged to apply to Rome
for their pall, and to obey the orders of St. Peter (as they are
called) in everything, according to the canons ; this submis-
sion was subscribed by the whole synod, sent to Rome, and
received with great satisfaction by the pope and Roman
clergy. But then,

This canon was perfectly new, and an encroachment upon

the right of metropolitans, as I have already observed from

p e Concord the learned Peter de Marca. For before this synod under

bacerd. et . J

impev. l. 6. Boniface, the metropolitans used only to make a profession of

sect. 6. faith at their consecration, and engage themselves to their

an ld 60l ipla ' su ff ra g ans to govern by the canons.

ibid. Boniface has another canon to much the same purpose with

the former, and that is, when the clergy or laity proved too
unmanageable for the archbishop, he is to acquaint the pope
with their incorrigibleness. This procedure is mentioned with
that tenderness and qualification |hat one would almost think
Boniface was conscious of an innovation. It runs thus : "if
I am not mistaken, 11 says he, " when the people prove too
obstinate to submit to the discipline of the Church, the bishops
are to acquaint the archbishop of the province, and the arch-
bishop the pope : and by this method they will discharge their
conscience, and not be answerable for the loss of any man's
soul. 11 There are several other canons, which, being made for
foreign Churches, it is not necessary to mention.

The rest of Boniface's letter describes the office and charac-
ter of the prelates, and contains admirable advice how they ought
to manage themselves in cases of difficulty and danger. He
speaks, in the first place, with reference to metropolitans.
And here he acquaints Cuthbert, that this post of honour has

cent, viii.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 301

more danger in it than an inferior station : because the ancient ethet,-
canons charge the metropolitan with the care of the whole K / th ' c
province. However, when men are once engaged, they ought M 5,™i ns-
to exert themselves, and maintain their ground. He that has bert,
undertaken the helm, must by no means quit it, though the Northum-
seas are smooth : but then, to leave the steering of the ship ^['^j.
when it blows a storm, and the waves run high, is insufferable RED,
cowardice. Thus he compares the Church to a ship, and in- Vest
fers, from the force of the comparison, that a prelate is obliged ED a gER T
to weather the point, and not to throw up his authority in k. of Kent.
times of hardship and persecution. He fortifies his reasoning
by the precedents of some of the most eminent bishops of the
primitive Church ; such as Clemens and Cornelius of Rome ;
Cyprian of Carthage, and Athanasius of Alexandria ; who all
exercised their function, and guarded their people, notwith-
standing the rigours of pagan or persecuting emperors : choos-
ing rather to lose their lives, than be defective in any part of
their administration. And after having enlarged farther upon
this head, he takes notice how much the prelates are obliged
to take care of their own conduct, and make themselves a
model for the practice of the laity ; that there be no contra-
diction between precept and example : and, over and above,
that when they have lived regularly themselves, they may not
be lost by a criminal silence, and by suffering others to mis-
carrry without warning. For a bishop is entrusted with the
government of the Church, not only to set others a good pat-
tern, but likewise to open his commission with all the plainness
and fortitude imaginable. To proclaim the laws of God with-
out reserve, and publish the glories and terrors of the other
world : for as the Scripture informs us, he that has the preach- Ezek.xxxiii.
ing of God's word committed to him, if he is either ashamed
or afraid to reprove disorder and licentiousness, the holiness of
his own practice will not secure him ; but he must perish with
those that are lost, for want of his care or courage. And
here he proceeds to urge several other texts to awaken the
prelates to their duty, putting them in mind that they ought
to preach in season, out of season: to reprove, exhort, rebuke -j^q

with all authority. He goes on, and urges another text of
Ezekiel against those shepherds that are negligent and mer- Ezek.xxxiv.
cenary, that such prelates feed themselves and not their flock :

302 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [rook ii.

OUTH- that they are governed by their own interest, without regard
Abp Cant ^° their pastoral office : that they neither inform the ignorant,

v * ' confirm the wavering, nor comfort the afflicted. That they

do not endeavour to recover those that are gone astray, nor
rescue the poor from the oppression of the mighty : that in-
stead of correcting a sinner of rank, they rather make their
court, and worship him. Then he denounces the judgments
of God upon such scandalous misbehaviour, in the language of
Ezek.xxxiv. the prophet, " Thus saith the Lord God, Behold, I am against
the shepherds, and will require my flock at their hancl, ,1 &c. —
He proceeds to exhort the archbishop to depend upon the
protection of God Almighty ; to act with resolution, and pre-
pare for ill-usage : to be assured of the countenance of heaven ;
to stand firm in the day of trial, and sacrifice his life, if need
be, for the interest of religion. " Let us not,"''' says he, " be
dumb dogs, watchmen that give no warning, nor so mean and
mercenary as to retire from danger, and leave the flock to shift
for themselves when the wolf comes." Let us maintain our
post with all the vigour imaginable ; preach both to small and
great, to rich and poor ; exert our authority upon all ranks
and degrees, and do our utmost to make everybody regular and
happy.

He gives the archbishop an account of the disorders of
some English women who used to travel upon pretence of re-
ligion, and go in pilgrimage to Rome ; and therefore it is his
opinion that the occasions of such misbehaviour should be pre-
vented, and that the Church and State should forbid all
women that had taken the veil upon them from strolling into
foreign countries ; for the greatest part of these travellers
make a miserable voyage of it, and lose their honour in their
pilgrimage ; there being few cities, either in Lombardy or
France, in which some of these English prostitutes are not to
be met with, "which is a shame and scandal,'' 1 says he, "to
your whole Church."

From hence he proceeds to an invective against sacrilege,
lashes it with a great deal of satire and severity, and advises to
let loose the censures of the Church upon this sin, without any
exception of persons whatsoever. From hence he passes to a
short declamation against drunkenness, and excess in apparel ;
and concludes with a complaint of the hardship put upon the

cent, vin. J OF GREAT BRITAIN. 303

monks, being forced to manual labour, and to work in the ETHEL-
king's buildings against their will, which, as he says, was done k tfthe
in no part of Christendom but England. Mercians.

EAD-

In the year of our Lord 747, there was a famous synod held bert,
at Olovesho, or Clyff, near Rochester, in Kent. The matter of Northum-
the debate related to the government and discipline of the p^frt
church. This synod was composed of twelve English prelates; K. of Kent.
Ethelbald likewise, king of the Mercians, and the temporal Speiman.
nobility, were present at it; not to mention several of the V oi?i! p. 237.
inferior clergy. Labbe ' c " n "

°^ ell. torn. o.

At the opening of the synod, pope Zachary 1 s letters were p. l5C5^
first read in the original by archbishop Cuthbert, and then A%nodof
translated to the audience. In these letters, as Malmesbury ^J™ ho i
relates, the pope admonished the English to reform their <ie Gestis
lives, and threatened those with excommunication that con-i. i.p.112.
tinued in their irregularity.

This preliminary being over, the bishops proceeded to draw Speiman,
up a body of canons, some of which I shall mention. Maimesbtu-.

de Gestis
Pontif.

1. It was decreed that every bishop should be careful to sup- Ari ?\ '■ '•
port his character, execute every part of his office, and main- The canons
tain the canons and constitutions of the Church against all °*

sort of liberty or encroachment ; and that those of this order
should answer the expectations of their station, not engage in
secular affairs so far as to be disabled for their functions, but
to be remarkably eminent for their probity, self-denial, and
learning ; that by this means they may be qualified to make
an impression upon the people, both by their instructions and
by their practice.

2. That the prelates and clergy should be careful to keep a
good correspondence with each other without any flattering ap-
plications to any person, considering that they are the servants
of the same Master, and intrusted with the same commission ;
and therefore, though they are divided by distance of place
and country, they ought to be united in affection and pray for
each other, that every one may discharge his office with
integrity and conscience.

These two canons, but especially the last, seem to be drawn
on purpose to guard the liberties of the English Church against
the pretensions of Rome, and to throw off that precedent of
servitude, which Boniface had set them in his letter to arch-

304 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book ii.

CUTii- bishop Cuthbert. It is true they do not mention the pope,
Abp. Cant. ^ut ^y obliging the bishops to stand up in defence of the

* ' ancient canons, not to flatter any person upon the score of his

ecclesiastical distinction, because the bishops have, all of them,
the honour of the same commission and employment ; these
general glances, with the grounds upon which they stand,
seem plainly designed to fence against that submission to the
papal chair which Boniface recommended.

3. That the respective bishops should visit their diocese every
year, call the people of all ranks and conditions together, and
be particularly careful to preach to those who lie most out of
the way of instruction ; and not suffer any unwarrantable and
ISO. heathenish customs, such as divination, amulets, charms, &c.

to continue in the diocese.

The fourth, fifth, and seventh, relate to the regulation of
monasteries. The sixth orders the bishops not to ordain any
priest without a previous examination upon the points of
learning and morals.

The eighth puts the priests in mind of the advantage of their
character, and the business for which they were ordained.
That they ought to abstract themselves from the world as
much as may be, and spend their time in reading, prayer, ex-
hortation, and other exercises of religion. And, more par-
ticularly in the next canon, they are enjoined to preach,
baptize, and inspect the manners of the laity in those precincts
and divisions assigned them by their respective bishops. From
hence it appears that the subdivisions of the dioceses were in
some measure formed, and the lines of parishes struck out.

The tenth canon orders the priests to be thoroughly ac-
quainted with the doctrine and service of the Church, to teach
the Creed and Lord's Prayer in English, and explain the sacra-
ments to the people. This direction is agreeable to Bede's
Bede, Epist. advice to Egbert, bishop of York, where he tells him that
t> d 2*5f> bert ' both the clergy and laity ought to have the Creed and Lord's
Prayer by heart ; and that himself had translated them into
English for the advantage of the common people, and those
that did not understand Latin.

In the eleventh canon the priests are enjoined to be uni-
form in the exercise of their function, and to baptize, preach,
and govern with the same rites, and by the same rules and
measures.

cent, viii.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 305

The twelfth regulates the church music, provides for the ETHEL-

• DAT T)

solemnity of the performance, and forbids the clergy to pro- k. of the

fane the service with the air of the theatre. And in the close M g r ^ n . 8 '

of the canon the priests are enjoined to keep within the bounds bert,

of their order, and not to do anything which belongs to the Northum-

i • i brians.

bishop. CUTH-

By the thirteenth the holy-days are to be kept every where K RE f D .'
on the same day, and the time to be governed by the Roman West

, . Saxons.

martyrology. edbert,

The fourteenth provides for the religious observance of the K. of Kent ;
Sunday, or Lord's day ; that it ought to be wholly dedicated
to God's service ; that all secular business and travelling,
unless in case of necessity, ought to be forborne ; that the peo-
ple "are to be called to church to hear the word of God, and
receive the sacraments.

The fifteenth orders that the seven canonical hours of prayer
should be constantly observed according to custom ; and that
nothing should be introduced but what is warrantable by the
authority of Scripture, and agreeable to the practice of the
Roman Church.

By the sixteenth the litanies or rogations are enjoined to
be kept with great solemnity by the clergy and people ; that
which is called the great litany by the Roman Church is
ordered to be kept on the four-and-twentieth of April ; the
other, which stands upon the ancient practice of the island,
falls three days before our Saviour's ascension, on which
Divine service is to be performed, and the people to fast till
three in the afternoon.

By the seventeenth the days on which St. Gregory the
Great, and Augustine, archbishop of Canterbury, died, are to be
made holy-days ; and that in singing the litany the name of
Augustine shall be mentioned after that of St. Gregory.

The eighteenth canon provides for the solemn times of
fasting in Ember weeks; and that the people should have
notice given to prepare themselves.

The nineteenth and twentieth relate to the government and
behaviour of monasteries with respect to habit, company, and
employment.

The one-and-twentieth is levelled against drunkenness,
luxury, and insobriety of conversation.

The two-and-twentieth enjoins the religious to live in a
vol. i. x

306 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book ii.

cuth- constant preparation for the receiving the sacrament of the
Bert, j 10 jy eucharist, or the body and blood of our Saviour, as the
v . ' canon words it.

From hence I shall pass to the twenty-fifth, by which the
bishops, at their coming from the synod, are obliged to con-
vene the priests and abbots of their dioceses to publish the
canons of the council and command their observance. And if
any disorder proves too strong for the bishop's correction, he is
to acquaint the archbishop with it at the meeting of the next
synod, but not a word of carrying the complaint farther
to Rome.

The six-and-twentieth states the right use of charity, and
provides against wrong views and misapplications in this duty,
and here the synod declares, " That alms are not given to
commute for penance, to dispense with the discipline of the
Church, or procure us a liberty for sinning. That those who
think the justice of God can be bribed in this manner make
their charity insignificant, and bring an addition to their guilt.
That alms signifies mercy both in the name and thing ; and
that they are no less a charity to the giver than to the re-
ceiver ; and therefore he that has a true compassion for his
own soul should always give that which is his own, and not
circumvent or oppress one neighbour to be charitable to
another."

The seven-and-twentieth dilates upon the usefulness, and
directs as to the manner and qualifications of singing psalms.
That this part of Divine service ought to be performed with
due recollection, with pious dispositions, and postures of
respect. And here, after the singing is ended, there are
131. prayers mentioned both for the living and the dead; and
those that do not understand Latin are to pray in the vulgar
tongue. The prayer for the dead runs thus : — " O Lord !
we beseech thee, for thy great mercy, grant that the soul of
such a person may be secured in a state of indisturbance and
repose ; and that he may be admitted, with the rest of thy
saints, into the regions of light and happiness."

This canon, like the last, puts the people in mind not to
depend upon the performance of one branch of duty, to the
neglect of another. It seems some people began to believe,
that one good action was a sort of dispensation in other cases,
and which was still more extravagant, they fancied they might

cent, viti.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 307

perform their duty by proxy, build upon foreign merit, and be ethel-

good by the virtue of their neighbours. The canon is the K A of th

larger in exposing the vanity and danger of this reliance, be- Mercians.
cause they had a late instance of such an unreasonable expec- bert,

tation in a layman of condition : this person, it seems, had ^ ' r °hum*
forfeited the communion of the Church, and was put under briane.

CUTH"-

discipline for some great crime. Now he desired the rigours red,
of his penance might be taken off, and that he might be recon- west °
ciled upon the suggestion following ; he acquainted those F ™ F n R T
spiritual directors he belonged to, that he had procured several K. of Kent.
persons to fast, sing psalms, and distribute charity on his
account ; so that if he was to live three hundred years, there
was enough done for him by other good people, though he
should do little or nothing himself : but the canon declares
with great indignation against the folly of such a presumption.
Now, as the prelates continue, if a man may buy off his punish-
ment, and get another to repent and suffer for him ? then it is
impossible to miscarry with an estate, and none but the poor
sinner will be in danger in the other world. But is not this a
flat contradiction to the text in St. Matthew, where our Saviour
tells us, " That it is easier for a camel to go through the eye 24!
of a needle, than for a rich man to enter into the kingdom of

God r

The last canon enjoins, that kings and princes, and the
whole body of the commonwealth, shall be publicly prayed for
in the church.

The bishops 1 names that sat in this synod are as follow :
Cuthbert, archbishop of Canterbury, Dunnus, bishop of Ro-
chester, Totta, Huvita, and Podda, bishops of Leicester, Lich-
field, and Lindsey ; Hunferd and Herewald governed the sees
of Winchester and Sherburn, in the kingdom of the West
Saxons ; Herdulf was bishop of Dunwich, and Helmam ;
Egwulf was bishop of London, Milred of Worcester, Alwi of
Lindsey or Sidnacester, and Sigga of Selsea in Sussex.

When the synod broke up, archbishop Cuthbert dispatched
Kinebert, his deacon, to give Boniface, archbishop of Mentz,
an account of what was done. Before we take leave of these
Fathers, we are to take notice, that the synod of Clovesho was
no more than a provincial council : for neither Egbert, arch-
bishop' of York, nor the three other Northumbrian bishops
were there, as appears by the subscriptions. The reason of

x 2

308 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book it.

cuth- their being absent might possibly be, because they lived in a
Abp. Cant, kingdom independent of that of the Mercians : and, it may be,
v ' there might be no good correspondence between Ethelbald

and Edbert, king of the Northumbrians, so that the latter
might not be willing to trust his subjects at a public meeting
under a foreign prince. But as for the prelates belonging to
the dominions of the East Angles ; of the East, West, and
South Saxons, and those within the territories of Kent ; these
countries, though not perfectly conquered by the Mercians, yet
Bede, Ec- were all under the sovereign jurisdiction of that kingdom ; and
j'j'^ therefore we need not wonder to find the prelates of these
divisions meet all at a synod convened either by the appoint-
ment or consent of king Ethelbald.

And having mentioned the absence of Egbert, it may not be
improper to say something farther concerning him. This pre-
late was of the royal family of the Northumbrians, and brother
to king Eadbert. Malmesbury tells us, that by the strength of
his conduct, and interest at court, he revived the metropolitical
Malmesb. jurisdiction of York, which, since the time of Paulinus, had
Regum never been dignified with a pall, the succeeding prelates being
j A, j gl c or 3 contented with the title of a diocesan authority. But Egbert,
Egbert re- being a person of quality and spirit, thought it no part of pride
from Rome, to recover an ancient privilege, and therefore procured the
pall from Rome about the year 736, and had the three bishops,
north of Humber, for his suffragans. This archbishop built a
He furnishes noble library at York, and furnished it with books in all parts
ams^derMe °^ learning, as appears by a letter of Alcuinus, an Englishman,
library. then residing at the court of Charles the Great. The letter
was written to Eambald, one of Egberts successors, in which
Alcuinus calls archbishop Egbert his master, and takes notice
Maimcsb. what a noble collection of books he left at York. He speaks
to the same sense of commendation in another letter of his to
Charles the Great, and acquaints that prince, that if his
majesty thought fit, he would advise some of the young people
of Tours in France, to travel into Britain, and spend some
time at York for their improvement in learning and education.
To return to king Ethelbald, who having now recollected
himself, resigned to the advice of Boniface, and reformed his
life, was resolved to do something extraordinary for the interest
of religious houses. To this purpose, after he had finished the
monastery of Croyland, he granted a general charter of liberty

cent, vin.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 309

and privilege to all the monastic societies in his dominions, ethel-
The charter runs thus : k. of the

Mercians.
EAD-

" Considering that it often happens, that those grants and bert,
dispositions which are made upon mature deliberation and North um-
advice, and passed in the presence of persons of character and qI™^
credit, yet for want of being engrossed in writing and signed RED,
by witnesses, are apt either to lose their force by length of west
time, or be defeated by fraudulent practices ; for these con- ED bert,
siderations I, Ethelbald, king of the Mercians, in prospect of K - of Kent .
future happiness, and for the benefit of my soul, have resolved 132.

to endeavour the discharging my conscience from the guilt of The charter
my former misbehaviour. And since Almighty God, of Ins Ethmdd to
mere mercy, without any desert of mine, has been pleased to and mo ',' a ' s .
put me in a royal station, I think myself obliged to return him tenes -
some part of his bounty by way of gratitude. Upon this view,
I freely grant, that all monasteries and churches within my
kingdom shall be discharged from all public taxes, tolls, and
other services and incumbrances whatsoever, excepting the
repairing of castles and bridges, from which no part of the
commonwealth can be excused. — I likewise grant, that those
of the religious character above mentioned, shall not be forced
to make presents to the king or any of the great men ; but be
left entirely to their inclination ; that being in these circum-
stances of freedom and independence, they may be more at
leisure for contemplation, and serve God with the better
advantage." iMulphui

o Histor. p. 5.

Spelman,

This charter was made in the year of our Lord 749, and in vo °"i p< 257.
the three-and-thirtieth year of the reign of king Ethelbald. A - D - 749,

To give the reader a word or two concerning the condition
of the state ; in the year 751, Outhred, king of the West
Saxons marched against Edelhun, a general of great courage,
who had revolted and raised an insurrection. Though the
king's troops were superior in number, the battle was fought
with great obstinacy, but at last the rebels were defeated, and
Edelhun wounded. M a tth.

VV estmo-

The next year Cuthred being tired with the arbitrary and nast. Fiores
tyrannical impositions of Ethelbald, king of the Mercians, An. Grat.
resolved to bear the oppression no longer : and Edelhun 75L
above mentioned, having now made his peace with him, the

310 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book ii.

cuth- king depending very much upon the bravery and conduct of
BERT, .(-big general, was the more encouraged to break with king

Abp. Cant. o ' < o «=>

v v ' Ethelbald. In short, the two armies met at Beoriord, or

Huntingd. Hereford, where the quarrel was contested with great resolu-
p. 195.' tion, and the victory continued doubtful for a considerable
nls^FTor ti me : ^ut, at l ast ? Ethelbald's forces being broken, he was
Histor. An. forced to retire, and leave Cuthred master of the field ; who
the next year marched against the Britons, or Welsh, and
Huntingd. without any loss, gained a great victory upon them, but sur-
a.'d. 754. 96 ' vived his good fortune but a little while. For, in the year
754, he departed this life, and was succeeded by his kinsman
Sigebert; who proving an arbitrary and oppressive prince,
was quickly thrown out of the government by the rebellion of
his subjects, and being slain soon after by a swineherd, Kinulf,
one of the royal family, was elected in his stead.
The martyr- The martyrdom of archbishop Boniface happened about this
biskop Boni- time, who considering he was an Englishman, and as Pits re-
^ e t ; de lates, extracted from a royal family, it may not be improper to
must. Angl. sa y something farther of him. This Boniface, whose proper
scrip or name was Winfrid, was educated a Benedictine monk in Eng-
land, where he managed himself to great commendation, as to
his regularity, devotion, and application to letters : at first he
made a great progress in the polite part of learning, and after-
wards was no less eminent for his skill in divinity. In the
year 715, he travelled into Westfriezland, but the disturbance
of the wars in that country obliged him to return. Not long
after, he took a voyage to Rome, from whence he was sent by
Gregory II. as missionary into Germany, in the year 719.
He preached the Gospel first in Thuringen, from whence he
travelled into the counties of Hesse, Eastfriezland, and Sax-
ony : and having succeeded in his holy undertaking, and con-
verted several thousands, he took a second journey to Rome,
and was there consecrated bishop in 723, by Gregory II. who
sent him back with instructions and letters of recommendation.
At his return into Germany, he continued his function of mis-
sionary in Thuringen, Hesse, and Bavaria. Afterwards he
received the pall from Gregory III. with a permission to con-
secrate bishops in the provinces newly converted. He had
likewise a legatine character bestowed upon him ; but not-
withstanding, was hitherto only a bishop at large without the
jurisdiction of any particular diocese. Wherefore Pepin, and

cent, viii.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 311

the great lords of France, designed to promote him to the see ETHEL-
of Cologne : but the bishopric of Mentz becoming vacant, by k. of the
the deposition of Gervaldus, Boniface was put in his place, and M pT'£ Q9 '
that Church raised to an archbishopric ; which privilege was bert,
confirmed by pope Zachary, who made the five bishops of Northum-
Tongres, Cologne, Worms, Spire, and Utrecht his suffragans, kinul-
But Boniface quickly quitted his see, to make room for his phus,
scholar Lullus. Having thus disengaged himself, he went to West
Utrecht, to carry on the progress of Christianity in West- ^thel-
Friezland, where he was barbarously murdered by the Pagans K B ^? < T '

in the year 754. There is a collection of his letters extant, ^— — v '

published at Mentz by Serrarius. Du Pin New

The next year Kinulphus, king of the West Saxons, made cent. rilL
a large grant of privileges to the monastery of Abingdon in **»*&**»'«

° ,° . . charter ex-

Berkshire. This charter being cited to prove the power the amined.
princes of that age had in ecclesiastical matters, I shall trans- 133.

cribe so much of it out of Stamford as relates to this purpose. Stamford's

1 L Pleas of the

Crown, 1. 2.

a Kinulphus Rex Merciorum, &c, per literas suas patentes,
consilio et consensu episcoporum et senatorum gentis suae,
largitus fuit monasterio de Abingdon, in comitatu Berk, et
cuidam Ruchino, tunc abbati monasterii illius, quandam ruris
sui portionem ; i. e., quindecim mansias, in loco qui a ruricolis
tunc nuncupabatur Culnam, cum omnibus utilitatibus ad ean-
dem pertinentibus, tarn in magnis quam in modicis rebus, in
seternam hsereditatem. Et quod predictus Ruchinus ab omni
regis obstaculo, et episcopali jure in sempiternum esset quietus;
ut inhabitatores ejus, nullius regis, aut ministrorum suorum,
episcopive, aut suorum officialium jugo inde deprimantur ; sed
in cunctis rerum eventibus et discussionibus causarum, abbatis
monasterii predicti deCreto subjiciantur,"" &c. That is,
" Kinulphus, king of the Mercians, &c, with the advice and
consent of the bishops and other great men, has, by his letters
patent, granted for ever to the monastery of Abingdon, in the
county of Berks, and unto one Ruchin, then abbot of the
monastery, a certain portion of his land ; that is to say, fifteen
farms, in a place called Culnam by the inhabitants, with all
the emoluments and profits thereunto belonging. And that the
aforesaid Ruchin shall be for ever discharged from all claims,
incumbrances, or jurisdictions, either from the crown or the
bishop ; and that the inhabitants and religious of this place

312 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book ii.

cuth- shall not be subject to the authority of any kins;, or his minis-
Abp. Cant, ters of justice, or of any bishop, or his officials ; but upon all
^ v ' occasions, and in all disputes and controversies, they shall be
governed by the orders and decision of the abbot of the monas-
tery above mentioned," &c.

Sir Edward From this charter, sir Edward Coke infers, "that kino; Kinul-

Coke's arau- ..,,.".«,. t . ,

mentfor " phus had ecclesiastical authority annexed to his regal charac-
jurMidion * er '■> as appears by granting an exemption to this abbot from
intheCroivn the p-overninent of his diocesan ; which ecclesiastical iurisdic-
Coke's Re- tion," says sir Edward, "being derived from the crown, conti-
foi n g P io rt ' nued till the dissolution of the said abbey in the reign of king-
Henry VIII." He observes, farther, that "the said charter
was pleaded 1 Henry VIL, and vouched by Stamford." To
this it may be answered,

First, That the privileges of this charter are couched in
terms so very large and comprehensive, that the abbey seems
to be erected into a little independent commonwealth, and
discharged from royal no less than episcopal jurisdiction ; for,
by the words of the charter, neither the king nor any of his
ministers have any thing to do with them, but they are left to
the sole government and jurisdiction of their abbot. Now, to
take the charter in this sense proves a great deal too much,
and therefore sir Edward Coke has thought fit to omit this
clause in reciting the charter out of Stamford. To set the
matter in a fuller light, we are to understand, that the case in
Stamford where this charter was pleaded relates only to the
privilege of sanctuary. A malefactor, it seems, convicted of
some capital crime, having broken prison and taken sanctuary
in this abbey, was dragged from thence and put into the hands
of justice ; upon which he pleaded the charter above men-
tioned, and moved to be returned to the sanctuary. The case
standing thus, there was a scire facias directed to the abbot of
Stamford, Abingdon, to produce the chatter in court, or what other evi-
dence he had to prove the right of sanctuary. But in all this
trial, there was not the least question put about the king's pre-
rogative to exempt any person from episcopal jurisdiction.

Secondly, The authenticity of this charter is very ques-
tionable ; for, as Stamford reports, there was no original
instrument produced under seal. And if it is objected that
the use of seals was afterwards introduced by the Normans,

cent, vin.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 313

yet the signing of charters with crosses, and the names of the ethel-

witnesses, was customary among the Saxons, as appears by K of t i,' e

the charters in Ingulphus and sir Henry Spelman. But here J p r , c j? ns -

was no proof, but only by an inspeximus of Edward III. Now bert,

an inspeximus is no good argument to prove the authenticity Northum-

of a charter ; for several forged charters have received this ^[^iil

countenance, and passed the test of an inspeximus. I shall phus,
only mention that of king Ethelbert to Augustine, archbishop Vest

of Canterbury ; to which we may add, that this charter of j?^ ^

Kinulphus is not to be met with either in Ingulphus, Malmes- ^ B ERT,

XT • , TT 1 K ' ° f Kent

bury, Huntingdon, or Hoveden. * ,, >

Thirdly, Allowing the credit of the charter, we may observe Anglic. 'v. l.
farther, that the right of sanctuary, to which the case of Stain- Vi ^' s el _
ford is wholly confined, is a civil privilege, and no branch of man. Concil.
ecclesiastical authority ; for sanctuary being a reprieve or pro- v
tection from punishment, to which the malefactor is liable for
offending against the king's laws, it follows that the protection
must be granted by the person or body that has a right to
punish. And therefore Stamford, in his definition of a sanc-
tuary, calls it a place privileged by the prince, or supreme
governor ; and for this reason, the court, in the case above Stamford's
mentioned, was of opinion that the pope could not extend the Crown, 1. 2.
privileges of these places beyond the king's grant. fo1 - 108 -

Fourthly, The judges explained the clause, in cunctis rerum ^-TfT I'n
eventibus, et discussionibus causarum, abbatis decreto subji-
ciantur, to the meaning of civil jurisdiction, and declare, that
if the abbot designed to take the benefit of these words, he
ought to have called a court, and tried those who were guilty
of any crime or misdemeanour within his precincts. From all 1.34,,

which it follows, that this precedent in Stamford does not come
up to sir Edward Coke's point, because the question con-
cerning ecclesiastical jurisdiction was not debated. If it is
urged that the charter mentions a discharge, ab episcopali jure,
and that the abbey was not to be subject either to the bishop
or his officials, to this it may be answered, that it is possible
the bishop might be lord of the manors within the compass of
the charter ; and then the words will only imply a discharge
from temporal jurisdiction, and the term " officiates" may mean
no more than the bishop's bailiffs, or stewards ; for the re-
straining of it to the modern notion of an official does not seem
to have been so early as Kinulphus's time. Indeed, the term

fol. 10.

314 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book 11.

cuth- "officiales," if taken in an ecclesiastical sense, seems rather to

RKRT

Abp. Cant, prove the charter suspicious than any thing else ; and so does

* v ' that of "comitatus.'" For if Ingulphus, an historian of cha-
racter in the Conqueror's time, is not mistaken, the country
was not divided into counties, or comitatus, till the year of our
Lord 874, in the reign of king Alfred, which is a hundred and

Hist ° r - ln ~ nineteen years after the date of this charter of Kinulphus.
Besides, in the reign of Kinulphus, king of the Mercians, who
probably granted the charter before us, the officers of the
crown are called officiales, and mentioned with the king's mas-

Historia ter of the buck-hounds and falconers, and that with reference to

Ccenobia . , ■, -, t» j.

Abendoni- the same abbey. 13ut,

ensis.Angha Fifthly If any spiritual jurisdiction passed by this charter,

oacra.pars.l. •> •/ i o i j

it might probably be derived from the consent and authority
of the bishops ; for the charter sets forth expressly, that the
privileges were granted by the advice and consent of the
Coke's Re- bishops. This sir Edward Coke agrees to, and will have it
parts, made in parliament, as he calls it. Now, if the prelates of the
kingdom, and particularly the bishop of the diocese, consented
to a resignation of part of his government, and assigned his
jurisdiction to the abbot, how does this prove ecclesiastical
jurisdiction any part of the king's prerogative ? It is true, the
patent runs in the king's name, because several temporal
privileges, as that of sanctuary, &c, were included in the
grant.

Sixthly, It is probable Kinulphus might have a licence from
the pope for this purpose. That the popes granted several
privileges of this kind to abbeys, is past dispute. I shall give
two or three instances.

The first is a grant of pope Sergius to Aldhelm, abbot of

Malmesbury ; by virtue of which the abbey is declared to be

immediately mider the protection and government of the see of

Rome, and to be exempted from the jurisdiction of all priests,

bishops, or other persons of any other ecclesiastical character

whatsoever ; and that no person shall presume to execute any

Maimesb. part of the episcopal function, or say mass in the chapel, unless

tific. p 6 352," they are invited thither by the abbot and monks.

353, inter 15 ^his Aldhelm flourished about the year 709, and was nephew

ocriptores. . •■ i-i • • 1 i»

Vide supra, to Ina, king of the West Saxons. He was likewise bishop of
Sherburne, and very eminent both for his learning and piety.
Now, if the exempting places from episcopal jurisdiction was

cent, viii.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 315

part of the prerogative royal, why did not Aldhelm make appli- ETHEL-
cation to his uncle, king Ina? We cannot imagine that a k. of the
person of the royal family, and one of his celebrated character, m e ™q US "
could want an interest at court. What made him travel to bert,
Rome for a favour, which might easily have been procured at Northum-
home? Why should a person of his sense and conscience k^ul-
engage in so unjust an undertaking, and so injurious to his ^ H |r T ^'
family ; put the pope upon a known incroachment, and break West
so remarkably through the king's prerogative ? Such an ethel-
attempt as this is by no means reconcileable to Aldhelm's be K£,

character. But this prelate had quite another notion of the »- — v '

matter ; he was not in the least apprehensive of disobliging the
king, his uncle, by procuring the pope's exemption. And
therefore at his return, as Malmesbury informs us, he showed Malmesb.
his instrument of privilege both to Ina and Ethelred, king of
the Mercians, who received him with great friendship and
regard, complained of no ill usage, but acquiesced in the pope's

.,1 . , • ,• Malmesb.

grant without any objection. ibid and

Secondly, A second instance may be taken from king Ina's P- 354 -
charter to the abbey of Glassenbury, in which pope Gregory II.
is said to have taken the monastery into the protection of his
see, and to have confirmed the privileges of exemption men-
tioned in the instrument. And besides, the king himself is
said not only to have written to the pope, but to have taken a
journey to Rome partly for this purpose. Spd. Comal.

Thirdly, To come nearer our own times. The Norman 229.'
kings conceived their authority in ecclesiastical matters so far
short of sir Edward Coke's opinion, that we find king Henry III.
took a privilege from the pope to exempt his chapels from the
jurisdiction of the ordinary, as appears from the record follow-
ing, dated An. Dom. 1245.

"Henrietta, Dei Gratia, &c. i.e., Henry, by the grace of See Records,
God, king of England, &c. To all Christian people to whom
these presents shall come, greeting. These are to certify all
of you, that our ambassadors, lately sent by us to the general
council of Lyons, for the negotiating the affairs of our king-
dom, have, amongst other privileges granted to us, and our
kingdom, by our holy Father, pope Innocent, brought us one
concerning the immunities, exemptions, and liberties of our ^ a1 ^ '
chapels." ton, p- 304.

316 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book ii.

cuth- Then follows pope Innocent's bull, by virtue of which the

RKRT

Abp. Cant, king's chapels are declared immediately subject to the pope ;
loP* ' and that no ordinary, nor any person delegated by him, should,
under the penalty of excommunication, exercise any authority
or jurisdiction in the places above mentioned.

Lastly, granting Kinulphus did exempt the abbot from all
episcopal jurisdiction, by virtue of his regal authority, — which,
from what has been observed already, appears altogether im-
probable, — yet, granting so very unlikely a supposition for
argument's sake, it may then be answered, that " A facto ad
jus non valet consequentia ;"" — the doing of a thing is not a
sufficient warrant that it ought to be done. It is not impossi-
ble but that princes may sometimes overstrain the regale,
encroach upon the Church's charter, and reach into some part
of that authority which our Saviour settled upon the apostles
and their successors the bishops ; and, therefore, precedents,
unless supported by reason and bottomed upon warrantable
grounds, are by no means sufficient to prove the point.
Fuller's in- Mr. Fuller endeavours to reinforce sir Edward Coke. His
CutM>art° m ar g umen t nes thus : by the constitution of Augustine, first
inconclusive, archbishop of Canterbury, confirmed by the authority of Gre-
Church His- gory the Great, it was decreed, That no corpse, either of
tain book 2 P rmce or prelate, should be buried within the walls of a city,
p. 103. Du t only in the suburbs thereof ; and that only in the porch of
the church, and not in the body. Now, Cuthbert, archbishop
of Canterbury, being desirous to be buried in Christ's church,
durst not venture on this innovation by his own power, neither
did he make application to the pope of Rome, but only ad-
dressed himself to Eadbert, king of Kent ; and from him,
partly praying, partly paying for it, obtained his request. From
hence he infers an ancient Church canon, recalled at the suit
of an archbishop, by the authority of a king.

To this it may be returned, first, that Fuller cites no
authority for the matter of fact ; so that the argument stands
upon nothing but bare affirmation. There is no such constitu-
tion mentioned, either by Bede, Malmesbury, Gervasius Doro-
bernensis, or Birkington ; by the Antiquitates Britannicse, or
Godwin ; or any author, ancient or modern, that I can meet
with. Indeed, we have no reason to believe that either Au-
gustine of Canterbury, or Gregory the Great, would attempt
so great an encroachmeut upon the civil power. To forbid a

cent, viii.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 317

prince being buried, not only in consecrated ground, but within ETHEL-

the walls of his own cities, is an extraordinary strain of eccle- ^ofth'e

siastical authority ! Such a constitution is very unsuitable to M |T?2? 8 -

the modesty of those times. The archbishops of Canterbury, bert,

— no, nor the court of Rome neither, — do not use to pretend to Northum-

be such lords of the soil. It is true it was the custom of JT^ul

Cuthbert's age not to bury in churches ; he, therefore, de- phus,

. ... .... . K. of the

signing to bring in a new usage, was willing to act upon a w. Saxons.
higher character than his own. But Fuller says, the archbishop ^j^ L "
applied to no authority but that of king Eadbert. To this it K. of Kent.
may be answered, that there was no such necessity of having
recourse to the see of Rome as this historian supposes : for,
since there was no constitution made, nor confirmed by the
pope, there was no need of moving that court for a reversal.
But,

Secondly, In contradiction to Fuller's assertion, Cuthbert
did apply to the court of Rome for this privilege, as appears by
the testimonies of Birkington, by an anonymous author, who Angiia. Sa-

pro. nil* 1

wrote the archbishop's life in verse, and tells us Cuthbert went p . 3.

to Rome on purpose to procure this licence. To which we may ^ g 2 ' ^"9

add Gervasius Dorobernensis, who relates that Cuthbert pro- Gervas. Do-

ronprn Aft.

cured the authority of pope Gregory for burying in the church. Pontifical
It is true king Eadbert consented to the pope's order : but the jJ(2£^o '
authority of the licence, as these historians represent it, was Scriptores.
derived from the see of Rome ; and, therefore, the archbishop's
applying to king Eadbert for his approbation can amount to no
more than matter of ceremony, and that he was willing to pre-
vent the disturbance the monks were likely to give his corpse
upon this occasion. For we are to observe, it had been the
custom of the monks of St. Augustine in Canterbury to go to
the archbishop's palace, upon notice of his death, and carry off
the body, and bury it in their own monastery. To prevent this,
Cuthbert ordered his corpse to be interred before his death was
published. Now, the monks, being thus disappointed, were
extremely disturbed, and fell foul upon the archbishop's me- Gervas. Do-
mory. Before I dismiss this subject it will be necessary to [° b d emensis '
advertise the reader, that, both in Stamford and the Monas- Godwin, de
ticon, Kinulphus is called king of the Mercians, and his charter Angi. in
dated, by the Monasticon, in the year of our Lord 821. Now, Stamford!
if this copy be the right reading, this Kinulphus must be king ^ n P; t n1 '
Offa's successor. However, the difference of time or person do vol. l.p.ioo.

318 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book. ii.

br eg- not in the least affect the reasoning upon the case : but enough

Ab P . Cant, of this argument l .

Cuthbert, dying in the year of our Lord 758, was succeeded

a. d. 758. j^ Bregwin, a person descended from a very noble family in
Saxony ; from whence he was removed in his minority, and
had his education in this island. Eadmer reports him chosen
upon the strength of his merit, being valuable for all the quali-
fications required in a prelate of the highest station : that his
life had been all along remarkably unexceptionable and reli-
gious ; that the gravity of his behaviour, the dispassionateness
and condescension of his temper, together with his great courage
and discretion, procured him a general esteem : insomuch that
he was forced into the archiepiscopal chair by the unanimous

Eadmer. de inclination of the clergy and laity. He was consecrated Octo-

Vita Brew- . . .

win. Angi. ber 1st, a. n. 759. Being in this station, he acted up to the
p ac i86 aF n 'expectation of his former character, and proved a very com-
Antiquitates mendable and exemplary governor, during the time he held the

Britannic, in r J o » o

Bregwin. see, which was but three years : for he died August 24th, in

13°- the year 672, and was privately buried beside his predecessor in

Antiquitates Christ's church. When his death was published, Lambert, or

' Jambert, abbot of St. Augustine's, comes immediately to

Christ's church with a party of soldiers, to carry off the arch-

1 Mr. Collier here renews his old encounter with the low churchmen, as to the ques-
tion of ecclesiastical supremacy, and the relative powers of pope and king. This question
is now, in a great measure, settled among the best informed scholars of Germany,
France, and Britain. It seems to be pretty generally agreed, that Christ is the true
spiritual Head of the Church universal; that the pope is the terrestrial head of the
Italian Church ; and that the kings are the terrestrial heads of their own national
Churches. Such are their distinct and appropriate dominations ; and all attempts made
to interfere with these dominations only produce strife and confusion. The question
would never have been so entangled had it been recollected that our national kings are,
in virtue of God's appointment, divine and ecclesiastical characters in Britain, as much
as the pope can be in Italy. Hooker and his followers have fully established the justice
of the laws which represent the king of Britain as a divine and ecclesiastical person, above
every other ecclesiastical officer within the four seas, whatever his denomination. Every
attempt, we say, to make the office of the king — which, as divine, includes alike spiritual
and secular supremacy — exclusively secular, has been fraught with grievous mischiefs.
The king is the visible terrestrial head of the Church, no less than of the State, of
Britain : he is the great centre and bond of union to all subordinate divisions ; keeping
those divisions in proper harmony and obedience. To represent the king, therefore, as
merely a secular potentate, is to do the greatest injustice to the crown : it is a political
parricide, for it degrades our great national parent, and leaves us without any appealable
authority. By making the king a merely secular representative, national Churches may
imagine that they are rising in dignity and independence; but they are, in fact, gravi-
tating to the infinitely low : they are acting the part of mutineers, that rebel against
their commanding officer, and, by deposing him from his legitimate domination, fall into
all the calamities of lawless anarchv and confusion.

cent, viit.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 319

bishop's corpse ; but, finding himself disappointed, and the OFFA,
body interred, he complained loudly of the injustice, and Mercians 6
appealed to the pope for satisfaction. The monks of Christ's E 1 ^5 > "
church, being solicitous about filling up the see, knowing Lam- K. of the
bert to be a person of great capacity and resolution, that it was brians.
probable he might carry his point at Rome, and that, both with ^hus "
respect to learning and conduct, he was well qualified for the J^-„ of the

archiepiscopal functions, they made choice of him for Breg- v — ^— .. '

win's successor, hoping to put an end to the old dispute this
way. Soon after his election, he received the pall from pope
Paul I.

About the year 667, Egbert, archbishop of York, died.
There is a collection of canons and a Penitential, which
pass under his name, though it is thought they are con-
siderably interpolated. Some of these directions are too
broad and particular upon the subject of licentiousness, and
bring the images too close ; and, in short, agree by no means
with the piety and prudence of this prelate's character.

Offa, who was now king of the Mercians, has the character
of an enterprising, ambitious prince. Malmesbury tells us that Maimesb.de
he never dropped a project, but went through with his inclina- Ang. p. 15.
tion, without troubling himself much about moral considera-
tions. This historian did not well know how to fix his
character : his virtues and vices were so much upon the
balance, that he is somewhat at a loss whether to range him
among good or bad princes. He began his reign in the year Bede, Epi-
757, and held the government nine-and-thirty years. This M ™ lmesb .
Offa, being successful in his war against Kinulphus, king ibkl -
of the West Saxons, and making the greatest figure in the
heptarchy, concluding his power would make all his schemes
practicable, resolved upon the erecting Lichfield into an archi- Lichfield
episcopal see. This project was set on foot, as Matthew of e J 7 e t c ^f°
Westminster relates, in the year of our Lord 765. Lambert bishopric.
made use of his interest to prevent the cantoning of his juris- Fiores His-
diction, and, the contest being brought before the court of 0^765
Rome, urged the grant of Gregory the Great to the see
of Canterbury, and was not at all wanting in the soliciting his
cause. However, king Offa prevailed in his application, and
procured an order from pope Adrian I. to make Lichfield an
archbishop's see, and that all the bishops within the kingdom
of Mercia should be his suffragans. Malmesbury gives us a

320 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book ii.

lam- list of their names : viz. Denebert, bishop of Worcester ; We-
Abfclnt renDer t? bishop of Legecestria (Leicester) ; Edulph, bishop of
>— — v- — ' Sidnacester ; and Ulferd, of Hereford : to which were added

Malmesb.

ibid. two bishops of the East Angles : Alherd, of Elman ; and

Malmesb. Tidfrid, of Dunwich. The bishop of Lichfield, who was thus

r b 'r'p e promoted to a metropolitan, was Aldulph. Thus Lambert,

Ang. p. 19. archbishop of Canterbury, had part of his province wrested

Pontif. jW. from him, and only the four sees of London, Winchester,

lib. 4. P . 164. Rochester, and Selsea, remaining. However, after all, this

was only a partition, and not a translation, of the archiepiscopal

authority : for this distinction continued still upon the see of

Canterbury, though not with the same extent of jurisdiction.

As for the time when the province of Canterbury was thus
lessened, historians are not agreed. Matthew Westminster
relates, that Aldulphus received his pall in the year 766, and
that Berthun, or Humbert, and Higbert, succeeded him in the
archiepiscopal dignity. But here seem to be two mistakes :
for, first, it is certain Aldulphus received his pall from Adrian I.
Angi. Sacr. Now, Adrian was not elected pope till the year 772. We may
' observe, farther, that Lambert, or Jambert, was obliged to
yield up part of his province to Aldulph, in the synod of
Calcuith. Thirdly, soon after the death of king Offa, the
archbishop of Lichfield was reduced, as we shall see after-
wards, by pope Leo, to the state of a suffragan, and made
subject to the see of Canterbury. From hence it is evident,
that this affair must have been transacted between the years
772, in which Adrian was promoted to the papacy, and 779, in
which Ethelard, archbishop of Canterbury, took a voyage to
Rome, to recover the privileges of his see. And as for the
synod of Calcuith, in which Lambert was forced to resign part
of his province, this synod was held in the year 785, according
to the Saxon chronology, Florence of Worcester, Huntingdon,
Hoveden, &c. But, farther : as to the archiepiscopal dignity,
none of the bishops of Lichfield were possessed of this dis-
iblci 8 and 01 tinction, excepting Aldulph. One reason, as Matthew Paris
p. 430. reports, why Offa insisted so much upon the cantoning Lam-
bert's jurisdiction, was, because, as the king alleged, Lambert
held a close correspondence with Charles the Great ; and had
engaged himself to that prince, that, in case he should make a
Matt. Paris, descent upon Britain, the archbishop promised to open his
p. 21. passage, and assist him in his enterprise. But it seems Offa

cent, viii.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 321

did not rely upon the weight of this charge, but despatched offa,
men of great character and elocution to Rome, where, by the Mercians'
strength of their rhetoric and presents, they carried the alf-
cause : for, as the historian goes on, king Offa was not k. of the
ignorant how welcome money would be at Rome. From the Brians™
sees of Elmham and Dunwich, in the East Angles, being laid ^inul-
to the jurisdiction of Lichfield, we may conjecture something k. of the
more probably upon the time when Aldulph was owned for £oL,
archbishop, and that it must be set as far back as the year ^ LR f I ^ US '
793 ; for this year, as Florence of Worcester and Matthew of » '

Matt Paris

Westminster inform us, Ethelbert, king of the East Angles, ibid. '
a prince of admirable qualities, was betrayed under the highest
securities of friendship, and murdered at king Offas court. 137.

Upon which Offa seized his kingdom ; and, being now sove-
reign of the East Angles, might probably either persuade or
overawe the bishops of Dunwich and Elmham to break with
Lambert, and submit to the new archbishop of Lichfield.

It will be now time to give the reader a farther account of The synod of

. • Calcuith

the synod of Calcuith above mentioned. As for the time, sir
Henry Spelman places it to the year 787, though as we have a. d. 785.
seen already, this period seems to be set two years too much
forward. As to the other circumstances of the council, our
historians agree, that pope Adrian sent Gregory, bishop of
Ostia, and Theophylact, bishop of Todi, to assist with the
character of legates. That upon their arrival, one of these
legates travelled into the kingdom of the Northumbrians, Os-
wald being then king, and Eanbald archbishop of York : that
there was a meeting of all the great men of that kingdom, both
clergy and laity. This account the legates give in their letter
to the pope : in which they take notice farther, that from the
time of Augustine, archbishop of Canterbury, there had been
no prelate or priest sent from Rome into Britain till now. Spei.Concii.
They likewise inform the pope, that they delivered his holiness's v
letters to Offa, king of the Mercians, and Kinulphus, king of
the West Saxons ; the first of whom was present at the synod
of Calcuith : that since discipline and reformation of manners
was the design of the synod, they (the legates) digested the
matter under several heads, and reported them to the council,
who all declared themselves ready to submit to the directions
of the see of Rome. The heads or canons, drawn up by the
legates, are as follow.

VOL. i. y

322 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book ii.

lam- 1- All in holy orders are obliged to a strict adherence to the
Abp E Cant. counc ^ of Nice : and every year at the provincial synods, the

* -' ' bishops are obliged to examine the priests upon the points of

faith determined by the first six general councils, that the
terms of communion may be regulated, and the people instructed
accordingly.

2. By the second canon, baptism is only to be administered
at the solemn and stated times of the Church, (viz. at Easter and
Whitsuntide,) unless in case of necessity : and those who stand
for children at the font, and answer for such who are not in a
condition to engage for themselves, are to be put in mind, they
must give an account to God Almighty for what they have
undertaken ; and that it is their duty to instruct their god-
children in the Lord's Prayer and the Creed, both which all
the laity are obliged to have perfectly by heart.

3. The third provides for the holding two provincial synods
every year : that every bishop should have an annual visitation
in his diocese, and inspect the manners of his people, particu-
larly he is to exert the censure of excommunication against
incest, divination, witchcraft, and sacrilege. And here the
bishops are cautioned against connivance, either out of fear or
interest. That it is a lamentable prevarication for the prelates
to be silent out of favour or cowardice, to sacrifice the flock to
their own passions, and leave them when they see the wolf

Ezek. xiii. coming. On the contrary, as a careful shepherd secures the
sheep against beasts of prey, so the spiritual pastor ought to

Ezek. iii. defend his charge, that the enemy of mankind may not destroy
them ; that they may not go astray by loose practice, nor the
poor be oppressed by the wealthy.

4. The fourth relates to the habit and behaviour of the
religious.

5. By the fifth, upon the death of an abbot or abbess, the
convent is obliged to take the advice of the bishop of the dio-
cese in the choice of a successor.

6. The sixth enjoins the bishops not to ordain any one priest
or deacon without sufficient testimonials of their probity and
abilities. That every one is to continue upon the title or cure
to which he was ordained : and that no foreign priest or deacon
shall be permitted to officiate without recommendatory letters
from his diocesan.

7. The seventh provides for the solemnity of divine service
at the stated or canonical hours.

cent, viii.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 323

8. The ancient privileges granted to the respective churches, offa,
are to be preserved. JtaSSl

9. By the ninth, none of the clergy are allowed to eat in pri- J^ T F ~
vate, unless in case of great indisposition. By this canon one K. of the
would think the clergy were not dispersed in parishes, but lived Saxons.
all, like monasteries or colleges, in common. ^ LR r I ^ US '

° ,. . K. of Kent.

10. The tenth forbids the clergy to perform the divine ser- v u '

vice without stockings : and that the chalice and patin be not

made of horn.

11. The eleventh exhorts kings and princes to take care of
their administration, and govern with justice and impartiality.
And as before, the bishops were put in mind to support their
character, to rely on the protection of their Master, and the
authority of their commission, to preach the Word of God to
princes, and all persons of quality, without fear or flattery ;
never to stifle any seasonable truth, to spare no body, nor
exert their discipline upon any without reason : so now princes
are admonished to govern their practice by the direction of
their bishops ; because the keys of the kingdom of heaven, and
the power of binding and loosing, is delivered to them. They
fortify the canon by several texts of Scripture, and then add, Deut. xxii.
that as the king is lord paramount in the state, so the bishop's fj eb xiii
authority is supreme in things relating to the government and In-
discipline of the Church. The canon proceeds in the admoni- Mai. ii. 7.
tion of princes, suggests that they ought to have a great regard

for the Churches of God, not to harass them with servitude and 1 38.

rough usage, not to grow proud of their purple, nor oppress
with their greatness. And if they would not take it well to
have their own queens disregarded by their subjects, let them
remember not to put a neglect upon the spouse of Christ.

12. The twelfth declares against admitting persons of ille-
gitimate birth to the crown : presses honour and obedience to
princes from authorities of Scripture ; declares with great de- Rom. xiii.
testation against raising calumnies, forming conspiracies, or i'p et ." ii. 17.
attempting upon the life of the king : and that if any bishop or
clergyman is concerned in any such wickedness, he is to be
degraded, and, like Judas, expelled the holy society. And who-
ever shall be assisting or aiding in such a sacrilegious practice
against the Lord's anointed, shall be for ever excommunicated

and excluded the benefits of the Church.

13. The thirteenth charges the ministers of justice to behave

324

ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book ii.

Levit. xix.
15.

Isaiah i. 17
Id. lviii. 6.
Matt. vii. 2,

LAM- themselves conscientiously in their station, not to favour any

Abp. Cant, person upon the score of his quality or wealth. Not to despise

v ' the poor : not to transgress the rules of equity, or take reward

against the innocent, but to judge in truth and righteousness,

as the prophet speaks. This article is enforced from several

texts of Scripture.

14. The fourteenth goes much upon the same matter, and
declares in particular against fraud, violence, and laying unjust

Isaiah v. a impositions upon the Church.

15. The fifteenth condemns marriage within the prohibited
degrees.

1 6. By the sixteenth, illegitimate issue, and particularly the
children of nuns, are made incapable of inheriting.

17. The seventeenth urges the payment of tithes from the
Mosaic law, and the doctrine of the Old Testament, and ob-
serves, that those who refuse to offer the tenth part to God
Almighty, are oftentimes punished in their circumstances, and
reduced to that slender proportion. This canon likewise forbids
usury and unjust weights and measures.

18. The eighteenth dilates upon the obligation of vows, and
presses the performance from the danger of such a neglect.

19. By the nineteenth, the remainders of heathenish customs
are to be laid aside ; particularly, they are forbidden to deform
their bodies by any superstitious marks or scars in conformity
to the pagans.

20. The twentieth contains an exhortation to confession and
penance : and if any person happens to die without this prepa-
ration, he is not to receive the benefit of the prayers of the
Church.

Mai. iii. 10.

These canons were first read in the Northumbrian synod,
where after they had been subscribed by the king, the bishops,
the temporal nobility, and inferior clergy of that province, they
were brought by the legates, and presented to the synod of
Calcuith, in the kingdom of Mercia. And here, they were
likewise unanimously received and signed by king Offa, Lambert,
archbishop of Canterbury, twelve other bishops, several abbots,

Spel.Concil. an d other great men of the laity.

P . 300, 301. But here there are several circumstances in these synods,
which seem to make the matter of fact somewhat questionable.
First, the place where the Northumbrian synod was held is

cent nil.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. '325

not mentioned by the legates ; and yet it is represented as a offa,
very numerous assembly, and that the king and most of the Mercians'
great men, both clergy and laity, were present at it. Secondly ALF -
Dilberch, bishop Augustadensis Ecclesise (I suppose it should K. of the
have been Hagulstadensis,) signs in the subscription list, before N °, r ja" s ,n ~
Eanbald his metropolitan of York. This looks somewhat irre- KINUL-
gular. Thirdly, we find six bishops subscribing to this northern k. of the
synod, whereas the province of the kingdom of Northumberland Saxona.
had but four sees. To get over this difficulty, sir Henry Spel- g L ^ I g U ?'

man supposes, and it may be, not improbably, that some of l * '

the bishops of Scotland were present, and concurred with the
English, though after all, it is not easy to tell where to fix
Aldulphus, who signs himself bishop Myiensis Ecclesiae.

Then as to the synod at Calcuith, we meet with some odd
circumstances here : for archbishop Lambert subscribes before
king Offa, which looks singular, and out of course : and as for
the other twelve bishops who subscribe, most of their sees are
unmentioned, and several of their names unknown. However,
this may be in some measure accounted for, from the fault of
the transcribers.

As for subscriptions at the foot of the Council, there is no
great objection in that, it being no more than what was after-

wards done at the synods of Becanceld and Cloveshoe. How- Spel.Concil.
ever, after all, it must be allowed, that the copy of this council „, 317 305.
is maimed, and the order inverted in several places. To con-
clude this matter, Matthew Paris informs us, that Lambert,
archbishop of Canterbury, resigned part of his province to the
archbishop of Lichfield, at this synod at Calcuith, and that Matt. Paris,
king Offa had his eldest son Egfrid, a prince of great hopes, ^cvinai x
solemnly crowned there. P- 25 -

About this time Willibald, scholar and nephew to Boniface,
archbishop of Mentz, departed this life. He was extracted
from a noble family in Devonshire, bred in a monastery under
Egviwald, abbot of Waldheim. He travelled to Rome and
Jerusalem, and in the year 739 was sent into Germany by Gre-
gory III., to assist Boniface in the conversion of that nation;
Boniface promoted him to the see of Eistad. This Willibald
wrote Boniface's life, at the request of Lullus, his successor,
which is extant in Canisius's Antiquse Lectiones, and in the Du Pin,
third century of the saints of the Benedictine order published huT. feat's'.
by Mabillon. p- n».

326 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book n.

lam- In the year of our Lord 786, Kinulphus, king of the West

Abp. Cant. Saxons, after he had reigned one-and-thirty years, was sur-

Itt-v ' prised and murdered. This prince, who had been successful

a. d. 786. till towards the latter end of his reign, being apprehensive his
Kinulphus brother's son, Kineard, might seize the crown from his own
tyiMsne- issue, banished him. Kineard thought it advisable to give
iCineard. wa Y to the juncture, and seemed to retire without resentment.
Being removed from the observation of the court, he drew a
party of desperate men together, and marched undiscovered
towards Kinulphus, who was now retired into the country for
his pleasure ; Kineard having intelligence that the king's guards
were dismissed to some distance, beset the house : Kinulphus
being thus surprised, and perceiving that neither promises nor
menacing would work upon the conspirators, stood upon his
defence, and when the doors were forced, charged Kineard
with great courage, and had like to have dispatched him ; but
being surrounded and overset with numbers, he fell fighting,
after he had defended himself with a great deal of bravery.
Those few of the king's attendants that were present, refused
to yield, and were likewise cut in pieces. The news of this
assassination quickly reached the king's guards, who immedi-
ately marched against the conspirators. Before they came to
blows, Kineard endeavoured to justify himself, claimed the
crown as his right, and tempted them strongly to his interest ;
but finding they refused to be bribed by any expectations, he
ordered his men to make ready. The dispute was very obsti-
nate, and the victory a great while doubtful : but at last
Kineard's party was routed, and himself slain. King Kinul-
phus was buried at Winchester, and succeeded by Brithric,
who reigned sixteen years. This prince's inclinations lay
more for peace than fighting, which made him court the
alliance of the neighbouring princes, and connive at some
disorders at home. However, he did not indulge this humour
so far as to discover any signs of fear, or weaken the force of
his government. He took care to strengthen his interest by
the marriage of king Ofia's daughter : and being thus fortified,
ventured to banish Egbert into France, who was the only re-
Maiinesb.dc m aining branch of the royal line. For though Brithric and
An St i S M g the rest of the West Saxon kings after Ina were very nobly
c. 2. p. 7. 8. extracted, yet they were several removes from the right line.

cent, vni.] OF GltEAT BRITAIN. 327

Egbert being thus chased out of the country, Brithric thought OFFA,
himself secure, and began to indulge his inclination. But now Medians!
the Danes gave him some little alarm. They made their first ,, A ^ T F "
descent upon the island only with three privateers. This hand- k. of the
ful of men, who were sent to examine the richness and try the briansT"
courage of the country, landed privately at one of Brithric , s B ^ H "
towns, and killed the governor of the place, who endeavoured k. of the
to preserve the burghers. But afterwards the country coming Saxons.
in, the Danes were glad to quit their plunder, and retire to £ L ^/ j^S'
their ships. ^r~iZT7'

r . . 1 he Jirst de-

In the year 788, there is said to have been two synods in scent of the
the kingdom of the Northumbrians ; one at Pinsenhale, Fin- srU^nf^
senhale, or Finkeley, and another at Aclam, or Acle ; both ^j^^
in the bishopric of Durham. But of these we have nothing ibid.
but the names of the place, there being no records of what was spdf. Condi,
transacted remaining. p°304, 305.

About four years after, Charles the Great sent a copy of the a. d. 792.
second council of Nice into Britain. Hoveden laments the Annal. par?.
contents of these papers, and affirms that there was a great j/°ft« P wI
deal of unorthodox doctrine in them, and particularly, that the convenient™,

• i ■ ii 1 ni iii.ni e * vercB ftdei

worship oi images, abominated by the Church ol God, was contmria re \
decreed there, by the unanimous consent of above three hun- *r™ second'
dred eastern bishops. The historian adds, that Albinus (or council of

, . . . -, ■■ . j Nice deeply

Alcuinus) wrote a letter against this innovation, and disproved censured by
the council with great evidence from the holy Scriptures : and /^on««lV
that he presented this answer to Charles the Great in the
name of the English bishops, and other great men of the
kingdom. Simeon Dunelmensis, and Matthew of Westmin- Dunelmen-
ster, relate this passage much in the same manner, and with Qg^ 8 ^ 6
the same mark of dislike. An g- p- Hi.

The worship of images was so foreign to the practice of the Scnptores,
primitive Church, that the use of them was very rare in the ^S^o-
first three centuries, even in the opinion of the learned Du ?a. st - Fiores
Pin : nay, the famous Epiphanius, in his letter to John of Grat. 793.
Jerusalem, declares strongly against this practice. " When ^jSX
I came," savs he, " into a country church of Palestine, called councils of

1 >i 7 ... . Lonstanhno-

Anablatha, I found a curtain hanging over the door, upon ple,Nice,and
which there was a picture painted like that of our Saviour, or relating to
some Saint (for I cannot certainly remember whose picture t ^J^^ p
it was) however, seeing the figure of a man in the Church of Eccies. Hist.
Christ, contrary to the authority of holy Scripture, I tore it, Epiphanius.

328

ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book ii.

LAM-
BERT,

Abp. Cant.

Du Pin,
ibid.

140.

Gregory,
Epist. 1. 9.
ep. 9.

Baron.
a. d. 723.
p. 35. edit.
Antwerp.

Labbe, Con-
di, torn. 7.
p. 694.

Baron.
A. d. 726.
p. 55.

Baron, ibid
p. 62.

Baron.
a. d. 754.
Concil.
Labbe,
torn. 7.
Concil.
Labbe,
torn. 7.
p. 657.

and gave order to the churchwardens to wrap it about some
corpse, and bury it," &c.

Thus we see Epiphanius was apprehensive this custom
might prove dangerous, and went the same lengths of caution
with the eastern Iconoclasts. This letter was translated by
St. Jerome ; and though Baronius and Bellarmin would have
it counterfeit, yet Monsieur Du Pin makes no difficulty to
answer their objections; and though he thinks Epiphanius
went too far in asserting the unlawfulness of having images in
churches, yet' he seems to believe this practice was not cus-
tomary in Palestine or Cyprus in Epiphanius's time : that this
Father altogether disallowed it, and that it would be contrary
to the sincerity religion requires of us, to interpret his words
to any other sense.

But though the use of images may not be unserviceable, yet
the worship of them is a dangerous excess ; it seems to be of
pagan original, and not so much as allowed at Rome in the
time of Gregory the Great. However, as the ages declined in
knowledge, they seemed to improve in superstition ; insomuch,
that in the beginning of the eighth century, the Jews and
Saracens charged part of the Eastern Church with idolatry
upon this score. And pope Adrian, in his letter to Constan-
tine and Irene, owns the Iconoclasts reproached the other
party with deifying their images, before the meeting of the
second council of Nice. The emperor Leo Isaurus, being
willing to prevent scandal, and jealous of the consequences of
this practice, published an edict against the use of images.
Gregory II. was displeased at this order, called a council at
Rome, and established image -worship. And now the crown
and Roman mitre came to an open rupture : the pope excom-
municates Leo Isaurus, and his viceroy of Rome ; and when
he found the emperor was not to be gained, commands the city
not to pay him any taxes, disclaims him for his sovereign, and
enters into a confederacy with the Franks. But in the east,
the Iconoclasts had the favour of the court, and carried their
point : for Constantine Copronymus, pursuing his father's
measures, convened a council at Constantinople, where both
the excesses and use of images were condemned. Indeed,
these Fathers seemed too far transported in their zeal, if they
are rightly represented in the synodical epistle published by
Photius : for in this letter they are said to have used our

cent, vin.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 320

Saviour's figure, and that of the saints, with disrespect ; to offa,

have dragged some of them through the streets and burnt Medians

them. And thus the favourers of images in the eastern part ^ LF ~

of the empire, lay under censure and reproach, till the death k. of the

of Leo iv. N fir

But Irene, who governed in the minority of her son Con- B 5ip H "
stantine, took new measures : this princess published an edict, k. of the
to allow the liberty of disputing for images, which was prohi- SaxoL.
bited before. And now the baffled party beginning to prevail, k L oV Kent-
procured the calling a council at Constantinople, which was tT~~ '

immediately broken up by a tumultuous opposition from the a. d. 784.
other side. This difficulty the empress got over, and then Baron.
convened the second council of Nice. And here the worship A - D - 78ti -
of images was fully settled. As to the degree of worship
determined by this council, they declare against giving images
any sovereign adoration, and that they pay them only an in-
ferior religious respect. Nay, pope Adrian, in his letter to Concii.
Constantine and Irene, softens the matter to a more inoffen- t0 * j\
sive sense, brings it as low as civil worship, and makes it no P- 39 °-
more than the respect usually paid by one man to another. Condi.
But it seems these justifications were by no means esteemed p ™^.*
satisfactory : for the Church, especially the western part of it,
was extremely disgusted at the conduct of this council of Nice ;
and in the year 794 there was a general council convened at
Frankfort upon the Maine ; at which Theophylact and Stephen,
the pope's legates, and about 300 bishops were present. And
here the controversy about images being examined to the
bottom, it was decreed, that though they might be retained in
churches for refreshing the history of what they represented,
and for ornament sake, they were by no means to be adored
or worshipped in any measure. Here, upon a full debate of
the case, the acts of the second council of Nice were censured
and reversed. The testimonies of the Fathers, and other eccle-
siastical authors, made use of by the Nicene assembly, were
brought upon the board, and all the sophistry and false colour-
ing of that council solidly refuted ; so that upon the whole
matter, the Fathers of Frankfort pronounced the second council
of Nice no general council, neither was it esteemed any other
than a pseudo or pretended synod by the writers of that age.
The four Caroline books are likewise authority beyond excep-
tion, against the proceedings of the second council of Nice.

330 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book ii.

lam- These Caroline books, though not wholly written by Charles
Abp. Cant, the Great, were at least drawn up by his direction, by the
Theautkor'- bishops °f his dominions. That this tract, together with the
ityoftheCa- council of Frankfort, are authentic records against the worship
and the of images, settled by the second council of Nice, is allowed by
Frank/art several ecclesiastical writers of the first class in the Roman
vindicated, communion : for the purpose, Sirmondus grants, that now very
few question the genuineness of the Caroline books, or the
council of Frankfort : that nobody can deny the authority of
the first, unless he will reject Adrian's answer to that tract,
Concil. which is generally agreed to be written by that pope. Sir-
tom b 7 mondus goes on and declares, that the canons of the council
p. 1054. f Frankfort stand upon unquestionable credit : that the
antiquity of the manuscript, together with the concurrent
testimonies of several writers of the same age, are indisputable
Labbe, Con- evidence. Labbe is of the same opinion, as appears not only
p!\o67.' 7 * by inserting Sirmondus's authority, but likewise by his pub-
be Marca. listing the second canon of the council of Frankfort, in which
the second Nicene council about the worship of images is
directly condemned.

To proceed : the learned Baronius has nothing to object
against the credit of these records ; he grants the Caroline
books were drawn up against the image worship, decreed by
the second council of Nice ; that they were composed by
several western bishops, thrown into a body by general con-
sent, presented to Charles the Great, and sent by him to pope
Adrian. And that they made part of the acts of the council
of Frankfort, the cardinal proves from the testimony of Hinc-
mar, who lived about that time ; so that, as he concludes, the
Baron. authority of them is not to be questioned. The cardinal adds,
p'43i 7 4a4 farther, that several authors of character, in the reigns of
435 - Ludovicus and Lotharius, who succeeded Charles the Great,

wrote against the second Nicene council about image worship ;
amongst these, he reckons Jonas, bishop of Orleans, Wala-
fridus Strabo, Amalarius, Altigarius, Freculphus, and Adega-
rius : it is true, the cardinal makes all this opposition of the
western bishops proceed upon a mistake of matter of fact.
He says the Nicene Fathers were misrepresented, and that the
prelates of France, Germany, &c. believed they had decreed
latria, or the highest degree of worship, was to be paid to
images : and that the censures of the Caroline books, and the

cent, vih.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 331

council of Frankfort, were levelled against this opinion. But OFFA,
in answer to this, it is inconceivable to imagine the western Mercians.
bishops should be no better acquainted with matters than this ^[m)
comes to; that they should have so little justice and discre- 'K. of the
tion, as to censure a council at random, and condemn without brians.
understanding the case. The second council of Nice consisted B rjq H "
of above three hundred bishops ; the pope's legates were pre- K. of the
sent at it, and Adrian I. consented to what was done there. Saxons.
Things being thus transacted, how can it be supposed that K of Ken l t ;
copies of the second Nicene council were not transmitted to v - '
the western Church? that those who drew up the Caroline
books, and the Fathers of Frankfort, should not have a view
of them? To act at this rate of inconsideration is by no
means suitable either to the character of Charles the Great,
or to the western bishops of that age : and therefore the
learned Monsieur Du Pin informs us, that the acts of this New Eeclcs.
second council of Nice were brought to Rome, and from thence p . ui.
sent into France, where, as Monsieur Du Pin continues, they
had a different practice about image worship : they allowed,
says he, they might be placed in their churches, but would not
endure that any worship should be given them : and therefore
those prostrations, those postures of respect and submission,
with which images were to be treated by the second council of
Nice, were looked upon as unwarrantable applications by the Concil.
western bishops ; and that such religious honour was only due tom . 7. p . 8.
to God Almighty. and m

Thus the Caroline books are directly levelled against all
degrees of worship : they are drawn up upon a medium between
the Iconoclast council of Constantinople, and the second of
Nice. The preface informs us, that the prelates of the council
of Constantinople had been so far overseen as to anathematize
those who had images in their churches, pretending they were
no better than idols. That another synod, held about three
years after, (meaning the second of Nice) run to another
extreme, and was no less faulty than the former. That the
bishops of this synod ordered images to be worshipped ; that
thus the Fathers of Constantinople and Nice fell into contrary
absurdities, by not distinguishing rightly between the use and
the adoration of images. " As for us,"" says Charles the Great,
(for the preface and book run in his name) "we reject all the
novelties both of the first and second synod. As to the acts

332 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book if.

lam- °f the second council of Nice, which have neither rhetoric nor
AkfcJnt. coramon sense, as appears by a copy of them come to our

v v ' hands, we thought ourselves obliged to write against their

errors, that if the poison has made any impression, this trea-
tise, supported by the holy Scriptures, may prove an antidote ;
and that this weak enemy, which is come from the East, may
be defeated in the West :" and after some other animadverting
and satirical strokes, he adds, " we have engaged in this work
with the consent of the bishops of our dominions, not to serve
any ambitious design, but purely out of a zeal for truth and
Du Pin, orthodoxy."

centos. " S ' These Caroline books were published about three years after
Du Pin ^e councu ' of Nice, and by consequence four before that of
cent. 8.' Frankfort. They were delivered to Adrian I. by Engelbert,
c'oncii. chaplain and ambassador to Charles the Great. The pope
t^m. b 7. writes a reply to this tract in defence of the second council of
p. 915. Nice ; but his answers are foreign and faint, and have very
Concii. little of force or logic in them. This letter of Adrian's did no
tom. i. execution, as one might well expect from the contents of it : it
p. 922—963. did no £ m tj ie least alter the sentiments of Charles the Great,
nor that of the Gallican Church, as appears by the council of
Frankfort, held in the year 794 ; where this question was fully
debated, the second Nicene council rejected, and all manner of
Concii. worship given to images flatly condemned,
p. 1057. And to finish this subject all at once, I shall break in a little

ce " t P g n ' upon the order of time, and subjoin the determination of the
p-145. council of Paris, convened in the vear 824.

