THE LIVE 
 
 AND 
 
 TRAVELS OF MUNGO PARK. 
 
 ALSO, 
 
 AN ACCOUNT OF THE PROGRESS OF 
 
 AFRICAN DISCOVERY 
 
 EDINBURGH: 
 
 PUBLISHED BY WILLIAM AND ROBERT CHAMBERS. 
 
 1842. 
 
EDINBURGH : 
 TV. AND R. CHAMBERS. 
 
NOTICE. 
 
 THE present number of the " PEOPLE'S EDITIONS" of approved works in all departments of literature, 
 comprises an Original Memoir of the early life of Park, a Reprint of the " Travels in the Interior of Africa," 
 written by himself, and published as an expensive quarto volume in 1798 ; and an Original Narrative of his 
 second journey. To these has been added an Original Account of the Progress of African Discovery from 
 the death of the traveller till the year 1838. The work, therefore, is believed by the publishers to be the 
 most complete which has yet appeared on the subject of the much-lamented Mungo Park, and the objects 
 of his enterprise. 
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 Page 
 
 EARLY LIFE OF PARK ..---- 5 
 
 TRAVELS IN AFRICA COMMENCED - - - - 6 
 
 Arrival in Africa -...-- 7 
 
 Account of the Country and Natives - . - 9 
 Sets out from Pisania - - - - - -11 
 
 Tisits the King of Woolli - ... 13 
 
 Reaches Bondou ...... 14 
 
 Proceeds for Fatteconda ----- 15 
 
 The Foulahs of Bondou 17 
 
 Arrives at Kajaaga ------ 18 
 
 Distressing situation kindness of a Slave - - 19 
 
 Arrival at Teesee 20 
 
 Robbed on the Journey by Tiggity Sego - - 21 
 
 Arrival at Kooniakary ----- 22 
 
 Travels over the Plains of Kaarta - - - 23 
 
 Visits the King at Kemmoo 24 
 
 Journey from Kemmoo to Funingkedy - - 25 
 
 Enters Ludamar Proceeds to Jarra - - 26 
 
 Account of Jarra and the Moors - - - 27 
 
 Deserted by his Companions Arrives at Dalli 28 
 
 The Camp of Ali at Benowm - - - - 29 
 
 Bad Treatment by Ali 30 
 
 Kept at Benowm 31 
 
 Occurrences at Benowm 32 
 
 Distress from Hunger ----- 33 
 
 Continues in Captivity at Benowm 34 
 
 Manners of the Moors Queen Fatima - - 35 
 
 Proceeds with Ali to Jarra 37 
 
 Escapes from Captivity ----- 39 
 
 Arrives at Wawra ------ 41 
 
 Wassiboo Galloo Datliboo - - - - 42 
 
 Sansanding .-.---.45 
 
 Encounters a Lion ------ 45 
 
 Information regarding Tombuctoo 47 
 
 Commences his Return ----- 48 
 
 Travels Westward on the Niger - - - - 49 
 
 Pago 
 
 Arrives at Taffara 50 
 
 Plundered by Banditti 52 
 
 Forlorn Condition Health Declines - - - 63 
 
 Arrives at Kamalia ------ 54 
 
 Climate, Seasons, Productions - - - - 55 
 
 Manners of Mandingoes - - - - - 57 
 
 State and Sources of Slavery - - - - 61 
 
 Mode of Collecting Gold Dust 63 
 Trade in Ivory ...... -65 
 
 Negro Schools and Education 67 
 
 Departure from Kamalia - - - - - 68 
 
 Travels with a Slave Coffle 69 
 
 Reaches Malacotta ----.. 71 
 
 Return to the Gambia ----- 74 
 
 Arrival in England ------ 75 
 
 RESIDENCE IN BRITAIN FROM 1797 TILL 1805 - 76 
 
 Practises as a Surgeon at Peebles - - - 77 
 
 NARRATIVE OF SECOND TRAVELS IN AFRICA - 78 
 
 Troubles on the Journey - - - - - 79 
 
 Loss of Companions Reaches the Niger - 80 
 
 Death of Park his Cliaractcr - - - - 81 
 
 PROGRESS OF AFRICAN DISCOVERY FROM THE DEATH OF 
 
 MUNGO PARK ------ 82 
 
 Expeditions of Hornemann, Nicholls, Adams, Ri- 
 ley, Tuckey, Peddie, Campbell, Gray, and 
 Ritchie -------82 
 
 Denham and Clapperton's Expedition - - 83 
 Clapperton Laing Caillie* 84 
 Expedition of the Brothers Landers - - - 85 
 Mouth of the Niger discovered by the Landers 85 
 Laird, Oldfield, and Richard Lander's Expedi- 
 tion -...-... 87 
 Death of Lander ------ 87 
 
 Conclusion --------88 
 
LIFE AND TRAVELS OF MUNGO PARK. 
 
 EARLY LIFE. 
 
 MUNGO PARK was born, on the 10th September 1771, 
 at Fowlshiels, a farm held by his father on the estate 
 of the Duke of Buccleugh in Selkirkshire, and situated 
 not far from Selkirk, a small burgh town in the south 
 of Scotland. The elder Park, who bore the same name 
 which his sou afterwards rendered so illustrious, had 
 a family of thirteen children, of whom the subject of 
 this memoir was the seventh in order of birth. The 
 mother of this numerous offspring was named Hislop, 
 and was a woman of remarkable sense and prudence. 
 Her husband died, after a long and exemplary career, 
 in the year 1792. 
 
 The early education of Mungo Park was received in 
 his father's house of Fowlshiels, where a private tutor 
 was for some years employed. The legends of border 
 daring and chivalry, with which his ear was in these 
 juvenile days familiar, and of which he retained in 
 after times a vivid impression, may have had some in- 
 fluence in instilling into his young mind that love of 
 adventure which modified so strongly the tenor of his 
 life. After acquiring the ordinary rudiments of edu- 
 cation at home, mingled with the traditional lore al- 
 luded to, Mungo was removed to the grammar school 
 of Selkirk, at which he remained for several years, and 
 distinguished himself above all his boyish compeers by 
 his application and success in his studies. At this, as 
 at every other period of his life, he was noted for the 
 modest gravity, and even reserve, of his manners and 
 disposition. He was fond of reading and solitude, and 
 used to indulge these propensities conjointly, by long 
 companionless rambles on the banks of his native Yar- 
 row. In Mungo Park's reserve of temperament, how- 
 ever, no suspiciousness or hauteur was ever observed 
 to mingle ; and, with all his quiet thoughtfulness, occa- 
 sional gleams of spirit and ambition were seen to burst 
 forth, indicative of the latent fire that burned beneath 
 his cold and composed exterior. 
 
 Though intended originally for the church, Mungo, on 
 reaching the age of fifteen, showed a decided preference 
 for the medical profession, and was apprenticed, in conse- 
 quence, to Mr Thomas Anderson, a respectable surgeon 
 in Selkirk. After spending three years under this gentle- 
 man's charge, Park, in the autumn of 1789, went to Edin- 
 burgh, and began the usual course of professional study 
 at the University of that city.* Upon the whole, little 
 is known respecting his college life, excepting that 
 he showed, during his three years' attendance on the 
 medical classes, a marked predilection for botanical 
 pursuits. Fortunately, his brother-in-law, Mr James 
 Dickson, was a person peculiarly qualified to assist 
 Park in his prosecution of the science in question, 
 the knowledge of which proved afterwards so useful. 
 Though filling originally the situation of a labouring 
 
 * He not only proved a diligent student in the way of his pro- 
 fession, but evinced, at various times, a very considerable degree 
 of literary taste. AVe have been informed that on one occasion 
 he was a candidate for a medal, offered for the best poem on the 
 comparative merits of Allan Ramsay and Robert Fergusson. The 
 prize was awarded by the votes of a society, and Mungo stood 
 second by the decision. But the winner's personal popularity, 
 it was very generally admitted, was the cause of his success 
 Park's being much the better poem, in the estimation of those 
 most capable of judging. Such a circumstance as this is scarcely 
 worthy of notice, except in so far as it testifies to the general 
 ability displayed in youth by the subject of tin's memoir. 
 
 gardener, Mr Dickson had raised himself into consider- 
 able distinction as a botanist, both in Edinburgh and 
 London, to which latter city he had gone in the humble 
 capacity alluded to. When resident there, his profes- 
 sional skill and enthusiasm had procured for him the 
 notice of Sir Joseph Banks ; and this circumstance en- 
 abled Mr Dickson to do his young relative a still 
 greater favour than even the furtherance given to his 
 studies in natural history. After Park had completed 
 his term of attendance at the University, and had 
 procured his surgical diploma, he went to* London, in 
 the hope of obtaining some employment either at home 
 or abroad. A recommendation which he bore with him 
 from Mr Dickson to Sir Joseph Banks, procured the 
 young surgeon the object of his wish. By Sir Joseph's 
 interest, Park received, shortly after his application, 
 the appointment of assistant medical officer on board 
 of the Worcester East Indiaman in which vessel he 
 sailed for the East Indies in the month of February 
 1792. Having made a voyage to Bencoolen, in the 
 island of Sumatra, he returned to England in the fol- 
 lowing year. Park brought with him many proofs of 
 the ardour with which he had pursued, during his 
 absence, his favourite scientific studies. To Sir Joseph 
 Banks he presented some rare and valuable specimens 
 of plants which he had discovered abroad ; and he 
 communicated to the Linnaean Society a paper, de- 
 scribing several hitherto unobserved fishes of the Indian 
 seas. This contribution was afterwards published in 
 the society's Transactions. These, and various other 
 observations of importance, made by Park on his voy- 
 age, confirmed him in the favour and friendship of S'ir 
 Joseph Banks, and led to habits of frequent intercourse 
 between them, as well as to the introduction of the 
 young Scotsman into the society of all the eminent 
 scientific men of the day in the metropolis. This was, 
 doubtless, of great influence in arousing Park's thirst 
 for distinction, and directing his mind to loftier objects 
 than any within the scope of his professional pursuits. 
 Nor did any length of time elapse, after his return to 
 England in 1793, ere these ambitious views assumed 
 a definite form and aim ; and this was brought about 
 chiefly by certain circumstances which had taken place 
 in the scientific world shortly before this period. 
 
 A number of distinguished individuals in Britain, 
 some years prior to Mungo Park's Indian voyage, had 
 formed themselves into an association for the purpose 
 of promoting discoveries in Africa, the interior of 
 which remained almost entirely a blank in modern 
 geography. Indeed, the knowledge of the civilised 
 world upon the subject of the African continent, was 
 actually more extended and more accurate two thou- 
 sand years back, than it was towards the close of the 
 eighteenth century. This stigma the founders of the 
 African Association proposed to wipe away ; and, as it 
 proved, the hour, and the man for the task, soon came. 
 Under the auspices of the society, Mungo Park un- 
 dertook the task of penetrating into the interior of Af- 
 rica. The great light which he threw upon this long 
 obscure subject, will best appear from the records of 
 his travels. Full justice, however, cannot be done to 
 his exertlons^unless some explanation be given of the 
 actual state of ouxjcnowledge respecting African geo- 
 graphy, previous to Iii$ entrance on the field of discovery. 
 
 Herodotus, the oldest historian of ancient Greece, 
 and who flourished between two and three thousand 
 
MOTIVES FOR UNDERTAKING THE EXPEDITION. 
 
 years ago, describes a large inland river of Africa, 
 named the Niger, which flowed, according to his ac- 
 count, from west to east that is, from the western 
 coast into the centre of the country. Of the existence 
 of this stream, Herodotus was made aware by the 
 personal communications of some travellers belonging 
 to the northern regions of the African continent, and 
 who stated themselves to have seen the river in ques- 
 tion. Several succeeding writers confirmed the rela- 
 tion of Herodotus ; but the geographers of the middle 
 ages, and particularly certain Arab writers, denied 
 the existence of any large river in the interior of Af- 
 rica, with such a course as that ascribed to the Niger. 
 They admitted that a river of that name existed, but 
 described it as flowing from east to west. As two large 
 streams, the Gambia and Senegal, do really flow from 
 the interior into the sea in this direction, at the part 
 of Africa in question, it appeared an easy solution of 
 the matter to regard the course, and even the existence, 
 of the Niger as altogether a mistake, springing out of 
 some confused notions relative to one or other of the 
 two streams alluded to. This conclusion was, in reality, 
 the one adopted by the majority of the geographers of 
 the eighteenth century, though some of the most dis- 
 tinguished, such as D' Anville and Rennel, were inclined 
 to put faith in the statement of Herodotus. The vast 
 breadth of the African continent from west to east, 
 more especially in its central latitudes, together with 
 the absence of any visible outlet on the eastern coast, 
 constituted the main argument against admitting the 
 existence of a large inland river, with the course attri- 
 buted to the Niger. The Nile was the only stream 
 issuing from the interior of the continent, with such a 
 mass of waters, and with such a course, as to permit 
 the possibility of some one of its upper streams being 
 regarded as the river called the Niger. Herodotus 
 himself was of opinion that the Niger was identical with 
 the Nile ; and, upon the whole, this was the belief most 
 generally entertained by those of the moderns who 
 allowed the Niger's existence. But so many difficulties 
 opposed this identification of the two rivers, that the 
 greater number of the geographers of the eighteenth 
 century preferred, as has been said, to regard the story 
 of the Niger as altogether fabulous, or, at the least, as 
 founded in mistake. Such was the uncertainty in which 
 this matter was involved ; and the same ignorance pre- 
 vailed with respect to other particulars connected with 
 the African continent. The character of the interior, 
 its products, and its people, were all points wrapt in 
 the profoundest mystery, and were the subject of fre- 
 quent and earnest disputations. 
 
 Nor are these questions to be viewed in the light of 
 mere objects of scientific curiosity ; they were questions 
 of the deepest general interest to humanity, and their 
 solution of the highest consequence to the ultimate 
 spread of civilisation over the earth. How much Mungo 
 Park did to solve them, the sequel of this work will 
 sufficiently show. The enlightened society under whose 
 auspices he entered on the enterprise of African disco- 
 very, had sent out several travellers on the same mis- 
 sion, previous to their employment of him. John 
 Ledyard, a man with some oddities in his character, 
 but with high physical and mental endowments for the 
 task, undertook, at the society's request, to penetrate 
 into the interior of Africa, by way of Egypt. He died, 
 however, at Cairo, ere his journey was well begun. 
 Shortly after, Mr Lucas made a similar attempt, in a 
 more westerly quarter of the north of Africa, but suc- 
 ceeded only in entering the interior to the distance of 
 five days' journey southward of Tripoli. Another ad- 
 venturer, Major Houghton, made the endeavour to 
 accomplish the same enterprise by ascending the Gam- 
 bia. After suffering severely from the natives (Moors), 
 lie died at Jarra, a town in the district of Ludamar, 
 about half way between the coast and Lake Dibbie. 
 His fate was unknown, until ascertained by Park. 
 
 All has now been said that seems necessary to explain 
 the position of matters at the time when Mungo Park 
 presented himself to the African Association, and of- 
 fered his services to promote the great objects the body 
 
 had in view. No ordinary degree of boldness and 
 ardour of spirit was necessary to prompt such an offer, 
 after the unhappy end of Ledyard, and the disappear- 
 ance of Major Houghton only two years before. Park's 
 motives for making the offer are affectingly described 
 by himself, in the first chapter of his travels. After 
 some inquiries into his qualifications, the association 
 readily agreed to make use of his services. From the 
 strength, vigour, and hardihood of his frame, as well as 
 from his mental qualities (though these were, as yet, 
 but partially known), he was, indeed, as fit a man for 
 their purpose as probably ever breathed. 
 
 It was not, however, until the summer of 1 795, that 
 all things were in readiness for Park's departure. With 
 the exception of a brief sojourn with his relatives in 
 Scotland, the interval was spent by him in London, 
 chiefly in acquiring the knowledge, and making the 
 preparations, necessary for the prosecution of his peri- 
 lous enterprise. The association had determined upon 
 the same route for him as that which Major Houghton 
 had attempted the ascent, to wit, of the Gambia, which 
 seemed, undoubtedly, the shortest path to the regions 
 to be explored. All instructions being received, and 
 every, preparation completed, in May 1795, Park took 
 his leave of England. His own narrative, which fol- 
 lows in an entire form, will give the history of his ad- 
 ventures up to the period of has return from this his first 
 journey. 
 
 TRAVELS IN THE INTERIOR OF AFRICA. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 The Author's Motives for undertaking the Voyage His Instruc- 
 tions and Departure Arrives at Jillifree, on the Gambia River 
 Proceeds to Vintain. Some Account of the Feloops. Pro- 
 ceeds up the River for Jonkakonda Arrives at Dr Laidley's. 
 Some Account of Pisania, and the British Factory established 
 at that place. The Author's Employment during his stay at 
 Pisania His Sickness and Recovery The Country described 
 Prepares to set out for the Interior. 
 
 SOON after my return from the East Indies in 1793, 
 having learned that the noblemen and gentlemen as- 
 sociated for the purpose of prosecuting discoveries in 
 the interior of Africa, were desirous of engaging a per- 
 son to explore that continent, by the way of the Gambia 
 river, I took occasion, through means of the President 
 of the Royal Society, to whom I had the honour to be 
 known, of offering myself for that service. I had 
 been informed, that a gentleman of the name of 
 Houghton, a captain in the army, and formerly fort- 
 major at Goree, had already sailed to the Gambia, 
 under the direction of the association, and that there 
 was reason to apprehend he had fallen a sacrifice to 
 the climate, or perished in some contest with the na- 
 tives. But this intelligence, instead of deterring me 
 from my purpose, animated me to persist in the offer 
 of my services with the greater solicitude. I had a 
 passionate desire to examine into the productions of a 
 country so little known, and to become experimentally 
 acquainted with the modes of life, and character of 
 the natives. I knew that I was able to bear fatigue ; 
 and I relied on my youth, and the strength of my con- 
 stitution, to preserve me from the effects of the climate. 
 The salary which the committee allowed was sufficiently 
 large, and I made no stipulation for future reward. If 
 I should perish in my journey, I was willing that my 
 hopes and expectations should perish with me ; and if 
 I should succeed in rendering the geography of Africa 
 more familiar to my countrymen, and in opening to 
 their ambition and industry new sources of wealth, and 
 new channels of commerce, I knew that I was in the 
 hands of men of honour, who would not fail to bestow 
 that remuneration which my successful services should 
 appear to them to merit. The committee of the asso- 
 ciation having made such inquiries as they thought 
 necessary, declared themselves satisfied with the qua- 
 lifications that I possessed, and accepted me for the 
 service ; and, with that liberality which on all occasions 
 distinguishes their conduct, gave me every encourage* 
 
DEPARTURE FOR AFRICA. ARRIVAL AT THE GAMBIA. 
 
 ment which it was in their power to grant, or which I 
 could with propriety ask. 
 
 It was at first proposed that I should accompany Mr 
 James Willis, who was then recently appointed consul at 
 Senegambia, and whose countenance in that capacity, it 
 was thought, might have served and protected me ; but 
 government afterwards rescinded his appointment, and 
 I lost that advantage. The kindness of the committee, 
 however, supplied all that was necessary. Being fa- 
 voured by the secretary of the association, the late 
 Henry Beaufoy, Esq., with a recommendation to Dr 
 John Laidley (a gentleman who had resided many 
 years at an English factory on the banks of the Gam- 
 bia), and furnished with a letter of credit on him for 
 200, I took my passage in the brig Endeavour a 
 small vessel trading to the Gambia for bees' wax and 
 ivory, commanded by Captain Richard Wyatt and I 
 became impatient for my departure. 
 
 My instructions were very plain and concise. I was 
 directed, on my arrival in Africa, " to pass on to the 
 river Niger, either by the way of Bambouk, or by such 
 other route as should be found most convenient that 
 I should ascertain the course, and, if possible, the rise 
 and termination, of that river that I should use my 
 utmost exertions to visit the principal towns or cities 
 in its neighbourhood, particularly Tombuctoo and 
 Houssa and that I should be afterwards at liberty to 
 return to Europe, either by the way of the Gambia, or 
 by such other route, as under all the then existing cir- 
 cumstances of my situation and prospects should ap- 
 pear to me to be most advisable." 
 
 We sailed from Portsmouth on the 22d day of May 
 1795. On the 4th of June, we saw the mountains over 
 Mogadore, on the coast of Africa; and on the 21st of 
 the same month, after a pleasant voyage of thirty days, 
 we anchored at Jillifree, a town on the northern bank 
 of the river Gambia, opposite to .James's Island, where 
 the English had formerly a small fort. 
 
 The kingdom of Barra, in which the town of Jillifree 
 is situated, produces great plenty of the necessaries of 
 life ; but the chief trade of the inhabitants is in salt 
 which commodity they carry up the river in canoes as 
 high as Barraconda, and bring down in return Indian 
 corn, cotton cloths, elephants' teeth, small quantities 
 of gold dust, &c. The number of canoes and people 
 constantly employed in this trade, makes the king oi 
 Barra more formidable to Europeans than any other 
 chieftain on the river ; and this circumstance probably 
 encouraged him to establish those exorbitant duties, 
 which traders of all nations are obliged to pay at entry, 
 amounting to nearly 20 on every vessel, great and 
 small. These duties, or customs, are generally col- 
 lected in person by the Alkaid, or Governor of Jilli- 
 free, and he is attended on these occasions by a nume- 
 rous train of dependents, among whom are found many 
 who, by theh- frequent intercourse with the English 
 have acquired a smattering of our language : but they 
 are commonly very noisy, and very troublesome beg- 
 ging for every thing they fancy with such earnestness 
 and importunity, that traders, in order to get quit o: 
 them, are frequently obliged to grant their requests. 
 
 On the 23d we departed from Jillifree, and proceedec 
 to Vintain, a town situated about two miles up a creek 
 on the southern side of the river. This place is mucl 
 resorted to by Europeans, on account of the grcai 
 quantities of bees' wax which are brought hither for 
 sale : the wax is collected in the woods by the Feloops 
 a wild and unsociable race of people. Their country 
 which is of considerable extent, abounds in rice ; anc 
 the natives supply the traders, both on the Gambia anc 
 Cassamansa rivers, with that article, and also witl 
 goats and poultry, on very reasonable terms. The 
 honey which they collect is chiefly used by themselve 
 in making a strong intoxicating liquor, much the sarne 
 as the mead which is produced from honey in Grea 
 Britain. 
 
 In their traffic with Europeans, the Feloops gene 
 rally employ a factor, or agent of the Mandingo nation 
 who speaks a little English, and is acquainted with th 
 trade of the river. This broker makes the bargain 
 
 nd, with the connivance of the European, receives a 
 ertain part only of the payment, which he gives to his 
 mployer as the whole ; the remainder (which is very 
 ruly called the cheating money) he receives when the 
 "eloop is gone, and appropriates to himself as a reward 
 or his trouble. 
 
 The language of the Feloops is appropriate and pe- 
 uliar; and as their trade is chiefly conducted, as hath 
 >een observed, by Mandingoes, the Europeans have no 
 inducement to learn it. 
 
 The numerals are as follow : 
 
 One, Enory. 
 
 Two, Siokaba, or Cookaba. 
 
 Three, Sisajee. 
 
 Four, Sibakeer. 
 
 Five, Footuck. 
 
 Six, Footuck-Enory. 
 Seven, Footuck-Cookaba. 
 Eight, Footuck-Sisajee. 
 Mine, Footuck -Sibakeer. 
 Ten, Sibankonyen. 
 
 On the 26th we left Vintain, and continued our course 
 up the river, anchoring whenever the tide failed us, and 
 "requently towing the vessel with the boat. The river 
 s deep and muddy ; the banks are covered with impe- 
 netrable thickets of mangrove ; and the whole of the 
 adjacent country appears to be flat and swampy. 
 
 The Gambia abounds with fish, some species of which 
 are excellent food ; but none of them that I recollect 
 are known in Europe. At the entrance from the sea, 
 sharks are found in great abundance ; and, higher up, 
 alligators and the hippopotamus (or river horse) are 
 very numerous. The latter might with more propriety 
 e called the river-elephant, being of an enormous and 
 .nwieldy bulk, and his teeth furnish good ivory. This 
 animal is amphibious, with short and thick legs, and 
 loven hoofs ; it feeds on grass, and such shrubs as the 
 banks of the river afford, boughs of trees, &c. seldom 
 venturing far from the water, in which it seeks refuge 
 on hearing the approach of man. I have seen many, 
 and always found them of a timid and inoffensive dis- 
 position. 
 
 In six days after leaving Vintain, we reached Jonka- 
 konda, a place of considerable trade, where our vessel 
 was to take in part of her lading. The next morning, 
 the several European traders came from their different 
 factories to receive their letters, and learn the nature 
 and amount of the cargo ; and the captain dispatched 
 a messenger to Dr Laidley to inform him of my arrival. 
 He came to Jonkakonda the morning following, when 
 I delivered him Mr Beaufoy's letter, and he gave me 
 a kind invitation to spend my time at his house until 
 an opportunity should offer of prosecuting my journey. 
 This invitation was too acceptable to be refused, and 
 being furnished by the Doctor with a horse and guide} 
 I set out from Jonkakonda at daybreak, on the 5th of 
 July, and at eleven o'clock arrived at Pisania, where I 
 was accommodated with a room, and other conveni- 
 ences, in the Doctor's house. 
 
 Pisania is a small village in the king of Yany's do- 
 minions, established by British subjects as a factory 
 for trade, and inhabited solely by them and their black 
 servants. It is situated on the banks of the Gambia, 
 sixteen miles above Jonkakonda. The white residents, 
 at the time of my arrival there, consisted only of Dr 
 Laidley, and two gentlemen who were brothers, of the 
 name of Ainsley ; but their domestics were numerous. 
 They enjoyed perfect security under the king's protec- 
 tion, and being highly esteemed and respected by the 
 natives at large, wanted no accommodation or comfort 
 which the country could supply ; and the greatest part 
 of the trade in slaves, ivory, and gold, was in their hands. 
 Being now settled for some time at my ease, my 
 first object was to learn the Mandingo tongue, being the 
 language in almost general use throughout this part 
 of Africa, and without which I was fully convinced 
 that I never could acquire an extensive knowledge of 
 the country or its inhabitants. In this pursuit I was 
 greatly assisted by Dr Laidley, who, by a long residence 
 in the country, and constant intercourse with the na- 
 tives, had made himself completely master of it. Next 
 to the language, my great object was to collect infor- 
 mation concerning the countries I intended to visit. 
 On this occasion I was referred to certain traders called 
 slatees. These are free black merchants, of great con- 
 
COUNTRY DESCRIBED. HABITS OF THE NATIVES. 
 
 .sideration ill this part of Africa, who come down from 
 the interior countries, chiefly with enslaved negroes 
 for sale ; but I soon discovered that very little depend- 
 ence could be placed on the accounts which they gave ; 
 for they contradicted each other in the most important 
 particulars, and all of them seemed extremely unwill- 
 ing that I should prosecute my journey. These cir- 
 cumstances increased my anxiety to ascertain the truth 
 from my own personal observations. 
 
 In researches of this kind, and in observing the 
 manners and customs of the natives, in a country so 
 little known to the nations of Europe, and furnished 
 with so many striking and uncommon objects of nature, 
 my time passed not unpleasantly ; and I began to flat- 
 ter myself that I had escaped the fever, or seasoning, to 
 which Europeans, on their first arrival in hot climates, 
 are generally subject. But on the 31st of July I im- 
 prudently exposed myself to the night dew, in observing 
 an eclipse of the moon, with a view to determine the 
 longitude of the place : the next day I found myself 
 attacked with a smart fever and delirium ; and such 
 an illness followed, as confined me to the house during 
 the greatest part of August. My recovery was very 
 slow ; but I embraced every short interval of conva- 
 lescence to walk out, and make myself acquainted with 
 the productions of the country. In one of those ex- 
 cursions, having rambled farther than usual, in a hot 
 day, I brought on a return of my fever, and on the 
 10th of September I was again confined to my bed. 
 The fever, however, was not so violent as before ; and 
 in the course of three weeks I was able, when the 
 weather would permit, to renew my botanical excur- 
 sions ; and when it rained, I amused myself with draw- 
 ing plants, &c. in my chamber. The care and attention 
 of Dr Laidley contributed greatly to alleviate my suf- 
 ferings ; his company and conversation beguiled the 
 tedious hours during that gloomy season when the rain 
 falls in torrents, when suffocating heats oppress by 
 day, and when the night is spent by the terrified tra- 
 veller in listening to the croaking of frogs (of which 
 the numbers are beyond imagination), the shrill cry of 
 the jackall, and the deep howling of the hyaena a dis- 
 mal concert, interrupted only by the roar of such tre- 
 mendous thunder as no persons can form a conception 
 of but those who have heard it. 
 
 The country itself being an immense level, and very 
 generally covered with wood, presents a tiresome and 
 gloomy uniformity to the eye ; but although nature has 
 denied to the inhabitants the beauties of romantic land- 
 scapes, she has bestowed on them, with a liberal hand, 
 the more important blessings of fertility and abundance. 
 A little attention to cultivation procures a sufficiency 
 of corn ; the fields afford a rich pasturage for cattle ; 
 and the natives are plentifully supplied with excellent 
 fish, both from the Gambia river and the Walli creek. 
 
 The grains which are chiefly cultivated are Indian 
 corn, xea mays; two kinds of holcus spicatus, called by 
 the natives soono and sanio ; holcus niger, and holcus 
 bicolor the former of which they have named bassi 
 woolima, and the latter bassiqui. These, together with 
 rice, are raised in considerable quantities ; besides 
 which, the inhabitants in the vicinity of the towns and 
 villages have gardens which produce onions, calavances, 
 yams, cassavi, ground nuts, pompions, gourds, water 
 melons, and some other esculent plants. 
 
 I observed likewise, near the towns, small patches of 
 cotton and indigo. The former of these articles sup- 
 plies them with clothing, and with the latter they dye 
 their cloth of an excellent blue colour, in a manner that 
 will hereafter be described. 
 
 In preparing their corn for food, the natives use a 
 large wooden mortar called a paloon, in which they bruise 
 the seed until it parts with the outer covering, or husk, 
 which is then separated from the clean corn by exposing 
 it to the wind, nearly in the same manner as wheat is 
 cleared from the chaff in England. The corn thus freed 
 from the husk, is returned to the mortar, and beaten 
 into ineal, which is dressed variously in different coun- 
 tries ; but the most common preparation of it among 
 the nations of the Gambia, is a sort of pudding, which 
 
 they call kouskous. It is made by first moistening the 
 flour with water, and then stirring and shaking it about 
 in a large calabash, or gourd, till it adheres together 
 in small granules, resembling sago. It is then put into 
 an earthen pot, whose bottom is perforated with a num- 
 ber of small holes ; and this pot being placed upon an- 
 other, the two vessels are luted together, either with a 
 paste of meal and water, or with cow's dung, and placed 
 upon the fire. In the lower vessel is commonly some 
 animal food and water, the steam or vapour of which 
 ascends through the perforations in the bottom of the 
 upper vessel, and softens and prepares the kouskous, 
 which is very much esteemed throughout all the coun- 
 tries that I visited. I am informed, that the same 
 manner of preparing flour is very generally used on 
 the Barbary coast, and that the dish so prepared is 
 there called by the same name. It is therefore pro- 
 bable, that the negroes borrowed the practice from the 
 Moors. 
 
 For gratifying a taste for variety, another sort of 
 pudding, called nealing, is sometimes prepared from 
 the meal of corn ; and they have also adopted two or 
 three different modes of dressing their rice. Of vege- 
 table food, therefore, the natives have no deficiency ; 
 and although the common class of people are but spa- 
 ringly supplied with animal food, yet this article is not 
 wholly withheld from them. 
 
 Their domestic animals are nearly the same as in 
 Europe. Swine are found in the woods, but their flesh 
 is not esteemed : probably the marked abhorrence in 
 which this animal is held by the votaries of Mahomet, 
 has spread itself among the pagans. Poultry of all 
 kinds, the turkey excepted, is every where to be had. 
 The guinea fowl and red partridge abound in the fields ; 
 and the woods furnish a small species of antelope, of 
 which the venison is highly and deservedly prized. 
 
 Of the other wild animals in the Mandingo countries, 
 the most common are the hyrena, the panther, and the 
 elephant. Considering the use that is made of the latter 
 in the East Indies, it may be thought extraordinary 
 that the natives of Africa have not, in any part of this 
 immense continent, acquired the skill of taming this 
 powerful and docile creature, and applying his strength 
 and faculties to the service of man. When I told some 
 of the natives that this was actually done in the coun- 
 tries of the East, my auditors laughed me to scorn, and 
 exclaimed, tobaubo fonnio .' " a white man's lie !" The 
 negroes frequently find means to destroy the elephant 
 by fire-arms ; they hunt it principally for the sake of 
 the teeth, which they transfer in barter to those who 
 sell them again to the Europeans. The flesh they eat, 
 and consider it as a great delicacy. 
 
 The usual beast of burden in all the negro territories, 
 is the ass. The application of animal labour to the pur- 
 poses of agriculture, is nowhere adopted ; the plough, 
 therefore, is wholly unknown. The chief implement 
 used in husbandry is the hoe, which varies in form in 
 different districts ; and the labour is universally per- 
 formed by slaves. 
 
 On the 6th of October, the waters of the Gambia were 
 at the greatest height, being fifteen feet above the high 
 water mark of the tide, after which they began to sub- 
 side at first slowly, but afterwards very rapidly, some- 
 times sinking more than a foot in twenty-four hours : 
 by the beginning of November the river had sunk to its 
 former level, and the tide ebbed and flowed as usual. 
 When the river had subsided, and the atmosphere grew 
 dry, I recovered apace, and began to think of my de- 
 parture for this is reckoned the most proper season 
 for travelling : the natives had completed their harvest, 
 and provisions were every where cheap and plentiful. 
 
 Dr Laidley was at this time employed in a trading 
 voyage at Jonkakonda. I wrote to him to desire that 
 he would use his interest with the slatees, or slave 
 merchants, to procure me the company and protection 
 of the first coffle (or caravan) that might leave Gambia 
 for the interior country ; and, in the meantime, I re- 
 quested him to purchase for me a horse and two asses. 
 A few days afterwards the Doctor returned to Pisania, 
 and informed me that a cofHe would certainly go for 
 
THE FELOOPS, JALOFFS, FOULAHS, AND MANDINGOES. 
 
 9 
 
 the interior in the course of the dry season ; but that, 
 us many of the merchants belonging to it had not yet 
 completed their assortment of goods, he could not say 
 at what time they would set out. 
 
 As the characters and dispositions of the slatees, and 
 people that composed the caravan, were entirely un- 
 known to me and r.s they seemed rather averse to 
 my purpose, and unwilling to enter into any positive 
 engagements on my account and the time of their 
 departure being withal very uncertain, I resolved, on 
 farther deliberation, to avail myself of the dry season, 
 and proceed without them. 
 
 Dr Laidley approved my determination, and pro- 
 mised me every assistance in his power, to enable me 
 to prosecute my journey with comfort and safety. 
 
 This resolution having been formed, I made prepara- 
 tions accordingly. And now, being about to take leave 
 of my hospitable friend (whose kindness and solicitude 
 continued to the moment of my departure*), and to 
 quit, for many months, the countries bordering on the 
 Gambia, it seems proper, before I proceed with my 
 narrative, that I should, in this place, give some ac- 
 count of the negro nations winch inhabit the several 
 banks of this celebrated river, and the commercial in- 
 tercourse that subsists between them and such of the 
 tuitions of Europe as find their advantage in trading to 
 this part of Africa. The observations which have oc- 
 curred to me on both these subjects, will be found in 
 the following chapter. 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 Description of the Feloops, the Jaloffs, the Foulahs, and Man- 
 dingoes. Some Account of the Trade between the Nations of 
 Europe, and the Natives of Africa, by the way of the Gambia, 
 and between the Native Inhabitants of the Coast and the Na- 
 tions of the Interior Countries Their mode of Selling and 
 Buying, &c. 
 
 THE natives of the countries bordering on the Gambia, 
 though distributed into a great many distinct govern- 
 ments, may, I think, be divided into four great classes 
 the Feloops, the Jaloffs, the Foulahs, and the Man- 
 dingoes. Among all these nations, the religion of Ma- 
 homet has made, and continues to make, considerable 
 progress ; but in most of them, the body of the people, 
 both free and enslaved, persevere in maintaining the 
 blind but harmless superstitions of their ancestors, anc 
 are called by the Mahomedans kafirs, or infidels. 
 
 Of the Feloops, I have little to add to what has beer 
 observed concerning them in the former chapter. They 
 are of a gloomy disposition, and are supposed never to 
 forgive an injury. They are even said to transmi' 
 their quarrels as deadly feuds to their posterity inso 
 much that a son considers it as incumbent on him 
 from a just sense of filial obligation, to become thi 
 avenger of his deceased father's wrongs. If a man 
 loses his life in one of those sudden quarrels whicl 
 perpetually occur at their feasts, when the whole part} 
 is intoxicated with mead, his son, or the eldest of hi 
 sons (if he has more than one), endeavours to procur- 
 his father's sandals, which he wears once a-year, on th 
 anniversary of his father's death, until a fit opportunity 
 offers of revenging his fate, when the object of his re 
 sentment seldom escapes his pursuit. This fierce am 
 unrelenting disposition is, however, counterbalances 
 by many good qualities they display the utmost gra 
 titude and affection towards their benefactors and th 
 fidelity with which they preserve whatever is entruste 
 to them is remarkable. During the present war, the 
 have more than once taken up arms to defend ou 
 merchant vessels from French privateers ; and Englis 
 property, of considerable value, has frequently bee 
 left at Vintain, for a long time, entirely under the car 
 of the Feloops, who have uniformly manifested, on sue 
 
 * I>r Laidley, to my infinite regret, has since paid the debt c 
 nature. lie left Africa in the latter end of 1797, intending t 
 return to Great Britain by way of the West Indies ; and die 
 boon after his arrival at Barbadocs. 
 
 Seven, Jndom Yar. 
 Eij:ht, Judom Yat. 
 Nine, Judom Yanet. 
 Ten, Fook. 
 Eleven, Fook aug Wean, &e. 
 
 ccasions, the strictest honesty and punctuality. How 
 reatly is it to be wished, that the minds of a people so 
 etermined and faithful, could be softened and civilised 
 y the mild and benevolent spirit of Christianity ! 
 
 The Jaloffs (or Yaloffs) are an active, powerful, and 
 arlike race, inhabiting great part of that tract which 
 es between the river Senegal and the Mandingo states 
 n the Gambia ; yet they differ from the Mandingoes, 
 ot only in language, but likewise in complexion and 
 eatures. The noses of the Jaloffs are not BO much 
 epressed, nor the lips so protuberant, as among the 
 enerality of Africans ; and although their skin is of 
 le deepest black, they are considered by the white 
 raders as the most sightly negroes in this part of the 
 ontinent. 
 
 They are divided into several independent states or 
 ingdoms, which are frequently at war, either with 
 tieir neighbours, or with each other. In their nian- 
 ers, superstitions, and government, however, they have 
 
 greater resemblance to the Mandingoes (of whom I 
 hall presently speak) than to any other nation ; but 
 xccl them hi the manufacture of cotton cloth spinning 
 lie wool to a finer thread, weaving it in a broader loom, 
 nd dyeing it of a better colour. 
 
 Their language is said to be copious and significant, 
 ind is often learnt by Europeans trading to Senegal. 
 
 cannot say much of it from my own knowledge, but 
 iave preserved their numerals, which are these : 
 
 One, Wean. 
 Two, Yar. 
 Three, Yat. 
 Four, Yanet. 
 Five, Judom. 
 Six, Judom Wean. 
 
 The Foulahs (or Pholeys), such of them at least as 
 reside near the Gambia, are chiefly of a tawny com- 
 plexion, with soft silky hah", and pleasing features. They 
 ire much attached to a. pastoral life, and have intro- 
 duced themselves into all the kingdoms on the windward 
 coast as herdsmen and husbandmen, paying a tribute 
 to the sovereign of the country for the lands which 
 they hold. Not having many opportunities, however, 
 during my residence at Pisania, of improving my ac- 
 quaintance with these people, I defer entering at large 
 into their character until a fitter occasion occurs, which 
 will present itself when I come to Bondou. 
 
 The Mandingoes, of whom it remains to speak, con- 
 stitute, in truth, the bulk of the inhabitants in all those 
 districts of Africa which I visited ; and their language, 
 with a few exceptions, is universally understood, and 
 very generally spoken, in that part of the continent. 
 Their numerals are these :* 
 
 One, Killin. Seven, Oronglo. 
 
 Two, Foola. Eight, Sie. 
 
 Three, Sabba. Nine, Conunta. 
 
 Four, Nani. Ten, Tang. 
 
 Five, Loolo. Eleven, Tan ning Killin, &e. 
 
 Six, Woro. 
 
 They are called Mandingoes, I conceive, as having 
 originally migrated from the interior state of Manding, 
 of which some account will hereafter be given ; but, 
 contrary to the present constitution of their parent 
 country, which is republican, it appeared to me that the 
 government in all the Mandingo states near the Gambia 
 is monarchical. The power of the sovereign is, how- 
 ever, by no means unlimited. In all affairs of impor- 
 tance, the king calls an assembly of the principal men, 
 or elders, by whose councils he is directed, and without 
 whose advice he can neither declare war nor conclude 
 peace. 
 
 In every considerable town there is a chief magis- 
 trate, called the alkaid, whose office is hereditary, and 
 whose business it is to preserve order, to levy duties 
 on travellers, and to preside at all conferences in the 
 exercise of local jurisdiction and the administration of 
 justice. These courts are composed of the elders of 
 the town (of free condition), and are termed palavers ; 
 
 * In the travels of Francis Moore, the reader will find a pretty 
 copious vocabulary of the Mandingn language, which in general ia 
 Correct. 
 
10 
 
 MANNERS OF THE NEGROES. 
 
 and their proceedings are conducted in the open air, 
 with sufficient solemnity. Both sides of a question are 
 freely canvassed, witnesses are publicly examined, and 
 the decisions which follow generally meet with the ap- 
 probation of the surrounding audience. 
 
 As the negroes have no written language of their own, 
 the general rule of decision is an appeal to ancient cus- 
 tom ; but since the system of Mahomet has made so 
 great progress among them, the converts to that faith 
 have gradually introduced, with the religious tenets, 
 many of the civil institutions of the prophet ; and where 
 the Koran is not found sufficiently explicit, recourse is 
 had to a commentary called Al Sharra, containing, as 
 I was told, a complete exposition or digest of the Ma- 
 homedan laws, both civil and criminal, properly ar- 
 ranged and illustrated. 
 
 This frequency of appeal to written laws, with which 
 the pagan natives are necessarily unacquainted, has 
 given rise in their palavers to (what I little expected 
 to find in Africa) professional advocates, or expounders 
 of the law, who are allowed to appear and to plead for 
 plaintiff or defendant, much in the same manner as 
 counsel in the law courts of Great Britain. They are 
 Mahomedan negroes who have made, or affect to have 
 made, the laws of the prophet their peculiar study; 
 and if I may judge from their harangues, which I 
 frequently attended, I believe, that in the forensic 
 qualifications of procrastination and cavil, and the arts 
 of confounding and perplexing a cause, they are not 
 always surpassed by the ablest pleaders in Europe. 
 While I was at Pisania, a cause was heard which fur- 
 nished the Mahomedan lawyers with an admirable op- 
 portunity of displaying their professional dexterity. 
 The case was this : An ass belonging to a Serawoolli 
 negro (a native of an interior country near the river 
 Senegal) had broke into a field of corn belonging to one 
 of the Mandingo inhabitants, and destroyed great part 
 of it. The Mandingo having caught the animal in his 
 field, immediately drew his knife and cut its throat. 
 The Serawoolli thereupon called a palaver (or in Euro- 
 pean terms, brought an action) to recover damages for 
 the loss of his beast, on which he set a high value. The 
 defendant confessed he had killed the ass, but pleaded 
 a set off, insisting that the loss he had sustained by the 
 ravage in his corn was equal to the sum demanded for 
 the animal. To ascertain this fact was the point at 
 issue, and the learned advocates contrived to puzzle 
 the cause in such a manner, that after a hearing of 
 three days, the court broke up without coming to any 
 determination upon it ; and a second palaver was, I 
 suppose, thought necessary. 
 
 The Mandingoes, generally speaking, are of a mild, 
 sociable, and obliging disposition. The men are com- 
 monly above the middle size, well shaped, strong, and 
 capable of enduring great labour ; the women are good 
 natured, sprightly, and agreeable. The dress of both 
 sexes is composed of cotton cloth, of their own manu- 
 facture that of the men is a loose frock, not unlike a 
 surplice, with drawers which reach half way down the 
 leg ; and they wear sandals on their feet, and white 
 cotton caps on their heads. The women's dress con- 
 sists of two pieces of cloth, each of which is about six 
 feet long, and three broad ; one of these they wrap 
 round the waist, which, hanging down to the ancles, 
 answers the purpose of a petticoat the other is thrown 
 negligently over the bosom and shoulders. 
 
 This account of their clothing is indeed nearly ap- 
 plicable to the natives of all the different countries in 
 this part of Africa ; a peculiar national mode is obser- 
 vable only in the head dresses of the women. 
 
 Thus, in the countries of the Gambia, the females 
 wear a sort of bandage, which they call jalla. It is a 
 narrow stripe of cotton cloth, wrapped many times 
 round, immediately over the forehead. In Bondou, the 
 head is encircled with strings of white beads, and a 
 small plate of gold is worn in the middle of the fore- 
 head. In Kasson, the ladies decorate their heads, in 
 a very tasteful and elegant manner, with white sea- 
 shells. In Kaarta and Ludamar, the women raise 
 their hair to a great height by the addition of a pad 
 
 (as the ladies did formerly in Great Britain), which 
 they decorate with a species of coral, brought from the 
 Red Sea by pilgrims returning from Mecca, and sold 
 at a great price. 
 
 In the construction of their dwelling-houses, the 
 Mandingoes also conform to the general practice of 
 the African nations on this part of the continent, con- 
 tenting themselves with small and incommodious hovels. 
 A circular mud wall about four feet high, upon which 
 is placed a conical roof, composed of the bamboo cane, 
 and thatched with grass, forms alike the palace of the 
 king and the hovel of the slave. Their household fur- 
 niture is equally simple. A hurdle of canes placed 
 upon upright sticks, about two feet from the ground, 
 upon which is spread a mat or bullock's hide, answers 
 the purpose of a bed ; a water jar, some earthen pots 
 for dressing their food, a few wooden bowls and cala- 
 bashes, and one or two low stools, compose the rest. 
 
 As every man cf free condition has a plurality of 
 wives, it is found necessary (to prevent, I suppose, 
 matrimonial disputes) that each of the ladies should be 
 accommodated with a hut to herself; and all the huts 
 belonging to the same family are surrounded by a 
 fence, constructed of bamboo canes, split and formed 
 into a sort of wicker-work. The whole inclosure is 
 called a sirk, or surk. A number of these inclosures, 
 with narrow passages between them, form what is 
 called a town ; but the huts are generally placed with- 
 out any regularity, according to the caprice of the 
 owner. The only rule that seems to be attended to, 
 is placing the door towards the south-west, in order to 
 admit the sea breeze. 
 
 In each town is a large stage called the bentang, which 
 answers the purpose of a public hall or town-house ; it 
 is composed of interwoven canes, and is generally shel- 
 tered from the sun by being erected in the shade of 
 some large tree. It is here that all public affairs are 
 transacted and trials conducted ; and here the lazy and 
 indolent meet to smoke their pipes, and hear the news 
 of the day. In most of the towns the Mahomedans 
 have also a missura, or mosque, in which they assemble 
 and offer up their- daily prayers, according to the rules 
 of the Koran. 
 
 In the account which I have thus given of the na- 
 tives, the reader must bear in mind, that my observa- 
 tions apply chiefly to persons of free condition, who 
 constitute, I suppose, not more than one-fourth part 
 of the inhabitants at large ; the other three-fourths are 
 in a state of hopeless and hereditary slavery, and are 
 employed in cultivating the land, in the care of cattle, 
 and in servile offices of all kinds, much in the same 
 manner as the slaves in the West Indies. I was told, 
 however, that the Mandingo master can neither deprive 
 his slave of life, nor sell him to a stranger, without first 
 calling a palaver on his conduct or, hi other words, 
 bringing him to a public trial ; but this degree of pro- 
 tection is extended only to the native or domestic slave. 
 Captives taken in war, and those unfortunate victims who 
 are condemned to slavery for crimes or insolvency 
 and, in short, all those unhappy people who are brought 
 down from the interior countries for sale have no se- 
 curity whatever, but may be treated and disposed of in 
 all respects as the owner thinks proper. It sometimes 
 happens, indeed, when no ships are on the coast, that 
 a humane and considerate master incorporates his pur- 
 chased slaves among his domestics ; and their offspring 
 at least, if not the parents, become entitled to all the 
 privileges of the native class. 
 