J. fic COlltlCti

of Paris In the East, though the second Nicene council had restored

Ifnage- images in several places, yet the decrees of these Fathers were
worship. no t every where observed ; and at last Constantine, the em-
peror, declared against them ; and Leo the Fifth, his successor,
revived the late council of Constantinople. In the year 820,
Michael Balbus convened a council to take up the controversy
about images, and settle the peace of the Church. These
Fathers came to an agreement, and followed the sentiments of
the Gallican Church ; they allowed the use, but forbad the
worship. Some of the bigots for image- worship took a journey
to Rome to complain of this council. Upon this Michael sent
his ambassadors to the pope, to justify the proceedings, and
give satisfaction upon the point. They had likewise directions
given them by the emperor to apply to Ludovicus Pius to

cent, viii.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 333

strengthen their interests. This western emperor finding a offa,

fair opportunity to put an end to the dispute, sent Freculphus Mercians.

and Adegarius to Rome, to treat this affair ; but Ludovicus's wald,

envoys, perceiving the Romans averse to an accommodation, k. of the

desired the pope would consent that their master might debate brians.
this matter with his own bishops. The pope agreeing to the RIC "

motion, there was a synod held at Paris in the year above _£.< of the

mi- ■ i Ti i_# W. Saxons.

mentioned. The acts of this council being printed at t rankfort alricus,
in 1596, and Bellarmin not liking the contents, endeavours to . '"^
prove them spurious and counterfeited by the heretics. This 142.

cardinal makes several objections against the doctrine, manner, cent . g.'
and style of this book, published at Frankfort; but finding |jjjjj^ hfa
the authorities somewhat difficult to deal with, he concludes, Append, ad
that whether it be genuine or counterfeit, whether interpolated cuitu ima-
or wholly authentic, it is not at all material ; for in short, the P num -
book is not worth reading. And this is part of his method of
confuting the council of Paris. Sow"

But Baronius does not treat this record with such a strain p. 1047.
of contempt. He grants, that there was a meeting of the
French bishops at Paris, and that they decreed against the
worship of images. It is true, he quarrels with the title, sinks Baron -
them to a conference, and will not allow them the style of a p .' 726, 727.
synod : but this is nothing but disputing about a word. That
there was an ecclesiastical meeting at Paris upon this occasion
cannot be denied: the letters of Ludovicus Pius to pope
Eugenius II. and to Jeremy and Jonas, the emperor's am-
bassadors, put the matter beyond all question. The cardinal f™ c 'f
finding the fact could not be contested, endeavours to lessen P . 1648,
the credit of the Parisian prelates, and make them dwindle to ]650 ; ai
a conference. But Monsieur Du Pin seems more impartial in
his relation. He grants, that the council of Paris consisted of
the most considerable bishops of the kingdom, and that the
question was thoroughly examined ; that they had all the
memoirs relating to the controversy before them ; that they
read Adrian's first letter to Constantine and Irene upon this
subject ; that they perused the acts of the second Nicene
council, the Caroline books, together with the answer of pope
Adrian. In short, they commended the emperor for endea-
vouring to reconcile the Church, by pitching upon a middle
way. They complained of the excesses of the Roman practice

334 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book ii.

lam- in this point. And at last, decreed for the use, but against

Ab P . Cant, the worship of images.

^~Pi„ ' Things standing thus, with respect to this controversy, we

cen , t i 3 -,^ need not wonder to find the English Church remonstrate
against the second council of Nice ; to mark the innovation
with such sharpness of censure, and employ one of their ablest
pens in defence of the ancient practice. But Alcuinus 1 s book,
upon this subject, being not extant, the manner and circum-
stances of the dispute are lost with it.

a. d. 793. In the year 793, king Offa being thoroughly touched with
remorse for the barbarous murder of Ethelbert above mentioned,
made a grant to the Church of all the tithe in his dominions ;
and gave a great estate in land to the cathedral of Hereford,

Brompton. where king Ethelbert was buried.

'77H O

Soon after this munificence to the Church, Offa is said to

have had the place of St. Alban's relics discovered to him in a

dream ; in which he was directed to take them up, and put

King Offa them in a shrine. The king looking upon this dream as an

■monasteinj of admonition from heaven, acquainted Humbert, archbishop of

Matf * Paris Lichfield, with it. This prelate being satisfied with the rela-

Vita Offa, tion, sends for his suffragans, Ceolwulph of Lindsey, and Un-

deiuc. e won of Leicester, and meets the king at Verulam. And here,

as the historian goes on, the relics were discovered by a blaze

of light, shot down from the sky, upon the place. Being thus

directed to dig, they found the martyr's corpse in a wooden

coffin. The king put them in a rich shrine, plated with gold,

and ornamented with jewels. There was a vast concourse of

people at the taking up St. Alban's relics ; and which is more

remarkable, there were a great many miracles wrought in the

sight of the company, if Matthew Paris was not misinformed :

for he tells us, leprosies, palsies, and fevers were cured, the

sick received their health, the lame their limbs, the deaf and

blind their senses, and the dead were countermanded from the

other world, and brought to life again : and, as Matthew Paris

goes on, there was, as it were, a succession of miracles settled

Matt. Paris, upon the place ; which continued to his own time.

Offa did not stop here, in his respect to St. Alban, but
summoned a provincial council of the bishops and temporal
nobility at Verulam. And here it was unanimously agreed to
build a monastery in the place where the relics were dis-

cent, vin.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 335

covered : and to grace the establishment farther, and procure offa,
some privileges extraordinary, it was thought proper the king Mercians.
should go to Rome in person, and transact this affair with the -.y f^f,
pope. This resolution being executed accordingly, the king K. of the
was very honourably received by the court of Rome. The brians. "
pope commending him very much for the piety of his design, B ^j£ H "
and the honour he had done St. Alban, gave his consent for k. of the
the building and endowing the monastery, promised to take it alricus,
into his immediate protection, that it should be exempted from K - of Kent.
all episcopal or archiepiscopal jurisdiction, and be subject to no ^e goes to
authority but that of the Roman see. cureprivi-

The king being extremely pleased with the pope's com- exemption to
pliance, resolved to do something by way of acknowledgment, ^atf ^Paris
And going the next day into a school, founded at Rome by ibid. p. 29.
king Ina, for the education of the English, he settled a farther
maintenance upon it, ordering a penny to be collected yearly
of every family within his dominions, where the lands, not
including the tenements, amounted to thirty pence (I suppose
in the annual rent). This collection was to be levied upon all
the lands within the king's territories, excepting the estates
belonging to the monastery of St. Alban. Offa was directed
in this munificence by the precedent of king Ina, king of the 143.

West Saxons, who had led him the way, by settling the same
revenue upon his foundation at Rome.

And here we find the king's liberality very much misin- Peter pence
terpreted by Polydore Virgil, who calls this charity a sort of not homage.
quit-rent, or acknowledgment to the pope. He tells us that p %q '
king Offa travelled to Rome to receive absolution for his
misbehaviour ; that he made his kingdom, as it were, a fee of
the Roman see, and ordered a tax or quit-rent to be levied
upon every house, in acknowledgment of the pope's sovereignty.
Cardinal Baronius does not forget to insert this passage of
Polydore Virgil, calls Ina and Offa's charity a tributary pay-
ment, and makes the crown of England a homager to St.
Peter in his margin. Whereas it is plain this was no acknow- Baron.

OX 7 Af\

ledgment to the pope, but a revenue settled for the main- ' ^
tenance of an English school, and for the benefit of the
strangers of that nation who travelled thither. It is true they
were called Peter pence, but this was only because they were
paid upon the first of August, called St. Peters ad Vincula,
to perpetuate the memory of the discovery of St. Alban's

336 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book ft.

lam- relics, which were found upon this holy day. And thus, as
Abp. Cant, sir Henry Spelman observes, money due for land upon the
Mao? PaTb twenty-fifth of March is called our lady's rent. These Peter
vit Off. pence being due upon the first of August, in case there was
any default in the payment, the bishops, who were charged to
pay it to the pope's collectors, might be sued in the king's
court. Stow observes that king Edward III. in 1365 forbade
the paying and collecting these Peter pence ; and the same
historian adds that they amounted to three hundred marks,
but this was but a temporary stoppage, they being afterwards
collected till the payment was forbidden by act of parliament
25 Hen. 8. i n the reign of king Henry VIII. In king Offa's time this
collection was levied upon three-and-twenty counties ; for so
far his dominions extended, i. e. in the counties of Worcester
and Gloucester, belonging to the see of Worcester ; in War-
wickshire, Cheshire, Staffordshire, Shropshire, and Derbyshire,
then belonging to the bishopric of Lichfield ; in Leicester-
shire, being under the jurisdiction of the bishop of Legreces-
Matt. Paris, tria or Leicester ; in Lincolnshire, where the bishop's see was
at Lindsey ; in the counties of Northampton, Oxford, Bucking-
ham, Bedford, Huntingdon, Cambridge, and half Hertford-
shire ; which were all within the diocese of the bishop of
Dorchester in Oxfordshire ; in the counties of Essex, Middle-
sex, and half Hertfordshire, belonging to the see of London ;
in Norfolk and Suffolk, in which there were two bishop's sees,
one at Helmam, the other at Dunwich. Offa likewise was
king in Nottinghamshire, but the spiritual jurisdiction be-
longed to the archbishop of York. In all these counties, as
they were afterwards called, King Offa made a grant of these
Peter pence in the manner above mentioned.

After all it will bear a question whether these Peter pence

were any more than a pension from the crown in the reigns of

king Ina and Offa, and not levied as a tax upon the subject till

a great while after. There are several reasons which seem to

give a colour to this conjecture. First — In the letter of pope

Leo III. to king Kinulphus, dated about four years after

Offa's grant. In this letter the pope, mentioning king Offa's

bounty, takes notice of that prince's granting a yearly pension

Mancusa is of three hundred and sixty-five mancuses to St. Peter for the

s^dlUngTand maintenance of the poor, and providing lamps and candles at

sixpence. Rome, but says nothing of the Peter pence, which seems to

cknt. viii.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 337

look as if there was no such grant. This objection is some- offa,
what fortified by the testimony of Asserius Menevensis. This Medians.
annalist informs us that king Ethelwulf, who lived about fifty ^j™"
years after Offa, ordered three hundred mancuses to be sent to K. of the
Rome yearly for the benefit of his soul, two hundred of which Saxons.
were to furnish oil for the churches of St. Peter and St. Paul, e^^^
and the third hundred were to be presented to the pope. Ji £*•**"

But to the first of these authorities it may be answered, that Angl. Sacr.
the Peter pence being settled only for a support of the Eng- J^i.'
lish school and for the benefit of that nation residing there, j** Be £ ^"
the pope might consider this as a charity to the king's sub- inter Quin-
jects, and not thinking himself so much obliged to take notice tores.
of it as of a grant made in honour of St. Peter, and for the
immediate advantage of the Roman Church. And then as to
king Ethelwulf s benefaction in Asserius's annals, it does not
seem to be the same with that of king Offa, for here both the
sum and the uses are somewhat different ; Ethelwulf s bounty
not only falls short of Offa's by sixty-five mancuses, but like-
wise a hundred of them are made a present to the pope ;
whereas king Offa's are all to be expended upon lamps and the
poor. To this we may add, that the Peter pence granted by
king Ina and Offa are settled upon an English school ; but
OfiVs and Ethelwulf s mancuses are disposed of another way ;
now the uses being so very different it is unlikely the grants
should be the same. Further, the law of king Edward the
Confessor, which orders the payment of Peter pence, both as
to the sum and time above mentioned, does by no means prove
that they were not paid before ; neither do our historians make Lambert,
this king the beginner of the custom. This law therefore ^ o , m ha p°" 140#
may, without violence, be explained to mean no more than a
provision for the better satisfying the grant of king Offa, by
adding a new penalty for non-payment. It is probable like-
wise it may be made to clear some circumstances not formerly
ascertained ; for here it is provided that if any man has more
houses than one he is only to pay for that he dwells in. And ^

by the way the settlement is called the king's alms, or charity,
which is an argument that it was by no means looked upon as
any homage or acknowledgment to the pope.

Things being settled to OfiVs satisfaction at Rome, he
returned home, and with the consent of his great men finished
his project, built the abbey and church at St. Alban's, settled

vol. i. z

338 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book ii.

ATHEL- a vast estate upon the foundation, and furnished the house
Abr^Ca'nt w ^ n * ne Benedictine order.

King Offa's settlement of the Peter pence upon the English

Matt. Paris,

ibid. school at Rome was countenanced by Charles the Great, who,

GestfcRe- e m h' s letter to king Offa, grants a free passport to the English

PiT'f fTfi w ^° travelled to Rome out of devotion, and exempts them from

Maimesb. the payment of toll and custom. In this letter Charles the

Great informs the king that he had sent several rich habits to

the English bishops desiring them to pray for the soul of the

late pope Adrian ; not that he questioned the happiness of that

prelate, but only to shew his affection and pay a regard to the

Maimesb.de memory of his friend.

Gestis Re- From this letter we may collect the correspondence between

gum Angl. J r

). 1. fol. 17. Offa and Charles the Great. Malmesbury observes that this
prince being one of Offa's allies, was a great support to his
government, and prevented the malcontents, which were very

Ibid. numerous, from giving him any disturbance. And thus the

latter part of his reign proving smooth and easy, he declared
his son Egfert his successor, and gave him the solemnity of a
coronation. Egfert gave great expectations of a good

a. d. 796. governor, but his reign was very short ; he was taken off in
the flower of his age, and survived his father but four months.
Kenulphus, his successor, though he came to the crown with
great reputation, yet his conduct exceeded his character, for
as Malmesbury reports, he scarce ever did anything liable to
censure or misconstruction. He was very remarkable both
for his conscience and courage ; a brave victorious general, and
a devout Christian ; no less humble and condescensive in his
temper than great in his dignity and success. This prince, as
Malmesbury continues, restored the ancient jurisdiction to
the see of Canterbury, of which more by and by. But though
he was thus favourable to the archbishop, he had an old quarrel
to the little crown of Kent ; and therefore receiving no satis-
faction, he harassed the country with his army, and at last
took king Edbrith, or Pren, prisoner. But afterwards he

Maimesb. was so numane a s to give him his liberty, though without any

ibid. fol. 13. part of his dominions, for he disposed of the kingdom of Kent

King Remit- L J 1 °

phusS letter to Cuthred.

fortleretfi- Kenulphus being resolved to do right to the see of Canter-
tution of the bury, and procure the enlargement of that province to its ancient

province of * *■ ° L

Canterbury, extent, wrote to pope Leo III. for his concurrence and appro-

cent, vin.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 339

bation. Athelard, archbishop of Canterbury, going to Rome KENUL-
about this time to solicit the interest of his see, might possibly k. of the
carry the king's letter ; it is couched in terms of great cere- v Merc i ap8 - ,
mony and religious submission, and runs to this purpose : —
" The king promises to be governed by the pope's decision,
and to execute his orders to the utmost of his power ; he a. d. 798.
desires his holiness would adopt him for his son, and engages
his affection and duty shall answer up to that relation." After
this strain of respect he puts the pope in mind that king Offa,
out of disaffection to archbishop Lambert, and the court of
Kent, endeavoured to canton out the province, and maim the
privileges of that see. That the late pope Adrian, at the Maimesb.
instance of the Mercian king above mentioned, ventured upon
an unprecedented stretch of authority, broke in upon the
settlement of pope Gregory the Great, and raised the see of
Lichfield to an archbishopric. He desires the pope would
return him and the English bishops a favourable answer ; that
the case may be thoroughly considered ; that justice may be
done, and such measures laid down as may prevent the island
from running into a schism. The king likewise mentions a
letter written to the pope by archbishop Athelard and the rest
of the bishops of that province, and desires his holiness's judg-
ment and direction upon the contents.

To this letter pope Leo III. returns an answer, which, being TJie pope's
somewhat long, 1 shall only give the reader part of it. He ]^ s i etter .
acquaints the king that archbishop Athelard was well
received at Rome, and assisted to support his character.
Then he puts Kenulphus in mind of the authority of that
prelate, and that himself had empowered him to excommuni-
cate any irregular person, kings not excepted, within his
jurisdiction. And as to the case in hand, he gives the king to
understand he had satisfied his request in behalf of Athelard ;
and since he was deprived of the jurisdiction of several dioceses
and monasteries, against justice and reason, he should be re-
stored to them. And therefore, in virtue of his apostolical
authority, he returns him the same metropolitical power
and privilege which Augustine enjoyed by the constitution of
Gregory the Great.

And thus, at the instance of king Kenulphus, Leo reversed The arch-
the order of his predecessor Adrian, extinguished the archi- Lichfield
episcopal character at Lichfield, and made that bishop suffragan extinguished.

z 2

340 ECCLESIASTICAL HTSTORY [book it.

athel- to Canterbury as formerly. The famous Alcuinus was willing

A R F)

Abp. Cant, to make this disappointment easy to Aldulphus, late arch-
"* bishop of Lichfield. To this purpose he writes a letter to
Athelard, in which, after having congratulated his success at
Rome, and the restitution of his province, he desires Aldulphus
might have the honour of the pall continued to him, though
without any authority to consecrate bishops, or execute any
Maimesb. de part of the metropolitical function. From hence it appears,
tif. Angl. by the doctrine of this age, that the wearing the pall was
145. sometimes no more than a mark of honour ; and that there was

no archiepiscopal jurisdiction necessarily implied in it. Malmes-
bury assigns the success of this affair in a great measure to the
conduct and abilities of Athelard, of whom he gives an extraor-
dinary character, both for his management, learning, and piety.
The synod of About this time, or it may be a year before, there was a synod
Fmchcde. jjeld ^ Phincahnhall or Finchale, in the kingdom of North-
umberland. It was composed of the principal clergy and laity
of that government. The design of the meeting was, to bring
up the regulation of discipline and manners to the old standard,
and to revive several constitutions relating to Church and
State, which began to grow into disuse. And here archbishop
Eanbald ordered the canons and creed of the first five general
councils to be read over ; all which were unanimously received
Speiman, by this synod.

vol. l. p. 316". As for the kingdom of Northumberland, it had been miser-
Tlie perfi- ably harassed with civil distractions for some time : for not to
'cmTdisLv- men ti° n the murder of king Oswolf, the expulsion of Aired and
aity of the Ethelbert, the two next successors ; Celwald, or Alfwald, mis-
bricms. carried by the usual perfidiousness of his subjects, being assas-
sinated in the twelfth year of his reign. He was succeeded by
Osred, Alred's son, who, being deposed within a year, made
way for Ethelbert or Athelred. This prince, who was the son
of Mollo, recovered his crown after twelve years' exile ; but
shared the fate of his predecessors, being barbarously murdered
about four years after his restoration. Most of the bishops
and temporal nobility, being shocked at these frequent returns
of treason and rebellion, quitted the country. Alcuinus reports,
that Charles the Great was extremely offended with the
disloyalty of the Northumbrians, branded them with the cha-
racter of perfidious regicides, declared them worse than hea-
thens, and had he not been softened bv the intercession of

cent, viii.] OF CREAT BRITAIN. 341

Alcuinus, resolved to revenge the quarrel of their princes, and kenul-

distress them to the utmost of his power. K of t k h ' c

After Athelred no body durst venture upon the crown of 3r7th S '
Northumberland. Those of the blood choosing rather to wave ^Ric,
their pretensions and live privately, than accept a royal character west

with so much hazard. And thus the throne continuing empty cuth
for about three-and-thirty years, the country became both a REI ?,

jest and a prey to their neighbours. For in this interval, the
Danes being encouraged by the report of their countrymen, Gestis Re-
who came first upon the discovery of this island, made a second pj n ^^
expedition with a much greater force, got footing in the king-
dom of Northumberland, and held it till the year 827, when
the country being tired with the interregnum and ravages of
the Danes, followed the precedent of the other parts of the
heptarchy, and submitted to Egbert king of the West

o _„_ Maluicsb.

©axons. ibid fol 14

To return to the Church : about the time, as has been already
observed, that Kenulphus moved for the restitution of the
rights of the see of Canterbury, Athelard the archbishop took
a journey to Rome. The design of this voyage, amongst other
things, was most probably to procure his pall, as appears from
a letter of all the bishops and clergy of England, written to "^ 9 D ' ' y8,
the pope about this time, and upon this subject. In this letter A le l' er : ! /,
they acquaint the pope of their being informed from Bede's bishops t« the
Ecclesiastical History, that their ancient predecessors were ^^4- ^
not fatigued with a journey to Rome to procure the pall, as drance -
has been customary of late : that pope Boniface sent Justus,
archbishop of Canterbury, the pall, and empowered him to con-
secrate bishops : that both Justus and Mellitus had their epis-
copal character from Augustine the monk : that Justus ordained
Paulinus, who had a pall sent him by pope Honorius, and fixed
his archiepiscopal see at York. That Paulinus, after the
death of Justus, consecrated Honorius archbishop of Canterbury,
who likewise had a pall sent him by pope Honorius, together
with a letter, by virtue of which, upon the death of the arch-
bishop of York or Canterbury, the surviving metropolitan was
to consecrate another in his room. This was done to prevent
the inconveniency of a vacancy, which must have followed from
a voyage to Rome undertaken by the new elect. They like- Angi. Sacr.
wise suggest to his holiness, that the celebrated Alcuinus, in j^j 46 2
his letter to king Offa, was positively of opinion, that upon the

342 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book ii.

athel- vacancy of a see, the archbishop of one province in England
Abp R Ca'nt. was to be consecrated by a prelate of the same dignity in the

1 ' other, and that the pope was obliged to send the pall upon

notice of the consecration. That the differences among the
English princes had broke through this regulation ; but then
this innovation was by no means justifiable : for the canons
are plain and decisive, that the constitutions of the Church are
not to be disturbed by the State, nor set aside by any misunder-
standings between one prince and another. From hence they
proceed to give broad signs, as if they believed the avarice of
the court of Rome was the cause of this new practice. They
put the pope in mind, that in old time his predecessors governed
themselves exactly by our Saviour's precept, " freely ye have
Matt. x. 8. received, freely give." At that time of day, simony had no
influence upon promotions, nor was a holy character set to sale.
And it is to be feared, as they conclude, that they who sell the
spiritual function, and the gift of God, may make themselves
Acts viii. 20. liable to St. Peter's curse upon Simon Magus, "thy money
perish with thee, for thou hast neither part nor lot in this

■n

Angi. Sacr. matter.

There is a council said to be at Becanceld about this time ;
but since, by the matter treated, and the bishop's subscriptions,
it seems to be the same with that convened at Clovesho in
the year 803, I shall defer the account of it to that period.
Sir Henry Spelman makes two considerable objections against

146. the existence of this synod at Becanceld : first, archbishop Athel-
ard mentions an order of pope Leo, which he seems to have
received himself from the pope's hands. Whereas Athelard
had not made his voyage to Rome, or at least could not be
returned when this synod is supposed to be held. Secondly,
Aldulphus of Lichfield stands very low upon the subscription
list, notwithstanding he was not deprived of his metropolitical
dignity ; and yet, in the council of Clovesho, held about five
years after, he has a more honourable place, signs next to the
archbishop of Canterbury, though in this synod his authority

Concii. ' was lessened, and his figure sunk to that of a diocesan bishop.

vol. 1.

p. 317, 318.

In the year of our Lord 800, we have better authority for a

a. d. sob. synod held at Clovesho. King Kenulphus was present at this

ciovedw. councu i an d so was Athelard with all his suffragans, and most

of the considerable persons both of Church and State. And

cent, ix.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 343

here, the archbishop in the first place, inquired into the ortho- kenul-
doxy and behaviour of the province : and having received a k. of the
satisfactory answer, proceeded to recover the revenues of the ep^pr^
Church. The main business related to the abbey of Cotham, k. of the'
founded by Athelbald, king of the Mercians, and settled upon Saxons.
Christ's Church in Canterbury, where the king's charters were C rei?
preserved. These evidences were afterwards stolen away by K - of Kent.
two persons in archbishop Cuthbert's family, and conveyed to
Kenulphus, king of the West Saxons ; who being possessed
of the title, seized the lands of the monastery. The country
where the estate lay was afterwards conquered by Offa from
the West Saxons, and detained by him ; but his successor ibid.
Kenulphus being a prince of great piety and justice, resigned
up the abbey to Christ's Church, sent them money for their
arrears, and returned them their charters and deeds.

Three years forward will bring us to another council at Another
Clovesho, in which archbishop Athelard was present with t'fovesho.
twelve of his comprovincials. At the opening of this synod,
the archbishop takes notice of the injustice of the late king
Offa, who presumed, as the Latin expresses it, to split the pro-
vince, and deprive the see of Canterbury of its ancient dignity
and privileges. Upon this, he acquaints them with pope Leo's
constitution for restoring the full jurisdiction. And then, in
virtue of the pope's authority and that of the present synod,
he proceeds to denounce the highest censures against any
bishop or prince, that should attempt the like encroachment
for the future. This point being settled, the synod decreed
excommunication against those of the laity that should take
the government of a monastery upon them. The monks were
likewise forbidden under the same penalty to choose any secular
man for their abbot, who had not been educated to a monastic
life, and entered within the rule of some order. Speiman,

Before we take leave of this council, we must observe, there are vol. l.
some chronological difficulties in the subscriptions. For, ac- p ' 317 ' 324,
cording to the Fasti Saviliani, Werebert, bishop of Leicester,
Almund, of Winchester, and Osmund, of London, were not
promoted to their respective sees till some years after this
council is said to be held. And granting this mistake may be F J a ^ t - s ^'

& 6 J ad fin. In-

occasioned by the negligence of those that transcribed the guiph. edit.
council, or supposing the Fasti mistaken, there is another sin-
gularity in the subscription-roll ; and that is, the bishop's list

344

ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book ii.

a. d. 804.
Alcuin? s

death and
character.

A ard L ^ 0eS no ^ S ^ anc ^ % itself, as is customary ; but every bishop has
Abp. Cant, several abbots and priests immediately subjoined to his name ;
and sometimes there are deacons added to them ; and under
Athelard's subscription, we have one Wulfrid an archdeacon,
who signs after the priests of Canterbury diocese. Now this
is the first time we meet with a clergyman of this character in
the English synods : upon the whole, the abbots, priests and
deacons being set close to their respective bishops, looks, as if
the matter had been transacted in several diocesan synods :
and, upon the bishops meeting at the council of Clovesho, the
subscriptions of the diocesan synods might probably be thrown
into a body, and suffered to pass in the form and order they
were received.

The next year the famous Albin or Alcuin, departed this
life. He was born in the kingdom of the Northumbrians, and
educated under Egbert, archbishop of York. He was an ex-
traordinary genius, a profound scholar, and a considerable
master of style ; especially considering the declension of elocu-
tion in that age. He was bred a Benedictine monk, and lived
unexceptionably by the rules of his order. He spent some part
of his time in the abbey of St. Augustine's, Canterbury, where,
upon the first vacancy, he was chosen abbot. He quitted this
monastery upon archbishop Egbert's invitation to York, where,
beside the Hebrew and Greek languages, he taught philosophy
and divinity. And now, the reputation of his learning reaching
to foreign countries, Lugderus Frisius, first bishop of Munster,
and the famous Rhabanus Maurus, came over for his instruc-
tions. He was afterwards, as has been already observed, sent
ambassador by king Offa to Charles the Great, to treat a peace.
And here, the emperor was so charmed with his learning, tem-
per, and abilities, that he procured leave for him to stay at his
court : he taught this prince logic, rhetoric, astronomy, and
mathematics, and was very serviceable to him in the direction
of his conscience and administration. He persuaded him to
found the university of Paris, and sent for some of his scholars
out of England ; as Johannes Scotus, and several others, to
profess the sciences, and instruct the French nobility. And
thus, the French owe their progress in the polite part of learn-
ing, their improvements in philosophy, and a great part of
their divinity, to the interest and instructions of Alcuin and
147. his English acquaintance. Neither was France the only country

cent, ix.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 345

indebted to Alcuin upon this score : for he disposed the em- kenul-
peror to oblige Italy in the same manner, and found the univer- k. of the
sity of Pavia : and hither Johannes Scotus was sent to en- Egbert
courage the beginning, and set up a professor's chair. And K. of the
thus we see how great a benefactor Alcuin was to the common- Saxons.
wealth of learning. The emperor gave him the government of B ^^'
several abbeys, particularly that of St. Martin's of Tours, in K. of Kent.
which society he died. He wrote a great many books, the Pits de
mention of which would be too long to give the reader. Scriptor. 1 * 8

However, it may not be improper to give a farther idea of ^" jE^
the genius and primitive spirit of this great man from some of Hist. cent. 8.
his writings. I shall pitch upon two of his letters to Adelred, pofychron:
king of Northumberland ; in which address he treats this prince L 5 - p - 23 *"
with the freedom and honesty of a Christian priest, gives him
a great deal of good advice about the management of the
office, and enforces his arguments with the terrors of the other
world. Upon the whole, he makes use of great plain dealing,
but not without decency of application. His manner likewise
is not unentertaining, and the turns of his pen are more lively
and polite than the generality of writers of this age. To give
the English reader a short instance : Alcuin, declaiming
against the danger of ambition and covetousness, and how
much a man betrays his own interest by grasping too eagerly
at the world, has these expressions : " Who will you be gene-
rous to,' 11 says he, " if you refuse to do any thing for your own
soul ? Or who can expect you should be true to another when
you are false to yourself? And what reason have you to rely
upon your neighbour, when you cannot be brought to do a real
good turn to your own person? You take a great deal of
pains to amass wealth, and make a figure in a place where you
only pass through, and are not at all solicitous to secure an
interest where you must dwell for ever. 1 '

In his second letter to Adelred, he mentions a descent of the
Danes upon the coast of Northumberland, complains of the
dissolution of manners among the English, and exhorts them

to a reformation. See Records,

To proceed. This year, or the last, Athelard, archbishop
of Canterbury, died, and was succeeded by Wulfrid, a monk
of Christ's Church, Canterbury, who received his pall from Saxon
Rome in the year 804. ChrouoL

346

ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book n.

WUL-
FRID,

Abp. Cant.

a. d. 808.
The pretend-
ed restitution
of Ardulph,
king of
Northum-
berland, ex-
amined, and
Baronius's
inference
disproved.

Baron.
a. d. 808.
p. 534.

About four years farther, we meet with a remarkable story
in Baronius, relating to the English heptarchy. The cardinal
tells us, that Ardulph, king of Northumberland, being dispos-
sessed by his subjects, was restored by the interest of the pope's
legate and Charles the Great.

The relation runs thus, as Baronius transcribed it from the
French annals, written in the reign of Ludovicus Pius, son of
Charles the emperor: "Ardulph, king of Northumberland,
being expelled his dominions by his subjects, addressed himself
to the emperor at Nimeguen ; and after having laid his busi-
ness before that prince, he travels on to Rome, and returning
thence, was restored to his crown by the interest of the pope's
legate and the emperor's ambassadors. For the transacting
this affair, pope Leo dispatched his legate Adolphus, an English
deacon, into Britain. The emperor likewise sent Rathfrid and
Nazarius, with the character of ambassadors, along with them.
This was so powerful an interposition, that Ardulph was re-
admitted to the government without the least difficulty; the
Northumbrians, as the cardinal infers, looking upon it as an
unpardonable crime not to comply with the pope and the
emperor.'' 1 Upon the credit of these annals, the cardinal
breaks out into a mighty strain of satisfaction, and flourishes
upon the pope's power at a surprising rate. " Do not you per-
ceive, 11 says he, " the force of the pope's authority made out by
matter of fact I The emperor was conscious of his defect of
jurisdiction in the case. He was sensible he had no right to
restore a dispossessed prince ; but being satisfied this great
thing was in the pope's power, he sent king Ardulph to Rome
to get himself reinforced with the pope's authority." And
going on with his transport of pleasure, " You see, 11 says the
cardinal, "what a deference the English had for the pope;
what a submission they paid to his instructions ! That though
they were so far dipped in treason, and ready to run mad with
ambition to seize the throne, yet when the pope came to under-
take the quarrel, they changed their temper, and dropped their
project, and received their abdicated king without the least
opposition. 11

In answer to this flourish, we may observe, in the first
place, that the matter of fact seems suspicious, and the anony-
mous French annals a very questionable authority ; for this

cent, ix.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 347

story contradicts Malraesbury, who tells us there was an inter- kenul-
regnum in the Northumbrian kingdom, after the murder of k. of the
Ethelred, for three-and-thirty years ; that then they submitted egbert
to Egbert, king of the West Saxons. If this be true, there K. of the'
could be no such king of Northumberland as Ardulph in the Saxons,
year 809, to which time the cardinal assigns his restoration. B r^ j d"
And Henry of Huntingdon, though he owns such a king as K - of Kent -
Ardulph in Northumberland, and reports his expulsion by his
subjects, yet he seems plainly to deny his being restored ; for
he adds, that the frenzy and immorality of the people kept them
in a state of anarchy for some time, and that then they sub- Ma } mesb de
mitted to Egbert, king of the West Saxons. To proceed to Gcstis Re -
the rest of the English historians. Matthew of Westminster PTfolAi
relates the dispossession, but says nothing of his recovery. Matt. West.
And as for Asserius Menevensis and Higden, they do not so q^j rat '
much as take notice of Ardulph's being expelled. Now, the
English historians being silent in so remarkable a revolution, ] 48.

it is a strong argument the story is false, and that Baronius's
French annalist, to say the best of him, wrote upon rumour, or
mistaken memoirs. But granting the truth of this imaginary
restoration, it will fall short of the cardinal's purpose. Suppose
Ardulph was restored at the motion of the legate and ambas-
sadors, might not the latter have the greatest weight in the
negotiation ? It is likely the Northumbrians were more influ-
enced by the emperor than by the pope. The emperor was a
very powerful prince, and a near neighbour ; it is not therefore
unlikely but that they might be overawed by the terror of his
arms, and afraid to deny him his request. Besides, if the pope
had any share in the accommodation, the cardinal's inference
will by no means follow ; for is there no difference between
rhetoric and right ? Between mediation and authority ? Be-
tween yielding to the reason of the case, and submitting out of
mere duty? The Northumbrians may be supposed to pay a
regard to the pope, without owning his supremacy in a tempo-
ral concern ; but, as I observed, it is more likely they should
be wrought on by fear, and swayed by the emperor's ambassa-
dors ; for people that can run through murder and treason, do Maimesb.de
not use to be so full of conscience in other matters as the car- GestisEe ;
dinal would make them. If they had been governed by religion, 1. 1. fol. li
they would have used their kings better; and if they were
not, it is hard to imagine what should make them so submis-

348 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book 11.

wul- sive to the pope. But it seems Charles the Great knew the
Abp. Cant, pope could command the affair, and therefore sent king Ar-
Baron^ ibid, dulph to address his holiness. It is true Baronius, in his
reflections, says so ; but this is more than appears from the
French annalist, even as he is cited by the cardinal ; for that
historian relates no more than that Ardulph, after he had
informed the emperor of his misfortune, went presently from
Nimeguen to Rome. And who can wonder that a prince in
his condition was willing to fortify his interest, and get as
many friends as he could ? However, the cardinal will needs
have it, that the emperor knew the pope had sufficient autho-
rity to restore king Ardulph ; but how could this be ? Was
the pope the supreme governor in temporal affairs, by virtue of
his succession to St. Peter ? Or were the ancient rights of the
Roman empire in Britain devolved on him? Or was the
kingdom of the Northumbrians a fee of the see of Rome?
Did the emperor know any thing of all this ? No ; none of
these pretences were set up at this time of day. Charles the
Condi. Great knew himself to be emperor of the Romans, and, by

Labbe, , . . .. m ...

tom. 7. consequence, that the pope was his subject, lo conclude.

Jj 61 ' The cardinal argues from precarious topics, and erects a mighty

building upon no foundation ; by which we may see how far

favour and prepossession may sometimes stifle sense, and work

upon a great understanding.

To say something of the State. Brithric, king of the West
Saxons, dying in the year 800, was succeeded by Egbert, de-
scended from the brother of king Ina. This Egbert making a
King Eg- promising appearance in his youth, Brithric grew jealous, and
against the designed to dispatch him. Egbert having notice his life was in
Cornwall danger, retired to Offa, king of the Mercians ; but this protec-
a j><i South tion was quickly at an end : for Brithric, getting intelligence
of his retreat, sent ambassadors to Offas court to demand him ;
and to succeed the better in their negotiation, they carried a
large present with them. They likewise moved for a stricter
alliance betwixt the two crowns, and proposed a marriage be-
Maimesb.de tween Brithric and king- Offa's daughter. And thus Offa, who

Gestis Re- °

cum. Angi. would have held out against menacing and rough usage, was

ibid. ° gained by offers of friendship. Egbert, perceiving there was

no safety at this court, withdrew privately, and set sail for

France. This voyage proved very serviceable to him, and

improved him beyond the opportunities of his own country ;

cent, ix.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 349

the French at that time being the most considerable of any kenul-
western nation, both for the art and exercises of war, and the ^ ^th'e
politeness of their court. Upon the death of Brithric, Egbert Mercians.
was invited to the succession, and accepted the crown ; and £ of the '
being a prince of great prudence and courage, governed much ^J;
to the satisfaction of his subjects. His first military attempt B £*g-
was upon the Cornish Britons ; here he made a perfect con- k. of Kent,
quest, and annexed them to his own dominions. His next 1. D /809.
expedition was against the Britons in South Wales, whom he
defeated, and forced them upon homage and contribution. Matt. West.

While Egbert was carrying on the course of his victories in An.'cW'
the western part of the island, the Mercian kingdom was undis- 81 °-
turbed, and at leisure for religious consultations. There was
a council convened at Celichyth, or Calcuith, upon the six-and-
twentieth of July, in the year of our Lord 816; it was com-
posed of the bishops south of Humber, within the respective
kingdoms of the East Angles, Mercians, Kent, and the West
Saxons. Wulfrid, archbishop of Canterbury, presided, and
had the assistance of twelve of his suffragans. Kenulphus,
king of the Mercians, with his temporal nobility, was at the
council. The abbots, priests, and deacons of the province
were likewise convened upon the occasion.

There are eleven canons drawn up by this provincial council. Tiie council
By the first canon, after a recital of the Catholic faith, the^f D 8 16. '
ancient constitutions of the Church are decreed to be observed.

The second canon orders all churches to be consecrated by
the bishop of the diocese. The circumstances mentioned are
these : The bishop is to bless the holy water, and sprinkle it
according to the ritual. Then the eucharist, being consecrated Liber Minis-
by the bishop, is to be put in a pix, with some relics, and kept
in the church ; and in case there are no relics to be procured,
the consecrated elements being the body and blood of our 149.

Saviour, are sufficient for this purpose. And, lastly, every
bishop is obliged to draw the figure of the saints to whom the
church is dedicated either upon the wall, on a board, or upon

the altar. - Spelnian,

The third canon, providing for the union and good under- SJJJj^ 327.
standing of the province, recommends an uniformity of doc- **& deinc.
trine and practice, and presses impartiality in judicial proceed-
ings without favour or flattery of any person whatsoever.
The reason of this advice is drawn from their being all officers

350 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book n.

wul- in the same employment, servants to the same master, and
Abp. Cant, members of the same body, of which Christ is the head.

The fourth lays down the qualification of abbots and ab-
besses, and orders they should be chosen by the joint consent
of the bishop and convent.

The fifth declares against allowing any Scotchman to bap-
tize, read divine service, give the eucharist, or perforin any
part of the sacerdotal office. The reason of this prohibition
was, because it was uncertain whether those of that nation
were in orders, or of whom they received them.

The sixth canon confirms the determinations of the bishops
in former synods ; and that whatever is agreed on in such
public assemblies, and attested with the sign of the Cross,
ought to stand firm and uncontested. — The latter part of the
canon decrees, that if any person shall be charged with any
crime, and summoned to the synod ; if he appears accordingly,
offers thrice to answer the objections, and purge himself; if
in this case the prosecutor refuses to join issue, and insists
upon longer time, he shall lose the advantage of his articles,
and be barred from all future advantage against the defendant.

By the seventh it is decreed, that neither bishops, abbots,
nor abbesses, who are entrusted with the estates of religious
houses, shall lessen their revenues, or convey away any part of
the lands, unless it be by way of lease for one life ; and even
this is not to be done without the leave and consent of the
convent. It is likewise ordered, that the original charters,
the rentals, and terriers be preserved to prevent disputes about
the title, and secure the interest of the premises ; and that
the abbots, those who are appointed to guard the privileges,
and manage the estates of the monasteries, shall upon no
pretence alienate, or engage any part of it, unless in case of
extreme famine, or (when the country is overrun by an army)
to make a composition with the enemy, to secure the society
from the loss of their whole fortune or freedom.

The eighth canon determines that monasteries which are
settled by the bishops, and formed under the rule of any
order, or where the abbot or abbess is blessed by the bishop,
with the conveyance of character and jurisdiction, shall always
remain under the same state of religious distinction ; and that
no part of their estate shall be embezzled or sold off, unless in
case of extreme necessity. But the purport of this canon

cent, ix.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 351

beine: much the same with the last, I shall mention no more of KENUL-
it, excepting that clause which forbids secular persons either k. of the
to have the government of monasteries, or so much as to live ^ e B C ER T '
in them. K - ° f tlie

West

By the ninth canon, every bishop is obliged to take a copy Saxons.
of the acts of the synod, and particularly of that which belongs B ^^'
to the regulation of his own diocese : and in this transcript he K - of Kent.
is to set down the year of our Lord, the archbishop's name
that presided in the council, together with the rest of the
suffragans ; the addition of these circumstances being neces-
sary to attest the authenticity of the copy, and prevent the
cavils of those who shall find themselves censured. And that
in case of any prosecution, upon the breach of any canons, the
person prosecuted shall be allowed a copy of the synod.

The tenth canon regulates the funerals of bishops ; particu-
larly it is decreed, that upon the death of any bishop, the tenth
part of his personal estate shall be distributed to the poor,
and all his English slaves shall be manumised, that by this
charitable distribution, the happiness of the deceased person
may be heightened, and his failings overlooked. And all
bishops are bound to take care that this provision be secured
for themselves, and rather increased than lessened in the pro-
portion. And it is likewise provided, that a bell shall be tolled
in the churches of the respective monasteries ; that the reli-
gious shall all repair thither, and sing thirty psalms for the
soul of the deceased. And, afterwards, that every bishop and
abbot take care that six hundred psalms be sung, and a hun-
dred and twenty masses said ; that they enfranchise three of
their slaves, and give them three shillings a-piece ; and that
all the monks should fast a day ; that the deceased prelate
should have a particular share in the offices of the church for
thirty days together ; and that then the monks should be
treated at table, with the entertainment of a festival.

The eleventh and last canon enjoins, in conformity to the
ancient constitutions, that no bishop should encroach upon
the diocese of another, either by consecrating churches or
ordaining priests or deacons, the archbishop of the province
excepted ; who, upon the score of his being the head of his
suffragans, is not comprehended within the common restraint.
No part, therefore, of the episcopal function is to be executed
within a foreign jurisdiction without the diocesan's leave.

150.

352 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book ti.

avul- And if any prelate acts contrary to this canon, he shall be
Abp. Cant, obliged to penance and satisfaction, at the discretion of the
v ' archbishop, unless the quarrel is settled before it comes to
his cognizance.

The canon proceeds to lay an injunction upon the priests
or second order : that they should not grasp at any business
above their commission, nor perform any offices in the Church
beyond their bishop's licence ; unless in the cases of baptism
and visiting the sick ; the meaning is, that they were not to
act upon their character in a foreign diocese, unless in the two
instances above mentioned, which were sometimes cases of
necessity, and would not admit of delay. And therefore the
synod commands their respective priests not to deny the office
of baptism to any person, under the penalty of being suspended
ab officio. The priests are likewise enjoined not to sprinkle
the infants at baptism, but dip them in the font ; this cir-
cumstance of immersion being proposed to us as a precedent
by our blessed Saviour, who was thus baptized in the river

Spelmat., Jordan.

Concii. ibid. a s hort remark upon some of these canons may not be

Some re- L •> \

marks upon improper ; for from hence the reader may be farther informed
s counci . o j. ^ e discipline and customs of the old English Church.
From hence, likewise, we may in some measure collect how
far they depended upon the authority of their own body.

From the second canon's declaring, that the preserving the
eucharist in a pix is sufficient, without any other relics, at the
consecration of a church, we may conclude the English pre-
lates did not look upon the second Nicene synod as a general
council, or conceive themselves bound by the regulations made
there. For in this second canon they decree a contradiction
to the second council of Nice, and seem to despise the censure
of those Fathers. For in the seventh canon of the second
Nicene council it is positively decreed, that those churches
that are consecrated without martyrs' 1 relics, must have some
brought to them to be deposited there with the usual form of
prayer. " And if any bishop shall consecrate a church for the
future without such holy relics, let him be deposed for making
Condi. a breach upon ecclesiastical tradition. 1 "' But the council of
tom. 7. Calcuith tells us plainly, there is no necessity of martyrs"' relics
p. 907. in the case above mentioned, but that the consecrated ele-
ments are sufficient for that purpose. By this synod of Cal-

c int. ix.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 353

cuitlVs decreeing; counter to the second council of Nice in the kenul-

PHUS

foregoing instance, we may infer, that the drawing of the k. of the
picture of the saint to whom the Church was dedicated, men- j^bert
tioned in the close of this canon, was only done in an historical K. of the

"VVcst

way, and in honour to the memory of the person represented. Saxons.
But how strongly the English Church had lately declared B ^^'
against the worship of images, and that with reference to the K - of Kent-
second council of Nice, has been shown already, and therefore
I shall add nothing farther.

The fifth canon not allowing the Scotch clergy, who travelled
hither, the exercise of any part of the sacerdotal office, is an
argument that the English and Scotch Churches lived in no
close correspondence ; and that though the latter had con-
formed in the point of Easter, yet there seems to have been
some other remaining differences between them. It is probable
the Scots might think the English had gone too far in their
submissions to the see of Rome: that they themselves main-
tained their ancient privileges, and stood off from the modern
servitude. The reason mentioned in the canon why the Scots
were not admitted to officiate is, because it was uncertain
whether, or by whom, they were ordained. From whence it
is plain they did not admit of ordination from all hands, and
that these Scottish clergy did not travel with dimissory letters,
or a certificate of their orders : from all which, and by the
last words in the canon, we may conclude there was a very cool
understanding between these two Churches.

To proceed : by the sixth canon, decreeing the regulations
of the bishops, made in former synods, are not to be altered
or contested, we may infer that the spiritual legislative
authority was lodged in that order. It is true, the canon
urges the subscription of the kings as one reason why none of
their successors should attempt any alteration. To which we Speiman,
may add, that Kenulphus, king of the Mercians, was present V oTl!p.329.
at this council : but was not the subscription of princes to a
council somewhat singular, and uncustomary ? Yes, without
doubt. And, therefore, unless some charters of lands or pri-
vileges are granted by the crown, or some other temporal
affairs transacted in the council, we seldom or never find a
prince upon the subscription list. And if there are any in- Vide Spei-
stances to be found, it is possible the prince might subscribe ™* n \. oncl '
as a witness, or to give the Church a security, that the canons

vol. i. a a

354

ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book ii.

WULF-
RID,

Abp. Cant.

Speluian,
ibid.

Consecratio
eorum, ibid.

151.

Bede,Opusc
ep. ad Eg-
bert, p. 259,
et deinc.

Ibid. p. 261

should be taken into his protection, and the execution of them
enforced with the civil authority. But let this be as it will ;
it is plain that the kings did not vote in synods, where nothing
but ecclesiastical matters were treated. For the decreeing
part, the sentence, and sanction is assigned to the bishops,
and the canons are called judicia episcoporum. This expres-
sion seems likewise to strike the abbots, the priests, and dea-
cons, out of all legislative capacity ; and that these lower
orders were convened by the bishops, only for their advice to
prefer petitions, and represent the condition of the places they
came from.

The eighth canon is supposed to distinguish those religious
houses, where the abbots and abbesses had been blessed or
consecrated by the diocesan, from others of a secular charac-
ter ; and that no laymen are allowed to be abbots, or so much
as to live in such societies. This distinction infers, that there
were some collegiate foundations whither people retired for
privacy and religion, without being tied to the strictness and
particularities of a monastic rule. This custom is supposed
to be referred to by Bede in his epistle to Egbert. But under
favour, I question whether this place will furnish a precedent :
for Bede, in his letter, after a great deal of complaint and satire
against the abuses in religious houses, takes notice, as an in-
stance of what he had been declaiming against, that in some
places laymen of figure erected monasteries, and made them-
selves abbots without submitting to any order, or taking any
religious character upon them. He adds, likewise, that their
wives made themselves abbesses in the same irregular manner.
But then he does not inform us that the convent was perfectly
secular, and under no monastic obligations. On the contrary,
he tells us that these men of quality used to admit strolling
disorderly monks into their abbey, and sometimes make their
own servants take the tonsure, and promise obedience. He
complains, likewise, that their ladies, though no more than
lay women, usurped an authority over the nuns, and governed
those who were under a religious distinction ; from hence it is
evident, that in Bede's time the monasteries he complains of,
were furnished with monks and nuns, though the abbots and
abbesses were secular. This custom might probably improve
and go farther upon continuance ; for at a council held at
Clovesho, in the vear 747, the fifth canon takes notice of

cent, ix.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 355

secular monasteries, though by monasteria ssecularium may KENUL-
possibly be meant no more than that their abbots were lay- K of tn ' e
men. But if the convents were unprofessecl too, it was looked ^c^ert
upon as an unwarrantable declension from the primitive insti- K. of the'
tution. But whatever the number of the laity might be, it is Saxons.
certainly censured as a breach upon the canons, and condemned I ^^ ) "
by the council upon this score. K. of Kent.

To return to the synod of Calcuith, where we find a provision Speimf -
for the annexing the year of our Lord, and the names of the V oLl!p.247.
bishops to the copy of every council. From hence, as the
learned Dr. Inet observes, it is probable the monks might take can fe p. 250.
occasion to fix the dates, and annex the bishops 1 names to
councils and charters prior to their own times, to prevent the
authority of these records from being suspected ; and thus the
mistakes in chronology, the inconsistency of names and dates,
and the applying the names of bishops either to a wrong see
or a wrong time, may be accounted for ; so that, when we find
these ancient records somewhat perplexed in any of these cir-
cumstances, we need not charge the monks with imposture, or
question the credit of the evidence.

The eleventh and last canon, by enjoining the priests not to
sprinkle the infants in baptism, shows the great regard they
had for the primitive usage of immersion : that they did not
look upon this as a dangerous rite, or at all impracticable in
these northern climates : not that they thought this circum-
stance essential to this sacrament ; but because it was the
general practice of the primitive Church, because it was a
lively instructive emblem of the death, burial, and resurrection
of our Saviour ; for this reason they preferred it to sprinkling.

The bishops' 1 names are here mentioned in the preamble, and
not subscribed at the foot of the canons. But this order
seems to be matter of indifference, and is neither addition or
diminution to the authority of the council. In sir Henry
Spelman's first volume of the councils we find this circum-
stance often varied : and though some few of the Saxon
councils only mention the bishops 1 names in the introduction,
or prefatory part of the council, yet there are several others,
both ancient and well attested, where they stand subscribed
upon a roll at the bottom ; neither is this method of subscribing
the bishops 1 names immediately after the canons peculiar to
the English Church, there being a great many instances of

a a 2

356 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book ir.

WULF- this custom to be met with in the tomes of the councils : I
\b RI Cant sna ^ P°int to some of them in the margin.

£ — : ' About three years after this council of Calcuith, Kenulphus,

Gen. Ephes. king of the Mercians, died, and with him the vigour and pros-
a "d 4 |i9. perity of the Mercian government seemed to expire : for after
£°, n , cil - this time the Mercians did nothing but lessen and languish.

Labbe, ° ° . ,

tom. 3. However, Malmesbury sets down a short account ot this

Condi. prince's successors; which, because it may afterwards give

jf^iaa some light into the church history, I shall just mention. To

Concii. begin ; Ceolwulph, Kenulphus's brother, reigned one year, and

P° n i699. was then dispossessed by Bernulph. Bernulph enjoyed the

Concii. throne not much longer : for this prince, envying the success

Aransican.l. ° r , 1 J n

An. 441. and glory of king Egbert, and venturing to make war upon
tom. 3! him, was defeated in a main battle at Ellandune, now called
Con 4 ff'Au- W^ton. This misfortune lost him his crown : for not thinking
relianens. himself safe in Mercia, and retiring to the East Angles, he
Concii. was murdered there ; the people having an old quarrel against
p°397 &c l" m f° r P usn i n g ki n g Offa upon the conquest of their country.
The kingdom Ludican, the next Mercian king, endeavouring to revenge the
extinguished, death of his predecessor, was likewise cut off by the East
Howedup by Angles, after two years' government. And thus the kingdom
the West f the Mercians, which had been a terror to its neighbours,

Saxons. ...

Maimcsb. and the most flourishing kingdom of the heptarchy, was lost,
Reg.Angl. as it were, at one blow T , by the rashness and ambition of
] Lfol. 17. Bernulph. The province of the East Angles being terribly
Chionoi. harassed by this Ludican, the bishoprics of Dunwich and
noi. Ad An. Elmam were extremely impoverished. For this reason the
825 - two dioceses were thrown into one, that of Dunwich extin-

guished, and the see fixed at Elmam, where it continued for
Gest n pontif some time. The following kings of Mercia were no better
Angi. 1. 2. than homagers and vassals : under this disadvantage, we may
reckon Withlack and Berthwulf, who held their crown under
king Egbert, and paid an acknowledgment to him. Burkred
stood under the same obligations to Ethel wulf, Egbert's son.
This Burkred was afterwards dispossessed by the Danes, who set
up Selwulf, one of his ministers of state, taking an oath of him
to resign at pleasure. And thus, after the Mercian government
had been shifted into several hands, and tossed about in an
arbitrary manner, it was at last fixed to the dominions of
152. Alfred, grandson to king Egbert, and determined in the year

Mahaesbur. of Qm Lor{J ^

cent, ix.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 357

But now to keep truth and time the better together, we EGBERT,
must return to the affairs of the Church ; which will bring us K ^[ 9 t t he
to a synod, said to be held under Bernulph, king of the Mer- Saxons.
cians, and Wulfrid, archbishop of Canterbury. The design ofThepre-
the meeting was to restore some lands to the Church of Can- «7 o/cS""
terbury, which had been unjustly seized by king Ceonulf, and cuith -
were detained by the abbess Cenedrith, his daughter and heir.
Now it is said, that the taking away these lands from the
Church occasioned so much confusion and disorder, that the
sacrament of baptism was discontinued for about six years in
all the divisions of the English. This circumstance, if there Spelman.
was nothing else, is sufficient to disprove the council : for vol n [ ' p 330.
Bernulph, under whom it was held, was only king of the
Mercians : how then is it likely, that a dispute between his
predecessor and the archbishop of Canterbury should operate
so strongly beyond his own dominions ; suspend the exercise
of what is essential to Christianity, and exceed the rigour of an
interdict in the foreign kingdoms of Kent, Northumberland,
and the West Saxons I Farther, the time of this stop upon
baptism is either too long for the reign, or disagrees with the
character of the prince. If by Ceonulph is meant Ceolwulph,
the immediate predecessor of Bernulph, then the time of this
intermission of baptism is too far continued : for this Ceolwulph
held the government but one, or at most two years, as appears
from Malmesbury, Westminster, and others. But if by Maimesbur.

. de Gestis

Ceonulphus is meant Kenulphus, then neither the seizing the R eg . Angi.
church lands, or carrying the quarrel so high to the prejudice Vestmin- 7 '
of religion, is in the least agreeable to the character of that ste1 ' An -

. & Grat. 821.

pious prince. For Kenulphus, as Malmesbury reports, was so
unblemished in his justice and conduct, that it is hard to
fasten a censure upon any act of his whole reign : besides, is it Maimesbur.
likely that Kenulphus should hazard the happiness of his sub-
jects, and almost extinguish Christianity for six years together,
and all this, rather than do justice to the Church, and give up
a sacrilegious oppression ? Is all this likely, I say, to proceed
from Kenulphus, who, in the year 800, restored to the Church
of Canterbury the lands of which they had been dispossessed by
king Offa, returned them the charters which had been stolen
away, and sent the Church a sum of money, by way of repara- Spelman.
tion ? But enough of this pretended synod. vol. 1. p. 319.

358 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book ii.

WULF- The next council, held in the reign Of Bernulph, a. d. 824,

Abp. Cant, nas n ° such marks of forgery. This synod, I say, has a more

j^a^. ' probable face ; for here the names of the bishops are mentioned,

council at neither is there any such contradiction of circumstances as we

kuIcwiui

Speiman. meet with in the other. This synod was convened to decide a
p# ° ' controversy concerning some lands between Heabert, bishop of
Worcester, and the monks of Berkley. And here the title
was tried by oath, without the verdict of a jury, there being a
Sp 335' ' bid * nuncu ' e d an °l fifty priests sworn upon this occasion. The trial,
though begun at this council, yet was ended at Westminster,
where the priests and monks of Berkley were sworn, and
judgment given for the bishop.
a. d. 823. About this time, Egbert having defeated Bernulph at Ellen-

dune, detached his general, Wulferd, with a great body of
Chronoi. troops into Kent. This army, being too strong for king
Baldred, forced him to quit the country, and take over the
King Egbert Thames. Upon this the Kentish-men submitted to the con-
heptarchy, queror, and the boutn and .Last feaxons soon followed their
and becomes example. This year likewise the king and country of the East

monarch of x J . ° •>

the island. Angles, being afraid of disturbance from the Mercians, ap-
plied for the protection of king Egbert, and owned him for
their sovereign. About four years after, the kingdom of

ibid. Mercia fell wholly into the hands of kino- Egbert, being a

Malmesb de

Gestis Reg. consequence of the victory against Bernulph already men-

fof^l's! tioned. And now his dominion extended as far northward as

the Humber, and London fell under his jurisdiction, which had

a. d. 827. for some time been parcel of the kingdom of Mercia. Upon

Chronoi. this success, he drew down his army into Yorkshire against

the Northumbrians, who, wanting either force or inclination to

stand upon their defence, gave hostages, and submitted without

striking a stroke. And thus we are come to a period of the

heptarchy, which, after about two hundred years 1 continuance,

fell all under the power of the West Saxons. For the petty

Mercian princes we find mentioned afterwards, were no better

Maimesbur than viceroys to king Egbert and his successors.

ibid. fol. 17. J . & &

Egbert being thus successful against the Saxon princes,
received a title correspondent to his victories : for about this
time he was, by a general consent of the nobility of the hept-
archy then convened at Winchester, declared king of the
Saxons, Jutes, and Angles. At which time he ordered the

cent, ix.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 359

whole country to be called England ; the Angli, or English, EGBERT,
being the most considerable clan : for from these the Mercians, K West e
the East Angles, and the Northumbrians were descended. Saxons.
It cannot be denied, however, that the name of England and Spelm. Life
English had been formerly sometimes given to the Saxon part
of the island ; thus Bede entitles his book, The Ecclesiastical
History of the English Nation. And pope Boniface, in his
letter to Ethelbert, calls him king of the English. Thus Bede, l. 2.
Ercombert, king of Kent, and Oswi, king of Northumberland, c
sent Wighard to Rome, to be ordained bishop of the English. Betle > l 4

The next year the Saxon Chronicle relates an expedition of
Egbert's into North Wales, where he defeated the Welsh, and
forced them to terms of submission : but Matthew of West-
minster speaks higher of his victories, and makes him conquer
the whole country of Wales. Mat. West.

In the year of our Lord 829, Wulfrid, archbishop of Can- 830.
terbury, died, and was succeeded by Theologild, who living
but three months, had Celnoth for his successor, who received
his pall about two years after from pope Gregory the Fourth. Saxon.

THE END OF THE SECOND BOOK.

ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY

GREAT BRITAIN.

BOOK III.

158. The little principalities of the heptarchy being dissolved, and

cel- falling all to the share of the West Saxons, king Egbert passed

Abp. Cant, most of the remainder of his reign without contest or disturb-
ance ; the close of his life must be excepted, at which time the
descent of the Danes made him very uneasy. And since these
Danes were so great a scourge to the kingdom for above two
hundred years, got so much footing in the island, and caused

The original s0 man y revolutions in it, it may not be improper to say some-

manners, thing concerning the original, genius, and manners of this bar-

((IM.L j'Ct't. (I1/C& _ _

of the Danes. bai'OUS people.

As to their original : they were a collection of all the rabble
of Germany, especially that part of it which lay upon the ocean
and the Baltic : thus they were compounded of the Goths,
Danes, Norwegians, Swedes, Frisians, &c. And though of so
many different clans, they were all agreed in laziness and bar-
barity, and gave their mind to nothing but thieving and robbing.
In a word, they were the most frightful enemy that ever the
Histor" L 5. island was pestered with. It is true, the Romans made them-
Hovedon ' selves masters of the country in a short time ; but then they
Annai. pars, seemed to conquer for the advantage of the natives : the Bri-
fol. 236. tons were better polished by losing their liberty ; they were
subdued to sense and civility, and made a much better figure
in the Romans' hands, than in their own. And afterwards
the Scots and Picts, though they made frequent irruptions,
yet it was only upon the more northern and barren part of the

< k.nt. ix.] ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY, &c. 361

island : and where being once seated, they were quiet for a EGBERT,
great while, and desisted from any farther attempt. And as England.
for the Saxons, who came next upon the country, they were ' '

nothing so destructive as the Danes. These Saxons, who were
first called in as allies, when they had broke with the Britons,
and seized their country, used their good fortune with some
temper, formed themselves into regular governments, secured
property by equitable laws, improved the country, and were
more remarkable for their justice and probity than the nation
they dispossessed. But the Danes seemed only qualified for Huntingd.
mischief and ravage, and had nothing of humanity in them : "?^ g^j^
their business was rather to spoil and destroy, than to conquer; Spelm&n.

, i i ,1 1,11 Life of King

so that though they reduced the country to the lowest extre- Alfred in
mities of want, they looked liked Pharaoh's lean kine, and were ' e " u {; r oxon
little the richer for their acquisitions. The product of the
year, and the wealth of the country, did by no means satisfy
them : they were so savage as to murder the people without
distinction of age, sex, or condition ; to burn the towns and
villages, and lay all in blood and ashes ; insomuch, that there
was scarce any part of the island free from the fury and devas-
tations of this enemy. Being masters at sea, their fleet gave
them the advantage of a speedy motion. Upon their making 154,

a descent upon any part of the country, they used to retire to
their ships, and shift the expedition when they found the
Saxons too strong for them : and thus the English were tired
with marches and countermarches, and found it impracticable
to encounter the enemy before the country was destroyed : and
when they happened to get the better in a battle, their victory
was but little significant ; for the Danes being reinforced to a
greater strength, quickly recovered and grew upon them. And
though these foreigners overrun the island in a terrible manner,
yet their conquests were not so fatal as their manners. Their
contempt of religion, and the barbarity of their temper seemed
to spread like a contagion, and grow epidemical in the country.
The liberties of war had debauched the Saxons, and made them
more vicious and ignorant than they were before. It is true,
they were very much declined in their morals, before the inva-
sion of the Danes, which, as Huntingdon reports, was the cause Huntingd.
that these barbarous nations were let loose upon them. Our ™* h?™-
historian tells us, the English were degenerated to a great dis-
solution of manners : that for libertinism, treason, and rebel-

3(>2 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book hi.

cel- lion, they were particularly infamous : that nothing but virtue
Abp. Cant. an( l religion was uncreditable, and that it was scarcely safe for

1 •» ' an honest man to live among them. To punish these impieties,

God gave them up to the fury of the Danes ; who, wherever
they came, either murdered, or made slaves of the inhabitants ;
rifled and burnt the monasteries and churches, and destroyed
all the monuments of learning and religion. Thus much in
general, concerning this barbarous enemy.

To proceed to particulars. In the year 832, the Danes
made a descent upon the isle of Sheppey, and plundered it.
Being encouraged with this success, and charmed with the
wealth of the country, they manned out a fleet the next year
of five-and-thirty sail, and landed at the river Car, in Dorset-
shire : hither Egbert drew down his forces, and gave them
battle. The dispute was obstinate and bloody, and the loss
pretty equal on both sides ; however, the Danes kept the field,
a. d. 833. an d entrenched themselves. Herefrid and Wigferth, two
Saxon bishops, and Dudda and Osmund, king Egbert's generals,

Chronolog. f e H i n this fight.

Saxon

Huntiiigd. The Danes growing thus troublesome, there was a state con-
foL 198. 4 vention at London, to consult of measures to preserve the
Hovedon. country. Egbert was present at this meeting, and so was
prior. Withlacth, who reigned over the Mercians by the courtesy of

The Danes Egbert. The archbishops of Canterbury and York likewise,
make several an( j ^he rest of the prelates, made part of the assembly. Here

descenlsupon m t A ' A . iii

England, king Withlacth gave a famous charter of privileges and lands
to the monastery of Croyland : amongst other things, he orders
all his officers in the kingdom of Mercia to receive the abbot
and monks of Croyland, when they happened to travel to any
towns or castles belonging to the king, with the same regard
and entertainment usually paid to Wymund his son ; and that
they should take no money of them for lodging or diet. The
island of Croyland is likewise made a sanctuary to any male-
factor that shall fly thither, and put himself under the protec-
tion of St. Guthlac. And all ministers of justice are forbidden
to prosecute or give any disturbance, under the penalty of for-
feiting their right foot. The king likewise made the abbey
several rich presents in gold plate. The motive to this extra-
ordinary bounty was this : — King Withlacth, it seems, had been
formerly very much distressed. In the preamble to this charter,
he takes notice of his being pursued by some potent enemy,

cent, ix.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 363

and that retiring to Croyland he was concealed by Ethelred, a egbert,
holy nun of the royal family ; that he absconded four months F K i. of ,
in this place, till the difficulty of his affairs was over. And ' •< — -'

lastly, to give this charter the greater force it was confirmed
by king Egbert, whom Withlacth calls his sovereign. inguiph.

About this time one Frederick, born in Devonshire, who Piston

. . . . opelman.

had his education under his uncle Boniface, archbishop of Mentz, Condi,
was nominated to the bishopric of Utrecht, by Lewis the De- p ' '
bonair, emperor and king of France. Frederick dining with
Lewis the day of his consecration, the emperor took occasion
to press him to a careful discharge of his office : he told him,
he was obliged to imitate the bold honesty of his predecessors,
to exert his character upon the disorders of the age ; to have
no regard to any man's person or privilege, but to use his
authority with all imaginable impartiality, and excommunicate
those he found incorrigible. Frederick returned his imperial
majesty thanks for his good advice ; " but, sir," says he, " there
is one difficulty which I desire your majesty would disentangle."
Upon this question, he points to a fish served up to the table,
and asked the emperor, " whether it was most proper to take
hold of it by the head or by the tail V The emperor replied
with some little quickness, " By the head." Upon tins the
bishop told him, " that his majesty's admonition, and the duty
of his office, obliged him to begin reformation with himself,
who was the head ; and that when the subjects saw the failings
of the prince fell under discipline, they would not expect impu-
nity for their own misbehaviour. Therefore, sir," says he,
" break off that unlawful marriage, and disengage from that
incestuous correspondence with the empress Judith ; and do
not sully your royal character with such licentious practices."

The emperor, though disgusted with the freedom of this
reply, dissembled his resentment ; and dismissed the bishop
without any marks of his displeasure. But the empress Judith 155.

could not be satisfied without a revenge. To this purpose she
ordered some assassins to murder him. When they came to
inquire for him, the bishop was in the church, and preparing
to consecrate the eucharist. When the service was over, he
went into the vestry, and ordered them to be brought in ; upon
which he was immediately murdered, not without some unusual
circumstances of barbarity. The ruffians went off immediately,
and made for the Rhine with all possible speed. However, in

364 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book hi.

cel- all likelihood, they had been pulled in pieces, if the bishop's
Abp. Cant, good-nature had not prevented it : for one of his servants
* v ' coming into the vestry, and seeing his master desperately
wounded, inquired about the accident. To this the bishop
would give him no answer, but ordered him to go out imme-
diately, and bring him an account, whether those gentlemen
that came to him from the empress had passed the Rhine \
This question bejng answered in the affirmative, when he
understood they were safe from the revenge of the people of
his diocese, he called his friends to him, and holding his bowels
in his hands, without any signs of the least concern, gave them
an account of the whole matter, and expired at the end of the
Harpsfield. relation.

Angiic.Ncfn! Two years forward, the Danes made another expedition, and
Se( j'80 15 ' landed upon West Wales, or Cornwall. And here the Cornish
a. d. 835. Britons, either thinking; themselves too weak, or willing to try
Huntingd. ' their fortune against the English, patched up a confederacy
den u^r W ^ n the pagans, and, joining their forces, attacked king
Egbert, who, receiving them with great bravery, gave them a
total defeat at Hengistandune.