 The preceding remarks concerning the several na- 
 tions that inhabit the banks of the Gambia, are all that 
 I recollect as necessary to be made in this place, at the 
 outset of my journey. With regard to the Mandingoes, 
 however, many particulars are yet to be related, some 
 of which are necessarily interwoven into the narrative 
 of my progress, and others will be given in a summary, 
 at the end of my work, together with all such observa- 
 tions as I have collected on the country and climate, 
 which I could not with propriety insert in the regular 
 detail of occurrences. What remains of the present 
 chapter will therefore relate solely to the trade which 
 
THE SLAVE TRADE. 
 
 11 
 
 tho nations of Christendom have found means to esta- 
 blish with the natives of Africa, by the channel of the 
 Gambia, and the inland traffic which has arisen, hi 
 consequence of it, between the inhabitants of the coast 
 and the nations of the interior countries. 
 
 The earliest European establishment on this cele- 
 brated river was a factory of the Portuguese, and to 
 this must be ascribed the introduction of the nume- 
 rous words of that language which are still in use among 
 the negroes. The Dutch, French, and English, after- 
 wards successively possessed themselves of settlements 
 on the coast ; but the trade of the Gambia became, and 
 continued for many years, a sort of monopoly in the 
 hands of the English. In the travels of Francis Moore 
 is preserved an account of the Royal African Company's 
 establishments in this river in the year 1730 ; at which 
 time, James's factory alone consisted of a governor, 
 deputy governor, and two other principal officers; eight 
 factors, thirteen writers, twenty inferior attendants and 
 tradesmen; a company of soldiers, and thirty-two negro 
 servants besides sloops, shallops, and boats, with their 
 crews ; and there were no less than eight subordinate 
 factories in other parts of the river. 
 
 The trade with Europe, by being afterwards laid 
 open, was almost annihilated the share which the sub- 
 jects of England at this time hold in it, supports not 
 more than two or three annual ships ; and I am in- 
 formed that the gross value of British exports is under 
 20,000. The French and Danes still maintain a small 
 share, and the Americans have lately sent a few vessels 
 to the Gambia by way of experiment. 
 
 The commodities exported to the Gambia from Eu- 
 rope consist chiefly of fire-arms and ammunition, iron 
 ware, spirituous liquors, tobacco, cotton caps, a small 
 quantity of broad cloth, and a few articles of the manu- 
 facture of* Manchester ; a small assortment of India 
 goods, with some glass beads, amber, and other trifles : 
 for which are taken in exchange slaves, gold dust, ivory, 
 bees' wax, and hides. Slaves are the chief article, but 
 the whole number which at this time are annually ex- 
 ported from the Gambia by all nations, is supposed to 
 be under one thousand. 
 
 Most of these unfortunate victims are brought to the 
 coast in periodical caravans ; many of them from very 
 remote inland countries, for the language which they 
 speak is not understood by tho inhabitants of the mari- 
 time districts. In a subsequent part of my work, I shall 
 give the best information I have been able to collect 
 concerning the manner in which they are obtained.- 
 On their arrival at the coast, if no immediate oppor- 
 tunity offers of selling them to advantage, they are dis- 
 tributed among the neighbouring villages, until a slave 
 ship arrives, or until they can be sold to black traders, 
 who sometimes purchase on speculation. In the mean- 
 while, the poor wretches are kept constantly fettered, 
 two and two of them being chained together, and em- 
 ployed in the labours of the field ; and, I am sorry to 
 add, are very scantily fed, as well as harshly treated. 
 The price of a slave varies according to the number of 
 purchasers from Europe, and the arrival of caravans 
 from the ulterior ; but in general, I reckon that a young 
 and healthy male, from sixteen to twenty-five years of 
 age, maybe estimated on the spot from 18 to 20 
 sterling. 
 
 The negro slave-merchants, as I have observed in 
 the former chapter, are called slatees ; who, besides 
 slaves, and the merchandise which they bring for sale 
 to the whites, supply the inhabitants of the maritime 
 districts with native iron, sweet smelling gums and 
 frankincense, and a commodity called sheatoulou, which, 
 literally translated, signifies tree-butter. This commodity 
 is extracted, by means of boiling water, from the kerne] 
 of a nut, as will be more particularly described here- 
 after : it has the consistence and appearance of butter, 
 and is in truth an admirable substitute for it. It forms 
 an important article in the food of the natives, anc 
 serves also for every domestic purpose in which oi 
 would otherwise be used. The demand for it is there- 
 fore very great. 
 
 In payment of these articles, the maritime states 
 
 supply the interior countries with salt a scarce and 
 valuable commodity, as I frequently and painfully ex- 
 icrienced in the course of my journey. Considerable 
 juantities of this article, however, are also supplied to 
 he inland natives by the Moors, who obtain it from 
 he salt-pits in the Great Desert, and receive hi return 
 corn, cotton cloth, and slaves. 
 
 In thus bartering one commodity for another, many 
 nconveniences must necessarily have arisen at first 
 'roni the want of coined money, or some other visible 
 and determinate medium to settle the balance, or dif- 
 ference of value, between different articles to remedy 
 which, the natives of the interior make use of small 
 shells called kowries, as will be shown hereafter. On 
 ;he coast, the inhabitants have adopted a practice which 
 I believe is peculiar to themselves. 
 
 In their early intercourse with Europeans, the ar- 
 iicle that attracted most notice was iron. Its utility, 
 hi forming the instruments of war and husbandry, 
 made it preferable to all others, and iron soon became 
 :he measure by which the value of all other commodi- 
 ties was ascertained. Thus, a certain quantity of goods, 
 of whatever denomination, appearing to be equal in 
 value to a bar of iron, constituted, in the trader's phra- 
 seology, a bar of that particular merchandise. Twenty 
 [eaves of tobacco, for instance, were considered as a bar 
 of tobacco ; and a gallon of spirits (or rather half spi- 
 rits and half water) as a lar of rum a bar of one 
 commodity being reckoned equal in value to a bar of 
 another commodity. 
 
 As, however, it must unavoidably happen, that ac- 
 cording to the plenty or scarcity of goods at market in 
 proportion to the demand, the relative value would be 
 subject to continual fluctuation, greater precision has 
 been found necessary ; and at this time, the current 
 value of a single bar of any kind is fixed by the whites 
 at two shillings sterling. Thus, a slave whose price is 
 15, is said to be worth 150 bars. 
 
 In transactions of this nature, it is obvious that the 
 white trader has infinitely the advantage over the Afri- 
 can, whom, therefore, it is difficult to satisfy ; for, con- 
 scious of his own ignorance, he naturally becomes ex- 
 ceedingly suspicious and wavering : and indeed so very 
 unsettled and jealous are the negroes in their dealings 
 with the whites, that a bargain is never considered by 
 the European as concluded, until the purchase money 
 is paid, and the party has taken leave. 
 
 Having now brought together such general observa- 
 tions on the country and its inhabitants, as occurred to 
 me during my residence in the vicinage of the Gambia, 
 I shall detain the reader no longer with introductory 
 matter, but proceed, hi the next chapter, to a regular 
 detail of the incidents which happened, and the reflec- 
 tions which arose in my mind, in the course of my 
 painful and perilous journey, from its commencement 
 until my return to the Gambia. 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 The Author sets out from Pisania His Attendants Reaches 
 Jincley. Story related by a Mandingo Negro. Proceeds to Me- 
 dina, the capital of Woolli. Interview with the King. Saphies 
 or Charms. Proceeds to Kolor Description of Mumbo Jumbo. 
 Arrives at Koojar Wrestling Match. Crosses the AVilder- 
 ness, and arrives at Tallika, in the Kingdom of Bondou. 
 
 Ox the 2d of December 1795, 1 took my departure from 
 the hospitable mansion of Dr Laidley. I was fortu- 
 nately provided with a negro servant, who spoke botli 
 the English and Mandingo tongues. His name was 
 Johnson. He was a native of this part of Africa ; and 
 having hi his youth been conveyed to Jamaica as a 
 slave, he had been made free, and taken to England by 
 his master, where he had resided many years ; and at 
 length found his way back to his native country. As 
 he was known to Dr Laidley, the Doctor recommended 
 him to me, and I hired him as my interpreter, at the 
 rate of ten bars monthly, to be paid to himself, and 
 five bars a-month to be paid to his wife during his 
 absence. Dr Laidley furthermore provided me with a 
 
12 
 
 SETS OUT FOR THE INTERIOR. 
 
 negro boy of his own, named Deniba- a sprightly youth, 
 who, besides Mandingo, spoke the language of the Sera- 
 woollies, an inland people (of whom mention will here- 
 after be made), residing on the banks of the Senegal ; 
 and to induce him to behave well, the Doctor promised 
 him his freedom on his return, in case I should report 
 favourably of his fidelity and services. I was furnished 
 with a horse for myself (a small, but very hardy and 
 spirited beast, which cost me to the value of 7, 10s.), 
 and two asses for my interpreter and servant. My 
 baggage was light, consisting chiefly of provisions for 
 two days ; a small assortment of beads, amber, and to- 
 bacco, for the purchase of a fresh supply as I pro- 
 ceeded ; a few changes of linen, and other necessary 
 apparel ; an umbrella, a pocket sextant, a magnetic 
 compass, and a thermometer ; together with two fowl- 
 ing pieces, two pair of pistols, and some other small 
 articles. 
 
 A free man (a bushreen or Mahomedan), named 
 Madiboo, who was travelling to the kingdom of Bam- 
 bara, and two slatees, or slave merchants, of the Sera- 
 woolli nation, and of the same sect, who were going to 
 Pondou, offered their services as far as they intended 
 j espectively to proceed ; as did likewise a negro named 
 Tanri (also a Mahomedan), a native of Kasson, who had 
 been employed some years by Dr Laidley as a black- 
 smith, and was returning to his native country with the 
 savings of his labours. All these men travelled on 
 foot, driving their asses before them. 
 
 Thus I had no less than six attendants, all of whom 
 had been taught to regard me with great respect ; and 
 to consider that their safe return hereafter, to the 
 countries on the Gambia, would depend on my preser- 
 vation. 
 
 Dr Laidley himself, and Messrs Ainsley, with a num- 
 ber of their domestics, kindly determined to accompany 
 me the two first days ; and, I believe, they secretly 
 thought they should never see me afterwards. 
 
 We reached Jindey the same day, having crossed 
 the Walli creek, a branch of the Gambia, and rested 
 at the house of a black woman, who had formerly been 
 the paramour of a white trader named Hewett ; and 
 who, in consequence thereof, was called, by way of dis- 
 tinction, seniora. In the evening we walked out to see 
 an adjoining village, belonging to a slatee named Je- 
 maffoo Mamadoo, the richest of all the Gambia traders. 
 We found him at home ; and he thought so highly of 
 the honour done him by this visit, that he presented us 
 with a fine bullock, which was immediately killed, and 
 part of it dressed for our evening's repast. 
 
 The negroes do not go to supper till late ; and in 
 order to amuse ourselves while our beef was preparing, 
 a Mandingo was desired to relate some diverting stories 
 in listening to which, and smoking tobacco, we spent 
 three hours. These stories bear some resemblance to 
 those in the Arabian Nights' Entertainments ; but, in 
 general, are of a more ludicrous cast. I shall here 
 abridge one of them for the reader's amusement. 
 
 " Many years ago," said the relator, " the people of 
 Doomasansa (a town on the Gambia) were much an- 
 noyed by a lion, that came every night and took away 
 some of their cattle. By continuing his depredations, 
 the people were at length so much enraged that a party 
 of them resolved to go and hunt the monster. They 
 accordingly proceeded in search of the common enemy, 
 which they found concealed in a thicket ; and imme- 
 diately firing at him, were lucky enough to wound him 
 in such a manner, that, in springing from the thicket 
 towards the people, he fell down among the grass, and 
 was unable to rise. The animal, however, manifested 
 such appearance of vigour, that nobody cared to ap- 
 proach him singly ; and a consultation was held con- 
 cerning the most proper means of taking him alive a 
 circumstance, it was said, which, while it furnished 
 undeniable proof of their prowess, would turn out to 
 great advantage, it being resolved to convey him to the 
 coast, and sell him to the Europeans. While some 
 persons proposed one plan, and some another, an old 
 man offered a scheme. This was to strip the roof of a 
 house of its thatch, and to carry the bamboo frame 
 
 (the pieces of which are well secured together by 
 thongs), and throw it over the lion. If, in approach- 
 ing him, he should attempt to spring upon them, they 
 had nothing to do but to let down the roof upon them- 
 selves, and fire at the lion through the rafters. 
 
 This proposition was approved and adopted. The. 
 thatch was taken from the roof of a hut, and the lion- 
 hunters, supporting the fabric, marched courageously 
 to the field of battle ; each person carrying a gun in 
 one hand, and bearing his share of the roof on the. op- 
 posite shoulder. In this manner they approached the 
 enemy ; but the beast had by this time recovered his 
 strength, and such was the fierceness of his counte- 
 nance, that the hunters, instead of proceeding any far- 
 ther, thought it prudent to provide for their own safety, 
 by covering themselves with the roof. Unfortunately, 
 the lion was too nimble for them ; for, making a spring 
 while the roof was setting down, both the beast and his 
 pursuers were caught in the same cage, and the lion 
 devoured them at his leisure, to the great astonishment 
 and mortification of the people of Doomasansa at 
 which place it is even dangerous at this day to tell the 
 story ; for it is become the subject of laughter and de- 
 rision in the neighbouring countries, and nothing will 
 enrage an inhabitant of that town so much as desiring 
 him to catch a lion alive." 
 
 About one o'clock in the afternoon of the 3d of De- 
 cember, I took my leave of Dr Laidley and Messrs 
 Ainsley, and rode slowly into the woods. I had now 
 before me a boundless forest, and a country, the inha- 
 bitants of which were strangers to civilised life, and to 
 most of whom a white man was the object of curiosity 
 or plunder. I reflected that I had parted from the last 
 European I might probably behold, and perhaps quitted 
 for ever the comforts of Christian society. Thoughts 
 like these would necessarily cast a gloom over my 
 mind ; and I rode musing along for about three miles, 
 when I was awakened from my reverie by a body of 
 people, who came running up and stopped the asses, 
 giving me to understand that I must go with them to 
 Peckaba, to present myself to the king of Walli, or 
 pay customs to them. I endeavoured to make them 
 comprehend that the object of my journey not being 
 traffic, I ought not to be subjected to a tax like the 
 slatees, and other merchants, who travel for gain ; but 
 I reasoned to no purpose. They said it was usual for 
 travellers of all descriptions to make a present to the 
 king of Walli, and without doing so I could not be per- 
 mitted to proceed. As they were more numerous than 
 my attendants, and withal very noisy, I thought it pru- 
 dent to comply with their demand ; and having pre- 
 sented them with four bars of tobacco, for the king's 
 use, I was permitted to continue my journey, and at 
 sunset reached a village near Kootacunda, where we 
 rested for the night. 
 
 In the morning of December 4th, I passed Koota- 
 cunda, the last town of Walli, and stopped about an hour 
 at a small adjoining village to pay customs to an officer 
 of the king of Woolli ; we rested the ensuing night at 
 a village called Tabajang ; and at noon the next day 
 (December .5th) we reached Medina, the capital of the 
 king of Woolli's dominions. 
 
 The kingdom of Woolli is bounded by Walli on the 
 west, by the Gambia on the south, by the small river 
 Walli on the north-west, by Bondou on the north-east, 
 and on the east by the Simbani wilderness. 
 
 The country every where rises into gentle acclivities, 
 which are generally covered with extensive woods, and 
 the towns are situated in the intermediate valleys. 
 Each town is surrounded by a tract of cultivated land, 
 the produce of which, I presume, is found sufficient to 
 supply the wants of the inhabitants ; for the soil ap- 
 peared to me to be every where fertile, except near 
 the tops of the ridges, where the red ironstone and 
 stunted shrubs sufficiently marked the boundaries 
 between fertility and barrenness. The chief produc- 
 tions are cotton, tobacco, and esculent vegetables ; all 
 which are raised in the valleys, the rising grounds 
 being appropriated to different sorts of corn. 
 
 The inhabitants are Mandingoes ; and, like most of 
 
VISITS THE KING OF WOOLLI. 
 
 tho Mandingo nations, are divided into two great sects 
 the Mahomedaiis, who are called bushreens, and the 
 pagans, who are called indiscriminately kafirs (unbe- 
 lievers) and sonakies (i. e. men who drink strong 
 liquors.) The pagan natives are by far the most 
 numerous, and the government of the country is in 
 their hands ; for though the most respectable among 
 the bushreens are frequently consulted in affairs of 
 importance, yet they are never permitted to take any 
 share in the executive government, which rests solely 
 in the hands of the mansa, or sovereign, and great 
 officers of the state. Of these, the first in point of rank 
 is the presumptive heir of the crown, who is called the 
 farbanna; next to him are the alkaids, or provincial 
 governors, who are more frequently called keamos. 
 Then follow the two grand divisions of freemen and 
 slaves ;* of the former, the slatees, so frequently men- 
 tioned in the preceding pages, are considered as the 
 principal : but, in all classes, great respect is paid to 
 the authority of aged men. 
 
 On the death of the reigning monarch, his eldest son 
 (if he has attained the age of manhood) succeeds to the 
 regal authority. If there is no son, or if the son is 
 under the age of discretion, a meeting of the great men 
 is held, and the late monarch's nearest relation (com- 
 monly his brother) is called to the government, not as 
 regent, or guardian to the infant son, but in full right, 
 and to the exclusion of the minor. The charges of the 
 government are defrayed by occasional tributes from 
 the people, and by duties on goods transported across 
 the country. Travellers, on going from the Gambia 
 towards the interior, pay customs in European mer- 
 chandise. On returning, they pay in iron and shea- 
 toulou. These taxes are paid at every town. 
 
 Medina/t* the capital of the kingdom, at which I was 
 now arrived, is a place of considerable extent, and may 
 contain from eight hundred to one thousand houses. It 
 is fortified in the common African manner, by a sur- 
 rounding high wall built of clay, and an outward fence 
 of pointed stakes and prickly bushes ; but the walls are 
 neglected, and the outward fence has suffered consider- 
 ably from the active hands of busy housewives, who 
 pluck up the stakes for firewood. I obtained a lodging 
 at one of the king's near relations, who apprised me, 
 that at my introduction to the king, I must not presume 
 to shake hands with him. " It was not usual," he said, " to 
 allow this liberty to strangers." Thus instructed, I went 
 in the afternoon to pay my respects to the sovereign, 
 and ask permission to pass through his territories to 
 Bondou. The king's name was Jatta. He was the same 
 venerable old man of whom so favourable an account 
 was transmitted by Major Houghton. I found him 
 seated upon a mat before the door of his hut : a num- 
 ber of men and women were arranged on each side, 
 who were singing and clapping their hands. I saluted 
 him respectfully, and informed him of the purport of 
 my visit. The king graciously replied, that he not only 
 gave me leave to pass through his country, but would 
 offer up his prayers for my safety. On this, one of my 
 attendants, seemingly in return for the king's conde- 
 scension, began to sing, or rather to roar, an Arabic 
 song ; at every pause of which, the king himself, and 
 all the people present, struck their hands against their 
 foreheads, and exclaimed, with devout and affecting 
 solemnity, Amen, amen.'$ The king told me further- 
 more, that I should have a guide the day following, 
 who would conduct me safely to the frontier of his 
 kingdom. I then took my leave, and in the evening 
 sent the king an order upon Dr Laidley for three 
 
 * The term which signifies a man of free condition is horea; 
 that of a slave, jong. 
 
 t Medina in the Arabic signifies a city ; the name is not uncom- 
 mon among the negroes, and has probably been borrowed from 
 the Mahomedans. 
 
 \ It may seem from hence that the king was a Mahomedan ; 
 but I was assured to the contrary. He joined in prayer on this 
 occasion probably from tho mere dictates of his benevolent mind ; 
 considering, perhaps, that prayers to tho Almighty, offered up 
 with true devotion and sincerity, were equally acceptable, 
 whether from bushvcen or pngan. 
 
 gallons of rum, and received in return great store of 
 provisions. 
 
 December 6th. Early in the morning I went to the 
 king a second time, to learn if the guide was ready. I 
 found his majesty sitting upon a bullock's hide, warm- 
 ing himself before a large fire ; for the Africans are 
 sensible of the smallest variation in the temperature of 
 the air, and frequently complain of cold when a Euro- 
 pean is oppressed with heat. He received me with a 
 benevolent countenance, and tenderly entreated me to 
 desist from my purpose of travelling into the interior ; 
 telling me that Major Houghton had been killed in his 
 route, and that if I followed his footsteps, I should 
 probably meet with his fate. He said that I must not 
 judge of the people of the eastern country by those of 
 Woolli: that the latter were acquainted With white 
 men, and respected them, whereas the people of the 
 east had never seen a white man, and would certainly 
 destroy me. I thanked the king for his affectionate 
 solicitude, but told him that I had considered the mat- 
 ter, and was determined, notwithstanding all dangers, 
 to proceed. The king shook his head, but desisted from 
 farther persuasion, and told me the guide should be 
 ready in the afternoon. 
 
 About two o'clock, the guide appearing, I went and 
 took my last farewell of the good old king, and in three 
 hours reached Konjour, a small village, where we de- 
 termined to rest for the night. Here I purchased a 
 fine sheep for some beads, and my Serawoolli attend- 
 ants killed it with all the ceremonies prescribed by their 
 religion. Part of it was dressed for supper, after which 
 a dispute arose between one of the Serawoolli negroes, 
 and Johnson, my interpreter, about the sheep's horns. 
 The former claimed the horns as Ins perquisite, for 
 having acted the part of our butcher, and Johnson con- 
 tested the claim. I settled the matter by giving a horn 
 to each of them. This trifling incident is mentioned as 
 introductory to what follows : for it appeared on inquiry 
 that these horns were highly valued, as being easily 
 convertible into portable sheaths, or cases, for contain- 
 ing and keeping secure certain charms or amulets 
 called saphies, which the negroes constantly wear about 
 them. These saphies are prayers, or rather sentences, 
 from the Koran, which the Mahomedan priests write on 
 scraps of paper, and sell to the simple natives, who con- 
 sider them to possess very extraordinary virtues. Some 
 of the negroes wear them to guard themselves against 
 the bite of snakes or alligators ; and on this occasion 
 the saphie is commonly inclosed in a snake's or alliga- 
 tor's skin, and tied round the ancle. Others have re- 
 course to them in time of war, to protect their persons 
 against hostile weapons ; but the common use to which 
 these amulets are applied, is to prevent or cure bodily 
 diseases to preserve from hunger and thirst and gene- 
 rally to conciliate the favour of superior powers, under 
 all the circumstances and occurrences of life.* 
 
 In this case, it is impossible not to admire the wonder- 
 ful contagion of superstition ; for, notwithstanding that 
 the majority of the negroes are pagans, and absolutely 
 reject the doctrines of Mahomet, I did not meet with 
 a man, whether a bushreen or kafir, who was not fully 
 persuaded of the powerful efficacy of these amulets. 
 The truth is, that all the natives of this part of Africa 
 consider the art of writing as bordering on magic ; and 
 it is not in the doctrines of the prophet, but in the arts 
 of the magician, that their confidence is placed. It will 
 hereafter be seen that I was myself lucky enough, in 
 circumstances of distress, to turn the popular credulity 
 in this respect to good account. 
 
 On the 7th I departed from Konjour, and slept at a 
 tillage called Malla (or Mallaing); and on the 8th about 
 110011 1 arrived at Kolor, a considerable town near the 
 entrance into which I observed, hanging upon a tree, 
 a sort of masquerade habit, made of the bark of trees, 
 which I was told, on inquiry, belonged to Mumbo Jumbo. 
 This is a strange bugbear, common to all the Mandingo 
 towns, and much employed by tho pagan natives in 
 * I believe that similar charms or amulets, under the names 
 of donrini, grigri, fetich, &c., &c., are common in all parts of 
 Airlca. 
 
14 
 
 BEACHES BONDOU. 
 
 keeping their women in subjection ; for as the kafirs 
 are not restricted in the number of their wives, every 
 one marries as many as he can conveniently maintain 
 and as it frequently happens that the ladies disagree 
 among themselves, family quarrels sometimes rise to 
 such a height, that the authority of the husband can no 
 longer preserve peace in his household. In such cases, 
 the interposition of Mumbo Jumbo is called in, and is 
 always decisive. 
 
 This strange minister of justice (who is supposed to 
 be either the husband himself, or some person instructed 
 by him), disguised in the dress that has been mentioned, 
 and armed with the rod of public authority, announces 
 his coming (whenever his services are required) by 
 loud and dismal screams in the woods near the town. 
 He begins the pantomime at the approach of night ; 
 and as soon as it is dark, he enters the town, and pro- 
 ceeds to the bentang, at which all the inhabitants imme- 
 diately assemble. 
 
 It may easily be supposed that this exhibition is not 
 much relished by the women ; for as the person in dis- 
 guise is entirely unknown to them, every married female 
 suspects that the visit may possibly be intended for her- 
 self ; but they dare not refuse to appear when they are 
 summoned ; and the ceremony commences with songs 
 and dances, which continue till midnight, about which 
 time Mumbo fixes on the offender. This unfortunate 
 victim being thereupon immediately seized, is stripped 
 naked, tied to a post, and severely scourged with Mum- 
 bo's rod, amidst the shouts and derision of the whole 
 assembly ; and it is remarkable, that the rest of the 
 women are the loudest in their exclamations on this oc- 
 casion against their unhappy sister. Daylight puts an 
 end to this indecent and unmanly revel. 
 
 December 9th. As there was no water to be pro- 
 cured on the road, we travelled with great expedition 
 until we reached Tambacunda ; and departing from 
 thence early the next morning, the 10th, we reached 
 in the evening Kooiiiakary, a town of nearly the same 
 magnitude as Kolor. About noon on the llth we ar- 
 rived at Koojar, the frontier town of Woolli, towards 
 Bondou, from which it is separated by an intervening 
 wilderness of two days' journey. 
 
 The guide appointed by the king of Woolli being now 
 to return, I presented him with some amber for his 
 trouble : and having been informed that it was not pos- 
 sible at all times to procure water in the wilderness, I 
 made inquiry for men who would serve both as guides 
 and water-bearers during my journey across it. Three 
 negroes, elephant hunters, offered their services for 
 these purposes, which I accepted, and paid them three 
 bars each in advance ; and the day being far spent, I 
 determined to pass the night in my present quarters. 
 
 The inhabitants of Koojar, though not wholly unac- 
 customed to the sight of Europeans (most of them hav- 
 ing occasionally visited the countries on the Gambia), 
 beheld me with a mixture of curiosity and reverence, 
 and in the evening invited me to see a neobering, or 
 wrestling match, at the beutang. This is an exhibition 
 very common in all the Mandingo countries. The spec- 
 tators arranged themselves in a circle, leaving the in- 
 termediate space for the wrestlers, who were strong 
 active young men, full of emulation, and accustomed, I 
 suppose, from their infancy to this sort of exertion. Be- 
 ing stripped of their clothing, except a short pair of 
 drawers, and having their skin anointed with oil, or 
 shea butter, the combatants approached each other on 
 all-fours, parrying with, and occasionally extending a 
 hand for some time, till at length one of them sprang 
 forward, and caught his rival by the knee. Great 
 dexterity and judgment were now displayed, but the 
 contest was decided by superior strength ; and I think 
 that few Europeans would have been able to cope with 
 the conqueror. It must not be unobserved, that the 
 combatants were animated by the music of a drum, by 
 which their actions were in some measure regulated. 
 
 The wrestling was succeeded by a dance, in which 
 many performers assisted, all of whom were provided 
 with little bells, which were fastened to their legs and 
 arms ; and here, too, the drum regulated their motions. 
 
 It was beaten with a crooked stick, which the drum- 
 mer held in his right hand, occasionally using his left 
 to deaden the sound, and thus vary the music. The 
 drum is likewise applied on these occasions to keep 
 order among the spectators, by imitating the sound of 
 certain Mandingo sentences : for example, when the 
 wrestling match is about to begin, the drummer strikes 
 what is understood to signify all bee see sit all down ; 
 upon which the spectators immediately seat themselves, 
 and when the combatants are to begin, he strikes arnuta, 
 amuta ! take hold, take hold ! 
 
 In the course of the evening I was presented, by 
 way of refreshment, with a liquor, which tasted so 
 much like the strong beer of my native country (and 
 very good beer too), as to induce me to inquire into its 
 composition ; and I learnt, with some degree of sur- 
 prise, that it was actually made from corn which had 
 been previously malted, much in the same manner as 
 barley is malted in Great Britain a root "yielding a 
 grateful bitter was used in lieu of hops, the name of 
 which I have forgot ; but the corn winch yields the 
 wort is the holcus spicatus of botanists. 
 
 Early in the morning (the 12th), I found that one of 
 the elephant hunters had absconded with the money he 
 had received from me in part of wages ; and in order 
 to prevent the other two from following his example, 
 I made them instantly fill their calabashes (or gourds) 
 with water ; and as the sun rose, I entered the wilder- 
 ness that separates the kingdoms of Woolli and Bondou. 
 
 We had not travelled more than a mile before my 
 attendants insisted on stopping, that they might pre- 
 pare a saphie, or charm, to insure us a safe journey. 
 This was done by muttering a few sentences, and spit- 
 ting upon a stone, which was thrown before us on the 
 road. The same ceremony was repeated three times, 
 after which the negroes proceeded with the greatest 
 confidence ; every one being firmly persuaded that the 
 stone (like the scape-goat) had carried witli it every 
 thing that could induce superior powers to visit us with 
 misfortune. 
 
 We continued our journey without stopping any 
 more until noon, when we came to a large tree, called 
 by the natives neema taba. It had a very singular ap- 
 pearance, being decorated with innumerable rags or 
 scraps of cloth, which persons travelling across the 
 wilderness had at different times tied to the branches 
 probably at first to inform the traveller that water was 
 to be found near it ; but the custom has been so greatly 
 sanctioned by tune, that nobody now presumes to pass 
 without hanging up something. I followed the ex- 
 ample, and suspended a handsome piece of cloth on one 
 of the boughs ; and being told that either a well, or 
 pool of water, was at no great distance, I ordered the 
 negroes to unload the asses, that we might give them 
 corn, and regale ourselves with the provisions we had 
 brought. In the meantime, I sent one of the elephant 
 hunters to look for the well, intending, if water was to 
 be obtained, to rest here for the night. A pool was 
 found, but the water was thick and muddy, and the 
 negro discovered near it the remains of a fire recently 
 extinguished, and the fragments of provisions, which 
 afforded a proof that it had been lately visited, either 
 by travellers or banditti. The fears of my attendants 
 supposed the latter ; and believing that robbers lurked 
 near us, I was persuaded to change my resolution of 
 resting here all night, and proceed to another watering 
 place, which I was assured we might reach early in the 
 evening. 
 
 We departed accordingly, but it was eight o'clock at 
 night before we came to the watering place ; and being 
 now sufficiently fatigued with so long a day's journey, 
 we kindled a large fire, and lay down, surrounded by 
 our cattle, on the bare ground, more than a gunshot 
 from any bush the negroes agreeing to keep watch by 
 turns to prevent surprise. 
 
 I know not, indeed, that any danger was justly to be 
 dreaded ; but the negroes were unaccountably appre- 
 hensive of banditti, during the whole of the journey. 
 As soon, therefore, as daylight appeared, we filled our 
 soofroos (skins) and calabashes at the pool, and set out 
 
PROCEEDS FOR FATTECONDA. 
 
 for Tallika, the first town in Bondou, which we reached 
 about eleven o'clock in the forenoon (the 13th of De- 
 cember). I cannot, however, take leave of Woolli, 
 without observing that I was every where well received 
 by the natives, and that the fatigues of the day were 
 generally alleviated by a hearty welcome at night ; and 
 although the African mode of living was at first un- 
 pleasant to me, yet I found, at length, that custom 
 surmounted trifling inconveniences, and made every 
 thing palatable and easy. 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 Some Account of the Inhabitants of Tallika. The Author pro- 
 ceeds for Fatteconda Incidents on the Road. Crosses the 
 Neriko, and arrives at Koorkarany Reaches the River Faleme^ 
 Fishery on that River Proceeds along its Bank to Naye or 
 Nayemow Crosses the Faleme, and arrives at Fatteconda, 
 Has an Interview with Almami, the Sovereign of Bondou. 
 Description of the King's Dwelling Has a second Interview 
 with the King, who begs the Author's Coat. Author visits the 
 King's Wives Is permitted to depart on friendly terms. 
 Journey by Night Arrives at Joag. Somo Account of Bondou, 
 and its Inhabitants the Fouluhs. 
 
 TALLIKA, the frontier town of Bondou towards Woolli, 
 is inhabited chiefly by Foulahs of the Mahomedan re- 
 ligion, who live in considerable affluence, partly by fur- 
 nishing provisions to the cofHes, or caravans, that pass 
 through the town, and partly by the sale of ivory, ob- 
 tained by hunting elephants ; in which employment the 
 young men are generally very successful. Here an 
 officer belonging to the king of Bondou constantly re- 
 sides, whose business it is to give timely information of 
 the arrival of the caravans, which are taxed according 
 to the number of loaded asses that arrive at Tallika. 
 
 I took up my residence at this officer's house, and 
 agreed with him to accompany me to Fatteconda, the 
 residence of the long, for which he was to receive five 
 bars ; and before my departure I wrote a few lines to 
 Dr Laidley, and gave my letter to the master of a cara- 
 van bound for the Gambia. This caravan consisted of 
 nine or ten people, with five asses loaded with ivory. 
 The large teeth are conveyed in nets, two on each side 
 of the ass the small ones are wrapped up in skuas, and 
 secured with ropes. 
 
 December 14th. We left Tallika, and rode on very 
 peaceably for about two miles, when a violent quarrel 
 arose between two of my fellow-travellers, one of whom 
 was the blacksmith, in the course of which they be- 
 stowed some opprobrious terms upon each other ; and 
 it is worthy of remark, that an African will sooner for- 
 give a blow than a term of reproach applied to his 
 ancestors : " Strike me, but do not curse my mother," 
 is a common expression even among the slaves. This 
 sort of abuse, therefore, so enraged one of the dispu- 
 tants that he drew his cutlass upon the blacksmith, and 
 would certainly have ended the dispute in a very seri- 
 ous manner, if the others had not laid hold of him, and 
 wrested the cutlass from him. I was obliged to inter- 
 fere, and put an end to this disagreeable business, by 
 desiring the blacksmith to be silent, and telling the 
 other, who I thought was in the wrong, that if he at- 
 tempted in future to draw his cutlass, or molest any of 
 my attendants, I should look upon him as a robber, 
 and shoot him without farther ceremony. This threat 
 had the desired effect, and we marched sullenly along 
 till the afternoon, when we arrived at a number of small 
 villages scattered over an open and fertile plain ; at one 
 of these, called Ganado, we took up our residence for 
 the night : here an exchange of presents and a good sup- 
 per terminated all animosities among my attendants 
 and the night was far advanced before any of us thought 
 of going to sleep. We were amused by an itinerant 
 singing man,* who told a number of diverting stories, 
 and played some sweet airs by blowing his breath upon 
 
 * These are a sort of travelling bards and musicians, who sing 
 extempore songs in praise of those who employ them. A fuller 
 cccoimt of them will be given hereafter. 
 
 a bow-string, and striking it at the same time with a 
 stick. 
 
 December 15th. At day-break- my fellow-travellers, 
 the Serawoollies, took leave of me, with many prayers 
 for my safety. About a mile from Ganado, we crossed 
 a considerable branch of the Gambia, called Neriko. 
 The banks were steep and covered with mimosas ; and 
 I observed in the mud a number of large muscles, but 
 the natives do not eat them. About noon, the sun being 
 exceedingly hot, we rested two hours in the shade of a 
 tree, and purchased some milk and pounded corn from 
 some Foulah herdsmen, and at sunset reached a town 
 called Koorkarany, where the blacksmith had some re- 
 lations ; and here we rested two days. 
 
 Koorkarany is a Mahomedan town, surrounded by a 
 high wall, and is provided with a niosque. Here I was 
 shown a number of Arabic manuscripts, particularly a 
 copy of the book before mentioned called A IShara. The 
 maraboo, or priest, in whose possession it was, read and 
 explained to me in Mandingo many of the most remark- 
 able passages ; and in return I showed him Richardson's 
 Arabic Grammar, which he very much admired. 
 
 On the evening of the second day (December 1 7th) 
 we departed from Koorkarany. We were joined by a 
 young man who was travelling to Fatteconda for salt ; 
 and as night set in we reached Dooggi, a small village 
 about three miles from Koorkarany. 
 
 Provisions were here so cheap that I purchased a 
 bullock for six small stones of amber ; for I found my 
 company increase or diminish according to the good 
 fare they met with. 
 
 December 18th. Early in the morning we departed 
 from Dooggi, and being joined by a number of Foulahs 
 and other people, made a formidable appearance ; and 
 were undeY no apprehension of being plundered in the 
 woods. About eleven o'clock, one of the asses proving 
 very refractory, the negi-oes took a curious method to 
 make him tractable. They cut a forked stick, and put- 
 ting the forked part into the ass's mouth, like the bit of 
 a bridle, tied the two smaller parts together above his 
 head, leaving the lower part of the stick of sufficient 
 length to strike against the ground, if the ass should 
 attempt to put his head down. After this, the ass 
 walked along quietly and gravely enough, taking care, 
 after some practice, to hold his head sufficiently high 
 to prevent the stones or roots of trees from striking 
 against the end of the stick, which experience had 
 taught him would give a severe shock to his teeth. 
 This contrivance produced a ludicrous appearance ; 
 but my fellow-travellers told me it was constantly 
 adopted by the slatees, and always proved effectual. 
 
 In the evening we arrived at a few scattered villages, 
 surrounded with extensive cultivation ; at one of which, 
 called Buggil, we passed the night in a miserable hut, 
 having no other bed than a bundle of corn stalks, and 
 no provisions but what we brought with us. The wells 
 here are dug with great ingenuity, and are very deep. 
 I measured one of the bucket ropes, and found the 
 depth of the well to be twenty-eight fathoms. 
 
 December 19th. We departed from Buggil, and 
 travelled along a dry, stoney height, covered with 
 mimosas, till mid-day, when the laud sloped towards 
 the east, and we descended into a deep valley, in which 
 I observed abundance of whinstone, and white quartz. 
 Pursuing our course to the eastward, along this valley, 
 in the bed of an exhausted river course, we came to a 
 large village, where we intended to lodge. We found 
 many of the natives, dressed in a thin French gauze, 
 which they called lyqui; this being a light airy dress, 
 and well calculated to display the shape of their per- 
 sons, is much esteemed by the ladies. The manners 
 of these females, however, did not correspond with their 
 dress for they were rude and troublesome in the 
 highest degree ; they surrounded me in numbers, beg- 
 ging for amber, beads, &c. ; and were so vehement in 
 their solicitations, that I found it impossible to resist 
 them. They tore my cloak, cut the buttons from my 
 boy's clothes ; and were proceeding to other outrages, 
 when I mounted my horse and rode off, followed for 
 half a mile by a body of these harpies. 
 
16 
 
 ARRIVES AT FATTECONDA. 
 
 In the evening we reached Soobrudooka, and as my 
 company was numerous (being fourteen), I purchased 
 a sheep and abundance of corn for supper ; after which 
 we lay down by the bundles, and passed an uncomfort- 
 able night in a heavy dew. 
 
 December 20th. We departed from Soobrudooka, 
 and at two o'clock reached a large village situated on 
 the banks of the Faleme' river, which is here rapid and 
 rocky. The natives were employed in fishing in various 
 ways. The large fish were taken in long baskets made 
 of split i-,ane, and placed in a strong current, which was 
 created by walls of stone built across the stream, cer- 
 tain open places being left, through which the water 
 rushed with great force. Some of these baskets were 
 more than twenty feet long, and when once the fish had 
 entered One of them, the force of the stream prevented 
 it from returning. The small fish were taken in great 
 numbers in hand-nets, which the natives weave of 
 cotton, and use with great dexterity. The fish last 
 mentioned are about the size of sprats, and are pre- 
 pared for sale in different ways ; the most common is 
 by pounding them entire as they come from the stream, 
 in a wooden mortar, and exposing them to dry in the 
 sun, in large lumps like sugar loaves. It may be sup- 
 posed that the smell is not very agreeable ; but in the 
 Moorish countries to the north of the Senegal, where 
 fish is scarcely known, this preparation is esteemed as 
 a luxury, and sold to considerable advantage. The 
 manner of using it by the natives is, by dissolving a 
 piece of this black loaf in boiling water, and mixing it 
 with their kouskous. 
 
 I thought it very singular, at this season of the year, 
 to find the banks of the Faleme every where covered 
 with large and beautiful fields of corn ; but, on exami- 
 nation, 1 found it was not the same species of grain as 
 is commonly cultivated on the Gambia it is called by 
 the natives manio, and grows in the dry season, is very 
 prolific, and is reaped in the month of January. It is 
 the same which, from the depending position of the 
 ear, is called by botanical writers holcus cernuus. 
 
 On returning to the village, after an excursion to 
 the river side to inspect the fishery, an old Moorish 
 shereeff' came to bestow his blessing upon me, and beg 
 some paper to write saphies upon. This man had seen 
 Major Houghton in the kingdom of Kaarta, and told 
 me that he died in the country of the Moors. I gave 
 him a few sheets of paper, and he levied a similar 
 tribute from the blacksmith ; for it is customary for 
 young Mussulmen to make presents to the old ones, 
 in order to obtain their blessing, which is pronounced 
 in Arabic, and received with great humility. 
 
 About three in the afternoon we continued our course 
 along the bank of the river to the northward, till eight 
 o'clock, when we reached Nayemow ; here the hospi- 
 table master of the town received us kindly, and pre- 
 sented us with a bullock. In return, I gave him some 
 amber and beads. 
 
 December 21st. In the morning, having agreed for 
 a canoe to carry over my bundles, I crossed the river, 
 which came up to my knees as I sat on my horse ; but 
 the water is so clear, that from the high bank the bot- 
 tom is visible all the way over. 
 
 About noon we entered Fatteconda, the capital of 
 Bondou, and in a little time received an invitation to 
 the house of a respectable slatee : for as there are no 
 public houses in Africa, it is customary for strangers 
 to stand at the bentang, or some other place of public 
 resort, till they are invited to a lodging by some of the 
 inhabitants. We accepted the offer ; and in an hour 
 afterwards, a person came and told me that he was 
 sent on purpose to conduct me to the king, who was 
 very desirous of seeing me immediately, if I was not 
 too much fatigued. 
 
 I took my interpreter with me, and followed the 
 messenger till we got quite out of the town, and crossed 
 some corn fields ; when, suspecting some trick, I stop- 
 ped, and asked the guide whither he was going. Upon 
 which he pointed to a man sitting under a tree at some 
 little distance, and told me that the king frequently 
 gave audience in that retired manner, in order to avoid 
 
 a crowd of people ; and that nobody but myself and my 
 interpreter must approach him. When I advanced, 
 the king desired me to come and sit by him upon the 
 mat ; and, after hearing my Story, on which he made 
 no observation, he asked if I wished to purchase any 
 slaves or gold : being answered in the negative, he 
 seemed rather surprised, but desired me to come to him 
 in the evening, and he would give me some provisions. 
 
 This monarch was called Almami a Moorish name, 
 though I was told that he was not a Mahomedan, but 
 a kafir or pagan. I had heard that he had acted to- 
 wards Major Houghton with great unkindness, and 
 caused him to be plundered. His behaviour therefore 
 towards myself at this interview, though much more 
 civil than I expected, was far from freeing me from 
 uneasiness. I still apprehended some double dealing ; 
 and as I was now entirely in his power, I thought it 
 best to smooth the way by a present : accordingly, I 
 took with me in the evening one canister of gunpowder, 
 some amber, tobacco, and my umbrella ; and as I con- 
 sidered that my bundles would inevitably be searched, 
 I concealed some few articles in the roof of the hut where 
 I lodged, and I put on my new blue coat, in order to 
 preserve it. 
 
 All the houses belonging to the king and his family 
 are surrounded by a lofty mud wall, which converts 
 the whole into a kind of citadel. The interior is sub- 
 divided into different courts. At the first place of en- 
 trance, I observed a man standing with a musket oil 
 his shoulder ; and I found the way to the presence very 
 intricate, leading through many passages, with senti- 
 nels placed at the different doors. When we came to 
 the entrance of the court in which the king resides, 
 both my guide and interpreter, according to custom, 
 took off their sandals ; and the former pronounced the 
 king's name aloud, repeating it till he was answered 
 from within. We found the monarch sitting upon a 
 mat, and two attendants with him. I repeated what I 
 had before told him concerning the object of my jour- 
 ney, and my reasons for passing through his country. 
 He seemed, however, but half satisfied. The notion of 
 travelling for curiosity was quite new to him. He 
 thought it impossible, he said, that any man in his 
 senses would undertake so dangerous a journey, merely 
 to look at the country and its inhabitants. However, 
 when I offered to show him the contents of my port- 
 manteau, and every thing belonging to me, he was 
 convinced ; and it was evident that his suspicion had 
 arisen from a belief that every white man must of ne- 
 cessity be a trader. When I had delivered my presents, 
 he seemed well pleased, and was particularly delighted 
 with the umbrella, which he repeatedly furled and un- 
 furled, to the great admiration of himself and his two 
 attendants, who could not for some time comprehend 
 the use of this wonderful machine. After this I was 
 about to take my leave, when the king, desiring me to 
 stop a while, began a long preamble in favour of the 
 whites, extolling their immense wealth and good dis- 
 positions. He next proceeded to an eulogium on my 
 blue coat, of which the yellow buttons seemed particu- 
 larly to catch his fancy ; and he concluded by entreating 
 me to present him with it assuring me, for my con- 
 solation under the loss of it, that he would wear it on 
 all public occasions, and inform every one who saw it 
 of my great liberality towards him. The request of 
 an African prince, in his own dominions, particularly 
 when made to a stranger, comes little short of a com- 
 mand. It is only a way of obtaining by gentle means, 
 what he can, if he pleases, take by force ; and as it was 
 against my interest to offend him by a refusal, I very 
 quietly took off my coat, the only good one in my pos- 
 session, and laid it at his feet. 
 
 In return for my compliance, he presented me with 
 great plenty of provisions, and desired to see me again 
 in the morning. I accordingly attended, and found 
 him sitting upon his bed. He told me he was sick, 
 and wished to have a little blood taken from him ; but 
 I had no sooner tied up his arm, and displayed the 
 lancet, than his courage failed ; and he begged me to 
 postpone the operation till the afternoon, as he felt 
 
DESCRIPTION OF BONDOU. 
 
 17 
 
 himself, he said, much better than he had been, and 
 thanked me kindly for my readiness to serve him. He 
 then observed, that his women were very desirous to 
 see me, and requested that I would favour them with 
 a visit. An attendant was ordered to conduct me 
 and I had no sooner entered the court appropriated to 
 the ladies, than the whole seraglio surrounded me 
 some begging for physic, some for amber ; and all of 
 them desirous of trying that great African specific, 
 blood-letting. They were ten or twelve in number, 
 most of them young and handsome, and wearing on 
 their heads ornaments of gold, and beads of amber. 
 
 They rallied me with a good deal of gaiety on diffe- 
 rent subjects ; particularly upon the whiteness of my 
 skin, and the prominency of my nose. They insisted 
 that both were artificial. The first, they said, was 
 produced when I was an infant, by dipping me hi milk ; 
 and they insisted that my nose had been pinched every 
 day, till it had acquired its present unsightly and un- 
 natural conformation. On my part, without disputing 
 my own deformity, I paid them many compliments on 
 African beaut}'. I praised the glossy jet of their skins, 
 and the lovely depression of their noses ; but they said 
 that flattery, or (as they emphatically termed it) honey- 
 mouth, was not esteemed in Bondou. In return, how- 
 ever, for my company or my compliments (to which, 
 by the way, they seemed not so insensible as they af- 
 fected to be), they presented me with a jar of honey 
 and some fish, which were sent to my lodging ; and I 
 was desired to come again to the king a little before 
 sunset. 
 