The next year king Egbert died, after he had reigned seven-
and-thirty years. He was succeeded by his son Ethelwulf, a
prince of a very pious disposition, and, as several of our histo-
rians report, educated to a religious character. Some make
him a monk, others a priest, and Brompton and Huntingdon
Higden, w jjj nave j 1 j m bishop of Winchester ; and that upon his father

Polychron. L . L

l. 5. Egbert's death he was forced, it may be for want of other

Cnr™mcon. issue-male, to take the crown upon him. Higden mentions a
Alfred Vit sor ^ °*" dispensation of the pope's for this purpose ; but the
p. 2. ' other historians are silent as to that point. And farther,
Historian' Asserius Menevensis takes no notice of his being bred an
1. 5. P . 200. ecc i es i as tic ; neither indeed is it very probable, that the only
son of Egbert, and the heir-apparent of the crown, should be
bred a churchman, especially when the country was so dis-
turbed with the incursions of the Danes. At this juncture,
the exercises of war might seem a more seasonable employ-
ment ; and that Ethelwulf was bred to the camp is beyond
question : for, in the twenty-fourth year of his father's reign,
he commanded an army, and conquered the kingdom of Kent ;
though this does not absolutely prove he was no ecclesiastic.
For Alstan, bishop of Shcrburn, and several other prelates,

cent, ix.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 865

were generals about this time. Ethelwulf, soon after his ETHEL-
accession to the throne, married Osburg, a lady of admirable K of '
qualities. She was daughter to earl Oslac, whose ancestors Eng l and. ^
had the government of the Isle of Wight given them by Oerdic, Chronolog.
first king of the West Saxons. By this lady, Ethelwulf had Saxon'
five sons, Athelstan, Athelbald, Ethelbert, Ethelred, and J h ™ n 8 ^
Alfred, who all reigned in their turns ; the eldest was made 834 -
king of Kent in his father's life-time, and died before him
without issue, in the year 852. The rest succeeded their Alfred, Vit.
father in the order of their birth. Though, after all, historians p ' '
are not perfectly agreed about Athelstan, the eldest ; for the
Saxon chronology makes him son to king Egbert ; but Asse-
rius and Ethelwerd call him his grandson, and are positive that
Ethelwulf was his father. Spelman,

1 . Life of King

The Danes had sped too much in their adventures, and Alfred, p. 2.
relished the country too well, to give over their invasions ; and m not18 '
therefore the next year we hear of their landing with three-
and-thirty sail at Southampton : and here being charged by
Wulferd, king Ethelwulf "s general, they were defeated with a
great slaughter. The same year, earl Ethelhelm fought the
Danes at Port, with the forces of Dorsetshire. The first part
of the day was favourable to the English; but at last the
Danes prevailed, and remained upon the field of battle. The Saxon
next three years, the counties of Lincoln and Kent, the East Hov°cden g '
Angles, the towns of London, Canterbury, and Rochester, Annai. pars

° . prior.

were terribly overrun and harassed by this enemy. foi. 277.

About this time flourished Kenneth II., king of Scotland, chronolog.
who governing part of the island, and being a prince of a con- l ^ lawsof
siderable figure, for the body of laws made by him, I shall Una Ken-
mention something of this part of his character, and give the ^ £. 840.
reader some of the most remarkable of his constitutions. They
lie under the distinction of civil and ecclesiastical. Some of
the first are as follow.

If any person is convicted of forgery, or false witness, let
him be executed upon the gallows, and his carcase remain un-
buried.

Whosoever shall speak dishonourably of God, the saints,
the king, or the chief of his clan, let his tongue be cut out.

Whosoever shall be convicted of lying, to the damage or

366 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book hi.

cel- detriment of his neighbour, let his sword be taken from him,

Ab °c H 't an( ^ noDO< ty keep him company.

* ' Let those that are indicted for any capital crime be tried by

the verdict of seven persons of unquestionable reputation and
integrity ; and if the case requires it, let the number be in-
creased to eleven, thirteen, fifteen, or more.

Let strollers, ballad-singers, rhymers, buffoons, and such
sort of idle fellows, be corrected at the whipping-post.
156. He that debauches a single woman shall suffer capitally,

unless the injured person demands him for a husband.

When a married woman is debauched with her consent, both
the adulterer and adulteress shall suffer death.

If any person abuses his parents, either by words or blows,
let the criminal member be cut off, the malefactor hanged, and
his carcase remain without burial.

A man guilty of murder, a mute, and he that is ungrateful to
his parents, shall be barred the privilege of being an heir at law.

Let conjurors, necromancers, those that correspond with
wicked spirits, and apply to them for assistance, be all burnt alive.

If a man strikes his adversary in a court of justice, the cause
shall be given against him.

King Kenneth's laws relating more immediately to religio n
are these :

Let the churches, altars, priests, and all persons of religious
character, be treated with regard.

Let holy days, fasts, vigils, and all solemnities instituted in
honour of our Saviour and the blessed saints, be respectfully
observed.

Let any injury or affront done to a Christian priest be se-
verely punished.

Let the field in which a murdered person is buried lie seven
years fallow.

Let all graves have the privilege of a holy place, and let a
cross be set upon them to prevent their being trampled on.

Let funeral expenses be governed with regard to the circum-
stances of the person deceased.

Let persons of condition, and those who have been remark-
ably serviceable to their country, have the respect of a public

( kxt. ix.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 367

and pompous funeral. Part of the ceremony was to be managed ethel-
in this manner : Two men were to march before the funeral, \ U of '
one mounted upon a white horse, and accoutred with the suit , Eng land. ^
of armour of the deceased ; the other was to appear in mourn-
ing, with his face covered, upon a black horse. This last,
when the company was come to church, used to force his horse
backwards to the altar, crying aloud that his master was
dead ; upon which the people used to bestow hard language
upon him, and bid him immediately be gone. The other
marching straight to the altar, put off his suit of arms, and
made a present of them and his arms to the priest. This
custom, as Hector Boethius tells us, being looked upon as not
solemn enough in all its circumstances, was afterwards laid
aside, and instead of the horse and armour, the priest had five
pounds sterling, by way of compensation.

The bishop's see of Abernethy was translated to St. Andrews T j ieScotMl
in the reign of this king Kenneth. And from this time to a bishops not
considerable period, the prelates of this place were called the'buTJenLni
chief bishops of Scotland; for as yet that kingdom was n ot-^']*^ tora
divided into dioceses, but all the Scottish bishops had their
jurisdiction as it were at large, and exercised their function
wherever they came. And this form of administration in the
Church continued to the reign of Malcolm III. Hector Boe-

In the year of our Lord 851, Ceorl, earl of Devonshire, with thins, 1. 10.
the forces of that country, fought the Danes at "VVicgambeorg, Conco" 1 '
and routed them. The same year these pagans embarked a^ 1 ^
considerable force, and entering the Thames with three hun- Remm Scot.
dred and fifty sail, came up to London and sacked it. And Edit. Franc.
from thence, marching forward against Berthulf, a tributary ^he Danes
king of the Mercians, fought him, and forced him to retire, sack London.
From hence they turned south-west into Surrey ; here Ethel- TJu , y are
wulf and his son Athelbald encountered them with their whole routed by

king Ethel-

force at Aclea. The fight continued a long time, and both the wulf.
armies behaved themselves with extraordinary courage ; but at
last the Danes were entirely routed, and most of their troops
cut in pieces. This year Athelstan had another dispute with
the pagans, at Sandwich, in Kent, where he killed great num-
bers of them, took nine of their ships, and forced the rest to
sheer off. This, by the description, must be a sea engage-
ment.

368 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book hi.

cel- In the year 855, there was a famous synod, or convention of

AbTc^it. ^ ne bishops and temporal nobility at Winchester. Here
, — > — r 1 Ethelwulf, kins; of the West Saxons, as he is styled, and

Assenus de " » .

Alfredi Re- Beored and Edmund, two tributary princes of Mercia and the
p.'-2. East Angles, were present. At this meeting Ethelwulf

a. d. 855. g ran t ec i the tithe of the kingdom to the Church. The charter,
See the ori- translated, runs thus :
ginaiCoilec- u j Ethelwulf, by the grace of God, king of the West Sax-

tion of Re- ' . , V - -1 11 1

cords, No. 3. ons, with the advice of the bishops, earls, and all the persons of
condition in my dominions, have, for the health of my soul, the
good of my people, and the prosperity of my kingdom, fixed
upon a prudent and serviceable resolution of granting the tenth
part of the lands throughout our whole kingdom to the holy
churches and ministers of religion, officiating and settled in
them, to be perpetually enjoyed by them, with all the advan-
tages of a free tenure and estate. It being likewise our will
and pleasure, that this unalterable and indefeasible grant shall
for ever remain discharged from all service due to the crown,
and all other incumbrances incident to lay fees. Which grant
has been made by us in honour of our Lord Jesus Christ, the
blessed Virgin, and all saints ; and out of regard to the paschal
solemnity, and that God Almighty might vouchsafe his blessing
upon us and our posterity. This charter is engrossed, and
signed in the year of our Lord DCCCLIV. Indiction the
Monastic, second, at the feast of Easter."

p Vn ioo. Vo11 ' Thus the charter stands in the Monasticon. And here we

157. must observe, that this charter is dated at the king's palace at

Wilton, in the year 854, at Easter, whereas the charter of king

Ethelwulf, in Ingulphus, and Matthew of Westminster, is dated

inguiph. at Winchester in the year 855, upon the nones of November,

Edit Gale, not to mention some other differences in the preamble and body

Fiore^Hist °*" tne g ran ^- From hence it appears that the king repeated

An. Grat. his charter, that by the instrument dated at Wilton nothing

passed but the tithes of the king's demesnes or crown lands.

But the charter at Winchester the year after, made by the

consent of the nobility and people, enlarged the bounty, and

extended it to the whole kingdom. Thus Asserius Menevensis,

Malmesbury, and Hovenden, tell us king Ethelwulf granted

the tithe of his whole kingdom to the church, discharged from

all secular service and incumbrance. Malmesbury calls the

proportion of this grant the tenth of every hide, and Asserius,

cent, ix.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 369

Hoveden, and Matthew of Westminster, describe it by the tenth ^T"^p "
part of the land of the kingdom. The charter in Ingulph K. of '
mentions that the clergy were particularly exempted from
murage, pontage, and all taxes due to the crown. This
charter is not only attested by the English historians, but
allowed by Selden himself. Now it being so famous a record Seld. Hist.
for settling the tithes in England, some people finding they p 20& C
cannot weaken the authority of the instrument, endeavour to
cramp it in the extent ; they object that Ethel wulf was only
king of the West Saxons, and not monarch of England, as
appears by the style of the grant. This law, therefore, it is
pretended, could not oblige any farther than Cornwall, Devon-
shire, Somersetshire, Dorsetshire, Hampshire, Wiltshire, and
Berkshire ; these comprehending the whole of the West
Saxon dominions : to this it may be answered, that he is still
king of the West Saxons by way of eminence, not exclusively ;
being, it is probable, best pleased with this title upon the
score of its having been his father Egbert's hereditary king-
dom, in contradistinction to those principalities conquered by
him. Thus Egbert contented himself with this style after he
had conquered the heptarchy, annexed the kingdoms of Kent,
the East, the South Saxons, and Northumbrians, to Ins West
Saxon dominions, and reduced the Mercians and the East
Angles to tribute and submission ; not to mention his acquisi-
tions in South Wales, insomuch that Huntingdon makes no
scruple of calling him monarch of Britain. So that by the Huntingd.
language of those times the king of the West Saxons is equi-
valent to the king of England ; and if there was any difficulty
in this matter it might be removed by observing that Beored
king of Mercia, and Edmund, king of the East Angles, the
only remaining princes which were allowed the royal style
under king Ethelwulf, signed this charter. ingulph.

There is another little objection in sir Henry Spelman Hlst0, '-i > - 17 >
against the extent of that grant, and that is, there are none
but the bishops, clergy, and monks, of the West Saxons, that
make a solemn acknowledgment of this great favour, by order-
ing psalms and masses to be said every Wednesday for the
soul of Ethelwulf, and the other great men who consented to
the grant. But this objection, as this learned antiquary ob- Spelman.
serves, has little weight in it ; for not to insist, in the first ^°" C ] lL
place, that this singing of psalms, &c. is unmentioned by p- 349 > 352 -

vol. 1. b b

370

ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book hi.

CEL-
NOTH,

Abp. Cant.

Spelman.
ibid.

Tithes pre-
dial and
personal
passed hy
Eihelwulfs
grant.

Ingulph.
Hist. p. 17.

158.

Ingulphus, it is sufficient to say, in the second place, that Ethel-
wulf was the natural prince of the West Saxons ; and, as some
authors assert, was both a monk and a bishop at Winchester.
It is no such wonder, therefore, to find the West Saxon
Church more forward in their returns, and more particularly
concerned for the honour of their prince's memory than the
rest of the country. Sir Henry Spelman seems to be some-
what at a loss about the meaning and benefit of this charter ;
the reason of this doubt, I suppose, is because the king is said
to grant the church the tithe of every hide, or the tenth part
of the land. These words, it is likely, he imagined could not
comprehend tithes in the modern notion and settlement ; and
therefore he seems to think it not improbable that the parson
age houses and glebe lands might be settled by this grant ;
if this conjecture will hold, it is plain the Church has lost a
great part of the benefit of Ethelwulf s charter, for now the
glebes are much short of the tenth part of the land of the
parish.

But, as Selden observes from Ingulphus and other historians,
the design of the charter was to make a general grant of
tithes ; and thus " decima omnium hidarum infra regnum suum,
fcc." is to be interpreted the profits of all lands ; for, as the
learned Selden continues, the granting of the tenth part of the
hides, or plough-lands, denotes the tenth of all profits growing in
them. Thus, " decima acra sicut aratrum peragrabit," imports
the tithing of the profits in the laws of king Edgar, Ethelred,
and Canute ; and doubtless Ingulphus understood it no other-
wise than of perpetual right of tithes given to the church,
where he remembers it by " tunc primo cum decimis omnium
terrarum, &c." So that the tithe of predial or mixed profits was
given, it seems, perpetually by the king, with the consent of
estates, both secular and ecclesiastic ; and the tithe of every
man's personal possessions were at that time also included in
the gift. It is likewise granted by this learned lawyer that the
privilege or liberty annexed to this charter of tithe included an
exemption, not only from all common taxes and exactions used
then in the state, but particularly from that burthen and
service to which all other lands of the freest tenure were
subject, that is, from military service, pontage, and castle
guard. By this freedom every man was from thenceforth to
be valued in all subsidies and taxes according only to the nine

cent. ix.J OF GREAT BRITAIN. 371

parts of his lands and profits ; and the profits of the tenth ethel-
being due to the church were both in his and their hands \. f '
hereby discharged from all payments and taxes whatsoever. , E "g l aud - 1
And thus far the learned Selden. History of

Tithes c. 8.

And now king Ethelwulf, for the greater force and p. 206.' et
solemnity, offered the charter upon the altar, where the emc '
bishops receiving it, ordered it to be transcribed, and sent
down into their respective dioceses to be fully published. Speiman.

It is said that this charter, after all, falls short of divine vo i. \'
right : to this it may be answered, there is no need of dis- 'i v 3 ?°- . ,.

° m » Divine, right

puting that point ; human constitution is sufficient ; tithes not mces-
standing upon the foot of law, give the clergy the same right
to the tenth that the owner of the lands has to the nine parts.
And as for the tenants, they have no reason to complain, be-
cause the tithes are not paid by them, but the landlord. Were
the tithes not due to the Church, the terms of the lease would
be altered and the rents raised upon them. But the clergy do
nothing but preach for it. That is not true, he that has the
cure of the parish has more business than preaching. But
granting the objection, what follows ? Has not many a man a
thousand pounds per annum without preaching for it, or doing
anything else, and yet nobody grudges him his estate. This
shows the scandalous partiality of some of the laity ; that they
envy the clergy the benefit of the law and the common right
of the subject. If it is said the men of great estates are born
to this advantage, which the clergy are not to their livings ;
were all this true, which oftentimes is not, it would signify
nothing. Whether a right accrues by inheritance, purchase,
or gift, is indifferent in the eye of the law ; the property is
equally secured, and the title as good the one way as the g

other ; it is the law which governs the terms of an estate, and
creates a right by descent. Formerly lands and honours were
granted by the crown only for life, and may be so now if the
constitution pleases. Besides, if a man buys an estate, no man
repines at the advantage ; he enjoys it with the same good
will of his neighbours as if it had been cast upon him by
descent. But it may be said the clergy do not purchase ; I
hope they do not, in a sense of simony ; but in a defensible
construction I believe they may. The expense of education
and study, and the continual burthen of their employment, will
often, upon a reasonable allowance, amount to more than the

Bb 2

372 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book hi.

cel- value of their preferment. To this we may add that tithes
AtyCMt. are P art of tne Church's patrimony, and cannot be detained

v ' without sacrilegious injustice. In short, therefore, those

sectaries who refuse the payment of tithes upon the pretence
of the unorthodoxy of the clergy, may with the same honesty
take away the nine parts from the laity. They may, by the
same reason, refuse rent to their landlords in case they differ
in religion from them. And if ever these saints should be-
come capable of inheriting the earth, how far this principle
might lead them it is easy to discover. I shall conclude this
remark with observing, that to deny a demand undoubtedly
warranted by law is downright defiance of the government.
Those who are dissenters in this point renounce the constitu-
tion upon which their property is founded, and teach other
people to return their own usage upon them. For the pur-
pose, if a Quaker will not pay a clergyman his tithes, though
clearly settled by law, why should he expect any benefit from
that law by which he refuses to be governed I Why should he
expect the recovery of his own legal debts, or any sort of pro-
tection for his property ? This puts me in mind of the answer
of an eminent sergeant at law given to the impertinent cavils
of those who excepted against the payment of tithes, because,
as they pretended, they were due only by human right.
" My cloak," says he, " is my cloak by the law of man ; but he
is a thief by the law of God that takes it away from me."
For the farther satisfaction of the Quakers, I will tell them
i°12. Z ' another story out of Fuller's Church History.

A doctor in divinity in Cambridge was troubled with a stiff
anabaptist at his living at Hogington, near that university.
After some dispute upon the argument, this man tells him
plainly, " It goes against my conscience to pay you tithes,
except you can shew me a place of Scripture whereby they are
due unto you." To this the doctor answers, " Why should it
not go as much against my conscience that you should enjoy
your nine parts for which you can shew me no place in Scrip-
ture V To this the other replies, ' ; But I have for my lands
deeds and evidences from my fathers who purchased, and were
peaceably possessed thereof by the laws of the land." " The
same is my title," says the doctor, " tithes being confirmed to
me by many statutes of the land time out of mind." Thus the
anabaptist was silenced ; and having some share of conscience

Book 2,
P

cent, ix.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 373

and common sense, was converted to the honesty of paying his ethel-
tithes. B ^?

To proceed, Ingulphus pretends this charter was made after t England.
Ethelwulf s voyage to Rome ; but Asserius Menevensis, who
lived about this time, makes it prior to this journey, in which Asser.de
he is followed by Malmesbury and Florence of Worcester, bus Gestis.
That these authors are in the right appears by Ethelwulf s
subscribing himself king of the West Saxons ; whereas, upon
his coming back from Rome, he resigned that kingdom to his
son Ethelbald, and contented himself with the dominions of
Kent, Surrey, &c.

During Ethelwulfs stay at Rome he rebuilt the English
school founded by king Offa, which was burnt down the year
before, and gave the pope three hundred mancuses, or marks, 159.

as some historians call them, for the uses already mentioned. A - u - a55 -
After a year's stay at Rome he returned home through France,
where he married Judith, daughter of Charles the Bald, king
of France. This match, and his being absent about a year Maimesb. de
from his kingdom, proved very unfortunate. Asserius reports Gestls Re -

l . * x gum Angl.

that it gave occasion to the forming a treasonable and un- 1. 2. c. 2.

.-• • 'li' 1 • 1 •/» ii Asserius de

natural conspiracy against him ; winch was so infamous, as the Aifredi Re-
historian continues, that there was scarcely an instance of it to bus Gestls -
be found amongst Christians. Ethelbald, king Ethelwulfs a rebellion
eldest son, Alstan, bishop of Sherburn, and Eanwulf, Earl of %'/l"^/ l /'i' a
Somersetshire, concerted a plot against king Ethelwulf, and *» return
resolved not to admit him at his return. But God was not
pleased to permit the success of so great a wickedness. When
the king arrived, the greatest part of the Saxon nobility stood
firm, were willing to assist their sovereign in the recovery of
his dominions, to chastise the rebels for their breach of duty,
and drive Ethelbald and his adherents out of the kingdom. /

But Ethelwulf, being a very mild and merciful prince, was
willing to prevent the effusion of blood, consented to a parti-
tion of the kingdom, and resigned the best part of it to his Asser. ibid,
son ; and at his death, which happened about a year after, he ^ lmesb '
left the kingdom of Kent to his second son Ethelbert. Ethel- A - D - 857 -
bald, king of the West Saxons, who behaved himself so un- un^tfL
naturally towards his father, proved an unactive and licentious West Saxons.
prince. To give one instance of his immorality, he scrupled
not the marrying Judith, his fathers wife, which, as Asserius
expresses it, was not only a notorious violation of the law of

374 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [bookiu.

cel- God, a contradiction to the sobriety of the Christian religion,
Abp° Can't, ^ut an excess beyond the liberties even of paganism. How-

' v ' ever, the best circumstance in this prince's reign was the

Ibid. shortness of it, for he died in the year 860, and was succeeded

by his brother Ethelbert.

But before we take leave of Ethelbald, it will be no more

than justice to endeavour the relieving his memory from other

historians, though of somewhat less antiquity. Now Hunt-

Historiar. ino-don and Hoveden tell us, that Ethelbald governed very

i k f i onn

HoVeden, much to the satisfaction of his subjects, and that his death was
Annai. pars ex tremelv regretted. And Rudburn informs us, that the two

prior. J n

fol. 231. first years and a half after his father's death he proved a very

arbitrary and tyrannical governor : but that afterwards being

recovered by the admonitions of St. Swithin, he parted with

Judith, his mother-in-law, repented his incest, and lived regu-

Rudburn, larly the remaining part of his reign.

WrntonHiT* To proceed to Ethelbert. The Danes made terrible depre-
Angi. Sac^ Nations in this prince's reign ; for landing at Southampton, they
marched up to Winchester, and plundered it : but before they
could carry off their booty, they were encountered, and defeated
by the earls Osric and Ethelwulf. Meeting with this check,
the enemy embarked, and sailed back to the Isle of Thanet ;
where, after having received hostages and contribution from
the Kentish men, they broke their articles, and ravaged at
discretion. Upon which the country rose upon them, and
Asser. and forced them to re-embark. Ethelbert having held the govern-
ibid. 1116 ment five years, with great courage, and other commendable

qualities, departed this life, and was buried at Sherburn.
St. SwitMn. About this time St. Swithin departed this life, who being
a person of so remarkable a reputation, something must be
v said of him. He was bred a monk at Winchester, where,

behaving himself to all imaginable commendation, he was
elected abbot of the monastery, and ordained priest by Helm-
stan, bishop of Winchester. King Egbert having a great
opinion of his conduct and abilities, made use of his advice in
state affairs, and trusted him with the education of his son
Maimesb. de Athelwulf. When this prince came to the crown, he had such
tif 6S An g i. a regard for his preceptor, that upon the death of Helmstan
AnWacr' ^ e P rocure d mm the bishopric of Winchester. It was like-
pars l.p.,200. wise by the suggestion, and by the interest of St. Swithin,
that king Ethelwulf made a grant to the Church of the tithes,

cent, ix.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 375

in the famous charter above mentioned. St. Swithin behaved ethel-
himself in his see suitably to his former character, and was a k. of
very exemplary and unexceptionable prelate. He was par- , E "g land - 1
ticularly remarkable for affecting a private way of living, de- .^"g 1 - S:icr -
dining as much as might be, the usual figure and appearance
of his station : for the purpose, when he went to consecrate a
church, he usually walked on foot, and refused the attendance
of a pompous train. But then we must observe, St. Swithin ^ al ™^* fl
had the privilege of working miracles : this was a shining tif. And.
distinction, this guarded his character, and commanded re- BkrpBfield,
spect much more effectually than all the glitter of wealth and P- l68 -
equipage. A prelate that has this advantage, needs nothing
farther to support his character. In other cases, the authority
of the Church, as well as that of the State, must be kept up
by customary marks of honour, by something that strikes the
senses, and makes an impression of regard upon the minds of
the generality. St. Swithins humility appeared in a circum-
stance in his last will, by which he ordered his body not to be
buried in the church. He was succeeded by Alfrith, a person
of considerable learning. This Alfrith, in bishop Godwin's
opinion, is the same with Ethelred, successor to Celnoth, in
the archbishopric of Canterbury. To proceed : Malmesb.

Ethelbert's brother was the next that mounted the throne. Godwin de
This prince had likewise a short and very troublesome reign, ^'j*"' 1-
He was a person of extraordinary courage, and ventured him-
self with all the bravery imaginable, in the service of his
country. Besides several skirmishes, in which he frequently 160.

surprised the enemy, he is said to have fought nine pitched
battles within the compass of one year ; in which he had the
better for the most part. The fight at Ashdown, near
Reading, in Berkshire, was particularly remarkable. The «

Danes being encamped upon this place, divided their army
into two bodies ; one of which was commanded by two of their
kings, and the other by the rest of the generals. King Ethel-
red, with his brother Alfred, marched up to them ; and resolv-
ing to follow the enemy's fancy in the command of their
troops, and the disposition of the battle, ranged himself against
the kings, and gave Alfred a body of troops to encounter the
generals ; but the evening coming on, they were obliged to
be quiet that night. The next morning early the enemy drew
out, and attacked Alfred, who being somewhat pressed by

376 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book in

cel- inequality of numbers, sent to the king, his brother, to rein-
Abp". Cunt, force him. The king being at prayers in his tent, returned
v ' him word, he was resolved not to move till the service was
Asser.de over. Alfred's troops fighting with disadvantage of ground
bus'Gestis." and number, began to be discouraged, and give way : but king
Maimesb de Ethelred coming up in the juncture, and charging the enemy
Gestis Re- with great fury, turned the fortune of the day. For though
l. 2. fo" g 23. the Danes kept the field a considerable time, and fought with
^eFd^hul' great resolution, yet at last they were entirely broken, with
the Danes at the loss of abundance of their men ; king Bagsag and five

A shflotcf/6 *

ibid. earls fell in the fight, and the Christians pursued the debris of

the army till night. But about a fortnight after, the success
of this victory was dashed with a misfortune at Basing, in
Hantshire ; where, though the battle was well fought, king
Ethelred had the worst of it, the enemy having lately received
a reinforcement. The king was likewise routed soon after,
near Devizes, in Wiltshire. In this battle he received a
wound, of which he died, after he had reigned five years with
extraordinary commendation. During the troubles of this
prince's reign, the kings of Mercia and Northumberland took
the advantage of the opportunity ; and while Ethelred was
engaged with the Danes, renounced their homage and subjec-
Maimesb.de tion, and set up for their former independency. This intem-
gum Angi. perate desire of standing clear of the sovereignty of the West
'Saxons, proved fatal to the whole country. These tributary
princes were not displeased to see Ethelred thus hard set, and
being jealous of his success, they took no care to stop the
progress of the Danes, till the remedy was out of their power,
Simeon Du- and the mischief grew irresistible. Thus the pagans overrun
Gestis Re- the kingdoms of Mercia, Northumberland, and the East
p'i-2^"et* Angles, burnt York, and plundered Nottingham, with a great
deinc many other considerable places, too long to mention.

Monasteries In this miserable ravage the famous monasteries of Croyland,
\c,'de- an ' Peterborough, and Ely, were plundered and destroyed; the
stroyed. monks and nuns killed, the altars and monuments broken and
defaced, the churches, cloisters, and libraries burnt. From
Ely the pagans marched farther into the East Angles, de-
feated earl Wilketul, king Edmund's general, who, after a
brave resistance, was overborne with numbers. Soon after the
loss of this battle, the pious king Edmund was taken prisoner ;
and refusing to submit and renounce the Christian religion,

cent, is ] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 377

was treated with all imaginable barbarity : for the Danes, ETHEL-
tying him to a stake, set him up for a mark, and shot him to K.of'
death with their arrows. From hence they continued their v E "g l and - 1
victorious march into the kingdom of the West Saxons, where Ingnlphns,
they were fought by King Ethelred, with the variety of for- p. 22-24.
tune already related.

But since king Edmund had the honour of being a martyr, 5v/ifzwi'
as well as a prince, I shall stop a little upon his story, and point ''.'"' "p™
out some of the causes which made way to the tragedy above mtmd, and

, . t occasion of

mentioned. te marl / r _

Lodebroch, a petty prince in Denmark, going a hawking in dom -
a boat, and designing to put into some little island, near the
shore, where he expected game, was surprised by a sudden
storm, driven out to sea, and cast upon the English shore,
near Yarmouth, in Norfolk. Upon his arrival he was seized,
and brought to Edmund's court, who was then king of the
East Angles. The king was surprised with the oddness of his
dress and the strangeness of his escape, and finding him an
excellent sportsman, was much pleased with his company.
One Bern, king Edmund's chief falconer, perceiving himself
outdone in his own business by this stranger, resolved to get
rid of him. To this purpose he drew him into a wood, under
pretence of showing sport, and as it is supposed barbarously
murdered him. Upon this he goes back to court, and seems
to wonder what was become of the Dane. Some few days
after, Lodebroch , s dog, being almost starved, comes to the
palace, and being fed, goes away again. The dog doing this
several times, made the king's servants follow him ; and thus
they were brought to a sight of the corpse. In short, Bern
was tried for the murder, and being found guilty, was con-
demned to be put in Lodebroch's boat; and thus, without
either tackling or provision, he was committed to the mercy
of the seas. This Bern, who had the same good fortune in
his passage with Lodebroch, was carried to the Danish shore,
where the other set out. The boat was immediately known,
Bern was apprehended, and being examined about Lodebroch
told them, that he arrived upon the coast of the East Angles,
and was put to death by king Edmund's order.

This story being believed, Inguar and Hubba, Lodebroch's
sons, resolved upon the revenge of their father's murder. To
this purpose, they levied a considerable army, and set sail for

378

ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book hi.

athel- the East Angles ; but meeting with a cross wind, they were

Abp. Cant, forced upon the coast of Northumberland. Upon their land-

JTTp ' ing, they moved eastward, plundering and killing all along

their march, till they came to Thetford, where they encamped.

From hence they sent a trumpet to king Edmund, demanding,

in Inguar's name, that he would resign half his treasure and

Matt. West, revenues, and submit to the title of a viceroy. The king

An. Grat. having consulted Humbert, bishop of Helmam, refused to com-

Aifred, Vit. pty with the articles: this resolution being approved by his

1. 1. p. 13. n obilitv and officers, he drew his forces together, and ad-

et dcinc. J i i mi

vanced towards the enemy, and came to a battle near Ihet-
ford : the dispute was very obstinate, and the fight maintained
for a whole day together. However, the pagans seemed to be
worsted, and drew off from the field of battle ; and the king
with his forces marched back to Hegelsdune, or Hoxon, in
Suffolk. Soon after, Inguar being reinforced with ten thou-
sand men, commanded by his brother Hubba, moved forward
towards king Edmund. This pious prince, perceiving himself
in no condition to face the Danes, resolved to spare the lives
of his subjects, and contest the point no farther. And finding
himself surrounded by the enemy, went into the church, where
himself and bishop Humbert were both murdered.

Alfred succeeded his brother Ethelred, and proved a prince
of extraordinary merit and distinction. He was sent to Rome
at five years of age, with a train suitable to his quality. Pope
Leo IV., being particularly affected with the respect of the
voyage, or out of some other motive, best known to himself,
gave this young prince the ceremony of a royal unction, put a
crown upon his head, and confirmed him with the highest
solemnity. Some learned men will have all this ceremony
amount to no more than confirmation : but this conjecture has
no probable appearance ; for Asserius, Ethelwerd, Malmesbury,
Huntingdon, and Hoveden, are all positive for the royal unc-
tion. Several of them add the circumstance of coronation, and
at Rome. mos t f them distinguish the unction from the confirmation as
Asser. p. 2. things of a quite different import. Upon what view the pope
Chronicor.' did this, whether out of the transport of satisfaction, or a pro-
Maimesb.^e phetic spirit, or the persuasion of a prognosticating faculty, is
Gestis Re- uncertain. That which makes the circumstance look strange,
i.2.c. 2. is, because this solemn anointing was performed when king
tol.20. Ethelwulf, his father, and three of his elder brothers, were

Malmesb.

ibid.

A. d. 872.

Alfred
croimied in
his cliildliood

cent, ix.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 379

living. If the remark of the learned annotators upon king alfred
Alfred's life written by sir John Spelman holds good, this n K ; of ,

iii -it i England.

difficulty will be tolerably removed. In these notes it is v v '

observed, that Ethelwulf, making a conquest of the greatest
part of South Wales, settled those new acquisitions, with the
county of Sussex, upon his youngest son Alfred. It is true
this settlement was not to take place till after the death of his
elder brother Athelstan ; but then, this prince dying in 852,
Alfred was in possession of this royal inheritance a year before
his first voyage to Rome. From hence it is supposed Ethel-
wulf sent his son Alfred to Rome to be anointed king of North
Wales, and to receive the solemnity of coronation from the
pope. This supposition is fortified by Alfred's having the
command of the Welsh in the reign of his brother ; and, what s „ axon
is more, some writers, as Rudburn reports, make the rebellion Alfredi '
against Ethelwulf proceed from Ethelbald's being disgusted r^^fa 1
with his youngest brother Alfred's coronation, performed by 0xon -
the pope at his father's instance. But enough of this matter.

As for Alfred, the greatest part of his minority was spent in
hunting and other diversions of the field ; these sort of exer-
cises being customary to the Saxon nobility. By this discipline
young people were trained up to fatigue and hardship, and
made more bold and enterprising. Alfred, having passed
through this course of education, was thought fit to make
a campaign at eighteen years of age. His brother, king
Ethelbert, having a great opinion of his courage and interest,
persuaded him to serve under him ; and, for an encouragement,
proposed that all the country recovered from the enemy should
be equally shared between them. These articles were accepted
by Alfred, who made it his business to earn the reward, and
serve the king with the utmost hazard and application.

When the crown fell to his share by the demise of his bro-
ther, he found himself in a post of great difficulty. To give a
particular account of the battles fought, the marches and
countermarches, and all the variety of events in the field,
would make a tedious and confused relation. For, if the
enemy happened to be routed in one quarter they immediately
appeared in another, leaving marks of ravage, slaughter, and
desolation wherever they came. They seemed, like Hydra's
heads, to multiply after a defeat, and grow up under the execu-
tions of steel. By continual recruits, and the advantage of

380

ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book in.

ATH EL-
RED,

Abp. Cant,
v >

Malmesb. de
Gestis Rc-
gum Aug].
1. 2. fol. 23.

King Alfred
forced to
retire to
Athelinge,
near Taun-
ton.

162.

Malmesb.
ibid.

Alfred. Vit.
1. 1. p. 31.
edit. Oxon.

their shipping, their motions were extremely swift and sur-
prising ; and, since they appeared almost in all places at once,
and ranged all over the island, it is to no purpose, as Malmes-
bury speaks, to pursue them with the pen. It may be sufficient
therefore to say in general, that king Alfred was continually in
a state of war for nine years together : in which interval,
though there were some short intermissions of respite and
truce, yet the enemy quickly broke their articles, so that the
country was always either frightened or alarmed. In short,
the king lost ground, and had nothing but the three counties
of Hantshire, Wiltshire, and Somersetshire, remaining. Being
thus distressed, he was forced to retire within the morass of
Athelinge, near Taunton, in Somersetshire ; and, being willing
to be certainly informed of the posture of the enemy, he put
himself into the disguise of a fiddler, and went upon the dis-
covery. This appearance of a buffoon made him pass without
suspicion, procured him admittance into the Danish king's tent,
and 'gave him the opportunity of a full information. Having
stayed in the enemy's camp several days, he returned to his
troops at Athelinge ; and, at a council of war, made a report
of the negligence and ill condition of the enemy. This intelli-
gence, together with a victory lately gained by some of the
king's forces in Devonshire, animated the army, and made them
desirous of a battle. The king, being reinforced to a consider-
able body, drew out his men, and made a speech to this effect :
he told them how thankful they ought to be to God Almighty,
for affording them patience and courage to struggle with so
great difficulties, and hold out after so long a trial ; that they
ought to look upon their misfortune as a punishment for their
misbehaviour ; that it was their sins that had given their ene-
mies this advantage over them ; that reformation would un-
doubtedly turn the scale, and alter the face of affairs ; that
they were to recollect the justice of the cause, and depend upon
the protection of heaven ; that they were to consider the
advantages of their own side, and the necessity of engaging ;
that Christians were to encounter heathens, and honest men
pirates and thieves, — men who, without any provocation, had
destroyed their country, seized their fortunes, and murdered
vast numbers of their friends and relations, and that without
any regard to age, to sex, or condition. " We are to fight
those,' 1 says he, " that have nothing of good faith or justice in

cent, ix.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 381

them; that have violated the most solemn securities, and AL ? R *? D '
broken their articles a hundred times over. 11 That this was no England.
contest of ambition, no striving for the enlargement of empire ;
that their swords were drawn for no other reason but purely to
secure themselves and recover their own ; it was to preserve
their parents, their wives, and children, from the hardships of
servitude, and from all the barbarous insults of a haughty and
licentious enemy ; and, which was a stronger motive than all
this, they fought for the honour of God, for the interest of his
Church, and to prevent the extirpation of the Christian

<• • Malmesb.de

religion. Gcstis Re _

After this speech he advanced towards the enemy ; and, pm An^L
coming unexpectedly upon them by a sudden march, cut most a^pefield,"
of the troops in pieces, and gained an entire victory. The " } i5 9 Eccleii "
Danish king, with the forces that escaped, begged a peace, ^^'"J^
promised either to turn Christians, or quit the country ; and tire defeat.
gave hostages for the performance of articles, which were
accordingly made good : for their king Guthrum, or Gurmund, The £*">***
with thirty of his nobility, and almost all the common soldiers most of his
and people, were baptized. This prince had king Alfred for ^ZmZI
his godfather: who being pleased with his conversion, and
expecting more conscience and honour than formerly, gave
him and his heirs the kingdoms of the East Angles and North-
umberland, to hold of him, under fealty and homage. But
Guthrum's conversion, being no more than interest and hypo-
crisy, he proved a very ungrateful and oppressive prince.
Neither were the people at all relieved by the reigns of his
posterity till the time of Athelstan, Alfred's grandson, who
wrested the country out of the hands of the Danes, and an-
nexed it to the English monarchy. As for those Danes that Maimesh.

*K" 1

refused to turn Christian, they went all aboard, under the ' ' ■
command of one Hasting, made several descents upon France,
and harassed the country in a miserable manner. By the
way, it was in this king's reign that Rollo, after an unsuccess-
ful trial upon England, got footing in France ; but the duchy
of Neustria, or Normandy, was not resigned him by Charles
the Simple till the reign of Edward the Elder. Mezeray,

About thirteen years after this pacification, the Danes re- p '
turned from their ravages in France, and landed in England.
During this interval, the country had been very happy and
undisturbed under the government of Alfred, who had now all

382 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book hi.

athel- England for his dominions, excepting that part of the country
Ab P . Cant, assigned the Danes by the treaty above mentioned : but now
TheEndish ^ ne war re vived, and a new scene of blood began to open.
attacked However, the case was somewhat altered, and the English had
D^nes V the advantage in this new quarrel. The Danes, who had been
battered in their disputes with the French, were not altoge-
ther so lively and enterprising as formerly ; whereas the
English, being veterans, well disciplined, flushed with their
late victory, and encouraged by the bravery of their prince,
were prepared not only to maintain their ground, but attack
King Al- the enemy. As for the king, he was always in the heat of the
very. " action, exposing his person to the utmost hazard, and no less
Maimesb. de distinguished by his valour than by his quality. And when
^mAnlt ne happened to meet with a check, his spirits never failed him :
l. 2. foi. 24. a (J e f ea t served only to awaken his caution, and make him
more impatient for revenge ; so that it was seldom long before
he rallied his fortune, and recovered himself. Next to the
Alfred the blessing of God, his success against the Danes was principally
prince^that owing to his fleet : his strength at sea was an advantage of
setoida jj-g own ra i sm g. The galleys invented by him were longer,
and better commanded by the helm, than those of the enemy.
Asser.de He was furnished with a hundred and fifty of these men of
bus Gest. war, as we may call them, with which he often prevented the
Ohron Sax enemv m their descent upon the coast, and defeated them upon

their own element.
Some qfking To proceed, now, from his martial undertakings to the civil
laws. part of his administration. He is famous for his legislation,

and making provisions for the government of the common-
wealth. He made inquiry into the constitutions of foreign
1 63. countries, collected those of his predecessors Ina, Offa, and

Alfredi Vit. Ethelbert ; and, as it is supposed, drew up an entire body of
etdemc. ' ^ aw : DU ^ ^ sucn a system was compiled, it is now lost : for
edit Oxon. £ ne fragments in Lambert, Spelman, and the English histo-

Biady,Com- & l Tin

piete'Hist. rians, fall short of the idea of so great a work. I shall men-
p. \\i. mt ' tion some few of his secular and ecclesiastical laws which are
Lambard. mos t remarkable.

Arcnaio-

nom. p. 22. One of the former secures the entail of estates, and enacts,
" that those who had book-land, or estates in land conveyed
to them by writing or deed, should not have a power of alien-
ating it, or disinheriting their heirs, provided there could be
proof made, either by evidence in writing, or witnesses, that he

ron,

cent, ix.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 383

that first granted the estate, settled it upon such conditions of ALFRED,
non-alienation. England.

Another law of Alfred's forbids the buying of a man, a horse, ' '

or an ox, without a voucher to warrant the sale. From hence Lambard.
we may observe, that villainage was in the height of disadvan- n0 m. Foedus
tage in king Alfred's time, and that a man's slave was as much q]^?
his property as his cattle. p- 36 -

Thirdly, he that perjured himself, and refused to make good
the obligation of a lawful oath, was "to deliver up his arms,
and surrender his estate into the hands of some of his friends :
after this, he was to be imprisoned forty days, and submit to
the penalty imposed on him by the bishop." If he made any
resistance, and refused to submit, " he was to forfeit his whole
estate." If he fled from justice, " he was to be put out of the
protection of the law, and excommunicated. 11 And if any
person had been surety for his good behaviour, " the surety, in
case of failure, was to be punished at the bishop's discretion." Lambart.

Fourthly, " He that robbed a church was to return the value red. p. 22,
of the things stolen : to pay a fine proportionable to the theft,
and to lose his right hand : and if he was desirous to buy off
the forfeiture of his hand, it could not be done under the value
of his whole estate."

Fifthly, " If any person debauched a man's wife, the valuation
of whose estate amounted to twelve hundred shillings, he was
obliged to pay a hundred and twenty shillings to the husband.
If the fortune of the person injured was less, the fine was set
somewhat lower. And here, if the adulterer happened not to
be wealthy, he was obliged to sell all his estate to make satis-
faction."

Sixthly, " Perjured persons, witches, and strumpets, were to
be banished, unless they reformed." Speiman,

I shall mention one law with relation to holydays, by virtue vol.1. p. 377.
of which, the twelve days after the nativity of our Saviour are
made festivals ; Good Friday, the anniversary of Gregory the
Great ; a week after Easter ; a week after Whitsuntide ; St.
Peter and St. Paul ; a week in autumn before the Assumption
of the blessed Virgin ; All Saints' Day, and Sundays, were all
holydays.

These ecclesiastical and secular laws of king Alfred have the
decalogue, and several of the judicial laws of the Old Testa-
ment, and the Apostles 1 constitutions, mentioned in the Acts, Acts xv.

384 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book hi.

ATHEL- set at the head of them. This was done, I suppose, for the
Abp. Cant, greater solemnity : for that they did not conceive themselves
' v ' bound by every part of the judicial law, is plain, by their
setting a pecuniary punishment upon adultery, which was death
by the Mosaic constitution. Some of these laws were made
jointly by Alfred and Guthrum, who held the East Angles and
Northumberland under king Alfred. These laws, which run in
the form of a concurrence of legislation between these two
princes, are probably no more in reality than articles of pacifi-
cation, and conditions upon which Guthrum was to hold the
country assigned him by the treaty. King Alfred seems to
have a particular regard for the security of the Christian reli-
gion within the Danish division : for by the first law, the wor-
ship of the true God is provided for, and the renunciation of
paganism enjoined : from whence it follows that if Guthrum or
his successors should happen to renounce Christianity, their
crowns would be forfeited to the Saxon line.

As for the time when king Alfred made these provisions,
with relation to Church and State, it is somewhat uncertain.
The ecclesiastical laws passed by Alfred, with the consent of
the bishops and temporal nobility, are fixed by sir Henry Spel-
man to the year 887. And he is of opinion, those laws in
which Guthrum the Danish king joined with him, are posterior
to the other : however, this is certain, that both one and the
other must be drawn up after the great defeat he gave the
Danes in Somersetshire, which happened in the year of our
Lord 878. For before this time, he was so perpetually harassed
by the Danes, his kingdom so broken and disturbed, and his
fortune at so low an ebb, that he had no leisure nor opportunity
for consultations of this nature.
The mings. To proceed to some farther regulations of the commonwealth.
King Alfred, as has been observed already, divided the kingdom
Ingulph. into counties, the counties into hundreds, and the hundreds
Mahnesb. de m ^° tithings. This provision was made, that every man might
An St M e ^ Uin ^ e more un( ^ er the notice and jurisdiction of the government,
and more certainly answerable to the law for any misbehaviour.
These last divisions were called tithings ; because ten house-
holders and their families were tin-own into a distinct body.
These ten men were all bound to the king; for the good beha-
viour of each other. The more particular circumstances of
the provision were these : the lords were to answer for their

oknt. ix.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 385

slaves ; husbands for their wives ; fathers for their children, ALFRED,

till fourteen years of age ; and generally the master of the England.

family was to be security for those that lived with him. Now *"

if any one of the ten happened to break the peace, or fall under

any forfeiture, the other nine were to have him ready for justice,

and see him forthcoming. If the guilty person fled for it, he *"*•

was not to be received in any place without a certificate from

his own tithing, and if any person was admitted to live at

large in a town, without being entered within some tithing,

the place was fineable at the king's mercy. There are several

other provisions in this constitution, which are too long to

mention. Alfred. Vit.

As for the division of the kingdom into counties, some are Speim'an,
of opinion it was prior to the reign of Alfred. It is true, there p^orga!"
is mention of the earldoms of Lincoln, Kent, Somerset, &c. Alfred. Vit.
before this division of Alfred ; but then it is observed, that Comities first
these earldoms or counties related to the present jurisdiction j^L^//^.
and government of the earls, and were either enlarged or
lessened in proportion to the tenor of their commission ; but
king Alfred fixed this ambulatory nature of the counties, and
ascertained their number and limits, giving the government of
several of them sometimes to one person : for instance ; when
he extinguished the title of the tributary kings of Mercia, he
made his general and son-in-law, Ethelred, earl of that whole
principality. Ibid - et

To proceed. The forms of original writs are supposed to Forms of
have been first settled by this prince. The office of sheriff ^"^f
likewise was his constitution. The valuation of the kingdom Ibid - p- 81 -
drawn up by the Conqueror, and called Doomsday-book, was
taken from king Alfred's scheme ; who, making an inquiry into
the estates and properties of the kingdom, caused the whole
account to be registered in his Winchester-book : from this
register the Conqueror took his matter and his method ; inso-
much, that his Doomsday-book was little more than a larger !° id - p- 82-
edition of that of Winchester.

County courts, and court-leets, were another regulation of County
this prince. He was so great a justicer, that he used to re- C0U rt-ieets.
examine the causes tried in his absence ; and if he found any
iniustice done, it was his method to send for the judges, and Theimpar-

.11 !•<»' iP-iii twuityofhis

expostulate the case with them ; and it he found them swayed justice.
either by favour or interest, he punished them severely, and re-
vol. i. c c

386 ECCLESTASTTCAL HISTORY [book hi.

athel- turned the lex talionis upon them. Thus, the Mirror of Justice,

Ab P . Cant, written in the reign of king Edward I., tells us, that he exe-

' cuted four-and-forty judges within the compass of one year.

Mivoir des And in case the judges confessed they were misguided in their

c.20. et alib. sentence for want of skill ; if this plea held, he used to repri-

i VI 2 1 'foT b 25. man d them sharply for their ignorance, and ask them how they

durst presume to take commission to determine about life and

property, when they knew themselves so wretchedly unqualified I

He ordered them therefore, either to furnish themselves better

with sense and learning, or quit their post. And thus, the

earls and great men, who were frequently not bred to learning,

applied themselves to study, being willing leather to run through

an unusual discipline and fatigue, than sink their figure, and be

Asser. de turned out of their office. From hence, and from Alfred's

Alfred. Reb. .. , ■, .., • j • -i 1 *

Gest. foi. 21 . receiving appeals, and reversing judgments, (mentioned by As-
'veahmade serms ) it appears, that the king's person was the last resort
to the king's of justice ; and that he tried the causes himself, and not by his

person. . ', , . . ,

Asser. ibid, judges, whenever he pleased.

I have already mentioned king Alfred's building a fleet of
men-of-war, and that he was the first Saxon prince that began
the empire of the seas, and made his naval forces a guard to
himself, and a terror to his neighbours. To this we may add,
that he improved his invention of shipping for commerce, and
contrived his merchantmen much fitter for sailing, stowage,
and length of voyage than formerly. Being thus far advanced,
he sent a present to the East Indies, in honour of St. Thomas.
Sigelin, bishop of Sherburn, was employed to deliver it, who
performed the voyage successfully, and brought back a great
many precious stones, perfumes, and other Indian commodities ;
all which, at that time of the day, were great curiosities in
Maimesb.de England. But here we are not to suppose this voyage was
Reg. Angi performed by the sailing on the back of Afric, and doubling
Alfred Vif' ^ ne Cape of Good Hope ; no, this passage was unknown to
l. 2. p. 112. the Europeans many hundred years after king Alfred's reign.
What course then did the bishop take \ Why, he passed
through the Straits, landed at some of the ports of Palestine,
and travelled the rest of his way in caravans ; or else, he re-
embarked upon the Red Sea, fell into the Arabian Grulph, and
so coasted along the Persian shore till he came to the Indies.

To proceed to other public designs carried on by king Alfred.
He built two monasteries ; one at Athelinge, in Somersetshire,

cent, ix.] OF UREAT BRITAIN. 387

and another at Winchester. The devastations made by the ALFRED,
incursions of the Danes, had fallen so heavy upon the monas- England.
teries, that that way of living was perfectly disused in England; fj^^tic
and though several of the buildings were remaining, yet there Ufedisused
were no monks in them : whether the reason of this desertion and the mar-
proceeded from their fear of the enemy, or dislike of the disci- ™tledmtiie
pline, is more than Asserius can determine. This is certain, monasteries.

r . . Asser. de

there were very few monks in England, from the reign of Al- Alfred. Reb.
fred's predecessor to that of king Edgar, when St. Dunstan
was archbishop of Canterbury ; during which interval, the Angi. Sacr.
married clergy were possessed of several monasteries. For 1>ai
instance ; thus the case stood at Ely, where, soon after the
monastery had been plundered and burnt by the Danes, the
married clergy came thither, repaired the buildings, formed
themselves into a body, and dwelt there under the government
of an arch-priest, as the Historia Eliensis calls him. A person An gJ- Sacr
of this character, it seems, inquiring with too much curiosity \Qo.

into the condition of St. Ethelred's or St. Audrey's corpse, was
severely punished. For this presumption, as the historian will ibid. p. 603.
have it, his wife and children were soon after taken off with
the plague.

In this reign, Leovine, bishop of Leicester, united the sees
of Leicester and Lincoln, and removed to Dorchester in Ox-
fordshire ; which, though but a small town in Malmesbury's
time, continued the see of that large diocese till bishop Remi-
gius, in the Conqueror's reign, settled at Lincoln. Maimesb.de

To return to king Alfred, who, beside the two monasteries i. 4. fol. 165.
above mentioned, founded a nunnery at Shaftesbury, where he
made his eldest daughter the abbess, the nuns being generally
persons of great quality. The scarcity of monks was so great Asser. de
at this time, that the king was forced to send for foreigners, Gest fol. 18^
and stock his two monasteries with monks of different orders ; 19 -
and to make a full complement, he put in several children, who
were afterwards to take the habit upon them. Asser. p. 18.

The late ravages of the Danes had ruined the commonwealth i 3V132.'
of learning, and frighted the muses out of the island. This
barbarous enemy seemed to proclaim war against sense and
understanding ; they hated to see the English better polished
than themselves. And as they plundered the monasteries out
of covetousness, so they burnt the libraries out of envy ; and

c c 2

388 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book hi.

athel- that there might be nothing remaining to reproach their

RED, •

Abp.Cant. ignorance.

King' Alfred That learning was at a very low ebb in this prince's reign,
encourages appears by his letter to bishop Wulfsiff : it stands as a preface

learning. i i ^ i o i t •

to AlfrecTs translation of St. Gregory's Pastoral. In this
letter he puts the bishop in mind, " that both the clergy and
laity of the English were formerly bred to letters, and made
great improvements in the creditable sciences ; that by the
advantage of such a learned education, the precepts of religion
and loyalty were well observed, the Church and State flourished,
and the government was famous for its conduct in foreign
countries. And as to the clergy, they were particularly emi-
nent for their instructions ; for acting up to the expectations
of their character, and discharging all the parts of their func-
tion to commendation ; insomuch, that strangers used to come
hither for learning, discipline, and improvement. But now the
case is miserably altered, and we have need of travelling to
learn, what we used to teach : indeed, knowledge is so entirely
vanished from the English, that there are very few on this side
the Humber, that can either translate a piece of Latin, or so
Asser. de much as understand the Liturgy in their mother-tongue,'''' &c.
Gest. p. 27. The king, who besides the motives of his own genius, knew
the use and ornament of knowledge, was willing to encourage
the interest and revive the study of learning. To this purpose,
he invited a great many scholars of character to his court ;
amongst whom, Johannes Scotus Erigena, an Irishman, was
one. He was a person of considerable learning, and a great
master of languages. Charles the Bald, of France, entertained
him at his court, used to set him at his own table, and con-
versed and jested with him with great friendship and familiarity.
This Scotus being strongly invited by king Alfred, came over
into England ; where, at first, he was the king's preceptor,
Maimesb. de both in languages and other parts of learning ; he was after-
Angl'.fdL g 24. wards made public professor in the monastery of Malmesbury.
Alfred. Vit. rp^ p re f ermen t proved unfortunate, for a quarrel happening
Scotus writes between him and his pupils, they were so barbarous as to stab
substantial him with their pen-knives. This Scotus wrote strongly against
Du Pin's ^ ne doctrine of Paschasius, who maintained, that the body of

New Eccles. Christ in the eucharist was the same that was born of the

Hist cent y

p . 7i. blessed Virgin. Charles the Bald, of France, engaged him in

cent, ix.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 389

this dispute ; in the managing of which, he argues plainly ALFRED,
against the corporal presence. Notwithstanding this per- E * gl °n d
formance, he was invited into England by king Alfred, pre- ^~^r — '
ferred by him, and honoured with the title of a martyr after ibid. P . 77.
his death. These circumstances, to speak softly, are a strong co l^ ed a
presumption that transubstantiation was not the doctrine of ™ art y r -
the Church of England at that time.

Cressy seems apprehensive of this inference, and endeavours Cressyy

l . fii-TT olijecivms

to fence against it. He affirms, in the first place, from Hove- ansivered.
den, that Scotus had brought himself under a just infamy in JS
France, upon the score of his heterodoxy : this imputation ^ 9t 1 a ^ r d of
made him desirous to retreat into England. But in this p. 771.
relation, Cressy misrepresents Hoveden ; for this historian
asserts no more, than that Scotus was eclipsed in his reputa-
tion ; which is no wonder, considering the letter pope Nicholas
wrote to Charles the Bald, to his disadvantage ; where he
taxes him with unsound opinions, but without naming any
particulars. It is true, Hoveden does say, he lay under an ill
report ; but that this historian thought he deserved it, we have
no reason to conclude. On the contrary, after the relation of
his murder, he tells us, he had an obscure burial ; that there
was a miraculous light for several nights together, shining over
his grave : upon which the monks removed him from St. Law-
rence's, and buried him in the great church, close by the altar.
This discovery of his corpse by such an extraordinary appear-
ance, is an honour peculiar to a martyr. We have several
instances of this kind in Bede. How then could Hoveden
believe Scotus lay under a just infamy, when he relates him
thus distinguishingly honoured by God Almighty? Cressy
grants, that posterity had a great veneration for his memory :
but then he will not allow, that any ancient author calls him a
martyr. But is not Malmesbury an ancient author, who lived 166.

in the reign of Maud, the empress ? Now this historian is full
for the point. Besides he cites his epitaph to vouch the truth Q e a s \™ e £ b e de
of the relation. He tells us the very structure and diction of Angl. l. 2.

fol ^4

the verses argue their antiquity, and that they were by no
means polished up to the smoothness of his own time. They
are these : —

Clauditur hoc tumulo sanctus sopMsta Johannes,
Qui ditatus erat jam vivens dogmate miro,

390 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book hi.

athel- Martyrio tandem Christi conscendere rec/num,

Ab RE P' Quo meruit, sancti regnant per scecula cuncti.

This epitaph, we see, is clear for his martyrdom, and Cressy
himself is contented to own, at last, that he is registered in
the supplement of the Gallican martyrology, and commemo-
rated among the saints, on the fourth of the ides of November ;
and that his name had stolen even into the Roman martyr-
Cressy, ology, till Baronius got him expunged. By Cressy's account,
we see the credit of Scotus's martyrdom was well established :
and it is rather more probable, that Baronius stole him out of
the Roman martyrology, than that he was stolen in before.
And now Cressy not knowing what to do with this honourable
character, will needs have Scotus retract his former errors :
without this, he thinks, posterity would never have treated his
memory with so much regard. But what ground is there for
this supposition ? Does Malmesbury, Hoveden, or any other
historian, hint any such matter ? Mr. Cressy cannot say that.
Besides, if Scotus retracted his errors, as Cressy calls them,
what made Baronius sit so hard upon his reputation, and
strike him out of the holy register \ This conjecture therefore
being altogether precarious and unwarranted, I shall consider
it no farther.
Grimbald Grimbald was another eminent foreigner of letters, invited

learned' over by king Alfred. Besides his learning, he was a consider-
foreigners gj^jg ma ster in church-music, and a man of exemplary piety.

invited hither i ...

by Ung The king was first acquainted with him when he travelled to
Rome in his minority: for, passing by Rheims, this Grimbald
Gest. Alfred, gave prince Alfred and his train a very honourable and splendid
Malmesb. de reception. The king, at his coming over, made use of him for
Angi. l. 2. the restoring of learning, and preferred him to the government
fol. 24. f ^ ie new aDDe y f Winchester. The king likewise sent for
Asser. de several other priests and deacons of character from France.

Alfred. Reb. -„ . , .. . .. .. „

Gest. p. 18. But notwithstanding this application to foreign countries,
the island was not altogether so unfurnished, as not to afford
some supplies of learning from home.
T/w king con- Amongst those of this character, we may reckon Asserius,
English who wrote king Alfred's life. This Asserius, according to
Malmesb de P rmmte Usher, died archbishop of St. David's, and was not
GestisReg. the same with the bishop of Sherburn of that name. For
fol. 24. Asserius, Alfred's historian, tells us, he wrote that prince's life

cent, ix.j OF GREAT BRITAIN. 391

in the year of our Lord 898 ; whereas Asserius of Sherburn, Alfred,
according to Florence of Worcester and Florilegus, was dead e™i °nd
ten years before this period. lmT^IT^

To proceed : Werefrid, bishop of Worcester, Plegmund, tan - Eccles.
archbishop of Canterbury, Dunwulf, bishop of Winchester, p.'sll""
Wulfsig, bishop of London, Werebert, bishop of Leicester,
the famous St. Neots, and some others, were the persons the
king made use of in his scheme for the restoring of learning.
To speak a word or two of each of them.

Wereford was bishop of Worcester in the reign of Burrhed, A short c ] ia -

TCtCtBT Of

king of the Mercians, but when the Danes made themselves some of them.
masters of that division, Werefrid was forced to retire beyond
sea. His exile continued till Alfred recalled him. He was
one of the first class for learning, at Alfred's court. He
translated the Dialogues of Gregory the Great into English at
the king's instance. In short, he had a great reputation when
living, and was registered as a saint after his death.

Plegmund was remarkably eminent for his skill in divinity,
and always made one at the committees for learning and
religion.

Dunwulf had a very low education, and is said to have been
a herdsman ; however he had honesty enough to shelter the
king in his distress ; who finding him a person of a great
genius, and much above the business he was bred to, got him
instructed in learning. His proficiency answered the king's
expectation so far, that he promoted him to the see of Win-
chester, and used his advice in affairs of the greatest moment. Alfred. Ait.

That Wulfsig, to say no more of him, was a prelate of value 102.
and distinction, appears by the king's letter to him above
mentioned.

And as for St. Neots, he was an abbot of extraordinary St. Neots.
strictness and regularity, of primitive zeal and courage for
promoting the interest of religion. His reputation was so
great, that he made a standing impression upon the place
where he was buried ; and left the name of Neotstow upon
Einsbury in Cornwall. And to honour his memory farther,
earl Alrick's seat in Huntingdonshire was turned into a
monastery on his account. And upon the removal of his
corpse thither, the town had the name of St. Neots. This
saint used to reprove king Alfred with great freedom, and was
a sort of check upon the sallies of his youth. For though the

392

ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book hi.

ATHEL-
RED,

Abp. Cant.

167.

Alfred. Vit.
1. 2. p. 103.

Ibid.

Part of the
kind's letter
to bishop
Wvlfsig.

king was a libertine in no part of his life, yet he might some-
times be too far pushed by his fancy, and want the assistance
of good advice. St. Neots, who gained upon the king's
opinion by degrees, was very serviceable upon such occasions,
and prompted him to a great many noble undertakings. To
throw in a word about his family : he was descended from the
blood royal of the East Angles ; and when that country was
overrun by the Danes, he retired to the West Saxons for the
advantages of study and devotion. He is said to have departed
this life in the year 890.

These were the principal persons the king made use of to
recover the Church and State ; to retrieve his subjects from
the disadvantages of an unlettered education ; to inform their
understandings, direct their conscience, and polish their man-
ners. By the assistance, I say, of these learned men, the king
was directed in his inquiry after men of parts and probity,
who, being found out, were put into a method of education, and
furnished with opportunities of improvement. And thus, in a
short time, there were persons enough of competent learning
to furnish the English sees, and support the character of a
bishop.

And for fear the disadvantage of the times should be such
that the learning of the present clergy might die with them,
and not descend upon their successors, the king resolved upon
making some provision for the instruction of posterity. To
this purpose he translated Gregory the Great's Pastoral into
English. Several copies of this version were transcribed, and
one sent to every bishop, with an order they should be carefully
preserved ; and thus, if the clergy of future times should hap-
pen to be low in their education, and unacquainted with their
duty, they might learn it from hence. The preface of this
pastoral is written by way of letter to Wulfsig, bishop of
London ; I have mentioned some of it already, and shall give
the reader part of the rest.

" He conjures the bishop to communicate his knowledge,
and transfuse his own good qualities as far as he can. Consider
(says he) what punishment we have reason to expect even in
this life, if we neither take care of our own improvement, nor
consult the benefit of posterity. We vainly value ourselves
upon the name of Christianity ; but, alas ! there are but a few
of us that live answerably to that profession. These consider-

< knt. ix.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 393

ations made me reflect, that though before these late times of ALFRED,
rapine and desolation, all the churches of the English were well Enghnd.
stocked with books, yet many people were little the better for v
this advantage ; because they were written in foreign languages
which the people did not understand. Now, at first, I was
somewhat surprised to find men of so great learning and piety,
with which the country was plentifully furnished in former ages;
to find these men, I say, omit the translation of, at least, some
part of their libraries. But this difficulty I easily got over, by
considering, that our ancestors had no apprehension we should
ever have sunk to this degree of ignorance, and therefore
declined the translating of books on purpose : imagining that
the locking up learning in foreign languages would push people
upon study and application, and, by consequence, promote their
improvement. The king's letter proceeds to observe, that
the Bible written in Hebrew was translated into Greek and
Latin, and that all Christendom had some part of the inspired
writings turned into their own language. For these reasons
he thought it advisable to translate St. Gregory's Pastoral into
English ; for though the late commotions had discouraged
learning, and made Latin an unintelligible language, yet a
great many of his subjects were able to read English. He
informs Wulfsig that he had a design that all the English, who
had any thing of circumstances or sufficiency, should be obliged
to educate their children to read English before they put them
to any trade ; and if they intended to have them preferred to
any degree of notice and consideration, they should get them
instructed in Latin. And lastly, as to the sense of translation,
he declares that he had governed himself by the directions of
Plegmund, Asserius, Grimbald, and John."

These books, as I observed, were sent to all the respective
sees, and each copy had a style, or golden pen, worth fifty
marks, fastened to it : both which were to be laid in the
church, and all persons solemnly conjured not to remove either

of them. Spelman,

From this prefatory letter, we may see how strong the king's y™" 1 '
inclinations were to provide for the security of religion, to P- 379 ' 38 °-

. Alfred. Vit.

retrieve the study of learning, and promote the happiness of l. 2. p. 104.'
his people. To this purpose he mentions a scheme of founding et deinc '
schools throughout the kingdom. How far this project was
executed is hard to determine ; however, it is certain he settled

394 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book hi.

ATHEL- a noble seat of learning at Oxford. Here he built and endowed
Ate Cant three halls, settled a revenue for about eighty scholars, and

1 v ' formed them into a society under certain statutes and regula-

Alfred. vit. tions. These three halls, called the Great, the Less, and the
' ' p " ' Little, were afterwards thrown into one society, and called by
ibid. 1. 3. the name of University College.

p 149 . . . .

The and- Brian Twine sets the antiquity of Oxford much higher than

Sr^V^ 6 reign of Alfred. Sir John Spelman, on the other side,
Oxford seems pretty well assured this prince was the first founder.
sidered. " Twine, amongst other arguments, insists upon a famous passage
DeAlfred 01 ' m Asserius ; I shall transcribe it for the reader.
Ret> Gest. « The same year there happened a troublesome quarrel at
Oxford, between Grimbald and the learned men he brought
with him, on the one side, and the old scholars he found upon
the place on the other ; these latter refusing to go entirely
into Grrimbakrs plan, to submit to his regulations, and be go-
verned by all his forms of reading. For the first three years
they only growled at the innovation ; but now the flame broke
out, and they came to an open rupture. King Alfred being
informed of this misunderstanding, went to Oxford to put an
168. end to the dispute. The king had both parties brought before

him, and here the old University men pretended, that learning
had flourished there long before the coming of Grimbald,
though the late descents of the pagans had discouraged the
muses, and reduced the scholars to a lesser number. They
likewise proved, from unquestionable records, that the consti-
tutions and discipline of their University had been settled by
several persons of eminence for erudition and piety ; by St.
Gildas, by Melkinus, by Nemrius, Kentigernus, and others,
who all of them spent their time there in the pursuit of know-
ledge, governed without broils, and managed to the satisfaction
of the society. They insisted, likewise, that St. Germanus,
when he came into Britain to combat the Pelagian heresy,
resided at Oxford a year and a half, and was mightily pleased
with the methods and orders of the place. The king having
heard the plea of both parties, with great patience and good-
ness, advised them to drop the dispute, and agree. But
Grimbald being displeased with the issue of the debate, left the
town, and retired to the new monastery of Winchester."

This testimony, were it allowed, would be very considerable.
But sir John Spelman contests the passage, observes it is not

cenh;, ix.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 395

in the copy published by archbishop Parker, and seems to tax ALFRED,
Cambden, who inserted and commends it with partiality to his England.
own University. And, which is more, primate Usher is posi- AlfrcYTiT'
tive for the interpolation of this authority, and affirms, that \- ' 3 - p- 140 '
one of the most ancient copies of Asserius, written in Saxon
characters, and preserved in the Cotton Library, has not a sylla-
ble of this dispute between Grimbald and the old Oxonians,
nor any thing of the passage above mentioned. And this copy,
the learned primate is of opinion, was either a transcript made
by the author, or at least in the age immediately following. Usher. Bri-
However, to make the authenticity of this testimony look Antiquit.
somewhat probable, it is said, that Oonstantius of Lyons, in his 1>- 183 ' lf!4-
life of St. German, mentions the University of the British
country. Now this was before the reign of Sigebert, and
therefore can be nothing but the University of Oxford. But
here the archbishop proves that the sense of Constantius is
clearly mistaken ; and that, by Universitas Britannica3 Regionis,
he meant no more than Universa Regio, or the whole country
of Britain ; for, as the learned primate proves, Universitas was
so far from the modern signification in the age of Constantius,
that even Cambden acknowledges this term was not used for a
seminary of general learning till about the time of Henry III. ^her ibi<i.
Another argument for the antiquity of the University of Oxfordshire.
Oxford is taken from Whelock's note upon the fourth book of
Bede's Ecclesiastical History, where, making a remark upon Be ( de ' \ 4 -
archbishop Theodore's industry in propagating learning through-
out his province, that he read humanity to the Britons, and
had a great many followers for his instructions ; upon these
words of Bede, " congregata discipulorum caterva," Whelock
reports, from an ancient manuscript in Trinity Hall, in
Cambridge, that a little town called Grekislake had its name
from Theodore's having a public school there, and reading upon
the languages. Now this Grekislake is supposed to be the
same w r ith Crecgelade ; however, this is but conjecture without
proof. But granting the supposition, what follows? Why
then Whelock will tell us, that in an old Saxon manuscript,
Crecgelade and Oxford are mentioned together; and so they
might be, though they were considerably distant. But let
that be as it will, it is plain, by the distinct mention, that
Crecgelade and Oxford are not the same ; so far from that,
that Cambden assures us, Crecgelade, or Greeklade, stands in

396 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book hi.

A S££ L " another county, is a little town in Wiltshire, and by conse-

Abp. Cant, quence can give no assistance to the antiquity of Oxford.

Ca^bdThT" Farther, we may observe that Bede, in his Ecclesiastical

Oxfordshire. History, takes no notice of any such place as Oxford, which,

had it been a public seat of learning, is hard to account for ;

and in his preface to king Ceolwulphus, where he mentions the

memoirs from whence his history was extracted, in this preface,

I say, he acquaints that king of his receiving materials from

Rome, from Canterbury, and from the Church of Lindesfern,

but is perfectly silent about any assistance from Oxford. Now,

was this place an University in Bede's time, and yet without

any monuments or records of Church history ? Oxford was

within the division of Mercia ; was it not therefore the most

likely place to have furnished an account of the conversion of

that people ? And yet Bede tells us he was supplied with this

part of his history from the monastery of Lestingae, founded

Bede in by St. Chad.