 I carried with me some beads and writing paper, it 
 being usual to present some small offering on taking 
 leave : in return for which, the king gave me five 
 drachms of gold ; observing, that it was but a trifle, 
 and given out of pure friendship, but would be of use 
 to me in travelling, for the purchase of provisions. 
 He seconded this act of kindness by one still greater ; 
 politely telling me, that though it was customary to 
 examine the baggage of every traveller passing through 
 his country, yet, in the present instance, he would dis- 
 pense with that ceremony ; adding, I was at liberty to 
 depart when I pleased. 
 
 Accordingly, on the morning of the 23d, we left Fat- 
 teconda, and about eleven o'clock came to a small vil- 
 lage, where we determined to stop for the rest of the 
 day. 
 
 in the afternoon my fellow-travellers informed me, 
 that as this was the boundary between Bondou and Ka- 
 jaaga, and dangerous for travellers, it would be neces- 
 sary to continue our journey by night, until we should 
 reach a more hospitable part of the country. 1 agreed 
 to the proposal, and hired two people for guides through 
 the woods ; and as soon as the people of the village were 
 gone to sleep (the moon shining bright), we set out. The 
 stillness of the air, the howling of the wild beasts, and 
 the deep solitude of the forest, made the scene solemn 
 and impressive. Not a word was uttered by any of us 
 but in a whisper; all were attentive, and every one 
 anxious to show his sagacity by pointing out to me the 
 wolves and hyaenas, as they "glided, like shadows, from 
 one thicket to another. Towards morning, we arrived 
 at a village called Kimmoo, where our guides awakened 
 one of their acquaintances, and we stopped to give the 
 asses some corn, and roast a few ground nuts for our- 
 selves. At day-light we resumed our journey; and in 
 the afternoon arrived at Joag, in the kingdom of Ka- 
 jaaga. 
 
 Being now in a country, and among a people, differ- 
 ing in many respects from those that have as yet fallen 
 under our observation, I shall, before I proceed farther, 
 give some account of Bondou (the territory we have 
 left), and its inhabitants the Foulahs, the description 
 of whom I purposely reserved for this part of my work. 
 
 Bondou is bounded on the east by Bambouk, on the 
 south-east and south by Tenda and the Simbani v, il- 
 deniess, on the south-west by Woolli, on the west by 
 Foota Torra, and on the north by Kajaaga. 
 
 The country, like that of Woolli, is very generally 
 covered with woods, but the land is more elevated, and, 
 
 towards the Faleme" river, rises into considerable hills. 
 In native fertility, the soil is not surpassed, I believe, 
 by any part of Africa. 
 
 From the central situation of Bondou, between the 
 Gambia and Senegal rivers, it is become a place of 
 great resort, both for the slatees who generally pass 
 through it, in going from the coast to the interior 
 countries and for occasional traders, who frequently 
 come hither from the inland countries to purchase salt. 
 
 These different branches of commerce are conducted 
 principally by Mandingoes and Serawoollies who have 
 settled in the country. These merchants likewise carry 
 on a considerable trade with Gedumah, and other Moor- 
 ish countries, bartering corn and blue cotton cloths 
 for salt ; which they again barter in Dentila, and other 
 districts, for iron, shea-butter, and small quantities of 
 gold-dust. They likewise sell a variety of sweet-smell- 
 ing gums, packed up in small bags, containing each 
 about a pound. These gums, being thrown on hot 
 embers, produce a very pleasant odour, and are used 
 by the Mandingoes for perfuming their huts and clothes. 
 
 The customs, or duties on travellers, are very heavy ; 
 in almost every town an ass-load pays a bar of European 
 merchandise, and at Fatteconda, the residence of the 
 king, one Indian baft, or a musket, and six bottles of 
 gunpowder, are exacted as the common tribute. By 
 means of these duties, the king of Bondou is well sup- 
 plied with arms and ammunition a circumstance which 
 makes him formidable to the neighbouring states. 
 
 The inhabitants differ in their complexions and na- 
 tioiuil manners from the Mandingoes and Serawoollies, 
 with whom they are frequently at war. Some years 
 ago the king of Bondou crossed the Faleme river with 
 a numerous army ; and, after a short and bloody cam- 
 paign, totally defeated the forces of Samboo, king of 
 Bambouk, who was obliged to sue for peace, and sur- 
 render to him all the towns along the eastern bank of 
 the Faleme. 
 
 The Foulahs in general (as has been observed in a 
 former chapter) are of a tawny complexion, with small 
 features and soft silky hair ; next to the Mandingoes, 
 they are undoubtedly the most considerable of all the 
 nations in this part of Africa. Their original country 
 is said to be Fooladoo (which signifies the country of 
 the Foulahs) ; but they possess at present many other 
 kingdoms at a great distance from each other : their 
 complexion, however, is not exactly the same in the 
 different districts ; in Bondou, and the other kingdoms 
 which are situated in the vicinity of the Moorish terri- 
 tories, they are of a more yellow complexion than in 
 the southern states. 
 
 The Foulahs of Bondou are naturally of a mild and 
 gentle disposition, but the uncharitable maxims of the 
 Koran have made them less hospitable to strangers, 
 and more reserved in their behaviour, than the Maudin- 
 goes. They evidently consider all the negro natives as 
 their inferiors ; and, when talking of different nations, 
 always rank themselves among the white people. 
 
 Their government differs from that of the Mandin- 
 goes chiefly in this, that they are more immediately 
 under the influence of the Mahomedan laws ; for all 
 the chief men, the king excepted, and a large majority 
 of the inhabitants of Bondou, are Mussulmen, and the 
 authority and laws of the Prophet are every where 
 looked upon as sacred and decisive. In the exercise of 
 their faith, however, they are not very intolerant to- 
 wards such of their countrymen as still retain their 
 ancient superstitions. Religious persecution is not 
 known among them, nor is it necessary; for the system 
 of Mahomet is made to extend itself by means abun- 
 dantly more efficacious. By establishing small schools 
 in the different towns, where many of the pagan as well 
 as Mahomedan children are taught to read the Koran, 
 and instructed in the tenets of the Prophet, the Maho- 
 medan priests fix a bias on the minds, and form the 
 character, of their young disciples, which no accidents 
 of life can ever afterwards remove or alter. Many of 
 these little schools I visited in my progress through the 
 country, and observed with pleasure the great docility 
 and submissive deportment of the children, and heartily 
 
18 
 
 ARRIVES IN KAJAAGA. 
 
 wished they had had better instructors, and a purer 
 religion. 
 
 With the Mahomedan faith is also introduced the 
 Arabic language, with which most of the Foulahs have 
 a slight acquaintance. Their native tongue abounds 
 very much in liquids, but there is something unpleasant 
 in the manner of pronouncing it. A stranger, on hear- 
 ing the common conversation of two Foulahs, would 
 imagine that they were scolding each other. Their 
 numerals are these : 
 
 One, Go. 
 Two, Deeddee. 
 Three, Tettee. 
 Four, Nee. 
 Five, Jouee. 
 
 Six, Jego. 
 Seven, Jedeeddee. 
 Eight, Je Tettee. ' 
 Nine, Je Nee. 
 Ten, Sappo. 
 
 The industry of the Foulahs, in the occupations of 
 pasturage and agriculture, is every where remark- 
 able. Even on the banks of the Gambia, the greater 
 part of the corn is raised by them, and their herds and 
 flocks are more numerous and in better condition 
 than those of the Maudingoes ; but in Bondou they are 
 opulent in a high degree, and enjoy all the neces- 
 saries of life in the greatest profusion. They dis- 
 play great skill in the management of their cattle, 
 making them extremely gentle by kindness and fami- 
 liarity. On the approach of night, they are collected 
 from the woods and secured in folds, called korrees, 
 which are constructed in the neighbourhood of the 
 different villages. In the middle of each korree is 
 erected a small hut, wherein one or two of the herds- 
 men keep watch during the night, to prevent the cattle 
 from being stolen, and to keep up the fires which are 
 kindled round the korree to frighten away the wild 
 beasts. 
 
 The cattle are milked in the mornings and evenings : 
 the'milk is excellent ; but the quantity obtained from 
 any one cow is by no means so great as in Europe. 
 The Foulahs use the milk chiefly as an article of diet, 
 and that not until it is quite sour. The cream which 
 it affords is very thick, and is converted into butter by 
 stirring it violently in a large calabash. This butter, 
 when melted over a gentle fire, and freed from impuri- 
 ties, is preserved in small earthen pots, and forms a 
 part in most of their dishes ; it serves likewise to 
 anoint their heads, and is bestowed very liberally on 
 their faces and arms. 
 
 But although milk is plentiful, it is somewhat re- 
 markable that the Foulahs, and indeed all the inha- 
 bitants of this part of Africa, are totally unacquainted 
 with the art of making cheese. A firm attachment 
 to the customs of their ancestors, makes them view 
 with an eye of prejudice every thing that looks like 
 innovation. The heat of the climate, and the great 
 scarcity of salt, are held forth as unanswerable objec- 
 tions ; and the whole process appears to them too long 
 and troublesome to be attended with any solid advan- 
 tage. 
 
 Besides the cattle, which constitute the chief wealth 
 of the Foulahs, they possess some excellent horses, the 
 breed of which seems to be a mixture of the Arabian 
 with the original African. 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 Account of Kajaaga Serawoollies Their Manners and Language. 
 Account of Joag. The Author is ill-treated, and robbed of 
 half of his effects, by order of Batcheri, the King. Charity of 
 a Female Slave. The Author is visited by Demba Sego, Nephew 
 of the King of Kasson, who offers to conduct him in safety to 
 that Kingdom. Offer accepted. The Author and his Protector, 
 with a numerous Retinue, set out and reach Samee, on the 
 Banks of the Senegal. Proceed to Kayee, and, crossing the 
 Senegal, arrive in the Kingdom of Kasson. 
 
 THE kingdom of Kajaaga, in which I was now arrived, 
 is called by the French Gallam ; but the name that I 
 have adopted is universally used by the natives. This 
 country is bounded on the south-east and south by Bam- 
 bouk, on the west by Bondou and Foota-Torra, and on 
 the north by the river Senegal. 
 
 The air and climate are, I believe, more pure and sa- 
 lubrious than at any of the settlements towards the 
 coast ; the face of the country is every where interspersed 
 with a pleasing variety of hills and vallies ; and the 
 windings of the Senegal river, which descends from the 
 rocky hills of the interior, make the scenery on its 
 banks very picturesque and beautiful. 
 
 The inhabitants are called Serawoollies, or (as the 
 French write it) Seracolets. Their complexion is a jet 
 black : they are not to be distinguished in this respect 
 from the Jaloffs. 
 
 The government is monarchical ; and the regal au- 
 thority, from what I experienced of it, seems to be suf- 
 ficiently formidable. The people themselves, however, 
 complain of no oppression, and seemed all very anxious 
 to support the king in a contest he was going to enter 
 into with the sovereign of Kasson. The Serawoollies are 
 habitually a trading people ; they formerly carried on 
 a great commerce with the French in gold and slaves, 
 and still maintain some traffic in slaves with the Bri- 
 tish factories on the Gambia. They are reckoned to- 
 lerably fair and just in their dealings, but are indefa- 
 tigable in their exertions to acquire wealth, and they 
 derive considerable profits by the sale of salt, and cot- 
 ton cloth, in distant countries. When a Serawoolli 
 merchant returns home from a trading expedition, the 
 neighbours immediately assemble to congratulate him 
 upon his arrival. On these occasions the traveller dis- 
 plays his wealth and liberality, by making a few pre- 
 sents to his friends ; but if he has been unsuccessful, 
 his levee is soon over, and every one looks upon him 
 as a man of no understanding, who could perform a 
 long journey and (as they express it) " bring back no- 
 thing but the hair upon his head." 
 
 Their language abounds much in gutturals, and is not 
 so harmonious as that spoken by the Foulahs : it is, how- 
 ever, well worth acquiring by those who travel through 
 this part of the African continent it being very gene- 
 rally understood in the kingdoms of Kasson, Kaarta, 
 Ludamar, and the northern parts of Bambarra. In all 
 these countries the Serawoollies are the chief traders. 
 Their numerals are : 
 
 One, Bani. 
 Two, Fillo. 
 Three, Sicco. 
 Four, Narrate. 
 Five, Karrago. 
 Six, Toomo. 
 
 Seven,' Nero. 
 Eight, Sego. 
 Nine, Kabbo. 
 Ten, Tamo. 
 Twenty, Tamo di Fillo. 
 
 We arrived at Joag, the frontier town of this king- 
 dom, on the 24th of December, and took up our resi- 
 dence at the house of the chief man, who is here no 
 longer known by the title of alkaid, but is called the 
 dooty. He was a rigid Mahomedan, but distinguished for 
 his hospitality. This town may be supposed, on a gross 
 computation, to contain two thousand inhabitants. It 
 is surrounded by a high wall, in which are a number 
 of port-holes for musketry to fire through, in case of 
 an attack. Every man's possession is likewise sur- 
 rounded by a wall the whole forming so many distinct 
 citadels ; and amongst a people unacquainted with the 
 use of artillery, these walls answer all the purposes of 
 stronger fortifications. To the westward of the town 
 is a small river, on the banks of which the natives raise 
 great plenty of tobacco and onions. 
 
 The same evening Madiboo the bushreen, who had 
 accompanied me from Pisania, went to pay a visit to 
 his father and mother, who dwelt at a neighbouring 
 town, called Dramanet. He was joined by my other 
 attendant the blacksmith ; and as soon as it was dark, 
 I was invited to see the sports of the inhabitants, it 
 being their custom, on the arrival of strangers, to wel- 
 come them by diversions of different kinds. I found a 
 great crowd surrounding a party who were dancing, 
 by the light of some large fires, to the music of four 
 drums, which were beat with great exactness and uni- 
 formity. The dances, however, consisted more in wanton 
 gestures than hi muscular exertion or graceful attitudes. 
 The ladies vied with each other in displaying the most 
 voluptuous movements imaginable. 
 
 December 25th. About two o'clock in the morning 
 
DISTRESSING SITUATION KINDNESS OF A SLAVE. 
 
 19 
 
 a number of horsemen came into the town, and, having 
 awakened my landlord, talked to him for some time in 
 the Serawooui tongue ; after which they dismounted, 
 and came to the bentang, on which I had made my bed. 
 One of them, thinking that I was asleep, attempted to 
 steal the musket that lay by me on the mat ; but, find- 
 ing that he could not effect his purpose undiscovered, 
 he desisted ; and the strangers sat down by me till day- 
 light. 
 
 I could now easily perceive, by the countenance 
 of my interpreter, Johnson, that something very un- 
 pleasant was in agitation. I was likewise surprised 
 to see Madiboo and the blacksmith so soon returned. 
 On inquiring the reason, Madiboo informed me, that 
 as they were dancing at Dramanet, ten horsemen be- 
 longing to Batcheri, king of the country, with his second 
 son at their head, had arrived there, inquiring if the 
 white man had passed ; and on being told that I was 
 at Joag, they rode off without stopping. Madiboo ad- 
 ded, that on hearing this, he and the blacksmith has- 
 tened back to give me notice of their coming. Whilst 
 I wa-; listening to this narrative, the ten horsemen 
 mentioned by Madiboo arrived ; and, coming to the 
 bentang, dismounted and seated themselves with those 
 who had come before the whole being about twenty in 
 number, forming a circle round me, and each man 
 holding his musket in his hand. I took this oppor- 
 tunity to observe to my landlord, that as I did not 
 understand the Serawoolli tongue, I hoped, whatever 
 the men had to say, they would speak in Mandingo. 
 To this they agreed ; and a short man, loaded with a 
 remarkable number of saphies, opened the business in 
 a very long harangue, informing me that I had entered 
 the king's town without having first paid the duties, or 
 giving any present to the king, and that, according to 
 the laws of the country, my people, cattle, and baggage, 
 were forfeited. He added, that they had received orders 
 from the king to conduct me to Maana,* the place of 
 his residence ; and if I refused to come with them, 
 their orders were to bring me by force upon his say- 
 ing which, all of them rose up and asked me if I was 
 ready. It would have been equally vain and impru- 
 dent in me to have resisted or irritated such a body of 
 men ; I therefore affected to comply with their com- 
 mands, and begged them only to stop a little until I 
 had given my horse a feed of corn, and settled matters 
 with my landlord. The poor blacksmith, who was a 
 native of Kasson, mistook this feigned compliance for 
 a real intention, and, taking me away from the company, 
 told me, that he had always behaved towards me as if 
 I had been his father and master, and he hoped I 
 would not entirely ruin him by going to Maana ; add- 
 ing, that as there was every reason to believe a war 
 would soon take place between Kasson and Kajaaga, 
 he should not only lose his little property, the savings 
 of four years' industry, but should certainly be de- 
 tained and sold as a slave, unless his friends had an 
 opportunity of paying two slaves for his redemption. 
 I saw this reasoning in its full force, and determined 
 to do my utmost to preserve the blacksmith from so 
 dreadful a fate. I therefore told the king's son that ] 
 was ready to go with him, upon condition that the 
 blacksmith, who was an inhabitant of a distant king- 
 dom, and entirely unconnected with me, should be al- 
 lowed to stay at Joag till my return ; to this they al" 
 objected, and insisted that as we had all acted contrary 
 to the laws, we were all equally answerable for our 
 conduct. 
 
 I now took my landlord aside, and giving him a smal 
 present of gunpowder, asked his advice in so critical a 
 situation. He was decidedly of opinion that I ought no 
 to go to the king : he was fully convinced, he said, tha 
 if the king should discover any thing valuable in mj 
 possession, he would not be over scrupulous about th 
 means of obtaining it. This made me the more solici 
 tous to conciliate matters with the king's people ; an( 
 I began by observing, that what I had done did 110 
 proceed from any want of respect towards the king 
 * Maana is within a short distance of the ruins of Fort St Jo 
 eeph, on the Senegal river, formerly a French factory. 
 
 icr from any wish to violate his laws, but wholly from 
 my own inexperience and ignorance, being a stranger, 
 otally unacquainted with the laws and customs of their 
 ountry : I had indeed entered the king's frontier, 
 vithout knowing that I was to pay the duties before- 
 and, but I was ready to pay them now ; which I 
 bought was all they could reasonably demand. I 
 hen tendered them, as a present to the king, the five 
 irachms of gold which the king of Bondou had given 
 me ; this they accepted, but insisted on examining my 
 iaggage, which I opposed in vain. The bundles were 
 pened ; but the men were much disappointed in not 
 inding in them so much gold and amber as they ex- 
 Dected: they made up the deficiency, however, by tak- 
 ng whatever things they fancied ; and after wrangling 
 and debating with me till sunset, they departed, having 
 irst robbed me of hah my goods. These proceedings 
 dispirited my people, and our fortitude was not strength- 
 ened by a very indifferent supper, after a long fast. 
 Vladiboo begged me to turn back ; Johnson laughed at 
 ;he thought of proceeding without money ; and the 
 Blacksmith was afraid to be seen, or even to speak, 
 est any one should discover him to be a native of 
 Kasson. In this disposition, we passed the night by 
 the side of a dun fire, and our situation the next day 
 was very perplexing : it was impossible to procure pro- 
 visions without money, and I knew that if I produced 
 any beads or amber, the king would immediately hear 
 of it, and I should probably lose the few effects I had 
 concealed. We therefore resolved to combat hunger 
 for the day, and wait some favourable opportunity of 
 purchasing or begging provisions. 
 
 Towards the evening, as I was sitting upon the ben- 
 tang chewing straws, an old female slave, passing, by 
 with a basket upon her head, asked me if I had got my 
 dinner. As I thought she only laughed at me, I gave 
 lier no answer ; but my boy, who was sitting close by, 
 answered for me, and told her that the king's people 
 had robbed me of all my money. On hearing this, the 
 good old woman, with a look of unaffected benevolence, 
 immediately took the basket from her head, and show- 
 ing me that it contained ground nuts, asked me if I 
 could eat them ; being answered in the affirmative, she 
 presented me with a few handfuls, and walked away, 
 before I had time to thank her for this seasonable sup- 
 ply. This trifling circumstance gave me peculiar satis- 
 faction. I reflected with pleasure on the conduct of 
 this poor untutored slave, who, without examining into 
 my character or circumstances, listened implicitly to 
 the dictates of her own heart. Experience had taught 
 her that hunger was painful, and her own distresses 
 made her commiserate those of others. 
 
 The old woman had scarcely left me, when I re- 
 ceived information that a nephew of Demba Sego Jalla, 
 the Mandingo king of Kasson, was coming to pay me 
 a visit. He had been sent on an embassy to Batcheri, 
 king of Kajaaga, to endeavour to settle the disputes 
 which had arisen between his uncle and the latter ; 
 but, after debating the matter four days without suc- 
 cess, he was now on his return and hearing that a 
 white man was at Joag, on his way to Kasson, curiosity 
 brought him to see me. I represented to him my 
 situation and distresses, when he frankly offered me 
 his protection, and said he would be my guide to Kasson 
 (provided I would set out the next morning), and be 
 answerable for my safety. I readily and gratefully 
 accepted his offer, and was ready, with my attendants, 
 by daylight on the morning of the 27th of December. 
 
 My protector, whose name was Demba Sego, pro- 
 bably after his uncle, had a numerous retinue. Our 
 company, at leaving Joag, consisted of thirty persons 
 and six loaded asses ; and we rode on cheerfully enough 
 for some hours, without any remarkable occurrence, 
 until wo came to a species of tree, for which my inter- 
 preter, Johnson, had made frequent inquiry. On find- 
 ing it, he desired us to stop ; and, producing a white 
 chicken, which he had purchased at Joag for the pur- 
 pose, he tied it by the leg to one of the branches, and 
 then told us we might now safely proceed, for that our 
 journey would be prosperous. This circumstance is 
 
20 
 
 ARRIVAL AT TEESEE. 
 
 Inentioned merely to illustrate the disposition of the 
 negroes, and to show the power of superstition over 
 their minds ; for although this man had resided seven 
 years in England, it was evident that he still retained 
 the prejudices and notions he had imbibed in his youth. 
 He meant this ceremony, he told me, as an offering, or 
 sacrifice, to the spirits of the woods, who were, he said, 
 a powerful race of beings, of a white colour, with long 
 flowing hair. I laughed at his folly, but could not 
 condemn the piety of his motives. 
 
 At noon we had reached Gungadi, a large town, 
 where we stopped about an hour, until some of the 
 asses that had fallen behind came up. Here I observed 
 a number of date trees, and a mosque built of clay, 
 with six turrets, on the pinnacles of which were placed 
 six ostrich eggs. A little before sunset we arrived at 
 the town of Samee, on the banks of the Senegal, which 
 is here a beautiful but shallow river, moving slowly 
 over a bed of sand and gravel. The banks are high, 
 and covered with verdure -the country is open and 
 cultivated and the rocky hills of Fellow and Bambouk 
 add much to the beauty of the landscape. 
 
 December 28th. We departed from Samee, and ar- 
 rived in the afternoon at Kayee, a large village, part of 
 which is situated on the north, and part on the south 
 side of the river. A little above this place is a consi- 
 derable cataract, where the river flows over a ledge of 
 whinstone rock with great force : below this the river 
 is remarkably black and deep ; and here it was proposed 
 to make our cattle swim over. After hallooing, and 
 firing some muskets, the people 011 the Kasson side ob- 
 served us, and brought over a canoe to carry our bag- 
 gage. I did not, however, think it possible to get the 
 cattle down the bank, which is here more than forty 
 ieet above the water; but the negroes seized the horses, 
 and launched them, one at a time, down a sort of trench 
 or gully, that was almost perpendicular, and seemed to 
 have been worn smooth by this sort of use. After the 
 terrified cattle had been plunged in this manner to the 
 water's edge, every man got down as well as he could. 
 The ferryman then taking hold of the most steady of 
 the horses by a rope, led him into the water, and pad- 
 dled the canoe a little from the brink ; upon which a 
 general attack commenced upon the other horses, who, 
 finding themselves pelted and kicked on all sides, 
 unanimously plunged into the river, and followed their 
 companion. A few boys swam in after them ; and, by 
 laving water upon them when they attempted to return, 
 urged them onwards ; and we had the satisfaction, in 
 about fifteen minutes, to see them all safe on the other 
 side. It was a matter of greater difficulty to manage 
 the asses; their natural stubbornness of disposition made 
 them endure a great deal of pelting and shoving before 
 they would venture into the water ; and when they had 
 reached the middle of the stream, four of them turned 
 back, in spite of every exertion to get them forwards. 
 Two hours were spent in getting the whole of them 
 over ; an hour more was employed in transporting the 
 baggage ; and it was near sunset before the canoe re- 
 turned, when Demba Sego and myself embarked in thi 
 dangerous passage-boat, which the least motion was 
 like to overset. The king's nephew thought this a pro- 
 per time to have a peep into a tin box of mine, that 
 stood in the fore part of the canoe ; and in stretching 
 out his hand for it, he unfortunately destroyed the 
 equilibrium, and overset the canoe. Luckily we were 
 not far advanced, and got back to the shore without 
 much difficulty ; from whence, after wringing the water 
 from our clothes, we took a fresh departure, and were 
 Boon afterwards safely landed in Kasson. 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 Arrival at Tecsee. Interview with Tiggity Sego, the King'b 
 
 Brother The Author's Detention at Teesee. Sets out for Koo 
 
 niakary, the Capital of the Kingdom. Arrival there. 
 
 WE no sooner found ourselves safe in Kasson, thai 
 
 Demba Sego told me that we wore now in his uncle'; 
 
 dominions, and he hoped I would consider, being now 
 ut of danger, the obligation I owed to him, and make 
 rim a suitable return for the trouble he had taken on 
 ny account by a handsome present. This, as he knew 
 low much had been pilfered from me at Joag, was 
 rather an unexpected proposition, and I began to fear 
 ;hat I had not much improved my condition by cross- 
 ing the water ; but as it would have been folly to com- 
 plain, I made no observation upon his conduct, and gave 
 lini seven bars of amber and some tobacco, with which 
 iie seemed to be content. 
 
 After a long day's journey, in the course of which I 
 observed a number of large loose nodules of white 
 granite, we arrived at Teesee on the evening of Decem- 
 ber 29th, and were accommodated in Demba Sego's 
 lint. The next morning he introduced me to his father, 
 Tiggity Sego, brother to the king of Kasson, chief of 
 Teesee. The old man viewed me with great earnest- 
 ness, having never, he said, beheld but one white man 
 before, whom by his description I immediately knew to 
 be Major Houghton. I related to him, in answer to 
 his inquiries, the motives that induced me to explore 
 the country. But he seemed to doubt the truth of 
 what I asserted, thinking, I believe, that I secretly 
 meditated some project which I was afraid to avow. 
 He told me, it would be necessary I should go to 
 Kooniakary, the residence of the king, to pay my 
 respects to that prince, but desired me to come to him 
 again before I left Teesee. 
 
 In the afternoon one of his slaves eloped ; and a 
 general alarm being given, every person that had a 
 horse rode into the woods, in the hopes of apprehend- 
 ing him, and Demba Sego begged the use of my horse 
 for the same purpose. I readily consented ; and in 
 about an hour they all returned with the slave, who 
 was severely flogged, and afterwards put in irons. On 
 the day following (December 31st), Demba Sego was 
 ordered to go with twenty horsemen to a town in Gedu- 
 mah, to adjust some dispute with the Moors, a party of 
 whom were supposed to have stolen three horses from 
 Teesee. Demba begged a second time the use of my 
 horse, adding, that the sight of my bridle and saddle 
 would give him consequence among the Moors. This 
 request also I readily granted, and he promised to re- 
 turn at the end of three days. During his absence I 
 amused myself with walking about the town, and con- 
 versing with the natives, who attended me every where 
 with great kindness and curiosity, and supplied me 
 with milk, eggs, and what other provisions I wanted, 
 011 very easy terms. 
 
 Teesee is a large unwalled town, having no security 
 against the attack of an enemy except a sort of citadel, 
 in which Tiggity and his family constantly reside. This 
 town, according to the report of the natives, was for- 
 merly inhabited only by a few Foulah shepherds, who 
 lived in considerable affluence by means of the excellent 
 meadows in the neighbourhood, in which they reared 
 great herds of cattle. But their prosperity attracting 
 the envy of some Mandingoes, the latter drove out the 
 shepherds, and took possession of their lands. 
 
 The present inhabitants, though they possess both 
 cattle and corn in abundance, are not over nice in ar- 
 ticles of diet ; rats, moles, squirrels, snakes, locusts, &c. 
 arc eaten without scruple by the highest and lowest. 
 My people were one evening invited to a feast given 
 by some of the townsmen, where, after making a hearty 
 meal of what they thought fish and kouskous, one of 
 them found a piece of hard skin in the dish, and brought 
 it along with him, to show me what sort of fish they 
 had been eating. On examining the skin, I found they 
 had been feasting on a large snake. Another custom 
 still more extraordinary, is, that no woman is allowed 
 to eat an egg. This prohibition, whether arising from 
 ancient superstition, or from the craftiness of some old 
 bushreeii who loved eggs himself, is rigidly adhered to, 
 and nothing will more affront a woman of Teesee than 
 to offer her an egg. The custom is the more singular, as 
 the men eat eggs without scruple in the presence of 
 their wives, and I never observed the same prohibition 
 in any ether of the Mandingo countries, 
 
ROBBED ON THE JOURNEY BY TIGGITY SEGO. 
 
 21 
 
 The third day after his son's departure, Tiggity Sego 
 hold a palaver on a very extraordinary occasion, which 
 I attended ; and the debates ou both sides of the ques- 
 tion displayed much ingenuity. The case was this : 
 A young man, a kafir, of considerable affluence, who 
 had recently married a young and handsome wife, ap- 
 plied to a very devout bushreen, or Mussulman priest, 
 of his acquaintance, to procure him saphics for his pro- 
 tection during the approaching war. The bushreen 
 complied with the request ; and in order, as he pre- 
 tended, to render the saphies more efficacious, enjoined 
 the young man to avoid any nuptial intercourse with 
 his bride for the space of six weeks. Severe as the in- 
 junction was, the kafir strictly obeyed ; and, without 
 telling his wife the real cause, absented himself from 
 her company. In the mean time it began to be whis- 
 pered at Teesee that the bushreen, who always per- 
 formed his evening devotions at the door of the kafir's 
 hut, was more intimate with the young wife than he 
 ought to be. At first, the good husband was unwilling 
 to suspect the honour of his sanctified friend, and one 
 whole month elapsed before any jealousy rose in his 
 mind ; but hearing the charge repeated, he at last inter- 
 rogated his wife on the subject, who frankly confessed 
 that the bushreen had seduced her. Hereupon the kafir 
 put her into confinement, and called a palaver upon the 
 bushreen's conduct. The fact was clearly proved against 
 him ; and he was sentenced to be sold into slavery, or 
 to find two slaves for his redemption, according to the 
 pleasure of the complainant. The injured husband, 
 however, was unwilling to proceed against his friend to 
 such extremity, and desired rather to have him pub- 
 licly flogged before Tiggity Sego's gate. This was agreed 
 to, and the sentence was immediately executed. The 
 culprit was tied by the hands to a strong stake ; and a 
 long black rod being brought forth, the executioner, 
 after flourishing it round his head for some time, ap- 
 plied it with such force and dexterity to the bushreen's 
 back, as to make him roar until the woods resounded 
 with his screams. The surrounding multitude, by their 
 hooting and laughing, manifested how much they en- 
 joyed the punishment of this old gallant ; and it is 
 worthy of remark, that the number of stripes was pre- 
 cisely the same as are enjoined, by the Mosaic law, 
 forty, save one. 
 
 As there appeared great probability that Teesee, from 
 its being a frontier town, would be much exposed dur- 
 ing the war to the predatory excursions of the Moors 
 of Gedumah, Tiggity Sego had, before my arrival, sent 
 round to the neighbouring villages, to beg or to pur- 
 chase as much provisions as would afford subsistence 
 to the inhabitants for one whole year, independently of 
 the crop 011 the ground, which the Moors might destroy. 
 This project was well received by the country people, 
 and they fixed a day on which to bring all the provisions 
 they could spare to Teesee ; and as my horse was not 
 yet returned, I went, in the afternoon of January 4th, 
 1796, to meet the escort with the provisions. 
 
 It was composed of about 400 men, marching in good 
 order, with corn and ground nuts in large calabashes 
 upon their heads. They were preceded by a strong 
 guard of bowmen, and followed by eight musicians or 
 singing men. As soon as they approached the town, the 
 latter began a song, every verse of which was answered 
 by the company, and succeeded by a few strokes on the 
 large drums. In this manner they proceeded, amidst 
 the acclamations of the populace, till they reached the 
 house of Tiggity Sego, where the loads were deposited; 
 and in the evening they all assembled under the ben- 
 tang tree, and spent the night in dancing and merri- 
 ment. Many of these strangers remained at Teesee for 
 three days, during which time I was constantly attended 
 by as many of them as could conveniently see me ; one 
 party giving way to another, as soon as curiosity was 
 gratified. 
 
 On the 5th of January, an embassy of ten people be- 
 longing to Almami Abdulkadcr, king of Foota-Torra, a 
 country to the west of Bondou, arrived at Teesee; and, 
 desiring Tiggity Sego to call an assembly of the inha- 
 bitants, announced publicly their king's determination 
 
 to this effect : " That unless all the people of Kasson 
 would embrace the Mahomedan religion, and evince 
 their conversion by saying eleven public prayers, he, 
 the king of Foota-Torra, could not possibly stand neuter 
 in the present contest, but would certainly join his 
 arms to those of Kajaaga." A message of this nature, 
 from so powerful a prince, could not fail to create 
 great alarm; and the inhabitants of Teesee, after along 
 consultation, agreed to conform to his good pleasure, 
 humiliating as it was to them. Accordingly, one and 
 all publicly offered up eleven prayers, which were con- 
 sidered a sufficient testimony of their having renounced 
 paganism, and embraced the doctrines of the Prophet. 
 
 It was the 8th of January before Dernba Sego re- 
 turned with my horse; and being quite wearied out 
 with the delay, I went immediately to inform his father 
 that I should set out for Kooniakary early the next 
 day. The old man made many frivolous objections ; and 
 at length gave me to understand, that I must not think 
 of departing without first paying him the same duties 
 he was entitled to receive from all travellers ; besides 
 which he expected, he said, some acknowledgment for 
 his kindness towards me. Accordingly, on the morn- 
 ing of the 9th, my friend Demba, with a number of 
 people, came to me, and said that they were sent by 
 Tiggity Sego for my present, and wished to see what 
 goods I had appropriated for that purpose. I knew that 
 resistance was hopeless, and complaint unavailing ; and 
 being in some measure prepared, by the intimation I 
 had received the night before, I quietly offered him 
 seven bars of amber, and five of tobacco. After sur- 
 vey ing these articles for some time very coolly, Demba 
 laid them down, and told me, that this was not a present 
 for a man of Tiggity Sego's consequence, who had it in 
 his power to take whatever he pleased from me. He 
 added, that if I did not consent to make him a larger 
 offering, he would carry all my baggage to his father, 
 and let him choose for himself. I had no time for reply ; 
 for Demba and his attendants immediately began to 
 open my bundles, and spread the different articles upon 
 the floor, where they underwent a more strict exami- 
 nation than they had done at Joag. Every thing that 
 pleased them they took without scruple ; and amongst 
 other things, Demba seized the tin box which had so 
 much attracted his attention in crossing the river. Upon 
 collecting the scattered remains of my little fortune 
 after these people had left me, I found that, as at Joag 
 I had been plundered of half, so here, without even the 
 shadow of accusation, I was deprived of half the re- 
 mainder. The blacksmith himself, though a native of 
 Kasson, had also been compelled to open his bundles, 
 and take an oath that the different articles they con- 
 tained were his own exclusive property. There was, 
 however, no remedy and having been under some ob- 
 ligation to Demba Sego for his attention towards me in 
 the journey from Joag, I did not reproach him for his 
 rapacity, but determined to quit Teesee, at all events, 
 the next morning. In the meanwhile, in order to raise 
 the drooping spirits of my attendants, I purchased a 
 fat sheep, and had it dressed for our dinner. 
 
 Early in the morning of January 10th, therefore, I 
 left Teesee, and about mid-day ascended a ridge, from 
 whence we had a distant view of the hills round Koonia- 
 kary. In the evening we reached a small village, where 
 we slept, and, departing from thence the next morning, 
 crossed in a few hours a narrow but deep stream called 
 Krieko, a branch of the Senegal. About two miles 
 farther to the eastward, we passed a large town called 
 Madina ; and at two o'clock came in sight of Jumbo, 
 the blacksmith's native town, from whence he had been 
 absent more than four years. Soon after this, his 
 brother, who had by some means been apprised of his 
 coming, came out to meet him, accompanied by a sing- 
 ing man : he brought a horse for the blacksmith, that 
 he might enter his native town in a dignified manner ; 
 and he desired each of us to put a good charge of 
 powder into our guns. The singing man now led the 
 way, followed by the two brothers ; and we were pre- 
 sently joined by a number of people from the town, all 
 of whom demonstrated great joy at seeing their old 
 
22 
 
 ARRIVAL AT KOONIAKARY. 
 
 acquaintance the blacksmith, by the most extravagant 
 jumping and singing. On entering the town, the sing- 
 ing man began an extempore song in praise of the 
 blacksmith, extolling his courage in having overcome 
 so many difficulties ; and concluding with a strict in- 
 junction to his friends to dress him plenty of victuals. 
 
 When we arrived at the blacksmith's place of resi- 
 dence, we dismounted, and fired our muskets. ' The 
 meeting between him and his relations was very ten- 
 der ; for these rude children of nature, free from 
 restraint, display their emotions in the strongest and 
 most expressive manner. Amidst these transports, 
 the blacksmith's aged mother was led forth, leaning 
 upon a staff. Every one made way for her ; and she 
 stretched out her hand to bid her son welcome. Being 
 totally blind, she stroked his hands, arms, and face, witn 
 great care, and seemed highly delighted that her latter 
 days were blessed by his return, and that her ears once 
 more heard the music of his voice. From this inter- 
 view I was fully convinced, that whatever difference 
 there is between the negro and European in the con- 
 formation of the nose and the colour of the skin, there 
 is none in the genuine sympathies and characteristic 
 feelings of our common nature. 
 
 During the tumult of these congratulations, I had 
 seated myself apart by the side of one of the huts, 
 being unwilling to interrupt the flow of filial and pa- 
 rental tenderness ; and the attention of the company 
 was so entirely taken up with the blacksmith, that I 
 believe none of his friends had observed me. When 
 all the people present had seated themselves, the black- 
 smith was desired by his father to give them some 
 account of his adventures ; and silence being com- 
 manded, he began and, after repeatedly thanking God 
 for the success that had attended him, related every 
 material occurrence that had happened to him from 
 his leaving Kasson to his arrival at the Gambia his 
 employment and success in those parts and the dan- 
 gers he had escaped in returning to his native country. 
 In the latter part of his narration, he had frequently 
 occasion to mention me ; and after many strong ex- 
 pressions concerning my kindness to him, he pointed 
 to the place where I sat, and exclaimed, Affille ibi siring! 
 (" See him sitting there !") In a moment all eyes were 
 turned upon me I appeared like a being dropped from 
 the clouds every one was surprised that they had not 
 observed me before ; and a few women and children 
 expressed great uneasiness at being so near a man of 
 such an uncommon appearance. By degrees, however, 
 their apprehensions subsided ; and when the blacksmith 
 assured them that I was perfectly inoffensive, and would 
 hurt nobody, some of them ventured so far as to exa- 
 mine the texture of my clothes ; but many of them were 
 still very suspicious and when by accident I happened 
 to move myself, or look at the young children, their 
 mothers would scamper off with them with the greatest 
 precipitation. In a few hours, however, they all be- 
 came reconciled to me. 
 
 With these worthy people I spent the remainder of 
 that, and the whole of the ensuing day, in feasting and 
 merriment and the blacksmith declared he would not 
 quit me during my stay at Kooniakary ; for which place 
 we set out early on the morning of the 14th of January, 
 and arrived about the middle of the day at Soolo, a 
 small village three miles to the south of it. 
 
 As this place was somewhat out of the direct road, 
 it is necessary to observe, that I went thither to visit 
 a slatee, or Gambia trader, of great note and reputa- 
 tation, named Salim Daucari. He was well known to 
 Dr Laidley, who had trusted him with effects to the 
 value of five slaves, and had given me an order for the 
 whole of the debt. We luckily found him at home, 
 and he received me with great kindness and atten- 
 tion. 
 
 It is remarkable, however, that the king of Kasson 
 was, by some means, immediately apprised of my mo- 
 tions ; for I had been at Soolo but a few hours, before 
 Sambo Sego, his second son, came thither with a party 
 of horse, to inquire what had prevented rne from pro- 
 ceeding to Kooniakary, and waiting immediately upon 
 
 the king, who, he said, was impatient to see me. Salim 
 Daucari made my apology, and promised to accompany 
 me to Kooniakary the same evening. We accordingly 
 departed from Soolo at sunset, and in about an hour 
 entered Kooniakary. But as the king had gone to sleep, 
 we deferred the interview till next morning, and slept 
 at the hut of Sambo Sego. 
 
 My interview with the king, and the incidents which 
 occurred to me in the kingdoms of Kasson and Kaarta, 
 will be the subject of the ensuing chapter. 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 The Author admitted to an Audience of the King of Kasson, 
 whom he finds well disposed towards him. Incidents during 
 the Author's stay at Kooniakary. Departs thence for Kemmoo, 
 the Capital of Kaarta. Is received with great kindness by the 
 King of Kaarta, who dissuades him from prosecuting his Jour- 
 ney, on Account of approaching Hostilities with the King of 
 Bambarra. The Author determines, notwithstanding, to pro- 
 ceed ; and the usual Routes being obstructed, takes the Path 
 to Ludamar, a Moorish Kingdom. Is accommodated by the 
 King with a Guide to Jarra, the Frontier Town of the Moorish 
 Territories ; and sets out for that Place, accompanied by three 
 of the King's Sons, and two hundred Horsemen. 
 
 ABOUT eight o'clock in the morning of January 15th, 
 1796, we went to an audience of the king (Demba Sego 
 Jalla) ; but the crowd of people to see me was so great, 
 that I could scarcely get admittance. A passage being 
 at length obtained, I made my bow to the monarch, 
 whom we found sitting upon a mat, in a large hut. He 
 appeared to be a man of about sixty years of age : his 
 success in war, and the mildness of his behaviour in 
 time of peace, had much endeared him to all his sub- 
 jects. He surveyed me with great attention ; and when 
 Salim Daucari explained to him the object of my jour- 
 ney, and my reasons for passing through his country, 
 the good old king appeared not only perfectly satisfied, 
 but promised me every assistance in his power. He 
 informed me that he had seen Major Houghton, and 
 presented him with a white horse ; but that, after cross- 
 ing the kingdom of Kaarta, he had lost 'his life among 
 the Moors, in what manner he could not inform me. 
 When this audience was ended, we returned to our 
 lodging, and I made up a small present for the king 
 out of the few effects that were left me ; for I had not 
 yet received any thing from Salim Daucari. This pre- 
 sent, though inconsiderable in itself, was well received 
 by the king, who sent me in return a large white bul- 
 lock. The sight of this animal quite delighted my at- 
 tendants ; not so much on account of its bulk, as from 
 its being of a white colour, which is considered as a 
 particular mark of favour. But although the Icing 
 himself was well disposed towards me, and readily 
 
 f ranted me permission to pass through his territories, 
 soon discovered that very great and unexpected ob- 
 stacles were likely to impede my progress. Besides 
 the war which was on the point of breaking out between 
 Kasson and Kajaaga, I was told that the next kingdom 
 of Kaarta, through which my route lay, was involved 
 in the issue; and was furthermore threatened with 
 hostilities on the part of Bambarra. The king himself 
 informed me of these circumstances, and advised me 
 to stay in the neighbourhood of Kooniakary, till such 
 time as he could procure proper information respecting 
 Bambarra, which he expected to do in the course of 
 four or five days, as he had already, he said, sent four 
 messengers into Kaarta for that purpose. I readily 
 submitted to this proposal, and went to Soolo, to stay 
 there till the return of one of those messengers. This 
 afforded me a favourable opportunity of receiving what 
 money Salim Daucari could spare me on Dr Laidley's 
 account. I succeeded in receiving the value of three 
 slaves, chiefly in gold dust ; and being anxious to pro- 
 ceed as quickly as possible, I begged Daucari to use 
 his interest with the king to allow me a guide by the 
 
TRAVELS OVER THE PLAINS OF KAARTA. 
 
 23 
 
 wav of Fooladoo, as I was informed that the war had 
 already commenced between the kings of Bambarra 
 and Kaarta. Daucari accordingly set out for Koonia- 
 kary ou the morning of the 20th, and the same evening 
 returned with the king's answer, which was to this 
 purpose that the king had, many years ago, made an 
 agreement with Daisy, king of Kaarta, to send all 
 merchants and travellers through his dominions ; but 
 that if I wished to take the route through Fooladoo, I 
 had his permission so to do ; though he could not, con- 
 sistently with his agreement, lend me a guide. Having 
 felt the want of regal protection in a former part of 
 my journey, I was unwilling to hazard a repetition of 
 the hardships I had then experienced, especially as the 
 money I had received was probably the last supply that 
 I should obtain ; I therefore determined to wait for the 
 return of the messengers from Kaarta. 
 
 In the interim, it began to be whispered abroad that 
 I had received plenty of gold from Salim Daucari, and 
 on the morning of the 23d Sambo Sego paid me a visit, 
 with a party of horsemen. He insisted upon knowing 
 the exact amount of the money I had obtained, declar- 
 ing, that whatever the sum was, one-half of it must go 
 to the king ; besides which, he intimated that he expected 
 a handsome present for himself, as being the king's son, 
 and for his attendants, as being the king's relations. 
 The reader will easily perceive, that if all these demands 
 had been satisfied, I should not have been overburdened 
 with money ; but though it was very mortifying to me 
 to comply with the demands of injustice, and so arbitrary 
 an exaction, yet, thinking that it was highly dangerous 
 to make a foolish resistance, and irritate the lion when 
 within the reach of his paw, I prepared to submit ; and 
 if Salim Daucari had not interposed, all my endeavours 
 to mitigate this oppressive claim would have been of no 
 avail. Salim at last prevailed upon Sambo to accept 
 sixteen bars of European merchandise, and some powder 
 and ball, as a complete payment of every demand that 
 could be made upon me in the kingdom of Kasson. 
 
 January 26th. In the forenoon, I went to the top of 
 a high hill to the southward of Soolo, where I had a 
 most enchanting prospect of the country. The number 
 of towns and villages, and the extensive cultivation 
 around them, surpassed every thing I had yet seen in 
 Africa. A gross calculation may be formed of the num- 
 ber of inhabitants in this delightful plain, by consider- 
 ing that the king of Kasson can raise four thousand 
 fighting men by the sound of his war drum. In travers- 
 ing the rocky eminences of this hill, which are almost 
 destitute of vegetation, I observed a number of large 
 holes in the crevices and fissures of the rocks, where 
 the wolves and hyaenas take refuge during the day. 
 Some of these animals paid us a visit on the evening of 
 the 27th ; their approach was discovered by the dogs of 
 the village ; and on this occasion it is remarkable that 
 the dogs did not bark, but howl in the most dismal 
 manner. The inhabitants of the village no sooner heard 
 them, than, knowing the cause, they armed themselves ; 
 and, providing bunches of dry grass, went in a body 
 to the iuclosure in the middle of the village where the 
 cattle were kept. Here they lighted the bunches oi 
 grass, and, waving them to and fro, ran hooping and 
 hallooing towards the hills. This manoeuvre had the 
 desired effect of frightening the wolves away from the 
 village ; but, on examination, we found that they had 
 killed five of the cattle, and torn and wounded many 
 others. 
 
 February 1st. The messengers arrived from Kaarta, 
 and brought intelligence that the war had not yet com- 
 menced between Bambarra and Kaarta, and that ] 
 might probably pass through Kaarta before the Bam- 
 barra army invaded that country. 
 
 February 3d. Early in the morning, two guides on 
 horseback came from Kooniakary to conduct me to the 
 frontiers of Kaarta. I accordingly took leave of Salim 
 Daucari, and parted for the last time from my fellow- 
 traveller the blacksmith, whose kind solicitude for my 
 welfare had been so conspicuous, and about ten o'clock 
 departed from Soolo. We travelled this day through 
 a rocky and hilly country, along the banks of the river 
 
 \ricko ; and at sunset came to the village of Soomo, 
 where we slept. 
 
 February 4th. We departed from Soomo, and con- 
 ;inued our route along the banks of the Krieko, which 
 are every where well cultivated, and swarm with inha- 
 Ditants. At this tune they were increased by the number 
 of people that had flown thither from Kaarta, on account 
 of the Bambarra war. In the afternoon we reached 
 Eimo, a large village, the residence of Madi Konko, 
 governor of the hilly country of Kasson, which is called 
 Sorroma. From hence the guides appointed by the 
 king of Kasson returned, to join in the expedition against 
 Kajaaga ; and I waited until the Cth, before I could 
 prevail on Madi Konko to appoint me a guide to Kaarta. 
 
 February 7th. Departing from Kimo, with Madi 
 Konko's son as a guide, we continued our course along 
 the banks of the Krieko until the afternoon, when we 
 arrived at Kangee, a considerable town. The Krieko 
 is here but a small rivulet ; this beautiful stream takes 
 its rise a little to the eastward of this town, and descends 
 with a rapid and noisy current, until it reaches the 
 bottom of the high hill called Tappa, where it becomes 
 more placid, and winds gently through the lovely plains 
 of Kooniakary ; after which, having received an addi- 
 tional branch from the north, it is lost in the Senegal, 
 somewhere near the falls of Felow. 
 
 February 8th. This day we travelled over a rough 
 stony country ; and having passed Seimpo and a number 
 of other villages, arrived in the afternoon at Lackarago, 
 a small village which stands upon the ridge of hills that 
 separates the kingdoms of Kasson and Kaarta. In the 
 course of the day, we passed many hundreds of people 
 flying from Kaarta with their families and effects. 
 
 February 9th. Early in the morning, we departed 
 from Lackarago, and a little to the eastward came to 
 the brow of a hill, from whence we had an extensive 
 view of the country. Towards the south-east were per- 
 ceived some very distant hills, which our guide told us 
 were the mountains of Fooladoo. We travelled with 
 great difficulty down a stony and abrupt precipice, and 
 continued our way in the bed of a dry river course, 
 where the trees, meeting over head, made the place 
 dark and cool. In a little time we reached the bottom 
 of this romantic glen, and about ten o'clock emerged 
 from between two rocky hills, and found ourselves on 
 the level and sandy plains of Kaarta. At noon we ar- 
 rived at a korree, or watering place, where, for a few 
 strings of beads, I purchased as much milk and corn- 
 meal as we could eat ; indeed, provisions are here so 
 cheap, and the shepherds live in such affluence, that 
 they seldom ask any return for what refreshments a 
 traveller receives from them. From this korree, we 
 reached Feesurah at sunset, where we took up our 
 lodging for the night. 
 
 February 10th. We continued at Feesurah all this 
 day, to have a few clothes washed, and learn more ex- 
 actly the situation of affairs before we ventured towards 
 the capital. 
 
 February llth. Our landlord, taking advantage of 
 the unsettled state of the country, demanded so extra- 
 vagant a sum for our lodging, that, suspecting he wished 
 for an opportunity to quarrel with us, I refused to sub- 
 mit to his exorbitant demand ; but my attendants were 
 so much frightened at the reports of approaching war, 
 that they refused to proceed any farther, unless I could 
 settle matters with him, and induce him to accompany 
 us to Kemmoo, for our protection on the road. This I 
 accomplished with some difficulty ; and by a present of 
 a blanket which I had brought with me to sleep in, and 
 for which our landlord had conceived a very great lik- 
 ing, matters were at length amicably adjusted, and he 
 mounted his horse and led the way. He was one of 
 those negroes who, together with the ceremonial part 
 of the Mahomedan religion, retain all their ancient su- 
 perstitions, and even drink strong liquors. They are 
 called Johars, or Jowars, and in this kingdom form a 
 very numerous and powerful tribe. We had no sooner 
 got into a dark and lonely part of the first wood, than he 
 made a sign for us to stop, and, taking hold of a hollow 
 piece of bamboo, that hung as an amulet round his neck, 
 
24 
 
 VISITS THE KING AT KEMMOO. 
 
 whistled very loud three times. I confess I was some 
 what startled, thinking it was a signal for some of his 
 companions to come and attack us ; but he assured me 
 that it was done merely with a view to ascertain what 
 success we were likely to meet with on our present 
 journey. He then dismounted, laid his spear across 
 the road, and having said a number of short prayers, 
 concluded with three loud whistles ; after which he 
 listened for some time, as if in expectation of an answer, 
 and receiving none, told us we might proceed without 
 fear, for there was no dauger. About noon we passed 
 a number of large villages quite deserted, the inhabi- 
 tants having fled into Kasson to avoid the horrors oi 
 war. We reached Karankalla at sunset : this formerly 
 was a large town, but having been plundered by the 
 Bambarrans about four years ago, nearly one half of it 
 is still in ruins. 
 
 February 12th. At daylight we departed from Ka- 
 rankalla, and as it was but a short day's journey to 
 KemmoOj we travelled slower than usual, and amused 
 ourselves by collecting such eatable fruits as grew near 
 the road-side. In this pursuit I had wandered a little 
 from my people ; and being uncertain whether they 
 were before or behind me, I hastened to a rising ground 
 to look about me. As I was proceeding towards this 
 eminence, two negro horsemen, armed with muskets, 
 came galloping from among the bushes : on seeing them 
 I made a full stop ; the horsemen did the same, and all 
 three of us seemed equally surprised and confounded at 
 this interview. As I approached them, their fears in- 
 creased, and one of them, after casting upon me a look 
 of horror, rode off at full speed ; the other, in a panic 
 of fear, put his hand over his eyes, and continued mut- 
 tering prayers until his horse, seemingly without the 
 rider's knowledge, conveyed him slowly after his com- 
 panion. About a mile to the westward, they foil in 
 with my attendants, to whom they related a frightful 
 story : it seems their fears had dressed me in the flow- 
 ing robes of a tremendous spirit, and one of them af- 
 firmed, that when I made my appearance, a cold blast 
 of wind came pouring down upon him from the sky, 
 like so much cold water. About noon we saw at a dis- 
 tance the capital of Kaarta, situated in the middle of 
 an open plain the country for two miles round being 
 cleared of wood, by the great consumption of that 
 article for building and fuel and we entered the town 
 about two o'clock in the afternoon. 
 
 We proceeded, without stopping, to the court before 
 the king's residence ; but I was so completely surrounded 
 by the gazing multitude, that I did not attempt to dis- 
 mount, but sent in the landlord and Madi Konko's son, 
 to acquaint the king of my arrival. In a little time 
 they returned, accompanied by a messenger from the 
 king, signifying that he would see me in the evening ; 
 and in the meantime, the messenger had orders to pro- 
 cure me a lodging, and see that the crowd did not 
 molest me. He conducted me into a court, at the door 
 of which he stationed a man, with a stick in his hand to 
 keep off the mob, and then showed me a large hut in 
 which I was to lodge. I had scarcely seated myself in 
 this spacious apartment, when the mob entered ; it was 
 found impossible to keep them out, and I was sur- 
 rounded by as many as the hut could contain. When 
 the first party, however, had seen me, and asked a few 
 questions, they retired to make room for another com- 
 pany; and in this manner the hut was filled and emptied 
 thirteen different times. 
 
 A little before sunset, the king sent to inform me 
 that he was at leisure, and wished to see me. I fol- 
 lowed the messenger through a number of courts sur- 
 rounded with high walls, where I observed plenty of 
 dry grass bundled up like hay, to fodder the horses, in 
 case the town should be invested. On entering the 
 court in which the king was sitting, I was astonished at 
 the number of his attendants, and at the good order that 
 seemed to prevail among them : they were all seated 
 the fighting men on the king's right hand, and the women 
 and children on the left, leaving a space between them 
 for my passage. The king, whose name was Daisy 
 Koorabarri, was not to be distinguished from his sub- 
 
 jects by any superiority in point of dress ; a bank of 
 earth, about two feet high, upon which was spread a 
 leopard's skin, constituted the only mark of royal dig- 
 nity. When I had seated myself upon the ground before 
 him, and related the various circumstances that had 
 induced me to pass through his country, and my reasons 
 for soliciting his protection, he appeared perfectly satis- 
 fied ; but said it was not in his power at present to 
 afford me much assistance, for that all sort of commu- 
 nication between Kaarta and Bambarra had been inter- 
 rupted for some time past ; and as Mansong, the king 
 of Bambarra, with his army, had entered Fooladoo in 
 his way to Kaarta, there was but little hope of my 
 reaching Bambarra by any of the usual routes, inas- 
 much as, coming from an enemy's country, I should 
 certainly be plundered, or taken for a spy. If his 
 country had been at peace, he said, I might have re- 
 mained with him until a more favourable opportunity 
 offered ; but, as matters stood at present, he did not 
 wish me to continue in Kaarta, for fear some accident 
 should befal me, in which case my countrymen might 
 say that he had murdered a white man. He would 
 therefore advise me to return into Kasson, and remain 
 there until the war should terminate, which would pro- 
 bably happen in the course of three or four months, 
 after which, if he was alive, he said, he would be glad 
 to see me, and if he was dead, his sons would take care 
 of me. 
 
 This advice was certainly well meant on the part of 
 the king, and perhaps I was to blame 5n not following 
 it ; but I reflected that the hot months were approach- 
 ing, and I dreaded the thoughts of spending the rainy 
 season in the interior of Africa. These considerations, 
 and the aversion I felt at the idea of returning without 
 having made a greater progress in discovery, made me 
 determine to go forwards ; and though the king could 
 not give me a guide to Bambai'ra, I begged that he 
 would allow a man to accompany me as near the fron- 
 tiers of his kingdom as was consistent with safety. 
 Finding that I was determined to proceed, the king 
 told me that one route still remained, but that, he said, 
 was by no means free from danger which was to go 
 from Kaarta into the Moorish kingdom of Ludamar, 
 from whence I might pass, by a circuitous route, into 
 Bambarra. If I wished to follow this route, he would 
 appoint people to conduct me to Jarra, the frontier 
 town of Ludamar. He then inquired very particularly 
 how I had been treated since I had left the Gambia, 
 and asked, in a jocular way, how many slaves I ex- 
 pected to carry home with me on my return. He was 
 about to proceed, when a man mounted on a fine Moor- 
 ish horse, which was covered with sweat and foam, 
 entered the court, and signifying that he had something 
 of importance to communicate, the king immediately 
 took up his sandals, which is the signal to strangers to 
 retire. I accordingly took leave, but desired my boy 
 to stay about the place, in order to learn something of 
 the intelligence that this messenger had brought. In 
 about an hour the boy returned, and informed me that 
 the Bambarra army had left Fooladoo, and was on its 
 march towards Kaarta ; that the man I had seen, who 
 had brought this intelligence, was one of the scouts, or 
 watchmen, employed by the king, each of whom has his 
 particular station (commonly on some rising ground), 
 from whence he has the best view of the country, and 
 ivatches the motions of the enemy. 
 
 In the evening the king sent me a fine sheep, which 
 was very acceptable, as none of us had tasted victuals 
 during the day. Whilst we were employed in dressing 
 supper, evening prayers were announced not by the 
 call of the priest, as usual, but by beating on drums, 
 and blowing through large elephants' teeth, hollowed 
 out in such a manner as to resemble bugle horns. The 
 sound is melodious, and, in my opinion, comes nearer 
 to the human voice than any other artificial sound. 
 As the main body of Daisy's army was, at this juncture, 
 at Kemmoo, the mosques were very much crowded ; 
 .uid I observed, that the disciples of Mahomet com- 
 posed nearly one-half of the army of Kaarta. 
 
 February 13th. At daylight I sent my horse-pistols 
 
JOURNEY FROM KEMMOO TO FUNINGKEDY. 
 
 25 
 
 and holsters as a present to the king, and being very 
 (k-sirous to get away from a place which was likely soon 
 to become the seat of war, I begged the messenger to 
 inform the king that I wished to depart from Kemmco 
 as soon as he should find it convenient to appoint me a 
 guide. In about an hour the king sent his messenger 
 to thank me for the present, and eight horsemen to 
 conduct me to Jarra. They told me that the king 
 wished me to proceed to Jarra with all possible expe- 
 dition, that they might return before any thing decisive 
 should happen between the armies of Bambarra and 
 Kaarta. We accordingly departed forthwith from Kem- 
 moo, accompanied by three of Daisy's sons, and about 
 two hundred horsemen, who kindly undertook to see 
 me a little way on my journey. 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 Jmr.iiey from Kemmoo to Funingkedy. Some Account of the 
 Lotus. A Youth Murdered by the Moors Interesting Scene 
 at his Death. Author passes through Simbing. Some Parti- 
 culars concerning Major Houghton. Author reaches Jarra 
 Situation of the surrounding States at the period of his Arrival 
 there, and a brief Account of the War between Kaarta and 
 Bambarra. 
 
 O.N the evening of the day of our departure from Kem- 
 moo (the king's eldest son and great part of the horse- 
 men having returned), we reached a village called 
 Marina, where we slept. During the night some thieves 
 broke into the hut where I had deposited my baggage, 
 and having cut open one of my bundles, stole a quan- 
 tity of beads, part of my clothes, and some amber and 
 gold, which happened to be in one of the pockets. I 
 complained to my protectors, but without effect. The 
 next day (February 14th) was far advanced before we 
 departed from Marina, and we travelled slowly, oil ac- 
 count of the excessive heat, until four o'clock in the 
 afternoon, when two negroes were observed sitting 
 among some thorny bushes, at a little distance from 
 the road. The king's people, taking it for granted that 
 they were runaway slaves, cocked their muskets, and 
 rode at full speed in different directions through the 
 bushes, in order to surround them, and prevent their 
 escaping. The negroes, however, waited with great 
 composure until we came within bowshot of them, 
 when each of them took from his quiver a handful of 
 arrows, and putting two between his teeth and one in 
 his bow, waved to us with his hand to keep at a dis- 
 tance, upon which one of the king's people called out to 
 the strangers to give some account of themselves. They 
 said that " they were natives of Toorcla, a neighbour- 
 ing village, and had come to that place to gather torn- 
 bcroiu/s." These are small farinaceous berries, of a 
 yellow colour and delicious taste, which I knew to be 
 the fruit of the rhamnus lotus of Linnseus. The negroes 
 showed us two large baskets full, which they had col- 
 lected in the course of the day. These berries are 
 much esteemed by the natives, who convert them into 
 a sort of bread, by exposing them for some days to the 
 sun, and afterwards pounding them gently in a wooden 
 mortal 1 , until the farinaceous part of the berry is sepa- 
 rated from the stone. This meal is then mixed with a 
 little water, and formed into cakes, which, when dried 
 in the sun, resemble in colour and flavour the sweetest 
 gingerbread. The stones are afterwards put into a 
 vessel of water, and shaken about so as to separate the 
 meal which may still adhere to them : this communi- 
 cates a sweet and agreeable taste to the water, and, with 
 the addition of a little pounded millet, forms a pleasant 
 gruel called fondi, which is the common breakfast in 
 many parts of Ludamar, during the months of February 
 and March. The fruit is collected by spreading a cloth 
 upon the ground, and beating the branches with a 
 stick. 
 
 The lotus is very common in all the kingdoms which 
 I visited ; but is found iu the greatest plenty on the 
 sandy soil of Kaarta, Ludamar, and the northern parts 
 
 of Bambarra, where it is one of the most common 
 shrubs of the country. I had observed the same species 
 at Gambia 
 
 As this shrub is found in Tunis, and also in the negro 
 kingdoms, and as it furnishes the natives of the latter 
 with a food resembling bread, and also with a sweet 
 liquor, which is much relished by them, there can be 
 little doubt of its being the lotus mentioned by Pliny 
 as the food of the Lybian Lotophagi. An army may 
 very well have been fed with the bread I have tasted, 
 made of the meal of the fruit, as is said by Pliny to 
 have been done in Lybia ; and as the taste of the bread 
 is sweet and agreeable, it is not likely that the soldiers 
 would complain of it. 
 
 We arrived in the evening at the village of Toorda ; 
 when all the rest of the king's people turned back ex- 
 cept two, who remained with me as guides to Jarra. 
 
 February 15th. I departed from Toorda, and about 
 two o'clock came to a considerable town, called Funing- 
 kedy. As we approached the town, the inhabitants were 
 much alarmed ; for, as one of my guides wore a turban, 
 they mistook us for some Moorish banditti. This misap- 
 prehension was soon cleared up, and we were well re- 
 ceived by a Gambia slatee, who resides at this town, 
 and at whose house we lodged. 
 
 February 16th. We were informed that a number 
 of people would go from this town to Jarra on the day 
 following ; and as the road was much infested by the 
 Moors, we resolved to stay and accompany the travel- 
 lers. In the meantime we were told, that a few days 
 before our arrival, most of the bushreens and people 
 of property in Funingkedy had gone to Jarra, to con- 
 sult about removing their families and effects to that 
 town, for fear of the approaching war ; and that the 
 Moors, in their absence, had stolen some of their cattle. 
 
 About two o'clock, as I was lying asleep upon a bul- 
 lock's hide behind the door of the hut, I was awakened 
 by the screams of women, and a general clamour and 
 confusion among the inhabitants. At first I suspected 
 that the Bambarrans had actually entered the town ; 
 but, observing my boy upon the top of one of the huts, 
 I called to him to know what was the matter. He in- 
 formed me that the Moors were come a second time to 
 steal the cattle, and that they were now close to the 
 town. I mounted the roof of the hut, and observed a 
 large herd of bullocks coming towards the town, fol- 
 lowed by five Moors on horseback, who drove the cattle 
 forward with their muskets. When they had reached 
 the wells, which are close to the town, the Moors se- 
 lected from the herd sixteen of the finest beasts, and 
 drove them off at full gallop. During this transaction, 
 the townspeople, to the number of five hundred, stood 
 collected close to the walls of the town ; and when the 
 Moors drove the cattle away, though they passed within 
 pistol-shot of them, the inhabitants scarcely made a 
 show of resistance. I only saw four muskets fired, 
 which, being loaded with gunpowder of the negroes' 
 own manufacture, did no execution. Shortly after this 
 I observed a number of people supporting a young man 
 upon horseback, and conducting him slowly towards the 
 town. This was one of the herdsmen, who, attempting 
 to throw his spear, had been wounded by a shot from 
 one of the Moors. His mother walked on before, quite 
 frantic with grief, clapping her hands, and enumerat- 
 ing the good qualities of her son. Ee maff'o fonio ! (" He 
 never told a lie !") said the disconsolate mother, as her 
 wounded son was carried in at the gate Ee ma ffo fonio 
 abada ! (" He never told a lie ; no, never !".) When they 
 had conveyed him to his hut, and laid him upon a mat, 
 all the spectators joined in lamenting his fate, by 
 screaming and howling in the most piteous manner. 
 
 After their grief had subsided a little, I was desired 
 to examine the wound. I found that the ball had passed 
 quite through his leg, having fractured both bones a 
 little below the knee : the poor boy was faint from the 
 loss of blood, and his situation withal so very precarious, 
 that I could not console his relations with any great 
 hopes of his recovery. However, to give him a possible 
 chance, I observed to them that it was necessary to cut 
 oil' his leg above the knee : this proposal made every 
 
26 
 
 one start with horror ; they had never heard of such a 
 method of cure, and would by no means give their con- 
 sent to it ; indeed, they evidently considered me as a 
 sort of cannibal for proposing so cruel and unheard-of 
 an operation, which, in their opinion, would be attended 
 with more pain and danger than the wound itself. The 
 patient was therefore committed to the care of some 
 old bushreens, who endeavoured to secure him a pas- 
 sage into paradise, by whispering in his ear some Arabic 
 sentences, and desiring him to repeat them. After 
 many unsuccessful attempts, the poor heathen at last 
 pronounced, La illah el allah, Mohamet rasowl allahi ; 
 (" There is but one God, and Mahomet is his Prophet") 
 and the disciples of the Prophet assured his mother 
 that her son had given sufficient evidence of his faith, 
 and would be happy in a future state. He died the 
 same evening. 
 
 February 17th. My guides informed me, that in 
 order to avoid the Moorish banditti, it was necessary 
 to travel in the night ; we accordingly departed from 
 Funingkedy in the afternoon, accompanied by about 
 thirty people, carrying their effects with them into 
 Ludamar, for fear of the war. We travelled with 
 great silence and expedition until midnight, when we 
 stopped in a sort of inclosure, near a small village ; 
 but the thermometer being so low as 68 degrees, none 
 of the negroes could sleep on account of the cold. 
 
 At daybreak on the 18th, we resumed our journey, 
 and at eight o'clock passed Simbing, the frontier village 
 of Ludamar, situated in a narrow pass between two 
 rocky hills, and surrounded with a high wall. From 
 this village Major Houghton (being deserted by his 
 negro servants, who refused to follow him into the 
 Moorish country) wrote his last letter with a pencil to 
 Dr Laidley. This brave but unfortunate man, having 
 surmounted many difficulties, had taken a northerly 
 direction, and endeavoured to pass through the kingdom 
 of Ludamar, where I afterwards learned the following 
 particulars concerning his melancholy fate : On his ar- 
 rival at Jarra, he got acquainted with certain Moorish 
 merchants who were travelling to Tisheet (a place near 
 the salt pits in the Great Desert, ten days' journey to 
 the northward) to purchase salt; and the Major, at 
 the expense of a musket and some tobacco, engaged 
 them to convey him thither. It is impossible to form 
 any other opinion on this determination, than that the 
 Moors intentionally deceived him, either with regard 
 to the route that he wished to pursue, or the state of 
 the intermediate country between Jarra and Tombuc- 
 too. Their intention probably was to rob and leave 
 him in the desert. At the end of two days he suspected 
 their treachery, and insisted on returning to Jarra. 
 Finding him persist in this determination, the Moors 
 robbed him of every thing he possessed, and went off 
 with their camels ; the poor Major being thus deserted, 
 returned on foot to a watering-place in possession of 
 the Moors, called Tarra. He had been some days 
 without food, and the unfeeling Moors refusing to give 
 him any, he sank at last under his distresses. Whether 
 he actually perished of hunger, or was murdered out- 
 right by the savage Mahomedans, is not certainly 
 known ; his body was dragged into the woods and I 
 was shown at a distance the spot where his remains 
 were left to perish. 
 
 About four miles to the north of Simbing, we came 
 to a small stream of water, where we observed a num- 
 ber of wild horses : they were all of one colour, and 
 galloped away from us at an easy rate, frequently 
 stopping and looking back. The negroes hunt them 
 for food, and their flesh is much esteemed. 
 
 About noon we arrived at Jarra, a large town situ- 
 ated at the bottom of some rocky hills. But before I 
 proceed to describe the place itself, and relate the 
 various occurrences which befel me there, it will not 
 be improper to give my readers a brief recital of the 
 origin of the war which induced me to take this route 
 an unfortunate determination, the immediate cause of 
 all the misfortunes and calamities which afterwards be- 
 fel me. The recital which I propose to give in this 
 place, will prevent interruptions hereafter. 
 
 This war which desolated Kaarta, soon after I had 
 left that kingdom, and spread terror into many of the 
 neighbouring states, arose in the following manner : 
 A few bullocks belonging to a frontier village of Bam- 
 barra having been stolen by a party of Moors, were 
 sold to the dooty, or chief man, of a town in Kaarta. 
 The villagers claimed their cattle, and being refused 
 satisfaction, complained of the dooty to their sovereign, 
 Mansong, king of Bambarra, who probably beheld with 
 an eye of jealousy the growing prosperity of Kaarta, 
 and availed himself of this incident to declare hostilities 
 against that kingdom. 
 
 With this view he sent a messenger and a party of 
 horsemen to Daisy, king of Kaarta, to inform him that 
 the king of Bambarra, with nine thousand men, would 
 visit Kemmoo in the course of the dry season, and to 
 desire that he (Daisy) would direct his slaves to sweep 
 the houses, and have every thing ready for their ac- 
 commodation. The messenger concluded this insulting 
 notification by presenting the king with a pair of iron 
 sandals, at the same time adding, that " until such tune 
 as Daisy had worn out these sandals in his flight, he 
 should never be secure from the arrows of Bambarra." 
 
 Daisy, having consulted with his chief men about the 
 best means of repelling so formidable an enemy, re- 
 turned an answer of defiance ; and made a bushreen 
 write in Arabic, upon a piece of thin board, a sort of 
 proclamation, which was suspended to a tree in the 
 public square, and a number of aged men were sent to 
 different places to explain it to the common people. 
 This proclamation called upon all the friends of Daisy 
 to join him immediately, but to such as had no arms, 
 or were afraid to enter into the war, permission was 
 given to retire into any of the neighbouring kingdoms ; 
 and it was added, that provided they observed a strict 
 neutrality, they should always be welcome to return to 
 their former habitations: if, however, they took any 
 active part against Kaarta, they had then " broken the 
 key of their huts, and could never afterwards enter the 
 door." Such was the expression. 
 
 This proclamation was very generally applauded ; 
 but many of the Kaartans, and amongst others the 
 powerful tribes of Jower and Kakaroo, availing them- 
 selves of the indulgent clause, retired from Daisy's 
 dominions, and took refuge in Ludamar and Kasson. 
 By means of these desertions, Daisy's army was not so 
 numerous as might have been expected ; and when I 
 was at Kemmoo, the whole number of effective men, 
 according to report, did not exceed four thousand ; but 
 they were men of spirit and enterprise, and could be 
 depended on. 
 
 On the 22d of February (four days after my arrival 
 at Jarra), Mansong, with his army, advanced towards 
 Kemmoo, and Daisy, without hazarding a battle, retired 
 to Joko, a town to the north-west of Kemmoo, where 
 he remained three days, and then took refuge in a 
 strong town called Gedingooma, situated in the hilly 
 country, and surrounded with high walls of stone. 
 When Daisy departed from Joko, his sons refused to 
 follow him, alleging that "the singing men would pub- 
 lish their disgrace, as soon as it should be known that 
 Daisy and his family had fled from Joko without firing 
 a gun." They were therefore left behind, with a num- 
 ber of horsemen, to defend Joko ; but, after many 
 skirmishes, they were totally defeated, and one of 
 Daisy's sons taken prisoner. The remainder fled to 
 Gedingooma, which Daisy had stored with provisions, 
 and where he determined to make his final stand. 
 
 Mansong, finding that Daisy was determined to avoid 
 a pitched battle, placed a strong force at Joko to watch 
 his motions, and, separating the remainder of his army 
 into small detachments, ordered them to overrun the 
 country, and seize upon the inhabitants before they 
 had time to escape. These orders were executed with 
 such prompitude, that in a few days the whole kingdom 
 of Kaarta became a scene of desolation. Most of the 
 poor inhabitants of the different towns and villages, 
 being surprised in the night, fell an easy prey; and 
 their corn, and every thing which could be useful to 
 Daisy, was burnt and destroyed. During these trans- 
 
ACCOUNT OF JARRA, AND MOORISH INHABITANTS. 
 
 27 
 
 actions, Daisy was employed in fortifying Gedingooraa. 
 This town is built in a narrow pass between two high 
 hills, having only two gates, one towards Kaarta, and 
 the other towards Jaffnoo ; the gate towards Kaarta was 
 defended by Daisy in person, and that towards Jaffnoo 
 was committed to the charge of his sons. When the 
 army of Bambarra approached the town, they made 
 some attempts to storm it, but were always driven back 
 with great loss ; and Mansong, finding Daisy more for- 
 midable than he expected, resolved to cut off his sup- 
 plies, and starve him into submission. He accordingly 
 sent all the prisoners he had taken into Bambarra; and, 
 having collected a considerable quantity of provisions, 
 remained with his army two whole months in the 
 vicinity of Gedingooma, without doing any thing deci- 
 sive. During this time, he was much harassed by 
 sallies from the besieged ; and his stock of provisions 
 being nearly exhausted, he sent to Ali, the Moorish 
 king of Ludamar, for two hundred horsemen, to enable 
 him to make an attack upon the north gate of the town, 
 and give the Bambarrans an opportunity of storming 
 the place. Ali, though he had made an agreement 
 with Mansong, at the commencement of the war, to 
 afford him assistance, now refused to fulfil his engage- 
 ment, which so enraged Mansong, that he marched 
 pai-t of his army to Funingkedy, with a view to surprise 
 the camp of Benowm ; but the Moors having received 
 intelligence of his design, fled to the northward ; and 
 Mansoug, without attempting any thing farther, re-- 
 turned to Sego. This happened while I was myself in 
 captivity in Ali's camp, as will hereafter be seen. 
 
 As the king of Kaarta had now got quit of his most 
 formidable antagonist, it might have been hoped that 
 peace would have been restored to his dominions ; but 
 an extraordinary incident involved him immediately 
 afterwards in hostilities with Kasson, the king of which 
 country dying about that time, the succession was dis- 
 puted by his two sons. The younger (Sambo Sego, my 
 old acquaintance) prevailed ; and drove his brother 
 from the country. He fled to Gedingooma ; and being 
 pursued thither, Daisy, who had lived in constant 
 friendship with both the brothers, refused to deliver 
 him up at the same time declaring that he would not 
 support his claim, nor any way interfere in the quarrel. 
 Sambo Sego, elated with success, and proud of the ho- 
 mage that was paid him as sovereign of Kasson, was 
 much displeased with Daisy's conduct, and joined with 
 some disaffected fugitive Kaartans in a plundering ex- 
 pedition against him. Daisy, who little expected such 
 a visit, had sent a number of people to Joko, to plant 
 corn, and collect together such cattle as they might 
 find straying in the woods, in order to supply his army. 
 All these people fell into the hands of Sambo Sego, 
 who carried them to Kooniakary, and afterwards sent 
 them in caravans to be sold to the French at Fort 
 Louis, on the river Senegal. 
 
 This attack was soon retaliated ; for Daisy, who was 
 now in distress for want of provisions, thought he was 
 justified in supplying himself from the plunder of Kas- 
 son. He accordingly took with him eight hundred of 
 his best men, and marching secretly through the woods, 
 surprised in the night three large villages near Koonia- 
 kary, in which many of his traitorous subjects who were 
 in Sambo's expedition had taken up their residence ; 
 all these, and indeed all the able men that fell into 
 Daisy's hands, were immediately put to death. 
 
 After this expedition, Daisy began to indulge the 
 hopes of peacemany of his discontented subjects had 
 returned to their allegiance, and were repairing the 
 towns which had been desolated by the war the rainy 
 season was approaching and everything wore a favour- 
 able appearance, when he was suddenly attacked from 
 a different quarter. 
 
 The Jowers, Kakaroos, and some other Kaartans, 
 who had deserted from him at the commencement of 
 the war, and had shown a decided preference to Man- 
 song and his army during the whole campaign, were 
 now afraid or ashamed to ask forgiveness of Daisy, and 
 being very powerful in themselves, joined together to 
 make war upon him. They solicited the Moors to assist 
 
 them in their rebellion (as will appear hereafter), and 
 having collected a considerable army, they plundered 
 a large village belonging to Daisy, and carried off a 
 number of prisoners. 
 
 Daisy immediately prepared to revenge this insult ; 
 but the Jowers, and indeed almost all the negro inha- 
 bitants of Ludamar, deserted their towns and fled to 
 the eastward ; and the rainy season put an end to the 
 war of Kaarta, which had enriched a few individuals, 
 but destroyed the happiness of thousands. 
 
 Such was- the state of affairs among the nations in 
 the neighbourhood of Jarra, soon after the period of 
 my arrival thei-e. I shall now proceed, after giving 
 some description of that place, with the detail of events 
 as they occurred. 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 Some Account of Jarra, and the Moorish Inhabitants. The 
 Author applies for and obtains permission from Ali, the Moor- 
 ish Chief or Sovereign of Ludamar, to pass through his Terri- 
 tories. Departs from Jarra, and arrives at Deena 111 treated 
 by the Moors. Proceeds to Sampaka Finds a Negro who 
 makes Gunpowder. Continues his Journey to Samee, where 
 he is seized by some Moors, who are sent for that purpose by 
 Ali Is conveyed a Prisoner to the Moorish Camp at Benowm, 
 on the Borders of the Great Desert. 
 
 THE town of Jarra is of considerable extent the houses 
 are built of clay and stone intermixed the clay an- 
 swering the purpose of mortar. It is situated in the 
 Moorish kingdom of Ludamar ; but the major part of 
 the inhabitants are negroes, from the borders of the 
 southern states, who prefer a precarious protection 
 under the Moors, which they purchase by a tribute, 
 rather than continue exposed to their predatory hos- 
 tilities. The tribute they pay is considerable ; and they 
 manifest towards their Moorish superiors the most un- 
 limited obedience and submission, and are treated by 
 them with the utmost indignity and contempt. The 
 Moors of this, and the other states adjoining the country 
 of the negroes, resemble in their persons the Mulattoes 
 of the West Indies, to so great a degree as not easily 
 to be distinguished from them ; and, in truth, the pre- 
 sent generation seem to be a mixed race between the 
 Moors (properly so called) of the north, and the ne- 
 groes of the south, possessing many of the worst quali- 
 ties of both nations. 
 
 Of the origin of these Moorish tribes, as distinguished 
 from the inhabitants of Barbary, from whom they are 
 divided by the Great Desert, nothing farther seems to 
 be known than what is related by John Leo, the Afri- 
 can, whose account may be abridged as follows : 
 
 Before the Arabian conquest, about the middle of 
 the seventh century, all the inhabitants of Africa, 
 whether they were descended from Numidians, Phoe- 
 nicians, Carthaginians, Romans, Vandals, or Goths, were 
 comprehended under the general name of Mauri, or 
 Moors. All these nations were converted to the reli- 
 gion of Mahomet, during the Arabian empire under 
 the Kaliphs. About this time many of the Numidian 
 tribes, who led a wandering life in the desert, and sup- 
 ported themselves upon the produce of their cattle, 
 retired southward across the Great Desert to avoid 
 the fury of the Arabians ; and by one of those tribes, 
 says Leo (that of Zanhaga), were discovered, and con- 
 quered, the negro nations on the Niger. By the Niger 
 is here undoubtedly meant the river of Senegal, which 
 in the Mandingo language is called Bafing, or the Black 
 River. 
 
 To what extent these people are now spread over the 
 African continent, it is difficult to ascertain. There is 
 reason to believe, that their dominion stretches from 
 west to east, in a narrow line or belt, from the mouth 
 of the Senegal (on the northern side of that river) to 
 the confines of Abyssinia. They are a subtle and 
 treacherous race of people, and take every opportunity 
 of cheating and plundering the credulous and unsus- 
 
28 
 
 DESERTED BY HIS COMPANIONS ARRIVES AT DALLL 
 
 pecting negroes. But their manners and general habits 
 of life will be best explained, as incidents occur in the 
 course of my narrative. 
 
 On my arrival at Jarra, I obtained a lodging at the 
 house of Daman Jumma, a Gambia slatee. This man 
 had formerly borrowed goods from Dr Laidley, who 
 had given me an order for the money, to the amount 
 of six slaves ; and though the debt was of five years' 
 standing, he readily acknowledged it, and promised me 
 what money he could raise. He was afraid, he said, in 
 his present situation, he could not pay more than two 
 slaves' value. He gave me his assistance, however, in 
 exchanging my beads and amber for gold, which was a 
 more portable article, and more easily concealed from 
 the Moors. 
 
 The difficulties we had already encountered the 
 unsettled state of the country and, above all, the sa- 
 vage and overbearing deportment of the Moors had so 
 completely frightened my attendants, that they declared 
 they would rather relinquish every claim to reward, 
 than proceed one step farther to the eastward. Indeed, 
 the danger they incurred of being seized by the Moors, 
 and sold into slavery, became every day more appa- 
 rent ; and I could not condemn their apprehensions. 
 In this situation, deserted by my attendants, and re- 
 flecting that my retreat was cut off by the war behind 
 me, and that a Moorish country of ten days' journey 
 lay before me, I applied to Daman to obtain permission 
 from Ali, the chief or sovereign of Ludamar, that I 
 might pass through his country unmolested into Bam- 
 barra ; and I hired one of Daman's slaves to accom- 
 pany me thither, as soon as such permission should be 
 obtained. A messenger was dispatched to Ali, who at 
 this time was encamped near Benowm ; and as a pre- 
 sent was necessary in order to insure success, I sent 
 him five garments of cotton cloth, which I purchased 
 of Daman for one of my fowling-pieces. Fourteen days 
 elapsed in settling this affair ; but on the evening of 
 the 26th of February, one of Ali's slaves arrived with 
 directions, as he pretended, to conduct me in safety as 
 far as Goomba, and told me I was to pay him one gar- 
 ment of blue cotton cloth for his attendance. My 
 faithful boy, observing that I was about to proceed 
 without him, resolved to accompany me ; and told me, 
 that though he wished me to turn back, he never en- 
 tertained any serious thoughts of deserting me, but 
 had been advised to it by Johnson, with a view to in- 
 duce me to return immediately for Gambia. 
 
 February 27th. I delivered most of my papers to 
 Johnson, to convey them to Gambia as soon as possible, 
 reserving a duplicate for myself in case of accidents. 
 I likewise left in Daman's possession a bundle of clothes, 
 and other things that were not absolutely necessary ; 
 for I wished to diminish my baggage as much as pos- 
 sible, that the Moors might have fewer inducements 
 to plunder us. 
 
 Things being thus adjusted, we departed from Jarra 
 in the forenoon, and slept at Troomgoomba, a small 
 walled village, inhabited by a mixture of negroes and 
 Moors. On the day following (February 28th) we reach- 
 ed Quira; and on the 29th, after a toilsome journey 
 over a sandy country, wo came to Compe, a watering 
 place belonging to the Moors ; from whence, on the 
 morning following, we proceeded to Deena, a large town, 
 and, like Jarra, built of stone and clay. The Moors 
 are here in greater proportion to the negroes than at 
 Jarra. They assembled round the hut of the negro 
 where I lodged, and treated me with the greatest inso- 
 lence : they hissed, shouted, and abused me ; they even 
 spit in my face, with a view to irritate me, and afford 
 them a pretext for seizing my baggage. But, finding 
 such insults had not the desired effect, they had recourse 
 to the final and decisive argument, that I was a Chris- 
 tian, and of course that my property was lawful plunder 
 to the followers of Mahomet. They accordingly opened 
 my bundles, and robbed me of every thing they fancied. 
 My attendants, finding that every body could rob me 
 with impunity, insisted on returning to Jarra. 
 
 The day following (March 2d) I endeavoured, by all 
 the means in my power, to prevail upon my people to 
 
 go on, but they still continued obstinate ; and having 
 reason to fear some farther insult from the fanatic 
 Moors, I resolved to proceed alone. Accordingly, the 
 next morning, about two o'clock, I departed from Deena. 
 It was moonlight ; but the roaring of the wild beasts 
 made it necessary to proceed with caution. 
 
 When I had reached a piece of rising ground about 
 half a mile from the town, I heard somebody halloo, 
 and, looking back, saw my faithful boy running after 
 me. He informed me that Ali's man had gone back 
 to Benowm, and that Daman's negro was about to de- 
 part for Jarra ; but he said he had no doubt, if I would 
 stop a little, that he could persuade the latter to ac- 
 company us. I waited accordingly, and in about an 
 hour the boy returned with the negro ; and we con- 
 tinued travelling over a sandy country, covered chiefly 
 with the asclepias gigantea, until mid-day, when we came 
 to a number of deserted huts ; and seeing some appear- 
 ances of water at a little distance, I sent the boy to fill 
 a soofroo ; but as he was examining the place for water, 
 the roaring of a lion, that was probably on the same 
 pursuit, induced the frightened boy to return in haste, 
 and we submitted patiently to the disappointment. In 
 the afternoon we reached a town inhabited chiefly by 
 Foulahs, called Samaming-koos. 
 
 Next morning (March 4th) we set out for Sampaka ; 
 which place we reached about two o'clock. On the 
 road we observed immense quantities of locusts : the 
 trees were quite black with them. These insects devour 
 every vegetable that comes in their way, and in a short 
 time completely strip a tree of its leaves. The noise 
 of their excrement falling upon the leaves and withered 
 grass, very much resembles a shower of rain. When 
 a tree is shaken or struck, it is astonishing to see what 
 a cloud of them will fly off. In their flight they yield 
 to the current of the wind, which, at this season of the 
 year, is always from the north-east. Should the wind 
 shift, it is difficult to conceive where they could collect 
 food, as the whole of their course was marked with de- 
 solation. 
 
 Sampaka is a large town, and when the Moors and 
 Bambarrans were at war, was thrice attacked by the 
 former ; but they were driven off with great loss, though 
 the king of Bambarra was afterwards obliged to give 
 up this, and all the other towns as far as Goomba, in 
 order to obtain a peace. Here I lodged at the house 
 of a negro who practised the art of making gunpowder. 
 He showed me a bag of nitre, very white, but the crys- 
 tals were much smaller than common. They procure 
 it hi considerable quantities from the ponds, which are 
 filled in the rainy season, and to which the cattle resort 
 for coolness during the heat of the day. When the 
 water is evaporated, a white efflorescence is observed 
 on the mud, which the natives collect and purify in such 
 a manner as to answer their purpose. The Moors supply 
 them with sulphur from the Mediterranean ; and the 
 process is completed by pounding the different articles 
 together in a wooden mortar. The grains are very 
 unequal, and the sound of its explosion is by no means 
 so sharp as that produced by European gunpowder. 
 
 March 5th. We departed from Sampaka at day- 
 light. About noon we stopped a little at a village called 
 Dangali ; and in the evening arrived at Dalli. We 
 saw upon the road two large herds of camels feeding. 
 When the Moors turn their camels to feed, they tie up 
 one of their fore legs to prevent their straying. This 
 happened to be a feast-day at Dalli, and the people were 
 dancing before the dooty's house. But when they were 
 informed that a white man was come into the town, they 
 left off dancing, and came to the place where I lodged, 
 walking in regular order, two and two, with the music 
 before them. They play upon a sort of flute ; but in- 
 stead of blowing into a hole in the side, they blow ob- 
 liquely over the end, which is half shut by a thin piece 
 of wood ; they govern the holes on the side with their 
 fingers, and play some simple and very plaintive airs. 
 They continued to dance and sing until midnight : dur- 
 ing which time I was surrounded by so great a crowd, 
 as made it necessary for me to satisfy their curiosity 
 bv sitting still. 
 
THE CAMP OF ALT AT BENOWM. 
 
 29 
 
 March 6th. We stopt here this morning, because 
 some of the townspeople, who were going for Goomba 
 on the day following, wished to accompany us ; but in 
 order to avoid the crowd of people which usually as- 
 sembled in the evening, we went to a negro village to 
 the east of Dalli, called Samee, where we were kindly 
 received by the hospitable dooty, who on this occasion 
 killed two fine sheep, and invited his friends to come 
 and feast with him. 
 
 March 7th. Our landlord was so proud of the ho- 
 nour of entertaining a white man, that he insisted on 
 my staying with him and his friends until the cool of 
 the evening, when he said he would conduct me to the 
 next village. As I was now within two days' journey 
 of Goomba, I had 110 apprehensions from the Moors, 
 and readily accepted the invitation. I spent the fore- 
 noon very pleasantly with these poor negroes : their 
 company was the more acceptable, as the gentleness of 
 their manners presented a striking contrast to the rude- 
 ness and barbarity of the Moors. They enlivened their 
 conversation by drinking a fermented liquor made from 
 corn the same sort of beer that I have described in a 
 former chapter; and better I never tasted in Great 
 Britain. 
 
 In the midst of this harmless festivity, I flattered 
 myself that all danger from the Moors was over. Fancy 
 had already placed me on the banks of the Niger, and 
 presented to my imagination a thousand delightful 
 scenes in my future progress, when a party of Moors 
 unexpectedly entered the hut, and dispelled the golden 
 dream. They came, they said, by Ali's orders, to con- 
 vey me to his camp at Benowm. If I went peaceably, 
 they told me, I had nothing to fear ; but if I refused, 
 they had orders to bring me by force. I was struck 
 dumb by surprise and terror, which the Moors observ- 
 ing, endeavoured to calm my apprehensions, by repeat- 
 ing the assurance that I had nothing to fear. Their 
 visit, they added, was occasioned by the curiosity of 
 Ali's wife Fatima, who had heard so much about Chris- 
 tians, that she was very anxious to see one : as soon as 
 her curiosity should be satisfied, they had no doubt, 
 they said, that Ali would give me a handsome present, 
 and send a person to conduct me to Bambarra. Find- 
 ing entreaty and resistance equally fruitless, I prepared 
 to follow the messengers, and took leave of my landlord 
 and his company with great reluctance. Accompanied 
 by my faithful boy for Daman's slave made his escape 
 on seeing the Moors we reached Dalli in the evening ; 
 where we were strictly watched by the Moors during 
 the night. 
 
 March 8th. We were conducted by a circuitous path 
 through the woods to Dangali, where we slept. 
 
 March 9th. We continued our journey, and in the 
 afternoon arrived at Sampaka. On the road we saw a 
 party of Moors well armed, who told us that they were 
 hunting for a runaway slave ; but the townspeople in- 
 formed us, that a party of Moors had attempted to 
 steal some cattle from the town in the morning, but were 
 repulsed and, on their describing the persons, we were 
 satisfied that they were the same banditti that we had 
 seen in the woods. 
 
 Next morning (March 10th) we set out for Samam- 
 ing-koos. On the road we overtook a woman and two 
 boys, with an ass ; she informed us that she was going 
 for Bambarra, but had been stopped on the road by a 
 party of Moors, who had taken most of her clothes, and 
 some gold from her ; and that she would be under the 
 necessity of returning to Deena till the fast moon was 
 over. The same evening the new moon was seen, which 
 ushered in the month Khamadan. Large fires were 
 made in different parts of the town, and a greater quan- 
 tity of victuals than usual dressed upon the occasion. 
 
 March llth. By daylight the Moors were in readi- 
 ness ; but as I had suffered much from thirst on the 
 road, I made my boy fill a soofroo of water for my own 
 use, for the Moors assured me that they should not taste 
 either meat or drink until sunset. However, I found 
 that the excessive heat of the sun, and the dust we 
 raised in travelling, overcame their scruples, and made 
 my soofroo a very useful part of our baggage. On our 
 
 arrival at Deena, I went to pay my respects to one of 
 Ali's sons. I found him sitting in a low hut, with five 
 or six more of his companions, washing their hands and 
 feet, and frequently taking water into their mouths, 
 gargling, and spitting it out again. I was no sooner 
 seated, than he handed me a double-barrelled gun, and 
 told me to dye the stock of a blue colour, and repair 
 one of the locks. I found great difficulty in persuading 
 him that I knew nothing about the matter. However, 
 says he, if you cannot repair the gun, you shall give mo 
 some knives and scissors immediately ; and when my 
 boy, who acted as interpreter, assured him that I had 
 no such articles, he hastily snatched up a musket that 
 stood by him, cocked it, and putting the muzzle close to 
 the boy's ear, would certainly have shot him dead upon 
 the spot, had not the Moors wrested the musket from 
 him, and made signs for us to retreat. The boy, being 
 terrified at this treatment, attempted to make his escape 
 in the night, but was prevented by the vigilance of the 
 Moors, who guarded us with strict attention and at 
 night always went to sleep by the door of the hut, in 
 such a situation that it was almost impossible to pass 
 without stepping upon them. 
 
 March 12th. We departed from Deena towards Be- 
 nowm, and about nine o'clock came to a korree, whence 
 the Moors were preparing to depart to the southward, 
 on account of the scarcity of water ; here we filled our 
 soofroo, and continued our journey over a hot sandy 
 country, covered with small stunted shrubs, until about 
 one o'clock, when the heat of the sun obliged us to stop. 
 But our water being expended, we could not prudently 
 remain longer than a few minutes to collect a little gum, 
 which is an excellent succedaneum for water, as it keeps 
 the mouth moist, and allays, for a time, the pain hi the 
 throat. 
 