• p " • The famous Alcuinus passes this University over with the
same silence, and that in a place where we have the least rea-
son to expect it. In his letter to Charles the Great, where
he mentions archbishop Egbert's fine library, and the flourish-
ing condition of learning at York, he recommends the sending
the youth of France into Britain for education. Whither
would he have them sent? To the University of Oxford?
Not a word of that. No ; York was the place pointed out for
learning and improvement. Alcuinus advises the young peo-
ple of France to travel thither, " Ut non sit tantuni modo in
Eboraco hortus conclusus, sed etiam in Turonica emissiones

Malmesb. de paradisi. 1 '

Angi. l. ft To this we may add, that Ingulphus and other historians,
foL 12. ^ho describe the ravage of the Danes, and their burning the
libraries in the monasteries of Croyland, Ely, &c, say nothing
of the least damage done to Oxford ; and yet the Danes over-
run the whole kingdom of Mercia, and reduced king Alfred to
the three counties of Hantshire, Wiltshire, and Somersetshire.
cSt^Re' de N ° W ' ** is somewnat strange that these Danes, who destroyed
Angi l. ± all the monuments of learning in other places, should lay down
169? tllG barbarit y °f their temper, and be so particularly civil to
the University of Oxford ! Or if they burnt and destroyed
libraries here with their usual savageness, it is a wonder no
historian should record the calamity, and take notice of so con-

cent, ix.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 397

siderable a loss. Besides, we may remember, king Alfred, in ALFRED,
his letter to Wulfsig, complains, that there were very few on England.

this side the H umber that either understood the Church pray- ' '

ers in English, or could so much as construe any Latin book.
Was the ignorance of the south parts of England thus gross,
and yet Oxford a seat of the muses at the same time I It is
somewhat surprising the country should be thus barren, when
watered by such a fountain ! It is something odd, too, that
so noble a seat of knowledge should not be excepted in the
king's complaint, and rescued from so coarse a character !
With submission, I think those who argue for the antiquity of
this place, had better drop their pretensions, than make it an
University without either learning or Latin.

Farther, the king, to carry on his design for the promoting
of learning, sent for several eminent scholars beyond sea, as
Grimbald, Johannes Scotus, &c. He likewise drew together
some of his own subjects, as we have seen, to this purpose ;
but we do not find that Oxford furnished out any quota towards
this business. Now, is it not very strange that an university
should be able to contribute nothing upon such an occasion ?
Instead of this, we find Oxford wanted instructors herself; and
that several of these learned men were sent thither, as we shall
see afterwards.

Now if Oxford had been so famous a seminary as some will
have it, what necessity was there for the king's entertaining
foreigners ? Why should he draw down auxiliaries from all
quarters ? Why should he be at all this trouble to no pur-
pose ? Why should he reproach the ignorance of the Univer-
sity with so needless a project, and lay such an undeserved im-
putation upon them at so much expense ?

But lastly, sir John Spelman proves from the concessions in
Twine's apology, that king Alfred was not the restorer but the
founder of the University of Oxford. He begins his testimonies
with the annals of Winchester, which speak to this purpose : —

"In the year of our Lord 886, which was the second of King Alfred
St. Grimbald's arrival in England, the University of Oxford the founder
was begun. The professors were these — the abbot St. Neots °{/^s6.'
and Grimbald read divinity ; Asserius, the monk, set up a
chair for grammar and rhetoric ; John, a monk of St.
David's, taught logic, arithmetic, and music ; and another
John, a companion of Grimbald's, professed mathematics and

398

ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book hi.

ATIIEL-
RED,

Abp. Cant.

Twine,
Apol. 1.2.
sect. 176.
Alfred. Vit.
1. 3. p. 147,
148.

Apol. 1.1.
sect. 2. 1. 2.
sect. 172.
Alfred. Vit.
1. 3. ibid.

astronomy." Thus far the annals of Winchester. Higden,
Rosse, and Rudburn, might be cited to the same purpose.
Rosse is very explicit, and reports, " That at the first founda-
tion of the University the king built three halls within the walls
of Oxford. That one of them, for the accommodation of six-
and-twenty that studied grammar, was called the Little Hall ;
that another, where provision was made for six-and-twenty
logicians and philosophers, was called the Lesser Hall ; and
that the third, which entertained six-and-twenty divines, had
the name of the Great Hall. 11 From hence sir John Spelman
proceeds to cite the letters of the university to Humphrey,
duke of Gloucester, in which it is acknowledged, " That his
highness was the greatest benefactor they ever had excepting
king Alfred, the founder of the university. 11 And lastly, he
quotes the old Bedel's books, where it is said, " That upon St.-
Martin's eve it was an ancient custom at Oxford to pray for
the souls of their benefactors in the schools, and especially for
king Alfred's soul, the first founder of this university. 11

And thus, though I have represented something upon this
subject, I do not pretend to determine ; the reader is to judge
for himself. He may try the cause farther, and examine
Twine, Wood, and Caius, if he pleases. However, I humbly
conceive the credit of either university is sufficiently esta-
blished without the advantage in point of time. There is no
need of torturing a text, catching at bare possibilities, and ap-
plying almost to romances for relief. They are, both of them,
without contest, the most illustrious seats of learning in
Europe. And since they are thus well founded in merit, what
occasion is there to strain for antiquity, to have recourse to
questionable records, and run as it were into the dark for light
and evidence \ However, it must be said in behalf of Oxford,
that it has the honour of one of the most glorious English
princes for its founder, and above eight hundred years of
undoubted antiquity. I wish I could draw a descent for Cam-
bridge of the same length, and set so great a person at the
top of the pedigree. But I will not pretend to any great skill in
The 'death of this sort of heraldry, and therefore shall dismiss the argument.

archtishopo/ In tne y ear of our Lord 88 ^> Athelred, archbishop of Can-
Canterbury. terbury, departed this life, and after two years 1 vacancy was
parfi.p. 4. succeeded by Plegmund. About this time, though it is hard
wlwdf. to determine the precise year, there were several Welsh synods

Twine,
Apol. 1. 2.
sect. 218.

Apol. 1. 2.
sect. 219.
Alfred. Vit.
1. 3. p. 149.

iVb decision
of the
question.

cent, x.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 399

held under the bishops of Llandaff, in which Teudur, Gurcan, ALFRED,
Hovel, and some other petty princes of that country, were England

excommunicated ; one of them for perjury and murder ; ano- ' '

ther for incest with his mother-in-law ; and a third for seizing
the revenues of the church. These censures were published in
a synod, in which the bishops of Llandaff presided. That Speiman,
they were convened about this time appears probable enough vol. l. p. 381.
from a passage in Asserius, where the names of most of the
excommunicated princes are mentioned upon another occasion.
"At that time," says he, (viz. anno Dom. 887,) "all the
country of South Wales belonged to king Alfred ;" or, as the 170.

Latin has it, "omnes regiones dcxtralis Britannia partis ad
Alfred regem pertinebant, et adhuc pertinent.' 1 '' Now that
South Wales is meant by "dextralis Britannia pars," appears by
the author's calling it " Demetica regio" in the next line. Thus Asser. de
he calls Sussex "regio dextralium Saxonum." But to proceed to Geut.fol. is!
a list of the princes that submitted to king Alfred. And here Ibldfo1 - u -
he tells us, Hemeid, with all the division of South Wales, and
six of the sons of Rotrus, or Clotrus, were forced to a submis-
sion to king Alfred. Hovel, also, the son of Ris, king of
Gleguising, and Broachmail, and Fernail, sons of Mouric,
kings of Guent, being harassed by the Mercians, their neigh-
bours, put themselves under the protection of king Alfred.
The same measures were likewise taken by Helised, son of
Teudur, king of Brecknock. Thus we see the names of most
of these princes are the same with those in the synods col-
lected by sir Henry Speiman.

... Cent. x.

The next remarkable accident which occurs is the death of The death of

king Alfred, which, according to Asserius, happened in the ^^^"
year 900, though the Saxon chronicle places it a year forward.
Now this prince being so eminent in his station, and making
so shining a figure, it may not be amiss to add something
farther concerning the rest of his character.

Malmesbury and others relate that he divided the four-and- The remain-
twenty hours of day and night into three parts, eight hours of char^-.
it he spent in reading, writing, and prayer ; eight hours in
sleep and other refreshments ; and the remaining third was
employed in dispatches of government. His inclinations for Maimesb. de
virtue and sobriety were remarkable in the most critical periods 1. 2. fol. 24.
of life. When he was in the heat of his youth, and the strength

400 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book hi.

pleg- of his passions, he used to rise in the night, walk privately into
Abp. Can't, the church, and pray that God would fortify him with his
v v ' grace ; and rather than run the risk of a libertine practice, he
begged some check might be put upon his health to secure his
Alfred. Vit. conduct, and abate the edge of desire. The piety of his
' p ' ' youth held on through the several stages of his life ; the
licence of the camp made no impression upon his virtue ; the
continual exercises of war, and the necessary ruggedness of
some part of the military profession, had no unhappy effect
upon him, nor weakened the sweetness of his disposition ; his
Ibid. p. 164. munificence and charity were extraordinary, as appears by the
management of his fortune ; he divided his revenues into two
parts, and then subdivided the first moiety into three, with one
third of which he paid the salaries of his court, another third
was expended in buildings, and the third was bestowed upon
strangers and indigents that travelled hither. The other
moiety was thrown into four divisions ; one of which was dis-
tributed among the English that were poor, the monasteries
had a second portion, the scholars (I suppose the Oxonians)
a third, and the transmarine Churches were presented with a

Malmesb.de fourth.

Angl. fol. g 25. A s f° r hi s ge n i us 5 the strength and universality of it was
extraordinary. The new way of building ships, by which he
prevailed upon the Danes, was his invention. He was a con-
siderable architect ; drew models with great beauty and exact-
ness, and taught the English to build with more regularity and

Asser. de magnificence than formerly.

Alfred. Reb. a i • i Pi' i •

Gest.fol. 17. And since he was so great a promoter ol learning among his
subjects, it is but justice to take notice of his own. He was
twelve years of age before his education touched the least upon
letters ; afterwards he applied himself heartily this way, and
had a great relish for books. And when he came to the
crown he always entertained learned men at his court, such as
Plegmund, Werefrid, &c, who at the intervals of public busi-

Ibid. fol. 14. ness used to read to him. Afterwards he advanced to a re-
markable proficiency, and translated St. Gregory's Pastoral,
Bede's Ecclesiastical History, Boethius de Consolatione Philo-
sophise, and a great many others, as his kinsman Ethelwerdus

Ethelwevd. relates of him. He made collections of laws, and wrote

l. 4™"'^ several other tracts mentioned by Bale and Pitts, too long to
insert. He is likewise said to have translated the Old and New

cent, x.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 401

Testament into English. However, it is on all hands agreed Alfred,
that he undertook the translation of the Book of Psalms, but England.
died when it was about half finished. AifredTvih

He was very constant in his devotion, used to frequent the *• 3 - p- 167 -
public service every day ; slip sometimes from his court into
the church, and seldom missed any stated hours of prayer,
either by day or night. He was a prince of great condescen-
sion, and inoffensive pleasantness in conversation ; easy of
access, and had nothing that was rugged, contemptuous, or
disobliging in his behaviour. A8Bcr.fol.13:

As for his reputation in the field, nothing can be better
established. He commanded in more battles than Julius
Caesar, distinguished himself with all imaginable bravery, and
fought up to the character of a hero in romance. Maimesb. do

In short, he appears to have been almost a prodigy of sense, A e ^X j e |.'
virtue, and greatness. To look on the devout part of him, he fo1 - 24,
seems to have lived always in a cloister. By his conduct and
exploits in the field, one would think his genius and time had
been wholly spent in the camp. By his writings, one would
conclude the university had engrossed him. And, lastly, by
the prudence of his administration, and skill in the art of
government, he seems to have made law and politics his whole
study. He paid, it is true, a great deference to the pope.
The present of the Peter pence was several times sent to
Rome, by the hands of bishops, and other great men. Pope 171.

Marinus, likewise, was friendly in his turn, sent the king some ^°gom' ad
of our Saviour's cross, and discharged the Saxon school from *•, D - 8 *j 7 -

-r» . , t ..... Chronolog.

the payment of taxes. But notwithstanding these civilities, Saxon, et
we meet with no letters of compliment or submission : we find j 3* re *
no learned men sent from Rome, to assist the king in his
scheme for the revival of the arts and sciences. There is no
intercourse of legates upon record ; no interposings in the
councils, and regulations in the Church ; no bulls of privilege
for the new abbeys of Winchester and Athelney ; and, which
is more, king Alfred, as we have seen, entertained Johannes
Scotus Erigena, and treated him with great regard, notwithstand-
ing the discountenance he lay under at Rome. From all which
we may conclude, the correspondence between England and
Rome was not very close ; and that this prince and the English
Church were not servilely governed by that see.

To conclude. Posterity had so great a veneration for the
vol. 1. d d

402 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book hi.

pleg- memory of king Alfred, that he has sometimes the title of a
mund, gamt> bestowed upon him ; and, which is more, his name

Abp. Cant. r . , .

* v ' stands in the calendar of the English martyrology, printed in

the year 1608, and in two Saxon calendars, cited by the

learned annotator upon the Saxon translation of the New

Testament : the day of his death is registered upon the six-

A D 900 and-twentieth of October. And so much for the glorious king

Alfred. Vit. Alfred.

iniiotis. ' Edward, Alfred's son, succeeded, and reigned three-and-
wtrd fn-' twenty years. This prince, though much inferior to his father
larges his ' m point of learning, was somewhat more fortunate in the field,
anTsucceeds and had a greater extent of dominion : for he took the kingdoms
Kwf*' of the East An g les and Northumbrians out of the Danes 1
hands ; forced the Scots and Welch to own his sovereignty,
and was all along so successful as never to receive a rebuke in
Maimesb.de any one battle. He checked the excursions of the Danes by
gumAngi. fortifying his great towns, and putting strong garrisons in
f. 2. foi. 25. them. Besides, the length of the war had so disciplined his
men, and hardened their courage to such a degree, that when-
ever they heard the enemy approaching, they would frequently
sally out and fight them, without orders from their general ;
and in these party skirmishes they always had the better.
Neither had those recruits that came from Denmark any
better fortune. Ethel would, the king's cousin-german, headed
these foreigners, and gave Edward some disturbance in the
beginning of his reign. But the king surmounted the diffi-
culty, and suppressed the rebellion. Here Malmesbury
touches upon the character of Ethelfleda, king Edward's
sister, and Ethelred duke of Mercia's widow. The historian
tells us, this princess was a lady of great courage and abilities;
that she was very popular, and proved a great support to the
king's interest ; was well qualified for the council-board, and
put the king upon several serviceable projects. She died five
years before her brother, and was buried in the monastery of
Maimesb. ^ p eter ^ m Gloucester, which was founded by her and her
t D - 9 ° 4 - husband, Ethelred.

rope tor-

mosus's bull In the year of our Lord 904, as Malmesbury reports, pope
mcation™ 11 ' Formosus sent a bull of excommunication into England, in
a Edward n9 wmcn tne king, and all his subjects, were struck with the
inconsistent censure. The reason of the pope's severity, as the historian
logy. relates, was occasioned by a neglect in the ecclesiastical ad-

cent, x.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 403

ministration ; for it seems there was a vacancy in the West ed-
Saxon sees for seven years together. The king, finding the ^k^jP'
pope thus angry, convened the great men of the kingdom, England.
where Plegmund, archbishop of Canterbury, laid the pope's
censure fully before them : upon this the king and the bishops
not only filled up the vacancies, but erected three new sees in
the country of the West Saxons. In short, Plegmund is said
to have consecrated seven bishops at Canterbury at one
solemnity. Before this consecration, he took a journey to Maimesb.de
Rome, presented the pope nobly, and addressing his holiness gumAngi.
with great submission, reported the king's expedient ; which '• 2 * foL 26 -
being approved by the pope, the archbishop returned, and
proceeded to the consecrations above mentioned. Thus far
Malmesbury. The register of the priory of Canterbury
speaks much to the same purpose, but with this remarkable
addition, that there was a particular provision made for the
Cornish men, to recover them from their errors : for that Britons in-
county, as the record speaks, refused to submit to truth, and f^^tl" 1 °^
took no notice of the pope's authority. Speiman,

By the way, we are to observe, that these Cornish men were vol. l."
Britons, and a succession of that Church that refused to sub- p ' 387 ' 388 '
mit to the jurisdiction of Augustine, archbishop of Canter-
bury : and thus continuing all along in the sentiments of their
predecessors, it is no wonder if we find them represented under
a character of disadvantage, and censured for refusing to be
governed by the pope.

Parsons, in his answer to sir Edward Coke's reports, makes
a great flourish upon this bull, and produces it as a strong
instance of the pope's authority, not only over the bishops, T' 1 ® P^ tho ,~
but the kings of England. But after all, this bull, upon ex- Answer to
amination, will be found inconsistent with chronology : the coke dWard
most favourable date of it is fixed to the year 904. But For- p- 1 ] 36 ' 137 -
niosus, as Baronius informs us, died in the vear 896; and in foi. 26.
897, was dragged out of his grave, and horribly insulted, by n aL°tom. io.
Stephen, his successor. Bar ™4 ad

-S . . . an. 987.

Baronius, to salve the credit of the bull, thinks Malmesbury Baronius
or the transcriber mistaken ; and that the year 904 was in- Endeavour to
serted for 894. This correction of the cardinal's sets the < jj se f% gl f

the difficul-

matter right as to Formosus, and brings the bull within the ties of the
compass of his pontificate ; but then what he gets in the pope, out 'success. '
he loses in the king: for it is certain Edward never had the 172.

d d 2

404 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book hi.

PLEG- title of king till after his father's death, which fell not till the
Abp. Can't, year 900, according to the earliest account. And therefore
' if pope Formosus dispatched any such bull, it must bear date
in the reign of king Alfred. But since our historians take
notice of no quarrel between Alfred and the pope, why should
we suppose his holiness should make use of such rigorous
methods, and pass to the extremity of censure, without dis-
gust and provocation ?

Cressy ventures to contradict Malmesbury and Baronius in
several material points. It is true he assigns the bull to For-
mosus, but then he interprets the contents to a different sense,
makes no mention of the king's being struck at, and that the
excommunication was only threatened, without execution.
This bull he places to the year 894, and reports it directed
only to the English bishops. To give Mr. Cressy his due,
this account agrees pretty exactly with sir Henry Spelman's
dessy's copy. But then in his conjecture upon the reason of the
Hi s U tory, pope's displeasure, he seems very much out. The pope, in the
s lim Con- beginning of his letter, taxes the English with the practice of
cii. voi. l. some execrable pagan customs, lately revived, and blames the
bishops for their silence upon the occasion. These abominable
heathenish customs, Cressy interprets to the insobriety of the
clergy. They deviated, as he calls it, from their former chas-
tity; that is, according to the modern notion of that word
amongst the Roman Catholics, they did not live single. Now
though the marriage of the clergy was discountenanced by the
Roman see, yet I do not find they ever called it a pagan
abomination, or branded it with such a character of infamy as
this amounts to ; neither is there anything in the bull that
determines the complaint to this meaning. But Cressy goes
farther upon new ground, supposes two excommunications
threatened ; one by Formosus in the year 894, and another
by John IX. in the year 905 ; and that king Edward, and his
Cressy's subjects, were menaced by this latter. But here he is very
Church unfortunate in his authorities, one of which is Malmesbury :
p. 800. for this historian not only differs a year in the date from
Gestis e Reg. e Cressy, but assigns it to a distant pope, and says positively it
c^5 gl foi % was Formosus. Polydore Virgil is Cressy's other voucher.
Polydor. It is true this author tells us king Edward was severely repri-
p.108. manded, and threatened with an excommunication, unless the
bishops were speedily convened, and the discipline of the

cent. x.J OF GREAT BRITAIN. 405

Church restored. But what pope was this? Polydore tells ED-
us, it was John X. and not John IX., as Oressy relates ; and k of '
so the story sinks under the weight of chronology : for John , E »g 1;md -
X. was not promoted to the papacy till about ten years after
Cressy's period.

Thus we see the bull, by which the king and kingdom is
threatened with excommunication, will not hold. As to what
historians report, concerning the consecration of seven bishops
by Plegmund, there is no reason to question the matter of
fact. But as to the time, this circumstance is much perplexed ;
Malmesbury seems to place it to the year 904 ; Florilegus
and the Canterbury register assign it to the year 905. But
this will not do : for at this solemnity two of the new conse-
crated prelates are said to be promoted to the sees of Win- T,,ree new
Chester and Sherburn. But how could this be \ for both these
bishoprics were full at this period. For instance, Dene-
wulfus was bishop of Winchester from the year 879 to 909. Fiorent.
And Asserius, bishop of Sherburn, continued upon the see till Chwmolog.

ji Saxon.

the same year.

To disentangle this difficulty, the learned Mr. Wharton
pitches upon this expedient : he is of opinion the synod men-
tioned by Malmesbury was convened by the king and the
archbishop, in the year 904 or 905 ; that in this synod the
erection of three new bishoprics was determined ; and that
these new sees were to be taken out of the dioceses of Win-
chester and Sherburn : however, they did not think it proper
to lessen these sees till after the death of the present bishops.
Now it so happened, that both the bishops of Winchester and
Sherburn died in the year 909. There was a vacancy, also,
in Mercia and Sussex at the same time. Things standing
thus, the provision of the late synod was satisfied by founding
three new bishoprics, and the four old vacancies were likewise
supplied. And thus we have the number of seven bishops
consecrated together by Plegmund : and as for the time, we
must take Radulphus de Diceto's account, who fixes it to the
year 909. The names of the consecrated prelates were Frid- Abbreviat.
stan, bishop of Winchester, Werestan of Sherburn, Kenulph An^'Sacr.
of Dorchester, Beornock of Selsea, Athelm of Wells, Eadulph pai 5 S 5 4 L 555
of Crediton, or Kirton, in Devonshire, and Athelstan of St.
Petrox, or Padstow, in Cornwall. These three sees last men- ibid.
tioned were newly erected ; particularly, the see in Cornwall

406 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book hi.

pleg- seems to have been set up to bring the inhabitants to an

Abp. Can't, acknowledgment of the Roman see, and a conformity to the

' v ' English Church.

But as for the pope's excommunication, or his confirmation
of the new erected bishoprics, neither Asserius, in his annals,
nor the Saxon chronicle, take any notice of them : and there-
fore it is probable that Malmesbury, Higden, &c, when they
mentioned these circumstances, described the customs of their
own times. And because they saw the popes interpose in the
English Church upon every considerable occasion, they con-
cluded the pretences of that see had been always the same ;
which is a great mistake.

About this time Gregory, king of Scotland, a prince of
admirable qualities, summoned a convention of the estates at
Forfar, where the following privileges and immunities were
settled upon the Church, viz. :

173. That all priests should be exempted from taxes ; from

keeping watch and ward, and serving in the field against the
enemy. That they should not be forced to appear in secular
courts of justice for any civil cause : but that all pleas and
controversies relating to them should be tried by their bishops.
Matrimonial causes, right of tithes, testaments, and all verbal
contracts and promises, were made part of the bishops' juris-
diction ; the making canons and constitutions ecclesiastical,
the trial of heresy, blasphemy, perjury, and witchcraft, were
likewise brought within the cognizance of the Church. And,
lastly, it was enacted and statuted, that all succeeding kings,

Spotswood's at their coronation, should swear to maintain the clergy in

the* church these rights and liberties.

hook2 tkn 26 ^° re ^ urn t° England and king Edward. In this prince's
reign the treaty between Alfred and the Danes was renewed,
and the old laws, agreed upon by the two princes, confirmed.
This, as sir Henry Spelman conjectures, was done in the year

Concii. 906 ; for then, as Florence of Worcester and Huntingdon

vol. 1. &

p. 395. report, the pagans of the East Angles and Northumberland
Wor.and perceiving Edward invincible, made a peace with him at a
An. 906. place called Intingford. But neither of these historians give

Huntingd. * . ° . . ' ,. T &

Histor. l. 5. us the name of the Danish king. Now at the convention
mentioned by sir Henry Spelman, it is said the ecclesiastical
laws were confirmed by Edward the Elder, king of England,
and Guthrum, king of the Danes in the East Angles. But

cent, x.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 407

here lies the difficulty ; Guthrum was the Danish prince that ed-
treated with king Alfred, and died in the year 890. How w £ op'
then could this prince treat with Edward the Elder, in the England.
year 906, and ratify the articles agreed on, in the reign of king a. d. 906.
Alfred ? To disentangle this difficulty, we must either suppose saxon.Hun-
two Guthrums, or else correct the text, and read Ebroic, who, \ in p d : 1 H * s „ t :

7 1. 5. fol.201.

as sir Henry Spelman reports from Malmesbury, succeeded
Guthrum in the kingdom of the East Angles. Speim. Con-

King Edward, remembering how much his father had en- p . 395.
couraged learning at Oxford, is said to have imitated something
of this munificence at Cambridge. Rudburn tells us, he re-
paired the University of Cambridge. Whether he means with Rudburn, in
respect to the buildings, or the state of learning, or both, is parsl.p.209.
uncertain. However, Fuller, to make him a considerable
benefactor to this place, cites a manuscript charter of pri-
vileges, lodged in the library of Clare Hall, which runs thus :

" In nomine D. Jesu Christi, ego Edvardus Dei gratia rex King Ed-

IL'ttFtV S cltill'-

Anglorum, divino compulsus amore, prseccpto Johannis apo- t er to
stolicEe sedis episcopi, ac Plegmundi Cantuar. archiepisc. con- Cambrid 9 e -
silio, omnium sacerdotum, et principum mese dominationis,
universa et singula privilegia, doctoribus, et scholaribus Can-
tabrigiae, nee non servientibus eorundem (uti ab olim viguit in-
desinenter mater philosophise, et reperitur in presenti fons
clerimoniae) a me data, seu ab antecessoribus meis quomodo
libet concessa, stabili jure grata, et rata decerno durare, quam
diu vertigo poli circa terras, atque equora, ethera, syderum
justo moderamine volvit. Datum in Granticestria anno ab
incarnatione D. 915. Venerabili fratri Frithstano civitatis
scholarium Cantabrig. cancellario, et doctori per suum," &c. Fuller's

fe l Church

History,

There are several things which look somewhat singular in p . 125.'
this charter. I shall just mention one or two of them : first,
the ancient privileges are said to be confirmed "prsecepto
Johannis," &c. by the commands of pope John. This sub-
mission of style is somewhat suspicious. King Alfred founded
the University of Oxford without so much as consulting the
pope, or taking any of his directions, as far as it appears.
Why then must his son Edward be so much governed by his
holiness upon a lesser occasion ? We do not find the court of
Rome had gained so considerably upon the kings of England in

408 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book hi.

pleg- this short interval. Could not king Edward confirm the
Abp U cfit. ancient privileges of this University, without the pope's precept

' - ' for his warrant ? Besides, this pope was John X. a person

scandalous both for his intrusion, and immorality ; and there-
fore, was very unlikely to have any extraordinary respect paid

Baron. An- }^j m
nal. torn. 10.

ad an. 12. Secondly, the grant of the privileges is made to the doctors,
&c. This clause is confirmed by Ross, an antiquary in the
reign of king Edward IV. His authority is an ancient in-
scription on a table or plate, hung up in Hyde Abbey, near
Winchester ; the record speaking of this Edward the Elder is
as follows : —

" Propterea ad clerimoniam augmentandum sicut pater suus
Oxoniam, sic ipse ab antiquo cum creteris studiis generalibus
suspensam, desolatam et destructam Cantabrigiam, iterum ad
primam gloriam erexit, necnon ibi aulas studentium et docto-

rum magistrorumque cathedras et sedilia suis sumptibus

erigi et fabricari precepit," &c. This Ross, as Fuller observes,

was an Oxford man, and therefore we cannot suppose him pre-

Fuller, ibid, possessed to partiality for Cambridge. But after all, the title

of doctor was much later than the reign of this king Edward.

Rhenanus tells us, that about the year 1140, those that read

publicly upon Peter Lombard's sentences began to be called

Praefat. in doctors. So that this distinction is supposed to be no older

Tertuii. ^.j ian ^.j ie twelfth century ; and according to sir Henry Spelman,

the degree of doctor was not much known in England till the

Spelman, reign of king John. And even in Fuller's History of the

VerbTVa 11 - University of Cambridge, Humphrey Necton, who lived in the

fef 61 ' f -" 1 ^tter end of the reign of Henry III., is the first doctor we

meet with. However, it must be said, that Petrus Blesensis,

who lived in Henry II.'s reign, reports, that England was

1 74. much improved by the University of Cambridge, which furnished

the country with a great many learned men, whom he mentions

under the distinction of masters and doctors ; his words are,

" Videmus nunc lsetificatam civitatem Dei, et totam Angliam

factam frugiferam per plurimos magistros et doctores de Can-

Per. Ble- tabrigia exeuntes ad similitudinem sancti Paradisi " But,

sens Conti-
nuat. ad

^iiV 11 Thirdly, the fustian in the, phraseology is another disadvan-

p. 115. tage to the record. The sentence of " vertigo poli," &c. does

cent, x.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 409

not seem to be drawn up by a court secretary. For notwith- ed-
standing the age might be something low in learning, yet we w ^^'
do not find such trifling flights as this in any of the royal England.
charters in Ingulphus. But not to insist upon all the diffi-
culties, I am afraid it is no easy matter to get over Frithstan,
and the titles about him. To take him as he stands in the
charter, " Venerabili fratri Frithstano civitatis scholarium
Cantabrig. cancellario,'''' &c. Here Frithstan is called " frater
venerabilis" by the king. What, then, was he the king's bro-
ther by birth ? That cannot be said. Did he call him so then
by custom and condescension? That is without precedent.
Frithstan then, to make sense of the style, must be a friar.
But which way can this distinction consist with his office ?
He is said to be a vice-chancellor ; for that is the meaning of
cancellarius for a considerable time after the Norman con-
quest. But if Frithstan was a monk, how could he disengage
from his cloister, perform the functions of his new station, and
govern the university ? But I shall ask no more of these
questions.

. Another objection may be raised from the circumstance of
time. The charter is dated in the year of our Lord 915.
Now it seems not improbable, that the Danes were possessed
of Cambridge at this time : for Cambridge, it is well known,
was part of the East Angles. This division, as we have seen,
was granted by king Alfred to Guthrum the Dane : and if
Cambridge was under the Danish jurisdiction, what authority
had king Edward to grant privileges to the subjects of a
foreign dominion I That the case stood thus, appears probable
by the Saxon chronicle. Here we are told, that in the year
921, six years posterior to the date of this charter, king Edward
marched with his forces to Colchester, and repaired the fortifi-
cations. That then a great many of the East Angles, who
were under the government of the Danes, came in to the king,
and owned him for their sovereign ; and particularly, that the
army at Cambridge submitted to his protection, and received
him upon his own terms. And here, by the army at Cam-
bridge, we are in all likelihood to understand the Danish
army ; for we do not read of any rebellion of the English
against king Edward about this time. And if the matter of
fact stood thus, the inferences above mentioned seem to follow.
However, after all, notwithstanding the perplexities in this

410 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [hook hi.

athel c ^ ar ^ er 5 an< ^ m the table of Hyde Abbey, it does not follow,
NUS, but that Cambridge might be a seminary of learning in the

» p ' v an '> reign of Edward the Elder : for the unauthenticity of a

record disproves no farther than the privileges pretended to be

granted by it. Truth is one thing, and evidence another;

and it must be said, that Cambridge lies under a particular

misfortune in this point. For in the insurrection headed by

Jack Straw and Wat Tyler, in the reign of king Richard II.

the rebels entered the town, seized the university records, and

burnt them in the market-place.

a. d. 923. In the year of our Lord 923, Plegmund, archbishop of Can-

archtihop ^ ^ ev ^ ur y> deputed this life. This prelate was born in Mercia,

Plegmund. m the ninth century. He was a person of extraordinary

Saxon. Ste- learning for his time. At first he lived a hermit in Cheshire,

kington!*" the place being since called Plegmundsham. He was after-

Angl. Sacr. war d s made preceptor to king Alfred : and upon his election

Raduipims to the see of Canterbury, went to Rome for his consecration.

de Archi-' Not long after, this prelate, with the rest of the bishops and

episc. Can- re lim us, made a great collection of monev, which by king;

tuanens. o > o J ' J o

Angi. Sacr. Alfred's order was remitted to Rome, and some part of it to
Asser.de Jerusalem. As for the rest of his life, it has been given
bus ! GesHs C " a l rea( ty- He was buried in Christ's Church, Canterbury.
Antiquit. Athelnus, first abbot of Glassenbury, thence promoted to the

' see of Wells, succeeded Plegmund.
a ; d. 924. The next year king Edward had an acknowledgment of
ward's sw- sovereignty paid him by the king and kingdom of Scotland.
thertorth- The petty princes of Northumberland, both Danish and
umbrians, Saxons, submitted to him. The king likewise of Strsecled-

JJanes, . . , °

Scotch, and wales and his subjects received him for their sovereign. These
Chronoiog. Strsecled Welsh were a clan of Britons, which were seated in
Brad"' Galloway in Scotland. And here Buchanan confesses, that
History of the English army, though far inferior to the Danes, who had
p.'n™ ' the Scots for their auxiliaries, gained a great victory, and took
Cumberland and Westmoreland from the Scots : but then he
will by no means acknowledge the submission of Scotland.
Buchanan, And now king Edward having outed the Danes, reduced the
coT'l^!* 1 P e tty princes of Northumberland, and gained considerably
upon the Welsh and Scots, departed this life, leaving behind
Chronoiog. him the character of a great and successful prince. He was
A aX D° n 925. buried with his father king Alfred, in the abbey of Win-
chester.

cent, x.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 411

After the death of king Edward, his eldest son Athelstan athel-
was crowned at Kingston-upon-Thames, by Athelnus, arch- '"j^of'
bishop of Canterbury. This ceremony of crowning and anoint- v E "g l and - j
ing the English kings by some prelate was, as far as I can Maimesb.dc
discover, first used in the reign of king Alfred. The beginning gU m Angi.
of this prince's reign was disturbed by one Elfred, a nobleman, R u jburne
who formed a conspiracy against him, pretending a blemish *■[*?*• Ma J°r.
upon his birth, and that his mother was never married to king Angi. Sacr.
Edward. This Elfred being apprehended, was sent to Rome ^207.
to purge himself before pope John. He made no scruple of 175.
standing this test, but swore his innocence at St. Peter's altar.
And here Malmesbury relates, from king Athelstan's charter,
that Elfred fell down at the altar immediately after he had
taken the oath, and being carried by his servants to the Eng-
lish school, survived his perjury but three days. f^Sa 6 *'

Athelstan, soon after his coronation, began to enter upon
action, and gave great expectations of his government, ^[iq Athelstan an

. , . . , enterprising

terror of his name kept his enemies quiet, and none but the and success
Northumbrians disputed his authority. Sihtricus, a Danish pn
prince related to Guthrum, was possessed of this country, and
stood as it were at some defiance against the late kings of Eng-
land. But the reputation of Athelstan's arms made him court
his friendship, address him with presents, and desire an alliance.
Athelstan gave him his sister in marriage : but Sihtricus living
but a year after this treaty, Athelstan seized the kingdom of
Northumberland, as parcel of the crown of England ; and sup-
pressed an insurrection raised by one Aldulphus. Athelstan Mainiesb.
pushed on the advantages of this beginning, carried his con- R^lngi.
quests beyond the English limits, and forced Ludwal king of L 2 * fo1, 26,
Wales, and Constantine of Scotland, to resign their kingdoms.
However, being a prince of great generosity and good nature,
it was not long before he returned them their dominions, upon
the terms of homage. As for Constantine, he neither proved
grateful for the obligation, nor just to the treaty ; but entered
into a confederacy with Analavus, Sihtricus's son, and assisted
him in his attempt upon Northumberland. Athelstan drew
down his forces against them, and coming to a battle, gave
them an entire defeat ; where Constantine, king of the Scots,
five other petty princes, twelve earls, and a vast number of
common soldiers, were cut off. As for the Welsh, they paid

412 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book hi.

ATHEL- him yearly twenty pound weight in gold, three hundred in

Ab P . Cant, silver, and five thousand beeves, by way of tribute. The Cor-

MduTelbT" ' n ^ sn Britons likewise were reduced by him, forced to quit

de Gratis Exeter, and keep within the bounds of the river Tamar, as

l. 2."fol. 27. Wye was the frontier of the other clans of the Welsh.

The only blemish upon Athelstan's reign, was the rigour
with which he treated his brother Edwin. This young prince
was charged with a plot against the king's life. It is thought
he was wronged by the informers : however, the king gave
credit to these depositions, and had him banished. And here
the circumstances of sending him off were extremely cruel.
He was put on board only with one servant, without either
rigging or crew to sail the vessel : and being overtaken with a
storm in the midst of his passage, and not having patience to
go through with the fatigue, or it may be despairing of getting
Maimesb. to land, he jumped into the sea, and was lost. Athelstan,

fol 29 ... ". .

upon the hearing this misfortune, and inquiring further into
the matter, perceived he had been too precipitate in his revenge ;
and having great remorse of conscience for the rigour, he sub-

Malmcsb. mitted to seven years 1 penance, and executed the informer
against his brother.

There were several synods, or rather mixed conventions of
Church and State, held in this prince's reign. Sir Henry
Spelman mentions four convened at Exeter, Feversham, Thun-

Tke synod of derReld, and London : to these we must add that at Graetley,

e ey ' which was the most considerable. These synods were all held

within the compass of sixteen years, for Athelstan's reign

reached no farther. The synod at Graetley, sir Henry Spel-

a. d. 928. man fixes to the year 928, and the rest to the ten years fol-

Spelm. Con- , .

cil. vol. l. lowing.

The constitutions of the council of Graetley are these.

The first enjoins the payment of tithes, both personal and
predial. The bishops, governors of the county, and the king's
officers, are particularly charged to give a good example in
this point, and take care this order be jsunctually observed.

Farther, the king commands all his officers or governors of
the towns belonging to the crown, to maintain a poor man in
diet, and furnish him with a suit of clothes every year. This
charity seems to be at the king's charge. Each of these officers
are likewise obliged to manumise a slave. And if they hap-

cent, x.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 413

pened to fail in the performance of the premises, they were to athel-
forfeit thirty shillings, to be distributed by the bishop among S £ AI 5'

the poor. England.

Secondly, He that is convicted by all the circumstances of
an ordeal trial, to have broken into a church, is left to the
penalty of the law.

The third is against witchcraft and idolatrous sacrifices, and
against those that countenance robbers : particularly, if any
persons endeavour to free a thief or highwayman, he is to for-
feit a hundred and twenty shillings to the king.

Fourthly, The king ordains, that there should be none but
one sort of money current through the kingdom : and that it
should not be lawful for any person to coin money, excepting
in a town licensed for that purpose. And if any person be-
longing to the mint shall be convicted of debasing the coin
below the standard, his right hand was to be cut off, and nailed
upon the outside of the mint. If any person, prosecuted upon
suspicion for adulterating the coin, is willing to purge himself
by ordeal, let him be tried by clapping a hot iron upon his
hand ; if the experiment makes a guilty impression, and he
appears cast by this test, let the law pass upon him, as in the
case above mentioned.

At the end of this head, the places for coining money are
mentioned. Canterbury was to have seven minters or mints ;
four foi the king, two for the archbishop, and one for the abbot 176.

of St. Augustine^. Rochester was to have three ; two for the
king, and one for the bishop. London was to have eight ;
Winchester, six ; Lewes, two ; Hastings, one ; Chichester,
one ; Southampton, two ; Exeter, two ; Shaftesbury, two ;
Wareham, two : and every other great town was to have one.

The fifth regulates the circumstances and solemnity of the
trial ordeal. Any suspected person that offered to purge him-
self this way, was obliged to these preliminaries. He was to go
to the parish priest three days beforehand, and eat nothing but
bread, salt, water, and salad, during this time : he was likewise
obliged to be at mass, and offer according to custom : when
the day of the trial came, he was to receive the consecrated
bread, and swear himself innocent of the crime laid to his
charge. Then, if cold water was to be the ordeal test, let him
be plunged, says the law, under water to the depth of an ell
and a half. But if the trial is to be made by a hot iron, let

414 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book hi.

wulf- his hand be bound up and sealed, and not be opened till three

TJPT TVT A ' J.

Abp. Cant. days after he has undergone the test. As for the prosecutor,
v '- ' he was to take an oath that he did not prosecute out of interest
or ill will. He was likewise obliged to the same abstinence of
diet with the other, and neither of them were to appear with
above twelve in their company. If the person accused came to
his trial with a greater number, and refused to dismiss them,
it amounted to a conviction in law.

Sixthly, If any man bought a commodity before witness, and
it happened to be challenged by a third person, the seller was
to warrant the bargain, and make the sale good. By this law,
buying and selling upon the Sunday was forbidden, under the
penalty of forfeiting the thing sold, and fining thirty shillings
to the king.

Seventhly, If any person is convicted of perjury, his testimony
shall signify nothing for the future ; neither shall he be buried
in consecrated ground, unless there is a certificate from the
bishop produced, of his compliance with his penance. And
here the parish priest is to certify the bishop of the person's
behaviour within thirty days after the penance enjoined. And
in case the priest fails in giving this information, he is to be
punished at the diocesan's discretion.

Eighthly, The bishops are put in mind to promote justice,
both with respect to ecclesiastical and civil causes. They are
to take care of the king's peace, and assist the secular judges
in their respective courts. They are not to suffer any circum-
vention in weights or measures ; but to inspect the manage-
ment of commerce, and prevent the practices of fraud and in-
justice. For this reason, the bishops should not fail to appear
upon the bench with the secular magistracy, that the solemnity
of their character may have an influence upon the court, and
give conscience a greater force in the proceedings. By the
way, all weights and measures are to be regulated by the
bishop's standard. It is likewise part of the bishop's office to
do his utmost, that the poor may not be oppressed by the rich,
nor slaves used with unreasonable rigour by their masters.
And here, all those that keep slaves and servants, are admo-
nished to treat them with lenity and condescension. For, as
the law goes on, all conditions are equally redeemed by our
Saviour ; he paid the same price, and has the same regard for
one as for another. Besides, we are all servants, with respect

cent, x.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 415

to God Almighty, who will judge us at the last day by the athel-
measures of our practice to those under our jurisdiction, and S £ A ^'
return our own usage upon us. England.

Ninthly, If any of the magistracy, who are entrusted with
the execution of these laws, proved remiss or negligent in his
duty, he was liable to fine, and lose his office ; and the bishop
was to receive the forfeiture : the penalty of the first offence
was five pounds ; for the second, the forfeiture was much deeper,
and came up to the weregild. And if the offence was repeated
the third time, the offender was to lose all his estate.

Archbishop Wulfhelm is said to be present at this synod of

Graetley, together with many others of the nobility, and men

of learning, summoned thither by king Athelstan. s F lm - Con-

s' . . C1 '- vo '- !•■

By the preamble of these constitutions it appears, that the p. 396. et
legislature in civil matters lay wholly in the king ; and that the
bishops, and other great men, were convened only for their
advice, and not to give any force or authority to the law. Speiman,

The fifth article, for the regulation of the ordeal, mentions
the panis eucharisticus, or the consecrated bread. This ex-
pression looks as if the Church of England was not yet come
up to the doctrine of transubstantiation.

By the seventh, sacerdos loci illius, or the priest of the place,
was to inform the bishop of the penitent's behaviour. From
hence we may conclude, that the administrations of the priests
were not ambulatory ; that they did not reside with their bishop
at their mother-church, as at the first planting of Christianity ;
but that now their respective cures were considerably settled,
and the distinction of parishes sufficiently known.

And having lately mentioned the weregild, it will not be weregild,
improper to give some account of it. We are to take notice whaL
then, that the fine which was to be paid for the killing of a
man was called the weregild in the Saxon laws. This weregild
was rated in proportion to the quality and condition of the
person killed. For instance, the weregild for killing the king
was thirty thousand thrimsas ; half of this sum was to be paid to
the king's relations, and the other fifteen thousand to the nation.

The life of an archbishop or duke was valued at fifteen
thousand thrimsas: half of which was to be divided as the 177.

former, only the last moiety, I suppose, was to reach no farther
than the province ; for so far an archbishop's spiritual, and
a duke's temporal jurisdiction extended.

416 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book hi.

wulf- The life of a bishop, of an alderman, or earl, was valued at
A^cant. e ig n t thousand thrimsas.

' ' ' A masthane, or priest, and a secular, or law thane, at two

thousand thrimsas.

The life of a peasant was valued at two hundred shillings by
the Mercian law ; but if he grew rich, and purchased five hides
of land, he was raised to the quality of a thane.

As to the value of the thrimsa, sir Henry Spelman makes it

Spelman, three shillings. Somner is at a loss about it ; and Selden

Thrimsa. sinks it to the third part of a shilling. However, take it at

tI^Hoii the highest, it seems to be a slender satisfaction for blood ;

foi. 507. an d therefore the learned author of the notes upon king Alfred's

life is of opinion that wilful murder, committed out of malice

prepense, was not to be bought off by fine, nor comprehended

within this law ; and that this weregild was only to be taken

Alfred, vit. in case of manslaughter.

Indeed, the Saxon kings, particularly king Alfred, had a
great regard for the judicial law of Moses. They preface their
own constitutions with almost whole chapters out of Exodus ;
they govern themselves in a great measure by these directions,
and superstruct upon this foundation. These things considered,
it is very unlikely they should punish murder under the worst
circumstances so very gently, and fall so much short of the
precedent of the Mosaic law.

Amongst these laws we may observe, that the force of an
oath, in a court of judicature, depended on the condition of the
person that took it. For the purpose : A churl, or husband-
man's weregild, was two hundred shillings ; that of a thane,
twelve hundred, or six times as much. For this reason, the
The quality oath of a thane, or twelve hindmen, was equivalent to that of
andlaity^ six churles, or husbandmen. And the oath of a priest was
stated by equal to that of a secular thane. And here, likewise, we may
observe, what proportion the condition of the clergy and laity
bore, with respect to each other. For instance : by the Saxon
constitution, we see a parish priest was set in the same scale
of quality with the thane, or lord of the manor, rated equally
with him in the weregild, and valuation, and had the same con-
sideration in other circumstances of respect ; because, as the
Spelman. ^ aw speaks, " thani rectitudine dignus est. 1 ' 1 A bishop's quality
Concil. vol. was the same with that of an earl, who, at that time of dav,

1. p. 406. .... .

had the jurisdiction of a whole county. An archbishop stood

cent, x.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 417

upon the same footing with a duke, who governed a province, edmund,
or several counties. And thus, in other cases, ecclesiastical England

dignity held up with the secular, in proportion to the extent of v v '

their respective jurisdictions. Speiman.

Amongst the laws above mentioned, there is one made in Ded'teaVld
favour of foreign trade and merchandizing. It runs thus : Re s em -
" Si massere ascenderet ut ter magnum mare transfretaret,"
&c. ; that is, if a merchant makes three voyages into the
Straits, and deals for himself, and not under the disadvantage
of a factor ; '• thani dignus rectitudine," that is, he shall be
raised in his condition, and enjoy the privilege of a gentleman. Speiman,

The councils, as they are called, of Thunderfield, Feversham, p 4 6 "
Exeter, and London, are mostly spent in civil affairs, and have
little in them excepting provisions for the State ; however, the
constitutions of Graetly are confirmed in most of them. Brompton.

T . . Chronic.

In the year 940, king Atheist an departed this life at Glouces- p. 848. et
ter, and was buried at Malmesbury. Besides what has been KwgAthd-
said already, historians report him a prince of great condescen- * tan * death -
sion and affability ; that he did not unnecessarily tie himself up
to the grandeur of his station, but knew how to stoop his
quality, and make himself agreeable to his subjects. He was
far from an avaricious temper, and spent a great part of his
revenue upon pious and charitable uses. He was a graceful
person, and very promising from his infancy, insomuch, that
his grandfather, king Alfred, gave him an unusual mark of his
affection. This prince knighted young Athelstan, and gave
him a scarlet cloak, a belt powdered with jewels, and a golden
scabbard, at the ceremony. This, as far as I can discover, is
the first solemnity we meet with of this kind in the Saxon
reigns. Malmesbury concludes king Athelstans character Maimesb.
with this sentence, " Vir qui parum aetatis vixit, multum glorias." R eg . An'gi.
His life was little in time, but great in action. J^ 8 2 - fol - ^

About this time, archbishop Wulf helm died, though others Canonicus
make his life shorter by some years. He was succeeded by ensis. Angi.

Odo Sacr - p- ' •

^ ao - < > p. 100.

This prelate was born in the East Angles, of Danish extrac- Odo'sex-
tion. His parents were persons of quality and fortune ; but education.
had a strong aversion to the Christian religion, insomuch that
Odo was at last disinherited for frequenting the churches, and yj^odon!
discovering an inclination to turn Christian. Being thus P- 78.
discarded, he left his family in a very unfurnished condition, pars i. p. 78.

vol. t. e e

418 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book hi.

ODO, and put himself into the service of one Athehnus, a nobleman
Abp. Cant.^ f gg Ure m ^ m g Alfred's reign. Athehnus being a Christian,
and understanding the reason of Odo's application, took him
into his protection ; and perceiving he had a genius for learn-
ing, put him to school, where he continued till he had made a
considerable progress in Greek and Latin. He was afterwards
baptized, and went into orders at the instance of Athehnus.
Osbern relates, that his patron falling sick in his journey to
Rome, Odo, who kept him company, cured him by a miracle.
In the reign of king Edward the Elder, Odo was in priest's
1 78. orders, and had a great character for the discharge of his func-

tion. He was promoted to the bishopric of Sherburn by king
Athelstan, who had received great service from him at the
battle of Brunanburg. Several historians ascribe the victory
to the efficacy of his prayers, and relate a miracle upon the

Osbem.ibid. occasion.

Malmesb. Odo had no less interest at king Edmund's court than for-

ReffAngl me rly, and therefore, upon the death of archbishop Wulf helm,
L2.fol.27. the king importuned him to accept of that see. Odo excused

Olio S CtVCl'p- . ....

Hons against himself modestly, told the king his abilities were too slender
see™/ f° r so great a post ; and besides he conceived translations were

Canterbury. \yj n0 m eans warrantable by the canons. The king gave him
several precedents to get rid of this scruple. He told him St.
Peter quitted his see at Antioch, and removed to Rome ; and
that several other instances might be brought from antiquity.
" And to prove this point, we have,'" says he, " sufficient autho-
rity from the practice of our own country ; for were not Mel-
litus, bishop of London, and Justus of Rochester, both of them
translated to the see of Canterbury ? " Odo being forced to
yield this argument, started another objection. He alleged,
that the archbishops of Canterbury had been all monks from
St. Augustine downwards ; and that since he had not been
educated under any religious rule, he looked upon himself
unqualified for that station. By the way, Odo was bishop of
Sherburn when this scruple troubled him. Now, if he was
qualified to be a bishop, without passing through the monastic
life, what should hinder him from being an archbishop ? The
functions of a bishop and an archbishop are much the same,
abating the extent of jurisdiction ; why therefore must a
monastic character be more necessary in one case than in the
other ? With submission, I think Odo might almost as well

CENT,

x.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 419

have alleged that his stature or complexion was somewhat dif- edmund,
ferent from all the metropolitans of Canterbury, and therefore England.
he was unqualified to succeed them. But was there any papal v
decree, any synodical provision within the province, which
obliged to the choice of a religious ? Nothing of this is pre-
tended. Besides, he was mistaken in his supposition ; for there
had been several secular priests, as they call them, preferred
to the see of Canterbury. I shall mention one or two. Bede
relates, that Wighard, a priest, was sent to Rome to be conse-
crated archbishop of Canterbury, but died there before he
could receive his character; however, there is no exception
made against him upon the score of his not being a monk. If Bede, Hist.

& r i a t Eccles. 1. 3.

it is inquired, how does it appear he was no monk ( 1 answer, c . 29.
Bede's calling him a priest is a plain decision of the case, and c °i °etaiib.
excludes the monastic character. Nothelm, who succeeded Bede, Pr»-

... fat. in. Hist.

Tatwine, is another instance; and the author of the Antiqui- Eccles. p. 2.
tates Britannicse mentions two others, of which Laurentius, Britain
Augustine's successor, I suppose, was one. However, Odo Nothelm.
could not get over this difficulty ; and therefore, to satisfy the Bede, Hist,
king's request, commissioners were sent over to the abbot of c ' 27. '
Fleury, in France, to admit him into that society. This
motion being complied with, and the monastic habit sent over,
Odo, though with some reluctance, accepted the see of Canter-
bury. And having brought him to this station, I shall leave
him here for some time, and take the rest of his history as it
COmes in course. Osbern.ibid.

About this time there was a synod, or convention, held under A - n - 94 °-
Hoeldha, king of Wales. It consisted of several bishops, with
their metropolitan of St. David's, together with the principal
laity, six of which were summoned out of every kemut, or hun-
dred. The preamble to the constitutions sets forth, that the Spelm. Con-

„ . . T nl cfl. vol. 1.

king and the rest 01 the convention met m Lent, and kept a p . 408.
strict fast through the whole solemnity, to qualify themselves
for God's direction. Some of the constitutions are as follow.

1. He that injured or killed a priest was to undergo the
censure of the synod, beside the punishment of the courts of
justice.

2. Those priests or clergy that travelled were to be enter-
tained at the parsonage house. The constitution calls it
domus capellani villa?, the house of the chaplain, or parson of
the parish. From hence we may infer, that the cures were

e e 2

420 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book tti.

odo, settled and the parishes divided in Wales, at the meeting of
^^ this synod.

By the seventh, at the assizes, or solemn trial of causes, the
chaplain or parish priest was to go to church with twelve of the
principal persons belonging to the court, and after Divine ser-
vice he was to give the judge an oath, that he would manage
his commission with integrity, and never be swayed either by
favour, interest, or disaffection. When the judge had taken
this oath, he was to return back to the king, and receive his
authority for the bench.

Ninthly. If a thief had discovered his associates to a priest,
and sworn the truth of the information in the church porch, or
at the entrance of the choir ; in case the thief cannot be pro-
duced afterwards in a court of justice, the priest's testimony
shall stand for evidence, and decide the cause without any far-
ther dispute.

The tenth punishes quarrelling in a church or church-yard,
with a fine of fourteen pounds ; the moiety of which forfeiture
was to be paid to the priest and clergy of the place.

The thirty-second declares, that the clergy are only to be
judged in a synod, and that no ecclesiastic is obliged to answer
for his misbehaviour elsewhere. This privilege is limited in
the next article with the following proviso.

That, in case a clergyman holds any land of the king with
service reserved, he is obliged to plead for the premises in the
179. king's court when summoned thither; and unless he makes

his appearance, the land is forfeited to the crown.

The thirty-ninth article mentions seven episcopal sees in
Wales, of which St. David's was the principal, and had metro-
Spel. Concil. political jurisdiction.

vol. 1.

p. 409, et

^! nc „. Kino; Athelstan was succeeded by his brother Edmund, who

King Ed- .

mund's reign came to the crown at eighteen years of age. The Northum-
"cesses. ' brians, it may be, despising this prince's youth, broke their
articles made with Athelstan, sent for Analafus out of Ire-
land, and elected him king. Analaf, being upon this ground
of advantage, levied an army, and harassed the country as far
as Northampton. King Edmund drew down his forces, and
came up with the enemy about Leicester : but here there was
not much fighting : the quarrel was taken up by the mediation
a. n. 041. of the two archbishops Odo and Wulfstan : and Watling-street

cent, x.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 421

made the barrier of each prince's dominions. Analaf, after EDMUND,
some farther ravages of the country, died this year, as Hoveden England.
will have it, and was succeeded by his son Sitricus. The Saxon ^T^TT'

J Malmesb. de

chronicle relates the matter somewhat differently with respect Gestis Reg.

A 1 f 1 *)Q

to time. This author reports, that in the year 942, king Ed- Hoveden.
mund marched his forces into Mercia, and recovered Lincoln, A, nn o!o

' ' tol. 242.

Leicester, Nottingham, Stamford, and Derby, out of the hands
of the Danes. That upon this advantage, Analaf and Regi-
nald, Gurmund's sons, submitted, and were baptized, and had
king Edmund for their godfather. But this treaty being A . d. 942.
quickly broken by these Danes, king Edmund was not long
without his revenge : for, in the year 944, he conquered the
country of the Northumbrians, re-annexed it to his crown, and
banished the two princes above mentioned. And the next Chronoi.
year he gave Cumberland to Malcolm, king of the Scots, upon Malmesb.de
the terms of homage, and that he should be obliged to assist est " eg '
him in the field upon all occasions.

In the year of our Lord 943, St. Dunstan, who will make a a. d. 943.
great figure by and by, was preferred to the abbey of Glassen-
bury. This year, Odo, archbishop of Canterbury, published Hovedeu.

his constitutions. They are divided into ten chapters. f i. 242.

Spelman.

Concil. vol.

The first threatens all those that injure the Church in her L !', 416 - ,.

" Odo s consti-

property, with excommunication. tutions.

The second puts princes in mind of their office, and conduct
towards the bishops, and is couched in a style of great plainness
and authority. It sets forth, that kings and princes, and all
secular great men, ought to treat their bishops with regard,
be governed by their directions ; because the keys of the king-
dom of heaven, and the power of binding and loosing, are
delivered to them. That they ought not to overrate them-
selves upon the score of their secular dignity and jurisdiction :
for " God resists the proud, and gives grace to the humble. 11
That the king is obliged to make use of men of capacity and
conscience, to represent him in the administration. That the
common people may be the more effectually brought to the
practice of virtue and religion, by the good examples of the
magistracy : that the prince is to be particularly careful, not
to oppress any person by the strength of his prerogative. That
he is to judge between man and man without partiality or pre-
judice ; to protect the stranger, the fatherless, and the widow :

422 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book in.

odo, to suppress theft and injustice, to punish adultery, keep knaves

li y a ";' and libertines out of posts of honour and advantage, and be

charitable to the poor. For though all persons are bound to
the precepts of Christianity, yet kings, and those in high
stations, are particularly obliged to guard their conduct, because,
at the great day of judgment, they must answer not only for
their own faults, but for the miscarriage of those under their
authority, in case the negligence of their government has occa-
sioned it.

In the third the bishops are admonished to support their
character with a suitable behaviour, to inspect their dioceses
carefully every year, and preach as they make their visitation.
They are likewise put in mind not to undertake the episcopal
office out of a mercenary view, but in prospect of an eternal
reward. That they are to execute their commission without
fear or flattery. To put princes and persons of condition in
mind of their duty, with all decent plainness and freedom, and
omit no necessary part of instruction for fear of displeasure.
And, in short, neither to censure nor absolve any person with-
out reason and justice.

In the fourth the priests are enjoined to be exemplary for
the benefit of their flock : to inform their consciences in all
necessary truth, and be no less distinguished in their lives than
in their habit.

The fifth regards the clergy under the degree of priesthood,
and gives much the same advice with that last mentioned.

The sixth gives directions to the religious, puts them in mind
to live up to the design of the institution, and the rules of their
order : not to ramble about, and remove from one monastery
to another ; but to be obedient to their superiors, to spend
their time in reading the Scriptures, prayer, and laborious em-
ployments.

The seventh prohibits unlawful marriages, upon the score
of nearness of relation : but the degrees of consanguinity or
affinity are not recited. This article likewise denounces ex-
communication against those that marry a nun.

The eighth recommends unity among Christians of all con-
ditions. The reason of this exhortation is drawn from the
180. consideration of our Saviour's being the only head of the
Church: but something of this we have had in the former
councils, and therefore I shall waive the repetition.

cent, x.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 4-23

The ninth presses fasting and giving of alms, and that care edmund
be taken in the manner of performance. The fasts are that of r, K, , of ,

. England.

Lent, the four ember weeks, together with every Wednesday v v '

and Friday. Sunday likewise, and the festivals of the saints,
are commanded to be kept holy in conformity to canon and
precedent ; and all secular business is to be forborne on those
days. The article concludes with a caution against magic,
superstition, and idolatry.

The tenth enjoins the punctual payment of tithes. The
constitution argues from the Old Testament, where it is said, Mai. iii, fo.
" Bring ye all the tithes into the store-house, that there may
be meat in mine house, and prove me now herewith, saith the
Lord of hosts ; if I will not open unto you the windows of
heaven, and pour you out a blessing, that there shall not be room
enough to receive it. And I will rebuke the devourer for your
sakes, and he shall not destroy the fruits of your ground, 1 '' &c.

This year, Constantine III., son of Ethus, king of Scotland, a brief ac-
resigned his crown, took the habit of a religious, and was made £y^
abbot of the Culdees at St. Andrews. And here we are to usser. Brit.
observe, that a misrepresentation of the character of these ^tiouit
Culdees, first published by Fordon, in his Scoti Chronicon, has P- ;i4<; -
furnished the dissenters with an argument against the univer- Scot. Hist,
sality of the episcopal government. But by the way, this v fhJif-\-„tL-
Fordon lived no earlier than the fourteenth century, and is an f i uil ii dh -

7)T01'cd

author of slender credit. Having premised this, I shall advance against tin-
to his story. He affirms, there were a sort of men that Selden. '*
governed the affairs of religion in Scotland long: before the £ ref - a(1

& _ » o Decern

coming of Palladius, which yet were no bishops ; but only Script.
monks with the character of priesthood. These priests were Fordon. 1
the famous Culdees mentioned by the succeeding Scottish his- Sc ° l - H i^:

J ° c. 8. p. 625.

torians, and made use of as a precedent for presbytery. But inter Qnin-
to show the mistake of this account, I need only put the Scriptor.
reader in mind, that I have already proved from authors of g t ls ^°^ s
unquestionable authority, that before the coming of Palladius, Historical
Christianity was not received by the Scots ; that PalladiuVs church-
mission was into Ireland, and that the Scots did not settle in Gov "' n -

' merit, ivc.

the country, now called Scotland, till a considerable time after p- 134.
this period.

As for the Culdees, so much insisted on, they are not men-

424

ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book hi.

ODO,

Abp. Cant.

Bishop of
St. Asaph's
Account of
of Ch. Gov.
p. 139.

Hect.Boeth,
Scot. Hist.
1.6.

Buchanan.
Rerum
Scotic. 1. 6.

Usser. Bri-
tan. Eccles.
Antiquit.

St. Asaph,
ibid. p. 141.

Usser. Bri-
tan. Eccles.
Antiquit.
p. 346.

Usser. Brit.

Eccles. An-
tiquit. p. 346
Dempster.
Hist. Eccles
Scotor. 1. 1.
num. 45.
Bishop of St
Asaph, ibid
j.. 143.

tioned either by Nennius, who wrote in the seventh, or Bede,
who wrote in the eighth century. And as the learned bishop
of St. Asaph observes, the word Culdee is not to be met with
before the time of Giraldus Cambrensis.

Hector Boethius is strangely extravagant in this relation.
He reports, " that in the time of the emperors Decius and
Aurelian, the Scots began to come over to Christianity : that
they were assisted in their conversion by certain monks called
Cultores Dei, or Culdees ."' , But it is well known there was no
such thing as monks in the western parts of Christendom at
this time of day. And I might add, not in the eastern
neither.

Farther, as to the Culdees, we read of none of this distinc-
tion in Scotland, either at Hy, or in any other place where
the Scots anciently dwelt. But as often as they are mentioned,
we find them at St. Andrews, which was within the division of
the Southern Picts : neither are they said to have been here,
till after the see of Abernethy was removed hither, which was
not done, as Buchanan reports, till the year 854.

About a hundred years after this time, Constantine above
mentioned quitted his kingdom, and turned abbot of the
Culdees.

The next news we hear of them is in the year 1108, when
Turgot, prior of Durham, was made bishop of St. Andrews.

About this time the bishop of St. Asaph is of opinion, they
were dean and chapter, and had a right of confirming the
elections of all the bishops in Scotland. This privilege his
lordship conjectures might belong to them upon the score of
the primacy of the see of St. Andrew's.

In the year 1272, the Culdees of St. Andrew's are men-
tioned by Silegrave in his catalogue of the religious houses in
Britain.

In the year 1207, when the canons of St. Andrew's elected
William Lamberton bishop, the Culdees opposed the election,
and appealed to the pope, but without remedy. And from this
time, they lost all their right they had formerly enjoyed, that is,
all the right of electing the archbishop, which probably belonged
to them before, in consequence of their being dean and chapter
of that see. And this is all the credible account of the Culdees
in Scotland.

cent, x.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 425

As to the case of Oolumba, and the pretence that the EDMUND,
monks of Hy had no episcopal ordination, it has been already England.
disproved.

The next year there was. a convention held under king Ed- a. d. 944.
mund at London, at which the archbishops Odo and Wulfstan in'thViiist.
were present, together with a great many other bishops and ° t ^[,* a Co ~
temporal nobility. There were several ecclesiastical laws passed Eccksiasti-

ceil laivs

in this session, some of those which are new and remarkable made under
shall be mentioned, Edmund.

Spelman,
Concil.

1. If any man killed a Christian, he was not permitted to voi.i. P .4i9,
come into the royal presence, though he belonged to the court, e

till he had made satisfaction according to law, and done penance
upon the bishop's order.

2. If any person debauched a nun, he was obliged to the
same fine and penalty, as if he had committed murder. The
adulterer was likewise liable to the same punishment.

3. Every bishop was to repair and ornament his cathedral 181.
at his own charge, and to put the king in mind to provide for

the good condition of the other churches in the diocese.

4. If any person that fled to a church, or any of the king's
towns, for protection, was disturbed or injured, the person that
broke through the privilege of the sanctuary was to be appre-
hended.

5. Those that perjured themselves, or sacrificed to idols,
were to be for ever excommunicated, unless they reformed
immediately, and submitted to penance.

Farther, the ceremonies and securities preliminary to mar-
riage are something particular.

After the woman and her friends have given their consent,
the bridegroom is not only to make a solemn promise of the
performance of articles, but likewise to declare his entering
into the engagement, according to the tenor of the Gospel.

2. Then the maintenance of the bride is to be adjusted, and
the bridegroom and his friends are to give security upon this
head.

3. After this, the bridegroom makes a declaration of his
wife's dowry, and mentions the particulars in which it is to
consist.

4. And if she happens to survive her husband, she is al-
lowed the moiety of his goods and estate : and in case they

426 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book hi.

odo, have any issue, she is to enjoy the whole fortune till her second

* — L .- ^ marriage. These articles are all to be guarded by securities

given by the man and his friends.

5. When the conditions are agreed between them, the
woman's relations are to engage for her virtue and good
behaviour, and to take security for the solemnization of the

arriage.

6. If the husband afterwards removed her out of the juris-
diction of the thane, or baron, where she was brought up, he
was to enter into articles, that nobody should injure her. And,
on the other side, in case she should do her husband any con-
siderable damage, her friends were obliged to make him satis-
faction.

7. The marriage was to be solemnized by a priest ; and
care was to be taken that there was no bar of consanguinity,
or relation, which being afterwards discovered, might force the

Speim. Con- Church upon a divorce.

cil. vol. l. l

p. 426, 4-27.

King This year king Edmund granted a charter of extraordinary

fhalic" d to Privileges to the abbey of Glassenbury ; by virtue of which,
the abbey of the abbot had the same authority of trying causes, punishing
and pardoning misdemeanours within the precincts of his juris-
diction, that the king himself had in his own courts. And
here, according to custom, there is a solemn denunciation of
divine vengeance against those that should seize any part of
the privileges, or disappoint the design of the charter. This
grant was engrossed in gold letters in a book of the Four
Gospels, with which king Edmund presented the abbey church
of Glassenbury. St. Dunstan, as we observed before, was
Speim. ibid, made abbot of Glassenbury by this prince. Now St. Dunstan
de Gestis having so great a share of the history of these times, I shall
j ^' v A ajf - give the reader some account of him before I proceed any

farther.
st.Dunstan's He was born in the country of the West Saxons, in the first
furtunlTami y ear °^ king Athelstan. His father's name was Herstan, and
■■/..muter, his mothers Kynedryd. They were both persons of the first
former part quality, and no less remarkable for their piety than condition.
* e ' His birth, and the extraordinary figure he made, is said to have
ViU3 n Dun- been predicted by a miracle. He was educated at Glassenbury,
stan, Angl. his father living in that country. At this time, as Osbern re-

Sacr.parsll. , , ,, J . „, . ,

p . 91. lates, there was no monastic society at Glassenbury. And as

cent, x.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 427

this biographer goes on, this method of living was not then edmund,
practised in England : for at that time of day, people were not Eneland

willing to resign their own wills, and submit to the discipline ^7~-- '

of a cell. A convent of monks, or the name of an abbot, was
scarce seen or heard of. For, as the learned publisher of the
Anglia Sacra observes, the English monasteries, before the
revolution made in them by Dunstan and King Edgar, were
furnished with secular clergy, who, having large revenues, and
incorporated under certain regulations, performed the service
in their respective churches, lived single or married, as they
thought fit, and stood in the same condition with our pre-
bendaries. To return to Osbern, who informs us, that about
this time several devout and learned Irishmen came to Glas-
senbury, out of respect to St. Patrick's memory. These reli-
gious strangers, wanting the encouragement of a monastery to
support them, set up a sort of modern academy, taught men
of quality's sons the belles-lettres, music, engraving, and such
like improvements of education. Dunstan's youth was very
promising, both in respect of his industry, piety, and parts.
And thus having a reputation beyond the expectation of his
years, Athelnus, archbishop of Canterbury, who was his uncle,
sent for him. And St. Dunstan being a person of no less
address than unexceptionable in his life, the archbishop re-
commended him to king Athelstan, acquainting the king that
his nephew had the honour of being somewhat related to the
royal family, and was likewise well qualified to serve his ma-
jesty at court. The king entertained him very graciously, put
him into considerable posts, and gave him several marks of
his esteem. Now, as Osbern and Eadmer relate, St. Dunstan,
like Joseph, managed himself with great conduct, and was
very successful in whatever he undertook : but the king's
favour not lasting long, he left the court, having been misre-
presented to Athelstan by some envious people. This ill-usage
made him retire from the world, and turn monk. Upon the
death of king Athelstan, his brother Edmund came to the 182.

crown, who having a great opinion of St. Dunstan, sent for
him to court, and made him his confessor. But afterwards, ingulphus,
giving credit, as it is supposed, to misinformation, discharged lst " p " 38 '
him. However, not long after, being satisfied about St. Dun-
stan's probity and behaviour, he was reconciled to him at the
instance of Turketul, his chancellor. And now St. Dunstan

428 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book hi.