 About five o'clock we came in sight of Benowm, the 
 residence of Ali. It presented to the eye a great num- 
 ber of dirty-looking tents, scattered without order over 
 a large space of ground ; and among the tents appeared 
 large herds of camels, cattle, and goats. We reached 
 the skirts of this camp a little before sunset, and, with 
 much entreaty, procured a little water. My arrival 
 was no sooner observed, than the people who drew 
 water at the wells threw down their buckets ; those in 
 the tents mounted their horses ; and men, women, and 
 children, came running or galloping towards me. I 
 soon found myself surrounded by such a crowd that I 
 could scarcely move ; one pulled my clothes, another 
 took off my hat, a third stopped me to examine my 
 waistcoat buttons, and a fourth called out, La ilia el 
 allah Mohamet rasowl allahi (" There is but one God, 
 and Mahomet is his prophet") and signified, in a 
 threatening manner, that I must repeat those words. 
 We reached at length the king's tent, where we found a 
 great number of people, men and women, assembled. 
 Ali was sitting upon a black leather cushion, clipping 
 a few hairs from his upper lip; a female attendant 
 holding up a looking-glass before him. He appeared 
 to be an old man, of the Arab cast, with a long white 
 beard ; and he had a sullen and indignant aspect. He 
 surveyed me with attention, and inquired of the Moors 
 if I could speak Arabic : being answered in the nega- 
 tive, he appeared much surprised, and continued silent. 
 The surrounding attendants, and especially the ladies, 
 were abundantly more inquisitive : they asked a thou- 
 sand questions; inspected every part of my apparel, 
 searched my pockets, and obliged me to unbutton my 
 waistcoat, and display the whiteness of my skin : they 
 even counted my toes and fingers, as if they doubted 
 whether I was in truth a human being. In a little time 
 the priest announced evening prayers ; but before the 
 people departed, the Moor who had acted as interpreter, 
 informed me that Ali was about to present me with 
 something to eat ; and looking round, I observed some 
 boys bringing a wild hog, which they tied to one of the 
 tent strings, and Ali made signs to me to kill and dress 
 it for supper. Though I was very hungry, I did not 
 think it prudent to eat any part of an animal so much 
 detested by the Moors, and therefore told him that I 
 never ate such food. They then untied the hog, in 
 
30 
 
 BAD TREATMENT BY ALL 
 
 hopes that it would run immediately at me for they 
 believe that a great enmity subsists between hogs and 
 Christians but in this they were disappointed ; for the 
 animal no sooner regained his liberty, than he began 
 to attack indiscriminately every person that came in 
 his way, and at last took shelter under the couch upon 
 which the king was sitting. The assembly being thus 
 dissolved, I was conducted to the tent of All's chief 
 slave, but was not permitted to enter, nor allowed to 
 touch any thing belonging to it. I requested something 
 to eat, and a little boiled corn, with salt and water, was 
 at 'length sent me in a wooden bowl; and a mat was 
 spread upon the sand before the tent, on which I passed 
 the night, surrounded by the curious multitude. 
 
 At sunrise, Ali, with a few attendants, came on horse- 
 back to visit me, and signified that he had provided a 
 hut for me, where I would be sheltered from the sun. I 
 was accordingly conducted thither, and found the hut 
 comparatively cool and pleasant. It was constructed of 
 corn stalks set up on end, in the form of a square, with 
 a flat roof of the same materials, supported by forked 
 sticks ; to one of which was tied the wild hog before 
 mentioned. This animal had certainly been placed 
 there by All's order, out of derision to a Christian ; and 
 I found it a very disagreeable inmate, as it drew toge- 
 ther a number of boys, who amused themselves by beat- 
 ing it with sticks, until they had so irritated the hog 
 that it ran and bit at every person within its reach. 
 
 I was no sooner seated in this my new habitation, 
 than the Moors assembled in crowds to behold me ; but 
 I found it rather a troublesome levee, for I was obliged 
 to take off one of my stockings, and show them my foot, 
 and even to take off my jacket and waistcoat, to show 
 them how my clothes were put on and off: they were 
 much delighted with the curious contrivance of buttons. 
 All this was to be repeated to every succeeding visitor ; 
 for such as had already seen these wonders, insisted on 
 their friends seeing the same ; and in this manner I was 
 employed, dressing and undressing, buttoning and un- 
 buttoning, from noon till night. About eight o'clock, 
 Ali sent me for supper some kouskous and salt and water, 
 which was very acceptable, being the only victuals I had 
 tasted since morning. 
 
 I observed that in the night the Moors kept regular 
 watch, and frequently looked into the hut, to see if I 
 was asleep ; and if it was quite dark, they would light a 
 wisp of grass. About two o'clock in the morning, a 
 Moor entered the hut, probably with a view to steal 
 something, or perhaps to murder me ; and groping 
 about, he laid his hand upon my shoulder. As night 
 visitors were at best but suspicious characters, I sprang 
 up the moment he laid his hand upon me ; and the Moor, 
 in his haste to get off, stumbled over my boy, and fell 
 with his face upon the wild hog, which returned the 
 attack by biting the Moor's arm. The screams of this 
 man alarmed the people in the king's tent, who imme- 
 diately conjectured that I had made my escape, and a 
 number of them mounted their horses, and prepared 
 to pursue me. I observed upon this occasion that Ali 
 did not sleep in his own tent, but came galloping upon 
 a white horse from a small tent at a considerable dis- 
 tance : indeed, the tyrannical and cruel behaviour of 
 this man made him so jealous of every person around 
 him, that even his own slaves and domestics knew not 
 where he slept. When the Moors had explained to him 
 the cause of this outcry, they all went away, and I was 
 permitted to sleep quietly until morning. 
 
 March 13th. With the returning day commenced 
 the same round of insult and irritation the boys as- 
 sembled to beat the hog, and the men and women to 
 plague the Christian. It is impossible for me to de- 
 scribe the behaviour of a people who study mischief as 
 a science, and exult in the miseries and misfortunes of 
 their fellow-creatures. It is sufficient to observe, that 
 the rudeness, ferocity, and fanaticism, which distinguish 
 the Moors from the rest of mankind, found here a pro- 
 per subject whereon to exercise their propensities. I 
 was a stranger, I was unprotected, and I was a Chris- 
 tian. Each of these circumstances is sufficient to drive [ 
 every spark of humanity from the heart of a Moor ; \ 
 
 but when all of them, as in my case, were combined in 
 the same person, and a suspicion prevailed withal that 
 I had come as a spy into the country, the reader will 
 easily imagine that in such a situation I had every 
 thing to fear. Anxious, however, to conciliate favour, 
 and, if possible, to afford the Moors no pretence for ill 
 treating me, I readily complied with every command, 
 and patiently bore every insult; but never did any 
 period of my life pass away so heavily from sunrise 
 till sunset was I _ obliged to suffer, with an unruffled 
 countenance, the insults of the rudest savages on earth. 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 Various Occurrences during the Author's Confinement at Benowm 
 Is visited by some Moorish Ladies. A Funeral and Wedding. 
 The Author receives an extraordinary Present from the 
 Bride. Other Circumstances illustrative of the Moorish Cha- 
 racter and Manners. 
 
 THE Moors, though very indolent themselves, are rigid 
 task-masters, and keep every person under them in full 
 employment. My boy Demba was sent to the woods 
 to collect withered grass for Ali's horses; and after 
 a variety of projects concerning myself, they at last 
 found out an employment for me : this was no other 
 than the respectable office of barber. I was to make 
 my first exhibition in this capacity in the royal pre- 
 sence, and to be honoured with the task of shaving the 
 head of the young prince of Ludamar. I accordingly 
 seated myself upon the sand, and the boy, with some 
 hesitation, sat down beside me. A small razor, about 
 three inches long, was put into my hand, and I was 
 ordered to proceed ; but whether from my own want of 
 skill, or the improper shape of the instrument, I un- 
 fortunately made a slight incision in the boy's head at 
 the very commencement of the operation ; and the king, 
 observing the awkward manner in which I held the 
 razor, concluded that his son's head was in very im- 
 proper hands, and ordered me to resign the razor and 
 walk out of the tent. This I considered as a very for- 
 tunate circumstance ; for I had laid it down as a rule 
 to make myself as useless and insignificant as possible, 
 as the only means of recovering my liberty. 
 
 March 18th. Four Moors arrived from Jarrawith 
 Johnson my interpreter, having seized him before he 
 had received any 'intimation of my confinement, and 
 bringing with them a bundle of clothes that I had left 
 at Daman Jumma's house, for my use in case I should 
 return by the way of Jarra. Johnson was led into 
 Ali's tent and examined ; the bundle was opened, and I 
 was sent for to explain the use of the different articles. 
 I was happy, however, to find that Johnson had com- 
 mitted my papers to the charge of one of Daman's 
 wives. When I had satisfied Ali's curiosity respecting 
 the different articles of apparel, the bundle was again 
 tied up, and put into a large cow-skin bag that stood in 
 a corner of the tent. The same evening Ali sent three 
 of his people to inform me that there were many thieves 
 in the neighbourhood, and that to prevent the rest of 
 my things from being stolen, it was necessary to convey 
 them all into his tent. My clothes, instruments, and 
 every thing that belonged to me, were accordingly 
 carried away ; and though the heat and dust made 
 clean linen very necessary and refreshing, I could not 
 procure a single shirt out of the small stock I had 
 brought along with me. Ali was however disappointed, 
 by not finding among my effects the quantity of gold 
 and amber that he expected ; but to make sure of every 
 thing, he sent the same people, on the morning follow- 
 ing, to examine whether I had any thing concealed 
 about my person. They, with their usual rudeness, 
 searched every part of my apparel, and stripped me of 
 all my gold, amber, my watch, and one of my pocket 
 compasses ; I had fortunately, in the night, buried the 
 other compass in the sand and this, with the clothes I 
 had on, was all that the tyranny of Ali had now left me. 
 
 The gold and amber were highly gratifying to Moorish 
 avarice, but the pocket compass soon became an object 
 
KEPT A PRISONER AT BENOWM. 
 
 of superstitious curiosity. Ali was very desirous to Tbe 
 informed why that small piece of iron, the needle, 
 always pointed to the Great Desert ; and I found my- 
 self somewhat puzzled to answer the question. To have 
 pleaded my ignorance, would have created a suspicion 
 that I wished to conceal the real truth from him ; I 
 therefore told him that my mother resided far beyond 
 the sands of Sahara, and that whilst she was alive the 
 piece of iron would always point that way, and serve as 
 a guide to conduct me to her, and that if she was dead 
 it would point to her grave. Ali now looked at the 
 compass with redoubled amazement ; turned it round 
 and round repeatedly ; but observing that it always 
 pointed the same way, he took it up with great caution 
 and returned it to me, manifesting that he thought 
 there was something of magic in it, and that he was 
 afraid of keeping so dangerous an instrument in his 
 possession. 
 
 March 20th. This morning a council of chief men 
 was held in Ali's tent respecting me : their decisions, 
 though they were all unfavourable to me, were differently 
 related by different persons. Some said that they in- 
 tended to put me to death ; others that I was only to 
 lose my right hand : but the most probable account was 
 that which I received from Ali's own son, a boy about 
 nine years of age, who came to me in the evening, and, 
 with much concern, informed me that his uncle had 
 persuaded his father to put out my eyes, which they 
 said resembled those of a cat, and that all the bush- 
 reens had approved of this measure. His father, how- 
 ever, he said, would not put the sentence into execution 
 until Fatima the queen, who was at present in the north, 
 had seen me. 
 
 March 21st. Anxious to know my destiny, I went 
 to the king early in the morning ; and as a number of 
 bushreens were assembled, I thought this a favourable 
 opportunity of discovering their intentions. I therefore 
 began by begging his permission to return to Jarra, 
 which was flatly refused : his wife, he said, had not yet 
 seen me, and I must stay until she came to Benowm, 
 after which I should be at liberty to depart ; and that 
 my horse, which had been taken away from me the day 
 after I arrived, should be again restored to me. Un- 
 satisfactory as this answer was, I was forced to appear 
 pleased ; and as there was little hope of making my 
 escape at this season of the year, on account of the 
 excessive heat, and the total want of water in the woods, 
 I resolved to wait patiently until the rains had set in, 
 or until some more favourable opportunity should pre- 
 sent itself. But " hope deferred maketh the heart sick." 
 This tedious procrastination from day to day, and the 
 thoughts of travelling through the negro kingdoms in 
 the rainy season, which was now fast approaching, made 
 me very melancholy ; and having passed a restless 
 night, I found myself attacked, in the morning, by a 
 smart fever. I had wrapped myself close up in my 
 cloak with a view to induce perspiration, and was asleep, 
 when a party of Moors entered the hut, and, with their 
 usual rudeness, pulled the cloak from me. I made signs 
 to them that I was sick, and wished much to sleep ; but 
 I solicited in vain : my distress was matter of sport to 
 them, and they endeavoured to heighten it by every 
 means in their power. This studied and degrading in- 
 solence, to which I was constantly exposed, was one of 
 the bitterest ingredients in the cup of captivity, and 
 often made life itself a burden to me. In those dis- 
 tressing moments I have frequently envied the situation 
 of the slave, who, amidst all his calamities, could still 
 possess the enjoyment of his own thoughts a happi- 
 ness to which I had for some time been a stranger. 
 Wearied out with such continual insults, and perhaps 
 a little peevish from the fever, I trembled lest my 
 passion might unawares overleap the bounds of pru- 
 dence, and spur me to some sudden act of resentment, 
 when death must be the inevitable consequence. In 
 this perplexity, I left my hut, and walked to some shady 
 trees at a little distance from the camp, where I lay 
 down. But even here persecution followed me; and 
 solitude was thought too great an indulgence for a dis- 
 tressed Christian. Ali's son, with a number of horse- 
 
 men, came galloping to the place, and ordered me to 
 rise and follow them. I begged they would allow me 
 to remain where I was, if it was only for a few hours ; 
 but they paid little attention to what I said ; and, after 
 a few threatening words, one of them pulled out a pistol 
 from a leather bag, that was fastened to the pommel 
 of his saddle, and, presenting it towards me, snapped it. 
 twice. He did this with so much indifference, that I 
 really doubted whether the pistol was loaded ; he cocked 
 it a third time, and was striking the flint with a piece 
 of steel, when I begged them to desist, and returned with 
 them to the camp. When we entered Ali's tent, we 
 found him much out of humour. He called for the 
 Moor's pistol, and amused himself for some tune with 
 opening and shutting the pan ; at length, taking up his 
 powder-horn, he fresh primed it ; and, turning round to 
 me with a menacing look, said something in Arabic, 
 which I did not understand. I desired my boy, who 
 was sitting before the tent, to inquire what offence I 
 had committed ; when I was informed, that having gone 
 out of the camp without Ali's permission, they suspected 
 that I had some design of making my escape ; and that, 
 in future, if I was seen without the skirts of the camp, 
 orders had been given that I should be shot by the first 
 person that observed me. 
 
 In the afternoon the horizon, to the eastward, was 
 thick and hazy, and the Moors prognosticated a sand 
 wind ; which accordingly commenced on the morning 
 following, and lasted, with slight intermissions, for two 
 days. The force of the wind was not in itself very 
 great it was what a seaman would have denominated 
 a stiff breeze ; but the quantity of sand and dust carried 
 before it, was such as to darken the whole atmosphere. 
 It swept along from east to west, in a thick and constant 
 stream, and the air was at times so dark and full of 
 sand, that it was difficult to discern the neighbouring 
 tents. As the Moors always dress their victuals in the 
 open air, this sand fell in great plenty amongst the 
 kouskous : it readily adhered to the skin, when moist- 
 ened by perspiration, and formed a cheap and universal 
 hair powder. The Moors wrap a cloth round their face, 
 to prevent them from inhaling the sand, and always turn 
 their backs to the wind when they look up, to prevent 
 the sand falling into their eyes. 
 
 About this time, all the women of the camp had their 
 feet, and the ends of their fingers, stained of a dark 
 saffron colour. I could never ascertain whether this 
 was done from motives of religion, or by way of orna- 
 ment. The curiosity of the Moorish ladies had been 
 very troublesome to me ever since my arrival at Be- 
 nowm ; and on the evening of the 25th (whether from 
 the instigation of others, or impelled by their own un- 
 governable curiosity, or merely out of frolic, I cannot 
 affirm), a party of them came into my hut, and gave me 
 plainly to understand that the object of their visit was 
 to ascertain, by actual inspection, whether the rite of 
 circumcision extended to the Nazarenes (Christians), 
 as well as to the followers of Mahomet. The reader 
 will easily judge of my surprise at this unexpected 
 declaration ; and in order to avoid the proposed scru- 
 tiny, I thought it best to treat the business jocularly. 
 I observed to them, that it was not customary in my 
 country to give ocular demonstration in such cases, 
 before so many beautiful women; but that if all of 
 them would retire, except the young lady to whom I 
 pointed (selecting the youngest and handsomest), I 
 would satisfy her curiosity. The ladies enjoyed the 
 jest, and went away laughing heartily ; and the young 
 damsel herself to whom I had given the preference 
 (though she did not avail herself of the privilege of 
 inspection), seemed no way displeased at the compli- 
 ment ; for she soon afterwards sent me some meal and 
 milk for my supper. 
 
 March 28th. This morning a large herd of cattle 
 arrived from the eastward ; and one of the drivers, to 
 whom Ali had lent my horse, came into my hut with 
 the leg of an antelope as a present, and told me that 
 my horse was standing before Ali's tent. In a little 
 time Ali sent one of his slaves to inform me, that in 
 the afternoon, I must be in readiness to ride out 
 
32 
 
 OCCURRENCES AT BENOWM CONTINUED. 
 
 with him, as he intended to show me to some of his 
 women. 
 
 About four o'clock, Ali, with six of his courtiers, 
 came riding to my hut, and told me to follow them. I 
 readily complied. But here a new difficulty occurred. 
 The Moors, accustomed to a loose and easy dress, could 
 not reconcile themselves to the appearance of my nan- 
 keen breeches, which they said were not only inelegant, 
 but, on account of their tightness, very indecent ; 
 and as this was a visit to ladies, Ali ordered my boy to 
 bring out the loose cloak which I had always worn 
 since my arrival at Benowm, and told me to wrap it 
 close round me. We visited the tents of four different 
 ladies, at every one of which I was presented with a 
 bowl of milk and water. All these ladies were re- 
 markably corpulent, which is considered here as the 
 highest mark of beauty. They were very inquisitive, 
 and examined my hair and skin with great attention, 
 but affected to consider me as a sort of inferior being 
 to themselves, and would knit their brows, and seem 
 to shudder, when they looked at the whiteness of my 
 skin. In the course of this evening's excursion, my 
 dress and appearance afforded infinite mirth to the 
 company, who galloped round me as if they were bait- 
 ing a wild animal, twirling their muskets round their 
 heads, and exhibiting various feats of activity and 
 horsemanship, seemingly to display their superior 
 prowess over a miserable captive. 
 
 The Moors are certainly very good horsemen. They 
 ride without fear their saddles being high before and 
 behind, afford them a very secure seat ; and if they 
 chance to fall, the whole country is so soft and sandy, 
 that they are very seldom hurt. Their greatest pride, 
 and one of their principal amusements, is to put the 
 horse to his full speed, and then stop him with a sudden 
 jerk, DO as frequently to bring him down upon his 
 haunches. Ali always rode upon a milk-white horse, 
 with its tail dyed red. He never walked, unless when 
 he went to say his prayers ; and even in the night, two 
 or three horses were always kept ready saddled, at a 
 little distance from his own tent. The Moors set a 
 very high value upon their horses ; for it is by their 
 superior fleetness that they are enabled to make so 
 many predatory excursions into the negro countries. 
 They feed them three or four times a-day, and ge- 
 nerally give them a large quantity of sweet milk in 
 the evening, which the horses appear to relish very 
 much. 
 
 April 3d. This forenoon a child, which had been 
 some time sickly, died in the next tent ; and the mother 
 and relations immediately began the death-howl. They 
 were joined by a number of female visitors, who came 
 on purpose to assist at this melancholy concert. I had 
 no opportunity of seeing the burial, which is generally 
 performed secretly, in the dusk of the evening, and 
 frequently at only a few yards' distance from the tent. 
 Over the grave they plant one particular shrub ; and 
 no stranger is allowed to pluck a leaf, or even to touch 
 it so great a veneration have they for the dead. 
 
 April 7th. About four o'clock in the afternoon, a 
 whirlwind passed through the camp with such violence, 
 that it overturned three tents, and blew down one side 
 of my hut. These whirlwinds come from the Great 
 Desert, and at this season of the year are so common, 
 that I have seen five or six of them at one time. They 
 carry up quantities of sand to an amazing height, 
 which resemble, at a distance, so many moving pillars 
 of smoke. 
 
 The scorching heat of the sun, upon a dry and sandy 
 country, makes the air insufferably hot. Ali having 
 robbed me of my thermometer, I had no means of 
 forming a comparative judgment ; but in the middle of 
 the day, when the beams of the vertical sun are se- 
 conded by the scorching wind from the desert, the 
 ground is frequently heated to such a degree as not to 
 be borne by the naked foot ; even the negro slaves will 
 not run from one tent to another without their sandals. 
 At this time of the day the Moors lie stretched at 
 length in their tents, either asleep, or unwilling to move ; 
 and I have often felt the wind so hot, that I could not 
 
 hold my hand in the current of air which came through 
 the crevices of my hut without feeling sensible pain. 
 
 April 8th. This day the wind blew from the south- 
 west ; and in the night there was a heavy shower of 
 rain, accompanied with thunder and lightning. 
 
 April 10th. In the evening the tabula, or large 
 drum, was beat to announce a wedding, which was held 
 at one of the neighbouring tents. A great number of 
 people of both sexes assembled, but without that mirth 
 and hilarity which take place at a negro wedding ; here 
 was neither singing nor dancing, nor any other amuse- 
 ment that I could perceive. A woman was beating the 
 drum, and the other women joining at times like a 
 chorus, by setting up a shrill scream, and, at the same 
 time, moving their tongues from one side of the mouth 
 to the other with great celerity. I was soon tired, and 
 had returned into my hut, where I was sitting almost 
 asleep, when an old woman entered, with a wooden bowl 
 in her hand, and signified that she had brought me a 
 present from the bride. Before I could recover from 
 the surprise which this message created, the woman 
 discharged the contents of the bowl full in my face. 
 Finding that it was the same sort of holy water with 
 which, among the Hottentots, a priest is said to sprinkle 
 a newly married couple, I began to suspect that the old 
 lady was actuated by mischief or malice ; but she gave 
 me seriously to understand that it was a nuptial bene- 
 diction from the bride's own person, and which, on such 
 occasions, is always received by the young unmarried 
 Moors as a mark of distinguished favour. This being 
 the case, I wiped my face, and sent my acknowledg- 
 ments to the lady. The wedding drum continued to 
 beat, and the women to sing, or rather whistle, all 
 night. About nine in the morning, the bride was 
 brought in state from her mother's tent, attended by 
 a number of women, who carried her tent (a present 
 from the husband), some bearing up the poles, others 
 holding by the strings ; and in this manner they 
 marched, whistling as formerly, until they came to the 
 place appointed for her residence, where they pitched 
 the tent. The husband followed, with a number of 
 men leading four bullocks, which they tied to the tent 
 strings ; and having killed another, and distributed the 
 beef among the people, the ceremony was concluded. 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 
 Occurrences at the Camp continued. Information collected by 
 the Author concerning Iloussa and Tombuctoo ; and the 
 Situation of the latter. The Route described from Morocco to 
 Benowm. The Author's Distress from Hunger. AH removes 
 his camp to the Northward. The Author is carried Prisoner 
 to the new Encampment, and is presented to Queen Fatima. 
 Great Distress from the want of Water. 
 
 ONE whole month had now elapsed since I was led into 
 captivity, during which time, each returning day 
 brought me fresh distresses. I watched the lingering 
 course of the sun with anxiety, and blessed his evening 
 beams as they shed a yellow lustre along the sandy 
 floor of my hut ; for it was then that my oppressors left 
 me, and allowed me to pass the sultry night in solitude 
 and reflection. 
 
 About midnight, a bowl of kouskous with some salt 
 and water was brought for me and my two attendants. 
 This was our common fare, and it was all that was 
 allowed us to allay the cravings of hunger, and support 
 nature for the whole of the following day ; for it is to 
 be observed that this was the Mahomedan lent, and as 
 the Moors keep the fast with a religious strictness, they 
 thought it proper to compel me, though a Christian, to 
 a similar observance. Time, however, somewhat re- 
 conciled me to my situation : I found that I could bear 
 hunger and thirst better than I expected ; and at length 
 I endeavoured to beguile the tedious hours by learning 
 to write Arabic. The people who came to see me soon 
 made me acquainted with the characters ; and I dis- 
 covered, that by engaging their attention in this way, 
 they were not so troublesome as otherwise they would 
 
THE AUTHOR'S DISTRESS FROM HUNGER. 
 
 33 
 
 have been : indeed, when I observed any person whose 
 countenance I thought bore malice towards me, I made 
 it a rule to ask him, either to write in the sand himself, 
 or to decipher what I had already written ; and the 
 pride of showing his superior attainments generally 
 induced him to comply with my request. 
 
 April 14th. As queen Fatima had not yet arrived, 
 Ali proposed to go to the north, and bring her back 
 with him ; but as the place was two clays' journey from 
 Benowm, it was necessary to have some refreshment 
 on the road ; and Ali, suspicious of those about him, 
 was so afraid of being poisoned, that he never ate any 
 thing but what was dressed under his own immediate 
 inspection. A fine bullock was therefore killed, and the 
 flesh being cut up into thin slices, was dried in the sun; 
 and this, with two bags of dry kouskous, formed his 
 travelling provisions. 
 
 Previous to his departure, the black people of the 
 town of Benowm came, according to their annual cus- 
 tom, to show their arms, and bring their stipulated 
 tribute of corn and cloth. They were but badly armed ; 
 twenty-two with muskets, forty or fifty with bows and 
 arrows, and nearly the same number of men and boys, 
 with spears only. They arranged themselves before the 
 tent, where they waited until their arms were examined, 
 and some little disputes settled. 
 
 About midnight on the 16th, Ali departed quietly 
 from Benowm, accompanied by a few attendants. He 
 was expected to return in the course of nine or ten days. 
 
 April 18th. Two clays after the departure of Ali, a 
 shereef arrived with salt, and some other articles, from 
 Walet, the capital of the kingdom of Biroo. As there 
 was no tent appropriated for him, he took up his abode 
 in the same hut with me. He seemed to be a well-in- 
 formcd man, and his acquaintance both with the Arabic 
 and Bambarra tongues enabled him to travel with ease 
 and safety through a number of kingdoms ; for though 
 his place of residence was Walet, he had visited Houssa, 
 and had lived some years at Tombuctoo. Upon my in- 
 quiring so particularly about the distance from Walet 
 to Tombuctoo, he asked me if I intended to travel that 
 way ; and being answered in the affirmative, he shook 
 his head, and said, " it would not do ;" for that Christians 
 were looked upon there as the devil's children, and 
 enemies to the Prophet. From him I learned the fol- 
 lowing particulars : That Houssa was the largest town 
 he had ever seen : that Walet was larger than Tom- 
 buctoo, but being remote from the Niger, and its trade 
 consisting chiefly of salt, it was not so much resorted 
 to by strangers : that between Benowm and Walet was 
 ten days' journey ; but the road did not lead through 
 any remarkable towns, and travellers supported them- 
 selves by purchasing milk from the Arabs, who keep 
 their herds by the watering-places : two of the days' 
 journies was over a sandy country, without water. 
 From Walet to Tombuctoo was eleven days more ; but 
 water was more plentiful, and the journey was usually 
 performed upon bullocks. He said there were many 
 Jews at Tombuctoo, but they all spoke Arabic, and 
 used the same prayers as the Moors. He frequently 
 pointed his hand to the south-east quarter, or rather 
 the east by south ; observing, that Tombuctoo was situ- 
 ated in that direction ; and though I made him repeat 
 this information again and again, I never found him 
 to vary more than half a point, which was to the south- 
 ward. 
 
 April 24th. This morning Shereef Sidi Mahomed 
 Moora Abdalla, a native of Morocco, arrived with five 
 bullocks loaded with salt. He had formerly resided 
 some months at Gibraltar, where he had picked up as 
 much English as enabled him to make himself under- 
 stood. He informed me, that he had been five months 
 in coming from Santa Cruz ; but that great part of the 
 time had been spent in trading. When I requested him 
 to enumerate the days employed in travelling from Mo- 
 rocco to Benowm, he gave them as follows : To Swera, 
 three days ; to Agadier, three ; to Jinikin, ten ; to Wa- 
 denoon, four ; to Lakeneig, five ; to Zeeriwin-zerhnan, 
 five ; to Tisheet,ten ; to Benowm, ten in all, fifty days : 
 but travellers usually rest a long while at Jinikin and 
 
 
 
 Tisheet at the latter of which places they dig the rock 
 salt, which is so great an article of commerce with the 
 negroes. 
 
 In conversing with these shereefs, and the different 
 strangers that resorted to the camp, I passed my time 
 with rather less uneasiness than formerly. On the other 
 hand, as the dressing of my victuals was now left en- 
 tirely to the care of All's slaves, over whom I had not 
 the smallest control, I found myself but ill supplied, 
 worse even than in the fast mouth : for two successive 
 nights they neglected to send us our accustomed meal ; 
 and though my boy went to a small negro town near 
 the camp, and begged with great diligence from hut to 
 hut, he could only procure a few handfuls of ground 
 nuts, which he readily shared with me. Hunger, at 
 first, is certainly a very painful sensation ; but when it 
 has continued for some time, this pain is succeeded by 
 langour and debility; in which case, a draught of 
 water, by keeping the stomach distended, will greatly 
 exhilarate the spirits, and remove for a short time every 
 sort of uneasiness. Job nson and Demba were very much 
 dejected. They lay stretched upon the sand, in a sort 
 of torpid slumber ; and even when the kouskous arrived, 
 I found some difficulty in awakening them. I felt no 
 inclination to sleep, but was affected with a deep con- 
 vulsive respiration, like constant sighing ; and, what 
 alarmed me still more, a dimness of sight, and a ten- 
 dency to faint, when I attempted to sit up. These 
 symptoms did not go off until some time after I had 
 received nourishment. 
 
 We had been for some days in daily expectation of 
 All's return from Saheel (or the north country) with 
 his wife Fatima. In the meanwhile Mansong, king of 
 Bambarra, as I have related in Chapter VIII., had sent 
 to Ali for a party of horse to assist in storming Gedin- 
 gooma. With this demand Ali had not only refused 
 to comply, but had treated the messengers with great 
 haughtiness and contempt ; upon which Mansong gave 
 up all thoughts of taking the town, and prepared to 
 chastise Ali for his contumacy. 
 
 Things were in this situation when, on the 29th of 
 April, a messenger arrived at Benowm with the dis- 
 agreeable intelligence that the Bambarra army was ap- 
 proaching the frontiers of Ludamar. This threw the 
 whole country into confusion ; and in the afternoon, 
 Ali's son, with about twenty horsemen, arrived at Be- 
 nowm. He ordered all the cattle to be driven away 
 immediately, all the tents to be struck, and the people 
 to hold themselves in readiness to depart at daylight 
 the next morning. 
 
 April 30th. At daybreak the whole camp was in 
 motion. The baggage was carried upon bullocks the 
 two tent poles being placed one on each side, and the 
 different wooden articles of the tent distributed in like 
 manner ; the tent cloth was thrown over all, and upon 
 this was commonly placed one or two women ; for the 
 Moorish women are very bad walkers. The king's 
 favourite concubines rode upon camels, with a saddle 
 of a particular construction, and a canopy to shelter 
 them from the sun. We proceeded to the northward 
 until noon, when the king's son ordered the whole com- 
 pany, except two tents, to enter a thick low wood, which 
 was upon our right. I was sent along with the two 
 tents, and arrived in the evening at a negro town called 
 Farani : here we pitched the tents in an open place, at 
 no great distance from the town. 
 
 The hurry and confusion which attended this de- 
 campment, prevented the slaves from dressing the usual 
 quantity of victuals ; and lest their dry provisions should 
 be exhausted before they reached their place of desti- 
 nation (for as yet none but Ali and the chief men knew 
 whither we were going), they thought proper to make 
 me observe this day as a day of fasting. 
 
 May 1st. As I had some reason to suspect that this 
 day was also to be considered as a fast, I went in the 
 morning to the negro town of Farani, and begged some 
 provisions from the dooty, who readily supplied my 
 wants, and desired me to come to his house every day 
 during my stay in the neighbourhood. These hospi- 
 table people are looked upon by the Moors as an abject 
 
34 
 
 CONTINUES IN CAPTIVITY AT BENOWM. 
 
 race of slaves, and are treated accordingly. Two of 
 Ali's household slaves, a man and a woman, who had 
 come along with the two tents, went this morning to 
 water the cattle from the town wells, at which there 
 began to be a great scarcity. When the negro women 
 observed the cattle approaching, they took up their 
 pitchers and ran with all possible haste towards the 
 town ; but before they could enter the gate, they were 
 stopped by the slaves, who compelled them to bring back 
 the water they had drawn for their own families, and 
 empty it into the troughs for the cattle. When this 
 was exhausted, they were ordered to draw water until 
 such time as the cattle had all drunk ; and the woman 
 slave actually broke two wooden bowls over the heads 
 of the blade girls, because they were somewhat dilatory 
 in obeying her commands. 
 
 May 3d. We departed from the vicinity of Farani, 
 and after a circuitous route through the woods, ar- 
 rived at Ali's camp in the afternoon. This encamp- 
 ment was larger than that of Benowm, and was si- 
 tuated in the middle of a thiek wood about two miles 
 distant from a negro town, called Bubaker. I imme- 
 diately waited upon Ali, in order to pay my respects 
 to queen Fatima, who had come with him from Sa- 
 heel. He seemed much pleased with my coming 
 shook hands with me and informed his wife that I 
 was the Christian. She was a woman of the Arab cast, 
 with long black hair, and remarkably corpulent. She 
 appeared at first rather shocked at the thought of hav- 
 ing a Christian so near her : but when I had (by means 
 of a negro boy, who spoke the Mandingo and Arabic 
 tongues) answered a great many questions, which her 
 curiosity suggested, respecting the country of the Chris- 
 tians, she seemed more at ease, and presented me with 
 a bowl of milk, which I considered as a very favour- 
 able omen. 
 
 The heat was now almost insufferable all nature 
 seemed sinking under it. The distant country presented 
 to the eye a dreary expanse of sand, with a few stunted 
 trees and prickly bushes, in the shade of which the 
 hungry cattle licked up the withered grass, while the 
 camels and goats picked off the scanty foliage. The 
 scarcity of water was greater here than at Benowm. 
 Day and night the wells were crowded with cattle, 
 lowing and fighting with each other to come at the 
 troughs. Excessive thirst made many of them furious ; 
 others, being too weak to contend for the water, endea- 
 voured to quench their thirst by devouring the black 
 mud from the gutters near the wells which they did 
 with great avidity, though it was commonly fatal to 
 them. 
 
 This great scarcity of water was felt severely by all the 
 people of the camp, and by none more than myself; for 
 though Ali allowed me a skin for containing water, and 
 Fatima, once or twice, gave me a small supply when I 
 was in distress, yet such was the barbarous disposition 
 of the Moors at the wells, that, when my boy attempted 
 to fill the skin, he commonly received a sound drubbing 
 for his presumption. Every one was astonished that the 
 slave of a Christian should attempt to draw water from 
 wells which had been dug by the followers of the Prophet. 
 This treatment, at length, so frightened the boy, that I 
 believe he would sooner have perished with thirst than 
 attempted again to fill the skin ; he therefore contented 
 himself with begging water from the negro slaves that 
 attended the camp and I followed his example but 
 with very indifferent success ; for though I let no oppor- 
 tunity slip, and was very urgent in my solicitations, 
 both to the Moors and negroes, I was but ill supplied, 
 and frequently passed the night in the situation of Tan- 
 talus. No sooner had I shut my eyes, than fancy would 
 convey me to the streams and rivers of my native land : 
 there, as I wandered along the verdant brink, I sur- 
 veyed the clear stream with transport, and hastened to 
 swallow the delightful draught but alas ! disappoint- 
 ment awakened me, and I found myself a lonely cap- 
 tive, perishing of thirst amidst the wilds of Africa ! 
 
 One night, having solicited in vain for water at the 
 camp, and being quite feverish, I resolved to try my 
 fortune at the wells, which were about half a mile dis- 
 
 tant from the camp. Accordingly, I set out about mid- 
 night, and being guided by the lowing of the cattle, 
 soon arrived at the place where I found the Moors 
 very busy drawing water. I requested permission to 
 drink, but was driven away with outrageous abuse. 
 Passing, however, from one well to another, I came at 
 last to one where there was only an old man and two 
 boys. I made the same request to this man, and he 
 immediately drew me up a bucket of water ; but, as I 
 was about to take hold of it, he recollected that I was a 
 Christian, and fearing that his bucket might be polluted 
 by my lips, he dashed the water into the trough, and 
 told me to drink from thence. Though this trough was 
 none of the largest, and three cows were already drink- 
 ing in it, I resolved to come infer my share; and kneel- 
 ing down, thrust my head between two of the cows, and 
 drank with great pleasure, until the water was nearly 
 exhausted, and the cows began to contend with each 
 other for the last mouthful. 
 
 In adventures of this nature, I passed the sultry 
 month of May, during which no material change took 
 place in my situation. Ali still considered me as a law- 
 ful prisoner ; and Fatima, though she allowed me a 
 larger quantity of victuals than I had been accustomed 
 to receive at Benowm, had as yet said nothing on the 
 subject of my release. In the meantime, the frequent 
 changes of the wind, the gathering clouds, and distant 
 lightning, with other appearances of approaching rain, 
 indicated that the wet season was at hand, when the 
 Moors annually evacuate the country of the negroes, 
 and return to the skirts of the Great Desert. This made 
 me consider that my fate was drawing towards a crisis, 
 and I resolved to wait for the event without any seem- 
 ing uneasiness ; but circumstances occurred which pro- 
 duced a change in my favour, more suddenly than I 
 had foreseen, or had reason to expect. The case was 
 this : The fugitive Kaartans, who had taken refuge in 
 Ludamar, as I have related in Chapter VIII., finding 
 that the Moors were about to leave them, and dreading 
 the resentment of their own sovereign, whom they had 
 so basely deserted, offered to treat with Ali for two 
 hundred Moorish horsemen, to co-operate with them in 
 an effort to expel Daisy from Gedingooma ; for until 
 Daisy should be vanquished or humbled, they considered 
 that they could neither return to their native towns, 
 nor live in security in any of the neighbouring king- 
 doms. With a view to extort money from these people 
 by means of this treaty, Ali dispatched his son to Jarra, 
 and prepared to follow him in the course of a few days. 
 This was an opportunity of too great consequence to 
 me to be neglected. I immediately applied to Fatima 
 (who, I found, had the chief direction in all affairs 
 of state), and begged her interest with Ali to give me 
 pel-mission to accompany him to Jarra. This request, 
 after some hesitation, was favourably received. Fatima 
 looked kindly on me, and, I believe, was at length 
 moved with compassion towards me. My bundles were 
 brought from the large cow-skin bag that stood in the 
 corner of Ali's tent, and I was ordered to explain the 
 use of the different articles, and show the method of 
 putting on the boots, stockings, &c. with all which I 
 cheerfully complied, and was told that, in the course of 
 a few days, I should be at liberty to depart. 
 
 Believing, therefore, that I should certainly find the 
 means of escaping from Jarra, if I should once get 
 thither, I now freely indulged the pleasing hope that 
 my captivity would soon terminate ; and happily not 
 having been disappointed in this idea, I shall pause, in 
 this place, to collect and bring into one point of view, 
 such observations on the Moorish character and coun- 
 try as I had no fair opportunity of introducing into the 
 preceding narrative. 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 Containing some farther miscellaneous Inflections on the Moorish 
 Character and Manners. Observations concerning the Great 
 Desert, its Animals, wild and domestic, &c. &c. 
 
 THE Moors of this part of Africa are divided into many 
 separate tribes, of which the most formidable, accord- 
 
MANNERS OF THE MOORS QUEEN FATIMA. 
 
 ing to what was reported to me, are those of Trasart 
 aiul 11 Brakeu, which inhabit the northern bank of the 
 Senegal river. The tribes of Gedumah, Jaffnoo, and 
 Ludamar, though not so numerous as the former, are 
 nevertheless very powerful and warlike, and are each 
 governed by a chief, or king, who exercises absolute 
 jurisdiction over his own horde, without acknowledging 
 allegiance to a common sovereign. In time of peace, 
 the employment of the people is pasturage. The Moors, 
 indeed, subsist chiefly on the flesh of their cattle, and 
 are always in the extreme of either gluttony or absti- 
 nence. In consequence of the frequent and severe fasts 
 which their religion enjoins, and the toilsome journies 
 which they sometimes undertake across the desert, they 
 are enabled to bear both hunger and thirst with sur- 
 prising fortitude ; but whenever opportunities occur of 
 satisfying their appetite, they generally devour more 
 at one meal than would serve an European for three. 
 They pay but little attention to agriculture, purchasing 
 their corn, cotton cloth, and other necessaries, from 
 the negroes, in exchange for salt, which they dig from 
 the pits in the Great Desert. 
 
 The natural barrenness of the country is such, that 
 it furnishes but few materials for manufacture. The 
 Moors, however, contrive to weave a strong cloth, with 
 which they cover then- tents ; the thread is spun by 
 their women from the hair of goats ; and they pre- 
 pare the hides of their cattle so as to furnish saddles, 
 bridles, pouches, and other articles of leather. They 
 are likewise sufficiently skilful to convert the native 
 iron, which they procure from the negroes, into spears 
 and knives, and also into pots for boiling their food ; 
 but their sabres, and other weapons, as well as their 
 fire-arms and ammunition, they purchase from the 
 Europeans, in exchange for the negro slaves which they 
 obtain in their predatory excursions. Their chief com- 
 merce of this kind is with the French traders on the 
 Senegal river. 
 
 The Moors are rigid Mahomedans, and possess, with 
 the bigotry and superstition, all the intolerance, of 
 their sect. They have no mosques at Benowm, but 
 perform their devotions in a sort of open shed, or 
 inclosure, made of mats. The priest is, at the same 
 time, schoolmaster to the juniors. His pupils assemble 
 every evening before his tent ; where, by the light of 
 a large fire, made of brushwood and cow's dung, they 
 are taught a few sentences from the Koran, and are 
 initiated into the principles of their creed. Their alpha- 
 bet differs but little from that in Richardson's Arabic 
 Grammar. They always write with the vowel points. 
 Their priests even affect to know something of foreign 
 literature. The priest of Benowm assured me, that he 
 could read the writings of the Christians : he showed 
 me a number of barbarous characters, which he as- 
 serted were the Roman alphabet ; and he produced 
 another specimen, equally unintelligible, which he de- 
 clared to be the Kallam il Indi, or Persian. His library 
 consisted of nine volumes in quarto ; most of them, I 
 believe, were books of religion for the name of Maho- 
 met appeared, in red letters, in almost every page 
 of each. His scholars wrote their lessons upon thin 
 boards ; paper being too expensive for general use. 
 The boys were diligent enough, and appeared to possess 
 a considerable share of emulation carrying their boards 
 slung over their shoulders, when about their common 
 employments. When a boy has committed to memory 
 a few of their prayers, and can read and write cer- 
 tain parts of the Koran, he is reckoned sufficiently 
 instructed; and, with this slender stock of learning, 
 commences his career of life. Proud of his acquire- 
 ments, he surveys with contempt the unlettered negro ; 
 and embraces every opportunity of displaying his supe- 
 riority over such of his countrymen as are not distin- 
 guished by the same accomplishments. 
 
 The education of the girls is neglected altogether : 
 mental accomplishments are but little attended to by 
 the women ; nor is the want of them considered by the 
 men as a defect in the female character. They are 
 regarded, I believe, as an inferior species of animals ; 
 and seem to be brought up for no other purpose than 
 
 that of administering to the sensual pleasures of their 
 imperious masters. Voluptuousness is therefore con- 
 sidered as their chief accomplishment, and slavish sub- 
 mission as their indispensable duty. 
 
 The Moors have singular ideas of feminine perfec- 
 tion. The gracefulness of figure and motion, and a 
 countenance enlivened by expression, are by no means 
 essential points in their standard with them corpu- 
 lence and beauty appear to be terms nearly synonymous. 
 A woman, of even moderate pretensions, must be one 
 who cannot walk without a slave under each arm to 
 support her ; and a perfect beauty is a load for a camel. 
 In consequence of this prevalent taste for unwieldiness 
 of bulk, the Moorish ladies take great pains to acquire 
 it early in life ; and for this purpose many of the young 
 girls are compelled, by their mothers, to devour a great 
 quantity of kouskous, and drink a large bowl of camel's 
 milk, every morning. It is of no importance whether 
 the girl has an appetite or not the kouskous and milk 
 must be swallowed, and obedience is frequently en- 
 forced by blows. I have seen a poor girl sit crying, 
 with the bowl at her lips, for more than an hour, and 
 her mother, witli a stick in her hand, watching her all 
 the while, and using the stick without mercy, whenever 
 she observed that her daughter was not swallowing. 
 This singular practice, instead of producing indigestion 
 and disease, soon covers the young lady with that de- 
 gree of plumpness, which, in the eye of a Moor, is per- 
 fection itself. 
 
 As the Moors purchase all their clothing from the 
 negroes, the women are forced to be very economical 
 in the article of dress. In general, they content them- 
 selves with a broad piece of cotton cloth, which is 
 wrapped round the middle, and hangs down like a pet- 
 ticoat almost to the ground ; to the upper part of this 
 are sewed t\vo square pieces, one before, and the other 
 behind, which are fastened together over the shoulders. 
 The head dress is commonly a bandage of cotton cloth, 
 with some parts of it broader than others, which serve 
 to conceal the face when they walk in the sun : fre- 
 quently, however, when they go abroad, they veil them- 
 selves from head to foot. 
 
 The employment of the women varies according to 
 their degrees of opulence. Queen Fatima, and a few 
 others of high rank, like the great ladies in some parts 
 of Europe, pass their time chiefly in conversing with 
 their visitors, performing their devotions, or admiring 
 their charms in a looking-glass. The women of infe- 
 rior class employ themselves in different domestic duties. 
 They are very vain and talkative ; and when any thing 
 puts them out of humour, they commonly vent their 
 anger upon their female slaves, over whom they rule 
 with severe and despotic authority, which leads me to 
 observe, that the condition of these poor captives is 
 deplorably wretched. At daybreak, they are compelled 
 to fetch water from the wells in large skins, called 
 girbas; and as soon as they have brought water enough 
 to serve the family for the day, as well as the horses 
 (for the Moors seldom give their horses the trouble of 
 going to the wells), they are then employed in pounding 
 the corn and dressing the victuals. This being always 
 done in the open air, the slaves are exposed to the 
 combined heat of the sun, the sand, and the fire. In 
 the intervals, it is their business to sweep the tent, 
 churn the milk, and perform other domestic offices. 
 With all this they are badly fed, and oftentimes cruelly 
 punished. 
 
 The men's dress, among the Moors of Ludamar, dif- 
 fers but little from that of the negroes, which has been 
 already described, except that they have all adopted 
 that characteristic of the Mahomedan sect, the turban, 
 which is here universally made of white cotton cloth. 
 Such of the Moors as have long beards, display them 
 with a mixture of pride and satisfaction, as denoting an 
 Arab ancestry. Of this number was Ali himself ; but, 
 among the generality of the people, the hair is short 
 and bushy, and universally black. And here I may be 
 permitted to observe, that if any one circumstance ex- 
 cited among them favourable thoughts towards my own 
 ] T.-:.!!, it was my beard, which was now grown to an 
 
36 
 
 MANNERS AND CUSTOMS OF THE MOORS. 
 
 Enormous length, and was always beheld with approba- 
 tion or envy. I believe, in my conscience, they thought 
 it too good a beard for a Christian. 
 
 The only diseases which I observed to prevail among 
 the Moors, were the intermittent fever and dysentery 
 for the cure of which, nostrums are sometimes admi- 
 nistered by their old women, but in general nature 
 is left to her own operations. Mention was made to 
 me of the small-pox, as being sometimes very destruc- 
 tive ; but it had not, to my knowledge, made its appear- 
 ance in Ludamar, while I was in captivity. That it 
 prevails, however, among some tribes of the Moors, and 
 that it is frequently conveyed by them to the negroes 
 in the southern states, I was assured on the authority 
 of Dr Laidley, who also informed me that the negroes 
 on the Gambia practise inoculation. 
 
 The administration of criminal justice, as far as I had 
 opportunities of observing, was prompt and decisive : 
 for, although civil rights were but little regarded in Lu- 
 damar, it was necessary, when crimes were committed, 
 that examples should sometimes be made. On such 
 occasions, the offender was brought before Ali, who 
 pronounced, of his sole authority, what' judgment he 
 thought proper. But I understood that capital punish- 
 ment was seldom or never inflicted, except on the ne- 
 groes. 
 
 Although the wealth of the Moors consists chiefly in 
 their numerous herds of cattle ; yet, as the pastoral life 
 does not afford full employment, the majority of the 
 people are perfectly idle, and spend the day in trifling 
 conversation about their horses, or in laying schemes 
 of depredation on the negro villages. 
 
 The usual place of rendezvous for the indolent is the 
 king's tent, where great liberty of speech seems to be 
 exercised by the company towards each other ; while, 
 in speaking of their chief, they express but one opinion. 
 In praise of their sovereign they are unanimous. Songs 
 are composed in his honour, which the company fre- 
 quently sing in concert but they are so loaded with 
 gross adulation, that no man but a Moorish despot could 
 hear them without blushing. The king is distinguished 
 by the fineness of his dress which is composed of blue 
 cotton cloth, brought from Tombuctoo, or white linen 
 or muslin from Morocco. He has likewise a larger 
 tent than any other person, with a white cloth over it ; 
 but in his usual intercourse with his subjects, all dis- 
 tinctions of rank are frequently forgotten. He some- 
 times eats out of the same bowl with his camel driver, 
 and reposes himself, during the heat of the day, upon 
 the same bed. The expenses of his government and 
 household are defrayed by a tax upon his negro sub- 
 jects, which is paid by every householder, either in 
 corn, cloth, or gold dust ; a tax upon the different 
 Moorish korrees, or watering-places, which is com- 
 monly levied in cattle ; and a tax upon all merchandise 
 which passes through the kingdom, and is generally 
 collected in kind. But a considerable part of the king's 
 revenue arises from the plunder of individuals. The 
 negro inhabitants of Ludamar, and the travelling mer- 
 chants, are afraid of appearing rich ; for Ali, who has 
 spies stationed in the different towns to give him in- 
 formation concerning the wealth of his subjects, fre- 
 quently invents some frivolous plea for seizing their 
 property, and reducing the opulent to a level with their 
 fellow-citizens. 
 
 Of the number of Ali's Moorish subjects, I had no 
 means of forming a correct estimate. The military 
 strength of Ludamar consists in cavalry. They are 
 well mounted, and appear to be very expert in skir- 
 mishing and attacking by surprise. Every soldier fur- 
 nishes his own horse, and finds his accoutrements, con- 
 sisting of a large sabre, a double-barrelled gun, a small 
 red leather bag for holding his balls, and a powder horn 
 slung over the shoulder. He has no pay, nor any re- 
 muneration but what arises from plunder. This body 
 is not very numerous ; for when Ali made war upon 
 Bambarra, I was informed that his whole force did not 
 exceed two thousand cavalry. They constitute, how- 
 ever, by what I could learn, but a very small propor- 
 tion of his Moorish subjects. The horses are very 
 
 beautiful, and so highly esteemed, that the negro princes 
 will sometimes give from twelve to fourteen slaves for 
 one horse. 
 
 Ludamar has for its northern boundary the great 
 desert of Sahara. From the best inquiries I could make, 
 this vast ocean of sand, which occupies so large a space 
 in northern Africa, may be pronounced almost destitute 
 of inhabitants, except where the scanty vegetation which 
 appears in certain spots, affords pasturage for the flocks 
 of a few miserable Arabs, who wander from one well 
 to another. In other places, where the supply of water 
 and pasturage is more abundant, small parties of the 
 Moors have taken up their residence. Here they live, 
 in independent poverty, secure from the tyrannical go- 
 vernment of Barbary. But the greater part of the 
 desert, being totally destitute of water, is seldom visited 
 by any human being, unless where the trading cara- 
 vans trace out their toilsome and dangerous route 
 across it. In some parts of this extensive waste, the 
 ground is covered with low stunted shrubs, which serve 
 as landmarks for the caravans, and furnish the camels 
 with a scanty forage. In other parts the disconsolate 
 wanderer, wherever he turns, sees nothing around him 
 but a vast interminable expanse of sand and sky a 
 gloomy and barren void, where the eye finds no parti- 
 cular object to rest upon, and the mind is filled with 
 painful apprehensions of perishing with thirst. " Sur- 
 rounded by this dreary solitude, the traveller sees the 
 dead bodies of birds, that the violence of the wind has 
 brought from happier regions ; and, as he ruminates on 
 the fearful length of his remaining passage, listens with 
 horror to the voice of the driving blast the only sound 
 that interrupts the awful repose of the desert."* 
 
 The few wild animals which inhabit these melancholy 
 regions are the antelope and the ostrich ; their swift- 
 ness of foot enabling them to reach the distant water- 
 ing-places. On the skirts of the desert, where water 
 is more plentiful, are found lions, panthers, elephants, 
 and wild boars. 
 
 Of domestic animals, the only one that can endure 
 the fatigue of crossing the desert is the camel. By 
 the particular conformation of the stomach, he is en- 
 abled to carry a supply of water sufficient for ten or 
 twelve days ; his broad and yielding foot is well adapted 
 for a sandy country ; and, by a singular motion of his 
 upper lip, he picks the smallest leaves from the thorny 
 shrubs of the desert as he passes along. The camel is, 
 therefore, the only beast of burden employed by the 
 trading caravans, which traverse the desert in diffe- 
 rent directions, from Barbary to Nigritia. As this use- 
 ful and docile creature has been sufficiently described 
 by systematical writers, it is unnecessary for me to en- 
 large upon his properties. I shall only add, that his 
 flesh, though to my own taste dry and unsavoury, is 
 preferred by the Moors to any other ; and that the 
 milk of the female is in universal esteem, and is indeed 
 sweet, pleasant, and nutritive. 
 
 I have observed that the Moors, in their complexion, 
 resemble the Mulattoes of the West Indies ; but they 
 have something unpleasant in their aspect, which the 
 Mulattoes have not. I fancied that I discovered in the 
 features of most of them a disposition towards cruelty 
 and low cunning ; and I could never contemplate their 
 physiognomy, without feeling sensible uneasiness. From 
 the staring wildness of their eyes, a stranger would 
 immediately set them down as a nation of lunatics. 
 The treachery and malevolence of their character, are 
 manifested in their plundering excursions against the 
 negro villages. Oftentimes without the smallest pro- 
 vocation, and sometimes under the fairest professions 
 of friendship, they will suddenly seize upon the negroes' 
 cattle, and even on the inhabitants themselves. The 
 negroes very seldom retaliate. The enterprising bold- 
 ness of the Moors, their knowledge of the country, and, 
 above all, the superior fleetness of their horses, make 
 them such formidable enemies, that the petty negro 
 states which border upon the desert are in continual 
 terror while the Moorish tribes are in the vicinity, and 
 are too much awed to think of resistance. 
 
 * Proceedings of the African Association, Part I. 
 
PROCEEDS WITH ALI TO JARRA. 
 
 Like the roving Arabs, the Moors frequently remove 
 from one place to another, according to the season of 
 the year, or the convenience of pasturage. In the 
 month of February, when the heat of the sun scoi-ches 
 up every sort of vegetation in the desert, they strike 
 their tents, and approach the negro country to the 
 south, where they reside until the rains commence, in 
 the month of July. At this time, having purchased 
 corn, and other necessaries, from the negroes, in ex- 
 change for salt, they again depart to the northward, 
 and continue in the desert until the rains are over, and 
 that part of the country becomes burnt up and barren. 
 
 This wandering and restless way of life, while it 
 inures them to hardships, strengthens at the same time 
 the bonds of their little society, and creates in them an 
 aversion towards strangers which is almost insur- 
 mountable. Cut oft' from all intercourse with civilised 
 nations, and boasting an advantage over the negroes, 
 by possessing, though in a very limited degree, the 
 knowledge of letters, they are at once the vainest and 
 proudest, and perhaps the most bigoted, ferocious, and 
 intolerant of all the nations on the earth combining 
 in their character the blind superstition of the negro, 
 with the savage cruelty and treachery of the Arab. 
 
 It is probable that many of them had never beheld 
 a, white man, before my arrival at Benowm ; but they 
 had all been taught to regard the Christian name with 
 inconceivable abhorrence, and to consider it nearly as 
 lawful to murder a European as it would be to kill a dog. 
 The melancholy fate of Major Houghton, and the treat- 
 ment I experienced during my confinement among them, 
 will, I trust, serve as a warning to future travellers to 
 avoid this inhospitable district. 
 
 The reader may probably have expected from me a 
 more detailed and copious account of the manners, cus- 
 toms, superstitions, and prejudices, of this secluded and 
 singular people ; but it must not be forgotten, that the 
 wretchedness of my situation among them afforded me 
 but few opportunities of collecting information. Some 
 particulars, however, might be added in this place ; 
 but being equally applicable to the negroes to the 
 southward, they will appear in a subsequent page. 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 Ali departs for Jarra, and the Author allowed to follow him 
 thither. The Author's faithful Servant, Demba, seized by 
 Ali's order, and sent back into Slavery. Ali returns to his 
 Camp, and permits the Author to remain at Jarra, who thence- 
 forward meditates his Escape. Daisy, King of Kaarta, ap- 
 proaching with his Army towards Jarra, the inhabitants quit 
 the Town, and the Author accompanies them in their Flight. 
 A Party of Moors overtake him at Queira. He gets away from 
 them at Daybreak. Is again pursued by another Party, and 
 robbed ; but finally effects his Escape. 
 
 HAVING, as hath been related, obtained permission to 
 accompany Ali to Jarra, I took leave of Queen Fatima, 
 who, with much grace and civility, returned me part 
 of my apparel ; and the evening before my departure, 
 my horse, with the saddle and bridle, were sent me by 
 Ali's order. 
 
 Early on the morning of the 26th of May, I departed 
 from the camp of Bubaker, accompanied by my two 
 attendants, Johnson and Demba, and a number of 
 Moors on horseback ; Ali, with about fifty horsemen, 
 having gone privately from the camp during the night. 
 We stopped about noon at Farani, and were there 
 joined by twelve Moors riding upon camels, and with 
 them we proceeded to a watering-place in the woods, 
 where we overtook Ali and his fifty horsemen. They 
 were lodged in some low shepherds' tents near the 
 wells. As the company was numerous, the tents could 
 scarcely accommodate us all ; and I was ordered to 
 sleep in the open space, in the centre of the tents, where 
 every one might observe my motions. During the night, 
 there was much lightning from the north-east ; and 
 about daybreak a very heavy sand-wind commenced, 
 which continued with great violence until four in the 
 afternoon. The quantity of sand which passed to the 
 
 westward, in the course of this day, must have been 
 prodigiously great. At times it was impossible to look 
 up ; and the cattle were so tormented by the particles 
 lodging in their ears and eyes, that they ran about like 
 mad creatures, and I was in continual danger of being 
 trampled to death by them. 
 
 May 28th. Early in the morning the Moors saddled 
 their horses, and Ali's chief slave ordered me to get in 
 readiness. In a little time the same messenger re- 
 turned, and, taking my boy by the shoulder, told him 
 in the Mandingo language, that " Ali was to be his 
 master in future ;" and then turning to me, " The busi- 
 ness is settled at last," said he ; " the boy, and every 
 thing but your horse, goes back to Bubaker, but you 
 may take the old fool (meaning Johnson the interpreter) 
 with you to Jarra." I made him no answer ; but being 
 shocked beyond description at the idea of losing the 
 poor boy, I hastened to Ali, who was at breakfast before 
 his tent, surrounded by many of his courtiers. I told 
 him (perhaps in rather too passionate a strain), that 
 whatever imprudence I had been guilty of in coming 
 into his country, I thought I had already been suffi- 
 ciently punished for it by being so long detained, and 
 then plundered of all my little property ; which, how- 
 ever, gave me no uneasiness, when compared with what 
 he had just now done to me. I observed, that the boy 
 whom he had now seized upon, was not a slave, and had 
 been accused of no offence : he was indeed one of my 
 attendants, and his faithful services in that station had 
 procured him his freedom : his fidelity and attachment 
 had made him follow me into my present situation ; and 
 as he looked up to me for protection, I could not see 
 him deprived of his liberty, without remonstrating 
 against such an act as the height of cruelty and in- 
 justice. Ali made no reply, but with a haughty air and 
 malignant smile, told his interpreter, that if I did not 
 mount my horse immediate!}', he would send me back 
 likewise. There is something in the frown of a tyrant 
 which rouses the most secret emotions of the heart : I 
 could not suppress my feelings ; and for once enter- 
 tained an indignant wish to rid -the world of such a 
 monster. 
 
 Poor Demba was not less affected than myself : he 
 had formed a strong attachment towards me, and had 
 a cheerfulness of disposition which often beguiled the 
 tedious hours of captivity; he was likewise a pro- 
 ficient in the Bambarra tongue, and promised on that 
 account to be of great utility to me in future. But it 
 was in vain to expect any thing favourable to humanity 
 from people who are strangers to its dictates. So, 
 having shaken hands with this unfortunate boy, and 
 blended my tears with his, assuring him, however, that 
 I would do my utmost to redeem him, I saw him led off 
 by three of Ali's slaves towards the camp at Bubaker. 
 
 When the Moors had mounted their horses, I was 
 ordered to follow them ; and after a toilsome journey 
 through the woods, in a very sultry day, we arrived in 
 the afternoon at a walled village called Doombani, where 
 we remained two days, waiting for the arrival of some 
 horsemen from the northward. 
 
 On the 1st of June, we departed from Doombani 
 towards Jarra. Our company now amounted to two 
 hundred men, all on horseback for the Moors never 
 use infantry in their wars. They appeared capable of 
 enduring great fatigue ; but from their total want of 
 discipline, our journey to Jarra was more like a fox- 
 chase than the march of an army. 
 
 At Jarra, 1 took up my lodging at the house of my 
 old acquaintance, Daman Jumma, and informed him of 
 every thing that had befallen me. I particularly 
 requested him to use his interest with Ali to redeem 
 my boy, and promised him a bill upon Dr Laidley for 
 the value of two slaves, the moment he brought him to 
 Jarra. Daman very readily undertook to negotiate the 
 business, but found that Ali considered the boy as my 
 principal interpreter, and was unwilling to part with 
 him, lest he should fall a second time into my hands, 
 and be instrumental in conducting me to Bambarra. 
 Ali therefore put off the matter from day to day, but 
 withal told Daman, that if he wished to purchase the 
 
38 
 
 DISTRESSING SITUATION AT JARIIA. 
 
 boy for himself, ho .should have him thereafter at the 
 common price of a slave, which Daman agreed to pay 
 for him whenever Ali should send him to Jarra. 
 
 The chief object of Ali, in this journey to Jarra, as I 
 have already related, was to procure money from such 
 of the Kaartans as had taken refuge in his country. 
 Some of these had solicited his protection, to avoid the 
 horrors of war, but by far the greatest number of them 
 were dissatisfied men, who wished the ruin of their own 
 sovereign. These people no sooner heard that theBam- 
 barra army had returned to Sego without subduing 
 Daisy, as was generally expected, than they resolved to 
 make a sudden attack themselves upon him, before he 
 could recruit his forces, which were now known to be 
 much diminished by a bloody campaign, and in great want 
 of provisions. With this view, they solicited the Moors 
 to join them, and offered to hire of Ali two hundred 
 horsemen, wliich Ali, with the warmest professions of 
 friendship, agreed to furnish, upon condition that they 
 should previously supply him with four hundred head 
 of cattle, two hundred garments of blue cloth, and a 
 considerable quantity of beads and ornaments. The 
 raising this impost somewhat perplexed them; and in 
 order to procure the cattle, they persuaded the king 
 to demand one-half of the stipulated number from the 
 people of Jarra, promising to replace them in a short 
 time. Ali agreed to this proposal, and the same even- 
 ing (June 2d) the drum was sent through the town, 
 and the crier announced, that if any person suffered his 
 cattle to go into the woods the next morning, before 
 the king had chosen his quota of them, his house should 
 be plundered, and his slaves taken from him. The 
 people dared not disobey the proclamation ; and next 
 morning about two hundred of their best cattle were 
 selected, and delivered to the Moors : the full comple- 
 ment was made up afterwards, by means equally unjust 
 and arbitrary. 
 
 June 8th. In the afternoon, Ali sent his chief slave 
 to inform me that he was about to return to Bubaker ; 
 but as he would only stay there a few days to keep the 
 approaching festival \banna salee), and then return to 
 Jarra, I had permission to remain with Daman until 
 his return. This was joyful news to me ; but I had 
 experienced so many disappointments that I was un- 
 willing to indulge the hope of its being true, until 
 Johnson came and told me that Ali, with part of the 
 horsemen, were actually gone from the town, and that 
 the rest were to follow him in the morning. 
 
 June 9th. Early in the morning the remainder of 
 the Moors departed from the town. They had, during 
 their stay, committed many acts of robbery ; and this 
 morning, with the most unparalleled audacity, they 
 seized upon three girls, who were bringing water from 
 the wells, and carried them away into slavery. 
 
 The anniversary of banna salee at Jarra, very well 
 deserved to be called a festival. The slaves were all 
 finely clad on this occasion, and the householders vied 
 with each other in providing large quantities of victuals, 
 which they distributed to all their neighbours with the 
 gi-eatest profusion : hunger was literally banished from 
 the town ; man, woman, and child, bond and free, all 
 had as much as they could eat. 
 
 June 12th. Two people, dreadfully wounded, were 
 discovered at a watering-place in the woods ; one of 
 them had just breathed his last, but the other was 
 brought alive to Jarra. On recovering a little, he in- 
 formed the people that he had fled through the woods 
 from Kasson ; that Daisy had made war upon Sambo, 
 the king of that country ; had surprised three of his 
 towns, and put all the inhabitants to the sword. He 
 enumerated by name many of the friends of the Jarra 
 people, who had been murdered in Kasson. This in- 
 telligence made the death-howl universal hi Jarra for 
 the space of two days. 
 
 This piece of bad news was followed by another not 
 less distressing. A number of runaway slaves arrived 
 from Kaarta on the 14th, and reported that Daisy, 
 having received information concerning the intended 
 attack upon him, was about to visit Jarra. This made 
 the negroes call upon Ali for the two hundred horse- 
 
 men, which he was to furnish them, according to en- 
 gagement. But Ali paid very little attention to their 
 remonstrances, and at last plainly told them, that his 
 cavalry were otherwise employed. The negroes, thus 
 deserted by the Moors, and fully apprised that the 
 king of Kaarta would show them as little clemency as 
 he had shown the inhabitants of Kasson, resolved to 
 collect all their forces, and hazard a battle before the 
 king, who was now in great distress for want of provi- 
 sions, should become too powerful for them. They 
 therefore assembled about eight hundred effective men 
 in the whole, and with these they entered Kaarta on 
 the evening of the 1 8th of June. 
 
 June 19th. This morning the wind shifted to the 
 south-west ; and about two o'clock in the afternoon we 
 had a heavy tornado, or thunder-squall, accompanied 
 with rain, which greatly revived the face of nature, and 
 gave a pleasant coolness to the air. This was the first 
 rain that had fallen for many months. 
 
 As every attempt to redeem my boy had hitherto 
 been unsuccessful, and in all probability would con- 
 tinue to prove so whilst I remained in the country, 
 I found that it was necessary for me to come to some 
 determination concerning my own safety, before the 
 rains should be fully set in ; for my landlord, seeing 
 no likelihood of being paid for his trouble, began to 
 wish me away and Johnson, my interpreter, refusing 
 to proceed, my situation became very perplexing. If 
 I continued where I was, I foresaw that I must soon 
 fall a victim to the barbarity of the Moors ; and yet, if 
 I went forward singly, it was evident that I must sus- 
 tain great difficulties, both from the want of means to 
 purchase the necessaries of life, and of an interpreter 
 to make myself understood. On the other hand, to 
 return to England without accomplishing the object of 
 my mission, was worse than either. I therefore deter- 
 mined to avail myself of the first opportunity of escap- 
 ing, and to proceed directly for Bambarra, as soon as 
 the rains had set in for a few days, so as to afford me 
 the certainty of finding water in the woods. 
 
 Such was my situation, when, on the evening of the 
 24th of June, I was startled by the report of some 
 muskets close to the town, and, inquiring the reason, 
 was informed that the Jarra army had returned from 
 fighting Daisy, and that this firing was by way of re- 
 joicing. However, when the chief men of the town 
 had assembled, and heard a full detail of the expedition, 
 they were by no means relieved from their uneasiness 
 on Daisy's account. The deceitful Moors having drawn 
 back from the confederacy, after being hired by the 
 negroes, greatly dispirited the insurgents, who, instead 
 of finding Daisy with a few friends concealed in t!:o 
 strong fortress of Gedingooma, had found him at a town 
 near Joka, in the open country, surrounded by so nu- 
 merous an army that every attempt to attack him was 
 at once given up ; and the confederates only thought of 
 enriching themselves by the plunder of the small towns 
 in the neighbourhood. They accordingly fell upon one 
 of Daisy's towns, and carried off the whole of the inha- 
 bitants ; but lest intelligence of this might reach Daisy, 
 and induce him to cut off their retreat, they returned 
 through the woods by night, bringing with them the 
 slaves and cattle which they had captured. 
 
 June 26th. This afternoon, a spy from Kaarta 
 brought the alarming intelligence, that Daisy had taken 
 Simbing in the morning, and would be in Jarra some 
 time in the course of the ensuing day. A number of 
 people were immediately stationed on the tops of the 
 rocks, and in the different passages leading into the 
 town, to give early intelligence of Daisy's motions, and 
 the women set about making the necessary prepara- 
 tions for quitting the town as soon as possible. They 
 continued beating corn, and packing up different ar- 
 ticles, during the night; and early in the morning, 
 nearly one-half of the townspeople took the road for 
 Bambarra, by the way of Deena. 
 
 Their departure was very affecting the women and 
 children crying the men sullen and dejected and all 
 of them looking back with regret on their native town, 
 and on the wells and rocks, beyond wliich their ambi- 
 
ESCAPES FROM CAPTIVITY. 
 
 39 
 
 tion had never tempted them to stray, and where they 
 had laid all their plans of future happiness all of 
 which they were now forced to abandon, and to seek 
 shelter among strangers. 
 
 June 27th. About eleven o'clock in the forenoon, we 
 were alarmed by the sentinels, who brought informa- 
 tion that Daisy was on his march towards Jarra, and 
 that the confederate army had fled before him without 
 firing a gun. The terror of the townspeople on this 
 occasion is not easily to be described. Indeed, the 
 screams of the women and children, and the great hurry 
 and confusion that every where prevailed, made me 
 suspect that the Kaartans had already entered the town ; 
 and although I had every reason to be pleased with 
 Daisy's behaviour to me when I was at Kemmoo, I had 
 no wish to expose myself to the mercy of his army, who 
 might, in the general confusion, mistake me for a Moor. 
 I therefore mounted my horse, and taking a large bag 
 of corn before me, rode slowly along with the towns- 
 people, until we reached the foot of a rocky hill, where 
 I dismounted, and drove my horse up before me. When 
 I had reached the summit, I sat down, and having a full 
 view of the town and the neighbouring country, could 
 not help lamenting the situation of the poor inhabitants, 
 who were thronging after me, driving their sheep, cows, 
 goats, &c., and carrying a scanty portion of provisions, 
 and a few clothes. There was a great noise and crying 
 every where upon the road ; for many aged people and 
 children were unable to walk, and these, with the sick, 
 were obliged to be carried, otherwise they must have 
 been left to certain destruction. 
 
 About five o'clock we arrived at a small farm be- 
 longing to the Jarra people, called Kadeeja ; and here 
 I found Daman and Johnson employed in filling large 
 bags of corn, to be carried upon bullocks, to serve as 
 provisions for Daman's family on the road. 
 
 June 28th. At daybreak we departed from Kadeeja, 
 and, having passed Troongoomba without stopping, ar- 
 rived in the afternoon at Queira. I remained here 
 two days in order to recruit my horse, which the Moors 
 had reduced to a perfect Rosinante, and to wait for the 
 arrival of some Mandingo negroes, who were going for 
 Bambarra in the course of a few days. 
 
 On the afternoon of the 1st of July, as I was tending 
 my horse in the fields, Ali's chief slave and four Moors 
 arrived at Queira, and took up their lodging at the 
 dooty's house. My interpreter, Johnson, who suspected 
 the nature of this visit, sent two boys to overhear their 
 conversation ; from which he learnt that they were 
 sent to convey me back to Bubaker. The same even- 
 ing, two of the Moors came privately to look at my 
 horse, and one of them proposed taking it to the dooty's 
 hut, but the other observed that such a precaution was 
 unnecessary, as I could never escape upon such an ani- 
 mal. They then inquired where I slept, and returned 
 to their companions. 
 
 All this was like a stroke of thunder to me, for I 
 dreaded nothing so much as confinement again among 
 the Moors, from whose barbarity I had nothing but 
 death to expect. I therefore determined to set off im- 
 mediately for Bambarra a measure which I thought 
 offered almost the only chance of saving my life, and 
 gaining the object of my mission. I communicated the 
 design to Johnson, who, although he applauded my re- 
 solution, was so far from showing any inclination to 
 accompany me, that he solemnly protested, he would 
 rather forfeit his wages than go any farther. He told 
 me that Daman had agreed to give him half the price 
 of a slave for his service to assist in conducting a coffle 
 of slaves to Gambia, and that he was determined to em- 
 brace the opportunity of returning to his wife and family. 
 
 Having no hopes, therefore, of persuading him to ac- 
 company me, I resolved to proceed by myself. About 
 midnight I got my clothes in readiness, which consisted 
 of two shirts, two pair of trousers, two pocket handker- 
 chiefs, an upper and under waistcoat, a hat, and a pair 
 of half-boots ; these, with a cloak, constituted my whole 
 wardrobe. And I had not one single bead, nor any 
 other article of value in my possession, to purchase 
 victuals for myself or corn for my horse. 
 
 About daybreak, Johnson, who had been listening to 
 the Moors all night, came and whispered to me that 
 they were asleep. The awful crisis was now arrived 
 when I was again either to taste the blessing of free- 
 dom, or languish out my days in captivity. A cold sweat 
 moistened my forehead as I thought on the dreadful 
 alternative, and reflected, that, one way or the other, 
 my fate must be decided in the course of the ensuing 
 day. But to deliberate was to lose the only chance of 
 escaping. So, taking up my bundle, I stepped gently 
 over the negroes, who were sleeping in the open air, 
 and having mounted my horse, I bade Johnson farewell, 
 desiring him to take particular care of the papers I had 
 entrusted him with, and inform my friends in Gambia 
 that he had left me in good health, on my way to Bam- 
 barra. 
 
 I proceeded with great caution surveying each 
 bush, and frequently listening and looking behind me 
 for the Moorish horsemen until I was about a mile 
 from the town, when I was surprised to find myself in 
 the neighbourhood of a korree belonging to the Moors. 
 The shepherds followed me for about a mile, hooting 
 and throwing stones after me ; and when I was out of 
 their reach, and had begun to indulge the pleasing hopes 
 of escaping, I was again greatly alarmed to hear some- 
 body holloa behind me, and, looking back, I saw three 
 Moors on horseback, coming after me at full speed, 
 hooping and brandishing their double-barrelled guns. 
 I knew it was in vain to think of escaping, and there- 
 fore turned back and met them : when two of them 
 caught hold of my bridle, one on each side, and the 
 third, presenting his musket, told me I must go back to 
 Ali. When the human mind has for some time been 
 fluctuating between hope and despair, tortured with 
 anxiety, and hurried from one extreme to another, it 
 affords a sort of gloomy relief to know the worst that 
 can possibly happen : such was my situation. An in- 
 difference about life, and all its enjoyments, had com- 
 pletely benumbed my faculties, and I rode back with 
 the Moors with apparent unconcern. But a change 
 took place much sooner than I had any reason to ex- 
 pect. In passing through some thick bushes, one of 
 the Moors ordered me to untie my bundle, and show 
 them the contents. Having examined the different 
 articles, they found nothing worth taking except my 
 cloak, which they considered as a very valuable acqui- 
 sition, and one of them pulling it from me, wrapped it 
 about himself. This cloak had been of great use to 
 me it served to cover me from the rains in the day, 
 and to protect me from the musquitoes in the night ; I 
 therefore earnestly begged him to return it, and fol- 
 lowed him some little way to obtain it ; but without 
 paying any attention to my request, he and one of his 
 companions rode off with their prize. When I at- 
 tempted to follow them, the third, who had remained 
 with me, struck my horse over the head, and, present- 
 ing his musket, told me 1 should proceed no farther. 
 I now perceived that these men had not been sent by 
 any authority to apprehend me, but had pursued me 
 solely with the view to rob and plunder me. Turning my 
 horse's head therefore once more towards the east, and 
 observing the Moor follow the track of his confederates, 
 I congratulated myself on having escaped with my 
 life, though in great distress, from such a horde of bar- 
 barians. 
 
 I was no sooner out of sight of the Moor, than I 
 struck into the woods to prevent being pursued, and 
 kept pushing on, with all possible speed, until I found 
 myself near some high rocks, which I remembered to 
 have seen in my former route from Queira to Deena ; 
 and directing my course a little to the northward, I 
 fortunately fell in with the path. 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 The Author feels great Joy at his Deliverance, and proceeds 
 through the Wilderness, but finds his Situation very deplor- 
 able. Suffers greatly from Thirst, and faints on the Sand. 
 Recovers, aod makes another Effort to push forward. Is pro- 
 
40 
 
 ADVENTURES ON ESCAPING FROM CAPTIVITY. 
 
 videntially relieved by a full of Rain. Arrives at a Foulah 
 Village, where he is refused Relief by the Dooty, but obtains 
 Food from a poor Woman. Continues his Journey through the 
 Wilderness, and the next Day lights on another Foulah Village, 
 where he is hospitably received by one of the Shepherds. 
 Arrives on the third Day at a Negro Town called Wawra, 
 tributary to the King of Bambarra. 
 
 * Ix is impossible to describe the joy that arose in my 
 mind, when I looked around and concluded that I was 
 out of danger. I felt like one recovered from sickness ; 
 I breathed freer ; I found unusual lightness in my 
 limbs ; even the desert looked pleasant ; and I dreaded 
 nothing so much as falling in with some wandering 
 parties of Moors, who might convey me back to the 
 land of thieves and murderers from which I had just 
 escaped. 
 
 I soon became sensible, however, that my situation 
 was very deplorable, for 1 had no means of procuring 
 food, nor prospect of finding water. About ten o'clock, 
 perceiving a herd of goats feeding close to the road, I 
 took a circuitous route to avoid being seen ; and con- 
 tinued travelling through the wilderness, directing my 
 course, by compass, nearly east-south-east, in order to 
 reach, as soon as possible, some town or village of the 
 kingdom of Bambarra. 
 
 A little after noon, when the burning heat of the sun 
 was reflected with double violence from the hot sand, 
 and the distant ridges of the hills, seen through the 
 ascending vapour, seemed to wave and fluctuate like 
 the unsettled sea, I became faint with thirst, and 
 climbed a tree in hopes of seeing distant smoke, or 
 some other appearance of a human habitation but in 
 vain: nothing appeared all around but thick underwood, 
 and hillocks of white sand. 
 
 About four o'clock I came suddenly upon a large 
 herd of goats, and, pulling my horse into a bush, I 
 watched to observe if the keepers were Moors or 
 negroes. In a little time I perceived two Moorish 
 boys, and with some difficulty persuaded them to ap- 
 proach me. They informed me that the herd belonged 
 to Ali, and that they were going to Deena, where the 
 water was more plentiful, and where they intended to 
 stay until the rain had filled the pools in the desert. 
 They showed me their empty water-skins, and told me 
 that they had seen no water in the woods. This account 
 afforded me but little consolation ; however, it was in 
 vain to repine, and I pushed on as fast as possible, in 
 hopes of reaching some watering-place in the course of 
 the night. My thirst was by this time become insuffer- 
 able ; my mouth was parched and inflamed ; a sudden 
 dimness would frequently come over my eyes, with 
 other symptoms of fainting ; and my horse being very 
 much fatigued, I began seriously to apprehend that I 
 should perish of thirst. To relieve the burning pain in 
 my mouth and throat, I chewed the leaves of different 
 shrubs, but found them all bitter, and of no service to 
 me. 
 
 A little before sunset, having reached the top of a 
 gentle rising, I climbed a high tree, from the topmost 
 branches of which I cast a melancholy look over the 
 barren wilderness, but without discovering the most 
 distant trace of a human dwelling. The same dismal 
 uniformity of shrubs and sand every where presented 
 itself, and the horizon was as level and uninterrupted 
 as that of the sea. 
 
 Descending from the tree, I found my horse devour- 
 ing the stubble and brushwood with great avidity ; and 
 as I was now too faint to attempt walking, and my horse 
 too much fatigued to carry me, I thought it but an act 
 of humanity, and perhaps the last I should ever have 
 it in my power to perform, to take off his bridle and let 
 him shift for himself; in doing which I was suddenly 
 affected with sickness and giddiness, and, falling upon 
 the sand, felt as if the hour of death was fast approach- 
 ing. Here, then, thought I, after a short but ineffec- 
 tual struggle, terminate all my hopes of being useful in 
 my day and generation : here must the short span of 
 my life come to an end. I cast (as I believed) a last 
 look on the surrounding scene, and, whilst I reflected 
 on the awful change that was about to take place, this 
 
 world with its enjoyments seemed to vanish from mv 
 recollection. Nature, however, at length resumed it's 
 functions, and on recovering my senses, I found myself 
 stretched upon the sand, with the bridle still in my 
 hand, and the sun just sinking behind the trees. I now 
 summoned all my resolution, and determined to make 
 another effort to prolong my existence ; and as the 
 evening was somewhat cool, I resolved to travel as far 
 as my limbs would carry me, in hopes of reaching (my 
 only resource) a watering-place. With this view, I put 
 the bridle on my horse, and driving him before me, went 
 slowly along for about an hour, when I perceived some 
 lightning from the north-east a most delightful sight, 
 for it promised rain. The darkness and lightning 
 increased very rapidly, and in less than an hour I 
 heard the wind roaring among the bushes. I had 
 already opened my mouth to receive the refreshing 
 drops which I expected, but I was instantly covered 
 with a cloud of sand, driven with such force by the 
 wind as to give a very disagreeable sensation to my 
 face and arms, and I was obliged to mount my horse, 
 and stop under a bush, to prevent being suffocated. 
 The sand continued to fly in amazing quantities for 
 nearly an hour, after which I again set forward, and 
 travelled with difficulty until ten o'clock. About this 
 time I was agreeably surprised by some very vivid 
 flashes of lightning, followed by a few heavy drops of 
 rain. In a little time the sand ceased to fly, and I 
 alighted, and spread out all my clean clothes to collect 
 the rain, which at length I saw would certainly fall. 
 For more than an hour it rained plentifully, and I 
 quenched my thirst by wringing and sucking my clothes. 
 
 There being no moon, it was remarkably dark, so 
 that I was obliged to lead my horse, and direct my way 
 by the compass, which the lightning enabled me to 
 observe. In this manner I travelled with tolerable 
 expedition until past midnight, when, the lightning 
 becoming more distant, I was under the necessity of 
 groping along, to the no small danger of my hands and 
 eyes. About two o'clock my horse started at some- 
 thing, and looking round, I was not a little surprised 
 to see a light at a short distance among the trees ; and 
 supposipg it to be a town, I groped along the sand in 
 hopes of finding corn-stalks, cotton, or other appear- 
 ances of cultivation, but found none. As I approached, 
 I perceived a number of other lights in different places, 
 and began to suspect that I had fallen upon a party of 
 Moors. However, in my present situation, I was re- 
 solved to see who they were, if I could do it with safety. 
 I accordingly led my horse cautiously towards the light, 
 and heard, by the lowing of the cattle, and the clamo- 
 rous tongues of the herdsmen, that it was a watering- 
 place, and most likely belonged to the Moors. De- 
 lightful as the sound of the human voice was to me, I 
 resolved once more to strike into the woods, and rather 
 run the risk of perishing of hunger than trust myself 
 again in their hands ; but being still thirsty, and dread- 
 ing the approach of the burning day, I thought it pru- 
 dent to search for the wells, which I expected to find 
 at no great distance. In this pursuit, I inadvertently 
 approached so near to one of the tents as to be per- 
 ceived by a woman, who immediately screamed out. 
 Two people came running to her assistance from some 
 of the neighbouring tents, and passed so very near to 
 me that I thought I was discovered, and hastened again 
 into the woods. 
 
 About a mile from this place, I heard a loud and 
 confused noise somewhere to the right of my course, 
 and in a short time was happy to find it was the croak- 
 ing of frogs, which was heavenly music to my ears. I 
 followed the sound, and at daybreak arrived at some 
 shallow muddy pools, so full of frogs that it was diffi- 
 cult to discern the water. The noise they made fright- 
 ened my horse, and I was obliged to keep them quiet, 
 by beating the water with a branch, until he had drunk. 
 Having here quenched my thirst, I ascended a tree, 
 and the morning being calm, I soon perceived the 
 smoke of the watering-place which I had passed in the 
 night, and observed another pillar of smoke east-south- 
 east, distant twelve or fourteen miles. Towards this I 
 
ADVENTURES CONTINUED ARRIVES AT WAWRA. 
 
 41 
 
 directed my route, and reached the cultivated ground 
 a little before eleven o'clock, where, seeing a number 
 of negroes at work planting corn, I inquired the name 
 of the town, and was informed that it was a Foulah 
 village belonging to Ali, called Shrilla. I had now 
 some doubts about entering it ; but my horse being 
 very much fatigued, and the day growing hot not to 
 mention the pangs of hunger which began to assail 
 me I resolved to venture ; and accordingly rode up to 
 the dooty's house, where I was unfortunately denied 
 admittance, and could not obtain even a handful of 
 corn, either for myself or horse. Turning from this 
 inhospitable door, I rode slowly out of the town, and, 
 perceiving some low scattered huts without the walls, 
 I directed my route towards them, knowing that in 
 Africa, as well as in Europe, hospitality does not always 
 prefer the highest dwellings. At the door of one of 
 these huts, an old motherly-looking woman sat, spin- 
 ning cotton. I made signs to her that I was hungry, 
 and inquired if she had any victuals with her in the 
 hut. She immediately laid down her distaff, and de- 
 sired me, in Arabic, to come in. When I had seated 
 myself upon the floor, she set before me a dish of 
 kouskous that had been left the preceding night, of 
 which I made a tolerable meal ; and in return for this 
 kindness I gave her one of my pocket handkerchiefs, 
 begging at the same time a little corn for my horse, 
 which she readily brought me. 
 
 Overcome with joy at so unexpected a deliverance, 
 I lifted up my eyes to heaven, and, whilst my heart 
 swelled with gratitude, I returned thanks to that gra- 
 cious and bountiful Being whose power had supported 
 me under so many dangers, and had now spread for 
 me a table in the wilderness. 
 
 Whilst my horse was feeding, the people began to 
 assemble, and one of them whispered something to my 
 hostess which very much excited her surprise. Though 
 I was not well acquainted with the Foulah language, I 
 soon discovered that some of the men wished to appre- 
 hend and carry me back to Ali, in hopes, I suppose, of 
 receiving a reward. I therefore tied up the corn ; and 
 lest any one should suspect I had run away from the 
 Moors, I took a northerly direction, and went cheerfully 
 along, driving my horse before me, followed by all the 
 boys and girls of the town. When I had travelled 
 about two miles, and got quit of all my troublesome 
 attendants, I struck again into the woods, and took 
 shelter under a large tree, where I found it necessary 
 to rest myself a bundle of twigs serving me for a bed, 
 and my saddle for a pillow. 
 
 I was awakened about two o'clock by three Foulahs, 
 who, taking me for a Moor, pointed to the sun, and told 
 me it was time to pray. Without entering into con- 
 versation with them, I saddled my horse, and continued 
 my journey. I travelled over a level, but more fertile 
 country, than I had seen for some time, until sunset, 
 when, coming to a path that took a southerly direction, 
 I followed it until midnight, at which time I arrived at 
 a small pool of rain-water, and the wood being open, I 
 determined to rest by it for the night. Having given 
 my horse the remainder of the corn, I made my bed 
 as formerly ; but the musquitoes and flies from the pool 
 prevented sleep for some time, and I was twice dis- 
 turbed in the night by wild beasts, which came very 
 near, and whose howlings kept my horse in continual 
 terror. 
 
 July 4th. At daybreak I pursued my course through 
 the woods as formerly ; saw numbers of antelopes, wild 
 hogs, and ostriches but the soil was more hilly, and 
 not so fertile as I had found it the preceding day. 
 About eleven o'clock I ascended an eminence, where I 
 climbed a tree, and discovered at about eight miles dis- 
 tance an open part of the country, with several red 
 spots, which I concluded were cultivated land, and, di- 
 recting my course that way, came to the precincts of a 
 watering place about one o'clock. From the appear- 
 ance of the place, I judged it to belong to the Foulahs, 
 and was hopeful that I should meet a better reception 
 than I had experienced at Shrilla. In this I was not 
 deceived, for one of the shepherds invited me to come 
 
 into his tent, and partake of some dates. This was 
 one of those low Foulah tents in which there is room 
 just sufficient to sit upright, and in which the fa- 
 mily, the furniture, &c., seem huddled together like so 
 many articles in a chest. When I had crept upon my 
 hands and knees into this humble habitation, I found 
 that it contained a woman and three children, who, 
 together with the shepherd and myself, completely oc- 
 cupied the floor. A dish of boiled corn and dates was 
 produced, and the master of the family, as is customary 
 in this part of the country, first tasted it himself and 
 then desired me to follow his example. Whilst I was 
 eating, the children kept their eyes fixed upon me, and 
 no sooner did the shepherd pronounce the word Naza- 
 rani, than they began to cry, and their mother crept 
 slowly towards the door, out of which she sprang like a 
 greyhound, and was instantly followed by her children. 
 So frightened were they at the very name of a Christian, 
 that no entreaties could induce them to approach the 
 tent. Here I purchased some corn for my horse, in 
 exchange for some brass buttons, and having thanked 
 the shepherd for his hospitality, struck again into the 
 woods. At sunset, I came to a road that took the di- 
 rection for Bambarra, and resolved to follow it for the 
 night but about eight o'clock, hearing some people 
 coming from the southward, I thought it prudent to 
 hide myself among some thick bushes near the road. 
 As these thickets are generally full of wild beasts, I 
 found my situation rather unpleasant sitting in the dark, 
 holding my horse by the nose with both hands, to pre- 
 vent him from neighing, and equally afraid of the natives 
 without and the wild beasts within. My fears, however, 
 were soon dissipated for the people, after looking round 
 the thicket and perceiving nothing, went away, and I 
 hastened to the more open parts of the wood, where I 
 pursued my journey east-south- east, until past midnight, 
 when the joyful cry of frogs induced me once more to 
 deviate a little from my route, in order to quench my 
 thirst. Having accomplished this from a large pool of 
 rain water, I sought for an open place, with a single tree 
 in the midst, under which I made my bed for the night. 
 I was disturbed by some wolves towards morning, which 
 induced me to set forward a little before day and hav- 
 ing passed a small village called Wassalita, I came about 
 ten o'clock (July 5th) to a negro town called Wawra, 
 which properly belongs to Kaarta, but was at this time 
 tributary to Mansong, king of Bambarra. 
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 
 The Author proceeds to Wassiboo. Is joined by some fugitive 
 Kaartans, who accompany him in his Route through Bam- 
 barra. Discovers the Niger. Some Account of Sego, the Ca- 
 pital of Bambarra. Mansong, the King, refuses to see the 
 Author, but sends him a Present. Great Hospitality of a Negro 
 Woman. 
 
 WAWRA is a small town surrounded with high walls, 
 and inhabited by a mixture of Mandingoes and Foulahs. 
 The inhabitants employ themselves chiefly in cultivating 
 corn, which they exchange with the Moors for salt. 
 Here, being in security from the Moors, and very much 
 fatigued, I resolved to rest myself ; and meeting with 
 a hearty welcome from the dooty, whose name was 
 Flancharee, I laid myself down upon a bullock's hide, 
 and slept soundly for about two hours. The curiosity 
 of the people would not allow me to sleep any longer. 
 They had seen my saddle and bridle, and were assembled 
 in great numbers to learn who I was, and whence I 
 came. Some were of opinion that I was an Arab ; 
 others insisted that I was some Moorish sultan: and 
 they continued to debate the matter with such warmth 
 that the noise awoke me. The dooty (who had for- 
 merly been at Gambia) at last interposed in my behalf, 
 and assured them that I was certainly a white man ; 
 but he was convinced, from my appearance, that I was 
 a very poor one. 
 
 In the course of the day, several women, hearing that 
 I was going to Sego, came and begged me to inquire of 
 Mansong, the king, what was become of their children. 
 
42 
 
 WASSIBOO GALLOO DATLIBOO. 
 
 One woman, hi particular, told me that her son's name 
 was Maraadee that he was no heathen, but prayed to 
 God morning and evening and had been taken from 
 her about three years ago by Mansong's army, since 
 which she had never heard of him. She said, she often 
 dreamed about him ; and begged me, if I should see 
 him, either in Bambarra or in my own country, to tell 
 him that his mother and sister were still alive. In the 
 afternoon, the dooty examined the contents of the leather 
 bag in which I had packed up my clothes ; but finding 
 nothing that was worth taking, he returned it, and told 
 me to depart in the morning. 
 
 July 6th. It rained very much in the night, and at 
 daylight I departed, in company with a negro, who was 
 going to a town called Dingyee for corn ; but we had 
 not proceeded above a mile, before the ass upon which 
 he rode threw him off, and he returned, leaving me to 
 prosecute the journey by myself. 
 
 I reached Dingyee about noon ; but the dooty and most 
 of the inhabitants had gone into the fields to cultivate 
 corn. An old Foulah, observing me wandering about 
 the town, desired me to come to his hut, where I was 
 well entertained : and the dooty, when he returned, sent 
 me some victuals for myself, and corn for my horse. 
 
 July 7th. In the morning, when I was about to 
 depart, my landlord, with a great deal of diffidence, 
 begged me to give him a lock of my hair. He had been 
 told, he said, that white men's hair made a saphie, that 
 would give to the possessor all the knowledge of white 
 men. I had never before heard of so simple a mode 
 of education, but instantly complied with the request ; 
 and my landlord's thirst for learning was such, that, 
 with cutting and pulling, he cropped one side of my 
 head pretty closely ; and would have done the same 
 with the other, had I not signified my disapprobation 
 by putting on my hat, and assuring him, that I wished 
 to reserve some of this precious merchandise for a 
 future occasion. 
 
 I reached a small town called Wassiboo about twelve 
 o'clock, where I was obliged to stop until an oppor- 
 tunity should offer of procuring a guide to Satile", which 
 is distant a very long day's journey, through woods 
 without any beaten path. I accordingly took up my 
 residence at the dooty's house, where I staid four days, 
 during which time I amused myself by going to the 
 fields with the family to plant corn. Cultivation is 
 earned on here on a very extensive scale ; and, as the 
 natives themselves express it, "hunger is never known." 
 In cultivating the soil, the men and women work to- 
 gether. They use a large sharp hoe, much superior 
 to that used in Gambia ; but they are obliged, for fear 
 of the Moors, to carry their arms with them to the field. 
 The master, with the handle of his spear, marks the 
 field into regular plats, one of which is assigned to 
 every three slaves. 
 
 On the evening of the llth, eight of the fugitive 
 Kaartans arrived at Wassiboo. They had found it im- 
 possible to live under the tyrannical government of the 
 Moors, and were now going to transfer their allegiance 
 to the king of Bambarra. They offered to take me along 
 with them as far as Satile", and I accepted the offer. 
 
 July 12th. At daybreak we set out, and travelled 
 with uncommon expedition until sunset. We stopped 
 only twice in the course of the day ; once at a watering- 
 place in the woods, and another time at the ruins of a 
 town, formerly belonging to Daisy, called Illa-Compe 
 (the corn town). When we arrived in the neighbour- 
 hood of Satile', the people who were employed in the 
 corn fields, seeing so many horsemen, took us for a 
 party of Moors, and ran screaming away from us. The 
 whole town was instantly alarmed, and the slaves were 
 seen, in every direction, driving the cattle and horses 
 towards the town. It was in vain that one of our com- 
 pany galloped up to undeceive them it only frightened 
 them the more ; and when we arrived at the town, we 
 found the gates shut, and the people all under arms. 
 After a long parley, we were permitted to enter ; and 
 as there was every appearance of a heavy tornado, the 
 dooty allowed us to sleep in his balom, and gave us 
 each a bullock's hide for a bed. 
 
 July 13th. Early in the morning we again set for- 
 ward. The roads were wet and slippery, but the country 
 was very beautiful, abounding with rivulets, which were 
 increased by the rain into rapid streams. About ten 
 o'clock we came to the ruins of a village which had 
 been destroyed by war about six months before ; and 
 in order to prevent any town from being built there in 
 future, the large benta'ng tree, under which the natives 
 spent the day, had been burnt down, the wells filled up, 
 and every thing that could make the spot desk-able com- 
 pletely destroyed. 
 