ODO, stood firm in king Edmund's favour, and had a grant of the

» — ^ '* charter above mentioned. But it was not long before his

royal patron was taken off by a lamentable accident.
King One Leof, who had been banished by king Edmund for

murdered, robbing upon the highway, returned without licence, about five
or six years after the sentence. Now the king keeping St.
Augustine of Canterbury's festival at Pucklechurch, in Glou-
cestershire, this Leof had the confidence to intrude, and sit
down at table next to a person of great quality. This was
taken notice of by none but the king, the rest having drank
to a pitch which made them less observing. His majesty
being disturbed at such unprecedented insolence, rises hastily
from the table, takes Leof by the hair, and throws him down.
The wretch draws his dagger, and plunges it into the kinsfs
a. d. 946. breast, upon which he immediately expired. The court seeing
the king thus barbarously murdered, cut Leof in pieces, though
he had the bravery to wound several of them before he was
dispatched.
King Edred, brother to Edmund, and third son to Edward the

cess against Elder, succeeded to the crown. This was 'an interruption of
the North- the right line : for the late king; left two sons, Edwv and

umbrians _ ° . .... . ,

and Scots. Edgar : but being deep m their minority, and not grown up
for the administration, they were set aside, and their uncle

Malmesb. crowned by Odo, archbishop of Canterbury. The justice of

Re Ge ln^i ^ nese proceedings seems somewhat unintelligible : but Edred

l. 2. foi. 30. being a benefactor to the monks, the business is passed over

Chron. without censure. Edred is described as a prince of great

lb Scriptor courage and enterprise. The first year of his reign he reduced

vol. l. the Northumbrians, who had lately revolted. His next ex-

A. D. 94/ .

pedition was against the Scots, whom he brought to terms,
merely by the terror of his name, without so much as hazard-
ing a battle. By the articles of the pacification, the North-
umbrians and Scots were forced to take an oath of alle-
giance to king Edred. But this security was soon violated.
For when the king was marched back to the southern part of
his dominions, the Northumbrians set up Anlaf, who had for-
merly been banished. However, about three years after, the
Northumbrians proved inconstant to their own rebellion, ex-
pelled their pretended prince Anlaf, and set up another
usurper, one Huth, the son of Harald. This choice did not
please them long ; for in the seventh year of king Edred

cent. x.J OF GREAT BRITAIN. 429

they deposed Huth, and made a voluntary submission to EDRED,
Edred. e^L.

During these commotions, Wulstan, archbishop of York, ^
was taken into custody for abetting the Northumbrian rebel- de Gestis
lion. After he had been in prison for some time, king Edred l. 2. foL^O.
set him at liberty in respect to his character. This confine- chr'"n Pt ° n
ment, and the disgrace of a pardon, sat hard upon the arch- P- 862 -
bishop's spirits, and, as it is thought, was the occasion of his
death soon after. Maimesb.

King Edred's chancellor, Turketul, having for some time R e eg T i S 2®
resolved to turn religious, and fixed upon Croyland for his <* (ie .j?^ s
retirement, repaired the buildings of the abbey, and laid Turketul,

1 -j. i_ • .1.1 J? „ J i • 1 • j kinn EdrecTs

several manors to it : being thus tar advanced m his design, chancellor,

he received the habit, together with the bishop's benediction, ^ W ,°A

in the king's presence, who gave him a pastoral staff, and

made him abbot of Croyland : upon which he resigned the

monastery, with all the lands belonging to it, to the crown.

The king, at the convention of the clergy and laity, returned

the title deeds of the abbey back to Turketul and the monks,

and gave them a charter, by which they were discharged from

all services and incumbrances incident to a lay-fee. But then The Mng

he refused to grant them their old privilege of sanctuary, being ^"^^°

unwilling to protect malefactors and villains from justice, and P riv ^ e 9 e °f

01 " sanctuary.

set them, for some time at least, out of the reach of the law. a. d. 948.
In this charter, Wulstan, archbishop of York, signs before h^" p.' 39,
Odo of Canterbury, which is very unusual. $L\ m . Con-

Turketul, being a person of quality and rank, drew a great eil. vol. ] .
many men of letters into the monastery with him ; ten of p '
which took the habit upon them ; the rest not relishing the
rigour of the institution, continued seculars. However, they
lived in the monastery for the benefit of Turketul's conversa-
tion. Some of this company, as Ingulphus goes on, were
priests, and others in lower orders. Ingulphus,

As for king Edred, his conscience was in a manner entirely ^t 'death of
governed by St. Dunstan ; insomuch that he submitted to Mn 9 Edred.
great austerities and discipline at his direction. In his last
sickness, he sent for his confessor, St. Dunstan, who rode to
him with all speed ; and as he was upon the way, as Malmes-
bury and the rest report, he heard a voice from the sky, pro-
nouncing with a strong accent, that Edred was dead in the AT >- 955 -

430 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book hi.

odo, Lord ; which, if true, was verified in the event : for when St.

Abp. Cant

'» Dunstan came to the palace, the king had expired.

ibid" P US ' Edwy, EdrecVs nephew, and eldest son to king Edmund,
Maimesb. na( ] hj s right considered at last, and succeeded his uncle.

<le Gestis . . . .

Reg. Aug]. This prince giving the married clergy a greater share of his
favour than the monks, the historians, who were most of them
religious, are resolved to be even with him, and sit hard upon
his memory. Malmesbury and the rest report him a prince
of licentious and unmanageable passions. He was crowned at
Kingston, by Odo, archbishop of Canterbury. Now, it seems
he had not temper enough to postpone his excesses, and

183. govern his behaviour at this solemnity ; but .when the appear-

ance was full, and the great men debating the affairs of the
kingdom, he slips out of the public room, and retires to two

Maimesb. wome n of ill fame.

<le (testis

Reg. Angi. This conduct gave great offence ; however, nobody was so

ct<i'e Gestis hardy to take notice of it excepting St. Dunstan, who, going

foMli 1 ' l m ^° ^ ne king's apartment, reprimanded him for his liberty,

and taking him by the arm, disengaged him from the two

frefdomwith women > and brought him to his courtiers. Here St. Dun-

king Edwy. stan's honest zeal seems to have transported him too far, and

made him forget the point of decency. To apprehend his

prince, and drag him away like a malefactor, was to outrage

the royal character, and more without doubt than the abbot of

Maimesb. Glassenbury could justify.

Osborn de Archbishop Odo seconded St. Dunstan, though at first in a
Angl.Sacr.' more defensible manner, for he is said to have put the king
pars.2.p.805. un d er a lesser excommunication, and forced him to part with
his favourite Elgiva. Now historians are somewhat at a loss
about stating the crime ; some think the king was married to
her, and that they were censured upon the score of con-
sanguinity ; however, they are agreed that if this was not the
case, she was his mistress. But Odo went farther in his cor-
rection, and pushed the point to an excess ; he ventured to
brand Elgiva in the forehead, and transport her into Ireland.
This was an apparent strain of the ecclesiastic authority, and
King Edwy by no means warrantable by the keys. The king being thus
tiie monks. " roughly treated, it is no wonder if he disrelished the monks,
and shewed his resentment. Osbern relates that the lady, who
had the ascendant over him, pressed him to a revenge, which

cent, x.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 431

is not unlikely. And now the religious were expelled the EDWY
abbies by the king's order. The monkish historians make a T , K \ ot ,

. , . . . -. England.

tragical complaint upon this occasion ; and as they represent * — '

the matter the reader would imagine they had been dis-
possessed of a great many monasteries ; whereas, upon a closer
inquiry it will appear that the monks had no more than the
monasteries of Glassenbury and Abingdon in the reign of king
Edwy. It is true there were many more religious houses, but Johan. Tin-
then they had been a long time in the possession of the secular tor. Aiir.
clergy. ftif;

When this storm fell upon the monks, St. Dunstan was ^l 1 ' 1 ^'] 1 -'"
banished into Flanders, where he passed his time easily wald, Angt
enough, and was entertained with great regard. p. 9i'. P i05.

Though Dunstan was forced to quit the kingdom, he seems A - D - 956 -

to have left a considerable interest behind him ; for now the

Northumbrians and Mercians were so far disgusted with king

Edwy's administration that they broke out into a revolt, levied A ^AeUvm
J . , , . . . , , . , . . n awmst king

an army against their prince, seized his dominions as far as Edwy.

the Thames, and gave them to his younger brother Edgar. Osbern. tie

The king was hard pressed, pursued by his subjects, and had B taii, p. 106

nothing but the southern part of his kingdom left him ; and

the country being thus cantoned was almost perpetually

harassed with fighting and depredations. These commotions, A - n - '7.

... i ■ i -i • i i i ii- i Simeon Du-

wlnch were no better than downright rebellion, are passed neimensis.
over without censure by the monkish historians, and all the Brompton
blame laid upon king Edwy's mismanagement. Nay, Osbern &c -
has the assurance to make Providence a party in the insurrec-
tion, and blasphemously affirms that our Saviour disposed the
subjects to throw off their allegiance, and prove false to their
prince. And what was the reason that Providence should Osbern.
interfere in so surprising a manner, and that God should
encourage the breach of his own laws ? Osbern will solve this
difficulty. He lets us know it was to make way for the recall-
ing of St. Dunstan, and to put the English once more under
his conduct and protection. This looks as if there had been
something of a practice and Concert between St. Dunstan and
the malcontents. On the other side, had this abbot so great
an ascendant over the English as he pretended, why did he
not employ his interest to stifle the insurrection and keep the
people within the terms of duty ? But none of the historians
are so kind to his memory as to mention any pains taken upon

432 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book hi.

ODO, this occasion. I am sorry to meet with so little proof of

v t, ant > Dunstan's inclinations lying this way. For soon after Edgar was

set up by the revolters he is said to have summoned a conven-
tion, in which king Edwy's proceedings were reversed, the monks
restored, St. Dunstan recalled from his exile, and entertained
at the new court with greater regard than ever. Now I would
gladly know how St. Dunstan could satisfy his conscience in
taking these steps ? That Edgar was no better than an
usurper is very suspicious ; for we do not find that Edwy his
elder brother resigned part of his dominions. The historians
mention no treaty between those two princes. Osbern rather
supposes the contrary ; he tells us that after the kingdom was
divided, the country was miserably harassed for a considerable
time ; that Edgar gained upon his brother, as did David upon

Osbern. the house of Saul. This is an argument that Edwy and Edgar
were come to no accommodation, but continued in a state
of hostility. Now St. Cyprian, though bishop of Carthage,
did not think fit to return from banishment without the em-
peror's leave. Why then did not St. Dunstan stay for king
Edvvy's order \ What made him come back at the invitation
of an usurper, reside at his court, receive his favour and
caresses, and accept the bishopric of Worcester at his im-
portunity ? In short, King Edwy was living two years after
St. Dunstan was recalled, and yet we do not find he made any
application or paid the least submission to his lawful sovereign.

a. n. .057. On the contrary, it is plain he lived within 'Edgar's division,
and attended at his court all the time of king Edwy. This,

* ^- without doubt, was an indefensible latitude, unless king Edwy

resigned to his brother as far as the Thames, which, in charity
to St. Dunstan, methinks I would gladly believe, if the history
would give me leave. However, I shall determine nothing,
but submit the case to the reader.

a. d. 958. Odo, the archbishop, beside the freedom he took with the
king in reference to Elgiva, is said to have held on the former
heat of his conduct, and to have hamstringed her at her

Maimesb.de return from Ireland. Osbern does not put this unsuitable part

r V st \ P 'i"" u P on the archbishop, but reports she was thus used by the

1. i. fol. 114. rebels, who afterwards had her executed.

v!t. SJDun- This year the archbishop of Canterbury departed this life.

stan.Angl Elfin, bishop of Winchester, was chosen to succeed him.

Sacr. pars a. _ 7 l '

p. 106. This bishop, taking a winter journey to Rome for his pall, was

cent, x.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 433

frozen to death upon the Alps, which the monkish historians EDGAR,
interpret as a judgment for his disrespect to Odo's grave. England.

In the year of our Lord 959 king Edwy died, and was Mdmesb - ^
buried in the new monastery at Winchester. His younger ibid -
brother Edgar succeeded to his dominions, and was now pos- King Edwy
sessed of the whole kingdom. As to king Edwy, though the ws '
monks represent him under all the disadvantages of licence
and maladministration, yet the archdeacon of Huntingdon,
who was no party in the quarrel, gives him a handsome cha-
racter, reports that the country flourished under his govern-
ment, and seems to lament he lived no longer. Hunting

° Histor. 1. 5.

To return to king Edgar, for now I can give him that title, fol. 204.
In the first year of this prince's reign, Brithelm, bishop of
Sherburn, was elected to the see of Canterbnry ; but being
thought somewhat unqualified for so great a post, he was
ordered by the king to waive his election, and return to his
old diocese. Upon his compliance, St. Dunstan, at the king's Duneim.

de Gestis

importunity, and by the consent of the suffragans of the pro- Reg. Angi.
vince, accepted the see of Canterbury. And now being at \' Q gcripto^ 1
the head of the Church, and having; a great interest with king The pros-

_, iii i • i Parous reign

Edgar, the helm was well steered, and the nation extremely of king
prosperous ; for now, as Malmesbury reports, there was hardly Duneim.
a year passed without some public advantage and remarkable M almesb -
blessing. The English were neither disturbed with domestic
broils nor foreign invasions. King Edgar was successful in all
his undertakings ; and particularly Kenneth, king of Scots,
Malcolm, king of Cumberland, and all the Welsh princes,
attended him at his court, and took an oath of homage. They
met him at Chester, where he took eight princes of them
into his barge, and obliged them to row him over the Dee.
These successes raised the reputation of his government, King
insomuch that his court was frequented by foreigners ; the raeterand
Saxons, Flemish, and Danes taking a voyage in England to administra -
satisfy their curiosity with the sight and conversation of so
great a prince ; but this respect paid to king Edgar proved a
misfortune to his subjects. These strangers left the vices and
ill customs of their respective countries with the English ;
with the English, I say, who learned to be rugged and bois-
terous from the Saxons ; to be lazy and effeminate of the
Flemish ; and to drink to excess of the Danes. This infection
was, in a great measure, checked by the conduct of St,
VOL. i. f f

434 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book hi.

dun- Dunstan, who had a considerable interest at king; Edgar's

ST \N • • .

Abp. Cant, court, and exercised his archiepiscopal authority with great
Maimesb ' v ig our an( ^ impartiality. King Edgar likewise took care that
deGestis the laws were well executed, and suffered no man's quality to

Re 0- An 0*1

l.2.fol. 31. protect him in his misbehaviour. Notwithstanding the little-
ness of his stature, he is said to have been a person of extraor-
dinary courage, of which he had given several proofs. It being
told him that Kenneth, king of the Scots, had spoken some
contemptuous words of him, and said, " That he wondered so
large an extent of country should submit to be governed by
such a dwarf." Upon this he sends for king Kenneth, and,
on pretence of some private affair, walks with him into a wood.
Being thus alone, he told Kenneth of the freedom he had taken
in ridiculing his person ; that now it was the time to put that
matter to the trial ; that it was dishonourable for a prince to be
lavish of his tongue at an entertainment, and shrink when he
is called to account for it. After this expostulation, king
Edgar being provided with two swords, gives one of them to
the king of Scots. King Kenneth being somewhat surprised
either at the briskness of the challenge, or the discovery of his
own misbehaviour, told king Edgar, " Those words were

Maimesb. spoken in jest," and asked his pardon with great respect.

Reg.' Ang. To shew the commendation of his government in a word or

l. 2. foi. 33. two more. Every year after Easter he ordered his fleet to
be got ready, and divided into three squadrons, each of which
used to ride at three of the cardinal points of the island. His
ships being thus disposed, he cruised with the eastern squadron
as far as the west of England ; and then sending these back,

He sails J le embarked in the western and sailed to the north. Here he

round the . . ,

island every went aboard the northern division, and sailed round to the
yei east. By this means commerce and fishing had their full

liberty, and the coast was secured from pirates ; and in the
winter it was his custom to make his progress through the
whole kingdom, inquire into the management of the courts of
justice, and punish the judges severely in case they misbehaved
Maimesb. themselves in their office.

Some hie- Notwithstanding these good qualities, king Edgar was not

mjT 0fMs witnou t some failings and inequalities in his conduct. For

instance ; he took one Ethelwulf, an earl and favourite,

into a wood upon pretence of hunting, and killed him there

with his lance. The natural son of this nobleman happening

cent, x.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 435

to come in at this accident, the king asked him " How he liked Edgar,
the sport ?" " Well enough," replies the other, " for it is my E ^i^ d

duty never to be disgusted at your majesty's pleasure." This * '

courtly return, upon so moving an occasion, surprised the
king, and gave him a strong affection for the young man ever
after. The reason of his murdering the earl was because he
had deceived him in a report concerning Elfrida, daughter to
Ordgar, duke of Devonshire. This lady, it seems, had been
commended to the king for a great beauty ; and being a person
of the first quality, the king sent Ethelwulf to inquire into the
matter, with a design to marry her if the relation held true.
Ethelwulf goes immediately to her father's house, and finding
the lady answer up to her fame, conceals his message from the
king, and gains her for himself. When he came back to
court he told the king Elfrida had been mightily over-praised,
and was, in truth, but an ordinary woman. The king believing
this report, removed his fancy, and thought of her no farther.
But being afterwards informed how the earl had deceived him,
he took a view of the lady himself, and then revenged the
affront in the tragical manner above mentioned. Malmesb.

Some time after this, king Edgar fell in love with a nun, lbuL
took her by force from a monastery, and kept her for some
time. When St. Dunstan was informed of the king's mis-
behaviour, he came immediately to court, told him of his fault
with an air of great freedom and authority, refused his hand,
and let him know, he would not be a friend to any person to
whom our Saviour was an enemy. The king's conscience
being thoroughly awakened with this reprimand, he fell down
at the archbishop's feet, and showed all imaginable signs of
sorrow and compunction. St. Dunstan seeing the king weep,
and appear thus thoroughly mortified, was extremely affected ;
and, after he had set forth the crime, enlarged upon the
aggravation of the circumstances, and perceived the king
willing to give full satisfaction to the Church, he enjoined him
seven years' penance. During this term, he was obliged not He ^ W2 y s
to wear his crown ; to fast twice a week, to give large charity to a s f vm
to the poor, to found a nunnery, to drive the married clergy 'penance.
out of the convents, and furnish them with monks : and to
make good laws for the government of his kingdom. He
complied readily with every particular, And when the seven
years were expired, St. Dunstan, at a solemn meeting of the

f f 2

436 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book hi.

dun- principal clergy and laity, set the crown upon the king's
Abp. Cant. head.

OsbernTdT' And now having given a brief account of king Edgar, with
Ian S A D "i n res P ec t to the State ; I shall return to the Church, and point
Saer. pais 2. out what occurs somewhat more particularly with respect to
p ' time.

a. d. 959. In the first year of king Edgar we meet with a short charter

of this prince, in favour of the see of Canterbury. By this

His charter grant, the church of Canterbury is made the mother and mis-

(>(J Lltt. _ ,

church of tress, as the expression runs, of all other churches within the

anter ury. English dominions, and that she should be discharged from

all burdens of the state, excepting the services of expedition,

Spelm Con- making of bridges, and building of castles. These privileges

p. 432. ' are not to be understood of spiritual jurisdiction, but civil

advantage. To have gone farther, would have been a stretch

of the regale, which does not seem to have been the inclination

of this prince : for when any ecclesiastical jurisdiction was

conveyed to any abbey, we find the pope was applied to for his

confirmation, as appears by this king's charters to the monas-

Ingulphus, teries of Glassenbury and Peterborough.

Maimesb. ' The nex * y ear ' St. Dunstan took a voyage to Rome, where
deGcstis he received his pall from pope John XIII. Soon after his

Reg. Aiigl. A * . x .

l. 2. fol. 31. return he came to court, and begged the bishopric of Worcester
St. ^bunstan f° r Oswald, archbishop Odo's nephew, who had been educated
receives Ms a mon k at Fie wry in France. From this, and some other

pall atJxome. , . ■'

instances, it appears, that the Crown had gained some ground
upon the Church, and made the disposal of bishoprics part of
the prerogative. Baronius complains of this interposing of the
Dunelm. de regale in France, in the ninth century : and it must be said,
Ang.' p R ?5o\ when the Church has not the liberty of choosing her own
governors, she is not in the same state of independency in
which Constantine the Great found her.

Dunstan had formed a design of ejecting the secular clergy
out of the monasteries and cathedrals, and settling monks in
their place. Now the secular clergy had prescription on their
side, and being numerous, we have reason to believe, their
interest was considerable : for St. Dunstan, though backed
with the countenance of the court, could never carry his point
through the kingdom. For Dunelmensis reports, upon the
year 1074, that there had not been so much as a monastery
among the Northumbrians for two hundred years ; and that

tent, x.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 437

the name of a monk was scarce heard of in those northern Edgar,

P artS - # England.

The case standing thus, St. Dunstan must needs foresee D^nT"^
great difficulties in the execution of his project. And there- Gtst - Reg-
fore to make his scheme bear, he endeavours to fortify his King Edgar
party, by getting monks preferred to the vacant sees. King ^™"«/i°
Edgar, who had been favoured by the monks in his attempt and wh J-
against his brother, proved a strong patron to that party, went
willingly into St. Dunstan's measures, and seems to have been
wholly governed by the impressions of that prelate. That the
monks abetted Edgar against his elder brother, king Edwy,
appears not only by St. Dunstan "s coming off from his banish-
ment at prince Edgai^s invitation, and accepting the see of
Worcester from him, while king Edwy lived ; but likewise from
the manner in which our monkish historians deliver themselves :
for Osbern, as we have seen already, is so hardy as to bring 186.

Providence on the side of the revolt, and make the insurrection
countenanced from heaven. And as for Dunelmensis, West-
minster, Brompton, and most of the rest, they lay the whole
fault of the revolution upon king Edwy ; take the freedom to
say, he governed foolishly, and that the Mercians and North-
umbrians threw him off for his mal-administration. But this
notorious breach of their allegiance, wresting the better half of
the kingdom from their lawful sovereign, and bestowing it on
his younger brother, has not the least censure or mark of dis-
like put upon it. On the contrary, they nourish strongly
upon Edgar's character, call him the darling and ornament of
the English nation, and seem well satisfied with these violent
proceedings. Farther, that Edgar was an usurper upon his
brother, appears by his seizure of his dominions as far south-
ward as the Thames. If this was done by dint of force and
insurrection, the case is plain. But if he enjoyed this part of
the country by treaty and composition, it is no less evident
king Edwy was forced upon this surrender by the prevalency of
the rebellion : so that, being an act of mere compulsion, and
extorted by duress, it does by no means justify the acquisition :
besides, our historians make Edgar's reign commence but at
the death of Edwy, anno 959. I should have been glad there-
fore to have found St. Dunstan somewhat more impartial in
his discipline, and that he had put king Edgar upon penance
for usurping upon his brother, no less than for debauching the

438 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book hi.

DUN- nun. But this prince was a great encourager of the monastic

STAN i . . .

Abp. Cant, clan, expelled the married clergy from their ancient seats, and
" ' built almost fifty monasteries. This was so great a merit,
that the expedient for compassing the project must by no
means be blamed. Blood, and honour, and justice, are some-
times all overlooked, when they stand in the way of so religious
a design. And to prevent all objection, if king Edgar was
thought too young for penance at his brother's death, why was
not the rebellious party put under censure ?

a. d. 963. Thus we see St. Dunstan had strong encouragement to go
on with his enterprize. His next advance was to get Ethel-
wulf, a monk of Glassenbury, promoted to the see of Win-

Malmesb.de chester, now vacant by the death of Brithelm. This Ethelwulf

Gest. Pontif. • ■, • « ,, ■,.. ,. -,• , t

I 2. was a vigorous champion lor the religious, and immediately

Ges'TiTe de u P on n * s coming into his diocese, procured an order from the
Ang. p. 158. king to turn the secular clergy out of the old abbey at Win-
Duneim. chester, which was executed accordingly. And now the three

ibid.

No more prelates of Canterbury, Winchester, and Worcester, drove on
thhopTmen- tne * r P r °j ec t of pretended reformation, and made a considerable
turned in the progress, by having the court in their interest : however, we
against the find no other bishops concurring in this design, excepting the
$<£<&. ^ree above mentioned, which looks as if the rest of that order
were of another party, and abetted the secular clergy. Had
they been for St. Dunstan, we had, in all likelihood, heard of
them ; for the monkish writers are commonly careful to record
the names of their friends. Had therefore any of the other
bishops assisted in their establishment, we have reason to be-
lieve the mention of them would not have been forgotten, nor
their merit thus overlooked.
King In the year of our Lord 967, there were several ecclesiastical

fttiutions° n ~ cons titutions passed at a convention under king Edgar.

The first, confirms the civil privileges and immunities of
the Church, and orders the tithes to be paid to the mother or
principal church within the parish.

The third prescribes the time for the payment of tithes,
predial and personal. And if any person refuses the payment
of these dues, the bishop, the king's officer, or sheriff, and the
parson of the parish, are to meet : and here restitution is to be
made by force ; the parson is to have the tenth ; the ninth
part is to be left to the person from whom the tithe was due ;
and the remaining eight parts are to be equally divided

cent. x.J OF aEEAT BRITAIN. 439

between the bishop and the king's officer, or lord of the Edgar,
manor. E *i a ° n f di

By the fifth, the solemnity of Sunday is to begin from three ' * '

o'clock on Saturday in the afternoon, and to continue till
break of day on Monday : he that broke through any part of
the time of this festival, was to incur the penalty of the liber
judicialis, or statute-book. The other holy days likewise are
to be kept upon the priest's giving notice of them. There is
also an injunction for the strict observance of the fasts.] | ir Henry

Sixthly, if a church having a right of burial, or church-yard cil. voi. l .
belonging to it, the lord of the manor had the liberty of paying p '
the third part of his tithe to the curate or priest of the place ;
but if there was no church-yard, the tithes and dues were to
go to the mother-church. This article seems to be a limita-
tion, and allowance of latitude upon the first constitution.
There is another article relating to the payment of Peter-
pence, but this has been mentioned already.

King Edgar made several other constitutions for the regula- King Edgar
tion of religious houses ; those ingrossed in gold letters, in a g the English
book belonging to the cathedral of Winchester, are particularly "«°» fe -
remarkable: for here, amongst other things, the king makes cil. vol. l.
himself general, as we may call it, of the monks, and puts the aiib.
queen in the same station of government over the nuns. w 1 ^ 111 '

After the constitutions last mentioned, sir Henry Spelman A body of
subjoins a body of canons, said to be published under king to be made in
Edgar, though the precise time is not certainly known. These ^f^V^-
canons this learned antiquary translated from an old Saxon
manuscript in Bennet College in Cambridge : it is not known
where, or by what authority they were drawn up ; but the 187.

decrees run in the plural number, and seem to be the style of
a synod. I shall translate those which are most remarkable.

By the first, the clergy are enjoined to be constant at their
devotions, and, particularly, to pray that the people may behave
themselves dutifully to their respective governors, and prove
firm and loyal to their prince.

The third orders proper books and habits to be yearly pro-
vided against the meeting of every synod. There is also men-
tion made of parchment for engrossing the constitutions.
Entertainment for three days is likewise to be furnished, but it
is not said bv whom.

440 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [bookih.

dun- By the fifth, if any priest receive any injury or ill usage, the

Abp. Cant, complaint was to be preferred to the synod, who were to treat
* the case as if the whole body had actually suffered, and take
care that satisfaction be made at the bishop's discretion.

Sixthly, if any person who lives disorderly proves too power-
ful for the discipline of the parish priest, the priest is to give
the synod notice of the particulars.

The eighth forbids the priests to change their cures, and
remove at their own pleasure from one parish to another.

The ninth declares against the priest's intermeddling in
a foreign cure.

The eleventh enjoins every priest to learn some employment.
This was to prevent indigence in case of misfortune : it was
formerly the custom of the Jews of condition, and is still
retained by those of the first rank among the Turks.

By the twelfth and thirteenth, a clerk of learning was not to
undervalue one of less proficiency; neither, in case he was
nobly descended, was he allowed to disregard another of more
private extraction : for, as the canon goes on, to take things
rightly, all men are of the same family and original.

The seventeenth and twenty-second order all persons to
instruct their children in the Christian faith, and teach them
the Lord's Prayer and the Creed ; without learning of which,
they were neither to be buried in consecrated ground, nor
admitted to the eucharist : for, as the canon proceeds, he that
is not acquainted with these solemn forms and fundamentals in
religion, does not deserve the name of a Christian ; he ought
not to undertake for another in the sacrament of baptism, nor
receive any person in confirmation from the hands of a bishop.

The twenty-fourth orders all pleadings and trials of causes
to cease upon festivals and fasts.

The twenty-eighth provides against intemperance and riot,
at the dedication of churches, or at the anniversary of that
solemnity.

By the twenty-ninth nobody was to be buried in a church,
excepting persons of known probity and religious behaviour.

By the thirty-second the priest was prohibited officiating
without the service-book, for fear the trusting to his memory
might make him mistake. From hence, it is plain, the clergy
were tied to forms and stated service, and not left to the liberty
of extemporary effusions.

cent, x.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 441

By the thirty-sixth no person was to eat or drink anything edgar,
before the receiving of the communion, unless in case of Engknd.
sickness. ' v '

The thirty-eighth enjoins the priest to have the eucharist
always ready ; that is, to have some of the consecrated bread
always by him, and to take care that it did not grow stale ; but
in case it should happen to be kept so long that it could not be
eaten without disgusting the palate, it was then to be burnt in
a clean fire, the ashes laid under the altar, and the priest that
was guilty of this negligence was to undergo penance. Had
the English Church been of the same belief with the modern
Roman as to the point of transubstantiation, — had they be-
lieved the same body that was born of the blessed Virgin had
been present under the appearance of bread, and that there had
been flesh and bones, as the Trent catechism words it, under so
foreign a representation, — it is hard to imagine they would
have disposed of the eucharist in this maimer.

The fifty-third forbids the eating of blood of any kind.

By the sixtieth it is pretty evident that those who drew up
these canons did not allow of the marriage of priests.

By the sixty-fourth, hunting and hawking are declared
improper diversions for a priest, who is to make his books his
entertainment.

The sixty-fifth enjoins the priest to press those under his
cure to confession, penance, and satisfaction. There is like-
wise mention made of oil, to be used in baptism, and for the

anointing the sick. Speim. ibid.

& p. 459.

After these canons there follows a form of confession, with A form of
directions for the confessarius. And here the priest is obliged u-fikd^-ec-
to a thorough examination of the penitent, and to distinguish *•
nicely upon all the circumstances of his misbehaviour. The
penance must be proportioned, not only according to the com-
mon nature and degree of the crime, but likewise with regard
to condition, temper, age, and capacity : for instance, a man
of quality and rank ought to suffer more severity of discipline
than a peasant or obscure person. The reason of this order is
plain ; because such persons are supposed to sin more against
light and conviction, to miscarry under a better education, and
to be more infectious in their example.

Before the penitent makes his confession he is obliged to

penitent.

44-2

ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book hi.

DUN-
STAN,

188.

repeat the Creed ; then, putting himself in a posture of humi-
liation, he begins to give an account of all his misbehaviour :
J for instance, he mentions his intemperance in eating and
drinking; his failings with respect to covetousness, envy,
detraction, lying, vanity, pride, and profuseness ; he confesses
himself to have been frequently the first tempter to an ill
practice, to have encouraged the motion in another, to have
kept unlawful secrets, and taught others the methods and
mystery of vice.

This confession is very particular as to the kinds of sin, and
obliges to a discovery of the circumstances as to time and
place, but without mention of the persons who may happen to
be concerned.

Lastly, the penitent makes his confession to God and his
confessor, and prays to our Saviour for the pardon of his sins ;
but, in all the process of this penance and devotion, there is no
address to the saints, no appealing to their knowledge of his
misbehaviour, nor any mention made of them, unless in a peti-
tion to God that we may be admitted to the happiness of their
society.

After this, the Penitential proceeds to state the penance,
and determine the degrees of satisfaction. I shall mention
some few of the injunctions.

Spelman,
ibid.

A Peniten-
tial drawn
up by ano-
ther hand.

By the third, the penitents were to repair to the cathedral
on Ash Wednesday, and appear before the bishop. After they
had made their confession, their confessor was to prescribe their
penance. If the crime was of a heinous kind, the person was
barred the privilege of coming to church ; if the fault was of a
lesser guilt, and the penitent behaved himself well, and sub-
mitted to the rules of discipline, he was to appear publicly before
the bishop on Maunday Thursday, and receive absolution from
him.

By the sixth, murder was disciplined with seven years' 1 fasting
with bread and water, and the guilty person obliged to lament
the crime between God and himself ever after.

By the twelfth, a woman that procured abortion, or murdered
her child after it was born, was obliged to a ten years 1 fast ;
three years with bread and water, and for the remaining seven
she might be allowed some indulgence at the discretion of her
confessor.

cent, x.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 443

By the fifteenth, it appears that it was customary to pray EDGAR,
for the dead. England.

By the twentieth, adultery was put under the same penance ' ' '
with that mentioned in the twelfth.

By the forty-third, a fault committed when a person was
drunk, was to be more severely punished than if he had been
sober.

The Penitential proceeds to the other parts of discipline, and
mentions something farther by way of satisfaction. And here
the penitent is directed to visit the sick and those under trou-
ble, and to assist in the burying of the dead ; to be frequently
upon his knees, and prostrate himself in private ; to mortify
with watching and other austerities ; and to endeavour the
recovery of those who have been misled by his suggestions or
example. To conclude : he is put in mind to be charitable to
the poor, to disengage from the satisfactions of sense, to be
vigilant against his former failings, to endeavour the recovery
of his neighbours, and pass the remainder of his life with all
the caution and regularity imaginable.

And provided a man found his constitution too weak for the a relaxation
rigours of fasting, the Penitential allows an indulgence, and
proposes a method of relaxation. To be qualified for this
favour, the penitent was obliged to distribute such a sum of
money to the poor ; to redeem captives ; to say the Pater-
noster, and the Miserere mei Deus, with hearty contrition and
devotion ; and by this commutation the penance was to be
shortened proportionably.

And here it is somewhat remarkable, that where the Pater-
noster, or Lord's Prayer, is enjoined to be said three score times
in a day, there is not the least mention made of one Ave Maria ;
which is an argument, that the modern applications to the
blessed Virgin were unpractised by the Church in that age.

As to the penance of great men, there seems to be some-
thing of singularity in it, and not altogether consistent with
the canon above-mentioned. For instance :

Such persons were equally obliged, with others, to make their
confession to their confessor, without omitting any particulars ;
to forgive those who had injured them ; to promise reformation,
and enter upon their penance with the usual signs of sorrow and
compunction. And to show they were in earnest, they were to

tn some
cases.

444 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book hi.

dun- appear in a habit of mortification, not to wear a sword, nor any
Ab T c N 't thing else which looked like ornament or distinction. They

( v ' were obliged to go barefoot, to wear woollen or sackcloth next

them, and to make use of a coarse, uneasy lodging. This
discipline was to be practised during the whole course of pen-
ance, though the term of it lasted seven years. But here, a
great man, that had friends and fortune, had the liberty of
relieving himself; for, provided he could get company enough
to fast for him, the discipline was shortened, and sometimes,
in case the number would allow it, the penance was but three
days, which was the utmost of the relaxation. When the rich
man was thus assisted by the charity of his friends, himself and
the rest were bound to fast the three days with nothing but
bread and water, and raw herbs. During this time, the usual
dishes of his table were to be given to the poor ; the penitent
was likewise to sequester himself from his worldly affairs, and
spend most of his time at church. Upon the fourth day, he
189. was to wash the poor's feet, and treat them with meat and
money. And lastly, he was to be restored at Divine service,
and receive absolution and the eucharist. And here the clergy
are put in mind to take care that the penitent performs up to

a. d. 967. the canon, and fails in no part of what he has promised.

Now, notwithstanding this abatement of rigour, shortening
of penance, and allowing the favour of assistance, may seem
too great an indulgence, yet, as much as the reins may appear
loosened, it cannot be denied, but that the discipline is made
public, the offender brought to submission, and the authority
of the keys maintained.

This was the relaxation allowed the laity of the first rank,
in case their friends were willing to undergo part of the bur-
den, and do penance with them. But then, notwithstanding
this mitigation, the canon concludes, that it is most advisable
for every one to suffer in person, and not get any proxies to
mortify for them ; it being declared in Holy Scripture, that
" every one shall bear his own burden."

Speim Con- ^ n ^ s Penitential speaks in the singular number, and was

cil. vol. l. drawn up by a different authority from that of the canons, and
seems, like archbishop Egbert's excerptions, to have been the
orders of some single prelate.

I have been the longer upon these canons and Penitential, to
show the reader the forms and religious proceedings of this

cent, x.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 445

age, and to acquaint him, that though we are now sunk into EDGAR,
the latter end of the tenth century, and fallen under the great- England,
est disadvantage of time, yet we cannot complain of any remark- ^
able defect in the regulations above-mentioned, or that piety,
sense, or discipline, was wanting in the government of the
Church.

About this time, king Edgar furnished the abbey of Rum-
sey, in Hantshire, with monks, and made one Merwina their
abbess.

And now the reputation of the religious gained ground. The
court was entirely in their interest, and St. Dunstan's project
was ripe for execution. To smooth the way, and give the
matter an air of solemnity, king Edgar was prevailed on to
make a speech upon the occasion ; where, addressing himself
to the prelates, he is very sharp and satirical upon the secular
clergy. I shall translate most of it for the reader. Antiquit.

" Since God has pleased, most reverend Fathers, to show his Du^un?
goodness to us in a remarkable manner, it is most reasonable Etheired

in i -ii at Rleva l- do

we should exert our endeavours to make a suitable return. And Geneal.
since he has given us so large a command, it is our duty to e fg ng "
emplov our authority to his honour, and bring; our subjects to Kln p Ed -

r J J o * m yars speech,

the observance of his laws. Now, as it is my office to inspect in favour of
the laity ; to take care that there be no stop upon justice ; to analmttu
punish the sacrilegious ; to correct the ungovernable ; to pro- s c e l " ) d ® r
tect the weak against the mighty ; and deliver the poor from a. d. 969.
him that is too strong for him ; — so I am likewise concerned
to promote the interest of the Church ; to inquire into the
behaviour of the clergy and religious ; to see that they manage
themselves suitably to their character ; whether they are care-
ful in the administration of their office, and constant in their
instructions ; whether they are moderate in their refreshments,
regular in their habit, prudent and equitable in deciding the
causes that come before them. And under favour, reverend
Fathers, if you had looked thoroughly into these matters, we
had never had the dissatisfaction of receiving so scandalous a
charge against the clergy. And here, not to mention their
failing in the shape of their tonsure ; not to mention this, I
say, what effeminacy do they discover in their habit ! what
haughtiness in their gesture and motion ! what license in their
discourse and conversation ! And are not these all signs that
things are terribly out of order within \ Then, as to the busi-

446 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book hi.

dun- ness of their functions, with what negligence is the Divine ser-

STAN

Abp. Cant, vice performed ! They will scarcely vouchsafe their company at
" ' the holy vigils ; and when they enter upon the most solemn
parts of religion, they appear with a foreign air, and fall short
of the gravity of the occasion. I am sorry to say how exces-
sive they are in their entertainments ! how much they are
governed by an intemperate appetite ! and what lengths they
have taken in a libertine practice ! Thus the encouragements
of religion are perverted, and the bounty of princes abused.
Had our ancestors foreseen their liberality would have been
squandered away thus profusely, and spent upon luxury and
disorder, they would certainly have held their hand. And if
all this misbehaviour had been private and unobserved, the case
had been more tolerable. But, alas ! the crimes break out
into public notice, and the scandal grows notorious. And yet,
methinks the liberty is strangely connived at, and overlooked
by the prelacy. Would not the sword of Levi, would not the
zeal of Simeon be seasonably drawn, and exerted upon this
occasion ? Where is the spirit of Moses, who punished the
idolatry of the golden calf in his own blood and relations \
Where is Phineas's lance to pursue debauchery, and execute
justice without the least delay I And yet we see this severity
of zeal, this sudden revenge was acceptable to God Almighty.
What is become of St. Peter's indignation and censure against
simony and covetousness ? You, that are priests of the most
high God, ought to copy the proceedings, and be governed by
the precedents of him you represent. It is high time to appear
against those who have broke through the rules of duty and
religion. I have Constantino's, and you have St. Peter's
sword. Let us join our force, and unite our respective autho-

190. rities, that by employing the spiritual and civil power in the

same cause, and being thus assistant to each other, the lepers
may be discharged the camp, the holy sanctuary may be
cleansed, and the sons of Levi put into the temple ministra-
tions ; of Levi, I say, who was governed by no partialities to

Deu .*-. „ his relations : ' who said unto his father, and his mother, I

xxxui. 9. ... .

have not seen him, neither did he acknowledge his brethren. 1
Awaken your discipline, therefore, I beseech you, that we may
not repent our bounty, nor be sorry for our kindness to the
Church. Let the disrespect shown to the relics of the saints,
let the profaning the altars with unsuitable approaches, pro-

cent, x.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 447

voke you to animadversion ; and do not suffer the piety of your edgar,
ancestors to be defeated any longer. You know how much E^]° n f d

my father, grandfather, great grandfather, &c, have lessened ' •• '

their royal revenues, and exhausted their exchequer in religious
benefactions. Most reverend Father Dunstan, I desire you
would raise your imagination upon this occasion. Pray look
up to heaven a little ; fancy you see my father in his station of
glory, glistening among the stars, and ready to launch himself
from the sky. Imagine you hear him deliver himself to you in
this language of expostulation and complaint : ' venerable
Father Dunstan, you used to suggest serviceable advice to me
about the building of churches and monasteries ; you prompted
my piety upon all opportunities, and assisted in the execution
of the project ; I pitched upon you particularly for my pastor
and spiritual father, for the guardian of my soul, and the
inspector of my behaviour ; and did I not always comply with
whatever you suggested ? Did I not always prefer your advice
to patrimony and treasure ? How frankly have I laid out my
fortune upon your proposals. My distributions of charity
were always ready when you called for them. If land or privi-
lege was desired for the Church, it was done as soon as men-
tioned. If you complained that the monks or clergy were short
in their conveniences, they were immediately supplied by the
court. You used to tell me, that the best use of money was
to spend it upon the Church and poor ; that such liberalities
would prove immortal in the benefit, help towards an atone-
ment for our failings, and prove the greatest charities to the
giver. And is it not an intolerable misapplication, that this
holy revenue should be expended upon women, and misem-
ployed for the support of vanity and unnecessary figure? 1
What can you answer to such a charge as this ? I am con-
vinced (says king Edgar), most holy Father, that this is none
of your fault. When you saw a thief, you consented not unto Ps. 1. 18.
him, neither have you been partaker with the adulterers. No ;
you have entreated and menaced, but all to no purpose ; and
since words signify nothing, it is time to rise in your discipline
and come to blows. For this purpose, you shall be sure not
to want the countenance of royal authority. You have likewise
Ethelwald and Oswald, the right reverend Fathers of Win-
chester and Worcester, to assist you. I give you three a joint
commission for this purpose, and refer the management wholly

448

ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book hi.

DUN-
STAN,

Abp. Cant.

Remarks
upon king
Edgar's
speech.

Historia
Eliensis
Angl. Sacr.
par. 1.

Chronic.
Brornpton,
p. 868.

to you. It is your part therefore to exert the episcopal autho-
rity, in conjunction with that of the crown, to expel the disor-
derly clergy from the monasteries, and put in such as live
regularly in their place."

This speech is raised and polished in the original much above
the elocution of the tenth century ; and therefore, I should
have supposed Jocelin might have worked the matter he found
into a brighter form ; I should have supposed this, I say, had I
not met with this harangue in Rievallensis, an ancient historian.
As to the contents, if they are directed against the married
clergy, as it is generally supposed, the charge is pushed too far.
If all this tempest of rhetoric is raised against marriage, it is
more than can be defended. If the satire points upon this
quarter, it bears hard against the Scriptures, and contradicts the
doctrine and practice of the ancient Church. This, with re-
spect to the clergy, has been shown in some measure already,
and shall be farther made good afterwards. This remark, I
hope, is no failure of regard to a prince's memory. No advan-
tage of character ought to protect a mistake ; for " truth is
greater than the king."

We may observe, in the second place, that none but the
clergy in monasteries and cathedrals are complained of, and
disturbed ; and even they are only dislodged, but, as far as we
can learn by the history, not obliged to part with their wives.
And thus, when the monks were put in possession, the prose-
cutors seemed satisfied, and thought the reformation had gone
far enough. However, if the monks had any legal title to
these places, we must not complain of their ejecting the secular
clergy ; but a fair claim is more than they could make out in
several places. For instance: the monastery of Ely, though
first built and endowed for religious, yet it was only designed
for nuns, who lived there till the place was sacked and demo-
lished by Inguar and Hubba. After the heat of this Danish
invasion was over, the secular clergy rebuilt the monastery,
and held it a hundred years, till they were turned out by
king Edgar's order ; so that we see they had immemorial
custom to plead. And besides, when they were forced to
resign, it was to the monks, who had neither evidence
nor predecessors to make a title. However, St. Dunstan
and the bishops of Winchester and Worcester, being forti-
fied with the king 1 commission, proceeded vigorously in their

cent, x.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 449

design. Oswald, for his part, is said to have ejected the EDGAR,
married clergy, out of seven monasteries in the diocese of England.
Worcester. And to make all sure, they got the pope to ' "Ten
appear in their cause, and confirm their proceedings. Neither Eadmer de'
was this caution any more than necessary ; because, in some ^j S ^ ! j
places they had strained the law, and broke in upon the Sacr.trarsZ
settlement of the foundation: for instance, the cathedral of ibid. e*t An-
Worcester was all along furnished with secular canons till "vinton CleS '
Oswald's time, as appears by the acts of the council of Wor- An »l- Sacr -
cester, held under Wulfstan, and other unquestionable autho- p. 290.

I'itieS. Angl. Sacr.

Oswald, knowing the secular clergy thus fortified in their p ! 546. c t
plea, was willing to make use of stratagem, and remove them p'gof
as gently as he could. For this purpose, he built a new church Oswald's

XI. C07ltriVG/7lC6

to the honour of the blessed Virgin in St. Peter's church- to remove
yard, and absented himself from the cathedral ; and having ^UrgTaT
furnished this new church with monks, he used to converse Worcester.
mostly with them, and officiate for their devotions. The
people perceiving the bishop had left the cathedral and fre-
quented the new church, they all ran thither for the benefit of
his blessing. And now the secular clergy finding themselves A - D - 969 -
deserted, submitted to the new regulation and took the monas-
tic habit : thus the matter is reported by Eadmer and Mal-
mesbury. But Florence of Worcester, and the monk of Eadmer de
Ramsey, tell us the expedients were more violent. It is some Angl. Sacr. '
few years since, as has been observed, that the monks had p*}^' 2 - p-202.

V . . Malmesb.de

gained this advantage at Winchester ; but here Ethelwald Gest.Pontif.
the bishop treated the secular clergy with more than usual Angi.°Sacr!
compassion, and settled several farms belonging to the bishop- lbld '
ric upon them. But, notwithstanding St. Dunstan, Oswald, Maimesb.de
and Ethelwald pushed their point, and carried their enterprise 1.2. fol. 139!
in most places, yet it seems they could not succeed in the
church of Canterbury. That the canons of this church were Secular

CtCVOt/ 7720^t

secular clergy in archbishop Odo's time, appears by a bull of at this time.
privilege from pope John XIII. This bull was dated but ^1™™°*'
fourteen years at most, before this pretended reformation. P- 1778 -
That these canons were turned out by St. Dunstan, is more
than appears ; the negative is much more probable, both from
the silence of history upon this occasion, and likewise from
what is afterwards mentioned by Thorn, who informs us, that
the secular clergy were expelled the church of Canterbury by
vol. 1. g g

450 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book hi.

dun- archbishop Alfrick, in the year 1005, and the monks settled
Abp.'cant. m their place. And now it seems the clergy had made their

^^ ' complaint to the king, and petitioned him for justice against

Chronic. St. Dunstan. Therefore, to give a stronger colour to this

innovation, and to make it the better relished, there was a

council convened at Winchester either this year, or the last.

The council At this council, or convention, the king, the queen, and the

of yViti-'

Chester. temporal nobility were present. And now the cause was

?H be s n bun- brought on, and the point debated. And here, as Eadmer

stan. -\vill have it, St. Dunstan disarmed his adversaries, and drove

them out of the field. However, it seems the king and the

principal laity were not so perfectly gained, as to refuse to

intercede for the secular clergy. They desired the canons

might be put in possession again, and have the favour of a

farther trial. This motion put St. Dunstan to a stand, and

made him pause for an answer. And now, it seems there was

a deep silence in the court ; but before St. Dunstan declared

himself, the case, as Eadmer reports, was determined by a

The contro- response from heaven ; for a crucifix hanging aloft in the

l the S monks en room, pronounced with an audible voice, " Non net, non fiet ;

and secular iudicastis bene, mutaretis non bene ;" that is, It shall not be

tended to be done, it shall not be done : you have decided the matter well,

miracle. an & would be to blame if you should change. The convention

being astonished with this oracle, St. Dunstan asked them

what farther satisfaction they could desire ; for you have

heard, says he, the matter decided by God himself. The

allegation being allowed, the clergy were forced to submit, and

Eadmer de leave the monks in possession of their revenues.

stan. Ang™" I would be loth to suppose St. Dunstan used deceit to

Sa 9l9 Pai9 " 2 ' over-rule this point : however, there might be some art used

without the privity of this prelate. But, granting the voice

was altogether extraordinary, and the sentence delivered in a

prodigy ; granting this, I say, we know there are spirits that

do not always speak truth. A wonder is no certain evidence

of divinity. If a prophet amongst the Jews had declared

against the established religion, they were not to give credit

isaiali vni. £ } a j s c l iarac ter. To the law, and to the testimony, if they

Thecounte- speak not according to this word, it is because there is no

prodigy not light in them. To apply this remark ; the miracle, we know,

always an j s vouc h e d to censure the marriage of the clergy. Now, if this

evidence of a ° . . .

good cause, design has no countenance either from Scripture, or the pnmi-

cent. x.J OF GREAT BRITAIN. 451

tive Church, we are not bound to take notice of any proofs Edgar,
from prodigy to support it. I shall examine the pretended Eneiand

determination of the crucifix by this test : and, since the ( •• '

monkish historians have vouchsafed us nothing of the defence
made by the married clergy, I shall give the reader a brief
account from Scripture and antiquity concerning this matter.

In representing the history of this case, I shall endeavour A defence of
to show ; first, that the celibacy of the clergy was not in- f the clergy.
stituted either by our Saviour or his apostles.

Secondly ; that the imposition of it upon any order of men
is unwarrantable : and,

Thirdly ; that it was never universally imposed, or practised
in the ancient Church.

First ; that there is no law of God enjoining the celibacy of
bishops or priests, is confessed by Roman Catholics themselves.
They own, that under the Old Testament it was lawful for
priests to marry, even after their promotion to the sacerdotal j n£

office ; and that our Saviour in the New Testament, has left
us no precept upon this head. Now, since marriage was not
forbidden" the r clergy by the moral law, they must remain in
the same liberty with other people, unless they are barred by
a manifest prohibition in revelation. It is true, Bellarmine
urges that precept of the apostle's, that a bishop should be Tit. iii. 8.
sober and temperate ; but these words do not come up to the
point : they import no more, than standing clear of drunken-
ness and covetousness, as appears by their being opposed to
not being given to wine and filthy lucre in the former verse.
Or if we should, with St. Chrysostom, interpret lyKpari), of an
universal temperance ; we are then to take notice, that tem-
perance implies nothing else but moderation in the use of
warrantable liberties. Or, lastly, if we should strain the words
adxppova and Eyicparf/, and confine them to the signification of
chaste and continent, yet the Fathers affirm that these virtues
are not inconsistent with marriage and cohabitation, as we
shall prove afterwards.

To fortify the argument farther, we may remember St. Paul
reasoned before Felix, 7repi SacaioavvriQ kcu IjKpareiag, or
righteousness and temperance, and yet we cannot suppose that
by any of these exhortations, St. Paul persuaded Felix to' part
with his wife. We shall now consider the seventh chapter of

Gg2

452

ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book ttt.

DUN-
STAN,

Abp. Cant.

Verse 6.
Verse 9.

Verse 27.
Verse 28.

Cans. 26.
Qu. 2. c. ].

Concil.
torn. 14.
p. 1551.

1 Tim. iii. 2
Tit. i. 6.

the first epistle to the Corinthians, much insisted on by those
who plead for celibacy : now, by a thorough consideration of
this chapter, it appears first, that the apostle declares he
speaks by permission, and not by commandment. Secondly,
in some cases he advises marriage, without exception of any
order of persons. Thirdly, he leaves it to people's choice, and
allows them to manage their liberty at their own discretion.
Fourthly, he recommends single life, not upon the score of
merit, but convenience : because the Church was likely to fall
under a state of persecution. Fifthly, we are to observe, that
the apostle's advice in this chapter was not particularly di-
rected to the clergy, but to all Christians in general. The
apostle no where limits his discourse to the former, but all
along applies himself to believers in common. That the celi-
bacy of the clergy is neither of divine, nor apostolical institu-
tion, is owned by some of the greatest divines of the Church of
Rome ; I shall give an instance or two besides what has been
already hinted : the first shall be drawn from the canon law,
which may be looked on as the sense of the Church of Rome
for some ages. Thus then Gratian has it : " Copula sacerdo-
talis nee legali, nee apostolica authoritate prohibetur, eccle-
siastica tamen lege penitus interdicitur ;" that is, the marriage
of priests is forbidden neither by the Mosaic, nor the evan-
gelical law. But for all that, it is by no means allowed by the
constitutions of the Church.

The second testimony is that of Johannes a Ludegna, in a
speech of his at the council of Trent : here this divine proves
at large, that the celibacy of the clergy is not founded upon
any command, either of our Saviour or the apostles ; and
therefore were it not for the restraints of ecclesiastical laws,
and monastic vows, priests or monks might lawfully marry.
His words are, " Si nulla lex aut nulla essent vota monastica,
liceret sacerdotibus, aut monachis nubere."

To proceed, the apostle does not only not forbid, but even
expressly permits marriage to the clergy. For laying down
the qualifications of a bishop, the highest degree of the clergy,
he proposes this as one, that he be " blameless, the husband of
one wife." And thus, in the epistle to Titus, the text mentions
of a priest, " that he be the husband of one wife, having faith-
ful children :"" and in the epistle to the Corinthians, he allows
every man his own wife, without limitation or distinction.

cent, x.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 453

That by " the husband of one wife, -11 is not meant a widower, edgar,
never married but once, is sufficiently evident, because this England.
interpretation seems repugnant to the vulgar acceptation of ^ c ^T'~p>
the word "husband ;" and likewise to the following precept of
"ruling their houses well. 11 Besides, it is plainly confuted by lTim. hi. 4.
the practice of the ancient Church, in which many persons
were admitted to holy orders, who had wives living and dwell-
ing with them. To instance, at present, only in the apos-
tolical constitutions in which the apostles are introduced,
delivering themselves in this manner : " We have ordered that a
bishop, priest, or deacon, should be the husband of one wife,
whether their wives be alive or dead. 11 Thus we see this inter-
pretation of "the husband of one wife, 11 for a widower, is unsup-
ported, and without colour. There are three other explications
of fiovoyafiog, not without reasons and authority to back
them : first, the apostles seem to mean no more than that
persons in holy orders, should not have two wives at the same
time. Secondly, that they should not have two wives suc-
cessively, the one after the other. Thirdly, that they should
not have two wives living at the same time, one after the
divorce of the other. The first interpretation was generally
followed by the Greek, the other by the Latin Fathers ; though
St. Chrysostom allows both : and St. Jerome, in several
places, admits all three. Which of these interpretations is the Ho^^io. in
best, is of no great concern to the present business, since each Prim. Ep. ad

.... Tim. et

of them leaves the clergy the liberty of marriage : however, it Hom. 11. in
may not be improper to observe, that Theodoret declares for p ' '
the first opinion, and argues, that in one case digamy, that is,
marrying a second wife after the death of the first, is no man-
ner of blemish to the character of a priest. This Father
having told us he was not singular in his opinion, and proved it
by several reasons, concludes thus : " They, 11 says he, " seem to
me to be in the right, who hold that the apostle here declares 193.

that person worthy of espiscopal ordination, who lives in so-
briety with one only wife ; not that he has herein rejected
second marriages, which, in many cases, he has even com-
manded. 11 Nay, St. Jerome himself, when not overborne with Theod.

-, p -.. i • t i Com. in Ep.

the torrent ol disputation, proposes a case, and inclines to the ad Tim. c. 3.
same opinion. Hferon.

Having thus set aside the pretence of divine or apostolical ad Tit. c. 1.
institution, I shall proceed to observe, that this extraordinary

454 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book hi.

dun- regard for a single life, seems first started by Tertullian, who,

STAN" •

Abp/cant. m the latter part of his time being led away with the enthu-
siasms of Montanus, endeavoured to refine upon the Christian
religion, and strain it up to angelical perfection. This author
led the way to the Latin Church, and spread the prejudice, in
some measure, among the Greeks. We may likewise observe,
that the excessive commendation of virginity, and the progress
of ignorance, kept pace with each other ; and that the reputa-
tion of celibacy was highest, when knowledge was at the lowest
ebb ; as will appear to any one that considers the history of
the tenth and eleventh centuries, and compares them with the
other periods of the Church. Whereas when the argument
is impartially considered, it will be found there is no intrinsic
excellence in single life, by way of comparison : and that the
imputations of discredit and disadvantage, thrown upon mar-
riage, are no better than monastic pedantry, a reflection upon
the state of the creation, and the order of Providence.

That sobriety is not inconsistent with marriage, appears
Heb. xiii. 4. plainly by the apostle's assuring us, " that marriage is honour-
able in all men, and the bed undented.'" And herein, as is
most reasonable, the apostle is followed by almost all the
Fathers : I shall allege some of them.
Paphmtius First, The great Paphnutius, who, when in the council of
tkfmamaqe Nice, the celibacy of the clergy was proposed under the pre-
o/the clergy, tence of promoting chastity : this holy man, I say, upon this
Sozom. 1. 1. question declared, " that cohabitation with a lawful wife was
Socrat Hist cnas tity," and was applauded for his sentence by the whole
Eccies. 1. 1. council. This Paphnutius, who was a bishop in Egypt, and
a confessor, told the council, that " though he had lived all his
life-time in celibacy, yet he did not think this restraint ought
to be imposed on the clergy." This passage, though related by
Socrates and Sozomen, is questioned by some of the Church of
Vales An- -^ ome : Du t Monsieur Du Pin has the ingenuousness to remark,
not. in Loc. that he believes they question the truth of this story, rather for
fear it might prejudice the present discipline, than upon the
Du Pin score of any solid proof.

^Tf ccle o' ^° S° on to another testimony, Clemens Alexandrinus

under Coun- affirms, "that just men under the old law had children and

lived in marriage with sobriety. What!" says he, "cannot

people cohabit in matrimony with the character of temperance?

Without all doubt : let us not therefore attempt to dissolve an

cent, x.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 455

union of God's institution." And St. Ambrose tells us, "that EDGAR,
virginity has its rewards, widowhood its merits, and that there England.
is a regard due to conjugal sobriety.'" And, in the same epistle, ci^hTa]^.
he comes up full to the point : " the apostle," says he, " com- Strom, l. 3.
mands a bishop to be the husband of one wife : not that he Epist. 82 ad
excludes an unmarried man, for that is farther than the precept
reaches : there is therefore no more meant by this qualification,
than that by conjugal chastity he may guard his virtue, and
preserve the grace given him in baptism."

Since then sobriety and chastity are common both to mar-
riage and celibacy, the latter, as such, can have no intrinsic
advantage in this respect above the other. Indeed the circum-
stances of either condition have their distinct advantages ;
affording peculiar opportunities for the exercise of virtues of
a different kind : but these advantages are only accidental,
and the living better, or more imperfectly, does not depend so
much upon the states, as the persons that manage them. Be-
sides what has been already urged in honour of marriage, we
may add, that this state was instituted by God in paradise ;
and can any man desire to exceed the innocence, and rise above
the virtues of our first parents before the fall ! To argue ad
hominem, marriage is counted a sacrament in the Church of
Rome : and therefore since it is dignified in this manner, and
confers grace, why should the clergy be deprived of it ?

I shall now advance to the second point to be proved, and
that is, since celibacy was neither instituted by Christ, nor his
apostles, it is not in the power of the Church to impose it on
the clergy ; the succeeding Church cannot challenge a greater
authority than the apostles : and their authority, as we are
assured by St. Paul, was given them for "edification, and not
for destruction." It is plain, therefore, it exceeds the commis- 2 Cor. x. 8.
sion of their successors to oblige any order of men to a state
of temptation and hazard; and to impose laws upon them,
which, by what our Saviour has said, we have reason to con- Matt. six.
elude impracticable : to which we may add, that it is not in the
power of the Church to bar any person totally from the privi-
leges and rights of the creation, though she may restrain this
liberty as to times and seasons.

I shall now in the third place go on to the historical part,
and prove, that the celibacy of the clergy was looked upon as
a thing indifferent in the two first centuries, proposed by some

456 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [hook in.

DUN- persons in the third ; but not imposed, even at Rome, till the
STAN, i a tter end of the fourth. And notwithstanding, at last, it

Abp. Cant. . .

( , ' gained ground in some provinces of the west, it was never

imposed nor practised in the east, from the first to the present
age.

194. And here we may observe, that the testimonies of the

Fathers, which I shall produce for the lawfulness of marriage,
are either drawn from their dogmatical tracts, where they had
no occasion to declaim ; or from their harangues upon single
life, where the very force of truth extorted those confessions
from them ; whereas the authorities made use of to press celi-
bacy upon the clergy, are, for the most part, either taken from
their panegyrics upon virginity ; or from their polemical ren-
counters, where the heat of disputation was apt to carry them
out to hyperbole and excess : and therefore, upon such occa-
sions, it is no wonder if they sometimes pushed the point a little
too far.

To this observation, we may add the confession of several
great men of the Church of Rome, who grant celibacy neither to
have been imposed, nor universally practised in the ancient
Church. And here, not to mention Cassander, Erasmus, and
the more moderate Roman Catholics, I shall only produce
the testimony of Gratian and Mendosa ; the last of whom
acknowledges marriage was always allowed the clergy, and
every where thought indifferent, till forbidden by the council of

De Confirm. Hliberis, in the fourth century. The first goes farther, arguing

uiiber. l. 2. in these words from an epistle of pope Pelagius, in the sixth
age. " From this authority," says Gratian, " it appears, that
priests, deacons, and subdeacons, might then lawfully marry
and cohabit. And in the time of the council of Ancyra (in the
fourth age) the continence of the ministers of the altar was not

Dist. 28. yet introduced."

Having advanced these preliminary observations, I shall pro-
ceed to matter of fact. To begin with the precedent of the
apostles, St. Basil seems to believe, that all the apostles were
married : where speaking in commendation of marriage, he in-

Serm. de stances in the example of St. Peter, and the rest of the apostles.

Rerum post The interpolator of Ignatius's epistles, who lived in the begin-

imt - ning of the sixth century, produces likewise the practice of St.

Epist. ad Peter and St. Paul, and the other apostles for this point.

To proceed to succeeding ages. Clemens Alexandrinus

cent, x.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 457

assures us, that every Christian in his time, "might either EDGAR,
choose or decline marriage at his discretion." And a little ~ K ', ot ,

° England.

after, he continues thus : " the apostle approves a man's being * * '

the husband of one wife, whether he be priest, deacon, or
layman, provided he behaves himself regularly in this state." Strom, l. 3.

It is true, about the year 170, Pinytus, bishop of Gnossus
in Crete, made an attempt to impose celibacy on his clergy,
under pretence of greater perfection. The famous Dionysius,
bishop of Corinth, being informed of his design, wrote a letter
to him, in which he represented the injustice of the attempt,
and persuaded him, " not to impose so heavy a burden as neces-
sity of single life upon the brethren, but rather to have regard
to the infirmities of the majority.' 1 '' Now that the clergy are Eusebius,
meant by the brethren in this place, appears clearly from the i. 4. c . 23. S
character which Eusebius gives of Pinytus, that he was a pious
and orthodox person ; whereas, had he imposed celibacy on all
the faithful clergy and laity, he had been guilty of a gross
heresy. That Pinytus was governed by Dionysius's advice we
are assured by Ruffinus, who tells us, that " Pinytus writing
back to him, regulated his practice by his better advice." Ruff. Hist.

In the third age, Origen, though a great admirer of celibacy, C . C 23! S ' ' '
plainly insinuates, that once marrying was permitted to the
clergy without distinction : " not only fornication," says he, "but
also second marriage, excludes from ecclesiastical dignities : for
neither a bishop, nor priest, nor deacon, can be digamists." Hom. 17.

To proceed : St. Polycarp, who should have been mentioned
before, expresses himself to be very sorry for Valens, presbyter
of Philippi, and his wife. That Tertullian, a priest of Carthage, Epist. ad
was married, is granted by all ; that his wife and he lived sepa- P^ nll PP ,0 P e
rately after his taking holy orders, is a mere pretence, and may
be confuted by Tertullians own words, " Quare facultatem
continents quantum possumus non diligamus ? Quum primum
obvenerit imbibamus, ut quod in matrimonio non valemus, in
viduitate sectemur. Amplectenda occasio est qua? adimit quod
necessitas imperabat." A little before Tertullian's time, Ire- Ad Uxor,
nseus relates, how Marcus, the arch-heretic, being entertained 1- 1-
by a Catholic deacon in Asia, who had a handsome wife, de-
bauched her both in principles and person, and made her elope
with him. In the Decian persecution, Chaeremon, bishop of
Nile, in Egypt, retired to the mountains of Arabia, a^a ry
<TUjuj3a.> civtov ; that is, as Valesius rightly translates it, with

458 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book hi.

dun- his wife. One of the articles of impeachment, with which St.
Ab P . Cant. Cyprian charged Novatus, a priest of Carthage, was, that he
E^d^Hi^. kicked his wife when she was big with child, and made her mis-
E^' C *49 2 'd cari T- ^ nat St. Cyprian himself was married, and lived with
Cornelium. his wife after receiving holy orders, we may learn from Pontius
his deacon : who, mentioning his extraordinary piety, when he
was only a priest, tells us, " that neither poverty, nor the per-
suasion of his wife, could put him upon looking after his estate,
because he was afraid business might draw him off from the
In Vit. exercises of religion." And in the Dioclesian persecution,
Phileas, bishop of Thumis in Egypt, and Philoromus, being
brought before a pagan tribunal to receive the sentence of mar-
tyrdom, were advised by the bench to sacrifice, to prevent the
Eusebius, ruin of their wives and children.

Eccles. Hist. T . . .

l. 8. c. 9. It is true, the recommending celibacy by lertulhan, St.

Jerome, and other persons of learning, elocution, and character,
made the reputation of marriage, especially in the clergy, lose

195. ground both in the eastern and western Churches. However, the

custom of the ancient Church, as to this point, was not strict
and universal ; for marriage was permitted even after the
taking of orders, as shall be shown afterwards ; and eventually
allowed to all, provided they quitted their function, and re-
turned to lay-communion. Secondly, if any single person
desiring orders, apprehended celibacy would prove a dangerous
condition, he was not only permitted, but advised by the Church,
first to marry, and then receive orders ; so that they frequently
married when they designed to go into priest's orders. This
liberty was allowed by the sixth general council, which forbids
marriage after receiving any of the higher orders : " but," says
the canon, "if any one who is ordained, have a mind to marry,
let him do it before he be a subdeacon or priest, and then let
him take orders." Thirdly, by allowing the clergy to continue
married, and cohabit after ordination, they grant the defensible-
ness of this engagement : for if there be any thing in marriage,
which makes it inconsistent with the dignity and character of
priesthood, this disadvantage must fall upon cohabitation ; and
if so, cohabitation consequent upon marriage contracted before
ordination, as well as after, will be liable to this censure : for
the contract itself is so far from having an exceptionable com-
plexion, that the Church of Rome believes it a sacrament.
However, the excessive panegyrics upon celibacy, and the

cent, x.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 459

pretended unsuitableness of marriage to the clergy, made some EDGAR,
of this order part with their wives, and that sometimes with- England.

out their consent. This superstitious and indiscreet conduct ' v '

was censured by the Church, as appears by the apostolical
canons ; the fifth of which runs thus : — " Let no bishop,
priest, or deacon put away his wife upon pretence of religion :
if he does, let him be excommunicated, and if he continues
obstinate, degraded."

To proceed. Eustathius, bishop of Sebastia, in Armenia,
formed a new, but then plausible heresy : that holy things and
sacraments ought not to be administered by the married
clergy. With this doctrine he made great numbers desert
into schism, and gave the Church no small disturbance. To
give check to this mischief, the council of Gangra met about
the year 324, who condemning this heresy, and deposing the
author of it, made this canon : "If any one questions a mar-
ried priest, as if it were unlawful to communicate when he
officiates, let him be anathema." And when, with respect to
bishops, priests, and deacons, a total sequestration from mar-
riage was proposed in the council of Nice, all the historians
represent this imposition as vtapbg vo/xog, a new and unheard
of law. The women called avvtiaaKroi and ayawriTcu, for- Socrat. Ec-
bidden by the council of Nice, were not clergymen's wives, as 1. 1." c . 2.
the doctors of the Church of Rome suppose, but only their nTst'Eccles
housekeepers. The Latins call them subintroductse, adsci- 1- i- c - - 3 -
titiae, extranese, &c. This, besides other instances, appears
from the book De Singularite Clericorum, printed with Cy-
prian's works, which probably was written in the fifth age, or
as some will have it, in the time of Venerable Bede. This
author, speaking of these subintroductae, has these remarkable
words, "At quid sibi adhibuit mulierem qui ducere contempsit
uxorem? Ita is qui despexit vincula nuptiarum, et aliter
vinculis fcemineis obligatur," &c. " Why has he taken a house-
keeper, who despised the state of marriage? At this rate,
he who takes check at the engagements of marriage, retains
a dangerous correspondence with women !" St. Gregory
Nazianzen, speaking of these suneisactoi, or housekeepers,
declares, he does not know whether to call them married or
unmarried persons, considering their odd liberties and beha- _

n Vii ii • Carmen, de

viour. St. Chrysostom speaks to the same purpose in his Virginit.

460 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book hi.

dun- first homily, Contra Simeisactos. And, lastly, St. Jerome
Ab P . Cant, declaims very warmly against them : "pudet dicere proh nefas !
Triste sed verum est, unde in ecclesiam agapetarum pestis
introiit ? Unde sine nuptiis aliud nomen uxorum, immo unde
novum concubinarum genus V that is, " the practice is so
scandalous, that I am ashamed to mention it : how did this
infectious conversation of housekeepers gain ground upon the
Church \ This is a strange and new sort of correspondence ;
wives without matrimony is a thing that I never heard of!"
&c. The book above mentioned, De Singularitate Clericorum,
gives farther proof that these subintroductse, extranese, &c.
were housekeepers, and not wives to the clergy. The words
run thus : " qui nunc pro dimittendis foeminis alienis adhse-
rent, quid facerent si liberos et uxores projicere jubeantur V
&c. That is, " if the clergy are so loth to part with women
unrelated to them, what would they do if they were enjoined
to put away their wives and children V

The author- The famous case of celibacy moved in the council of Nice,

ladius's Id-' an( ^ overruled by Paphnutius, has been already mentioned ;

vice farther anc l the matter of fact vouched by Socrates and Sozomen :
now, because the truth of the history is questioned by Ba-
ronius and Bellarmin, to fortify the testimony therefore, we
may observe that Nicephorus, Cassiodorus, and Suidas report
the case in much the same words : to which we may add Ivo
Carnotensis, Gratian, and Blastares ; not to omit Gelasius
Cyzicenus, who is ancienter than all of them, except the two
first, and transcribed the acts of that council out of Dalmatius,
bishop of Cyzicum 1 s copy, who was present in the general
council of Ephesus ; so that, in short, they who question the
truth of this history, may dispute whether there was such a
synod as the council of Nice. Now, that by the third canon
of this council, housekeepers, and not wives, are forbidden the
clergy, appears,

J 96. First, by the authority of all the historians last mentioned.

For if the council, by this canon, had barred the clergy from
having wives, the advice of Paphnutius would not have been
followed, but rejected.

Secondly, I have proved already, that the suneisactoi were
a sort of women never reckoned under the character of wives.
Thirdly, the practice of the Greek Church is a demonstra-

cent, x.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 461

tion of this assertion : for they have always allowed their clergy EDGAR,
to cohabit with their wives, from the council of Nice to this England
day. v '

Fourthly, if the canon should not he thus interpreted, mar-
riage would be forbidden to the lowest orders of the clergy,
contrary to the practice of the universal Church in all ages.
For, after the mention of bishops, priests, and deacons, the
canon subjoins ju/jte oAwc tiv\ lv t$ kX»j/o(i> ; which prohibition
proves farther than the Church of Rome would have it, and
comprehends the readers and acolyths, &c, who were always
allowed to marry. It is granted, towards the end of the fourth
century, it was not unusual for bishops, both of the eastern
and western Church, to make some advances towards celibacy
at their promotion. But as to priests, the business of single
life was neither countenanced nor discountenanced by any
public constitutions, even in the western Church : I say, not
in the western Church, till the time of pope Siricius, who, in
St. Jerome's opinion, had but a slender share of discretion. Epist. 16.
This pope published the first order in the west against priests C ,« A . the first
and deacons cohabiting with their wives ; though, by the way, ^if,'!'"^.
it appears by his order, they lived in this point like the laity, tutiotajbr
For, though near Rome, and in the greater Churches about oftuderyy.
Italy, the doctrines of celibacy, or something equivalent, were
much practised ; yet, in many remoter places, St. Ambrose
observes, " that deacons and priests cohabited without any of
these restraints, and defended their liberty by ancient custom. "
Farther, Athanasius, in his epistle to Dracontius, reports,
" that bishops were married in his time, and under no other
prohibitions than laymen ."

In the year 857, the emperor Constantius made a law to Cod. Theod.
exempt clergymen, their wives and children, from taxes and
all public burdens. And in this century, those who refused
the ministration of married bishops or priests, are reprimanded
by St. Gregory Nazianzen. To which we may add, that in Orat. 40. in
the middle of the fifth age Socrates informs us, " that those c . 25.
bishops and priests who did not cohabit, came under this re-
straint purely by their own choice, not being obliged to it by
any canon ; many of them, even after their promotion to
bishoprics, having lawful issue." Socrat. Hist.

And here it may not be improper to observe, that after c . 22.

462

ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book nr.

DUN-
STAN,
Abp. Cant.

Syntagm.
Alphab.
1. 5. c. 2.

Novel. 3.

Canon 12.

Canon 33.

Sozom.
Hist. Eccles,
1. I.e. 11.

Nazianz.
Carm. de
Vita sua.

Hist. Eccles
1. I.e. 19.
Epist. 95.

celibacy had prevailed somewhat in the eastern Church, there
was a custom introduced, by virtue of which, as Blastares
expresses it, " it was lawful for priests to marry any time
within ten years after their ordination.'" This custom con-
tinued till the end of the ninth century, being then set aside
by Leo, the emperor, from whose constitution it appears this
custom was then general : though it must be said, this record,
instead of ten years, mentions only two. As to the bishops
of Afric, Lybia, and some other places, they continued married
as formerly, till the end of the seventh century, when the
Quinisext council obliged them to a separation for the better
edification of the people, as they call it. As for the marriage
of the rest of the clergy, it was so common at that time in the
eastern Church, that in Armenia they had a custom to admit
none into orders but the sons of the clergy. This was wrong
practice, and therefore condemned by the Quinisext council.

From general authorities, we may proceed to particular
instances of the marriage of the eastern clergy after the council
of Nice. For instance : in that famous council, there was
one Spyridion, bishop of Tremethuntis, in Cyprus, very re-
markable for his piety, miracles, and gift of prophecy. This
great bishop, Sozomen observes, " had wife and children, and
yet upon that account was no less qualified for the administra-
tion of holy things." Soon after the council of Nice, Gregory
was made bishop of Nazianzum : some little time before his
promotion, he was married, and had issue Gregory Nazianzen
and Cesarius after he was made bishop. Baronius pretends to
argue against this testimony, and to refute it by chronology ;
but his exceptions are shown insufficient by Capellus, and the
learned Mr. Wharton. Farther, St. Gregory, bishop of
Nyssa, was certainly married, and lived with his wife, Theo-
sebia, till her death, as appears not only by the testimony of
Nicephorus, but likewise from St. Nazianzen's consolatory
letter to St. Gregory Nyssen ; in which he takes notice, that
she had lived with him all along, and calls her, " the worthy
wife and companion of a bishop. " To these testimonies we
may add, the famous instance of Synesius, bishop of Ptolemais,
in Egypt : before he was invited into this station, he was
married, and declared frankly, that if they would prefer him to
a bishopric, he was resolved not to part with his wife, but to

cent, x.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 463

cohabit with her as before. But, notwithstanding this decla- EDGAR,
ration, he was consecrated bishop of Ptolemais, by Theophilus, England,
bishop of Alexandria. irrr 77^

l , Epist. lOo.

As to the practice of the western Church, St. Jerome, in ad Fratrem.
his tract against Jovinian, owns that a great many married
men were made priests in his time. When St. Augustine
wrote against Faustus, the Manichean, it is plain that celi-
bacy was not imposed on the Church of Afric : and here, by
the reasoning of Faustus, it appears, that both by the prin-
ciples of the Manicheans and Catholics, a prohibition of mar- 10,7
riage to any persons, was reckoned unlawful and impious. August.

We may take notice farther, that Siricius, in imposing celi- FausTY 30.
bacy upon the clergy, pleads neither divine institution, nor
ancient custom ; but only the impropriety of that condition :
and therefore Innocent I. reviving the imposition, grants, it
was no part of ecclesiastical discipline before Siricius's decree :
for ordering those who disobeyed that constitution to be de-
posed, he adds, " but if it shall be proved, that the regulation
of the clergy, sent into the provinces by the bishop Siricius,
came not to the knowledge of some of them, their ignorance
should be pardoned, provided they abstained for the future."
Now if celibacy had been long settled in the Church by eccle- Epist. 3. d.
siastical canons, and become the standing discipline, none could
have pleaded, or deserved pardon for their ignorance.

And thus having proved the marriage of the clergy warrant-
able by Scripture, practised and justified through the first five
ages of the Church, I need proceed no farther in the defence of
it : for though the argument might be carried on, the point
made good, and the liberty maintained for several centuries
farther ; yet because I may have occasion to resume the sub-
ject, with respect to the Church of England, I shall stop here.
By what has been said already, I hope we may be now in a
condition to stand the shock of king Edgar's speech, and deal
with St. Dunstan's miracle \

1 The question here discussed, respecting ecclesiastical celibacy, is now happily draw-
ing to a solution, to which Romanists and Protestants will gradually yield their assent,
The very Papalists who so stoutly maintained the necessity of celibacy are now coming
round to an orthodox view of the case. Before us lies a little book, written by a Roman
Catholic clergyman, during the last year, entitled, " Remarks on the Celibacy of the

Roman Catholic Clergy, by the Rev. , the P. P. of , county of ,

Ireland." Its author grants the superiority of celibacy for clergymen, but insists on the
lawfulness and frequent expediency of marriage. We trust that this is the commence-
ment of a period in which Roman Catholics will throw off many errors of doctrine and

464 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book hi.

dun- I shall now proceed to a much more defensible instance of

Abp. Cant. St. Dunstan's zeal: — A certain earl, of great interest and figure,

sTlDunstan nac ^ marr i ea< within the prohibited degrees of consanguinity.

excommuni- St. Dunstan hearing of it, admonished him several times to

for an inces- disengage. The earl taking no notice of the archbishop's

w«ol' Wftr remonstrance, he put him under the lesser excommunication,

and forbad him to enter the church. This great man, having

more pride than conscience, applies to the king, charges

St. Dunstan with overstraining his authority, and desires his

majesty to rescue him from so tyrannical a sentence. The

king, believing the petition reasonable, coimnands St. Dunstan

to take off the censure. The archbishop was surprised at this

order, and lamented the king's being so easy as to credit the

earl's allegations, without farther inquiry. In the first place,

discipline, and that Protestants will no longer have so much cause to complain of them. Be
this as it will, the book in question is a great advance on the Eoman Catholic side to a candid
examination of the doctrine of celibacy ; no wonder, therefore, it was favourably received
by the periodicals that reviewed it. From one of these we quote the following passages.

" This little work, entitled, ' Remarks on the Celibacy of the Roman Catholic Clergy,'
is well worthy the attention of reviewers. ' Throw up a straw,' says Selden, ' and it
will show you which way the wind blows.' This publication, though minute in size and
somewhat playful in manner, possesses an animus which will not be easily crushed, and
which will prepare the way for great ameliorations. It gives us pleasure to notice books
of this kind proceeding from Roman Catholic clergymen. They prove there are many
ecclesiastics in the Roman Church inclined to promote free inquiry and to redress griev-
ances. We have long asserted that there exists a vigorous and stirring body of Catholic
reformers, properly so called, well worthy of the title, and not to be excelled in truth-
fulness or philanthropy by any Protestant reformers whatever. As such we would men-
tion the names of Ganganelli, Cassander, Fenelon, Du Pin, Geddes, Charles Butler, and
their followers. Syncretists like these will always find the warmest sympathy among
Protestant truth-searchers, who are no less anxious to abate the corruptions of the con-
formist and non-conformist Churches. We state these things advisedly, for they are
true, and, as such, are entitled to utterance, whether they are liked or not. It is right
that one periodical at least should show that good and evil are not confined to particular
sections of the Church, but that they are extended through all. It is time to state, that
not only papal Churches, but the Protestant ones too, are alike infected by that demon
antichrist, Lateinos, or secularity, which would destroy them all. To confound the pope
and the Roman clergy with antichrist, against whom they struggle, is as unjust as to
confound Protestants with antichrist, against whom they likewise war. No Scripture is
of any private interpretation. Antichrist is no partial or segregated evil ; but wherever
there is secularity, error, and vice, there is he. The Apocalypse has scarcely ever been
explained fairly, just because its universal symbols have generally been taken in a
restricted and sectarian sense. The Papalists have thus been abused by the Conformists,
and these by the Dissidents : all preposterously intent on identifying themselves with
the two witnesses, and their antagonists with the beast and the false prophet. We
have no time to enlarge on this topic here ; but we do assert, that the vulgar interpreta-
tions of the Apocalypse by party divines have done infinite mischief to the Church.
Fellow-Christians have on all hands been reviling each other as incarnations of Satan :
what wonder is it that they have arrived at so cordial a detestation of every religious
order but their own ?"

cent, x.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 465

therefore, he gives the earl another reprimand, both for his EDGAR,
continuance in the first disorder, and likewise for his misrepre- England.
sentation of the case at court. But when he perceived that his "^7970^
reproofs made no impression, and that the earl was so far from
relenting, that he threatened St. Dunstan for barring him the
privilege of coming into a church : finding him, I say, thus
incorrigible, he put him under the greater excommunication.
This punishment heightened his resentment, and made his
passion break out to a greater heat : insomuch that now he
resolved to make his utmost effort to bring an odium upon
St. Dunstan, and break loose from his discipline. To this
purpose, he dispatches away his agents to Rome, who, by large
presents and promises, prevailed with some of that court, to
solicit for him. In short, the pope being gained to the cause,
writes to St. Dunstan to treat the sinner, as Eadmer calls him,
with lenity ; together with a positive command to restore him
to full communion. St. Dunstan, upon receiving the order,
made this answer : " When I see the excommunicated person," Herefusesto
says he, "penitent for his fault, I shall willingly obey his holi- "'?''!''' ' ; "'"\

' . • *■ # ° ' , J at tlie pope ■ s

ness's commands ; but till this happens, God forbid I should do order.
any thing that might occasion the nobleman to continue in his
crime, and insult the discipline of the hierarchy. God keep
me from breaking the laws which our Saviour has settled for
the government of his Church. I can never stoop to such a
compliance for the sake of any mortal man living." Eadmer de

Baronius takes notice of this passage, and finding St. Dun-

Vit. S. Dun-
stan.

stan refused to comply with the pope's positive command, he is
somewhat at a loss to make this refusal consistent with his
holiness's supremacy. To reconcile this matter, he supposes Baron. An-
the order for absolution was to be executed only upon condition ^ *j™' 10 '
of the nobleman's repentance. But, under favour, this suppo- A - D - 97 °-
sition looks foreign to the case, and will do the cardinal no
service : for, in the first place, this supposition leaves St.
Dunstan judge of the earl's repentance, and by consequence
makes him master of the contest. Secondly, if the earl had
been willing to disengage from his misbehaviour, and give his
ordinary satisfaction, there had been no need of any application
to Rome. If he was obliged to pass through the forms of
penance and submission at last, what should make him have
recourse to a foreign jurisdiction ? To what purpose was this
unnecessary trouble ? But, thirdly, it is plain the earl expected
vol; i. h h

46'G ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book hi.

dun- to have been restored without the usual satisfaction, and to
Ab Ti c N ' nave broken through the archbishop's authority : and therefore

' — -v ' when he perceived St. Dunstan unalterably firm, and that he

took no notice of the pope's order, he then began to relent :
the shame of continuing longer under the excommunication,
together with the apprehension of worse consequences, made
him rightly sensible of his guilt : so that now he came off from
his obstinacy, quitted his unlawful marriage, and took the habit
of a penitent. And St. Dunstan happening to preside in a
synod at this time, the count came barefoot thither, without
any appearance of equipage or quality, and cast himself with
The earl sab- tears at the archbishop's feet. This public mortification made
restored by the council compassionate his case, and softened St. Dunstan
St. Dunstan. ^ Q a reconc iii a ti n. However, to preserve the Church disci-
pline from suffering, and bring the penitent to a thorough
198. compunction, he concealed his tenderness, and kept him in

suspense for an hour ; then he melted into tears himself, and
Eadmer de gave him absolution at the instance of the synod. This was
stari, p. 215. apostolic impartiality, and right primitive conduct ! It was a
pars2 Sacr ' n °bl e instance of St. Dunstan's courage, and for which we

ought to honour his memory.
a. d. 972. Oswald, bishop of Worcester, having gained a great interest
arcltishop at court, by planting the monks in his cathedral, was preferred
of York. fo the archbishopric of York, upon the vacancy of that see.
Oswald and And as St. Dunstan had formerly held the bishoprics of Lon-
piuraiist an don and Worcester together, the same liberty was now allowed
bishops. ^ Oswald. Malmesbury reports, he was not permitted to
resign Worcester, for fear the monks, who were newly brought
in, might be disturbed in his absence. This archbishop invited
several learned foreigners into England, who proved very ser-
viceable to the country. One Abbo, a monk of Fleury, was one
of them. This religious wrote king Edmund's martyrdom at
Maimesb.de St. Dunstan's instance. Oswald continued upon both these sees
L IffoL 153 a g r eat while, survived St. Dunstan five years, and was mostly
164 - resident at Worcester. This plurality of sees, begun here by

St. Dunstan, was an innovation upon the primitive practice :
this strain against the canons was probably ventured on, be-
cause of the scarcity of fit persons to supply the vacancies ;
that is, such as St. Dunstan and king Edgar thought proper to
countenance the monks, and carry on their establishment.
Foi. 153. This design is spoken out plainly enough by Malmesbury ;

cent, x.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 467

from whence we may conclude, the secular canons had the edgar,
majority of the clergy on their side. England

This year, archbishop Oswald sent twelve monks from ^"972"^
Westbury to Ramsey in Huntingdonshire, where Ailwin, duke
of the East Angles, had founded a religious house, about three
years before. And in the year 974, St. Dunstan and Oswald, d; D - ^ 4 -
archbishops of Canterbury and York, consecrated the abbey- Ramsey
church in honour of the blessed Virgin and St. Bennet. And Monastic,
to perfect the foundation, king Edgar granted them a charter, ™i.l.p.23l.
by virtue of which the lands and townships conveyed to the
monastery by Ailwin, St. Dunstan, Oswald, and other bene-
factors, were confirmed to them. This Ailwin is styled alder-
man in the charter, and said to be nearly related to the king.
There is likewise a recital of a miracle wrought by St. Bennet,
who appeared to one of Ailwin's fishermen in a dream, cured
this duke of the gout, and directed to the spot of ground
where the abbey was to stand. And here, amongst other
privileges of the charter, that of sanctuary is one. It is like-
wise provided, that no bishop shall demand entertainment or
service from the monks, or lay any imposition upon them.
I mention this to show, that when we meet with a restraint of
the bishops' jurisdiction in the abbey charters, we are not to
understand it of spiritual jurisdiction, without express mention ;
the bishops having several privileges relating to their lord-
ships and estates, which they might give up to religious
houses, without the least diminution of their episcopal autho-
rity. Monast. An-

The next year king Edgar made a grant of Lothian to p ,'236°'
Kenneth III. of Scotland, upon condition that the king of A - D - 975 -
Scots and his successors should give attendance at the English
court every year at some of the solemn festivals. And that
the journey might be made with the less inconvenience, the
king of Scots had a grant of several seats in England upon the
road ; which houses, with the estates belonging to them, were
possessed by the crown of Scotland till the reign of king
Henry the Second. J£j-»*

About five years before this time, Edinburg was evacuated ^ an. Grat,
by the English, and left to the Scots, who continued masters Usser. Bri-

f -a tan. Eccles.

01 1X " f Antiquit.

This year, which was the last of king Edgar's reign, Turketul, £ &o. ^
the famous abbot of Croyland, departed this life. This abbot, Usser. ibid.

Hh 2

468 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book hi.

dun- who had been the king's chancellor, left the monastery very
Abp. Cant, rich, the money, plate, and jewels amounting to near ten
l^ulph] ' thousand pounds, which was a vast sum in those times.
Hist.fo]. 51. Turketul was succeeded by Egelrick the Elder, his kinsman,
a person of condition, and well qualified for business. This
abbot, beside other ornamental additions, cast a ring of «ix
bells, to all which he gave names, as Bartholomew, Bethelm,
Turketul, &c. The late abbot Turketul had led the way in
this fancy, by casting a great bell, which he called Gruthlack.
Theceremo- This naming of bells, together with the ceremony of benedic-
ks, when tion, by which they are supposed to be a sort of defensative
introduced. a g ams t lightning and tempest, was, as Cressy confesses, begun
inguiph. in this age by pope John XIV. But then, on the other side,
Cressy's those who make these ceremonies a profanation of the sacra-
£j?" lch ment of baptism, seem to exceed in their exceptions, and carry

the charge too far.

Th£ death of Upon the death of king Edgar, there was a debate about

an 9 ff a • .f.j ie succession. The late king left two sons, Edward and

Ethelred. He had the first by Egilflede, daughter of duke

Ordmar ; and the other by Elfride, widow of count Athelwold.

Duncim. Kino; Edgar left the crown by will to his eldest son Edward.

GestisReg. Elfride, his mother-in-law, had made a party among the tem-

fb" g ]60 poral nobility for her son Ethelred : but the archbishops,

Rudbura, Dunstan and Oswald, the rest of the bishops, and other great

wfn'ton. " men, stood for the right line, and crowned king Edward. It

arU SaCr * s t r ue, the author of the Antiquitates Britannicse starts an

p. 224. objection against king Edward's birth, and affirms, that his

Dunstan! mother was not married to king Edgar : but, under favour,

I do not find this objection made good by any historians, On

the contrary, they declare this was only a pretence of Elfride's

Maimesb. de to set up her son Ethelred, that she might govern in his

G ^st. Reg minority. Besides, Brompton and Knighton tell us plainly,

199. that Ethelred was " ex secundo matnmonio progemtus ; a son

Brompton, f the second venter.

p. 877. Upon the death of king Edgar, the elergy who had been

Eventibus ° expelled the monasteries began to revive their claim ; they
^ n s- alleged it was no less than a scandalous injustice to set aside

The secular an old title, and give away their estates to intruders ; that the
^heircliiU™ precedent might be of a dangerous consequence, and that by
mid gain this way of defeating settlements and possession no honest man

ground upon J .....

the monks, could have any security in his birthright and property.

cent, x.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. WJ

These allegations being thought reasonable, many of .the tern- kd-
poral nobility and others appeared in behalf of the secular ^of
clergy, told Dunstan they had been ill used, and moved for a Engknci-
rehearing of the cause ; but Elfere, earl of Mercia, not think-
ing, it may be, there was any need of a new determination,
applied to a more vigorous expedient, and dislodged all the
monks in that province, and gave the clergy and their wives
possession.

The synod of Kirtlinton, or Katlage, Cambridgeshire, is sup-
posed to have met upon this occasion, though we have nothing
remaining of what was done here, excepting that the country-
men were ordered a pilgrimage to Abington. This, and the
death of Sideman, bishop of Crediton. in Devonshire, is all the a. d. 977.
history of this synod. Spelman,

The next year there was a council, or convention, about this vol. i.
controversy at Calne, in Wiltshire. The secular canons being ^ synod of
apprehensive of the interest of their adversaries, were resolved Calne , c ° n \

1 l 7 veiled about

to make their utmost defence. For this purpose they sent for ihk amtro-
one Beornelm, a Scotch bishop, and a man of elocution, to ™'n. 978.
plead for them. By the assistance of this prelate they de- Osbem. de

Vit S Dim-

' bated the point very strongly, insomuch that St. Dunstan B tan, Angi.
seems to have been overset with their arguments, as we may p^i^f™ 8
collect by the faintness of his reply. He told them their claim
had been over-ruled by a miracle at the synod of Winchester ;
and therefore he did not think the matter ought to be disputed
any farther. Besides, he was an old man, he said, and de-
sired not to be harassed with controversy under the disad-
vantage of his years, but to spend the small remainder of his
life in peace and quietness. He had taken pains, as he con-
tinues, while his strength lasted ; but now, being disabled by
age he should engage no farther, but commit the cause of the
Church to the Divine protection.

One would imagine bv this discourse St. Dunstan had been
very old, and yet it is certain when he made this excuse he
was scarcely four-and-fifty. It is plain, therefore, he was hard
pressed in the controversy, and somewhat at a loss to dis-
entangle himself. But an accident coming in seasonably to The floor
his relief, changed the fortune of the day, and gave him the ^jL!^j
advantage. For soon after he had declined disputing any
more for the reasons above mentioned, the floor of the room
being overloaded, broke under the company, and hurt several

DUN-
STAN,
Abp. Cant.

Eadmer de
Vit. St.
Dunst.
p. 220.

Hunting.

Historiar.

1.5.

A synod at

Amesbury.

Florent.

Wigorn. ad

an. 977.

Eadmer de
Vit. St.
Dunst.
p. 220.

470 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book hi.

of the canons, St. Dunstan and his party receiving no harm.
This casualty was interpreted as a judgment upon the secular
' clergy for engaging in so unreasonable a contest ; and was
looked upon as so clear a decision of the case, that the monks
were immediately put in possession. But notwithstanding the
triumphs of the monkish writers, misfortunes are not always
signs of a bad cause ; and therefore men ought to suspend
their judgments for fear of misapplying the punishment.
Henry of Huntingdon, notwithstanding his regard for St.
Dunstan, makes a different construction of the accident ; he
tells us, " it was a presage of the nation's falling out of Gods
protection, and being broken by a foreign invasion, and that it
foretold the punishment of their treason, and murder of their
natural prince ;" meaning king Edward, who was assassinated
the year after.

The clergy rallied the cause once more, and met the monks
at a synod at Amesbury, in Wiltshire. And here, though the
particulars are not related, it is plain the canons were over-
borne ; for Eadmer informs us, " That after the synod of
Calne, the monks were all along undisturbed to his own time."

To this synod I shall subjoin the constitutions for the clergy
of Northumberland. The learned sir Henry Spelman, who
transcribed them from a Saxon copy, in Bennet College, in
Cambridge, conjectures they were drawn up by archbishop
Oswald with a design to bring his province to a nearer con-
formity with the Roman Church. I shall mention only some
few of the most remarkable of these constitutions.

By the first ; every priest was to find twelve sureties to

Glossar.

Tlie constitu-
tions of '

NortJmm- engage for his behaviour, and the regular discharge of his

umberland. on ° °

oince.

By the sixth ; a priest that did not obey the archdeacon's
order was to be amerced twelve orse, that is, about twelve
Spelman in times sixteen pence.

By the tenth ; all children were to be baptized within nine
days after their birth ; and yet it is plain, as will be shown
farther by and by, that the English Church used the rite of
immersion. It seems they were not at all discouraged by the
coldness of the climate, nor thought the primitive custom im-
practicable in the northern regions ; and if an infant could be
plunged into the water at nine days old, without receiving any

cent, x.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 471

harm, how unreasonable must their scruples be who decline ed-
bringing their children to public baptism for fear of danger ? WA R ^'
How unreasonable, I say, must this scruple be when immersion England.
is altered to sprinkling ?

The thirty-fifth excommunicates a priest " qui concubinam
suam dimiserit," or who parts with his concubina and takes
another. That by concubina is meant a wife is highly proba-
ble. It is well known that when the single life of the clergy 200.
was cried up, their marriage was called concubinage by the
bigots of the other party. Now archbishop Oswald, whom
Cressy supposes to have drawn up these canons, was a strong
abettor of the monks, and had but a slender opinion of the
marriage of the clergy ; it is no wonder, therefore, to find him
mention their wives under terms of disadvantage, and call CnTffist
them concubinse, or cwenan as the Saxon reads it. P- 885 -

Farther, that by concubinse is not meant a wench, appears
by the form of the canon, which denounces an anathema
against a priest that dismisses his concubina, and takes an-
other ; so that the censure seems to be levelled against the
taking another ; whereas had a strumpet been meant by a
concubine, the discipline ought to have pointed against keep-
ing the first, as well as entertaining the second. But about
this time some of the English clergy are charged with leaving
their first wives and engaging in second marriages ; and it was Rudborn,
probably against this disorder that the canon provides. WintonT 1

The thirty-sixth sets a fine upon a priest that fails to offi- An s l - Sa c r -
ciate at the usual hours, and in the service appointed.

By the forty-fourth ; a priest who was absent from a synod
lay under a forfeiture.

The forty-ninth prohibits all commerce and trying of causes
on the Sunday.

By the fiftieth ; those who broke the festivals or fasts of the
Church were to forfeit twelve orse.

By the fifty-second ; marriage to the fourth degree or re-
move is forbidden. Spe l m- Con .

cil. vol. 1.
p. 495. et

To say something with relation to the State ; king Edward, deinc.

t, . i , ■■ nn ■, , i 1 ... n The murder

a prince ot great hopes, was taken on by the ambition of fMng
Elfride, who was impatient to set her own son upon the ^farYr ^
throne ; Edward was a prince of an admirable disposition,
treated his mother-in-law and half-brother with great regard,

472 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book hi.

dun- and therefore suspecting no foul play, went to make them a
Abu. Cant. v ^ s ^ one ^ a y after hunting. The king, being very thirsty,
^Tq^j^ out-rid his guards, and came alone to the palace. Elfride,
in the isle of his mother-in-law, caressed him with a great deal of tender-
ness and respect, but while he was eager in drinking ordered
one of her servants to stab him. The king having received
the wound, set spurs to his horse and made towards his own
retinue ; but not being able to keep his seat he hung in the
stirrup by one foot, and was found dead by the track of his
blood. Those who were in the plot against his life buried him
privately in unconsecrated ground at Warham, in Dorset-
Maimesb. de shire. But, as Malmesbury reports, the place of his burial,
Angf. l. 2! which they designed to conceal, was miraculously discovered,
c . oi. 6 . f QV jj. seems there was an extraordinary blaze of light hung
over his grave. This unusual appearance drew a great many
people together, who quickly found the advantage of their
curiosity ; for here the lame were restored to their limbs, the
dumb to their speech, and, in short, all sorts of patients carried
Maimcsb. a cure home with them. The fame of these miracles made a

ibid. . .... 1 1 ■

Westmiust. great noise, we may imagine, in the country, so that king
Edward, of whom the English had a good opinion before, was
now raised to the dignity of a martyr. His corpse was im-
mediately removed and royally interred at Shaftesbury. And
now queen Elfride could hold out no longer against the
remorses of conscience. The murder of king Edward made all
her grandeur without relish, insomuch that she retired from
the court, put herself into a course of penance, wore sack-
cloth, slept upon the floor, and went through almost all man-
ner of mortification. She likewise founded two nunneries by
Malmesb. way of reparation ; one at Warwel, and another at Amesbury.
Brompton, King Edward's martyrdom is kept on three several days — on
p h 87g' the day he was murdered, and the two removes of his corpse.
Martyr. He has likewise the honour of standing in the Roman mar-
Maft'et tyrology, where Baronius takes notice of a letter in pope
Feb. et 20 Innocent IWs register for the keeping of St. Edward's

Martyr. Ro- festival.

M a r t. I n the year of our Lord 979, according to Malmesbury,

a. d. 979. (though Florence of Worcester, and Matthew of Westminster,
set it a year backwards,) Ethelred, son of Edgar and Elfride,
West. An. succeeded his brother. Matthew of Westminster reports him
Grat 979. a very handsome person, and tall of stature ; but Malmesbury

cent, x.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 473

gives him an untoward character. He reports him privy and ETHEL-
consenting to the murder of his brother ; that he was of a K E ,?f
savage temper, a coward in the field, and abandoned to sloth v En g l an<1 - 1
and pleasure. He adds, that St. Dunstan foretold the scandal
of his behaviour at his baptism, for it seems when he was
immerged in the font he had the same misfortune as Oonstan- a little aeti-
tine Copronymus. This accident, which was no fault of the EiL'hJts'
child, disturbed St. Dunstan to that degree that he swore he ha i' tism -

Would prove a poltroon. Malmessb.de

Gest. Reg.

As for his being concerned in the murder of his brother, I Aug. 1.2.
think it is unreasonably charged upon him, for Malmesbury, c
Brompton, and others, confess he was but ten years old at the
assassination ; and that he cried so heartily at the news that
his mother beat him at an unmerciful rate. However, when
St. Dunstan set the crown upon his head he told him, " That St. Duri-
since he had made his way to the throne by the death of his p^-clo/thc
brother, a foreign nation would make a speedy descent upon P an ™ h
the country and bring such calamities as had never been felt Malmesb.
before." And to confirm this prediction, about two or three SomeDanM
years after, the Danes landed at Southampton, ravaged the ?'"' '""''. "' s
country, and destroyed or carried off most of the inhabitants ; Soutkamp-
and soon after the Isle of Thanct was over-run by them. The c 9qi
same year the city and county of Chester was harassed by a iviaimcbb.de
descent of the Norwegians. The next year these privateers l IT^fol.*^.
landed in Cornwall, set fire to the cathedral of St. Petrox, Hoveden,

\ 11 Tin I

together with the bishop's palace. Upon this accident the foL 245.
bishop's see was removed to St. Germains, in that county,
where it continued till Devonshire and Cornwall were united
in one diocese, and Exeter made the place of the bishop's
residence. GodwfnL

About this time, Gucan, a Welsh priest, was consecrated Episc.Exon.
bishop of Llandaff, by St. Dunstan. This precedent was fol- ofLandaff
lowed by his successors, who, from this time, owned the supe-^a^Tf^
riority of the see of Canterbury. From this instance, Cressy <*«*&w«qps
concludes, all the British bishops came under the jurisdiction bury.
of Canterbury, and finds fault with bishop Godwin for affirm- Godwin In
ing, that the bishops of St. David's, though they wanted the ^Pj sc - Lau ~
ornament of the pall, always exercised archiepiscopal authority Cressy's
till after the Norman conquest, and that without any sub- Hist. p. 983.
mission to the see of Canterbury. But bishop Godwin affirms j£f* in m
no more than Giraldus Cambrensis had done before him. Mcnev.

474 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book in.

dun- This Giraldus lived in the reign of king Henry II., was a

Ab^'cimt. Welshman born, and an author of character and learning ;

TkT^iaZ^ ano - Dem g elected to the see of St. David's, made his applica-

politicai. see tion to the pope for restitution of jurisdiction, and proves

mcTs'conti- from good records, that the bishops of St. David's had con-

pendento/ secrated suffragans, and exercised all other branches of metro-

the English political authority till the reign of Henry I., who upon his

subduing the country, forced the Welsh churches upon a

submission to the see of Canterbury. It is true, he grants

they had not the flourish of the pall : this ornament, as he

pretends, being carried off by Sampson when he quitted Great

cfinddus Britain in the sixth century, and settled at Dole, in Armorica.

de Jure™' As for this carrying the pall to Dole, Giraldus was undoubtedly

S ! atu p I T e " mistaken in that circumstance : the receiving the pall being a

\cns. i it < it's, -r* i -i •§ m • ■ i

p. 518. 541. mark of submission to the see of Rome. But had the British
556' 557! bishops owned the pope's patriarchate in the sixth century,
Angi.Sacr. we nave no reason to believe they would have refused subjec-
tion to archbishop Augustine, in the beginning of the seventh :
this prelate being the pope's delegate, and acting by his com-
mission.

But secondly, if the bishops of St. David's performed all
the functions of the archiepiscopal character, without the use
of the pall, which we have good reason to question, Cambrensis
being a good authority for this point : from hence it will
follow pretty plainly, that the British Churches lived indepen-
dently of the see of Rome till the reign of Henry I. ; and that
there was no correspondence betwixt them : for, by the canons
of the Roman Church, as we have seen already, an archbishop
was not to enter upon any part of his metropolitical distinction,
DeMarcade till he had received the pall.

Concord. j n the year 983, there happened a misunderstanding between

imper.i. 6. king Ethelred, and Alstan bishop of Rochester. And though
I', d. 983. the occasion is not mentioned, the king's displeasure ran very
fiJndhTbe^ h*8 n ' as we mav c °U ec t ov his drawing down an army upon
tween Mny the city. When St. Dunstan heard Rochester was besieged,
and Alstan he sent to the king to persuade him to remove his forces, and
RocZsir not to provoke St. Andrew, the protector of that see. The
king, it seems, not thinking St. Andrew would engage in the
quarrel, went on with the siege. The archbishop, perceiving
this sort of menaces from the other world made no impres-
sion, sent the king a hundred pounds, upon condition he would

cent.x.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 475

withdraw from the town : upon the receipt of which, the army ETHEL-
marched off. St. Dunstan was surprised at king Ethelred's k. of'
covetousness, and sent him word, that since he preferred money , E "g l and - j
to conscience, and valued a present more than an apostle, the
calamities that God had denounced should speedily come upon
him ; "though I, 11 says the archbishop, " shall have the happiness
not to see it. 11 This prediction was answered in the event : for Maimesb.
soon after St. Dunstan's death, the Danes transported a con- Reg.lngi.
siderable army, and harassed the country in a terrible manner. l - 2 - fo1 - 34 -

In the year 984, Ethelwold, bishop of Winchester, de- Ttedeathof
parted this life, and was succeeded by Elphegus. Ethel wold^s Ethehvoid,
character and history have been partly mentioned already. To Winchester.
what has been said, we may add one very commendable cir-
cumstance. While he was bishop of Winchester, there hap-
pened to be a famine in the diocese by the unseasonableness of
the summer : the bishop perceiving the people hard pressed,
ordered the consecrated plate to be coined, and distributed
amongst them ; declaring, that gold and silver had much better
keep people from starving, than make a show in the churches.
How great a patron this prelate was to the monks, has been
already mentioned. But, it seems, his benefactions were
made bold with after his death ; for Malmesbury relates, that
many of the monasteries founded by him were quickly pulled
down, and all of them lessened in their interest. Malmesb.de

To return to king Ethelred, the misfortunes of whose reign 1.2. fol. \Z'S.
will give the reader a prospect of the condition of the English ;
and by this discovery of the State, the scene of several calami-
ties which fell upon the Church will be the better opened.
And to give an entire view of the matter, the relations of time
must be somewhat overlooked.

To begin. King Ethelred finding himself embarrassed by a slwrt de-
the Danes landing in several places, is thought to have taken scri P { ^ °J

o i o the misfor-

wrons: measures, and made use of an improper expedient. He tunes in king
submitted to purchase his peace, and gave the enemy ten re ig n .
thousand pounds to retire. This, in Malmesbury 'a opinion,
was a dishonourable method of disengaging the country. ^ G j es ^
That silver was the wrong metal ; that the king should rather fol. 35.
have trusted to his sword, than his exchequer : for when the 202.

Danes perceived the country rich and cowardly, they grew
more insolent and demanding. As for the English, they were
generally dispirited ; and those who had any of the ancient

476

ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book in.

DUN-
STAN,
Abp. Cant.

Malnicsb.
ibid.

valour of their country, and were hardy enough to face the
enemy, were either overborne by numbers, or betrayed by the
desertions of their own party. One Elfric, who commanded
the fleet, led the way in perfidiousness ; for the night before
they were to engage he went over to the enemy, having sent
them intelligence several times before. This Elfric, though
the king took a revenge for the falsehood, and put out the son's
eyes for the father's treason, yet ventured to return to his
prince's service, and then made another revolt.

To o-ive some account of the marches of the Danes, and the
various fortune of the war. After Northumberland had been
overrun and plundered, the English came to a battle, and
defeated the enemy : however, the Danes quickly recovered,
and sat down before London ; but this town being vigorously
defended, they were forced to draw off. And now inarching
eastward, they harassed the country at discretion. The king
despairing of hindering their progress by force, gave them
sixteen thousand pounds to stop the ravage. And now,
having bought his peace once more, he desired their king
Anlaf to come to his court, and gave hostages for his security.
Anlaf being thus far satisfied, pays Ethelred a visit. During
his stay at the English court, he was persuaded to turn Chris-
tian : and to engage him to a firmer friendship, Ethelred was
his godfather, presented him nobly, and took an oath of him,
never to return into England. But this was no lasting relief,
for Denmark was always pouring in new adventurers, and
fresh forces. And now Devonshire felt the fury of the inva-
sion ; the country was wholly ruined, the monasteries battered
down, and the city of Exeter laid in ashes. After these
devastations the enemy reimbarked, landed in Kent, haras-
sed the county, burnt the city of Canterbury, and made a
martyr of the archbishop Alphegus, of whom more afterwards.
In short, as Malmesbury reports, sixteen of the two-and-
thirty counties in England lay, in a great measure, at the
enemy's mercy. As for the king, he gave himself up to his
ease, and was perfectly governed by his diversions ; and if he
happened to shake off his lethargy a little, and prepare for
defence, he made nothing of this fit of recollection, but either
relapsed into his pleasures, or miscarried in the attempt. He
built a great many ships, and made considerable efforts both
by sea and land, but all to no purpose ; for the army being

cent, x.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 477

raw, and not headed by a prince of a military genius, either etiiel-
deserted their colours before the battle, or gave way at the K E ?f
first shock. To proceed, his fleet was miserably shattered by En g lani '-
a tempest, and that part of it which escaped the storm, was
destroyed by one Wulnod, an English nobleman that had been
outlawed, and banished by the king. The misfortune of this
prince's arms was, in a great measure, owing to the animosi-
ties and disloyalty of the great men. When they came to
debate about the prosecution of the war, they were generally
debauched by some private pique and interest of their own ;
insomuch, that they were seldom unanimous in their resolu-
tions. And, if the prospect of danger happened to unite them
in proper councils, there was always some traitor at the board,
who discovered their scheme to the enemy. The false Elfric
has been mentioned already ; and Edric, earl of the Mercians,
was another of the same perfidious practice : this man had
neither birth nor probity to recommend him, and was scanda-
lous to the last degree, both for his libertinism and insincerity :
however, he had made himself considerable by his confidence
and talent in speaking. To give him his due, he was not
unfurnished with the rising qualities of a knave, was well
practised in flattery and dissimulation ; and had art enough to
give a plausible colour to his own designs : he made it his
business to penetrate the king's measures, and get within the
secrets of the cabinet, on purpose to betray them. When he
was sent to treat a peace with the enemy, it was his custom to
widen the breach, and inflame the war.

Of all the great men, Ulkil, earl of the East Angles, was
the only person of integrity and resolution. This nobleman
made a bold stand in defence of his country ; he charged the
Danes with great bravery, and though they had the name of a
victory against him, yet it was so much overbought, that they
were almost undone with it.

To complete the misery of this king's reign, the war was
followed with a famine : and as for the Danes, they marched
and plundered almost without opposition. The English being
thus distressed, endeavoured to disengage themselves by
another present : and thus the Danes received four-and-
twenty thousand pounds, and soon after, thirty thousand, to
withdraw their forces. The reason why this reign was so Maimesb,
embroiled, and unfortunate, is partly resolved into the king's '

478 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book hi.

t>UN- mismanagement. It seems this prince strained his royal
Abp. Cant, character too far, was a person of a rugged conversation,
v v ' and governed in an arbitrary manner. To instance in some
particulars : it was his custom to charge his subjects with
pretended crimes, make them fine for their quiet, and throw
them out of their property, against justice and law. Then, as
to the Danes, he broke his faith with them under the highest
securities of friendship, and cut all their throats in one day.
Besides this, he treated his queen unsuitably to the relation
between them, and brought a blemish upon the dignity of his
203. station, by entertaining scandalous women. This ill usage of

his queen Emma, made a rupture between him and her father,
Richard, duke of Normandy, which I shall mention after-
wards.

Having now laid the misconduct and misfortune of this

prince's reign before the reader, I shall return to the Church,

and proceed in a chronological order.

a. d. 988. In the year of our Lord 988, Arthmail, king of Gwent or

Welsh™ 1 ' a K aerw ent, i n Wales, murdered his brother Elisad. Gucan,

prince, ex- bishop of Landaff, being informed of this unnatural wicked-

C07H171U71Z-

cated, <§c. ness, summoned the clergy of his diocese to meet him at

Landaff. The synod being convened, he put the king under

an excommunication ; who, upon his being made acquainted

with the censure, made his application to the bishop, and sub-

Speim. Con- mitted to a course of penance.

p. 502. This year St. Dunstan departed this life, in the sixty-fourth

starts * death y ear °^ n * s a o e * ^ naye om itted several miracles said to be
done by him, together with some remarkable passages at his
death, because I am afraid they will hardly pass upon the
belief of the reader. He was buried in the cathedral at Can-
terbury, as appears by the search made for his coffin in arch-
bishop Warham , s time, occasioned by the pretensions of the
Anei Sacr mon ^ s °f Glassenbury, who made the people believe St. Dun-
pars 2. stan was buried in their monastery. But this imposture was
He is ho- discovered by archbishop Warham, in the year of our Lord
tiTtfieZ/a 1508 - This prelate was advanced to the rank of a saint after
saint. his death, and stands upon the twentieth of May, in the

Romanum. Roman martyrology. And in London we have two churches
p. a i96. built in honour of his memory.
Ethdffar, Ethelgar was St. Dunstans successor. He was first a

archbishop of p r\

Canterbury, monk of Glassenbury, afterwards abbot of the new monastery

cent, x.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 479

at Winchester ; thence promoted to the see of Selsea, in ethel-
Sussex ; from which he was translated to the see of Canter- K^f
bury, where he sat about a year and three months, and was v E "g land -
succeeded by Siricius, who being bred a monk in Glassenbury, A - D - ? 8 ?-
was, by St. Dunstan's interest, first preferred to the abbacy Archiepisc.
of St. Augustine's, Canterbury, and from thence to the see of Sdm^et
Ramesbury, in Wiltshire. This prelate is blamed by our his- Hun tingd.
torians for advising king Ethelred to buy his peace of the
Danes, whom he ought to have repelled by force. This sub- A - D - 991 -
mission to a sort of contribution, beside the encouragement it
gave the enemy, was the occasion of a very burthensome tax ;
which Huntingdon reports continued upon the subject to his
time : "for what was first raised for the Danes out of fear,
and supposed necessity, is now levied by the crown out of
custom." Thus far Huntingdon. Huntingd.

By the laws of king Edward the Confessor, twelve pence l. 5. foi. 205.
were levied upon every hide of land all the kingdom over, under
the term of Dane-gelt. The design of it was to raise forces
to secure the coast from invasion. The Church, and all the The cflurch
estates belonging to it, were exempted from the payment of from Dane-
this tax : the English princes looking upon the prayers of the ge
clergy as an equivalent. In this condition the privilege of the
Church of England continued till the reign of William Rufus,
who levying a tax upon the barons for the preservation of
Normandy, obliged the Church to pay her proportion : it is
true, when the money was collected the clergy insisted upon
their ancient exemption, but to no purpose. L. l. Ed-

In the year 992, Oswald, archbishop of York, departed this jS/Ja"
life, and was buried at St. Mary's, in Worcester. He was s P elm - Con -
succeeded by Adulf, abbot of Peterborough. p. 621.

To what has been said of Oswald, it may not be improper to A ' D ' " 2 "
give a brief account of the grant he made of several lands
belonging to his Church ; for by the recital of this instrument,
the feodal tenure of those times will, in a great measure, be
discovered. The charter is called " indiculum libertatis de The condi-
OswaldVlaws-hundred :" the purport of it, in short, is this. SSaST
First, he sets forth that this conveyance was made with king church lands
Edgar's consent. The conditions of the estate are these. fa tf/sfowwi

First, that the tenants shall perform all the attendance and hmes '
duties of those who serve on horseback.

480 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book hi.

stricius, That they shall be bound to all payments which belong to

Abp. Cant ^] ie privilege and customs of the Church ; that is, siricsceot,

toll and tacc, or swinseade, and all other dues belonging to the

Church, unless the bishop shall think fit to release any part of

the terms.

They are likewise obliged to swear to comply with the
bishop's orders with all submission and regard.

Further, that whenever the bishop's occasion shall require,
they are bound to offer their service in person ; to furnish him
with horses, and ride themselves.

They are likewise obliged to keep the steeple of the parish
church where the estate lies in repair, and assist in the build-
ing of castles and bridges.

They are also to impale the bishops' 1 parks, and supply him
with hunting furniture.

That in many other cases, when the lord bishop shall re-
quire their attendance, either for his own service, or the
king's, they shall be ready for the juncture, and obey the chief
officer of the bishopric in consideration of the fee, and in pro-
portion to the bulk of the land which every one holds.

That after the expiration of three lives, the lands shall re-
vert to the bishopric ; at which term it shall be in the power
of the bishop for the time being, either to enter upon the
premises, or make the tenant a new grant ; provided always
that the customary services due to the Church are reserved.

And, lastly, if any of the articles or conditions happen to be

broken by the tenant, he shall be obliged to make satisfaction,

204. according to the usages of the bishop's court, or else forfeit

Spelman. Ille lanCl '

p. 41, 42. The learned sir Henry Spelman is of opinion that this was

the usual way of granting Church estates in those times ; and
that they were not conveyed for any longer term than life, or
three lives ; " for so," says he, "I find them in the abbey
books." And those who had the grant of these lands were
the thani episcopi and the thani ecclesise, mentioned in
Doomsday-book ; and that the lands in that ancient record
are usually called thane lands ecclesire, episcopi, et
abbatis.

a. n. 995. I n t ne year 995, Aldun, bishop of Holy Island, to secure
himself from the Danish invasion, took up the corpse of

cent, x.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 481

St. Cuthbert, then buried in Chester-upon-the-Street, and re- ETHEL-
moved them to Durham, where he built a cathedral, and fixed k. of
his see. v England. t

This year Siricius, archbishop of Canterbury, died, and was 5w el d m '
succeeded by Elfricus. He is said to have been translated Duneim.
from the see of Ramesbury, and has a strong commendation p . 27 CS '
for his orthodoxy, abilities, and good life, from the chapter Archl^is" 1
that chose him. There are several valuable tracts which go Cantuariene.
under the name of Alfricus, archbishop of Canterbury, as the Abingdon.
Saxon Chronology, as far as the year 975 : the Sermones ciTmst.
Catholici wero also translated into English by one Elfric, who v- 9( j 2 -
lived in the reign of king Ethelred. There is likewise a body pars i.p.130.
of canons drawn up by Elfric, when Elphegus was bishop of
Winchester, which must fall between the years 983 and 1006. Spelman.

• • r\ Concil.

Whether these tracts were written by Elfric of Canterbury, vol. l.

and whether Elfred called the grammarian was the same with \woEtfrics.

this archbishop, is made a question. Bale, Pits, Usher, and ^Jf^f^^-

others, are of opinion there was but one Elfric. But the &. most

learned Mr. Wharton has made it appear there were two written by

Elfrics ; one of Canterbury, and another called Elfric Putta, ^if g^.,.

archbishop of York ; and that it is highly probable the Ser- pars l.p.125.

mones Catholici were written by this latter, who had been

formerly abbot of Cerne, in Dorsetshire. But not to insist wi.Sacr.

• • • -if

upon this controversy, it is sufficient to observe, that Elfric r^jg to° m

Putta had a great character for his learning and orthodoxy, l35 -

as well as the other. From which it will follow, that by ^ Sacn

whichsoever of them the homilies, &c, were written, the

authority of them is beyond exception : that they were the

doctrine of the then Church of England, has never been

contested, and is sufficiently proved by their public use and

reception.

Having premised this, I shall transcribe some passages out The sense of

of the homily for Easter, wifh relation to the holy eucharist. English' 1

This homily, in the beginning, proposes to instruct the people ch }<? ch i

J ' o »' r r i i with relation

in the meaning of this holy mystery. And after having shown to the holy
how this institution was typified and resembled by the paschal ms. Serm.
lamb under the law, the homily proceeds to put this question, g^ 01 ^ 5 -
with reference to the consecrated elements. " Some men are apt Wheioc.

p. 462.

to argue with themselves in this manner : which way can a piece e t deinc,
of bread, which is made of corn, and baked in the oven, be
turned into the body of Christ I or how can the wine, which
vol. i. i i

482 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book hi.

ELFRIC, is nothing but the juice of grape, be changed into the blood of

« p ' v an '> our Lord ? Is any form of consecration sufficient to produce

so great an alteration ? To those who make this objection,
my answer is : some things are said of our Saviour by way of
figure, and some literally. By the literal meaning, we are in-
formed that Christ was born of a virgin ; that he suffered a
voluntary death ; was buried, and rose from the dead, as upon
this day. All these are matter of fact, and truths which lie
upon the letter. But then he is said to be bread, a lamb, and
a lion, in a figurative and emblematical sense. For instance :
he is said to be bread, because he is the life and support of
men, and angels : he is called a lamb for his innocence ; a
lion for his strength and force, by which he conquered the
devil. But then, if we speak strictly according to truth,
nature, and propriety, Christ is neither bread, nor a lamb, nor
a lion. Why, then, is the holy eucharist called the body and
the blood of Christ, if it does not answer directly to the idea,
and is not truly the same thing which it is called ? Now the
bread and wine which are consecrated by the priest, represent
one thing to the exterior senses, and another to the inward
apprehensions of the faithful : they seem to be bread and wine,
in colour, taste, and outward appearance ; and yet, after con-
secration, they are really the body and blood of Christ, by
Per spin- virtue of the divine and mystical force of the sacrament."
me!l(m. m ' ^hat ^ ie homily does not mean transubstantiation by any
of these expressions, is evident by the reasoning and illustra-
tion upon the argument.

" A heathen child," as the homily continues, " does not lose
anything of its outward shape by the sacrament of baptism,
though it is very much changed within : it is brought to the
font full of sin and blemish, by Adam's disobedience. And
here the corruptions of nature, and the original defects are
washed off, though the outward figure of the child remains the
same. Thus, for instance, the holy baptismal water, which is
called the spring of life, is of the same appearance, and equally
subject to putrefaction with common water. But when, upon
the priest's invocation, the Holy Spirit descends upon this water,
it is then raised to a new force and effect. By virtue of this
sacramental quality, it washes off all the stains of the mind,
and brings the inward man into a state of innocence. In this
205. state of things there are two things observable : as to its real

CENT.

x.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 483

and physical nature, it is water subject to putrefaction : but ethel-
then consider it in its mystic force, and sacramental dignity, k. of
and we shall perceive it has spiritual life and salvation in it. , En g l apd - ,
Thus, if we consider the holy eucharist in the nature of the
elements, and as they appear to our senses, we shall then per-
ceive it to be a creature liable to change and corruption ; but
if we look upon it with respect to its spiritual force and effi-
cacy, we shall then discover a quality infinitely more noble
than the first idea, and plainly perceive that it gives life and
immortality to those who receive it with faith, and clue pre-
paration."

By this comparison of the holy eucharist with the water of
baptism, we may fairly infer transubstantiation was not the
doctrine of the Church of England when this homily was used ;
for no Church pretends the water of baptism is transubstan-
tiated, or loses its nature upon consecration. How then can
these two sacraments come up to any justness of parallel, or
serve for an illustration to each other ? How can the change
of the holy eucharist be represented by that of the baptismal
water, since the consecration of one sacrament destroys the
substance of the elements, and has an effect so vastly different
from that of the other? Had the homily gone upon the sup-
position of transubstantiation, nothing could have been more
improper than the comparisons above mentioned. But the
homily will give us farther satisfaction in this point.

" There is a great deal of difference," as the sermon goes on,
" between the invisible virtue of this holy sacrament, and what
it appears to us in the qualities of its own nature. In its own
nature it is corruptible bread and corruptible wine. But by
virtue of the divine institution, it is truly the body and blood of
Christ upon consecration, but not in a corporeal, but spiritual
manner. The body, in which our Saviour suffered, and the Non tamen
eucharistical body, are widely different. That body in which leTspiiitua-
our Saviour suffered was born of the flesh of the blessed Virgin, hter -
consisted of blood, of bones, nerves, and human limbs, animated
with a rational soul ; but this spiritual body which we call the
eucharist, is made up of several grains of corn, and has neither
blood, bone, limb, nor soul in it ; we are therefore not to de-
grade it to any corporeal meaning, but to understand it wholly
in a spiritual sense. Whatever there is in the eucharist which
repairs our nature, and recovers us to a better life, proceeds

i i 2

484 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book hi.

ELFRic, wholly from mystic virtue and spiritual operation ; for this rea-
y p- ant -, son the holy eucharist is called a sacrament, because one thing
appears to our senses, and another to our understanding. That
which is there the object of sight has a corporeal figure, and
that which is represented to our understanding has a spiritual
force and efficacy. To proceed : The body of Christ, which
suffered, and rose from the dead, is eternal and impassible,
and no more liable to death and decay ; whereas the eucharist
is by no means eternal, but corruptible : subject to the force of
time, and divisible into small parts. It is ground with the
teeth, and passes through the common channels of the body ;
but notwithstanding this, the spiritual efficacy of it remains
entire in every part. For instance : a great many persons
receive this holy body, or eucharist, but the multitude of
receivers does by no means weaken the force of the operation ;
the spiritual advantage of the sacrament being wholly lodged in
every part of what is consecrated : a less part having as much
significancy as a greater, because the advantage does not work
in proportion to any corporeal multitude, but in virtue of the
divine institution. This sacrament is a type and earnest, but
the body of Christ is the truth and reality of the representa-
tion. We are vouchsafed this pledge or earnest in a sacra-
mental way, till we come to the truth itself, and then the
pledge and the type will determine ; for, as we told you before,
the holy eucharist is the body and blood of Christ, not in a cor-

Noncorpo- poreal, in but a spiritual meaning. The apostle St.

IpiritualUer. P au ^ speaking of the Israelites, in his first epistle to the
l Cor. x. Corinthians, has these words : ' I would not that you should be
ignorant, how that all our fathers were under the cloud, and
passed through the sea ; and were all baptized unto Moses in
the cloud, and in the sea ; and did all eat the same spiritual
meat, and did all drink the same spiritual drink; for they
drank of the spiritual rock that followed them, and that rock
was Christ.'' That rock from whence the water flowed was not
Christ in a signification of nature, and direct property : but it
was a type and a representation of Christ, who made this gra-
John vii. 38. cious declaration to all the faithful : ' If any man thirst, let him
come to me and drink ; and out of his belly shall flow rivers of
living water.' This he spake of the Holy Ghost, which those
that believed on him should receive. The apostle St. Paul
declares, ' The children of Israel ate the same spiritual meat,

cent, x.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 485

and drank the same spiritual drink ;' because the manna with ETHEL-
which they were supported for forty years together, and the K E rf
water which flowed from the rock, were a type of the body and , E "g ] and -
blood of Christ, which are now daily offered in the Christian
Church. That manna, and water from the rock, were the same
which we now offer, ' non corporaliter, sed spiritualiter. 1 To
explain this : Christ, before his passion, consecrated the bread
and wine into the sacrament of eucharist, and said, ' This is 206.

my body, and this is my blood. 1 And though his passion was
not over when these words were pronounced, yet by a mystic
efficacy and operation, he changed the bread into his own body, Qwndo
and the wine into his blood, even as he had done in the wilder- temin cor-
neas before his incarnation, when he turned the manna into ncm sm ^, ' et
his flesh, and the water which flowed from the rock into his de petmflu-

. . - „ entem in pr<>-

OWn blOOd. prium ipsius

Thus we see the homily affirms, our Saviour changed the 3"4mt
consecrated bread and wine into his body and blood, in the same
manner and meaning that he turned the Jews' 1 manna, and the
water from the rock, into his own flesh and blood before his
incarnation. Now, neither the Church of Rome, or any other
communion, ever held that the manna was transubstantiated
into our Saviour's flesh, or that the water, miraculously forced
out of the rock, was turned into his blood ; for how could these
things be turned into our Saviour's body, when our Saviour
had no body, as certainly he had not before the incarnation ?
And thus, it appears, this passage in the homily cannot be
understood in a sense of transubstantiation.

To show the doctrine of the Church farther upon this
point, the same Elfric, in one of his letters to the clergy, has
these words : " Non sit tamen hoc sacrificium corpus ejus in
quo passus est pro nobis, nee sanguis ejus quern pro nobis effu-
dit ; sed spiritualiter corpus ejus efficitur et sanguis, sicut
manna quod de coelo pluit, et aqua qua de petra fluxit ;" that
is, " This sacrifice of the eucharist is not our Saviour's body,
in which he suffered for us, nor his blood, which he shed upon
our account ; but it is made his body and blood in a spiritual
way, as the manna w T as which fell from the sky, and the water
which flowed from the rock in the wilderness." Wankij An-

These Sermones Catholici, or Homilies, translated into Old t [?ra*Septen-
English, are preserved in the Bodleian Library, and that of tnonahs hb -
Bennet College, in Cambridge.

486 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book hi.

elfric, In the year of our Lord 1001, Christianity made a consi-
» — ^ an '> derable progress in the kingdoms of Sweden and Norway, by
4. E D. T iooi. the assistance of some English priests, who, at the instance of
English mis- Olaf, or Olaus, kins; of Sweden, were sent thither by king

S1071CIV16S Z?i

Sivcden and Ethelred. The heads of the mission were Sigefrid, archdeacon

Norway. of Yot ^ Eschill? Gunichild, Rudolf, and Bernard. These holy

men were very successful in the undertaking, answered the

king's expectation, and made idolatry give way wherever they

Adam. came.

Brem. 1. 2.

c. 40.' Sigefrid, soon after his arrival, was made bishop of Wexia,

nus Goth! S " a c ^y m the province of Smaland, in East Gothland. This pre-
Hist 1. 17. l a te, after he had propagated the faith in his diocese, brought
his converts to a settlement, travelled farther into West Goth-
land, and preached to the infidels. His nephews, whom he
left to manage his diocese in his absence, were murdered by
some of the pagan nobility, who both hated their religion, and
were willing to get the plunder of their chalices and other
things of value. Sigefrid, after having spent several years in
the conversion of the country, had a smooth and natural pas-
sage into the other world, and was buried at Wexia.

Saxo Grammaticus informs us, that Bernard, one of Sigefrid's
Sax. Gram, fellow-missionaries, baptized king Olaf; and the English Mar-
1. 10. tyrology commemorates the anniversary of Eschill upon the

Martyrol. tentn f April.

10 April. To these we may add Gotebald, another English missionary

in those northern parts. When king Swane turned Christian,
this holy man was made a bishop in Norway, and sent by that
prince to preach Christianity in Schonen, a province in South
Gothland, in Sweden. I suppose he lost his life in the dis-
charge of his mission ; for he stands commemorated in the list
Adam. of the saints upon the fifth of April.

c 29." In the year 1002, king Ethelred married Emma, daughter

^Aprii Ansl * °f ^i cnar d L, duke of Normandy. Being strengthened with
a. d. 1002. this alliance, he ventured to relieve his kingdom by a very inde-
fensible project, and murdered all the Danes by surprise, in
Wigom. the manner above mentioned.

Titepope Malmesbury reports, that king Ethelred misbehaved himself

'agreement towards his queen, Emma, by whom he had issue Alfred and
E^dreJund Ed war d. Whether this ill usage was the occasion of the rup-
Richard ture between her father and husband, the historian does not
Normandy, mention. However, it is certain they broke out into open

cent, xi.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 487

hostilities, and were at last reconciled by the mediation of ETHEL-
pope John XV. It is true, Malmesbury assigns this treaty k. of
between Ethelred and Richard to the year 991 ; and therefore, , Eng l and - ,
if he is not out in his chronology, queen Emma could be no Malm esb.de

i • i • . l ,. Gest. Reg.

occasion ol the quarrel, it being taken up, according to this Angi. l. 2.
computation, eleven years before her marriage with king Ethel- ° ' '
red. Edelfin, bishop of Sherburn, was at the head of the em-
bassy for the concluding this treaty. And here it must be Maimesb.
said, the pope prevented the effusion of Christian blood, and ' ' '
made use of his patriarchal interest to very good purpose.

About this time, the Danes made a descent upon Scotland,
though this is not the first time they had been troublesome to
that nation. They landed in Murray, and were very successful
at first ; but Malcolm II. gave them a check at a battle fought
at Pambride, in Angus, and following his blow, pursued them
to a village called Murthlack, where he gained an entire victory,
and obliged those that escaped to swear they would never
attack Scotland during the reign of Malcolm and Swain, their
respective kings.

To preserve the memory of this victory, the king founded a
bishopric at Murthlack, and endowed it with the crown lands
which lay in the neighbourhood. There was likewise this 207.

year a convention of the clergy of Perth. In this synod, where
Gregory, bishop of Andrews, presided, there were several
canons made for the better government of the Church. Spotswood's

In the year of our Lord 1006, Elfric, archbishop of Can- the Church
terbury, departed this life, and was succeeded by Elphegus. bookSp'ss
And here, before we take our leave of Elfric, it will be proper i;, 1 ?-.] 006 *-

x L A/fries

to mention the canons which go under his name. These canons.

canons, as the learned Spehnan observes, were drawn up by

the same Elfric, who translated the homilies. This Elfric Spelm. Con-

styles himself a monk in the introduction, which is written by £' 534/ '

way of letter to Wulfin, a bishop : of what see this Wulfin

was bishop, is somewhat hard to discover. However, it is

plain the collection was made for the use of Wulfin's diocese,

and runs in the name of that prelate. " The canons begin Spelm. c<m-

with a recital of the Nicene council, the proceedings of which p . 572.'

are mistaken in some instances, and particularly in the case

proposed to Paphnutius. The tenth canon mentions the seven Ibid. p. 573.

orders in the Church, under the degree of a bishop, viz. the

ostiarius, the lector, the exorcista, the acolythus, the sub-

488 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book hi.

elphe- deacon, the deacon, and the priest. The ostiarius's business
GUS, was t toll the bells, to open the church-doors for the faithful,

Abp. Cant. ' . L ...

s v ' and to shut them against those who were either infidels or

Ibid. p. 575. excommunicated. The lector, or reader, was to read the
lessons in the church, which the canon calls preaching the
word of God to the people. The exorcist was to conjure evil
spirits, and drive them out of persons they had possessed. The
acolythus's office was to light up the tapers when the G-ospel
was read, or when the priest was going to consecrate. The
subdeacon's business was to bring the chalice, the paten, and
other holy furniture to the deacon. The deacon was to attend
upon the priest, and to lay the offerings of the congregation
upon the altar. It is likewise, as the canon goes on, within
his commission, to administer baptism, and distribute the con-
secrated elements : ^and at the conclusion it is said, that a
priest without a deacon is somewhat lame in the execution of
his office."

The seventeenth canon " describes the character of a mass,
or parish priest, and lays it down for a rule, that there is no
difference between a priest and a bishop, excepting that the
bishop has the privilege of ordination, of visiting the diocese,
and managing the grand affairs of religion : and though both
act within the same order, yet the nobler part of it belongs to
the bishop."

This canon, though not exactly worded, may easily be ex-
plained to an orthodox meaning : for it allows the bishops the
supreme government, and several branches of jurisdiction, to
which the priests have no pretence : and since the powers and
privileges of priests and bishops are thus different, to the
advantage of the latter ; the dispute, whether the distinction
lies in the difference of orders or degrees, is not very material.

The nineteenth canon " orders the priests, and inferior
clergy, to be at church at the seven canonical hours of prayer,
pursuant to a synodical constitution. The hours are these :
viz. uhtsang, or prayers about four in the morning : primsang,
or matins, at six : undersang, or prayers at nine : middegsang,
or prayers at noon : nonsang, or divine service at three in the
afternoon : sefensang, that is, vespers : nihtsang, or nocturns,
which is the seventh or last hour. 11

By the one-and-twentieth, " Every priest, before his ordina-
tion, was obliged to be furnished with church books ; that is,

cent, xi.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 489

with a Psalter, a book of Epistles and Gospels, a Missale, a ethel-

red,

K. of

book of Church Hymns, a Penitentiale, and a Lectionarie, or
Rieding Boc. He was to take care that the copies of all these England,
were correct, and clear from the oversights of transcribers."

By the three-and-twentieth, " The parish priest was obliged
upon Sundays, and other holidays, to explain the Lord's
Prayer, the Creed, and the Gospel for the day, to the people
in English."

By the twenty-seventh, " No priest was to set his function to
sale, or to take any money for the administering of baptism, or
any other part of his office."

The twenty-eighth forbids "priests removing from one
parish to another, upon the score of advantage ; and obliges
them to continue all their life-time upon the cure to which
they were first ordained."

By the thirtieth, " A priest was neither to turn merchant,
soldier, nor lawyer."

The thirty-second obliges priests " to be always furnished
with two sorts of consecrated oil ; one for children, and another
for the sick ; and that the sick should be always anointed
upon their beds." And here the canon, after a complaint that
some people disregarded this ceremony of anointing, presses
the practice from the Apostle St. James, whose words are
cited as follow : "Is any sick among you, let him call for the
elders of the Church, and let them pray over him, anointing
him with oil in the name of the Lord : and the prayer of faith
shall save the sick, and the Lord shall raise him up ; and if he
have committed sins, they shall be forgiven him." The canon
proceeds to enjoin confession to the sick person before the
ceremony of anointing passed upon him, and that no priest
was to presume to give it till it was desired. From all which
it appears, that the practice of the Saxon, and that of the
present Roman Church, was different as to this point. The
then Church of England anointed the sick in hopes of recovery, 208.

as appears by the canons citing the text of St. James, it sup-
poses the sick capable of making a confession, and to be sound
in mind and memory. Whereas the Church of Rome never
applies this sacrament, as they call it, till life is absolutely
despaired of, and the person oftentimes in no condition to
know what is done to him.

490 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book hi.

ELPHE- The thirty-third mentions the four general councils of Nice,

Abp. Cant. Constantinople, Ephesus, and Chalcedon ; and then adds,

" that these four synods are to be regarded like the four

Gospels. That there have been many councils held in latter

Spelman, ages, but these four are of the greatest authority."

fhefirstfour This giving the preference to the first four general councils,

Tils prefer- 1 ' an d making their authority more valuable than those of lesser

red to the antiquity, is point blank against the modern doctrine of the

Roman Catholics : for if the present Church sis as certain a

direction as the primitive, why should her decisions be less

regarded ? Why should the fifth, sixth, and other succeeding

general councils, be received with abatement in comparison

with the first four I The modern Church of Rome pays the

same submission to the decrees of the council of Trent, as she

does to those of Nice ; and, according to the supposition of

infallibility, ought to do so. But this, we see, was not the

opinion of Elfricus, who drew up these canons. He makes a

plain distinction between the first four general councils, and

those that came after. Now Elfricus was never charged with

any tincture of heterodoxy ; neither have we any reason to

suspect, he delivered any thing different from the sentiments of

the English Church.

Elphegus, as has been observed, succeeded Elfric in the see
of Canterbury. He was a person of very noble extraction, was
educated to learning, and after some time retired from the
world, and turned monk in the monastery of Dihurst in
Gloucestershire. From hence he removed to Bath, formed a
society of monks, and was made choice of for their abbot.
Here, to give an example of discipline, he shut himself up in a
very strait apartment, and entered upon a course of the
strictest mortification. But, it seems, neither precept nor
Osbem. de example was sufficient to govern the greatest part of his con-
^i'eg S Angi ven ^ : f° r the monks, as Osbern relates, broke through the
S"^- pars 2. ru les of their order, and lived in a libertine manner. It is
true, they were so modest as to run riot only at nights, when
their abbot knew nothing of the matter. Upon the death of
Ethelwald, bishop of Winchester, Elphegus was preferred to
that see. Osbern informs us, there was a contest about the
election ; that the secular canons chose one, and the monks
another : and that St. Dunstan coming in to Elphegus's party,

cent, xi.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 491

over-balanced the other side. Here Elphegus sat about two- ethel-
and-twenty years, till his translation to Canterbury. He k. of
travelled to Rome for his pall, where he was received with t En g I and -,
extraordinary respect by the pope. Upon his return, he is said *■ £• 1006
to have convened several synods, amongst which, we have only P . 130.
those of Engsham and Haba transmitted to us : both these
conventions were made up of seculars as well as ecclesiastics,
and the constitutions passed there relate both to Church and
State. I shall begin with the council of Engsham.