 About noon, my horse was so much fatigued that I 
 could not keep up with my companions ; I therefore 
 dismounted, and desired them to ride on, telling them 
 that I would follow as soon as my horse had rested a 
 little. But I found them unwilling to leave me ; the 
 lions, they said, were very numerous in those parts, 
 and though they might not so readily attack a body of 
 people, they would soon find out an individual : it was 
 therefore agreed, that one of the company should stay 
 with me to assist in driving my horse, while the others 
 passed on to Galloo to procure lodgings, and collect 
 grass for the horses before night. Accompanied by this 
 worthy negro, I drove my horse before me until about 
 four o'clock, when we came in sight of Galloo, a con- 
 siderable town, standing in a fertile and beautiful 
 valley surrounded with high rocks. 
 
 As my companions had thoughts of settling in this 
 neighbourhood, they had a fine sheep given them by 
 the dooty ; and I was fortunate enough to procure plenty 
 of corn for my horse. Here they blow upon elephants' 
 teeth when they announce evening prayers, in the same 
 manner as at Kemmoo. 
 
 Early next morning (July 14th), having first re- 
 turned many thanks to our landlord for his hospitality, 
 while my fellow-travellers offered up their prayers 
 that he might never want, we set forward, and about 
 three o'clock arrived at Moorja, a large town, famous 
 for its trade in salt, which the Moors bring here in 
 great quantities, to exchange for corn and cotton cloth. 
 As most of the people here are Mahomedans, it is not 
 allowed to the kafirs to drink beer, which they call neo- 
 dollo (corn spirit), except in certain houses. In one of 
 these I saw about twenty people sitting round largo 
 vessels of this beer with the greatest conviviality, many 
 of them in a state of intoxication. As corn is plentiful, 
 the inhabitants are very liberal to strangers. I believe 
 we had as much corn and milk sent us by different 
 people as would have been sufficient for three times our 
 number ; and though we remained here two days, we 
 experienced no dimimition of their hospitality. 
 
 On the morning of the 16th we again set forward, 
 accompanied by a coffle of fourteen asses, loaded with 
 salt, bound for Sansanding. The road was particularly 
 romantic, between two rocky hills; but the Moors some- 
 times lie in wait here to plunder strangers. As soon 
 as we had reached the open country, the master of the 
 salt cofHe thanked us for having staid with him so long, 
 and now desired us to ride on. The sun was almost set 
 before we reached Datliboo. In the evening we had a 
 most tremendous tornado. The house in which we 
 lodged, being flat-roofed, admitted the rain in streams ; 
 the floor was soon ankle-deep, the fire extinguished, 
 and we were left to pass the night upon some bundles 
 of firewood that happened to lie in a corner. 
 
 July 17th. We departed from Datliboo, and about 
 ten o'clock passed a large coffle returning from oego, 
 with corn-hoes, mats, and other household utensils. At 
 five o'clock we came to a large village where we in- 
 tended to pass the night, but the dooty would not re- 
 ceive us. When we departed from this place, my horse 
 was so much fatigued that I was under the necessity of 
 driving him, and it was dark before we reached Fanim- 
 boo, a small village ; the dooty of which no sooner heard 
 that I was a white man, than he brought out three old 
 muskets, and was much disappointed when he was told 
 that I could not repair them. 
 
 July 18th. We continued our journey; but, owing 
 to a light supper the preceding night, we felt ourselves 
 rather hungry this morning, and endeavoured to pro- 
 
DISCOVERS THE NIGER. 
 
 cure some corn at a village, but without success. The 
 towns were now more numerous, and the land that is 
 not employed in cultivation affords excellent pasturage 
 for large herds of cattle ; but, owing to the great con- 
 course of people daily going to and returning from Sego, 
 the inhabitants are less hospitable to strangers. 
 
 My horse becoming weaker and weaker every day, 
 was now of very little service to me ; I was obliged to 
 drive him before me for the greater part of the day, 
 and did not reach Geosorro until eight o'clock in the 
 evening. I found my companions wrangling with the 
 dooty, who had absolutely refused to give or sell them 
 any provisions ; and as none of us had tasted victuals 
 i'or the last twenty-four hours, we were by no means 
 disposed to fast another day, if we could help it. But 
 finding our entreaties without effect, and being very 
 much fatigued, I fell asleep, from which I was awakened 
 about midnight with the joyful information, Kinne nata ! 
 ("The victuals are come !") This made the remainder 
 of the night pass away pleasantly ; and at daybreak, 
 July 19th, we resumed our journey, proposing to stop 
 at a village called Doolinkeaboo for the night following. 
 My fellow-travellers, having better horses than myself, 
 soon left me ; and I was walking barefoot, driving my 
 horse, when I was met by a coffle of slaves, about seventy 
 in number, coming from Sego. They were tied together 
 by their necks with thongs of a bullock's hide, twisted 
 like a rope seven slaves upon a thong, and a man 
 with a musket between every seven. Many of the 
 slaves were ill conditioned, and a great number of them 
 women. In the rear came Sidi Mahomed's servant, 
 whom I remembered to have seen at the camp of Be- 
 r.owm : he presently knew me, and told me that these 
 slaves were going to Morocco, by the wr.y of Ludamar 
 and the Great Desert. 
 
 In the afternoon, as I approached Doolinkeaboo, I 
 met about twenty Moors on horseback, the owners of 
 the slaves I had seen in the morning ; they were well 
 armed with muskets, and were very inquisitive concern- 
 ing me, but not so rude as their countrymen generally 
 .ire. From them I learned that Sidi Mahomed was not 
 at Sego, but had gone to Kancaba for gold dust. 
 
 When I arrived at Doolinkeaboo, I was informed 
 that my fellow-travellers had gone on ; but my horse 
 was so much fatigued that I could not possibly proceed 
 after them. The dooty of the town, at my request, 
 give me a draught of water, which is generally looked 
 upon as an earnest of greater hospitality, and I had no 
 doubt of making up for the toils of the day by a good 
 supper and a sound sleep : unfortunately I 'had neither 
 one nor the other. The night was rainy and tempes- 
 tuous, and the dooty limited his hospitality to the draught 
 of water. 
 
 July 20th. In the morning I endeavoured, both by 
 entreaties and threats, to procure some victuals from 
 the dooty, but in vain. I even begged some corn from 
 one of his female slaves, as she was washing it at the 
 well, and had the mortification to be refused. However, 
 when the dooty was gone to the fields, his wife sent me 
 a handful of meal, which I mixed with water, and drank 
 for breakfast. About eight o'clock I departed from 
 Doolinkeaboo, and at noon stopped a few minutes at a 
 large korree, where I had some milk given me by the 
 Foulahs ; and hearing that two negroes were going 
 from thence to Sego, I was happy to have their com- 
 pany, and we set out immediately. About four o'clock 
 we st pped at a small village, where one of the negroes 
 met with an acquaintance, who invited us to a sort of 
 public entertainment, which was conducted with more 
 than common propriety. A dish, made of sour milk 
 and meal, called sinkatoo, and beer made from their corn, 
 was distributed with great liberality, and the women 
 were admitted into the society a circumstance I had 
 never before observed in Africa. There was no com- 
 pulsion every one was at liberty to drink as he pleased 
 they nodded to each other when about to drink, and 
 on setting down the calabash, commonly said Berka. 
 ("Thank you.") Both men and women appeared to be 
 somewhat intoxicated, but they were far from being 
 quarrelsome. 
 
 Departing from thence, we passed several large vil- 
 lages, where I was constantly taken for a Moor, and 
 became the subject of much merriment to the Bambar- 
 rans, who, seeing me drive my horse before me, laughed 
 heartily at my appearance. He has been at Mecca, 
 says one, you may see that by his clothes : another 
 asked me if my horse was sick : a third wished to pur- 
 chase it, &c. so that, I believe, the very slaves were 
 ashamed to be seen in my company. Just before it was 
 dark, we took up our lodging for the night at a small 
 village, where I procured some victuals for myself and 
 some corn for my horse, at the moderate price of a but- 
 ton ; and was told that I should see the Niger (which 
 the negroes call Joliba, or the Great Water) early the 
 next day. The lions are here very numerous : the gates 
 are shut a little after sunset, and nobody allowed to go 
 out. The thoughts of seeing the Niger in the morning, 
 and the troublesome buzzing of musquitoes, prevented 
 me from shutting my eyes during the night ; and I had 
 saddled my horse, and was in readiness before daylight 
 but, on account of the wild beasts, we were obliged to 
 wait until the people were stirring, and the gates opened. 
 This happened to be a market-day at Sego, and the 
 roads were every where filled with people carrying dif- 
 ferent articles to sell. We passed four large villages, 
 and at eight o'clock saw the smoke over Sego. 
 
 As we approached the town, I was fortunate enough 
 to overtake the fugitive Kaartans, to whose kindness I 
 had been so much indebted in my journey through 
 Bambarra. They readily agreed to introduce me to 
 the king ; and we rode together through some marshy 
 ground, where, as I was anxiously looking around for 
 the river, one of them called out, Geo affilli! (" See the 
 water !") and, looking forwards, I saw with infinite plea- 
 sure the great object of my mission the long-sought- 
 for majestic Niger, glittering to the morning sun, as 
 broad as the Thames at Westminster, and flowing slowly 
 to (he eastward. I hastened to the brink, and having 
 drunk of the water, lifted up my fervent thanks in 
 prayer to the Great Ruler of all things, for having thus 
 far crowned my endeavours with success. 
 
 The circumstance of the Niger's flowing towards the 
 east, and its collateral points, did not however excite 
 my surprise for, although I had left Europe in great 
 hesitation on this subject, and rather believed that it 
 ran in the contrary direction, I had made such frequent 
 inquiries during my progress concerning this river, 
 and received from negroes of different nations such 
 clear and decisive assurances that its general course 
 was toicards the rising sun, as scarce left any doubt on 
 my mind, and more especially as I knew that Major 
 Houghton had collected similar information, in the 
 same manner. 
 
 Sego, the capital of Bambarra., at which I had now 
 arrived, consists, properly speaking, of four distinct 
 towns two on the northern bank of the Niger, called 
 Sego Korro, and Sego Boo ; and two on the southern 
 bank, called Sego Soo Korro, and Sego See Korro. 
 They are all surrounded with high mud walls. The 
 houses are built of clay, of a square form, with flat 
 roofs some of them have two stories, and many of 
 them are whitewashed. Besides these buildings, Moor- 
 ish mosques are seen in every quarter ; and the streets, 
 though narrow, are broad enough for every useful pur- 
 pose, in a country where wheel carriages are entirely 
 unknown. From the best inquiries I could make, I have 
 reason to believe that Sego contains altogether about 
 thirty thousand inhabitants. The king of Bambarra 
 constantly resides at Sego See Korro. He employs a 
 great many slaves in conveying people over the river, 
 and the money they receive (though the fare is only 
 ten kowrie shells for each individual) furnishes a con- 
 siderable revenue to the king in the course of a year. 
 The canoes are of a singular construction, each of them 
 being formed of the trunks of two large trees rendered 
 concave, and joined together, not side by side, but end- 
 ways the junction being exactly across the middle of 
 the canoe : they are therefore very long, and dispropor- 
 tionably narrow, and have neither decks nor masts : 
 they are, however, very roomy, for I observed in one 
 
44 
 
 DEPARTURE FROM SEGO. 
 
 of them four horses, and several people, crossing over 
 the river. When we arrived at this ferry, with a view 
 to pass over to that part of the town in which the king 
 resides, we found a great number waiting for a passage : 
 they looked at me with silent wonder, and I distin- 
 guished with concern many Moors among them. There 
 were three different places of embarkation, and the 
 ferrymen were very diligent and expeditious ; but, from 
 the crowd of people, I could not immediately obtain a 
 passage, and sat down upon the bank of the river to 
 wait for a more favourable opportunity. The view of 
 this extensive city the numerous canoes upon the 
 river the crowded population, and the cultivated state 
 of the surrounding country formed altogether a pro- 
 spect of civilisation and magnificence which I little ex- 
 pected to find in the bosom of Africa. 
 
 I waited more than two hours without having an 
 opportunity of crossing the river, during which time 
 the people who had crossed carried information to 
 Mansong, the king, that a white man was waiting for a 
 passage, and was coming to see him. He immediately 
 sent over one of his chief men, who informed me that 
 the king could not possibly see me, until he knew what 
 had brought me into his country ; and that I must not 
 presume to cross the river without the king's permis- 
 sion. He therefore advised me to lodge at a distant 
 village, to which he pointed, for the night, and said, 
 that in the morning he would give me further instruc- 
 tions how to conduct myself. This was very discourag- 
 ing. However, as there was no remedy, I set off for 
 the village, where I found, to my great mortification, 
 that no person would admit me into his house. I was 
 regarded with astonishment and fear, and was obliged 
 to sit all day without victuals in the shade of a tree ; 
 and the night threatened to be very uncomfortable for 
 the wind rose, and there was great appearance of a 
 heavy rain and the wild beasts are so very numerous 
 in the neighbourhood, that I should have been under 
 the necessity of climbing up the tree, and resting 
 amongst the branches. About sunset, however, as I 
 was preparing to pass the night in this manner, and 
 had turned my horse loose that he might graze at 
 liberty, a woman, returning from the labours of the 
 field, stopped to observe me, and perceiving that I was 
 weary and dejected, inquired into my situation, which 
 I briefly explained to her ; whereupon, with looks of 
 great compassion, she took up my saddle and bridle, 
 and told me to follow her. Having conducted me into 
 her hut, she lighted up a lamp, spread a mat on the 
 floor, and told me I might remain there for the night. 
 Finding that I was very hungry, she said she would 
 procure me something to eat. She accordingly went 
 out, and returned in a short time with a very fine fish, 
 which, having caused to be half broiled upon some 
 embers, she gave me for supper. The rites of hospi- 
 tality being thus performed towards a stranger in dis- 
 tress, my worthy benefactress (pointing to the mat, and 
 telling me I might sleep there without apprehension) 
 called to the female part of her family, who had stood 
 gazing on me all the while in fixed astonishment, to 
 resume their task of spinning cotton, in which they 
 continued to employ themselves great part of the night. 
 They lightened their labour by songs, one of which was 
 composed extempore, for I was myself the subject of it. 
 It was sung by one of the young women, the rest joining 
 in a sort of chorus. The air was sweet and plaintive, 
 and the words, literally translated, were these : " The 
 winds roared, and the rains fell. The poor white man, 
 faint and weary, came and sat uuder our tree. He has 
 no mother to bring him milk no wife to grind his 
 corn. Chorus. Let us pity the white man no mother 
 has he," &c. &c. Trifling as this recital may appear 
 to the reader, to a person in my situation the circum- 
 stance was affecting in the highest degree. I was op- 
 pressed by such unexpected kindness, and sleep fled 
 from my eyes. In the morning I presented my com- 
 passionate landlady with two of the four brass buttons 
 which remained on my waistcoat the only recompense 
 I could make her. 
 
 July 21st. I continued in the village all this day 
 
 in conversation with the natives, who came in crowds 
 to see me, but was rather uneasy towards evening to 
 find that no message had arrived from the king ; the 
 more so, as the people began to whisper that Mansong 
 had received some very unfavourable accounts of me 
 from the Moors and slatees residing at Sego, who, it 
 seems, were exceedingly suspicious concerning the mo- 
 tives of my journey. I learnt that many consultations 
 had been held with the king concerning my reception 
 and disposal ; and some of the villagers frankly told me 
 that I had many enemies, and must expect no favour. 
 
 July 22d. About eleven o'clock a messenger arrived 
 from the king, but he gave me very little satisfaction. 
 He inquired particularly if I had brought any present, 
 and seemed much disappointed when he was told that 
 I had been robbed of every thing by the Moors. When 
 I proposed to go along with him, he told me to stop 
 until the afternoon, when the king would send for me. 
 
 July 23d. In the afternoon, another messenger ar- 
 rived from Mansong, with a bag in his hands. He told 
 me, it was the king's pleasure that I should depart forth- 
 with from the vicinage of Sego ; but that Mansong, 
 wishing to relieve a white man in distress, had sent me 
 five thousand kowries,* to enable me to purchase pro- 
 visions in the course of my journey: the messenger 
 added, that if my intentions were really to proceed to 
 Jenne, he had orders to accompany me as a guide to 
 Sansanding. I was at first puzzled to account for this 
 behaviour of the king ; but from the conversation I had 
 with the guide, I had afterwards reason to believe that 
 Mansong would willingly have admitted me into his 
 presence at Sego, but was apprehensive he might not 
 be able to protect me against the blind and inveterate 
 malice of the Moorish inhabitants. His conduct, there- 
 fore, was at once prudent and liberal. The circum- 
 stances under which I made my appearance at Sego, 
 were undoubtedly such as might create in the mind of 
 the king a well-warranted suspicion that I wished to 
 conceal the true object of my journey. He argued, 
 probably, as my guide argued, who, when he was told 
 that I had come from a great distance, and through 
 many dangers, to behold the Joliba river, naturally in- 
 quired if there were no rivers in my own country, and 
 whether one river was not like another. Notwithstand- 
 ing this, and in spite of the jealous machinations of the 
 Moors, this benevolent prince thought it sufficient that 
 a white man was found in his dominions, in a condition 
 of extreme wretchedness, and that no other plea was 
 necessary to entitle the sufferer to his bounty. 
 
 CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 Departure from Sego, and Arrival at Kabba. Description of the 
 Shea, or vegetable Butter Tree. The Author and his Guide 
 arrive at Sansanding Behaviour of the Moors at that Place. 
 The Author pursues his Journey to the Eastward. Incidents 
 on the Road. Arrives at Modiboo, and proceeds for Kea, but 
 obliged to leave his Horse by the way. Embarks at Kea in a 
 Fisherman's Canoe for Moorzan ; is conveyed from thence 
 across the Niger to Silla. Determines to proceed no farther 
 Eastward. Some Account of the farther Course of the Niger, 
 and the Towns in its Vicinage, towards the East. 
 
 BEING, in the manner that has been related, compelled 
 to leave Sego, I was conducted the same evening to a 
 village about seven miles to the eastward, with some of 
 the inhabitants of which my guide was acquainted, and 
 by whom we were well received.-}' He was very friendly 
 and communicative, and spoke highly of the hospitality 
 of his countrymen, but withal told me, that if Jenne 
 
 * Mention has already been made of these little shells, which 
 pass current as money in many parts of the East Indies, as well 
 as Africa. In Bambarra, and the adjacent countries, where the 
 necessaries of life are very cheap , one hundred of them would com- 
 monly purchase a day's provisions for myself, and corn for my 
 hor^e. I reckoned about two hundred and fifty kowries equal 
 to one shilling. 
 
 1 1 should have before observed, that I found the language of 
 Bambarra a sort of corrupted Mandingo. After a little practice, 
 I understood, and spoke it without difficulty. 
 
SANSANDING. 
 
 45 
 
 was the place of my destination, which he seemed to 
 have hitherto doubted, I had undertaken an enterprise 
 of greater danger than probably I was apprised of ; for, 
 although the town of Jerine" was nominally a part of 
 the king of Bambarra's dominions, it was in fact, he 
 said, a city of the Moors the leading part of the inha- 
 bitants being bushreens, and even the governor himself, 
 though appointed by Mansong, of the same sect. Thus 
 was I in danger of falling a second time into the hands 
 of men who would consider it not only justifiable, but me- 
 ritorious, to destroy me and this reflection was aggra- 
 vated by the circumstance, that the danger increased as 
 I advanced in my journey, for I learned that the places 
 beyond Jenne were under the Moorish influence in a 
 still greater degree than Jenne" itself, and Tombuctoo, 
 the great object of my search, altogether in possession 
 of that savage and merciless people, who allow no Chris- 
 tian to live there. But I had now advanced too far to 
 think of returning to the westward on such vague and 
 uncertain information, and determined to proceed ; and 
 being accompanied by the guide, I departed from the 
 village on the morning of the 24th. About eight o'clock, 
 we passed a large town called Kabba, situated in the 
 midst of a beautiful and highly cultivated country, 
 bearing a greater resemblance to the centre of England 
 than to what I should have supposed had been the 
 middle of Africa. The people were every where em- 
 ployed in collecting the fruit of the shea trees, from 
 which they prepare the vegetable butter mentioned in 
 former parts of this work. These ti'ees grow in great 
 abundance all over this part of Bambarra. They are 
 not planted by the natives, but are found growing na- 
 turally in the woods ; and in clearing wood land for 
 cultivation, every tree is cut down but the shea. The 
 tree itself very much resembles the American oak, and 
 the fruit from the kernel of which, being first dried in 
 the sun, the butter is prepared by boiling the kernel 
 in water has somewhat the appearance of a Spanish 
 olive. The kernel is enveloped in a sweet pulp, under 
 a thin green rind ; and the butter produced from it, 
 besides the advantage of its keeping the whole year 
 without salt, is whiter, firmer, and, to my palate, of a 
 richer flavour, than the best butter I ever tasted made 
 from cow's milk. The growth and preparation of this 
 commodity seem to be among the first objects of Afri- 
 can industry in this and the neighbouring states, and 
 it constitutes a main article of their inland commerce. 
 
 We passed in the course of the day a great many 
 villages inhabited chiefly by fishermen, and iu the even- 
 ing about five o'clock arrived at Sansanding a very 
 large town, containing, as I was told, from eight to ten 
 thousand inhabitants. This place is much resorted to 
 by the Moors, who bring salt from Beeroo, and beads 
 and coral from the Mediterranean, to exchange here 
 for gold dust and cotton cloth. This cloth they sell to 
 great advantage in Beeroo, and other Moorish countries, 
 where, on account of the want of rain, no cotton is 
 cultivated. 
 
 I desired my guide to conduct me to the house in 
 which we were to lodge, by the most private way pos- 
 sible. We accordingly rode along between the town and 
 the river, passing by a creek or harbour, in which I ob- 
 served twenty large canoes, most of them fully loaded, 
 and covered with mats to prevent the rain from injur- 
 ing the goods. As we proceeded, three other canoes 
 arrived, two with passengers, and one with goods. I 
 was happy to find that all the negro inhabitants took 
 me for a Moor ; under which character I should pro- 
 bably have passed unmolested, had not a Moor, who 
 was sitting by the river side, discovered the mistake, 
 and, setting up a loud exclamation, brought together 
 a number of his countrymen. 
 
 When I arrived at the house of Counti Mamadi, the 
 dooty of the town, I was surrounded with hundreds 
 of people, speaking a variety of different dialects, all 
 equally unintelligible to me. At length, by the assist- 
 ance of my guide, who acted as interpreter, I under- 
 stood that one of the spectators pretended to have seen 
 me at one place, and another at some other place ; and 
 a Moorish woman absolutely swore that she had kept 
 
 my house three years at Gallam, on the river Senegal. 
 It was plain that they mistook me for some other per- 
 son, and I desired two of the most confident to point 
 towards the place where they had seen me. They 
 pointed due south ; hence I think it probable that they 
 came from Cape Coast, where they might have seen 
 many white men. Their language was different from 
 any I had yet heard. The Moors now assembled in 
 great number, with their usual arrogance, compelling the 
 negroes to stand at a distance. They immediately be- 
 gan to question me concerning my religion, but finding 
 that I was not master of the Arabic, they sent for two 
 men, whom they call Ilhuidi (Jews), in hopes that they 
 might be able to converse with me. These Jews, in 
 dress and appearance, very much resemble the Arabs ; 
 but though they so far conform to the religion of 
 Mahomet as to recite, in public, prayers from the 
 Koran, they are but little respected by the negroes ; 
 and even the Moors themselves allowed, that though I 
 was a Christian, I was a better man than a Jew. They, 
 however, insisted that, like the Jews, I must conform 
 so far as to repeat the Mahomedan prayers ; and when 
 I attempted to waive the subject, by telling them that I 
 could not speak Arabic, one of them, a shereef from 
 Tuat, in the Great Desert, started up and swore by the 
 Prophet, that if I refused to go to the mosque, he would 
 be one that would assist in carrying me thither ; and 
 there is no doubt but this threat would have been 
 immediately executed, had not my landlord interposed 
 in my behalf. He told them that I was the king's 
 stranger, and he could not see me ill treated whilst I 
 was under his protection. He therefore advised them 
 to let me alone for the night, assuring them, that in the 
 morning I should be sent about my business. This 
 somewhat appeased their clamour, but they compelled 
 me to ascend a high seat, by the door of the mosque, in 
 order that every body might see me ; for the people had 
 assembled in such numbers as to be quite ungovern- 
 able climbing upon the houses, and squeezing each 
 other, like the spectators at an execution. Upon this 
 seat I remained until sunset, when I was conducted 
 into a neat little hut, with a small court before it, the 
 door of which Counti Mamadi shut, to prevent any per- 
 son from disturbing me. But this precaution could not 
 exclude the Moors. They climbed over the top of tho 
 mud wall, and came in crowds into the court, " in order," 
 they said, "to see me perform my evening devotions, and 
 eat eggs" The former of these ceremonies I did not 
 think proper to comply with, but I told them I had no 
 objection to eat eggs, provided they would bring me 
 eggs to eat. My landlord immediately brought me seven 
 hen's eggs, and was much surprised to find that I 
 could not eat them raw; for it seems to be a prevalent 
 opinion among the inhabitants of the interior, that 
 Europeans subsist almost entirely on this diet. When 
 I had succeeded in persuading my landlord that this 
 opinion was without foundation, and that I would 
 gladly partake of any victuals which he might think 
 proper to send me, he ordered a sheep to be killed, and 
 part of it to be dressed for my supper. About midnight, 
 when the Moors had left me, he paid me a visit, and 
 with much earnestness desired me to write him a 
 saphie. " If a Moor's saphie is good," said this hospi- 
 table old man, " a white man's must needs be better." 
 I readily furnished him with one, possessed of all the 
 virtues I could concentrate, for it contained the Lord's 
 Prayer. The pen with which it was written was made 
 of a reed ; a little charcoal and gum- water made very 
 tolerable ink, and a tiiin board answered the purpose 
 of paper. 
 
 July 25th. Early in the morning, before the Moors 
 were assembled, I departed from Sansanding, and slept 
 the ensuing night at a small town called Sibili, from 
 whence, on the day following, I reached Nyara, a large 
 town at some distance from the river, where I halted 
 the 27th, to have my clothes washed, and recruit my 
 horse. The dooty there has a very commodious house, 
 flat-roofed, and two stories high. He showed me some 
 gunpowder of his own manufacturing ; and pointed out, 
 as a great curiosity, a little brown monkey, that was 
 
40 
 
 ENCOUNTERS A LION. 
 
 tied to a stake by the door, telling me that it came from 
 a far distant country called Kong. 
 
 July 28th. I departed from Nyara, and reached 
 Nyamee about noon. This town is inhabited chiefly 
 by Foulahs, from the kingdom of Masina. The dooty, 
 I know not why, would not receive me, but civilly sent 
 his son on horseback to conduct me to Modiboo, which 
 he assured me was at no great distance. 
 
 We rode nearly in a direct line through the woods, 
 but in general went forwards with great circumspection. 
 I observed that my guide frequently stopped and looked 
 under the bushes. On inquiring the reason of this 
 caution, he told me that lions were very numerous in 
 that part of the country, and frequently attacked people 
 travelling through the woods. While he was speaking, 
 my horse started, and looking round, I observed a large 
 animal of the camelopard kind, standing at a little dis- 
 tance. The neck and fore legs were very long ; the 
 head was furnished with two short black horns, turning 
 backwards ; the tail, which reached down to the ham 
 joint, had a tuft of hair at the end. The animal was of 
 a mouse colour, and it trotted away from us in a very 
 sluggish manner moving its head from side to side, to 
 see if we were pursuing it. Shortly after this, as we 
 were crossing a large open plain, where there were a 
 few scattered bushes, my guide, who was a little way 
 before me, wheeled his horse round in a moment, call- 
 ing out something in .the Foulah language which I did 
 not understand. I inquired in Mandingo what he meant ; 
 Wara billi billi ! ("A very large lion !") said he, and made 
 signs for me to ride away. But my horse was too much 
 fatigued ; so we rode slowly past the bush, from which 
 the animal had given us the alarm. Not seeing any 
 thing myself, however, I thought my guide had been 
 mistaken, when the Foulah suddenly put his hand to 
 his mouth, exclaiming Soubah an allahi ! (" God pre- 
 serve us !") and to my great surprise, I then perceived 
 a large red lion, at a short distance from the bush, with 
 his head couched between his fore paws. I expected 
 he would instantly spring upon me, and instinctively 
 pulled my feet from my stirrups to throw myself on 
 the ground, that my horse might become the victim 
 rather than myself. But it is probable the lion was not 
 hungry ; for he quietly suffered us to pass, though we 
 were fairly within his reach. My eyes were so rivetted 
 upon this sovereign of the beasts, that I found it im- 
 possible to remove them until we were at a consider- 
 able distance. We now took a circuitous route through 
 some swampy ground, to avoid any more of these dis- 
 agreeable rencounters. At sunset we arrived at Modi- 
 boo a delightful village on the banks of the Niger, 
 commanding a view of the river for many miles, both 
 to the east and west. The small green islands (the 
 peaceful retreat of some industrious Foulahs, whose 
 cattle are here secure from the depredations of wild 
 beasts), and the majestic breadth of the river, which 
 is here much larger than at Sego, render the situation 
 one of the most enchanting in the world. Here are 
 caught great plenty of fish, by means of long cotton 
 nets, which the natives make themselves, and use nearly 
 in the same manner as nets are used in Europe. I ob- 
 served the head of a crocodile lying upon one of the 
 houses, which they told me had been killed by the 
 shepherds in a swamp near the town. These animals 
 are not uncommon in the Niger, but I believe they 
 are not oftentimes found dangerous. They are of little 
 account to the traveller when compared with the amaz- 
 ing swarms of musquitoes, which rise from the swamps 
 and creeks in such numbers as to harass even the most 
 torpid of the natives ; and as my clothes were now al- 
 most worn to rags, I was but ill prepared to resist their 
 attacks. I usually passed the night without shutting 
 my eyes, walking backwards and forwards, fanning my- 
 self with my hat ; their stings raised numerous blisters 
 on my legs and arms, which, together with the want 
 of rest, made me very feverish and uneasy. 
 
 July 29th. Early in the morning, my landlord, ob- 
 serving that I was sickly, hurried me away sending a 
 servant with me as a guide to Kea. But though I was 
 little able to walk, my horse was still less able to carry 
 
 me; and about six miles to the east of Modiboo, in 
 crossing some rough clayey ground, he fell, and the 
 united strength of the guide and myself could not place 
 him again upon his legs. I sat down for some time 
 beside this worn-out associate of my adventures ; but 
 finding him still unable to rise, I took off the saddle 
 and bridle, and placed a quantity of grass before him. 
 I surveyed the poor animal, as he lay panting on the 
 ground, with sympathetic emotion ; for I could not sup- 
 press the sad apprehension that I should myself, in a 
 short time, lie down and perish in the same manner, 
 of fatigue and hunger. With this foreboding, I left my 
 poor horse, and with great reluctance followed my 
 guide on foot, along the bank of the river, until about 
 noon, when we reached Kea, which I found to be no- 
 thing more than a small fishing village. The dooty, a 
 surly old man, who was sitting by the gate, received 
 me very coolly ; and when I informed him of my situa- 
 tion, and begged his protection, told me with great 
 indifference, that he paid very little attention to fine 
 speeches, and that I should not enter his house. My 
 guide remonstrated in my favour, but to no purpose, 
 for the dooty remained inflexible in his determination. 
 I knew not where to rest my wearied limbs, but was 
 happily relieved by a fishing canoe belonging to Silla, 
 which was at that moment coming down the river. The 
 dooty waved to the fisherman to come near, and de- 
 sired him to take charge of me as far as Moorzan. The 
 fisherman, after some hesitation, consented to carry 
 me, and I embarked in the canoe, in company with the 
 fisherman, his wife, and a boy. The negro, who had con- 
 ducted me from Modiboo, now left me ; I requested 
 him to look to my horse on his return, and take care 
 of him if he was still alive, which he promised to do. 
 
 Departing from Kea, we proceeded about a mile down 
 the river, when the fisherman paddled the canoe to the 
 bank, and desired me to jump out. Having tied the 
 canoe to a stake, he stripped off his clothes, and dived 
 for such a length of time that I thought he had actually 
 drowned himself, and was surprised to see his wife be- 
 have with so much indifference upon the occasion but 
 my fears were over when he raised up his head astern 
 of the canoe, and called for a rope. With this rope he 
 dived a second time, and then got into the canoe, and 
 ordered the boy to assist him in pulling. At length 
 they brought up a large basket, about ten feet in dia- 
 meter, containing two fine fish, which the fisherman 
 after returning the basket into the water immediately 
 carried ashore, and hid in the grass. We then went a 
 little farther down, and took up another basket, in which 
 was one fish. The fisherman now left us, to carry his 
 prizes to some neighbouring market, and the woman 
 and boy proceeded with me in the canoe down the river. 
 
 About four o'clock we arrived at Moorzan, a fishing 
 town on the northern bank, from whence I was con- 
 veyed across the river to Silla, a large town, where I 
 remained until it was quite dark, under a tree, sur- 
 rounded by hundreds of people. But their language 
 was very different from the other parts of Bambarra 
 and I was informed, that in my progress eastward the 
 Bambarra tongue was but little understood, and that 
 when I reached Jenne, I should find that the majority 
 of the inhabitants spoke a different language, calle'd 
 Jenne Kummo by the negroes, and Kalain Soudan by 
 the Moors. 
 
 With a great deal of entreaty, the dooty allowed me 
 to come into his baloon to avoid the rain, but the place 
 was very damp, and I had a smart paroxysm of fever 
 during the night. Worn down by sickness, exhausted 
 with hunger and fatigue, half naked, and without any 
 article of value by which I might procure provisions, 
 clothes, or lodging, I began to reflect seriously on my 
 situation. I was now convinced, by painful experience, 
 that the obstacles to my farther progress were insur- 
 mountable. The tropical rains were already set in 
 with all their violence the rice grounds and swamps 
 were every where overflowed and, in a few days more, 
 travelling of every kind, unless by water, would be com- 
 pletely obstructed. The kowries which remained of tho 
 king of Bambarra's present were not sufficient to enable 
 
INFORMED OF TOMBUCTOO AND PLACES ADJACENT. 
 
 me to hire a canoe for any great distance and I had but 
 little hopes of subsisting by charity, in a country where 
 the Moors have such influence. But above all, I per- 
 ceived that I was advancing, more and more, within the 
 power of those merciless fanatics ; and from my recep- 
 tion both at Sego and Sansanding, I was apprehensive 
 that, in attempting to reach even Jenu (unless under 
 the protection of some man of consequence amongst 
 them, which I had no means of obtaining), I should 
 sacrifice my life to no purpose, for my discoveries would 
 perish with me. The prospect either way was gloomy. 
 In returning to the Gambia, a journey on foot of many 
 hundred miles presented itself to my contemplation, 
 through regions and countries unknown. Nevertheless, 
 this seemed to be the only alternative, for I saw inevi- 
 table destruction in attempting to proceed to the east- 
 ward. With this conviction on my mind, I hope my 
 readers will acknowledge that I did right in going no 
 farther. I had made every effort to execute my mis- 
 sion in its fullest extent, which prudence could justify. 
 Had there been the most distant prospect of a success- 
 ful termination, neither the unavoidable hardships of 
 the journey, nor the dangers of a second captivity, 
 should have forced me to desist. This, however, neces- 
 sity compelled me to do ; and whatever may be the 
 opinion of my general readers on this point, it affords 
 me inexpressible satisfaction, that my honourable em- 
 ployers have been pleased, since my return, to express 
 their full approbation of my conduct. 
 
 Having thus brought my mind, after much doubt 
 and perplexity, to a determination to return westward, 
 I thought it incumbent on me, before I left Silla, to 
 collect from the Moorish and negro traders all the in- 
 formation I could concerning the farther course of the 
 Niger eastward, and the situation and extent of the 
 kingdoms in its vicinage and the following few notices 
 I received from such various quarters as induce me to 
 think they are authentic : 
 
 Two short days' journey to the eastward of Silla, is 
 the town of Jenne', which is situated on a small island 
 in the river, and is said to contain a greater number of 
 inhabitants than Sego itself, or any other town in Bum- 
 barra. At the distance of two days more, the river 
 spreads into a considerable lake, called Dibbie (or the 
 Dark Lake), concerning the extent of which, all the 
 information I could obtain was, that in crossing it from 
 west to east, the canoes lose sight of land one whole 
 day. From this lake, the water issues in many diffe- 
 rent streams, which terminate in two large branches, 
 one whereof flows towards the north-east, and the other 
 to the east, but these branches join at Kabra, which is 
 one day's journey to the southward of Tombuctoo, and 
 is the port or shipping-place of that city. The tract of 
 land which the two streams encircle is called Jinbala, 
 and is inhabited by negroes ; and the whole distance by 
 land from Jeuue'to Tombuctoo is twelve days' journey. 
 
 From Kabra, at the distance of eleven days' journey 
 down the stream, the river passes to the southward of 
 Houssa, which is two days' journey distant from the 
 river. Of the farther progress of this great river, and 
 its final exit, all the natives with whom I conversed 
 seem to be entirely ignorant. Their commercial pur- 
 suits seldom induce them to travel farther than the 
 cities of Tombuctoo and Houssa ; and as the sole object 
 of those journies is the acquirement of wealth, they 
 pay but little attention to the course of rivers or the 
 geography of countries. It is, however, highly pro- 
 bable, that the Niger affords a safe and easy commu- 
 nication between very remote nations. All my informants 
 agreed, that many of the negro merchants who arrive 
 at Tombuctoo and Houssa from the eastward, speak a 
 different language from that of Bambarra, or any other 
 kingdom with which they are acquainted. But even 
 these merchants, it would seem, are ignorant of the 
 termination of the river, for such of them as can speak 
 Arabic describe the amazing length of its course in 
 very general terms saying only, that they believe it 
 runs to the world's end. 
 
 The names of many kingdoms to the eastward of 
 Houisa are familiar to the inhabitants of Bambarra. 
 
 I was shown quivers and arrows of very curious work- 
 manship, which I was informed came from the kingdom 
 of Kassina. 
 
 On the northern bank of the Niger, at a short dis- 
 tance from Silla, is the kingdom of Masina, which is 
 inhabited by Foulahs. They employ themselves there, 
 as in other places, chiefly in pasturage, and pay an 
 annual tribute to the king of Bambarra for the lands 
 which they occupy. 
 
 To the north-east of Masina is situated the kingdom 
 of Tombuctoo, the great object of European research 
 the capital of this kingdom being one of the principal 
 marts for that extensive commerce which the Moors 
 carry on with the negroes. The hopes of acquiring 
 wealth in this pursuit, and zeal for propagating their 
 religion, have filled this extensive city with Moors and 
 Mahomedan converts. The king himself, and all the 
 chief officers of state, are Moors ; and they are said to 
 be more severe and intolerant in their principles than 
 any other of the Moorish tribes in this part of Africa. 
 I was informed by a venerable old negro, that when he 
 first visited Tombuctoo, he took up his lodging at a 
 sort of public inn, the landlord of which, when he con- 
 ducted him into his hut, spread a mat on the floor, and 
 laid a rope upon it, saying, " If you are a Mussulman, 
 you are my friend sit down ; but if you are a kafir, 
 you are my slave and with this rope I will lead you 
 to market." The present king of Tombuctoo is named 
 Abu Abrahima he is reported to possess immense 
 riches. His wives and concubines are said to be clothed 
 in silk, and the chief officers of state live in consider- 
 able splendour. The whole expense of his government 
 is defrayed, as I was told, by a tax upon merchandise, 
 which is collected at the gates of the city. 
 
 The city of Houssa (the capital of a large kingdom 
 of the same name, situated to the eastward of Tom- 
 buctoo) is another great mart for Moorish commerce. 
 I conversed with many merchants who had visited that 
 city, and they all agreed that it is larger, and more 
 populous, than Tombuctoo. The trade, police, and go- 
 vernment, are nearly the same in both ; but in Houssa 
 the negroes are in greater proportion to the Moors, 
 and have some share in the government. 
 
 Concerning the small kingdom of Jinbala I was not 
 able to collect much information. The soil is said to 
 be remarkably fertile, and the whole country so full of 
 creeks and swamps that the Moors have hitherto been 
 baffled in every attempt to subdue it. The inhabitants 
 are negroes, and some of them are said to live in con- 
 siderable affluence, particularly those near the capital 
 which is a resting-place for such merchants as trans- 
 port goods from Tombuctoo to the western parts of 
 Africa. 
 
 To the southward of Jinbala is situated the negro 
 kingdom of Gotto, which is said to be of great extent. 
 It was formerly divided into a number of petty states, 
 which were governed by their own chiefs ; but their 
 private quarrels invited invasion from the neighbour- 
 ing kingdoms. At length a politic chief, of the name 
 of Moossee, had address enough to make them unite in 
 hostilities against Bambarra ; and on this occasion he 
 was unanimously chosen general the different chiefs 
 consenting for a time to act under hia command. Moos- 
 see immediately dispatched a fleet of canoes, loaded 
 with provisions, from the banks of the lake Dibbie up 
 the Niger towards Jenne, and with the whole of his 
 army pushed forwards into Bambarra. He arrived 
 on the bank of the Niger opposite to Jenne", before the 
 townspeople had the smallest intimation of his approach. 
 His fleet of canoes joined him the same day ; and hav- 
 ing landed the provisions, he embarked part of his 
 army, and in the night took Jenne by storm. This 
 event so terrified the king of Bambarra, that he sent 
 messengers to sue for peace ; and in order to obtain it, 
 consented to deliver to Moossee a certain number of 
 slaves every year, and return every thing that had 
 been taken from the inhabitants of Gotto. Moossee, 
 thus triumphant, returned to Gotto, where he was de- 
 clared king, and the capital of the country is called by 
 his name. 
 
48 
 
 RETURNS WESTWARD. 
 
 On the west of Gotto is the kingdom of Baedoo, which 
 was conquered by the present king of Bambarra about 
 seven years ago, and lias continued tributary to him 
 ever since. 
 
 West of Baedoo is Maniana, the inhabitants of which, 
 according to the best information I was able to collect, 
 are cruel and ferocious carrying their resentment to- 
 wards their enemies so far as never to give quarter, 
 and even to indulge themselves with unnatural and 
 disgusting banquets of human flesh. 
 
 i am well aware that the accounts which the negroes 
 give of their enemies ought to be received with great 
 caution ; but I heard the same account in so many dif- 
 ferent kingdoms, and from such variety of people, whose 
 veracity I had 110 occasion to suspect, that I am dis- 
 posed to allow it some degree of credit. The inhabi- 
 tants of Bambarra, in the course of a long and bloody 
 war, must have had frequent opportunities of satis- 
 fying themselves as to the fact ; and if the report had 
 been entirely without foundation, I cannot conceive why 
 the term ma dummulo (man eaters) should be applied 
 exclusively to the inhabitants of Maniana. 
 
 CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 The Author returns Westward. Arrives at Modiboo, and re- 
 covers his Horse. Finds great Difficulty in travelling, in con- 
 sequence of the Rains, and the overflowing of the River Is 
 informed that the King of Bambarra had sent Persons to 
 apprehend him. Avoids Sego, and prosecutes his Journey 
 along the Banks of the Niger. Incidents on the Road. 
 Cruelties attendant on African Wars. The Author crosses the 
 River Frina, and arrives at Taffara. 
 
 HAVING, for the reasons assigned in the last chapter, 
 determined to proceed no farther eastward than Silla, 
 I acquainted the dooty with my intention of returning 
 to Sego, proposing to travel along the southern side of 
 the river ; but he informed me, that from the number 
 of creeks and swamps on that side, it was impossible to 
 travel by any other route than along the northern bank, 
 and even that route, he said, would soon be impassable, 
 on account of the overflowing of the river. However, 
 as he commended my determination to return westward, 
 he agreed to speak to some one of the fishermen to carry 
 me over to Moorzan. I accordingly stepped into a 
 canoe about eight o'clock in the morning of July 30th, 
 and in about an hour was landed at Moorzan. At this 
 place I hired a canoe for sixty kowries, and in the after- 
 noon arrived at Kea, where, for forty kowries more, 
 the dooty permitted me to sleep in the same hut with 
 one of his slaves. This poor negro, perceiving that I 
 was sickly, and that my clothes were very ragged, hu- 
 manely lent me a large cloth to cover me for the night. 
 
 July 31st. The dooty's brother being going to Mo- 
 diboo, I embraced the opportunity of accompanying him 
 thither, there being no beaten road. He promised to 
 carry my saddle, which I had left at Kea when my 
 horse fell down in the woods, as I now proposed to 
 present it to the king of Bambarra. 
 
 We departed from Kea at eight o'clock, and about a 
 mile to the westward observed, on the bank of the river, 
 a great number of earthen jars piled up together. 
 They were very neatly formed, but not glazed ; and 
 were evidently of that sort of pottery which is manu- 
 factured at Dovvnie (a town to the west of Tombuctoo), 
 and sold to great advantage in different parts of Bam- 
 barra. As we approached towards the jars, my com- 
 panion plucked up a large handful of herbage, and threw 
 it upon them, making signs for me to do the same, 
 which I did. He then, with great seriousness, told me 
 that these jars belonged to some supernatural power ; 
 that they were found in their present situation about 
 two years ago ; and as no person had claimed them, 
 every traveller as he passed them, from respect to the 
 invisible proprietor, threw some grass, or the branch of 
 a tree, upon the heap, to defend the jars from the rain. 
 
 Thus conversing, we travelled in the most friendly 
 manner, until unfortunately we perceived the footsteps 
 
 of a lion, quite fresh in the mud, near the river side. 
 My companion now proceeded with great circumspec- 
 tion ; and at last, coming to some thick underwood, ho 
 insisted that I should walk before him. I endeavoured 
 to excuse myself, by alleging that I did not know the 
 road ; but he obstinately persisted, and, after a few 
 high words and menacing looks, threw down the saddle 
 and went away. This very much disconcerted me ; 
 but as I had given up all hopes of obtaining a horse, I 
 could not think of encumbering myself with the saddle, 
 and, taking off the stirrups and girths, I threw the 
 saddle into the river. The negro no sooner saw me 
 throw the saddle into the water, than he came running 
 from among the bushes where he had concealed him- 
 self, jumped into the river, and, by help of his spear, 
 brought out the saddle, and ran away with it. I con- 
 tinued my course along the bank ; but as the wood was 
 remarkably thick, and I had reason to believe that a 
 lion was at no great distance, I became much alarmed, 
 and took a long circuit through the bushes to avoid him. 
 
 About four in the afternoon I reached Modiboo, 
 where I found my saddle. The guide, who had got 
 there before me, being afraid that I should inform the 
 king of his conduct, had brought the saddle with him 
 in a canoe. 
 
 While I was conversing with the dooty, and remon- 
 strating against the guide for having left me in such a 
 situation, I heard a horse neigh in one of the huts ; and 
 the dooty inquired, with a smile, if I knew who was 
 speaking to me ? He explained himself, by telling me 
 that my horse was still alive, and somewhat recovered 
 from his fatigue ; but he insisted that I should take him 
 along with me adding, that he had once kept a Moor's 
 horse for four months, and when the horse had reco- 
 vered and got into good condition, the Moor returned 
 and claimed it, and refused to give him any reward for 
 his trouble. 
 
 August 1st. I departed from Modiboo, driving my 
 horse before me, and in the afternoon reached Nyamee, 
 where I remained three days, during which time it 
 rained without intermission, and with such violence 
 that no person could venture out of doors. 
 
 August 5th. I departed from Nyamee; but the 
 country was so deluged that I was frequently in danger 
 of losing the road, and had to wade across the savan- 
 nahs for miles together, knee-deep in water. Even the 
 corn ground, which is the driest land in the country, 
 was so completely flooded that my horse twice stuck 
 fast in the mud, and was not got out without the 
 greatest difficulty. 
 
 In the evening of the same day I arrived at Nyara, 
 where I was well received by the dooty; and as the 6th 
 was rainy, I did not depart until the morning of the 
 7th but the water had swelled to such a height, that 
 in many places the road was scarcely passable, and 
 though I waded breast-deep across the swamps, I 
 could only reach a small village called Nemaboo, where, 
 however, for an hundred kowries, I procured from some 
 Foulahs plenty of corn for my horse, and milk for 
 myself. 
 