The second canon "enjoins the celibacy of the clergy, and Tim council
makes the quality of a priest equal to that of a thane, or lord ^ n(JS
of a manor. " Spelm. Con-

By the fourth canon or constitution, " All witches, necro- p 1 ^ 1 ' L
mancers, strumpets, and perjured persons were to be banished,
that the country might be clear of their infection : unless there-
fore they gave sufficient proof of their reformation, they were
to quit the kingdom forthwith."

By the seventh, " No Christian was to die for a small crime,
that justice ought to be tempered with mercy, and that a man,
who was the workmanship of God, and redeemed by our blessed
Saviour, ought not to be destroyed for doing a little damage."

By the eighth, " No person was to lay any incumbrance
upon the Church, nor eject any of the clergy, without con-
sulting the bishop."

By the seventeenth, " Every Friday was to be a fast, unless
it fell upon a holy day."

By the eighteenth, " The administering of oaths, the ordeal
trials, and the solemnizing of marriages, were to be forborne
upon holy days, Ember weeks, and from Advent to the
Octaves of Epiphany ; and from Septuagesima to the Quin-
dens of Easter. These intervals were to be kepW'ith a dis-
tinguishing regard, and all controversies and suits were to
sleep for that time."

The twentieth "enjoins frequent confession, and that the
penance imposed by the priest should be punctually performed.
The people are likewise enjoined to receive the holy eucharist
three times, at least, in a year."

The twenty-second "respects the state, regulates the
mint, and appoints a standard for weights and measures."

By the twenty-third, " The fleet was to be ready to set sail

492 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book hi.

elphe- immediately after Easter. By this law the damaging a ship,
Abp. Cant, so far as to make her unserviceable, is high treason."

v By the twenty-fourth, " Whosoever refused to serve in the

army, where the king commanded in person, was to forfeit all
his estate. 11

By the twenty-fifth, " If any person guilty of homicide, or
perjury, presumed to come into the king's presence before he
had done penance, and made satisfaction to God and the
world, he was to forfeit his quality and estate. 11
And thus much for this council.

209

Synod of The synod of Haba has nothing particular in it, excepting

Haha - an article or two.

By the second, Every Christian out of his minority, was
obliged to fast with bread and water and raw herbs, before
the feast of St. Michael ; to go to church barefoot to confes-
sion. And every parish priest, and his congregation, were to
go three days in procession barefoot. Every priest was to
sing thirty masses, and every deacon and clergyman under
that order, thirty psalms ; and every man's diet which he
should have eaten in these three days, was to be provided and
distributed among the poor, but without any thing of flesh :
these three days all slaves were excused from labour, that they
might be the better qualified to keep the fast. The days of
abstinence were Monday, Tuesday, and Wednesday before
Michaelmas. If a slave broke the fast, he was to suffer
corporal punishment : a freeman of mean cirenmstances was
to forfeit thirty pence ; and a king's thane, or gentleman of
condition, a hundred and twenty shillings, which was all to be
given to the poor. 11

The third " enjoins the priest at matins, to say the mass
made for protection against the pagans, every day ; and that
at all the canonical hours of prayer, the whole congregation
should prostrate themselves upon the ground, and sing the

Psalm iii. psalm, ' Domine, quid multiplicati sunt V and the collect
against the pagan invasion : and that this be done as long as
the present calamity of the times continues. 11

By these provisions we may perceive the country was mi-
serably harassed, and that part of the design of the council
was to consult upon measures to stop the progress of the
Danes.

cent, xi.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 493

The next remarkable occurrence is the siege of Can- ethel-
terbury, and the martyrdom of Elphegus. The Danes, after K of '
having over-run the west, marched into Kent, and sat down Eng l and. ^
before Canterbury. Before the town was invested, the English a.d. ion.

.... ... , ., i . i • -i .1 The sieqe of

nobility, perceiving the danger the place was in, desired the Canterbury
archbishop to provide for his security : they told him his a J^ n 1 ^ rt y i "
death would be a public loss, and therefore it was advisable to Elphegus.

1 . . Osbern. de

retire. To which Elphegus made answer, " that he was re- Vit. Eipheg.
solved upon a different method, that the measures they sug- "f h '
gested were neither suitable to his past life, nor serviceable to Jj-. 133 - et
his expectations : you would have me," says he, " throw away a Hoveden,
noble opportunity, and despise an offer for which I have the (X 247.
greatest esteem. But, God forbid that I should tarnish my
character by so inglorious a practice, and be afraid to go to
heaven because a violent death may occur in the passage.
Immortality is so great a privilege, that a man ought to grasp
at it upon any terms whatsoever : but now, since God is
pleased to give us so honourable a call into the other world,
who would not be in love with dying ? Who would not break
from the company of his best friends, to seize so glorious an
advantage \ God be thanked, I am not conscious of any such
misbehaviour, as to give the enemy any just occasion to use
me ill. It is true, I have converted several of the most
considerable of them to Christianity ; but if this be a fault in
their opinion, I shall be happy in suffering for it. What
then ! have I disobliged them by ransoming some of my
countrymen, and by supporting those in their captivity, whom
I was in no condition to redeem? If they count this a crime,
I shall be proud to be punished for it, though it were by a
wound in every part of my body. But if you think the Danes ElphegusS

, . , , -, . n • ,i » ,i '• fortitude and

are particularly enraged against me tor reproving them lor u\e\Y J cmtemptn f
immorality and injustice, I cannot help that ; I am bound to death -
these remonstrances by my commission, and unless I give a
wicked man warning, his blood will be required at my hands.
If this is all the provocation I have given them, I must needs
think it very unbecoming my station to desert my worthy
countrymen in time of danger, and make an ignoble provision
for myself. What can I be less than an hireling, if, when I
see the wolf ready to devour my sheep, I presently run away
and leave them to shift for themselves ? It is therefore my

494 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book hi.

elptie- resolution to stand the shock, and submit to the order of

Abp' cVnt. Providence."

The town perceiving the archbishop thus resolved, began to
project for themselves ; and many of the burghers being
apprehensive things might come to extremity, went over to
the Danes in hopes of fair quarter, but were miserably disap-
pointed. Things being in this posture, Elphegus called the
people together, and endeavoured to animate them against the
worst that might happen ; he put them in mind of the forti-
tude of the martyrs, how they held out under torture, and
triumphed over the malice of their enemies. And thus,
having prepared them to suffer the utmost rather than re-
nounce their Christianity, he gave them the holy sacrament,
and recommended them to the Divine protection.

And now the town was besieged in form, battered with
rams, and at last set on fire by throwing in brands and com-
bustible matter. And while the garrison were busy in putting
out the fire, and preserving their families, the enemy took
advantage of this confusion, mounted the ramparts where they
were thinly manned, and made their way into the city. And
now the face of things was very terrible, and nothing to be
seen but fire and sword, plunder and execution. The women
210. of condition were dragged about the streets by their hair, and,

at last, thrown into the flames, upon pretence that they did
not fairly discover their plate and money. The little children
were snatched from their mothers, tossed upon the top of a
pike, or thrown in the streets for the carts to drive over them.
The archbishop seeing the barbarity of the enemy, was not
able to keep himself any longer at a distance ; therefore,
breaking from the monks in Christ's- Church, he pressed
through the Danish troops, and made his way to the place of
slaughter : and then turning to the enemy, he desired them to
forbear, and not to blemish their manhood by destroying
infants. He told them the cradle could afford no triumphs,
and that it was no victory to fall upon an age which was in no
condition to resist ; and that when people submit, and throw
down their arms, it was by no means reputable to dispatch
them. If they had a mind to do something remarkable, they
had better cut his throat ; who, being in a post of eminence,
might possibly make them be remembered. He told them he

cent, xi.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 495

had converted several of their troops, and made them desert ethel-
from their old religion ; and that he had frequently declared k. of
against the injustice of their enterprise. The archbishop t En g ] and -
talking with this freedom, was immediately seized, and used
with all manner of barbarity. And now the Danes being
masters of the town, put the burghers under a decimation,
and destroyed nine parts in ten ; and those that escaped in
the decimation, were either made slaves, or forced upon hard
ransom. As for Elphegus, he was laid in chains, dragged
through the city, and kept in prison about seven months : at
last, the principal officers of the army sent four men to him,
to offer him conditions ; that " in case he would pay sixty
talents of silver, each of which was to weigh fifty pounds, and
persuade king Ethelred to pay two hundred talents ; upon
these conditions, they told him there might be an accommoda-
tion concluded between the Danes and the English : but if he
refused to comply with these terms, there was neither liberty
nor life to be expected." The archbishop replied, " that the
proposals were impracticable ; that the ravage and desolation
of the country had made it incapable of raising such vast
sums : besides, if they thought him so mean, as to either
plunder the Church for them, or persuade the king to a dis-
honourable peace, they were mistaken."

Some of his friends desired him to soften his answer a little,
and give them an authority under his hand and seal, to collect
money from his friends, and drain the remainder of the
Church's treasure. Elphegus, who had hitherto had the credit
of a charitable prelate, and a patriot of his country, told them
"that he looked upon the expedient as a great wickedness, and
had much rather die than disengage himself at so scandalous a
rate. For what can be more unsuitable to the character of a
bishop, than to make a present to the pagans of those things
which are designed for the honour of religion, and the benefit
of the poor ? Don't you remember, 1 ' says he, " how the martyr,
St. Lawrence, concealed the treasures of the Church, and
chose rather to die than discover them ; and would you have
me betray my trust, impoverish the Church, and rob the indi-
gent I No, by the grace of God, I will never preserve myself
by so great prevarication as this."

The Danes, perceiving him obstinate, as they reckoned it,
resolved to dispatch him with all the torture and disgrace they

496

ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book hi.

LIVIN-
GUS,

Abp. Cant.

A.D. 1012.

Osbern. dc
Vit. et
Translat.
S. Elphegi.

Martyrol.

Roman.

Baron.

Eadmer. in
Vit.Anselm

A. d. 1013.

Livingus
succeeds at
Canterbury,

211.

Godwin in
Archiepis.
Cantuar.

could think of. In short, they beat and wounded him till he
was half dead, and then threw him into a very offensive prison.
After some few days they brought him to the place of execu-
tion, where they first knocked him down with their axes, and
then stoned him. The archbishop being just upon the verge
of the other world, prayed for his enemies, and recommended
his Church to our Saviour's protection. And here one that
had newly turned Christian, perceiving the archbishop ago-
nizing and under torture, gave him, as he thought, the coup
de grace, and put him out of his pain.

Elphegus was first buried at St. Paul's, in London, and
afterwards his corpse was removed to Canterbury with great
solemnity, and buried in the cathedral.

This archbishop had the honour of a martyr from posterity,
and his day stands upon the nineteenth of April, in the Roman
Martyrology.

Lanfranc, archbishop of Canterbury in the Conqueror's
time, seemed somewhat at a loss why the English should
make a martyr of Elphegus ; seeing that he did not die for any
point of faith, but because he refused the Danes the sum of
money they demanded. To clear this doubt, he consulted
Anselm, who told him he was very well satisfied about Elphe-
gus's martyrdom, because he chose to die rather than do an
unjust thing. And without entering any farther upon Elphe-
gus's case, we may safely affirm, that to die in defence of
justice and moral duty, is no less honourable a resignation
than suffering for an article of the creed ; for practice, and
not speculation, is the grand design of Christianity : and to
give an instance, we know St. John Baptist stands in the
martyr's list, and yet it was only declaring against vice, and
not any point of revealed religion, which brought him to the
block.

Livingus, bishop of Wells, succeeded Elphegus, in the year
of our Lord, 1013. His fortune was not much smoother than
that of his predecessor ; for after having had a great share of
the calamities of the country, he was taken prisoner by the
Danes, confined seven months, and treated very ruggedly :
and then being dismissed by the enemy, and finding the king-
dom miserably embroiled, and running to ruin, he travelled
beyond sea, and continued there till the times grew better.
The first year Livingus sat at Canterbury, Swane, king of

cent, xi.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 497

Denmark, put in at Sandwich with a considerable fleet ; from ethel-
whence, after a few days, he coasted the country of the East ^ E ^.'
Angles, came to the Humber, and afterwards into the Trent England.
as far as Gainsborough, where he encamped. Here the Hoveden,
Northumbrians and Lincolnshire men made their submission, f "248.
and soon after all the country North of Watling-street came in, P ars L
gave hostages, and swore allegiance to him. Having ad- ^^ gdom
vanced thus far, he put the hostages on board, and giving the harassed hy
command of the fleet to his son Canute, marched forward with ^oemuJrL
a reinforcement of English against the Southern Mercians.
And having crossed Watling-street, he ordered his troops
to destroy whatever they found in the fields, to burn the towns,
and plunder the churches ; to cut the throats of all the male
sex without distinction, and abuse the women at their plea-
sure ; and, in short, to distress the country to the utmost, and
do all the mischief that lay in their power. This barbarous
manner of making war struck a terror into the English, and
made them drop their swords in most places where the Danes
appeared. Thus Swane coming before Oxford had the town
surrendered to him immediately ; from hence, marching to
Winchester, they opened their gates and gave him what
hostages he desired. From Winchester he moved towards
London, and made his utmost effort to take it ; but here king
Ethelred being reinforced with Turkill, a Danish count, made
so vigorous a defence that Swane was forced to raise the
siege. Being thus baulked he drew off to Bath, where
he made a halt to refresh his troops. Here Ailmer, Earl of
Devonshire, brought in the West Saxons, and gave him
hostages. Being thus successful, he was owned by almost
all the English, and at last the Londoners submitted and gave
him security. King Ethelred perceiving his affairs thus
desperately sunk, sent off his queen Emma to Normandy.
His two sons likewise, Edward and Alfred, with their precep-
tors, Elfun, bishop of London, and Elfius, abbot of Peter-
borough, quickly followed their mother. As for the king, he
fell down with his little fleet from Greenwich to the Isle of
Wight, and from thence set sail for Normandy, where he was
honourably received at duke Richard's court.

Thus Swane being left master of the country, lived at a!d. 1014.
discretion, and taxed the English to an intolerable degree.
And thus managing his conquest in a most arbitrary and

vol. i. k k

498 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book in,

LiviN- tyrannical manner, he came to St. Edmundsbury, and de-

('ITS

Abp. bant, manded a very heavy contribution, which unless it was im-
J mediately paid, he menaced the burghers with military execu-
tion, sent them word he would lay their town in ashes, pull
down their martyr's church, and dispatch the clergy with all
the torture imaginable. He likewise spoke reproachfully of
St. Edmund ; but if our historians are not mistaken, he was
quickly punished for his presumption. Hoveden reports that

Hoveden, gt. Edmund gave him a mortal wound, and struck him off his

ibid. &

King Swane horse. Malmesbury tells the same story, though with some
Malmesb. difference of circumstance. However it is certain Swane died
de Gestis about this time, and that his son Canutus, who succeeded him,

Pontif. Ang.

1.2. fbi.136. paid an extraordinary regard to St. Edmund's memory, built a
stately church over his corpse, founded a large abbey at Bury,
•Vd an d endowed it with a very considerable revenue.

All this expense makes it probable that there was some
extraordinary motive in the case, and that king S wane's death
had some remarkable circumstance in it. However, the
Monasticon only takes notice that St. Edmund's memory
falling under some neglect, and not being treated suitably to
his merit by the secular clergy, who were possessed of the
estate settled in honour of this martyr, king Canutus sum-
moned a convention of the bishops and temporal barons to
meet ; at this convention St. Edmund's church and revenues
were taken from the secular clergy, and the place brought
Ex Registro under the regulation and form of a monastery.
deHuimoin Upon the death of king Swane, the English nobility sent
CattOTiian commissioners into Normandy to invite king Ethelred over,
foi. 7, b. upon conditions of a more agreeable administration. The
Angl. pan 1. king sent his son Edward to give them satisfaction; and
Cam*/?: sue- wnen the treaty was perfected he came over himself, and was
cec/s Swane. received with great welcome and respect. Canutus had his
quarters in Lincolnshire, where the country stood firm for him.
Hither king Ethelred marched his forces, fought the Dane,
and gave him so great a defeat that he was forced to quit the
kingdom, and set sail for Denmark ; but the next year he
returned with a strong reinforcement, and put into Sandwich ;
from hence, soon after, he sailed up to the river Frome, and
plundered the counties of Dorset, Somerset, and Wilts. Now
king Ethelred being sick, gave the command of his army to
his son Edmund, who, perceiving Edric, count of Mercia, de-

cent, xi.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 1,99

signed to betray him, drew off part of his forces, and left the Edmund,
enemy the advantage of a farther march. This Edric soon England.

after made an open revolt, and carried forty of the king's men * '

of war over to the enemy. Hoveden,

There were several other contests between Ethelred and foi. 24*8.
Canutus, but none of them proved decisive. While the
matter hung thus in suspense, and the country was in a man-
ner ruined by the war, king Ethelred died at London, and was
buried in St. Paul's. Upon the death of this prince, the T hc '[ e « th ,°f
greatest part of the bishops and temporal nobility declared for red.
king Canute, and coming to articles, swore allegiance to him ;
Canutus swearing on his part to protect the Church and State 2 ] 2

in the rights and privileges of the constitution. But the
Londoners, with the nobility then in town, set up Edmund
Ironside, king; Ethelred's eldest son bv his first wife. Edmund Hoveden,
being thus owned by the capital city, marched into the West, Brady's
and was received with great demonstrations of loyalty. There Complete
were several great battles fought between this prince and England,
Canutus. King Edmund had the better at Scearstan in Wor- Thep^fi.
cestershire, and at Octanford, in Kent, but lost the battle at %°J'^ ess °^
Ashdon, in Essex, by the perfidiousness of earl Edric. Here Westmon.
the flower of the English nobility was cut off, together with Hoveden
Eadnoth, bishop of Lincoln, and Wulfius, an abbot, who were fo""!^
in the field to pray for the success of the army. This victory Huntingdon
gave a great turn to affairs, for now London submitted, and Florent.
king Canutus was solemnly crowned there. But it was not chronic,
long before king Edmund rallied, and appeared at the head of P- 618 -
a good army in Gloucestershire ; and here the nobility being
tired with the war, took the freedom to declare themselves in
this manner : — " To what purpose should we expose ourselves
for these princes any longer ? Let their victories be never so
great, they will not be so bountiful as to advance us to their
own station ; and since they are resolved to reign by them-
selves, let them even fight by themselves." The two kings, a dadbe-
both brave in their persons, approved the expedient of a duel ; Edmund
and being encamped on each side the Severn, they pitched and Ca "" < "'-
upon a little island in the river called Oleneige, or the Eighth.
Here they met single, and began their combat in the sight
of their troops. At the first shock they tilted with their
lances, which being broken upon each other, they drew their
swords, and came to the last decisive weapon. Here they let

Kk2

500 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book hi.

livin- drive at one another at a formidable rate, and distinguished
Ai? U c' t themselves like heroes in romance ; but at last king Edmund's

v v ' blows came so thick and heavy that Canutus began to think of

another method to end the controversy. However, concluding

his terms would be the worse if he seemed to have the

disadvantage, he exerted his utmost vigour, rose upon his

sword, and charged king Edmund with extraordinary courage ;

upon this he fell back a few paces, made signs for a pause, and

' began to treat. He told king Edmund, " That formerly he

was very ambitious to get his crown from him, but now he was

so charmed with his bravery, that he valued his person much

better than his dominions, and therefore gave him a hearty

invitation to be his friend." King Edmund, though invincible

against force, was easily overcome by civility, And thus the

duel ending in an amicable manner, they agreed upon a division

of the kingdom ; the East Angles, Essex, London, and all

the country south of the Thames, falling to king Edmund's

share. Thus the matter is related by Huntingdon and

Huntingd. Matthew of Westminster. But Malmesbury is somewhat

Pe 'foi 208 different in his report. He says king Edmund gave Canutus

Westm. An. a challenge ; that this prince refused the duel, and sent him

word, " That though he had no less courage than himself, yet

he did not think it reasonable to venture his person against

Maimesb.de one of so gigantic a size. 11 Thus Malmesbury. But then, as

And ? e f t° the treaty and division of the kingdom, he agrees with the

c 10.fol.40. historians last mentioned.

King Ed- Soon after this treaty the brave king Edmund was mur-
dered" 1 '"' dered. Malmesbury reports that count Edric, to make his
court to Canutus, bribed two of the king's bed-chamber to
Maimesb.de assassinate him. Huntingdon tells us Edric employed his
Angi" O! own son m t n ' s execrable treason. This young nobleman cou-
c. 10. fol. 40. cealed himself under the house of office, and when the king
was upon the stool gave him two mortal stabs, and left the
Huntingd. knife in his body. He was buried near his grandfather Edgar
M^oV 6 ' a ^ Grl assenDur y- He left issue Edwin and Edward, who, by
Edrics advice, were soon after put into the king of Sweden's
hands in order to be dispatched. But this court proving more
humane than was expected, the young princes had the liberty
to retire into Hungary, where they were honourably enter-
tained by king Solomon. Edwin, the eldest, died not long-
after his arrival ; and Edward, his brother, married Agatha,

cent, xi.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 501

the king's sister,- and daughter to the emperor Henry II. By c ~JfJ?~
this Agatha he had issue, Edgar Atheling, and two daughters, k. of
Margaret and Christina. But enough of this at present. v "" gan ' ,

Upon the death of king Edmund, Canutus made no difficulty
to set aside his issue, and seize the whole kingdom. It is true,
abating the injustice of his possession, he governed to ad-
vantage enough, and was a sort of a shining usurper. In Malmesb.de
the beginning of his reign he did an exemplary piece Angi 1. 2.
of justice upon those that assassinated king Edmund. A *_ D ' } ° () l 7 '
These wretches had the confidence to discover themselves to
Canutus, in hopes of some great reward : but this prince dis-
appointed their expectations, and had them publicly executed.
The same year the infamous Edricus shared the fate he had so JS*"*""
often deserved. It seems he grew too bold upon the merit executed.
of his treason, and reproached the king with the neglect of his
services. He told Canutus, that he had first deserted, and
then murdered king Edmund to serve him. The assurance of
boasting so much falsehood and barbarity, put the king in a
rage : who immediately replied, " And you shall certainly die
for your confession ; since you have owned yourself guilty of
high treason, and have murdered your natural sovereign, and
a prince that was one of my allies : ; thy blood be upon thy 2 Sara - ■■ lb -
head ; for thy mouth has testified against thee, saying, I have
slain the Lord's anointed. 1 ' Having said this, he ordered him
to be hanged in the room immediately, and thrown out of the M^imesb.
window into the Thames.

Canutus, as Malmesbury continues, having all England
under his jurisdiction, endeavoured to make himself agreeable 213.

to the natives. To this purpose he preferred them to the
bench, to the council-board, and to posts of command in the
army : and, in short, gave them an equal share of his favour
with the Danes. And to engage them farther, he married
Emma, king Ethelred's widow ; imagining the return of an old
English queen might make the English forget their servitude
to a foreign prince, and soften the Danish government. This
queen, who was at her brother Richard's court in Normandy,
complied with the offer. Malmesbury blames her extremely
for being gained by Canutus : by Canutus, I say, who had Maimesbur.
attacked her husband, king Ethelred, so often, and forced her f„j d ' 4 o nd
own children, Alfred and Edward, to live out of the kingdom.

502 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book hi.

agel- Canutus, notwithstanding his strains upon justice, and in-

NOTH . .

Abp. Can't, jury to the royal family, was very kind to the Church. For
Canutus ' instance : he made good the damage done to the monasteries by
k ctrV' ie ^ s ownor his father's troops ; and in all places, where a battle
had been fought, he built chapels, and settled a maintenance
upon priests, to pray for the souls of those that were slain :
Maimesbur. an( ^ particularly at Ashdon, in Essex, he built a famous chan-
ibid.et stubs try, which was consecrated by the archbishop of York; the
tif. Eborac. king, and several of the bishops and temporal nobility, being
p " ' ' present at the solemnity.

When Exeter was taken by king Swane, the monastery of

St. Peter's was burnt, with the rest of the town. Canutus,

being willing to make satisfaction for his father's sacrilege,

rebuilt the abbey, and returned all the manors and estates

Godwin in belonging to it. This prince likewise confirmed the privileges

Exon.p.452. of Christ's Church, in Canterbury, by granting them a new

charter. His founding the monastery of St. Edmundsbury

a. d. 1020. h«s been already mentioned.

Livingus, archbishop of Canterbury, after having sat seven
years, departed this life. He is said to have ornamented his
ActuTpon ca t necu * a l w ^h several rich presents. Agelnoth, or Egeluoth,
tif. Cantuar. called the Good, was his successor. This prelate was son to
earl Ailmer, and dean of Christ's church at his election.
Gervasius Dorobernensis observes, that at this time the monks
faZm'at of tne cnurcn °f Canterbury lived with the latitude of pre-
Canterbury. bendaries. They wore the religious habit, but with little
observance of the rule. When Elphegus suffered martyrdom,
all the convent, excepting four, were killed by the Danes.
Now the clergy that were taken in to fill up the vacancy, con-
tinued in some part of their former liberty, and refused to be
wholly tied up to the restraints of a monastery. They called
their superior a dean, who afterwards, from archbishop Lan-
Geivas. Do- franc's time, had the title of prior.

PontVf. Can- The archbishops of this see had formerly a chorepiscopus,
tuar. ibid. wno resided at St. Martin's in the suburbs : but this office was

A chorepis-
copus for- extinguished by Lanfranc above mentioned.

ibid. Agelnoth, upon his election, went to Rome, and received

a.d. 1020. jjj s p a |] f rom p p e Bennet VIII. Upon his return, he is said

to have raised the see of Canterbury to its former dignity and

lustre. He was much in Canutus's favour, and made use of his

cent, xi.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 503

interest to good purposes : for, as Malmesbury observes, the canu-

king was prompted to acts of piety, and restrained from ex- £ u ^

cesses, by the regard he had for the archbishop. England.

This year, one Edmund was made bishop of Durham by an Maimsbur.
odd accident. Malmesbury takes notice, that before the R eg . Aiigl.
Norman conquest the bishops used to be chosen by the chap- *■ 2 - foL 42 -
ter, whether monks or prebendaries. Now, though it was the Bishops and

i /» i pt-vi ii abbots chosen

custom to elect a monk for the see of Durham, yet the chapter by the eon-
were all secular clergy. The see being now vacant by the chapter.
death of Aldulm, the chapter met for a new election, but could
not agree upon their man. While the matter hung thus in
suspense, one Edmund, a priest, whom nobody thought of,
comes into the church ; and being of a pleasant humour, desired
them to take him, and make him a bishop. The chapter look-
ing on this motion as an extraordinary impulse, took him at
his word, and made him first a monk, and then a bishop,
though very much against his will. His election was approved
by king Canutus, and he was consecrated at Winchester by
Wulfstan, archbishop of York. This Edmund was descended
of a noble family, and managed his diocese to great commen-
dation. He was a person of a primitive courage, never flattered
any great man out of fear, but supported his character, and
exercised the authority of his station with great resolution and
impartiality. Malmesb. de

This method of choosing a bishop by the chapter, though 1.3. f i°i57.'
less foreign than the excesses of the regale, was yet a devia- H} u t ieI d mens-
tion from the primitive practice. For, by the ancient canons, Dunelmens.
a bishop ought to be chosen by the metropolitan and his suf- c . 6.
fragans. And to prevent the inconvenience by the interposal of
the state, the apostles* canons forbid the clergy making appli-
cation to the canons for a bishopric, under the penalty of being
deposed and excommunicated. This custom of making the
provincial bishops the electors, continued in France till the Theodoret.
latter end of the tenth century. p^ L 5 -

To proceed : Canutus, perceiving himself well settled in Apost. Cau.
England, took a voyage to Rome : here he made large pre- Dacher. Spi-
sents to several of the churches, and kept the solemnity of "' if/ 0111 ' 8 '
Easter with Pope John XIX. At his return to Denmark, Canutus pro-
he sent a letter to the English, to give them an account of his privileges/or
reception at Rome, and that he had procured several advan- ^athecoZrt
tages for them. For instance, the emperor and other princes, of Rome.

504

ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book hi.

AGEL-

NOTH,

Abp. Cant,
v

214.

A. D. 1031.

Malmesb.
de Gestis
Reg. Angl.
1. 2. fol. 41.

Malmesb.
ibid.

a. d. 1032.
Malmesb.
de Gestis
Reg. Angl.
1. 2. c. 11.
fol. 42.

Spelm. Con
cil. vol. 1.
p. 537. ex
Saxon. MS.
Biblioth.
Publ.
Cantab.
No direct
invocation
of saints.

whose dominions lay in the way between England and Rome,
had granted the English and Danes the liberty of passing and
repassing, without any molestation, or paying any toll. He
acquaints them, likewise, that he had complained to the pope
of the excessive sums that had been demanded of the English
archbishops for the pall, and that the pope had given him
satisfaction upon this point. This letter, of which I have
translated but a small part, was dated on shipboard, in his way
to Denmark, and directed to the two archbishops, and all the
rest of the nobility and commons of England. At the close
of the letter, he presses the punctual payment of tithes, and
other Church dues, and threatens them with the utmost rigour
of law, in case of failure. And at his return into England,
he ordered all the laws made under the old Saxon kings, and
particularly those of king Ethelred, to be strictly put in
execution.

Canutus, soon after his return, undertook an expedition against
Malcolm II., king of Scots, who had made some inroads upon
the English ; but this rebellion, as Malmesbury calls it, was
easily suppressed.

About this time, Canutus granted a charter of privileges to
the abbey of Glassenbury, by virtue of which, the abbot and
convent had the trial of all causes, ecclesiastical and civil,
which happened within the precincts and estates of that
monastery : however, this charter was only a confirmation of
the munificence of former kings and popes.

In this charter there is mention made of the blessed Virgin,
and all the other saints : upon which the learned sir Henry
Spelman observes, that the invocation of the saints was fre-
quently practised at this time. This remark he proves from the
public Litany, where, after application to the holy Trinity, this
sentence follows, thrice repeated : " Sancta Maria, ora pro
nobis.' 11 After this, the archangels, and a great many saints,
are addressed by name.

However, in the public office of canonical hours, used by the
English Saxons, and translated by Mr. Elstob, we find none
of these strains. Here the blessed Virgin, and the rest of the
saints are only mentioned in this remote language : " Sancta
Dei genetrix, Virgo Maria, et omnes Sancti Dei intercedant pro
nobis peccatoribus ad Dominum, ut mereamur ab eo adjuvari,
et salvari, qui vivis et regnas Deus. 11 Now this amounts to

cent, xi.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 505

no more than a general wish for the intercession of the saints, canu-
and is far from any direct application : and yet this is all we ^ u ^
meet with upon this head in the office above mentioned. England.
This practice of immediate address, as far as we can discover, Letters be-
did not prevail in England till the tenth century. At this [^
time, in the homily of the assumption of the blessed Virgin, Jjjjjjf*
there is a direct prayer to the blessed Virgin to intercede for priest, in the

Appendix.
them. Dr. Hickes,

As to the canonical hours first mentioned, we may observe, JjJ^J
that though the collects, lessons, Lord's Prayer, and Creed are
in Latin, yet after every article, petition, or verse in Latin,
there follows a Saxon translation, in a copious paraphrastical
way ; from whence it appears, the then English Church
thought it proper to have the greatest part of the liturgy in
the vulgar tongue.

King Canutus having a great reverence for St. Bennet,
founded the abbey of Holme, in Norfolk, in honour of this
saint. This abbey, standing in a morass, was afterwards so Brampton.
well fortified by the monks, that William the Conqueror could p gj!};
not take it. However, it was betrayed to him by a monk,
upon condition of being made abbot : the Conqueror having
possession, put the monk in the post he had articled for, and
then hanged him for a traitor. Cambden,

o ... Bntan. m

It will be now time to say something concerning king Norfolk.
Canutus's ecclesiastical laws. The year they were made in is ^k££tkai
uncertain ; and being not very material, I shall wave the in- &««•
quiry. As to the place, the preamble informs us, they were
drawn up at Winchester, by the advice of the prelates and
nobility. The greatest part seems nothing more than the
confirmation of old laws ; and therefore I shall only take
notice of what appears to be new, and somewhat remarkable.

By the fourth, people are put in mind to pay a regard to
places and persons consecrated to religion, and that all in holy
orders should be treated suitably to their character : the rea-
son of this constitution is subjoined, viz., because the priest's
function is extremely beneficial to the people. The public
prayers and sacraments are effectual means for the conveyance
of grace, for disappointing the attempts of evil spirits, and
procuring the Divine protection.

By the fifth, if a priest was accused of any crime, he had

506 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book hi.

agel- the liberty of purging; himself by saying; mass, and receiving;
Abp. Can't, the holy eucharist ; provided he was willing to stand the test
* v ' of these solemnities.

If any married man kept a wench, he was to be denied all
the privileges of Christian communion. And if any woman
was convicted of adultery, she was to forfeit her settlement to
her husband ; and more than that, her nose and ears were to

Y%A 0n - be cut off.

p. 541, 558. The twelfth recommends celibacy to the clergy, and sets
them on the same level with a thane, or lord of a manor.

The nineteenth orders a halfpenny to be levied three times
a-year upon every hide of land, for the buying wax candles.
These candles were to be used at Easter, at the feast of All
Saints, and at the purification of the blessed Virgin.

The twentieth ordains, that at funerals the dues should
immediately be paid upon the breaking up of the ground :
and if any person was interred out of the bounds of his own
parish, the Church dues were to be paid to the parish he be-
longed to.
215. The two-and- twentieth enjoins the keeping festivals and

fasts with solemnity and devotion. And here the observance
of the Sunday is enjoined from three o'clock on Saturday, in
the afternoon, till Monday at break of day.

The twenty-third determines the vigils and times of fasting.
And here the holyday eves for the blessed Virgin, the eves
of the festivals of the apostles, are made days of abstinence,
excepting that of St. Philip and St. James, which, because it
fell between Easter and Whitsuntide, was no fast. To pro-
ceed with the constitution : every Friday, unless it were a
holyday, is declared a fast ; but from Easter to Whitsuntide,
and from the Nativity of our Saviour to the eighth day after
Epiphany, nobody was to fast, unless the priest obliged him
by way of penance, or he undertook it of his own accord.

By the canons fixing the vigils at none but the apostles' 1
festivals, and those of the blessed Virgin, it seems to follow,
that the Church of England did not keep near so many holy-
days, as are now observed in the Church of Rome ; and that,
excepting the apostles and the blessed Virgin, they took none
into their calendar besides the saints of their own country : for
two of which, St. Edward and St. Dunstan, there is a provision
made in the next article.

cent, xi.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 507

It is likewise decreed, that every Christian should learn the Harold,
Lord's Prayer, and the Apostles 1 Creed : and unless they were England.
perfect in both these, they were neither allowed to stand god- ' '

father, to receive the communion, nor to have the privilege of
Christian burial.

And to give the firmer sanction to these constitutions, the
people are put in mind to be thoroughly affected with the fear
of God ; to remember the day of judgment, and the insupport-
able torments of the damned ; and lastly, to consider, that the
day of their death was uncertain and approaching. dLroi. L *

There are several other articles relating to the payment of P- 539—569.
tithes ; the times of vacation, payment of Peter-pence, against
the violation of the privileges of churches ; against breaking
the king's peace, &c. But these, being mostly repetitions of
old laws, will bear the omission.

Malmesbury takes notice, that the constitutions observed in
his own time, under the name of the laws of Edward the Con-
fessor, were passed by Canutus, and extracted from the old
laws of the Saxon princes, his predecessors.

About this time there was a Welsh svnod convened by •*5?T* S » a

•> Welsh

Joseph, bishop of Llandaff ; where Mouric, king of Glamor- prince,
ganshire, was excommunicated for violating the sanctuary of ^atl'd.
St. Dubritius, wounding one of the bishop's servants, and car-
rying off a nobleman's wife by force out of the Church.
Mouric submitted to penance, and made satisfaction in open

Synod. Spelm. Con

cil. vol.

After the decease of Canutus, who died at Shaftesbury, and p. 570.
was buried at Winchester, the kingdom was somewhat divided
about the succession. The Danish interest at London and iv D ' ,\ 036 '

Harold sue

elsewhere, declared for Harold Harefoot, son of Canutus and ceeds Cmu

t m tits

Elgiva of Northampton. The English disapproved this choice,
and were inclined to set up Edward, son of king Ethelred ; or
if that point could not be carried, they desired Hardicanute,
son of Canutus by queen Emma, might be the person. Ed-
ward's party was quickly found to weak to continue the com-
petition, and at last the two Danish brothers came to the ex-
pedient of a partition. Hardicanute had all the counties which
lay south of the Thames, and Harold the other. HiftTp. 61.

This contest being arranged, Hardicanute set sail for Den-
mark, where spending too much time, and not returning at

excommitiu-

508

ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book hi.

EADSIUS,

Abp. Cant,
v t

a. d. 1037.
Ibid, et
Florent.
Wigorn.

Florent.

Wigorn.

Eadsius

succeeds

Agelnoth in

the see of

Canterbury.

Harpsfield,

Hist.Eccles.

Angl. Sascul.

11. c. 10.

Agelnoth
refuses to
crown
Harold.

216.

Malmcsb.
de Gestis
Reg. Angl.
1. 2. c. 12.

the invitation of the English, his subjects thought themselves
disengaged, and suffered Harold to seize the whole king-
dom.

And now queen Emma, Hardicanute's mother, was banished
and forced to retire into Flanders, where she was honourably
entertained by earl Baldwin.

Agelnoth, archbishop of Canterbury, after he had sat seven-
teen years, departed this life, and was succeeded by Eadsius,
king Harold's chaplain. This Agelnoth, as Harpsfield reports,
refused to crown Harold, and told him the late king Canutus
enjoined him to set the crown upon none but the issue of queen
Emma ; that he gave the king a promise upon this head, and
was resolved to be true to his engagement. Having declared
himself with this freedom, he laid the crown on the altar, with
an imprecation upon those bishops that should venture to per-
form the ceremony. The king, we may imagine, was very
chagrined at this disappointment, and is said to have tried
all the methods of menacing, and large offers, but no purpose ;
and whether he was afterwards crowned by any other prelate,
is altogether uncertain.

In the first year of this prince's reign, Alfred, eldest son to
king Ethelred, being informed of Oanutus's death, set sail from
Normandy with a small force, in hopes the English would
receive him, and landed at Sandwich in Kent. Here earl
Godwin came to him, and professed himself strongly in his
interest ; but when Alfred's men were quartered at Guilford,
Godwin had them all seized, and ordered nine out of every ten
of them to be executed. As for Alfred, he was delivered up
to Harold, had his eyes put out, and was sent to the monastery
of Ely, where he was wretchedly used, and died in a short
time. This story Malmesbury reports from common fame ;
but not meeting with it upon record, refuses to vouch the fact.
However, Matthew of Westminster and others relate it without
diffidence. Malmesbury himself goes thus far, as to affirm,
that Hardicanute dispossessed Livingius, bishop of Crediton,
because he was reported to have been in the plot against Alfred,
and that he designed to bring earl Godwin to his trial ; and that
this nobleman stopped the prosecution by making the king a
very large present. Knighton is positive for earl Godwin's
treachery, and tells us, that he betrayed prince Alfred to make

cent, xt.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 509

way for his ambitious projects ; that he designed to marry his hardi-
daughter to Edward the younger brother : for Alfred, it seems, g. of '
being a prince of a high spirit, had despised the match. , Eng l and. ^

Harold, after four years' reign, departed this life at London, Knighton,
and was buried at Westminster. And now most of the no- bus And.
bility sent commissioners to Hardicanute, who was at Bruges /far$fca««fe
with his mother, to give him an invitation to the crown. It is ^ ceeds

. ,. . . . Harold.

thought Hardicanute was in a condition to have made his

way by force, and that the preparations advanced for an

expedition were the occasion of this civility from the English.

This conjecture looks probable, because upon receiving this

message he set sail with sixty ships, and land forces on board

them. At his arrival he was received with a general welcome, A . d. 1040.

and seated on the throne. He held the government but two Plorent.

years, being suddenly taken off by an apoplexy at Lambeth.

He was invited to a nobleman's daughter's wedding, and expired A - D ' 1042-

at table.

Upon the death of Hardicanute, who had suffered the Danes The Danes
to swagger over the English, these latter were resolved to have expelled by
no more princes of that nation. It seems the insolence of the ihe E "!' llsh -
Danes was intolerable in the latter reign. For instance, if a
Dane had met an Englishman upon a bridge, the latter was
not to stir a foot, till the Dane had passed over ; and unless
the English made a profound reverence, they were certain of
being well caned : the Danes therefore having lost their prince,
the English took the advantage of the juncture and expelled
them the country ; where they never had the fortune to get
footing afterwards. Brompton,

The country being thus cleared, the English nobility sent p . 934.'
into Normandy to Edward, called the Confessor, to invite him J® dw " rdtlie
to the government. Malmesbury observes, that part of the succeeds
English were in another interest. I suppose he means that of nute .
Edward, father of Edgar Atheling ; for this prince was the
next in the right line. But this claim was quickly overruled
by earl Godwin, who being of active person, of great interest,
and a plausible tongue, brought the majority into his own
scheme, and secured the government for Edward, son to king
Ethelred. It is said, that before he made this prince's way to
the throne, he obliged him to articles ; that he should prefer Maimesb.
his sons to the chief place of honour and profit, and marry his R e ( p? tls ,
daughter Egitha. 1. 2. c. 13.

510

ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book hi.

EADS1US,

Abj). Cant.

< _ ( j

Knighton,de

Eventibus

Ang.l.l.c.8.

a. d. 1043.

Ingulpli.
Histor.
p. 62.

Maluiesb.
ibid.

A i lied Ri-
val, do Vit.
et Mirac.
Edvard.
Confess,
p. 378.
Norman
customs
taken up by
the Eiii/lisl).

IngnlpTi.
Hist. p. <>2.

Tilings being thus prepared, Edward was invited over, with
this proviso, that he should bring but a few Normans with
him. At his arrival he was received with great signs of satis-
faction, and crowned at Winchester by archbishop Eadsius.
This prelate, the next year, happening to grow disabled in his
health, committed the administration of the province to one
Siward, abbot of Abingdon. Malmesbury reports, that Ead-
sius instructed king Edward, at his first coming, in the mea-
sures of government, and that this prince was very careful to
pursue his directions : and to make good his articles to earl
Godwin, it was not long before he married his daughter
Egitha.

This lady, as Ingulphus relates, who lived at king Edward's
court, was a very fine person, and made an extraordinary pro-
gress in letters : he adds, that she was of an excellent dispo-
sition, and unexceptionable as to her virtue and conduct ; and
that she had nothing of the treachery and ill nature of the
rest of her family.

King Edward, who seems to have been somewhat overgrown
with monastic fancies, married this lady only to keep his word,
and satisfy the importunity of the people ; for he never coha-
bited with her. Malmesbury, though living near that time,
is somewhat at a loss about this singularity, and does not know
whether it is to be resolved into an aversion to her family, or
that it proceeded from principles of chastity, as he calls it.
But Rivallensis makes a better defence for this prince, and
reports, they lived thus by consent.

King Edward being of an easy temper, gave too much coun-
tenance to the Normans he brought with him, and bestowed
the preferments in Church and State over liberally upon them ;
at least, the English were not pleased with this distribution of
his bounty : for instance, he made one Robert, a monk of Ju-
miege, bishop of London, and afterwards archbishop of Canter-
bury ; and promoted William and Wulf helm, his chaplains, to
the sees of London and Dorchester. Ingulph observes, that
under this prince, the customs of Normandy grew very fashion-
able, and that the nobility looked upon it as a mark of breed-
ing and quality, to speak French. They likewise put their
deeds and instruments of law into the French form, and began
to grow ashamed of the usages of their own country.

Malmesbury informs us, that the English in his time, averred,

cent, xi.] OF GREAT BRIT A TN. 511

that Robert, archbishop of Canterbury, with the rest of the EDWARD
Norman courtiers, misrepresented earl Godwin and his sons to CON £ ES o s f OR '
the king, who, notwithstanding, were very brave men, true England.
patriots, and the great supporters of the kingdom. It is true,
it is no wonder if they were somewhat displeased to see upstarts
and foreigners preferred before them. However, they kept
their resentments within the terms of decency, and never let
fall any rugged expressions, or undutiful complaints against
the king. On the other side, the Normans alleged in their own
defence, that Godwin and his sons treated the king, and those 2 1 7.

he had a regard for, with great arrogance and presumption :
that they set themselves upon the same level with their sove-
reign in the administration, disparaged his understanding, and
broke bold jests upon him : that the Normans could not endure
these liberties and encroachments upon the crown, but did
what they could to check their power, and put a stop to their
misbehaviour. And it was not long before there happened an
accident which seconded the Normans' 1 project, and brought
Godwin and his sons into the king's disfavour ; which, because
it may serve to give a light into some part of the Church history,
I shall briefly lay before the reader. Muluiesb.de

The occasion was this : Eustace, earl of Bologne, and father Angi. 1.2!
of the famous Godfrey, king of Jerusalem, married Goda, king % 13 - tol - 4/i -

J ' o o j I/,- reason

Edward's sister. This earl, having some business with king of the rup-
Edward, took a voyage into England, and landed at Dover, UngEdward
where the court was then kept. Having dispatched his affairs, ^™{/
and returning by the way of Canterbury, one of his harbingers
happened to affront an innkeeper, and wound him, and lost his
own life in the quarrel. Earl Eustace hearing of this, resolved
to revenge his servant, and entering the town with all his reti-
nue, killed the innkeeper with eighteen more which stood by
him. Upon this the burghers immediately drew up in a body,
killed one-and-twenty of Eustace's train, wounded a great many
more, and pressed the earl so hard, that he had much ado to
escape. Being disengaged, he immediately goes to court,
makes a tragical report, and exasperates the king against the
English. Godwin, being earl of Kent, was immediately sent
for, ordered to draw the posse of the county down to Canter-
bury, and correct the insolence of the burghers. But this earl
having only heard the complaint of one side, and willing to be
kind to his countrymen, ventured to disobey the king's order,

512 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book hi.

eadsius, and stop the execution : thinking it more reasonable the cri-

vT p ' v an ', minals should be tried in the king's courts, and heard in their
own defence. Things standing thus, all the nobility were sum-
moned to meet at Gloucester, for a farther inquiry into the
matter. This summons was obeyed, according to form, by the
earls Syward, Leofric, and all the great men. Only Godwin
and his sons, knowing themselves to stand ill at court, refused
to come without the protection of a strong guard. Thus they
marched towards Gloucester, at the head of a considerable
body. Their pretence of raising forces was the suppressing
the incursions of the Welsh, who were troublesome at that
time. In short, the meeting at Gloucester proving ineffectual,
there was another summoned to London ; and now Swane, one
of Godwin's sons, was commanded to depart the kingdom :
Godwin and his other son, Harold, were ordered to appear at
the convention immediately, without any military pomp, and
with no more than twelve men in their train, and to deliver
up the forces they had raised into the king's hands. On the
other side, these noblemen remonstrated against these terms,
and declared they did not think it advisable to appear before so
powerful a faction without hostages and security ; however,
they were willing to resign up their troops to their sovereign,
and to obey him in every thing excepting where life and repu-
tation were concerned. Now, if they came disarmed to the
convention, they had reason to apprehend danger to their per-
sons ; and in case they came attended with a small retinue,
their honour must suffer by the appearance. The king, being
resolved not to capitulate, ordered them, by proclamation, to
depart the kingdom within five days ; upon which, Godwin and

Malmesb. Swane set sail for Flanders, and Harold embarked for Ireland.

foi. 4«! The king's displeasure went through earl Godwin's family,

and reached the queen, who had all her estate taken from her,
and was sent off to the nunnery of Warwell, where the king's
sister was abbess.

About a year after, all the exiles got some shipping together,
made a piratic war upon the coast, and sometimes landed and
plundered the country. The king fitted out sixty men of war
against them, and went sometimes on board himself; but when
the two fleets were in sight, and ready to bear down upon each
other, a mist fell, and prevented the engagement. Not long
after, Earl Godwin and his party returned into England, and

cent, xi.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 513

coming to London, cast themselves at the king's feet, and had EDWARD
their pardon. The old earl, being a man of great character and C0N £ Ef ^, 0R »
elocution, put such strong colours upon the cause, that the king , E "g l and - j
was satisfied with his defence ; and in a short time he revived his
interest to that degree, as to procure a restitution of title and
fortune to himself and family, to bring all the Normans under
disgrace, and oblige them to quit the kingdom. Particularly,
he procured a judgment against Robert, archbishop of Canter-
bury, and his party : by virtue of which, they were declared
disturbers of the kingdom ; that they had alienated the king's
affection from the natives, and provoked him to methods of
rigour. But archbishop Robert withdrew before the matter
came to extremity, and going to Rome, made his appeal to the

pope. Malmesb.

Thus I have laid these things together, to show the revolu-
tions at court ; from whence we may be the better able to
guess the reasons of some alterations which happened in the
Church.

I shall now go somewhat backwards, and proceed by the
order of time.

About the year 1043, one William, an Englishman, who had a. d. 1043.
formerly attended king Canutus into Denmark, where he offici- English '
ated in the king's chapel, and was made his secretary of state ; p%v™ k
— this William, being very remarkable for his parts and piety, excomnmmr
was preferred to the bishopric of Roschild, in Denmark. After Swane.
the death of Canutus, his eldest son, Swane, who had Norway 218.

left him by his father's will, made a conquest of Denmark ;
this prince, being a person of licence, engaged in an incestuous
marriage. Bishop William admonished him to part with his
queen, and excommunicated him upon his refusal. However, Saxo-
not long after, the king's conscience revived, and he submitted c™^™*J;
to the discipline of the Church. At another time, when this '• 4 - c - 33.
king had executed several of his subjects without form of law,
the bishop, being informed of this violence, stood with his
crosier at the church-door, and when the king came, refused
him entrance till he made satisfaction for his sanguinary and
unjust proceedings. The king was surprised with this freedom,
and some of the courtiers drew their swords to revenge the
affront ; upon this, the bishop presented his neck, declaring he
was willing to lose his life to maintain the authority of the
Church, and guard it against profanation. This Christian for-

vol. i. l 1

514 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book hi.

Eadsius, titude brought the king to recollection and remorse ; and thus,

> ^ an 'j like the great Theodosius, he retired, submitted to the penance

Ciantrius™' enjoined, and was afterwards led into the church by the bishop,

for whom he had a great regard ever after.
Leofric and About this time, Leofric, earl of Mercia, and his lady Godiva,

Godiva great „ -. - ,. . - .

benefactors founded a monastery at Coventry, and gave a prodigious deal

tojhemonas- Qf ^^ ^ ^ ^^ ^ the ftbbey church- They likewise

Maimesb. de founded the monasteries of Leone, near Hereford, and that of

Gest.Pontif. .

Angi. l. 4. Wenlock, besides what they expended in reparations, and
endowments of several others. This lady Godiva was a great
benefactress to the town of Coventry ; she persuaded her hus-
band to discharge that place of the burden of a servile tenure,

Dugdale, (as Dugdale supposes) upon condition of her riding naked

vol. l. p. 9. through the town. The lady having the advantage of very
long hair, complied with the terms, and had the privileges

Brompton, agreed for made good to the corporation.

p. 949. The next year, Elfward, bishop of London, departed this

Maimesb. de hfe? an d was succeeded by Robert, the Norman above-men-

Gestis Pon- tioned.

tif. 1. 2.

In the year 1045, Brithwald, bishop of Wilton, or Ramsbury,
departed this life, and was succeeded by Herman, a Fleming,
and chaplain to king Edward. He complained to the king
that the revenues of his see were too scanty for his station, and
therefore desired the abbey of Malmesbury, now vacant by the
death of the abbot, might be annexed to his bishopric. The
king, whose good nature was his governing quality, dissolved
the abbey, and conveyed it to Herman's see. But the monks,
hearing their house was disposed of, made application to earl God-
win, and got the grant reversed. Herman being thrown out,
before he was well settled, left England in discontent, and
turned monk at St. Bertine's. But not relishing the austeri-
ties of a monastic life, he returned into England not long after;
and upon the death of Alwald, bishop of Sherburn, got that
Malmesb.de see annexed to his own diocese, where he continued till

Gest.Pontif. TXT ..„. „. , n

l.2.fol. 142. William the Conqueror, in whose reign the see was removed to

Emma, the o v v

queen mo- Salisbury.

ther,midAl- King; Edward, though a good-natured prince in other re-

ivm, bishop ° '^oo A _

of Winches- spects, was very rigorous to queen Emma, his mother, it
fuiiycimrqed seems this princess had disobliged him by her second marriage
with a scan- ^[^ Caiiutus, who drove him and his father, king Ethelred, out

actions corre- . ....

spondence. of the kingdom. She is likewise said not to have taken any

cent, xi.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 515

care to furnish her son Edward during his banishment in Nor- edward
niandy. The king there standing upon terms of disaffection C0N £ E ^ s f 0R '
towards her, Robert, bishop of London, made use of the oppor- En g land -
tunity. This prelate, as Rudburn reports, had so great an
ascendant over the king, that he governed every thing at plea-
sure ; and having a pique against Alwin, bishop of Winchester,
who refused to submit to all his arbitrary orders, he resolved
upon a revenge. To this purpose, he charges Alwin and
Emma, the queen mother, with a scandalous correspondence.
The king, who was over credulous, made the queen a sudden
visit, and seized her money and estate, pretending she had en-
riched herself by avarice and injustice. Being thus ruggedly
used, she went to the bishop of Winchester, her relation ; but
this gave her enemies occasion to put a stronger colour upon
the calumny. In short, the king was imposed on, and obliged
his mother to purge herself by undergoing the trial of fire
ordeal. And now Robert, lately promoted to the archbishopric
of Canterbury, being a great enemy of the queen's, impeached
her upon three articles, the last of which was a joint charge
upon Alwin of Winchester. First, that she consented to the
death of her son Alfred ; second, that she endeavoured to
hinder Edward's coming to the crown ; and thirdly, that she
maintained an infamous commerce with bishop Alwin. These
complaints being preferred against her, the archbishop, by the
king's direction, convened a synod to inquire into the matter ;
and here the archbishop reporting the resolution of the synod,
enjoined Emma, the queen-mother, to go on her bare feet over
nine plough- shares, heated red hot, in the cathedral at Win-
chester ; and if she received no harm by this trial, she was to
be reputed innocent ; but if otherwise, to undergo a greater
punishment. She spent the night before the ordeal in prayer,
at St. Swithin's tomb, in the church above-mentioned. The site passes
next day, all the preparatory ceremonies being gone through, un % ur i,
she walked over the nine heated plough-shares unhurt, in the
presence of the king and the nobility. She was dressed like an
ordinary person, naked to the knee, and had her eyes constantly
fixed upwards. The fire was so far from making any impres-
sion upon her, that after she had walked out of the church, and 219.
trod upon all the hot iron, she asked when they designed to
bring her to the test ; and understanding the danger was all
over, she returned God thanks for giving so full a testimony to

l 12

516 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book hi.

eadsius, her innocence. Upon this, king Edward, her son, fell upon
y '''^ a " 'j his knees, and asked her pardon, and was willing to make repa-
ration to her majesty and the bishop of Winchester, by sub-
mitting to discipline. The shares, to preserve the memory of
the miracle, were buried in the cloister of Winchester, and
one-and-twenty manors settled upon the bishopric and church
of Winchester ; three of them given by the king, nine by
Rudburn, queen Emma, and nine by the bishop.

Winton. Notwithstanding the story is thus roundly reported by Rud-

parsfi Sa ° r burn? there are insuperable objections against the truth of it.

p. 233—235. First, Florence of Worcester, Malmesbury, Huntingdon,

thepurgation Hoveden, and Westminster, mention not a word of this

improbable, miraculous purgation. Now most of these historians lived

near king Edward's time, and would not have omitted so re-

Rudburn, markable an occurrence. Secondly, Rudburn and Higden

Poiychron. inform us, that immediately after the queen was thus acquitted,

Robert of Canterbury, who was apprehensive of being called

to an account for his impeachment, retired into Normandy,

where he continued till his peace was made with the king,

the queen-mother, and Alwin, bishop of Winchester. But

Malmesbury, who lived long before either of these historians,

relates, that this retirement of Robert was upon another

account, and that it did not happen till after earl Godwin's

restitution ; that then Robert, being afraid of the prosecution

Malmesb.de of this earl, went beyond sea, and appealed to the pope.

AngLl.2^' Now Godwin and his sons were not restored till the year

c 13. 1054, at which time queen Emma had been dead two years,

Huntingd. and Alwin, bishop of Winchester, seven. Thirdly, Higden

l.6.foi?209. anc ^ Rudburn, one of which lived in the fourteenth, and the

Hoveden, other in the fifteenth century ; these historians, I say, call

Annal. pars * . . *

prior. Robert, who impeached Emma and Alwin, archbishop of Can-

Westminst. terbury : but it is evident from the Saxon chronology, from
folnoK Florence of Worcester, Hoveden, the chronicle of Melross,
and Matthew of Westminster, that Eadsius, archbishop of
Canterbury, did not die till the latter end of the year 1050,
which was three years after the death of Alwin, bishop of
Winchester ; who, according to Rudburn and Higden, is
supposed living at the trial ordeal, and to have given nine
manors to the Church of Winchester, in thankfulness for his
deliverance. It is true, Rudburn mentioning Robert's quitting
the kingdom, calls him the archbishop's vicar : but then, first,

cent, xi.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 517

he contradicts himself, for a little before, he had plainly as- edward
serted him archbishop of Canterbury. Secondly, he mistakes CON £ ES o s f OR '
the matter of fact, in his last report ; for, according to the En g l an(1 - J
concurrent testimony of our historians, Syward, abbot of Rudbum,
Abingdon, and not Robert, was archbishop Eadsius's vicar, or Winton. 1
chorepiscopus. ^rsi Sacr '

In the year of our Lord 1047, Alwin, bishop of Winchester, p- 233 > com-
as has been observed, departed this life, and was succeeded by p. 238.
Stigand. This Stigand was promoted to the see of Helmam in dAi^tis'
Norfolk by king Edward, and had a great deal of disturbance f ^m "n'*-'
given him by one Grimkettle, who, by making large presents, Huntingd.
and prepossessing the courtiers, got Stigand ejected: thus ]. 6. foLsibg.
bishop Godwin. But Malmesbury reports the matter with Westraona9
some little difference : he tells us, that Grimkettle, after he lOob.
had procured the deprivation of Stigand, held the two sees of \ n Episcp.
Helmam and Selcey ; that in a short time Stigand recovered, Winton -
and procured the see of Selcey for himself, and that of the
East Angles for Ethelmar his brother : but let this be as it Malmesb.
will, it is certain he succeeded Alwin in the bishopric of Win- p on t. Angi.
chester ; where we shall leave him till the remaining revolu- 2 ~ fo1-
tions of his fortune bring him farther upon the history.

The next year the see of Kirton in Devonshire was removed The hish "i , ' !i

" see removed

to Exeter. Leofric was the first that sat there : he was a, from Kirton
Burgundian, nobly descended, and no less remarkable for his
learning and conduct, than for his quality. Leofric being pre-
ferred to this see, displaced the monks of the monastery of
St. Peter's, and brought prebendaries into their room. It is
said the king took this prelate by the right hand, and the
queen by the left, and leading him up to his throne, placed
him there. Having procured the grant of several manors,
and privileges from the crown, he drew up a body of statutes
for the government of the chapter ; amongst which Malmes-
bury reports, that he superseded the English customs, and
introduced those of Lorrain. For instance : he obliged the
prebendaries to eat all at one table, and to sleep together in
one room. This regulation continued for some time, though
with some allowances for liberty. The prebendaries had like-
wise a steward appointed by the bishop, who was to furnish
the expense of their table, and provide them the conveniency Maimesb.de
of clothes : thus far Malmesbury. But, as bishop Godwin Gest. Pantif.
observes, there is no appearance of any such constitution at foi. 145,

518

ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book hi.

Godwin, in

Episcop.

Exoniensis

King Ed-
ward made
a voiv of
pilgrimage
to Rome.

220.

EADSIUS, present ; for now the residentiary canons have each of them a

Abp. Cant. -, * • j » ii • i j •

> — y— ' large house assigned tor then* accommodation.

As for the monks displaced, they were removed to West-
minster, and it was not long before they had a noble revenue
settled upon their monastery.

For king Edward, who had emerged under great difficulties,
and been preserved from several dangers which threatened the
kingdom, began to recollect himself of a vow which he had
formerly made, of taking a pilgrimage to Rome. To this
purpose he convened the bishops and temporal nobility, " And
put them in mind to what a low condition he had formerly
been reduced : that he was forced to give way to the usurpa-
tion of the Danes, to quit his country, and live an exile in
Normandy : and that, in all human prospect, there was no
return of prosperity to be expected. However, not despairing
of a recovery, he resigned himself to the goodness of Provi-
dence, and vowed a pilgrimage to Rome, in honour of the holy
Apostles, St. Peter and St, Paul : Now God," says he, " of
his mercy has been pleased to hear my prayers, ' to take away
my reproach,' and restore me to the kingdom of my ancestors,
and has also blessed me with wealth, and a reputable adminis-
tration : he has protected me against the attempts of revolt
and invasion, and made all things settle into peace and secu-
rity. God forbid, therefore, we should prove ungrateful to the
bounty of heaven. ' Let us,' as the psalmist speaks, ' promise
to the Lord our God, and keep it.'' And since we are ' delivered
from the hands of our enemies, let us serve him in righteous-
ness and truth.'' I desire therefore you would fix upon a
scheme for the government of the kingdom in my absence, and
acquaint me who you think proper to represent me in the
administration, to command in the garrisons, and to be set at
Aih-ed. Rie- the head of justice. 1 " 1

The nobility were much dissatisfied at the king's resolution,
being apprehensive the Danes might take hold of the opportu-
nity, and make a descent. As for the common people, when
they heard the king designed a voyage, they thought themselves
undone, broke out into all the indications of grief, so that the
He is dis- island seemed to be all in tears. In short, the king was so
having the strongly importuned by all ranks of people, that he conde-
fangdom. sce nded to defer his voyage, and send an embassy to the pope,
to try if he could be excused.

val. de Vit.
et Mirac
Edvard.
Confess.
P . 379.

CENT

. xi.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 519

Pursuant to this resolution, Aldred, bishop of Worcester, EDWARD
and several other persons of figure, both of the clergy and CON £ ES o s f OK '
laity, were pitched upon for the negociation. When they came , E "g l and - 1
to Rome, they found pope Leo IX. presiding in a synod.
Being introduced into the council, they represented the imprac- antmbussv
ticableness of the king's vow, that it could not be performed to Rome.
without great danger to the kingdom, and that the people
were extremely disturbed with the thoughts of so long a
voyage, and therefore desired his holiness, there might be a
method found out to satisfy the king's conscience, without
exposing the country to hazard, and making the subjects
uneasy.

This request being thought reasonable, the pope and synod
agreed to disentangle the king's conscience, and absolve him
from his vow by way of commutation. To this purpose, the
pope, in his letter to the king, acquaints him, that in considera-
tion of the damage his kingdom might suffer by his absence,
he, in conjunction with the holy synod, absolved him from the The pope
sin of not performing his vow, and from all his other negli- [^thlhe
gences and misbehaviour. After this he enjoins him, upon h/l ^ s vow-
his obedience, and as part of the penance he was to undergo,
that all the expense of his voyage to Rome should be distributed
to the poor ; and that he should either found a new, or make
himself a benefactor to an old monastery in honour of St. Peter.
And whatever privileges the king thought fit to grant upon
this occasion, the pope confirms all with the usual imprecations
upon those that should break in upon them.

At the ambassadors' return, there was a synod or convention
at London, where, making the report of their embassy, they
gave great satisfaction. The king complied cheerfully with
the conditions, and over and above discharged the subjects of
the burden of Dane-gelt ; a tax paid to the Danes, by way of
tribute, in his father's reign ; and after the kingdom was clear
of that enemy, the money used to be levied and brought into
the exchequer. a. d. 1049.

As for that part of the commutation, relating to the endowing f^dl vlt"
a monastery, the king pitched on Westminster for the place : p , Mir, ] c -
but of this more afterwards. Confess.

001 *?R^

About this time, pope Leo above mentioned took a journey p '
into France, and held a synod at Rheims. At this council,

520 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book hi.

Robert, Alwin, abbot of Ramsey, and the abbot of St. Augustine's,

Abp.Cant.^ Canterbury, were present by the king's direction.

a. d. 1050. The next year, the pope held a council at Verceilles, where

Ulf, bishop of Dorchester, discovered his insufficiency to that

degree, that he had been deprived of his jurisdiction, had not

Huutingd. his pocket been well furnished, and made his peace.

l. 6. foi. 29. This year Eadsius, archbishop of Canterbury, departed this

fe^ds 1 SUC ' hfe- This prelate, as has been observed, being seized with a

Eaddus. distemper, and incapable of executing his function, made one

Siward, abbot of Abingdon, his chorepiscopus. This Siward,

having the revenue of the archbishopric put into his hands,

proved so sordid and ungrateful to his patron, as not to allow

Maimesb. de him necessaries. At last, it seems, he was touched with re-

M S Jl6 tf ' morse f° r his misbehaviour, fell into a deep melancholy, and

Angi. Sacr. died at Abingdon some few months before the archbishop.

p!?07. From hence it appears, that this Siward was never bishop of

Rochester, as is commonly supposed : for Siward, bishop of

Angi. Sacr. Rochester, was living in the year 1070, and present at Lan-

franc's consecration.

Robert, already mentioned, succeeded Eadsius in the see of
Canterbury. The see of London being vacant by this promo-
tion, Spearfoc, abbot of Abingdon, was elected ; but the king
refusing to consent to the consecration, he was set aside, and
Diceto. Ab- one William, a Norman, preferred by the court,
p. 475. Upon this occasion it may not be improper to relate the

Hwt^bs comprint of Ingulphus. This historian, mentioning the death
Abp. Cant, of Brictmer, abbot of Croyland, takes notice that the pastoral
staff was immediately carried to London by the prior, and two
other monks, and delivered into the king's hands. From the
time of this prince's father, as he continues, the abbots began
to be known at court, where those that were ambitious used
to bribe the favourites to get themselves preferred. For the
freedom of elections had been overruled for many years, and
all bishoprics and abbacies were now disposed of at the pleasure
ture "/the' °f the court ; and possession was given by the delivery of the
nng and r [ n „ ano < cr0 sier. However, that this custom was not very

crosier, no ... .

ancient ancient, besides the hint of this author, appears from Malmes-
Enykind. bury, who tells us, that the clergy and monks used to choose
Ge^rpoi'ff their bishops and abbots under the Saxon government,
l. 3. fol. 157. The English were much disgusted with this promotion of

cent, xi.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 521

foreigners to the highest stations of the church : and therefore, EDWARD
upon the next turn at court, when earl Godwin and his sons ' K . of
were restored to favour, Robert, archbishop of Canterbury, v Eng l and. ^
"William of London, and Ulf of Dorchester, were forced to
quit the kingdom. However, William, being a prelate ofFiorent.
admirable qualities, and of an obliging behaviour, was recalled lgor
to^his see in a short time, and proved a great benefactor to the
city of London : but of this more afterwards.

Somewhat before this time, Elfrick Puttack, archbishop of
York, departed this life : he has been mentioned already, and
therefore I shall only add, that he was buried at Peterborough,
and succeeded by Kinsius, king Edward's chaplain. This
Kinsius ordained one Magsues, bishop of Glasgow, and John
his successor, and received an acknowledgement of his metro-
political jurisdiction from him in writing ; but this instrument,
with a great many other records, was lost soon after the Con-
quest, when York was stormed, and set on fire by the
Normans. Stubs, Act.

Upon Robert's retiring beyond sea, Stigand, bishop ofEborac.
Winchester, who had formerly been the king's chaplain, seized p- 1 ' 00 -
the opportunity, and got himself preferred to the see of Can- A - D - 1054 -
terbury. This Stigand had good natural parts, and was a
person of great courage and activity. It is true, his learning
was not great ; but that may be partly excused upon the
score of the age he lived in. His holding the sees of Win-
chester and Canterbury, while Robert was living, may likewise
admit of some defence, because he was not then secure of con-
tinuing at Canterbury ; but his keeping both these sees, and
several abbacies over and above, after Robert's decease, can be
interpreted to nothing but covetousness. This prelate ven- q *] t m p^«
tured to go on in his metropolitical jurisdiction, without making 1.3. fol. lie.
any application to Rome for the pall. Malmesbury wonders gJ^Lfc
at this omission, considering the ascendant of money at that ^j™j
court. He seems to impute it to his ignorance, as if he was a new pall.
unacquainted with this usual submission to the pope : but this
conjecture is quite without colour. For how is it possible that
Stigand, who had passed through the sees of Helmam and
Winchester, could be ignorant of so notorious a practice, that
he should not know anything of the custom of fortifying his
character with the pall, which several archbishops in his own
time had received from Rome ? It is plain, even from Malmes-

522

ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book hi.

STIGAND,

Abp. Cant.

Malmesb.
ibid.

Matth.
Westm.
A. d. 1056.

Ingulpb.
Hist. p. 64.
Godwin in

Epist.
Dunelm.

A. d. 1057.

bury, that Stigand was not so unpractised in business as this
comes to ; for, about four or five years after, he procured a
pall from the antipope, Bennet. However, in the mean time
he made no difficulty to act without this authority ; and, which
is more, we do not find him in the least disowned by the
English Church.

To proceed. The incursions of the Welsh were very trou-
blesome in this king's reign. In one of their sallies, they took
Hereford by storm, and burnt it: and here Leovegar, the
bishop, lost his life. He was an admirable governor, pro-
tected orphans and widows from oppression, and was remark-
ably charitable.

This year, Egelric, who, by earl Godwin's interest had been
promoted to the see of Durham, resigned his bishopric to his
brother Egelwin, and retired to the monastery of Peterborough,
where he was first entered. This prelate built a church in
Chester-upon-the-Street, in honour of St. Cuthbert, whose
corpse had rested there for about a hundred and thirteen years.
In dis-o-ins: the foundation, the workmen found a vast mass of
treasure. The bishop, being thus unexpectedly enriched,
resigned, and went off to Peterborough. He was a great
benefactor to the neighbourhood ; for he made a fine causeway
across a vast forest and a deep morass from Deeping to
Spalding, in Lincolnshire, which from him is called Elriche
road.

About this time, Malcolm III. of Scotland, being reinforced
with ten thousand English by king Edward, routed the usurper
Macbeth, and killed him in the pursuit. Upon this victory,
Malcolm was declared king, and crowned at Scone, April 25th,
1057. Soon after his coronation, he convened the estates at
Forfar, where he made several good regulations, and repealed
that libertine constitution of Eugenius III. ; by virtue of
which, the bride for the first night was consigned over to the
lord of the manor ; but by Malcolm's law, the husband had
the liberty of buying off this scandalous custom by the pay-
ment of half a mark in silver. Before this convention, the
bishops exercised their functions and authority at large, and
were in their diocese wherever they travelled. But now their
administration was thrown into precincts, and they had limits
assigned them for their jurisdiction. Fife, Lothian, Merse,
Stirlingshire, Angus, and Mernes, were made the diocese of

cent, xi.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 523

the bishop of St. Andrews. The government of the west parts edward
and borders were annexed to the see of Glasgow : the bishop CON ^ E& o s f OR '
of Galloway had the country which still goes by that name ; En g laud -
and Murthlack, all that which belongs now to the diocese of 222.
Aberdeen. Besides these, Murray and Caithness were likewise
erected into two bishoprics, the king endowing them with an
honourable revenue. Spotswood's

King Edward growing old, and having no issue, sent to the the cHurch
king of Hungary to give his brother's son, and all his family, of Scotland,
leave to come into England. Aldred, bishop of Worcester, Kim/ ej-

vi ,1 j ■ ,i i i • i • ward sends

was likewise sent ambassador to the emperor, to desire his /or Edward,
imperial majesty to use his interest with the court of Hungary, ^Jg jE>»-
that the princes above-mentioned might have the liberty to ^ d ^ and his
retire. King Edward sent for them to secure their hereditary
right to the crown.

The king of Hungary dismissed these princes at the Con- A - d. 1058.
fessor's request ; but Edward the father died soon after his
coming to London, leaving issue Edgar Atheling, who, after
Harold fell in the field, was owned as king by a part of the
English ; but being a prince of a soft unenterprising temper,
he presently sunk in the competition with William, duke of
Normandy, to whom at last he submitted, and resigned his
claim. And when Malmesbury wrote, he lived obscurely in Mat. Pans.
the country: besides Edgar Atheling, Edward, son of Ed- p . e.^
mund Ironside, had two daughters, Christiana, abbess of
Ramsnay, and Margaret, married to Malcolm III., king of

Scotland. Malmesb. de

But by the way, as far as it appears, Edward, son of 1.2. foi.^2.
Edmund Ironside, and after his death, Edgar Atheling, had ^f^
a prior title to Edward the Confessor : for Edmund Ironside "gM heir to

. tllC C7*01V7l*

was son to king Ethelred by the first venter, and Edward
the Confessor by the second. To reconcile, therefore, Edward
the Confessor's taking the crown before the eldest branch to
the rest of his character, we must either suppose this prince
wanted penetration to look into the defect of his title : for by
the way, it is agreed on all hands, that his honesty was much
better than his understanding : we must either suppose this,
I say, or else that Edward, son to Edmund Ironside, and his
children were contented to acquiesce for the present, and
resign their right during the life of the Confessor. That this
was the case, seems probable by their coming over at the

524 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book hi.

stigand, Confessor's invitation, and living upon terms of friendship in

i — j^^J^ the kingdom with him. And if, as archbishop Spotswood

thfchurch affirms > tne Confessor proffered to resign the crown to Edgar

of Scotland, Atheling, his defence is still clearer. But then Malmesbury

has represented the matter to disadvantage ; for this historian

informs us, that after the death of Edward, son of Edmund

Ironside, the Confessor settled the succession upon William,

duke of Normandy. Thus we see, when princes are easy,

unpenetrating, and resign themselves up to the conduct of

their ministers, they are sometimes carried into unjustifiable

measures.

King Edward, as has been observed, pitched upon West-
minster, for the place of the religious house he designed to
endow. The reason was this : there was a common tradition,
fortified by some records, that when Mellitus, who came over
from Rome with Augustine the archbishop ; when this Mel-
sl Peter's Ktus, I say, was bishop of London, Sebert, king of the East
WedZin™ 9 Saxons, founded a monastery on the west side of the city, and
ster Abbey designed to dedicate it in honour of St. Peter. The night
ddered. before the consecration, when all things were prepared for the
solemnity, St. Peter is said to have appeared to a fisherman on
the Thames, and ordered him to tell the bishop, that he need
not consecrate the church ; for that this apostle intended to
perform this ceremony that night himself. When Mellitus came
the next morning with a great deal of company to perform this
office, the fisherman told him that the ceremony was over,
that he was an eye-witness of the solemnity ; that after St.
Peter had discoursed with him, he saw him go into the church,
upon which it was all over illuminated ; that he had been
entertained from thence with heavenly music, and the most
fragrant perfumes ; that at his order, he made a throw in the
river, and brought up a net full of fish, with one of which he
Ailr ^ d ^- was commanded to present the bishop.

et Mirac. Mellitus, much surprised at this relation, opened the Church

Confess. doors, and saw the marks of a solemn consecration. It seems
p o a n 1 ™ f esb - de there were wax candles, crosses, holy water, and some oil sprin-
foi. 133. kled in several places. And thus, finding the fisherman's report
vouched by matter of fact, he found the business was over, and
declined proceeding any farther.

Now, though it cannot be denied, that the saints in glory
may entertain a commerce with this world, and appear upon

cent, xi.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 525

extraordinary occasions ; yet this story has a legendary air, ED ward
and is much to be suspected : one thing which shakes the CON £ ES o b f OR '
credit of this relation, is the silence of Bede. It is somewhat , E "g l and - 1
strange this historian, who mentions a miracle wrought by
Mellitus, how he stopped a fire at Canterbury by the prevalence Bede, Hist.
of his prayers ; it is somewhat strange, I say, he should omit c . 7.
so remarkable a visit made by St. Peter, and how he prevented
Mellitus in the consecration of a new church. It is granted,
this story is mentioned by Malmesbury, but then it is qualified
with an " ut fertur," or, as " they say ;" which is a sign, he
did not rely much upon the certainty of the tradition ; which
probably is the reason Matthew of Westminster leaves it
quite out, though he is not over sparing in giving us miracles
upon other occasions. To this we may add, that pope Nicho-
las, in his bull to king Edward, does not think it prudential to
vouch for this consecration by St. Peter, but touches upon the
relation, with the caution of Malmesbury's " ut fertur." But Ailred Rie-
besides this defect in authorities, it seems to have a suspicious v ' ' p "
complexion upon other accounts. To mention only one. 223.

Methinks, if St. Peter had condescended to a visit at West-
minster, and done part of Mellitus's office, he would have given
better evidence of his employment, and not have rested the
proof of the point upon the testimony of a poor fisherman.
For, as for the marks of consecration, the tapers, &c, if there
were any such thing, they might be conveyed thither out of a
pious fraud, by some people, who had less sense than super-
stition.

I have been the longer upon this matter, because it is men-
tioned in the Confessor's charter, and Harpsfield, an author of
parts and learning, seems confident of the truth of the story,
and charges his margin with a great many authorities to make

it good. Harpsfield,

King Edward having resolved upon Westminster for his Angiundec!
foundation, pulled down the remains of the old monastery, and &e°- c » l6 -
rebuilt it. The abbey church was particularly magnificent, ward's se-
and much exceeded the buildings of that age. And having Z'fiomeT^
granted a charter of lands and privileges, he sent to Rome for
the pope's confirmation. The ambassadors for this purpose a. d. 1060.
were Aldred, archbishop of York, Tosti, earl of North-
umberland, with two other bishops elect, Griso of Wells
and Walter of Hereford. Nicholas II. was then pope, and

526 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book hi.

stigand, held a synod in the Lateran palace. His holiness was parti-
* — ^ an '> cularly obliging to earl Tosti, took him into the synod, and
seated him by his side : Giso and Walter were likewise well
treated, and received their consecration : but archbishop
Aldred being taxed with simony, and not making a satisfac-
tory defence, was stripped of his jurisdiction and character :
but of this more by and by. To return, therefore, to the busi-
ness of the voyage. The ambassadors, at their first audience,
presented the king's letter, which begins thus : " Suramo
universalis ecclesiee patri Nicholao, Edvardus, gratia Dei An-
glorum rex debitam subjectionem et obedientiam," &c. And
towards the latter end of this letter, he desires the pope to
confirm the privileges of the monastery of Westminster. I
Sir Edward mention this, to show the mistake of sir Edward Coke, in the
stance/or the fifth part of his reports, who endeavouring to prove the king's
macuinmn- su P remac y m things purely spiritual — for that he carries the
elusive. supremacy to this extent, is sufficiently evident — endeavouring
to prove this, I say, he fetches an instance from the reign of
Speim. Con- Edward the Confessor : I shall cite the words in sir Edward's

cil. vol. 1. , -i , •

p. 622. translation : —

LambertAr- u -pj ie k m p- w ho is the vicar of the highest King, is ordained

chaionom. »' o O'

c 17. p. 142. to this end, that he should govern and rule the people of the

land, and above all things the holy Church, and that he

defend the same from wrong-doers, and root out workers of

Coke Re- mischief." From hence this learned lawyer would infer, that

fo°K io. ai ' the king is the supreme ordinary, and has a direct authority,

with respect to the functions and commissions of the clergy.

But that this prince did not pretend to any supremacy in

spirituals, appears clearly from the tenor of this letter ; it

appears, I say, from his profession of obedience to the pope,

and desiring the privileges granted by himself to Westminster

abbey, might be confirmed by his holiness. Therefore, his

governing the holy Church in the law above cited, must be

interpreted in the sense of Queen Elizabeth's injunctions ; that

is to say, that he was king of the clergy, as well as the laity,

and was to govern them in all things relating to the civil

society.

las grants This appears farther by the bull of pope Nicholas in answer

ta-emptLT to tne king's letter : where, amongst other things, his holiness

from episco- allows and confirms the king's design of making Westminster

pal tnsita- ° , , - ■ ° ?

tio». abbey a place for the solemnity of the coronation of princes,

cent, xi.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 527

a repository of the regalia, and a perpetual mansion for the edward
monks of St. Bennet's order, who are to be subject to none CON £ El, o & f OR '
but royal jurisdiction. The pope goes on with his favours, , E "g ]and - j
and discharges the abbey from all jurisdiction, superiority, or
claim of service to be made by the ordinary ; and that no
bishop shall have the liberty of entering the place to order or
command anything, unless by the consent, and at the request
of the abbots and monks ; and that the place should have a
sufficient compass or proportion of ground for a burying-place,
free from all duties and payments, to be demanded by the dio-
cesan upon any account whatsoever. The pope proceeds far-
ther, and stretches his authority to matters of property, upon
the score of its being annexed to a religious house : and here
he undertakes to confirm all the estates or charters given by
the king or any of his predecessors to the monastery afore-
said : and, lastly, his holiness grants the king the patronage
and guardianship of the abbey. This bull was received with
great satisfaction at the king's court, without any exception
to the contents. From all which, it appears evidently, that
the kings of England, at this time of day, did not act inde-
pendently in ecclesiastical affairs, nor pretend to grant ex-
emptions from episcopal jurisdiction. Ailrcd, Rie-

The ambassadors that brought this bull met with a misad- The pope
venture in their return : for before they travelled out of Italy, ^^j,
they were set upon by thieves, and robbed of all their money bi f^? p ,
and equipage. This misfortune proved lucky for archbishop
Aldred, and recovered him his dignity and station : for earl
Tosti going back to Rome to furnish himself for his journey,
ruffled the pope, and talked so resolutely, that he brought him
to a milder determination with respect to the archbishop. He
told him that his holiness's excommunication would be little
regarded at a remote distance, since a few highwaymen seemed
to despise his character almost at his palace-gates : but he
perceived his holiness's method was to appear rugged and for-
midable to those who approached him with submission : but 224.
as to the punishing of thieves and banditti, he did not find his
authority so very significant. He expostulated still farther,
and gave the pope to understand, that unless he had his effects
restored to him, for the loss of which he might thank his
holiness, he was resolved to represent the case to the king his
master, and procure the stoppage of the Peter-pence.

528 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book hi.

stigand, The court of Rome, being; frightened with these menaces,

Abp. Cant. ' „ r> a l i l •

1 ■, ' persuaded the pope to comply so far as to confirm Aldred in

his archbishopric, and grant him the pall : they suggested
to his holiness, that it would be a scandalous and inhuman sort
of treatment to send home a churchman of Aldred's figure
in such a condition of disadvantage ; and suffer him to lose
both his money and character. The pope consented to the
motion, and took off the rigour of the former sentence, only
with this proviso, that Aldred should quit his pluralities, and
resign his bishopric of Worcester. Aldred consenting to this
agreement, Wulfstan was ordained bishop of Worcester by
the pope's legates, who travelled with the king's ambassadors

Malmesb. de J n to England for this purpose. For Stigand, as Malmesbury

l. 3. toi. 154! reports, was little better than a pretended archbishop of Can-
terbury, neither would any good man receive consecration
from him, because he did not enter by the door into the
sheepfold : and notwithstanding he was frequently summoned
to Rome, he either threw in delays, or stopped the prosecution

Malmesb. w jth presents ; and thus nothing was done against him till
the reign of William the Conqueror. But though Malmes-
bury seems to object against Stigand's authority, it is plain he
was owned in his metropolitical character by the English
Church : for this purpose, one instance may suffice. When
Edward the Confessor granted his third and last charter to
the abbey of Westminster, he summoned a convention of the
bishops and temporal nobility to London : at the passing of
this charter, it was subscribed by twelve bishops, several
abbots, and other great men. And here Stigand signs arch-

arckbishopof bishop of Canterbury next to the queen, and before Aldred,

SSt Hy ' archbishop of York, who had lately received his pall from pope

standing the Nicholas II.

C671SUV(j fid

lay under Wulfstan, lately promoted to the see of Worcester, being
SpeTm.Con- a person of an extraordinary character, it will be expected I

635 1 ' L snou l<l relate his history somewhat more at large.

Wulfstan To begin with him, Wulfstan was born in Warwickshire :

ofWor- ° P his father's name was Eatstan, and his mother's Wulgeouc.

Samewkat of They were both of them very remarkable for their piety and

his life and devotion, and according to the opinion of that age, looking

upon the life of a recluse more serviceable to their future

state, they parted from each other by consent, and retired to

a monastery. Wulfstan, who was educated in the abbey of

cent, xi.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 529

Burgh, had a strong inclination to follow the precedent of his edward

. -jjr , CONFESSOR,

parents, took the habit at W orcester, and was ordained k. of

deacon and priest by Briteage, bishop of that see. And here, , ng an ',

Wulfstan set vigorously forward in an exemplary practice, ^l° r ^' ad
was very remarkable for his fasting and devotion, and all the an. 1062.
parts of a rigorous and self-denying discipline. Upon the
death of Agelwin, he was made prior of the convent by bishop
Aldred. In this preferment he did not relax in the least
towards indulgence ; but held up to his former austerities ;
and in all respects managed to great commendation.

When Aldred was translated from Worcester to York, the
king let the regale, lately set up, sleep upon this occasion,
and left the election free. The clergy being thus at their
liberty, pitched unanimously on Wulfstan for their bishop.
Pope Alexander II.'s legates, who were sent to England to treat
about some affairs with the king, were now at Worcester, and
very forward in Wulfstan's promotion : this holy man was so
humble and diffident of himself, that he could by no means be
persuaded to accept the choice. He told them with great
seriousness and solemnity, that he could never venture upon
so eminent a station, and had rather have his head cut off
than that a mitre should be put upon it. At last, he was per-
suaded to yield by one Wulfius, a hermit, who reproved him
sharply for his obstinacy and incompliance. The authority of A . D . 1062.
this holy man, together with some supernatural warning,
frighted Wulfstan, and made him yield. He was conse-
crated by Aldred, archbishop of York, because Stigand, arch-
bishop of Canterbury, was suspended by pope Alexander, for
intruding into the see of Canterbury, when Robert, his pre-
decessor, was living. But notwithstanding this suspension,
related by Florence of Worcester, bishop Wulfstan was
obliged to make his profession of canonical obedience to arch- He makes a
bishop Stigand, and not to archbishop Aldred, by whom he mfonkai
was ordained. And, besides, archbishop Aldred, at Stigand's ^mSp"
instance and demand, declared publicly before the king, and Stigand.
the great men of the realm, that he would never make any
claim upon Wulfstan, or demand any submissions or duties
from him, either civil or religious, upon the score of his being
consecrated by him, or because he had been a monk in Aldred's
diocese before his consecration. From all which we may con-
clude, that the English Church did not lay any mighty stress

vol. i. m m

530 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book hi.

stigand, upon the pope's suspension ; and that they were by no means
Ab P . Cant.^ ^ pi n i n the privileges of their primate lay purely at the
pope's mercy, and might be all laid asleep by a censure from
Church* Rome. This must be allowed even by Cressy, who grants the
History, last charter of king Edward was dated on Innocent's day,
Speim. Con- 1066, which charter, though dated four years after Stigand's
p'o^i; 1 ' L suspension, was subscribed by him : and though Cressy pre-
Cressy, tends Wulfstan made his submission to the see of Canterbury
225. at his consecration, as much as to say he did not do it to

Stigand, upon the score of that prelate's being disabled ; but
this is to misreport the matter : for Florence of Worcester,
Dunelmensis, and Brompton, tell us expressly, that Wulfstan
made his profession of obedience to the person of the arch-
bishop. From whence it follows plainly, that he continued in
the exercise of his jurisdiction, notwithstanding his suspension
Fiorent. by the pope.

Anf 1062. About the year of our Lord 1063, Egelsin, abbot of St.
Ce S I t el Reo de Augustine's, Canterbury, was sent upon an embassy to Rome ;
p. 191. an( j though Thorn can give no account of the business he was

Brompton ° , . . .

Chronic. sent upon, yet he takes notice that he was very honourably
received by Alexander II. ; that this pope granted Egelsin and
his successors the distinction of a mitre and sandals. Thus
far they had the privilege of wearing the episcopal habit. The
favour was granted in honour of St. Augustine of Canterbury,
the English apostle, as the pope calls him. Egelsin made use
of this privilege for some time ; but after he quitted the king-
dom, for fear of harsh treatment from the Conqueror, his suc-
cessors sunk their dignity for some time, either for want of
management, or because they were overawed by the archbishops.
This diminution continued till the time of abbot Roger; of

Thorn. whom more afterwards.

l758. niC To proceed : By virtue of the king's charter, confirmed by

The great
privileges t

the charter tenure, privilege, and jurisdiction imaginable. These Benedic-

e great ^he pope, the abbey of Westminster had all the advantage of

privileges of - 1 A ... .

of Westmli- tine monks, for that was their order, had the power of trying
ster - causes within themselves ; were exempt from episcopal autho-

rity ; had their house made a sanctuary, and no jurisdiction,
neither ecclesiastical nor civil, was allowed to break in upon
them. And to make the charter impregnable and proof against
the invasions of sacrilege, the usual imprecations are added in
the close ; and those who should be so hardy as to defeat the

cent, xi.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 531

settlement, and overthrow the design of the grant, are con- EDWARD
signed to have their portion with the traitor Judas, unless a N ™ of**
they repent in time, and make satisfaction for their encroach- v E "g l and - 1

mellt - ConciT'

This charter was signed by the king, the queen, the two voi.i. P .634,
archbishops, ten bishops, six great abbots, several earls, toge- '
ther with the principal officers of state and justice. fw <r id '

The grant being passed, and the church magnificently built, tion of the
the king proceeded to the dedication. And here, like Constan- c kurch.
tine the Great, he had the bishops and nobility to grace the J h *°* |[ ist -
solemnity ; and thus the ceremony was performed on Innocents'' Sozom. l. 2.
day with all the splendour of appearance and religious pomp
imaginable. Christmas was probably pitched upon for the
time, because it was customary for the great men to appear at
court at that festival. This was the last public act of that ^ed. ^
good prince, who immediately fell sick, and died five days after. Vit.etMirac.
The people were extremely afflicted at the loss of their king, Confess'.
and seemed to lament as if they had some presages of the P- p 9 ®' 066
approaching calamity, and that the happiness of the kingdom KvngEd-
expired with him. Rievai. ibid.

To add something farther of him by way of character. He \ farther
was a prince, savs Malmesbury, not much furnished with king- account of

1 ' •> J l • • • in .his reign and

craft, and governing talents ; but his integrity and devotion character.
were such, that he seems to have been the particular care of GesS^Reg. 6
Providence, and was signally blest in his reign. He was never L 2 - fo1 - 44 -
attacked by any foreign invasion ; and as for those disturbances
that happened at home, they were quickly suppressed. God,
as this historian goes on, guarded his person and government,
and made him esteemed by his subjects, and dreaded by princes
abroad. And though he may seem to be inactive, and wanting
in personal capacity, he had several earls who made a great
figure in the State, and kept up the credit of the government.
For instance : Siward, earl of Northumberland, commanded
his forces against Macbeth, of Scotland, defeated and killed
this usurper, and set up Malcolm III. Leofric, earl of Mercia,
was likewise a brave man, and very loyal. He screened the
crown from the insults of earl Godwin ; who, being haughty
upon the score of his services, treated the king with too much
neglect. Harold, Godwin's son, who had the government of
the West Saxons, was another very serviceable subject ;
checked the incursions of the Welsh, and brought their country

M m 2

532 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book nr.

STIGAND, to submission and homage. It is true, the hard usage of his
vl-L, dnt 3 mother, and seizing her estate, looks like a blemish upon his
Mdmesb. re jg n . k ut j t j g p ro |j a |3i e h e m ight be betrayed into this rigour

by the advice of his ministers.

To proceed : He was a compassionate prince, and very
tender in taxing his subjects. He had nothing of luxury or
excess in his palate, but was remarkably temperate at table ;
and though he did not decline appearing like a prince in his
habit, especially upon collar days, yet he was always supe-
rior to ceremony, and far from being proud of the pomp and
grandeur of his station. From the prosperity of his reign, the
prophetic spirit with which he is said to be endowed, and the
miracles he wrought, we may make this remark, that God pre-
fers the heart to the head, piety to parts and capacity, and is
much better pleased with the right use of the will, than the
advantage of the understanding.

That this prince cured the king's evil, is beyond dispute ;
and since the credit of this miracle is unquestionable, I see no
Maimesb. Je reason w hy we should scruple believing the rest. The first
l. 2. foi. 51. person cured by the king was a young woman ; the manner
vai.p. 390. was by stroking the affected place with his hand. Upon this
226. operation, the patient grew sensibly better, and the cure was

evil first* perfected in a week's time. The king's evil is a schirrous
cured by tumour, which commonly settles in the neck and face, and
sometimes in other glandulous parts of the body. The cause
of this distemper is supposed to be a vicious humour impreg-
nated with acid particles ; which by discharging itself by large
quantities into the pores and ductuses of the small glands,
coagulates, and grows hard by degrees, and so produces
this sort of tumour, or imposthumation. If this lympha,
or humour, happens to grow more sharp and corroding,
it will rise to the malignity of a cancer ; and then, if it
falls upon the bones it makes them turn black, and
mortified.

King Edward the Confessor was the first that cured this
distemper, and from him it has descended as an hereditary
miracle upon all his successors. To dispute the matter of fact,
is to go to the excesses of scepticism, to deny our senses, and
be incredulous even to ridiculousness. And here it may not
be improper to relate a story of a Roman Catholic in queen
Elizabeth's time. This person, who was very firm in his com-

cent, xi.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 533

munion, happened to be thrown into prison, probably upon the edward
score of his recusancy. Being thrown into prison, I say, he CON £ ES o s f OR >
grew terribly afflicted there with the king's evil ; and having v Eng l and. ^
applied himself to physicians, and gone through a long fatigue
of pain and expense, without the least success, at last he was
touched by the queen, and perfectly cured. And being asked
how the matter stood with him, his answer was, " he was now
satisfied, by experimental proof, that the pope's excommunica-
tion of her majesty signified nothing, since she still continued
blest with so miraculous a quality.'" G. Tucker

To attribute this supernatural privilege entailed upon the te.c.6. p. 92.
English crown to the strength of imagination, has little better
colour than the other objection, which denies the fact ; for
infants, who have no apprehension of the case, who are under
no prepossessions of expectation, nor grown up to any force of
fancy, are as frequently cured as others.

That infants are cured as well as others, beside common
experience, may be proved from Dr. Heylin, who was an eye-
witness. "I have seen, 1 ' says he, "some children brought
before the king by the hanging-sleeves, some hanging at their
mothers 1 breasts, and others in the arms of the nurses, all
touched and cured without the help of a serviceable imagina-
tion. 11 Heylin on

And because Mr. Fuller mentions some objections (I do not ci". Hist.
say they are his own) against the ceremonies and service used p- 47-
at the healing, I shall set down the whole form, as it stands in
Dr. Heylins Animadversions.

" The first gospel is exactly the same with that on Ascension
day. At the touching of every infirm person, these words are
repeated, ' They shall lay their hands on the sick, and they
shall recover. 1

" The second gospel begins the first of St. John, and ends
at these words, ' Full of grace and truth. 1 At the putting the
angel (or gold) about their necks, are repeated, ' That light
was the true light, which lights every man that comes into the
world. 1

" Lord, have mercy upon us.
" Christ, have mercy upon us.
" Lord, have mercy upon us.

534 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book hi.

STiGrAND, " Q ur Father which art in heaven : hallowed be thy

Abp. Cant. J

v v ' name, &c.

Minist. " Lord, save thy servants,
Answ. " Which put their trust in thee.
Minist. " Send unto them help from above,
Answ. "And evermore mightily defend them.
Minist. " Help us, O God, our Saviour,
Answ. " And for the glory of thy name's sake deliver us ;
be merciful unto us sinners, for thy name's sake.
Minist. " O Lord, hear our prayer,
Answ. " And let our cry come unto thee.

" THE COLLECT.

" Almighty God, the eternal health of all such as put their
trust in thee, hear us, we beseech thee, on the behalf of these
thy servants, for whom we call for thy merciful help ; that they
receiving health, may give thanks unto thee in thy holy Church,
through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen.

" The peace of God," &c.

And thus I have given the reader the whole form. As to
the sign of the cross, made by the royal hands on the place
Fuller's Ch. infected, as Fuller speaks, it is a mistake ; for there is no such
Hist. 145. cer emony used at the healing, the king only gently drawing
both his hands over the sore at the reading of the first gospel.
Besides, if the sign of the cross had been used, it might have
been abundantly justified by primitive practice. But enough
of this.

Thus, we see, the kings of England are miraculously distin-
guished, not only from their subjects, but from all the princes
of Christendom, excepting those of France, who have a share
with them in this extraordinary privilege. Thus Laurentius
reports, that when Francis I. was prisoner in Spain, he cured
abundance of people of this disease ; which gave occasion to
the following epigram :

Hispanos inter sanat rex Choeradas, estque

Captious, superis c/ratus ut ante fuit.

cent, xi.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 535

That is, this sanative virtue was annexed to his person, and ed ward
did not determine with the loss of his liberty. Thus far C0 ™ s f 0R '
Laurentius is right. But then, when in compliment to , Eng l and. ^
Henry IV., to whom he was physician in ordinary ; when, in 227.

compliment, I say, to this prince, he appropriates the miracle 7/ '.^ / ^7/ ,
to the crown of France, he contradicts matter of fact, and kings of
forfeits the character of impartiality. However, to be even almost two
with him, Dr. Tucker, in his treatise upon this subject, makes \"!'? t "llf ore
the kings of France cure this disease only in virtue of their the Mags of

. .... France.

alliance to the English blood, or some derivative privilege con- Laurent, do
veyed from that crown. But though both these authors run strumarum
into extremes, and strain too far for their respective patrons, curatione-,
yet it is certain the antiquity of the miracle lies on the English in Charis-
side ; for, according to the French historians, Louis the Godly, p ia 8 4 c '
or at most Philip I., were the first French princes that pre- p ? r i 3ro P a -

*■ I x . x ginem.

tended to cure the king's evil. Now the ancientest of these Dn Chesne
lived near two hundred years after the death of our Edward „nCanon?zat.
the Confessor 1 . S. Ludovic.

' It is amusing enough to observe the pertinacity of Collier's faith — or, shall we call
it credulity? — in the miraculous power of kings. Something of this confidence, whether
true or false, very naturally followed from the view the Nonjurors entertained of the
divine character and prerogatives of national monarchs. It appeared to them probable,
a prion, that thaumaturgy and miraculous gifts had not entirely ceased in the Church ;
and they were doubtless predisposed to magnify every thing that seemed to countenance
that probability. No wonder, therefore, that certain cases of the sudden removal of
scrofula (the king's evil), after the monarch's interference, were imputed to the special
interposition of Providence. It is not for us to deny that this might have been the fact ;
and that such conspicuous instances of faith, on the side of the prince and the subject,
might have elicited some supernatural blessing from heaven. We do not approve of the
tendency of our times to reject all evidence in favour of such miraculous cures : we do
not like the extravagant pyrrhonism which laughs at all that demands a devout, a
learned, and a patient investigation. If, however, the cases instanced by Collier were
correct, — if our kings could thus perform miracles of therapeutics because they believed
they could, — if, by a prayer and a manipulation, they removed that dreadful disease of
scrofula, so fatal in this country, — it would still remain a question, whether the cure was
most owing to the supernatural or the natural power of faith. This, perhaps, is a dis-
tinction without a difference : we only make it for the sake of the sceptical. Many a
savant, who will not admit that faith works wonders supernaturally, will allow that it
works wonders naturally. Such philosophers merely term it a prerogative instance of
the poiver of mind over matter: that is their phrase. They will tell you, that if you can
but firmly and powerfully believe and will any given change in the physical system, that
your belief and will can produce that change. Thus, according to them, the state of
mind predominant in the mother will affect the child that quickens within her : thus,
according to them, the manly spirit which resolutely battles with a disease, invincible by
the skill of physicians, will throw it off. To this metaphysical force of mental volition
they impute all anomalous cases of this kind that are apt to puzzle us : such, for instance,
as the departure of warts, after having been crossed by a charmer. We believe, at the
risk of being termed superstitious, that there is something more in these phenomena than
is dreamed of by our philosophy. There is a mysterious point of co-operation between

536 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book hi.

STIGAND, This prince, about two hundred years after his death, was

> p ' , an 'j canonized by pope Alexander III. There was likewise a bull

Edward °f P°P e Innocent IV. to fix the anniversary and order the
canonized, solemnity of the festival.

Roman. ' I shall now proceed to some of king Edward's laws, made

Janu'ar 5 for the benefit and protection of the Church : though, to speak

properly, as sir Henry Spelman observes, they were rather

provisions extracted from the laws of his predecessors, than

Speim. Con- an y constitutions of his own.

cil. vol. 1. J

p. 625.

His laws. To begin with them. First, all clergymen and scholars
were to enjoy the privileges of their order and character ; to be
under the protection of the Church, and be unmolested in their
functions and estates : to be unmolested, I say, as far as the
privileges of the Church extended.

Secondly, from Advent to the octaves of Epiphany, all law
suits and prosecutions were to cease, and the whole kingdom
Pax Dei at- was, as it were, a large sanctuary. The same privilege com-
ber ZnL ** menced from Septuagesima to the octaves of Easter, and from
regnum. Ascension-day to the octaves of Whitsuntide ; all the three
days in Ember weeks ; all Saturdays, from three o'clock in
the afternoon till Monday morning; upon the vigils of the
blessed Virgin, St. Michael, St. John Baptist, all the apostles
and other saints, whose holy days are given notice of by the
priest on Sundays : upon all these vigils, I say, from three
o'clock in the afternoon till the subsequent holy day was over,
all people had the liberty of their motion, and were privileged
from disturbance and arrests. The anniversary of the conse-
cration of churches, and the holy day of the saint that related
more particularly to the parish, were likewise under this pro-
tection ; and if any person travelled, out of devotion, to pay a
religious regard to any saint, he was not to be disturbed, either
going, during his stay, or in his return. All Christians, like-
wise, that went to Church to say their prayers, were to be
unmolested, both going and coming. Thus, if any person went

the systems of grace and nature, to which Malehranche, Arnauld, Pascal, and Leihnitz
approximated, without attaining it. That point lies hetween the theory of Collier and
his antagonists, and reconciles what is true in both, without contracting the errors of
either. (Those who wish to examine the question, as to how far miraculous powers
have continued in the Church, may consult Fitzherbert, Stillingfleet, Lavington, More,
Butler, Boys, Jung-Stilling, Young, Middleton, and his antagonists.)

cent, xi.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 537

to assist at the consecration of a church, if he had occasion to edward
travel to a synod, or appear at the bishop's consistory, nobody ' K.rf
was to meddle with him. And, lastly, in case a man under v En g l and - J
excommunication repaired to the bishop for absolution, his
person was not to be seized in any part of his journey ; and, if
any one broke in upon his protection and gave any disturbance,
he was to answer for the injury or misdemeanour in the
bishop's court ; and, in case he refused to make reparation, and
submit to the bishop's sentence, the contumacy was to be cer-
tified to the king, who was to force the injurious person to fine
and make satisfaction, first to the bishop and then to himself.
And thus there were two swords for the execution of justice,
and the authorities of Church and State were assistant to
each other.

Thirdly, Wherever the king's courts sit, or pleas relating
to property are held, if the bishop's proctor appears there, and
the Church has any business, those causes are to be tried first ;
for it is very reasonable that God and religion should always
have the preference.

Fourthly, Those who hold any thing of the Church, or
dwell upon any part of the Church lands, shall not be obliged
to answer any plea, or action of trespass, &c, excepting in the
ecclesiastical court, unless, which God forbid, that court should
fail in doing justice.

Fifthly, A malefactor that flies to the church for a protec-
tion, in case he could reach the church-yard, was not to be
apprehended by any person, unless by the bishop or his servants.
And in case the malefactor could gain the priest's house, or
his court-yard, he was under the same security and safeguard ;
provided the priest's house and court-yard are part of the estate
and endowment of the Church. And here, if the person under
sanctuary was a thief, or highwayman, he was obliged to restore
the owner what he had taken from him, provided the goods
were not embezzled ; and if they were, restitution was to be
made out of his own estate. But if the malefactor happened to
repeat his injustice, and made a practice of stealing, robbing,
and getting into sanctuary : in this case, he was not only
obliged to restitution, but to abjure the county, and renounce
the right of sanctuary within that precinct. And if he hap-
pened to return, no person was to receive or entertain him,
without special license from the king.

538 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book hi.

STIGAND, By the sixth, If any person broke into the privileges of the

■ p ' v an ; Church, and injured the clergy in their persons or estates, the

2-8. bishop was to take cognizance of the cause. And here, if the

person that did the injury either refused to appear in court, or

slighted the sentence, he was to be prosecuted in the king's

courts ; the judges were to take bail of him ; neither was he

to be discharged till his submission to penance. Besides which,

he was to make satisfaction, by way of fine, to the king and the

Church ; and in case neither his friends nor the officers of the

court could make him forthcoming within one-and-thirty days,

Vt legahtt the king himself was to declare him outlawed ; and if he was

IToris X suL~ found and seized after this proclamation, he was to be delivered

up alive into the king's hand ; and if he made resistance, it

was lawful to kill him, and bring his head ; for, from the first

day of his outlawry, " caput gerit lupinum," i. e., he was

looked upon as a beast of prey, and any person might lawfully

dispatch him.

Seventhly, The tenth sheaf of all corn is declared due to
God, or the Church, and therefore ought to be paid. And if
any person had a stud of mares, he was to pay the tenth foal
for tithe ; but if his mares brought him under the number of
ten, he was then to pay a penny for every foal. The provision
was the same with respect to calves. Farther, those that kept
a dairy were either to give the parson the tenth cheese, or the
tenth day's milk. And thus the Church was likewise to receive
the tenth in lambs, pigs, fleeces, and butter.

The next article goes upon the same matter of tithes ; and
orders that the tenth of the profit of bees, of underwood, and
meadow, of parks, warrens, fish-ponds, and mills, of gardens,
and the advantage of trade, be duly paid ; which proportion
was to run through all other parts of the blessing of Providence ;
it being highly reasonable that Grod, who has given us the
whole, should have the tenth returned him as an acknowledge-
ment. Whoever therefore detained the tithe, was to be com-
pelled to payment by the bishop ; and if the bishop's jurisdic-
tion was slighted, the person was to be sued in the king's
courts. This duty of paying tithes, as the article goes on, was
preached by St. Augustine, at Canterbury. This revenue has
likewise been granted to the Church by the king, by the nobility,
.1 rege, a and the commons. But afterwards, the devil got the ascendant
ei popufo. so far as to make a great many refuse the payment of tithes ;

cent, xi.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 539

and besides, this disorder gained ground, because some rich edward
and negligent parsons of parishes declined the trouble of ' ' k. of
recovering their tithes, because they were otherwise provided v Eng l and. ^
with a sufficient maintenance. And in the close it is added,
that now there are three or four churches within the precinct
where formerly there was but one. And thus the parochial
tithes growing less by being cantoned, there was the greater
necessity of their being punctually paid.

The ninth determines some of the circumstances relating to
the trial ordeal. Upon the day on which the test was to be
gone through, the bishop's official and some of his clergy were
to be present ; the king's judges, likewise, and some of the
most considerable persons of the county were to appear, to see
that the whole process was fairly carried on. And here, those
whom God was pleased to preserve from the imputations of
guilt, were to be discharged from any farther prosecution ; but
those who failed in the trial, and sunk under their conscience,
were to be put into the hands of justice. And those barons
who had the privilege of keeping courts within their respective
jurisdictions are admonished to manage unexceptionably, both
with regard to God and the king ; and if the trial ordeal is to
pass in their courts upon persons that belong to a foreign
jurisdiction, the king's judges must be present ; for without
them the proceedings are unwarrantable. And in case any
barons have no privilege of holding courts in the hundred
where the suit is commenced, then the trial is to be undergone
in the next church, under the inspection of king's justices.

As to the circumstances and design of this trial ordeal, I
shall explain it farther to the reader by and by.

The tenth and eleventh relate to the payment of Peter-pence,
and Dane-gelt ; but these I shall pass over, having mentioned
them both already.

The twelfth settles the fine of manbote. By the way, man-
bote was a consideration paid to the lord, for killing any of his
slaves, or tenants. The king and the archbishop's manbote
are fixed at the same proportion ; and they were to receive
three marks of those that killed any of their tenants. The
bishop of the diocese and the earl of the county were to receive
twenty shillings, and the inferior barons ten shillings, upon the
same forfeiture.

By the thirteenth, all treasure-trove belongs to the king,

540 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book hi.

stigand, unless it is found in a church, or church-yard. If this happens
y p * v , an l to be the place, the gold is all the king's ; but if it is silver,
the crown has one moiety and the Church the other.

By the twenty-second, all Jews in the kingdom are declared
to be under the protection and guardianship of the crown ;
neither is it lawful for any of that nation to make himself a
homager, or dependant to any great man, without the king's
leave ; for the Jews, and all that belong to them, are as it were
parcel of the crown : and therefore, if any one detains their
persons or effects, the king may recover them at pleasure.

And thus I have given the reader a view of king Edward's

ecclesiastical constitutions. And here we may observe, from

229. the eighth law, or the ninth, as it stands in sir Henry Spel-

man's collection, that the number of parish churches was very

much increased, " there being three or four in many places

where formerly there was but one.""

The division From the mention of this law, it will not be unserviceable to

u-hcnZttkd. gi ye a brief account of the settlement and division of parishes

in the ancient Saxon or English Church. And to make the

inquiry more perfect and intelligible, it will be necessary to

touch now and then upon something we have already met

with.

To begin. When Augustine, the first archbishop of Canter-
bury, came over to England to preach the Gospel, king Ethel-
bert gave him a large revenue in land, for the maintenance of
himself and his clergy : the management and distribution of
the profits of these estates being entirely left to the archbishop.
And thus afterwards, when the same king founded the cathe-
drals of Rochester and London, by Augustine's direction, he
settled considerable estates upon them ; the disposal of the
issues remaining, as before, in the hands of the respective
bishops. This was all primitive practice, and going upon the
plan of the first ages of the Church ; as appears, amongst other
Can. 41. instances, by the apostles' canons. By one of which, all the
offerings, which were then the whole revenues of the Church,
were to be lodged in the bishop's hands. Thus Augustine of
Canterbury, desiring directions from Gregory the Great, how
the bishops ought to manage themselves with respect to their
clergy ; and particularly, what distribution ought to be made

cent, xi.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 541

of the effects and revenues of the Church ; the pope returns Edward

this answer, that they were to be divided into four portions, k. of

one of which was to be distributed for the maintenance of the v En g l il " d - ,

inferior clergy, who, as it appears from Bede, lived together

with the bishop at the cathedral church. The bishops and 2 ed j H l st j

clergy living in this maimer in common, was the custom of the <=• 27.

Scotch clergy in England, no less than of the Roman : thus,

for instance, Aidan, bishop of the Northumbrians, lived with

his clergy, as we have already seen in Bede's Ecclesiastical

History.

Soon after the conversion of the English Saxons, there were
several churches erected in the respective dioceses : to these
places the converts, who lived remote from the cathedral, re-
paired, and made their offerings. Thus Bede informs us, that
Birinus, first bishop of the West Saxons, built and consecrated
several churches in his diocese of Dorchester. , Hl „ st - E i; cles -

1. 3. c. i.

We may observe farther, that the oblations and other reve-
nues belonging to these churches of later erection, were wholly
at the bishop's disposal ; at the bishop's disposal, I say, who
assigned what proportion he pleased to the clergy within his
government. As for those of this order, who were sent by the
bishop to preach in the remoter parts of the diocese, they were
obliged at their return to bring the offerings made at the
auxiliary churches, and put them into the bishop's hands. For Wharton's
at this time there were none but itinerant preachers, or priests pluralities
sent by the bishop from the cathedral, to administer the offices P- 74 -
of religion in the country churches. These priests, when they
had executed their commission, returned to the bishop, who
sent others to perform the same functions when he thought it
convenient. That the Church was thus governed, and the
instruction of the people thus provided for, towards the latter
end of the seventh century, is sufficiently evident from Bede ; Bed. Hist,
who tells us, as has been already observed, that when a cler- f c |g es f 3
gyman happened to come into a village, the people gathered
about him immediately to hear him preach : for, as this histo-
rian goes on, the clergy had no other business for travelling to
any village, excepting to preach and baptize, and discharge the
functions of their character. I might repeat more of him to
the same purpose ; but from what has been said, it is evident Hist.Ecdcs.
enough, that the clergy were not fixed upon any parochial divi- ' ' c ' '
sions, but lived with the bishop at the cathedral.

542 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book iit.

stigand, And that the same custom was practised, at least, in the
« — 111,, m .'j northern dioceses of England in the beginning of the eighth
century, is plain from several places of the historian above
mentioned.

Thus we see the bishops had their clergy then about them,
whom they sent abroad, as they saw cause, to those places
where they had the best prospect of success. But as yet there
was no such thing as fixed cures or titles ; all the first titles
being nothing else than an entry of the clergy upon the bishop's
register. And when the priest stood upon record, and the
relation was thus fixed, he had not the liberty of discharging
himself, and removing to another diocese without the bishop's
Stillingfleet, consent.

Cases &c. And as for the rural churches, they were not as yet thrown
Preface. j n ^ an y parochial distinction, but served only for the conve-
nience of the neighbouring converts, who lived at too great a
distance from the cathedral. To speak strictly therefore, these
country churches were no more than chapels of ease to the
cathedral church.

We may observe farther, that in the first foundations of
bishoprics among the Saxons, the dioceses, excepting in Kent,
had the same limits with the kingdoms. The first subdivision
was made in the diocese of York by Theodore, archbishop of
Canterbury.

Now, as kings founded cathedrals for the benefit of their
whole dominions, so afterwards great men founded parochial
churches for the convenience of themselves and their depend-
ants. For at that time, the great men held large proportions
230. m the country : within the compass of which, the bulk of the

people were little better than their servants. Upon the spread-
ing of Christianity therefore, many laymen of great estates
provided for the constant residence of some priest among them ;
that by this means, the devotion of the neighbourhood might
be encouraged, and themselves and their tenants assisted with
the better convenience. To this purpose, chapels and churches
were erected, and a maintenance settled for the incumbent ;
the bounds of the parochial division being commonly the same
with those of the founder's jurisdiction. Some foundations of
Novel. 126. fais kind were as early as Justinian the emperor. They are
Hist.Ecdcs. likewise mentioned by Bede about the year 700.
l! 5. c. 4*. But here we are to take notice, that not only the bishop's

cent, x].] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 543

consecration was to precede the use of these rural churches, Edward
but his consent likewise was necessary to their erection. The C0N ™*™ R >
bishop's approbation was likewise to be obtained in the choice En ^ an ' L t
of a priest, who was to officiate: and as he could not be ad- Speim.Coa-
niitted, so neither could he be ejected without the consent of P . '328.
the diocesan. p 22 41

The bishop's power in these new foundations went still far- Speim. Con-
ther, and extended to the revenues, tithes, and oblations with p. 464."
which they were endowed : for the sole power of all the eccle-
siastical revenues being originally lodged in the bishops, they
did not at first think it proper to part with any branch of it,
to any particular foundation. Afterwards in some places, the Wharton's
bishops reserved the fourth part only of these rural churches to pluralities,
themselves, resigning the remainder to the parish priest, but p * 80-
still with a direction about the use and management. p^T' "'

To proceed : none of these auxiliary churches were allowed
to be built before the settlement of a sufficient endowment for
the maintenance of a priest. The endowments of those times
consisted generally in a certain portion of land ; in slaves to
till the glebe ; and in oblations made by the tenants within the
precinct of the parish.

All these revenues settled upon cathedral or parochial
churches, were granted " in puram et perpetuam eleemo-
synam ; 11 not in the nature of alms, as some ignorant or disaf-
fected people pretend ; but with all the advantage of a frank
and independent tenure, the church lands being granted without
any burden or reserved rent upon them ; whereas all grants of
estates made to laymen were clogged with some service, either
military or base, to be performed by the tenant : or at least,
there was some quit-rent, or mark of acknowledgment reserved
in the grant. To return : Christianity going forward with
great success, these private oratories became very numerous ;
almost every great man, upon his conversion, building or en-
dowing one for the conveniency of himself or tenants. Before
the year 800 they seem to have been founded in all parts of
the nation, though not in the same number. Thus, by the
canons made about that time, we may collect the settlement
of parochial cures in most places : for instance, in the con-
stitutions of Egbert, archbishop of York, every priest is en-
joined to use his utmost endeavours for the building his parish Spelm. Con-
church, from whence we may collect by the way, that the lay P . 2.58.

5U ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book hi.

stigand, patrons in many places did not build the church, though they

Abp. Canu en( J owe( j fc ne living : this being often done by the priest out of
the offerings, and other large contributions of the neighbour-
hood. To go on : by the second of Egbert's constitutions, all
priests are enjoined to ring the bells of their churches at the
usual hours of divine service. This parochial division is like-
wise supposed in the first and second synods of Calcuith ; the
first of which, as we have seen already, was held in the latter
end of the eighth, and the other in the beginning of the ninth
century. And as these parochial foundations grew more nume-
rous, the necessity of sending itinerant priests decreased ; and
at last this custom was wholly laid aside. This provision for
the country was not only carried on by the laity, but the bishops
likewise, in proportion as they grew wealthy, built parochial
churches within their manors and demesnes, assigning the
profits of them to their respective incumbents.

And thus, most of the inferior clergy were settled in the
country, the bishops and their canons residing at the cathedral
church, the revenues of which were all received by the bishop,
and part of them distributed among the canons. For the
prebend, or maintenance of the canons or monks, seems not to
have been divided from the bishop's share, till after the Nor-

Wharton, man conquest.

When the dioceses were, in some measure, broken into
parishes, the subdivisions were but few in comparison of their
present condition. For though the great lords might be pos-
sessed of a large compass of ground, yet they commonly built
but one church within their estate and territories. After-
wards, when converts grew more numerous, they found it
necessary to erect several new churches, it may be one in every
manor ; or probably the multiplication of churches was occa-
sioned by the grant or alienation of part of the estates of these
great lords, the grantees or purchasers building new churches
within their own jurisdiction : thus every parish was cantoned
into several, and these new ones in process of time grew up
to distinct and independent partitions ; and so by gradual
advances, the present parochial division was settled. To point
out the progress of this matter ; in the constitutions of Eg-

Speim. Con- bert, and in the reigns of Edgar and Canutus, we find the dis-
260 1 * tinction of the mother-churches, which had the original settle-

231 . ment of tithes, and of later churches built by the lords of manors

cent, xi.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 545

upon their own lands, to which they could only apply a third EDWARD
part of the tithes. It is true, for some time these churches of C3N £ E ^ s f 0B
later erection were but chapels of ease to the other. During , E "g l and - J
which period, the church of the old foundation reserved the Speim. Con-
sole right of baptism and burial to herself, and received all the p. 444, 445.
tithes and profits which were due before the second foundations :
but to encourage the building and endowing of churches, and
to make the better provision for the convenience of the people,
the bishops found it necessary to relax, to proceed upon new
measures, and bring the later foundations up to an equality of
privilege with the first : this they did by consecrating the
church -yards, and by granting them the right of baptism and
burial. By the conveyance of this right they were made dis-
tinct parishes, and disengaged from any dependence upon the
mother-churches. However, at first, as has been observed, no
more than a third of the tithes were passed to the churches of
the later erections.

To proceed : before the reign of Edward the Confessor, the
parochial divisions were so far advanced, that every person
might be traced to the parish to which he belonged : this
appears from the canons, published in the time of Edgar and

CanutllS. Spclm. Con-

To come towards a conclusion : the distinction of parishes „. '448, e t
as they now stand, appears to have been settled before the 544, -54 °'
Norman conquest ; for in several charters of the latter Saxon
kings, the villages of Cambridgeshire, Huntingdonshire, Lin-
colnshire, &c. are set down under the same names by which
they go at present ; and of this the reader may be farther
satisfied from Doomsday-book, in which the parishes agree
very near to the modern division. Monast.

Lastly, about the time of Edward the Confessor, most of the ^Jj!r J Ely
churches of the later foundations seem to have been made Croyiand,
entire, and independent of the churches of the first erection,
and to have received the whole tithe within their respective
limits : and thus the privileges and jurisdiction of the old
churches sunk by degrees, and lost their dependencies, either
by the negligence of the mother-churches, or, which is more
probable, by contracts and compositions between the patron
and incumbents, confirmed by the bishop ; who was willing to
set aside the ancient custom, and consent to the transferring
vol. 1. n n

546 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book hi.

stigand, of title and privilege for the benefit of religion, and public

Abp. Cant.

• l^ • convenience.

The tenth law of king Edward, as it stands in sir Henry
Spelman's councils, touches upon the trial ordeal. Now be-
cause this test was frequently made use of by the English
Saxons, and several other European nations, I shall give the
reader a brief account of the original process and circumstances
of this matter.
The (liferent As to the original, it seems to have been a heathen custom.
mLmer of Strabo and Pliny mention something of this kind in use among
Ordeal 1 ^ ne Romans. The first of the authors reports, that near the
Strabo. mountain Soracte, about twenty miles from Rome, there was
Plin! Nat. a grove consecrated to Feronia, and that when sacrifices were
Hist. I.7.C.2. ff ere( j m this place, those who were under the enthusiastic
impressions of this pretended deity, used to walk barefoot upon
heaps of burning coals without the least hurt : and here Strabo
adds, that the extraordinariness of this spectacle drew great
numbers of people to the anniversary solemnity. Pliny relates
much the same thing concerning the Hirpii.

The learned sir Henry Spelman seems to think that this
custom of the trial ordeal was taken up by the Christians in
imitation of the Jews. This people, we know, had their
waters of jealousy, and their casting of lots, to discover hidden
crimes, and bring the guilty to punishment. The first Christian
we hear of that endeavoured to clear himself this way was
Briccius, St. Martin's deacon, and afterwards bishop of Tours.
This prelate, being charged with entertaining an infamous com-
merce with women, took up a considerable quantity of live
coals in his coat, and then clapping it close to his body, ran to
St. Martin's tomb with a great crowd after him, and throwing
down the coals by the grave, showed them his limbs and his
clothes, which had received no maimer of damage : however,
the people misimputing the miracle to a confederacy with evil
spirits, expelled him the town : but upon a farther inquiry into
the matter, he had justice done him, and was restored to his
Gregor. see D y the P°pe. Bede, in his Martyrology, mentions a resem-
Turon. l. 2. bling case with reference to St. Bridget, who being questioned
about her virtue, was cleared by a miraculous evidence : for,
upon her touching the wood of the altar, it immediately ap-

Martyrol. t t

D.Cai. Feb. peared green and growing.

cent, xi.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 54-7

Among the Saxons and Normans, for to these I shall confine EDWARD
the discourse, if any person was charged with theft, adultery, k. of
murder, treason, perjury, &c. in these cases, if the person t E "g^ md - _ ,
neither pleaded guilty, nor could be convicted by legal evidence,
it was either in the prosecutor's or judge's power to put
him upon the trial ordeal ; and provided he passed through
this test unhurt, he was discharged ; otherwise he was put into
the hands of justice to be punished as the law directed in case
he had been cast by the ordinary forms of prosecution. For
we are to observe, that this trial ordeal was not designed for
the whole punishment of those that miscarried ; the intention
of it was rather to clear the truth, where it could not be
otherwise discovered, and make way for the execution of the
law.

There were several sorts of this inquiry: the trial was 232.

sometimes made by cold, and sometimes by scalding water ;
sometimes by plough-shares, or bars of iron, heated burning
hot : sometimes they purged their innocence by receiving the
sacrament ; and sometimes by eating a piece of barley bread
called the corsned. Antiquit.

In the trial by cold water, the persons suspected were Bnta .np-99.
thrown naked into a pond, or river : if they sunk they were Speiman and
acquitted, but if they floated upon the surface without any Giossar.
swimming postures, it was taken for an evidence of guilt.

When scalding water was the test, they were to plunge their
arm in a tub, or kettle, up to the elbow : if this was done
without any signs of pain, or marks of scalding, the person
was discharged ; but if there was the least complaint under
the operation, or any scar or impression to be seen, it was
taken for proof against him. Slaves, peasants, and people of
mean condition, were put upon this water ordeal.

Persons of figure and quality were generally tried by the
burning iron. This ordeal had different circumstances in pro-
portion to the crimes objected. If the person was only im-
peached for a single crime, the iron was to weigh but one
pound ; but if he was prosecuted upon several articles, the
weight of the iron was to increase proportionably : and hero
the person impeached was either to hold a burning ball of iron
in his hand, and move with it to a certain distance ; or else to
walk barefoot upon heated plough-shares, placed about a yard
from each other. If after this trial his hands and feet were

* n n 2

548 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book in.

STIGAND, untouched, and he discovered no signs of feeling any pain, he
v — E^ a " 'j was discharged by the court : but if the matter fell out other-
wise, he was remitted to the punishment of the law.

Before the person accused was brought to the ordeal, he
was obliged to swear his innocence, and sometimes receive the
Athelstan. holy eucharist.

Antiquit. The Christians of this age had a strong reliance upon this

p. r fo3. wa y °f trial, not in the least doubting but that God would
suspend the force of nature, and clear the truth by a super-
natural interposition. If we may believe the records of those
times, we shall find that innocent persons were frequently
rescued in a surprising manner.

To proceed to some of the preliminaries of the ordeal ; after
the charge was legally brought in, the person impeached was
to spend three days in fasting and prayer. At the day of the
trial, which was made in the church, the priest appearing in
the habit of his function, took up the iron which lay before the
altar, and repeating the hymn of the Three Children, put it
into the fire. This being done, he proceeded to some forms of
benediction over the fire and iron ; after which, he sprinkled
the iron with holy water, and made the sign of the cross in the
name of the blessed Trinity : upon which, the person accused
passed through the test.

The ceremony of the scalding water ordeal was much the
same. But when the trial was to be made by cold water, the
three days' fast, and the other religious circumstances being
premised, the person suspected drank a draught of holy water,
to which the priest added an imprecation in case he was guilty :
then the water, into which the presumed criminal was to be
thrown, had a sort of exorcising form of prayer said over it ;
by which the element was, as it were, conjured by the most
solemn expressions, to detect the guilty and discover the
truth.

The bread called the corsned was another way of trial. The
person prosecuted took an ounce of it fasting, or sometimes the
same quantity in cheese ; and sometimes the holy eucharist.
Immediately before this was done, the priest read the Litany
proper to the occasion ; and then proceeded to another prayer,
in which he desired, that God would please to bring the truth
of the matter in question to light, and that the evil spirits
might have no power to perplex the inquiry, and prevent the

cent, xi.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 549

discovery : that if the person was guilty, the morsel might edward
stick in his throat and find no passage ; that his face might CON £ ES o s ° R '
turn pale, his limbs be convulsed, and an horrible alteration ^ Eng l and. ^
appear in his whole body : but if innocent, he desired, that
which the party received might make its way easily into his
stomach, and turn to health and nourishment. Antiquit.

Notwithstanding the commonness of this custom in England p." 04.
and other parts of Christendom, it began to be disliked at last,
and fell several times under the censure of the Church and
State : thus Lewis, and Lotharius his successor, emperors of
Germany, positively forbade the ordeal by cold water. The
trial likewise by scalding water, and burning iron, was con-
demned by pope Stephen V. It is probable they might think
it a rash way of proceeding, and a tempting of God ; and that
it was unreasonable to put innocence upon supernatural proof,
and pronounce a man guilty, unless he had a miracle to acquit
him. The first public discountenance from the state we meet
with in England, was in the third year of king Henry III.
Most of the judges in their circuits received an order from
the king and council not to put any person upon the trial
ordeal, in regard it was prohibited by the court of Rome.
This order of the king and council, sir Edward Coke, as sir
Henry Spehnan observes, mistakes for an act of parliament. Coke's
It is true, as that learned antiquary goes on, at that time of .^j.^ " 8 '
day, a public regulation passed in council, and sealed with the
king's seal, had the force of a law. However, it must be said, Spcimau.
this prohibition does not run to the judges of all the circuits ; p j^'
but it may be, the rest of the justices might receive the same 233.

instructions another way. And though we meet with no ex-
press law afterwards to this purpose, yet this method of trial
standing condemned by the canons, languished by degrees,
and at last grew quite out of practice l .

1 Though there are many instances of Collier's tendency to what the Germans term
abergluube, — overhelief, (we will not call it superstition,) — there is little of this defect in
his account of the ordeals. On this subject he indulges us with a curious overmuchness
of learning, delivered in his usual quaint and savoury style. To our taste this is far
more entertaining and pleasing than the polished elegance of some later historians of the
Church. Mosheim, however, seems to have thought otherwise; for, in a note attached
to his seventh century, he prefers Warner to Collier. Perhaps Mosheim's Low Church
views had something to do with his preference. The note, which is sufficiently severe
against our author, runs as follows : " Dr. Warner's Ecclesiastical History of England
deserves the highest applause, on account of that noble spirit of liberty, candour, and
moderation, that seems to have guided the pen of the judicious author. It were, at the

550

ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book hi.

STIGAND,
Abp. Cant.

The ceremo-
nies of
knighthood

under tlie

Saxon

government.

Ingulplius,
Hist. p. 70.

Harold
usurps the
crown.

This gives an
occasion to
tlie conquest
of the
kingdom.

Before I take leave of the Saxon period, it may not be
amiss just to mention the ceremony of knighthood, especially
since this honour passed through the hands of the clergy ;
under the Saxon government, knights were frequently made by
bishops, abbots, or priests. The custom was this. The per-
son to be knighted was to go the evening before to the bishop,
abbot, or some parish priest ; and here he was first to make
his confession, to receive absolution, and to stay all night in
the church at his devotions. The next morning after the
communion service, he offered his sword upon the altar ; which,
after the reading of the gospel, was blessed by the priest, and
put over the knight's shoulders ; and then they received the
holy eucharist together. These solemn circumstances took in
the whole legal form, and completed the honour of knighthood.
Thus the noble Herwardus, who gave the Normans so strong
a repulse, was knighted by his uncle, then abbot of Burgh.
This religious conveyance was disliked by the Normans, who
used to receive that honour from their prince ; though, by the
way, William Rufus was not knighted by king William his
father, but by Lanfranc, archbishop of Canterbury, as both
Malmesbury and Matthew Paris inform us.

Upon the death of king Edward the Confessor, part of the
English were for setting up Edgar Atheling, who was un-
doubtedly the right heir to the crown ; but this honest party
was but small. And Harold being a person of an ambitious
and enterprising temper, and having a great interest with the
military men, was chosen without opposition. The English
thus deserting their duty, and overlooking the right line, gave
occasion to the Norman conquest : for if Edgar Atheling had
been seated on the throne, this prince's title would have been
so clear, that in all likelihood, the duke of Normandy would
never have set up any pretensions against him. But Harold,
being foreign to the blood royal, and under pre-engagements
to duke William, gave this latter a colour to invade and con-
same time, to be wished that this elegant historian had less avoided citing authorities, and
been a little more lavish of that erudition which he is known to possess : for then, after
having surpassed Collier in all other respects, he would have equalled him in that depth
and learning which are the only meritorious circumstances of his partial and disagreeable
history." Here is Mosheim's unwilling confession of the superior depth and learning of
Collier. As to the prejudicial portion of the remarks, we quote them frankly, without
a single misgiving. The judgment of the public is of rather more consequence than
Mosheim's ; and, in that judgment, Collier has been steadily rising, which is more than
can be said of his rival.

cent, xi.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 551

quer the kingdom. The English, to justify their electing Harold,
Harold, pretended that Edward the Confessor bequeathed the England.
crown to him ; but, as Malmesbury observes, it is very un- v ' '
likely king Edward should disinherit his family, and settle the
government upon a person he never relished. As for Harold, Maimesb.de
during his short usurpation, he governed agreeably enough, i. 2. 'foLla.
and wanted neither conduct nor courage. The first disturb-
ance he received was from his brother Tosti, who, being rein-
forced by Harold Halfagar, king of Norway, entered the
Humber, made a descent upon Yorkshire, defeated the earls
Edwin and Morcar, who commanded there, and forced them
to retreat into York. Harold, receiving advice of this inva-
sion, drew down his forces, and met the enemy at Stamford-
bridge ; where, after a short dispute, the Norwegians were
entirely routed, king Harold Halfagar and Tosti killed upon
the spot ; and those that escaped, glad of the permission to
depart the kingdom.

Upon this victory, Harold thinking himself secure, disobliged
the army, by not giving them a share in the plunder : he was
soon sensible of the ill effects of this management ; for before
he came out of the north, he received intelligence, that
William, duke of Normandy, was landed with a vast army
upon the coast of Sussex. And now a great part of Harold's
troops being balked in their expectations of plunder, deserted,
and refused to assist him against the Normans.

Duke William, some time before his expedition, had sent an William,
embassy into England to expostulate with Harold upon the \nandy, sends
breach of articles ; for in the late reign, Harold, being at duke to J^j^ d ^ ds
William's court, had promised upon oath to marry his daughter, the perform-

ci mop di

and do his utmost to secure him the kingdom upon the death articles.
of king Edward. Harold being reminded of these engage-
ments, told the ambassadors, that since their master's daughter
was dead, he was no longer bound by his promise : and as for
his swearing to secure the kingdom to that duke, it was a rash
engagement, and related to a matter which was out of his
power. In short, Harold having seized the government, and
held it against Edgar Atheling, was resolved not to quit it to
the remoter title of William, duke of Normandy.

It is true, that duke pretended, over and above, that king
Edward, by the advice of archbishop Stigand, of Godwin, and
Siward, earls of Kent and Northumberland, had settled the

552 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book hi.

stigand crown upon him after his decease ; and that Godwin's son and

ip ' a " j nephew were sent into Normandy as hostages upon this score.

This, together with Harold's engagements, William insisted

upon, and sent him word, that if any part of the premises were

Maimesb. denied, he was willing to refer the matter to the pope.

He is encou- By the way, William, before he undertook the expedition,

Zpeditio!r took care to send ambassadors to Rome, to Alexander II.,

against Ha- where flourishing; upon the justice of their master's cause, they

rold, by the , , . & \ , . J . . i

pope. brought the pope into his interest ; who, to encourage the

undertaking, made him a present of a standard. As for
Harold, he made no applications to Rome, either out of stiff-
ness of humour, or because he distrusted the success ; or it
may be, because he was apprehensive the passage was not open
for his ambassadors. However, Alexander thinking himself
234. neglected, went over to duke William's interest ; and, as Alford

words it, " was extremely displeased with the perfidiousness of
Harold, who took the liberty to break through the constitu-
tion, and presumed to take the crown upon him, without so
much as consulting his holiness." The pope therefore encou-
raged William in his expedition, enjoining him withal, to pro-
secute his title in such a manner, that the dignity of the see of
Rome might be maintained, which had lately suffered by
A1 i f °F ' f n " Harold's presumption.

Angi. vol. 4. William being thus fortified, and receiving no satisfaction
p ' ' from the English court, landed, as has been said, in Sussex.

Harold receiving intelligence of the invasion, marches speedily
down against him, without giving his troops any time to
The battle refresh themselves. The English spent the night before the
^twrTihc 9 ^ battle in drinking and diversion, whereas the Normans denied
English lose themselves their rest, to much better purpose ; passed the
time in confession, and received the holy eucharist in the
morning. The battle, which was fought on the fourteenth of
October, was obstinate and bloody, and lasted from nine in the
morning, till the dusk of the evening. The English, though
they lost the day, yet if Harold had not been slain, it is pro-
bable would have quickly rallied, and given the Conqueror a
farther repulse. Harold's body was delivered to his mother
by duke William, and buried at Waltham Cross, in Essex,
where he had founded a religious house for secular canons.
After this victory at Hastings, the Conqueror marched his
army into Kent, where, according to some of our historians,

cent, xi.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 553

he met an unexpected opposition. The case was this : Stigand harold,
being in this county, persuaded the Kentish men to defend E ^„ f d .
their liberty, and not to submit to the Conqueror ; upon which "jTT^l — '
advice, they stood upon the defensive, and sent no submission. Stigand
Stigand calling Egelsin, the abbot of St. Augustine's, to his X5* "
assistance (the archbishop and abbot being at that time the a § a ^J^ in
two principal persons in Kent), summoned a meeting of the Kent, and
whole county. When the people were met, the archbishop set to articles! 1
forth the miserable slavery their neighbours had fallen under
by the Norman invasion ; and that unless they exerted them-
selves, the same misfortune would quickly be their own. The
Kentish men, being made sensible of their circumstances, re-
solved rather to lose their lives than their liberty : being
therefore ordered to rendezvous at Swanscomb, a town in
Kent, Stigand and Egelsin undertook the command of the
army. And to make their preparation the more formidable
and unexpected, they ordered the passes to be secured, and
that every soldier should take a bough in his hand, big enough
to cover him. The next day when William, duke of Nor-
mandy, marched to Swanscomb, he perceived a body of Kentish
men moving towards him, but could not distinguish them
from a wood, till within a small distance. The stratagem
having thus succeeded, and the duke in a manner inclosed, the
Kentish men threw down their boughs, and putting themselves
in order of battle, sounded a charge. This unexpected attack
surprised the duke and his army, who imagined the late
victory in Sussex would have proved the decisive stroke, and
given them the kingdom without farther trouble : being there-
fore solicitous about the event of a battle, they desired a
parley. This motion being agreed to, Stigand and Egelsin,
the Kentish generals, were commissioned by their troops to
treat with the enemy ; who coming into duke William's camp,
delivered themselves to this purpose :

' Sir, the Kentish men are your friends, and are willing to
be your subjects too, provided your highness will be pleased to
allow them reasonable terms : for, to deal clearly, they are a
people born to liberty, and therefore are resolved to preserve
the laws and customs of their country. Slavery is a thing
that they are perfect strangers to ; neither are they willing to
submit to any abatements of privilege : for though they can
vol. i. 2 o o

554

ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [book hi.

stigand, relish kingly government well enough, yet absolute and arbi-
« — p ' v an ' trary rule is a thing they can never digest. The Kentish men
are therefore ready to submit to your highness, if you please
to receive them on the foot of the constitution. But they had
rather run the risk of a battle, and lose their lives in the field,
than give up their liberties, and live under the oppression of
an arbitrary government : for though the rest of English
should stoop to servitude, yet liberty will always be the inclina-
tion of Kent."

Antiquit.
Britan. from
T. Spott, in
Stigand.
Thorn.
Chrou.
p. 1786.

235.

Pictaven.
p. 204, 205.

Gemiticens.
de Due.
Norman,
p. 666.

The duke being somewhat startled at the freedom and re-
solution of this speech, called a council of war, where the
uncertain issue of a battle, and the infamy and loss of a
defeat, being duly weighed, he granted the Kentish men their
conditions ; and the treaty being finished, there were hostages
given on each side : and thus the old laws and customs were
preserved to the Kentish men by the courage and conduct of
Stigand and Egelsin.

This being an extraordinary service to the Kentish men,
and carried on chiefly by the archbishop, I have set down the
story more at large from Thorn, and the author of the Anti-
quitates Britannicse, who vouches the matter of fact by the
authority of Thomas Spott, and other ancient records and
usages of the county. I mention this, because other histo-
rians take no notice of this formal treaty between the Con-
queror and the Kentish men. Gulielmus Pictaviensis, who
lived in the Conqueror's reign, mentions that prince's march-
ing into Kent, after the battle at Hastings, and that the
Kentish men submitted to him ; but says nothing of the army
they had raised to stop his passage, and bring him to articles.
It is true, Pictaviensis takes notice, that Stigand, archbishop
of Canterbury, and some other great men, made a stand with
a body of troops not far from London : that they designed to
set up Edgar Atheling ; and that the Londoners seemed to
have been in the same interest. But that, upon the approach
of the Norman forces, the courage of the English failed ;
Stigand deserted Edgar Atheling, and went over to duke
William ; the Londoners also submitted, and gave hostages.

Malmesbury relates the story much to the same pm-pose :
he reports, that when the Conqueror came up to London,
Stigand and Aldred, the archbishops, together with others of

cent, xi.] OF GREAT BRITAIN. 555

the nobility, persuaded the citizejns to open their gates. It Harold,
is possible the historians who lived in or near king William's England.
time, might omit the relation of the Kentish exploit, in com-
pliment to that prince and his successors : for the mention of
a capitulation with a single county, would have looked like
a check upon the conquest, and lessened the glory of the
achievement. To proceed : some few days before his entering
into London, the earls Edwin and Morcar, hearing of the
death of Harold, tried their interest with the Londoners, to
make one of them king ; and that, being disappointed in their
project, these two brothers quitted the city, and retired into
Northumberland. Malmesbury adds, that the rest of the Ge S \' U R t b ; tlc
nobility, if the bishops had stood by them, would have owned l. 3. foi. .57.
Edgar Atheling ; but for want of unanimity and fortitude, this
royal resolve came to nothing. And to give the Conqueror a
clearer title, Edgar Atheling himself resigned up his claim, and
made his submission,

THE END OF THE FIRST VOLUME.

LONDON :

gilbert and rivington, printers,
st. John's square.

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