 August 8th. The difficulties I had experienced the 
 day before made me anxious to engage a fellow- 
 traveller, particularly as I was assured, that, in the 
 course of a few days, the country would be so com- 
 pletely overflowed as to render the road utterly im- 
 passable ; but though I offered two hundred kowries for 
 a guide, nobody would accompany me. However, on 
 the morning following (August 9th), a Moor and his 
 wife, riding upon two bullocks, and bound for Sego 
 with salt, passed the village, and agreed to take me 
 along with them ; but I found them of little service, 
 for they were wholly unacquainted with the road, and 
 being accustomed to a sandy soil, were very bad travel- 
 lers. Instead of wading before the bullocks to feel if 
 the ground was solid, the woman boldly entered the first 
 swamp, riding upon the top of the load ; but when she 
 had proceeded about two hundred yards, the bullock 
 sunk into a hole, and threw both the load and herself 
 among the reeds. The frightened husband stood for 
 some time seemingly petrified with horror, and suffered 
 
TRAVELS WESTWARD ON THE NIGER, 
 
 49 
 
 his wife to be almost drowned before he went to her 
 assistance. 
 
 About sunset we reached Sibity, but the dooty re- 
 ceived me very coolly ; and when I solicited for a guide 
 to Sansanding, he told me his people were otherwise 
 employed. I was shown into a damp old hut, where I 
 passed a very uncomfortable night ; for when the walls 
 of the huts are softened by the rain, they frequently 
 become too weak to support the weight of the roof. I 
 heard three huts fall during the night, and was appre- 
 hensive that the hut I lodged in would be the fourth. 
 In the morning, as I went to pull some grass for my 
 horse, I counted fourteen huts which had fallen in this 
 manner since the commencement of the rainy season. 
 
 It continued to rain with great violence all the 1 Oth ; 
 and as the dooty refused to give me any provisions, I 
 purchased some corn, which I divided with my horse. 
 
 August llth. The dooty compelled me to depart 
 from the town, and I set out for Sausanding, without 
 any great hopes of faring better there than 1 had done 
 at Sibity for I learned, from people who came to visit 
 me, that a report prevailed, and was universally be- 
 lieved, that I had come to Bambarra as a spy ; and as 
 Mansong had not admitted me into his presence, the 
 dooties of the different towns were at liberty to treat me 
 in what manner they pleased. From repeatedly hear- 
 ing the same story, I had no doubt of the truth of it ; 
 but as there was no alternative, I determined to pro- 
 ceed, and a little before sunset I arrived at Sansanding. 
 My reception was what I expected. Couiiti Mamadi, 
 who had been so kind to me formerly, scarcely gave me 
 welcome. Every one wished to shun me ; and my land- 
 lord sent a person to inform me that a very unfavour- 
 able report was received from Sego concerning me, and 
 that he wished me to depart early in the morning. 
 About ten o'clock at night Counti Mamadi himself came 
 privately to me, and informed me that Mansong had 
 dispatched a canoe to Jenne to bring me back ; and he 
 was afraid I should find great difficulty in going to the 
 west country. He advised me therefore to depart from 
 Sansanding before daybreak, and cautioned me against 
 stopping at Diggani, or any town near Sego. 
 
 August 12th. I departed from Sansanding, and 
 reached Kabba in the afternoon. As I approached the 
 town, I was surprised to see several people assembled 
 at the gate ; one of whom, as I advanced, came run- 
 ning towards me, and taking my horse by the bridle, led 
 me round the walls of the town, and then, pointing to 
 the west, told me to go along, or it would fare worse 
 with me. It was in vain that I represented the danger 
 of being benighted in the woods, exposed to the incle- 
 mency of the weather and the fury of wild beasts. *' Go 
 along !" was all the answer ; and a number of people 
 coming up, and urging me in the same manner, with 
 great earnestness, I suspected that some of the king's 
 messengers, who were sent in search of me, were in the 
 town, and that these negroes, from mere kindness, con- 
 ducted me past it, with a view to facilitate my escape. 
 I accordingly took the road for Sego, with the uncom- 
 fortable prospect of passing the night on the branches 
 of a tree. After travelling about three miles, I came 
 to a small village near the road. The dooty was split- 
 ting sticks by the gatej but I found I could have no 
 admittance ; and when I attempted to enter, he jumped 
 up, and, with the stick he held in his hand, threatened 
 to strike me off the horse, if I presumed to advance 
 another step. 
 
 At a little distance from this village (and farther from 
 the road), is another small one. I conjectured, that 
 being rather out of the common route, the inhabitants 
 might have fewer objections to give me house-room 
 for the night ; and having crossed some corn fields, I 
 sat down under a tree by the well. Two or three 
 women came to draw water, and one of them perceiv- 
 ing I was a stranger, inquired whither I was going. I 
 told her I was going for Sego, but being benighted on 
 the road, I wished to stay at the village until morning, 
 and begged she would acquaint the dooty with my situa- 
 tion. In a little time the dooty sent for me, and per- 
 mitted me to sleep in a large baloon, in one corner of 
 p 
 
 which was constructed a kiln for drying the fruit of the 
 shea trees ; it contained about half a cart-load of fruit, 
 under which was kept up a clear wood-fire. I was in- 
 formed, that in three days the fruit would be ready for 
 pounding and boiling, and that the butter thus manu- 
 factured is preferable to that which is prepared from 
 fruit dried in the sun, especially in the rainy season, 
 when the process by insolation is always tedious, and 
 oftentimes ineffectual. 
 
 August 13th. About ten o'clock I reached a small 
 village within half a mile of Sego, where I endeavoured, 
 but in vain, to procure some provisions. Every one 
 seemed anxious to avoid me ; and I could plainly per- 
 ceive, by the looks and behaviour of the inhabitants, 
 that some very unfavourable accounts had been circu- 
 lated concerning me. I was again informed that Man- 
 song had sent people to apprehend me ; and the dooty's 
 son told me I had no time to lose, if I wished to get 
 safe out of Bambarra. I now fully saw the danger of 
 my situation, and determined to avoid Sego altogether. 
 I accordingly mounted my horse, and taking the road 
 for Diggani, travelled as fast as I could until I was out 
 of sight of the villagers, when I struck to the westward, 
 through high grass and swampy ground. About noon, 
 I stopped under a tree to consider what course to take, 
 for I had now no doubt that the Moors and slatees had 
 misinformed the king respecting the object of my mis- 
 sion, and that people were absolutely in search of 
 me to convey me a prisoner to Sego. Sometimes I 
 had thoughts of swimming my horse across the Niger, 
 and going to the southward for Cape Coast ; but re- 
 flecting that I had ten days to travel before I should 
 reach Kong, and afterwards an extensive country to 
 traverse, inhabited by various nations with whose lan- 
 guage and manners I was totally unacquainted, I re- 
 linquished this scheme, and judged that I should better 
 answer the purpose of my mission by proceeding to the 
 westward along the Niger, endeavouring to ascertain 
 how far the river was navigable in that direction. Hav- 
 ing resolved upon this course, I proceeded accordingly, 
 and a little before sunset arrived at a Foulah village 
 called Sooboo, where, for two hundred kowries, I pro- 
 cured lodging for the night. 
 
 August 14th. I continued my course along the bank 
 of the river, through a populous and well-cultivated 
 country. I passed a walled town called Kamalia,* 
 without stopping ; and at noon rode through a large 
 town called Samee, where there happened to be a mar- 
 ket, and a number of people assembled in an open place 
 in the middle of the town, selling cattle, cloth, corn, &c. 
 I rode through the midst of them without being much 
 observed, every one taking me for a Moor. In the 
 afternoon I arrived at a small village called Binni, 
 where I agreed with the dooty's son, for one hundred 
 kowries, to allow me to stay for the night, but when 
 the dooty returned, he insisted that I should instantly 
 leave the place ; and if his wife and son had not inter- 
 ceded for me, I must have complied. 
 
 August 15th. About nine o'clock I passed a large 
 town called Sai, which very much excited my curiosity. 
 It is completely surrounded by two very deep trenches, 
 at about two hundred yards distant from the walls. On 
 the top of the trenches are a number of square towers, 
 and the whole has the appearance of a regular fortifi- 
 cation. Inquiring into the origin of this extraordinary 
 entrenchment, I learned from two of the townspeople 
 the following particulars, which, if true, furnish a 
 mournful picture of the enormities of African wars : 
 About fifteen years ago, when the present king of Bam- 
 barra's father desolated Maniana, the dooty of Sai had 
 two sons slain in battle, fighting in the king's cause. 
 He had a third son living ; and when the king demanded 
 a further reinforcement of men, and this youth among 
 the rest, the dooty refused to send him. This conduct 
 so enraged the king, that when he returned from Ma- 
 niana, about the beginning of the rainy season, and 
 found the dooty protected by the inhabitants, he sat 
 down before Sai with his army, and surrounded the 
 town with the trenches I had now seen. After a siege 
 * Thore is another town of this name, hereafter to be mentioned. 
 
50 
 
 ARRIVES AT TAFFARA. 
 
 of two months, the townspeople became involved in all 
 the horrors of famine ; and whilst the king's army were 
 feasting in their trenches, they saw with pleasure the 
 miserable inhabitants of Sai devour the leaves and bark 
 of the bentang tree that stood in the middle of the town. 
 Finding, however, that the besieged would sooner perish 
 than surrender, the king had recourse to treachery. 
 He promised, that if they would open the gates, no 
 person should be put to death, nor suffer any injury, 
 but the dooty alone. The poor old man determined to 
 sacrifice himself for the sake of his fellow-citizens, and 
 immediately walked over to the king's army, where he 
 was put to death. His son, in attempting to escape, 
 was caught and massacred in the trenches, and the 
 rest of the townspeople were carried away captives, and 
 sold as slaves to the different negro traders. 
 
 About noon I came to the village of Kaimoo, situated 
 upon the bank of the river ; and as the corn I had pur- 
 chased at Sibili was exhausted, I endeavoured to pur- 
 chase a fresh supply, but was informed that corn was 
 become very scarce all over the country, and though I 
 offered fifty kowries for a small quantity, no person 
 would sell me any. As I was about to depart, however, 
 one of the villagers (who probably mistook me for some 
 Moorish shereef) brought me some as a present, only 
 desiring me in return to bestow my blessing upon him, 
 which I did in plain English, and he received it with a 
 thousand acknowledgments. Of this present I made my 
 dinner and it was the third successive day that I had 
 subsisted entirely upon raw corn. 
 
 In the evening I arrived at a small village called Song, 
 the surly inhabitants of which would not receive me, 
 nor so much as permit me to enter the gate but as 
 lions were very numerous in this neighbourhood, and I 
 had frequently, in the course of the day, observed the 
 impression of their feet on the road, I resolved to stay 
 in the vicinity of the village. Having collected some 
 grass for my horse, I accordingly lay down under a tree 
 by the gate. About ten o'clock I heard the hollow roar 
 of a lion at no great distance, and attempted to open 
 the gate, but the people from within told me, that no 
 pei-son must attempt to enter the gate without the 
 dooty's permission. I begged them to inform the dooty 
 that a lion was approaching the village, and I hoped he 
 would allow me to come within the gate. I waited for 
 an answer to this message with great anxiety, for the 
 lion kept prowling round the village, and once advanced 
 so very near me that I heard him rustling among the 
 grass, and climbed the tree for safety. About midnight 
 the dooty, with some of his people, opened the gate, and 
 desired me to come in. They were convinced, they 
 said, that I was not a Moor, for no Moor ever waited 
 any time at the gate of a village without cursing the 
 inhabitants. 
 
 August 16th. About ten o'clock I passed a consider- 
 able town, with a mosque, called Jabbee. Here the 
 country begins to rise into hills, and I could see the sum- 
 mits of high mountains to the westward. I had very disa- 
 greeable travelling all this day, on account of the swam- 
 piness of the roads for the river was now risen to such 
 a height as to overflow great part of the flat land on 
 both sides and from the muddiness of the water, it was 
 difficult to discern its depth. In crossing one of these 
 swamps, a little to the westward of a town called Gangu, 
 my horse being up to the belly in water, slipt suddenly 
 into a deep pit, and was almost drowned before he could 
 disengage his feet from the stiff clay at the bottom. In- 
 deed, both the horse and his rider were so completely 
 covered with mud, that in passing the village of Calli- 
 mana, the people compared us to two dirty elephants. 
 About noon I stopped at a small village near Yamina, 
 where I purchased some corn, and dried my papers and 
 clothes. 
 
 The town of Yamina, at a distance, has a very fine 
 appearance. It covers nearly the same extent of ground 
 as Sansanding, but having been plundered by Daisy, 
 king of Kaarta, about four years ago, it has not yet re- 
 sumed its former prosperity nearly one half of the 
 town being nothing but a heap of rums : however, it is 
 still a considerable place, and is so much frequented by 
 
 the Moors that I did not think it safe to lodge in it ; but 
 in order to satisfy myself respecting its population and 
 extent, I resolved to ride through it, in doing which I 
 observed a great many Moors sitting upon the bentangs, 
 and other places of public resort. Every body looked 
 at me with astonishment, but as I rode briskly along, 
 they had no tune to ask questions. 
 
 I arrived in the evening at Farra, a walled village, 
 where, without much difficulty, I procured a lodging for 
 the night. 
 
 August 17th. Early in the morning I pursued my 
 journey, and at eight o'clock passed a considerable town 
 called Balaba, after which the road quits the plain, and 
 stretches along the side of the hill. I passed in the 
 course of this day the ruins of three towns, the inhabi- 
 tants of which were all carried away by Daisy, king of 
 Kaarta, on the same day that he took and plundered 
 Yamina. Near one of these ruins I climbed a tamarind 
 tree, but found the fruit quite green and sour, and the 
 prospect of the country was by no means inviting for 
 the high grass and bushes seemed completely to obstruct 
 the road, and the low lands were all so flooded by the 
 river, that the Niger had the appearance of an exten- 
 sive lake. In the evening I arrived at Kanika, where 
 the dooty, who was sitting upon an elephant's hide at 
 the gate, received me kindly, and gave me for supper 
 some milk and meal, which I considered (as to a person 
 in my situation it really was) a very great luxury. 
 
 August 18th. By mistake I took the wrong road, 
 and did not discover my error until I had travelled 
 nearly four miles, when, coming to an eminence, I ob- 
 served the Niger considerably to the left. Directing 
 my course towards it, I travelled through long grass 
 and bushes with great difficulty, until two o'clock in 
 the afternoon, when I came to a comparatively small 
 but very rapid river, which I took at first for a creek, 
 or one of the streams of the Niger. However, after I 
 had examined it with more attention, I was convinced 
 that it was a distinct river ; and as the road evidently 
 crossed it (for I could see the pathway on the opposite 
 side), I sat down upon the bank, in hopes that some 
 traveller might arrive who would give me the neces- 
 sary information concerning the fording place for the 
 banks were so covered with reeds and bushes that it 
 would have been almost impossible to land on the other 
 side, except at the pathway, which, on account of the 
 rapidity of the stream, it seemed very difficult to reach. 
 No traveller, however, arriving, and there being a great 
 appearance of rain, I examined the grass and bushes 
 for some way up the bank, and determined upon enter- 
 ing the river considerably above the pathway, in order 
 to reach the other side before the stream had swept 
 me too far down. With this view I fastened my clothes 
 upon the saddle, and was standing up to the neck in 
 water, pulling my horse by the bridle to make him fol- 
 low me, when a man came accidentally to the place, 
 and seeing me in the water, called to me with great 
 vehemence to come out. The alligators, he said, would 
 devour both me and my horse, if we attempted to swim 
 over. When I had got out, the stranger, who had never 
 before seen a European, seemed wonderfully surprised. 
 He twice put his hand to his mouth, exclaiming in a low 
 tone of voice, " God preserve me ! who is this ?" but 
 when he heard me speak the Bambarra tongue, and 
 found that I was going the same way as himself, he 
 promised to assist me in crossing the river, the name 
 of which he told me was Frina. He then went a little 
 way along the bank, and called to some person, who 
 answered from the other side. In a short time, a canoe 
 with two boys came paddling from among the reeds. 
 These boys agreed for fifty kowries to transport me 
 and my horse over the river, which was effected with- 
 out much difficulty ; and I arrived in the evening at 
 Taffara, a walled town, and soon discovered that the 
 language of the natives was improved, from the cor- 
 rupted dialect of Bambarra, to the pure Mandingo. 
 
 CHAPTER XVIII. 
 
 Inhospitable reception at Taffara. A Negro Funeral at Sooha. 
 The Author continues his Route through several Villages along 
 
INHOSPITABLE RECEPTION AT TAFFARA. 
 
 51 
 
 the Banks of the Niger, until he comes to Koolikorro.Sup- 
 ports himself by writing Saphies Reaches Maraboo. Loses 
 the Road, and after many difficulties arrives at Bammakoo. 
 Takes the Road for Sibidooloo Meets with great kindness at a 
 Village called Kooma Is afterwards robbed, stripped, and 
 plundered by Banditti. The Author's Resource and Consola- 
 tion under exquisite Distress. He arrives in safety at Sibi- 
 dooloo. 
 
 ON my arrival at Taffara I inquired for the dooty, but 
 was informed that he had died a few days before my 
 arrival, and that there was, at that moment, a meeting 
 of the chief men for electing another there being some 
 dispute about the succession. It was probably owing 
 to this unsettled state of the town that I experienced 
 such a want of hospitality in it ; for though I informed 
 the inhabitants that I should only remain with them 
 for one night, and assured them that Mansong had 
 given me some kowries to pay for my lodging, yet no 
 person invited me to come in, and I was forced to sit 
 alone under the bentang tree, exposed to the ram and 
 wind of a tornado, which lasted with great violence 
 until midnight. At this time the stranger who had 
 assisted me in crossing the river, paid me a visit, and 
 observing that I had not found a lodging, invited me 
 to take part of his supper, which he had brought to the 
 door of his hut ; for, being a guest himself, he could 
 not, without his landlord's consent, invite me to come 
 in. After this, I slept upon some wet grass in the 
 corner of a court. My horse fared still worse than 
 myself the corn I had purchased being all expended, 
 and I could not procure a supply. 
 
 August 20th. I passed the town of Jaba, and stop- 
 ped a few minutes at a village called Somino, where I 
 begged and obtained some coarse food, which the na- 
 tives prepare from the husks of corn, and call loo. 
 About two o'clock I came to the village of Sooha, and 
 endeavoured to purchase some corn from the dooty, 
 who was sitting by the gate, but without success. 
 then requested a little food by way of charity, but was 
 told he had none to spare. Whilst I was examining 
 the countenance of this inhospitable old man, and en- 
 deavouring to find out the cause of the sullen discon- 
 tent which was visible in his eye, he called to a slave 
 who was working in the corn-field at a little distance, 
 and ordered him to bring his hoe along with him. The 
 dooty then told him to dig a hole in the ground, point- 
 ing to a spot at no great distance. The slave, with his 
 hoe, began to dig a pit in the earth, and the dooty, who 
 appeared to be a man of a very fretful disposition, kepi 
 muttering and talking to himself until the pit was almosi 
 finished, when he repeatedly pronounced the words 
 dankatoo (" good for nothing") jankra lemen (" a rea 
 plague") which expressions I thought could be appliec 
 to nobody but myself ; and as the pit had very much 
 the appearance of a grave, I thought it prudent to 
 mount my horse, and was about to decamp, when the 
 slave, who had before gone into the village, to my sur 
 prise returned with the corpse of a boy about nine or 
 ten years of age, quite naked. The negro carried the 
 body by a leg and an arm, and threw it into the pi 
 with a savage indifference, which I had never before 
 seen. As he covered the body with earth, the doot; 
 often expressed himself, naphula atliniata (" mone; 
 lost") whence I concluded that the boy had been one 
 of his slaves. 
 
 Departing from this shocking scene, I travelled bj 
 the side of the river until sunset, when I came to Koo 
 likorro, a considerable town, and a great market fo 
 salt. Here I took up my lodging at the house of 2 
 Bambarran, who had formerly been the slave of a Moor 
 and in that character had travelled to Aroan, Towdinn: 
 and many other places in the Great Desert ; but turn 
 ing Mussulman, and his master dying at Jenne, he ob 
 tained his freedom, and settled at this place, where h 
 carries on a considerable trade in salt, cotton-cloth, &c 
 His knowledge of the world had not lessened that su 
 perstitious confidence in saphies and charms which h 
 had imbibed in his earlier years ; for when he hear 
 that I was a Christian, he immediately thought of pro 
 curing a saphie, and for this purpose brought out hi 
 
 alha, or writing-board assuring me, that he would 
 ress me a supper of rice, if I would write him a saphie 
 o protect him from wicked men. The proposal was of 
 
 00 great consequence to me to be refused. I there- 
 ore wrote the board full, from top to bottom, on both 
 
 sides; and my landlord, to be certain of having the 
 ^hole force of the charm, washed the writing from the 
 ioard into a calabash with a little water, and having 
 aid a few prayers over it, drank this powerful draught ; 
 fter which, lest a single word should escape, he licked 
 tie board until it was quite dry. A saphie writer was 
 j, man of too great consequence to be long concealed 
 he important information was carried to the dooty, 
 vho sent his son with half a sheet of writing-paper, 
 .csiring me to write him a naphula saphie (a charm to 
 )i-ocure wealth). He brought me, as a present, some 
 neal and milk ; and when I had finished the saphie, 
 md read it to him with an audible voice, he seemed 
 ighly satisfied with his bargain, and promised to bring 
 me in the morning some milk for my breakfast. When 
 had finished my supper of rice and salt, I laid myself 
 lown upon a bullock's hide, and slept very quietly until 
 morning this being the first good meal and refreshing 
 Jeep that I had enjoyed for a long time. 
 August 21st. At daybreak I departed from Kooli- 
 orro, and about noon passed the villages of Kayoo and 
 Doolumbo. In the afternoon I arrived at Marraboo 
 a large town, and, like Koolikorro, famous for its trade 
 n salt. I was conducted to the house of a Kaartan, 
 of the tribe of Jower, by whom I was well received. 
 This man had acquired a considerable property in the 
 slave trade ; and, from his hospitality to strangers, was 
 called, by way of pre-eminence, jatee (the landlord), 
 and his house was a sort of public inn for all travellers. 
 Those who had money were well lodged, for they always 
 made him some return for his kindness, but those who 
 had nothing to give were content to accept whatever 
 lie thought proper ; and as I could not rank myself 
 among the monied men, I was happy to take up my 
 lodging in the same hut with seven poor fellows who 
 had come from Kancaba in a canoe. But our landlord 
 sent us some victuals. 
 
 August 22d. One of the landlord's servants went 
 with me a little way from the town to show me what 
 road to take ; but, whether from ignorance or design 
 
 1 know not, he directed me wrong, and I did not dis- 
 cover my mistake until the day was far advanced, when, 
 coming to a deep creek, I had some thoughts of turning 
 back ; but as, by that means, I foresaw that I could not 
 possibly reach Bammakoo before night, I resolved to 
 cross it, and leading my horse close to the brink, I went 
 behind him, and pushed him headlong into the water, 
 and then, taking the bridle in my teeth, swam over to 
 the other side. This was the third creek I had crossed 
 in this manner since I had left Sego ; but having se- 
 cured my notes and memorandums in the ci'owri of my 
 hat, I received little or no inconvenience from such ad- 
 ventures. The rain and heavy dew kept my clothes 
 constantly wet ; and the roads being very deep, and 
 full of mud, such a washing was sometimes pleasant, 
 and oftentimes necessary. I continued travelling through, 
 high grass, without any beaten road, and about noon 
 came to the river, the banks of which are here very 
 rocky, and the force and roar of the water were very 
 great. The king of Bambarra's canoes, however, fre- 
 quently pass these rapids, by keeping close to the bank ; 
 persons being stationed on the shore with ropes fas- 
 tened to the canoe, while others push it forward with 
 long poles. At this time, however, it would, I think, 
 have been a matter of great difficulty for any European 
 boat to have crossed the stream. About four o'clock 
 in the afternoon, having altered my course from the 
 river towards the mountains, I came to a small pathway 
 which led to a village called Frookaboo, where I slept. 
 
 August 23d. Early in the morning I set out for 
 Bammakoo, at which place I arrived about five o'clock 
 in the afternoon. I had heard Bammakoo much talked 
 of as a great market for salt, and I felt rather disap- 
 pointed to find it only a middling town, not quite so 
 large as Marraboo : however, the smallness of its size 
 
PLUNDERED BY BANDITTI. 
 
 is more than compensated by the richness of its inha- 
 bitants ; for when the Moors bring their salt through 
 Kaarta or Bambarra, they constantly rest a few days 
 at this place, and the negro merchants here, who are 
 well acquainted with the value of salt in different king- 
 doms, frequently purchase by wholesale, and retail it 
 to great advantage. Here I lodged at the house of a 
 Serawoolli negro, and was visited by a number of 
 Moors. They spoke very good Mandingo, and were 
 taore civil to me than their countrymen had been. One 
 of them had travelled to Rio Grande, and spoke very 
 highly of the Christians. He sent me in the evening 
 some boiled rice and milk. I now endeavoured to pro- 
 cure information concerning my route to the westward 
 from a slave merchant who had resided some years on 
 the Gambia. He gave me some imperfect account of the 
 distance, and enumerated the names of a great many 
 places that lay in the way, but withal told me, that the 
 road was impassable at this season of the year : he 
 was even afraid, he said, that I should find great diffi- 
 culty in proceeding any farther ; as the road crossed the 
 Joliba at a town about half a day's journey to the west- 
 ward of Bammakoo, and there being no canoes at that 
 place large enough to receive my horse, I could not pos- 
 sibly get him over for some months to come. This was 
 an obstruction of a very serious nature ; but as I had 
 no money to maintain myself even for a few days, I 
 resolved to push on, and if I could not convey my horse 
 across the river, to abandon him, and swim over my- 
 self. In thoughts of this nature I passed the night, 
 and in the morning consulted with my landlord how I 
 should surmount the present difficulty. He informed 
 me that one road still remained, which was indeed very 
 rocky, and scarcely passable for horses ; but that if I 
 had a proper guide over the hills to a town called Sibi- 
 dooloo, he had no doubt but with patience and caution 
 I might travel forwards through Handing. I imme- 
 diately applied to the dooty, and was informed that a 
 jilli kea (singing man) was about to depart for Sibidoo- 
 loo, and would show me the road over the hills. With 
 this man, who undertook to be my conductor, I tra- 
 velled up a rocky glen about two miles, when we came 
 to a small village ; and here my musical fellow-traveller 
 found out that he had brought me the wrong road. He 
 told me that the horse-road lay on the other side of the 
 hill, and throwing his drum upon his back, mounted up 
 the rocks, where indeed no horse could follow him, 
 leaving me to admire his agility, and trace out a road 
 for myself. As I found it impossible to proceed, I rode 
 back to the level ground, and directing my course to 
 the eastward, came about noon to another glen, and 
 discovered a path on which I observed the marks of 
 horses' feet : following this path, I came in a short 
 time to some shepherds' huts, where I was informed 
 that I was in the right road, but that I could not pos- 
 sibly reach Sibidooloo before night. Soon after this I 
 gained the summit of a hill, from whence I had an ex- 
 tensive view of the country. Towards the south-east 
 appeared some very distant mountains, which I had 
 formerly seen from an eminence near Marraboo, where 
 the people informed me that these mountains were 
 situated in a large and powerful kingdom called Kong, 
 the sovereign of which could raise a much greater army 
 than the king of Bambarra. Upon this height the soil 
 is shallow ; the rocks are ironstone and schistus, with 
 detached pieces of white quartz. 
 
 A little before sunset I descended on the north-west 
 side of this ridge of hills, and as I was looking about 
 for a convenient tree under which to pass the night 
 (for I had no hopes of reaching any town), I descended 
 into a delightful valley, and soon afterwards arrived at 
 a romantic village called Kooma. This village is sur- 
 rounded by a high wall, and is the sole property of a 
 Mandingo merchant, who fled hither with his family 
 during a former war. The adjacent fields yield him 
 plenty of corn, his cattle roam at large in the valley, 
 and the rocky hills secure him from the depredations of 
 war. In this obscure retreat he is seldom visited by 
 strangers, but whenever this happens, he makes the 
 weary traveller welcome. I soon found myself sur- 
 
 rounded by a circle of the harmless villagers. They 
 asked a thousand questions about my country ; and, in 
 return for my information, brought com and milk for 
 myself, and grass for my horse, kindled a fire in the 
 hut where I was to sleep, and appeared very anxious 
 to serve me. 
 
 August 25th. I departed from Kooma, accompanied 
 by two shepherds who were going towards Sibidooloo. 
 The road was very steep and rocky, and as my horse 
 had hurt his feet much in coming from Bammakoo, 
 he travelled slowly and with great difficulty ; for in 
 many places the ascent was so sharp, and the decli- 
 vities so great, that if he had made one false step, he 
 must inevitably have been dashed to pieces. The shep- 
 herds being anxious to proceed, gave themselves littlo 
 trouble about me or my horse, and kept walking on at 
 a considerable distance. It was about eleven o'clock, 
 as I stopped to drink a little water at a rivulet (my 
 companions being near a quarter of a mile before me), 
 that I heard some people calling to each other, and 
 presently a loud screaming, as from a person in great 
 distress. I immediately conjectured that a lion had 
 taken one of the shepherds, and mounted my horse to 
 have a better view of what had happened. The noise, 
 however, ceased, and I rode slowly towards the place 
 from whence I thought it had proceeded, calling out, 
 but without receiving any answer. In a little tune, 
 however, I perceived one of the shepherds lying among 
 the long grass near the road, and though I could see 
 no blood upon him, I concluded he was dead. But 
 when I came close to him, he whispered to me to stop, 
 telling me that a party of armed men had seized upon 
 his companion, and shot two arrows at himself as he 
 was making his escape. I stopped to consider what 
 course to take, and looking round, saw at a little dis- 
 tance a man sitting upon the stump of a tree : I dis- 
 tinguished also the heads of six or seven more, sitting 
 among the grass, with muskets in their hands. I had 
 now no hopes of escaping, and therefore determined 
 to ride forward towards them. As I approached 
 them, I was in hopes they were elephant-hunters ; and 
 by way of opening the conversation, inquired if they 
 had shot any thing, but, without returning an answer, 
 one of them ordered me to dismount, and then, as if 
 recollecting himself, waved with his hand for me to 
 proceed. I accordingly rode past, and had with some 
 difficulty crossed a deep rivulet, when I heard somebody 
 holloa, and looking behind, saw those I had taken for 
 elephant-hunters running after me, and calling out to 
 me to turn back. I stopped until they were all come 
 up, when they informed me that the king of the Fou- 
 lahs had sent them on purpose to bring me, my horse, 
 and every thing that belonged to me, to Fooladoo, and 
 that therefore I must turn back, and go along with 
 them. Without hesitating a moment, I turned round 
 and followed them, and we travelled together nearly a 
 quarter of a mile without exchanging a word ; when 
 coming to a dark place in the wood, one of them 
 said, in the Mandingo language, " This place will do,' : 
 and immediately snatched my hat from my head. 
 Though I was by no means free of apprehension, yet I 
 resolved to show as few signs of fear as possible, and 
 therefore told them, that unless my hat was returned 
 to me, I should proceed no farther. But before I had 
 time to receive an answer, another drew his knife, and 
 seizing upon a metal button which remained upon my 
 waistcoat, cut it off, and put it into his pocket. Their 
 intentions were now obvious, and I thought that the 
 easier they were permitted to rob me of every thing, 
 the less I had to fear. I therefore allowed them to 
 search my pockets without resistance, and examine 
 every part of my apparel, which they did with the most 
 scrupulous exactness. But observing that I had one 
 waistcoat under another, they insisted that I should 
 cast them both off; and at last, to make sure work, 
 they stripped me quite naked. Even my half boots 
 (though the sole of one of them was tied on to my foot 
 with a broken bridle-rein) were minutely inspected. 
 Whilst they were examining the plunder, I begged them, 
 with great earnestness, to return my pocket compass ; 
 
FOKLORN CONDITION HEALTH DECLINES. 
 
 but when I pointed it out to them, as it was lying on 
 the ground, one of the banditti, thinking I was about to 
 take it up, cocked his musket, and swore that he would 
 lay me dead upon the spot, if I presumed to put my hand 
 upon it. After this, some of them went away with my 
 horse, and the remainder stood considering whether 
 they should leave me quite naked, or allow me some- 
 thing to shelter me from the sun. Humanity at last 
 prevailed : they returned me the worst of the two shirts, 
 and a pair of trousers ; and, as they went away, one of 
 them threw back my hat, in the crown of which I kept 
 my memorandums, and this was probably the reason 
 they did not wish to keep it. After they were gone, I 
 sat for some time looking around me with amazement 
 and terror. Whichever way I turned, nothing appeared 
 but danger and difficulty. I saw myself in the midst of 
 a vast wilderness, in the depth of the rainy season 
 naked and alone, surrounded by savage animals, and 
 men still more savage. I was five hundred miles from 
 the nearest European settlement. All these circum- 
 stances crowded at once on my recollection, and I con- 
 fess that my spirits began to fail me. I considered my 
 fate as certain, and that I had no alternative but to lie 
 down and perish. The influence of religion, however, 
 aided and supported me. I reflected that no human 
 prudence or foresight could possibly have averted my 
 present sufferings. I was indeed a stranger in a strange 
 land, yet I was still under the protecting eye of that 
 Providence who has condescended to call himself the 
 stranger's friend. At this moment, painful as my re- 
 flections were, the extraordinary beauty of a small 
 moss in fructification irresistibly caught my eye. I 
 mention this to show from what trifling circumstances 
 the mind will sometimes derive consolation ; for though 
 the whole plant was not larger than the top of one of my 
 fingers, I could not contemplate the delicate conforma- 
 tion of its roots, leaves, and capsula, without admira- 
 tion. Can that being, thought I, who planted, watered, 
 and brought to perfection, in this obscure part of the 
 world, a thing which appears of so small importance, 
 look with unconcern upon the situation and sufferings 
 of creatures formed after his own image ? Surely not ! 
 Reflections like these would not allow me to despair. I 
 started up, and, disregarding both hunger and fatigue, 
 travelled forwards, assured that relief was at hand ; 
 and I was not disappointed. In a short time I came to 
 a small village, at the entrance of which I overtook the 
 two shepherds who had come with me from Kooma. 
 They were much surprised to see me ; for they said, 
 they never doubted that the Foulahs, when they had 
 robbed, had murdered me. Departing from this village, 
 we travelled over several rocky ridges, and at sunset 
 arrived at Sibidooloo, the frontier town of the kingdom 
 of Manding. 
 
 CHAPTER XIX. 
 
 G overnment of Manding. The Author's Reception by the Mansa, 
 or chief man, of Sibidooloo, who takes Measures for the Reco- 
 very of his Horse and Effects. The Author removes to Wanda 
 Great Scarcity, and its afflicting Consequences. The Author 
 recovers his Horse and Clothes presents his Horse to the 
 Mansa, and prosecutes his Journey to Kamalia Some Account 
 of that Town. The Author's kind Reception by Karfa Taura, a 
 Slatee, who proposes to go to the Gambia, in the next dry Sea- 
 son, with a Caravan of Slaves. The Author's Sickness, and 
 Determination to remain and accompany Karfa. 
 
 THE town of Sibidooloo is situated in a fertile valley, 
 surrounded with high rocky hills. It is scarcely acces- 
 sible for horses, and during the frequent wars between 
 the Bambarrans, Foulahs, and Mandingoes, has never 
 once been plundered by an enemy. When I entered 
 the town, the people gathered round me, and followed 
 me into the baloon, where I was presented to the 
 dooty or chief man, who is here called mansa, which 
 usually signifies king. Nevertheless, it appeared to me 
 that the government of Manding was a sort of republic, 
 or rather an oligarchy every town having a particular 
 mansa, and the chief power of the state, in the last re- 
 
 sort, being lodged in the assembly of the whole body. 
 I related to the mansa the circumstances of my having 
 been robbed of my horse and apparel ; and my story 
 was confirmed by the two shepherds. He continued 
 smoking his pipe all the time I was speaking ; but I had 
 no sooner finished, than, taking his pipe from his mouth, 
 and tossing up the sleeve of his cloak with an indignant 
 air " Sit down," said he ; " you shall have every thing 
 restored to you ; I have sworn it :" and then, turning 
 to an attendant, " Give the white man," said he, " a 
 draught of water ; and with the first light of the morn- 
 ing, go over the hills, and inform the dooty of Bamma- 
 koo that a poor white man, the king of Bambarra's 
 stranger, has been robbed by the king of Fooladoo's 
 people." 
 
 I little expected, in my forlorn condition, to meet 
 with a man who could thus feel for my sufferings. I 
 heartily thanked the mansa for his kindness, and ac- 
 cepted his invitation to remain with him until the return 
 of the messenger. I was conducted into a hut, and had 
 some victuals sent me, but the crowd of people which 
 assembled to see me all of whom commiserated my 
 misfortunes, and vented imprecations against the Fou- 
 lahs prevented me from sleeping until past midnight. 
 Two days I remained without hearing any intelligence 
 of my horse or clothes ; and as there was at this time 
 a great scarcity of provisions, approaching even to fa- 
 mine, all over this part of the country, I was unwilling 
 to trespass any farther on the mansa's generosity, and 
 begged permission to depart to the next village. Find- 
 ing me very anxious to proceed, he told me that I might 
 go as far as a town called Wonda, where he hoped I 
 would remain a few days until I heard some account 
 of my horse, &c. 
 
 I departed accordingly on the next morning of the 
 28th, and stopped at some small villages for refresh- 
 ment. I was presented at one of them with a dish which 
 I had never before seen. It was composed of the blos- 
 soms or antherce of the maize, stewed in milk and water. 
 It is eaten only in time of great scarcity. On the 30th, 
 about noon, I arrived at Wonda a small town with a 
 mosque, and surrounded by a high wall. The mansa, 
 who was a Mahomedan, acted in two capacities as 
 chief magistrate of the town, and schoolmaster to the 
 children. He kept his school in an open shed, where I 
 was desired to take up my lodging until some account 
 should arrive from Sibidooloo concerning my horse and 
 clothes ; for though the horse was of little use to me, 
 yet the few clothes were essential. The little raiment 
 upon me could neither protect me from the sun by day, 
 nor the dews and musquitoes by night : indeed, my 
 shirt was not only worn thin like a piece of muslin, but 
 withal was so very dirty that I was happy to embrace 
 an opportunity of washing it, which having done, and 
 spread it upon a bush, I sat down naked in the shade 
 until it was dry. 
 
 Ever since the commencement of the rainy season 
 my health had been greatly on the decline. I had often 
 been affected with slight paroxysms of fever ; and from 
 the time of leaving Bammakoo, the symptoms had con- 
 siderably increased. As I was sitting in the manner 
 described, the fever returned with such violence that 
 it very much alarmed me : the more so, as I had no 
 medicine to stop its progress, nor any hope of obtaining 
 that care and attention which my situation required. 
 
 I remained at Wonda nine days, during which time 
 I experienced the regular return of the fever every 
 day. And though I endeavoured as much as possible 
 to conceal my distress from my landlord, and frequently 
 lay down the whole day out of his sight, in a field of 
 corn conscious how burdensome I was to him and 
 his family, in a time of such great scarcity yet I found 
 that he was apprised of my situation ; and one morning, 
 as I feigned to be asleep by the fire, he observed to his 
 wife that they were likely to find me a very trouble- 
 some and chargeable guest ; for that, hi my present 
 sickly state, they should be obliged, for the sake of their 
 good name, to maintain me until I recovered or died. 
 
 The scarcity of provisions was certainly felt at this 
 time most severely by the poor people, as the following 
 
54 
 
 ARRIVES AT KAMALIA. 
 
 circumstance most painfully "convinced me : Every 
 evening, during my stay, I observed five or six women 
 come to the mansa's house, and receive each of them 
 a certain quantity of corn. As I knew how valuable 
 this article was at this juncture, I inquired of the mansa, 
 whether he maintained these poor women from pure 
 bounty, or expected a return when the harvest should 
 be gathered in. " Observe that boy," said he (pointing 
 to a fine child, about five years of age) ; " his mother 
 has sold him to me, for forty days' provision for herself, 
 and the rest of her family. I have bought another boy 
 in the same manner." Good God ! thought I, what must 
 a mother suffer before she sells her own child ! I could 
 not get this melancholy subject out of my mind; and 
 the next night, when the women returned for their 
 allowance, I desired the boy to point out to me his 
 mother, which he did. She was much emaciated, but 
 had nothing cruel or savage in her countenance ; and 
 when she had received her corn, she came and talked 
 to her son with as much cheerfulness as if he had stil] 
 been under her care. 
 
 September 6th. Two people arrived from Sibidaoloo, 
 bringing with them my horse and clothes ; but I found 
 that my pocket compass was broken to pieces. This 
 was a great loss, which I could not repair. 
 
 September 7th. As my horse was grazing near the 
 brink of a well, the ground gave way, and he fell in. 
 The well was about ten feet diameter, and so very deep, 
 that when I saw my horse snorting in the water, I 
 thought it was impossible to save him. The inhabitants 
 of the village, however, immediately assembled, and 
 having tied together a number of withes,* they lowered 
 a man down into the well, who fastened those withes 
 round the body of the horse ; and the people having 
 first drawn up the man, took hold of the withes, and, 
 to my surprise, pulled the horse out with the greatest 
 facility. The poor animal was now reduced to a mere 
 skeleton, and the roads were scai'cely passable, being 
 cither very rocky, or else full of mud and water, 
 therefore found it impracticable to travel with him any 
 farther, and was happy to leave him in the hands of 
 one who I thought would take care of him. I accord- 
 ingly presented him to my landlord, and desired him 
 to send my saddle and bridle, as a present, to the mansa 
 of Sibidooloo, being the only return I could make him 
 for having taken so much trouble in procuring my horse 
 and clothes. 
 
 I now thought it necessary, sick as I was, to take 
 leave of my hospitable landlord. On the morning of 
 September 8th, when I was about to depart, he pre- 
 sented me with his spear, as a token of remembrance, 
 and a leather bag to contain my clothes. Having con- 
 verted my half boots into sandals, I travelled with more 
 ease, and slept that night at a village called Ballanti. 
 On the 9th I reached Nemacoo ; but the mansa of the 
 village thought fit to make me sup upon the camelion's 
 dish. By way of apology, however, he assured me the 
 next morning, that the scarcity of corn was such that 
 he could not possibly allow me any. I could not accuse 
 him of unkindness, as all the people actually appeared 
 to be starving. 
 
 September 10th. It rained hard all day, and the 
 people kept themselves in their huts. In the afternoon 
 I was visited by a negro, named Modi Lemina Taura, 
 a great trader, who, suspecting my distress, brought 
 me some victuals, and promised to conduct me to his 
 own house at Kinyeto the day following. 
 
 September llth. I departed from Nemacoo, and 
 arrived at Kinyeto in the evening; but having hurt 
 my ancle in the way, it swelled and inflamed so much, 
 that 1 could neither walk nor set my foot to the ground 
 the next day, without great pain. My landlord ob- 
 serving this, kindly invited me to stop with him a few 
 days, and I accordingly remained at his house until the 
 14th, by which time I felt much relieved, and could 
 walk with the help of a staff. I now set out, thanking 
 my landlord for his great care and attention ; and being 
 accompanied by a young man who was travelling the 
 * From a plant called kabba, that climbs like a vine upon the 
 trees. 
 
 same way, I proceeded for Jerijang, a beautiful and 
 well-cultivated district, the mansa of which is reckoned 
 the most powerful chief of any in Manding. 
 
 On the 15th I reached Dosita, a large town, where 
 I staid one day on account of the rain ; but I con- 
 tinued very sickly, and was slightly delirious in the 
 night. On the 17th I set out for Mansia, a consider- 
 able town, where small quantities of gold are collected. 
 The road led over a high rocky hill, and my strength 
 and spirits were so much exhausted, that before I could 
 reach the top of the hill I was forced to lie down threo 
 times, being very faint and sickly. I reached Mansia 
 in the afternoon. The mansa of this town had the 
 character of being very inhospitable ; he, however, sent 
 me a little corn for my supper, but demanded some- 
 thing in return ; and when I assured him that I had 
 nothing of value in my possession, he told me (as if in 
 jest) that my white skin should not defend me if I told 
 him lies. He then showed me the hut wherein I 'was 
 to sleep, but took away my spear, saying that it should 
 be returned to me in the morning. This trifling cir- 
 cumstance, when joined to the character I had heard 
 of the man, made me rather suspicious of him, and I 
 privately desired one of the inhabitants of the place, 
 who had a bow and quiver, to sleep in the same hut 
 with me. About midnight I heard somebody approach 
 the door, and observing the moonlight strike suddenly 
 into the hut, I started up, and saw a man stepping cau- 
 tiously over the threshold. I immediately snatched up 
 the negro's bow and quiver, the rattling of which made 
 the man withdraw; and my companion looking out, 
 assured me that it was the mansa himself, and advised 
 me to keep awake until the morning. I closed the 
 door, and placed a large piece of wood behind it, and 
 was wondering at this unexpected visit, when somebody 
 pressed so hard against the door that the negro could 
 scarcely keep it shut ; but when I called to him to open 
 the door, the intruder ran off as before. 
 
 September 16th. As soon as it was light, the negro, 
 at my request, went to the mansa's house and brought 
 away my spear. He told me that the mansa was asleep, 
 and lest this inhospitable chief should devise means to 
 detain me, he advised me to set out before he was awake, 
 which I immediately did, and about two o'clock reached 
 Kamalia, a small town, situated at the bottom of some 
 rocky hills, where the inhabitants collect gold in con- 
 siderable quantities. The bushreens here live apart 
 from the kafirs, and have built their huts in a scattered 
 manner, at a short distance from the town. They have 
 a place set apart for performing their devotions in, to 
 which they give the name of missura, or mosque but 
 it is in fact nothing more than a square piece of ground 
 made level, and surrounded with the trunks of trees, 
 having a small projection towards the east, where the 
 marraboo, or priest, stands when he calls the people to 
 prayers. Mosques of this construction are very com- 
 mon among the converted negroes, but having neither 
 walls nor roof, they can only be used in fine weather. 
 When it rains, the bushreens perform their devotions 
 in their huts. 
 
 On my arrival at Kamalia, I was conducted to the 
 house of a bushreen named Karfa Taura, the brother 
 of him to whose hospitality I was indebted at Kinyeto. 
 He was collecting a coflle of slaves, with a view to sell 
 them to the Europeans on the Gambia, as soon as the 
 rains should be over. I found him sitting in his baloon, 
 surrounded by several slatees who proposed to join the 
 coffle. He was reading to them from an Arabic book, 
 and inquired, with a smile, if I understood it ? Being 
 answered in the negative, he desired one of the slatees 
 to fetch the little curious book which had been brought 
 from the west country. On opening this small volume, 
 I was surprised and delighted to find it our Book of 
 Common Prayer, and Karfa expressed great joy to hear 
 that I could read it : for some of the slatees, who had 
 seen the Europeans upon the coast, observing the colour 
 of my skin (which was now become very yellow from 
 sickness), my long beard, ragged clothes, and extreme 
 poverty, were unwilling to admit that I was a white man, 
 md told Karfa that they suspected I was some Arab 
 
ATTACKED WITH FEVER AT KAMALIA. 
 
 55 
 
 in disguise. Karfa, however, perceiving that I could 
 read this book, had no doubt concerning me, and kindly 
 promised me every assistance in his power. At the 
 same time he informed me, that it was impossible to 
 cross the Jallonka wilderness for many months yet to 
 come, as no less than eight rapid rivers, he said, lay in 
 the way. He added, that he intended to set out him- 
 self for Gambia, as soon as the rivers were fordable 
 and the grass burnt, and advised me to stay and ac- 
 company him. He remarked, that when a caravan of 
 the natives could not travel through the country, it was 
 idle for a single white man to attempt it. I readily ad- 
 mitted that such an attempt was an act of rashness, 
 but I assured him that I had now no alternative for 
 having no money to support myself, I must either beg 
 my subsistence, by travelling from place to place, or 
 perish for want. Karfa now looked at me with great 
 earnestness, and inquired if I could eat the common 
 victuals of the country, assuring me he had never be- 
 fore seen a white man. He added, that if I would re- 
 main with him until the rains were over, he would give 
 me plenty of victuals in the meantime, and a hut to 
 sleep in, and that after he had conducted me in safety 
 to the Gambia, I might then make him what return I 
 thought proper. I asked him, if the value of one prime 
 slave would satisfy him. He answered in the affirma- 
 tive, and immediately ordered one of the huts to be 
 swept for my accommodation. Thus was I delivered, 
 by the friendly care of this benevolent negro, from a 
 situation truly deplorable. Distress and famine pressed 
 hard upon me. I had before me the gloomy wilds of 
 Jallonkadoo, where the traveller sees no habitation for 
 five successive days. I had observed at a distance, the 
 rapid course of the river Kokoro. I had almost marked 
 out the place where I was doomed, I thought, to perish, 
 when this friendly negro stretched out his hospitable 
 hand for my relief. 
 
 In the hut which was appropi'iated for me, I was 
 provided with a mat to sleep on, an earthen jar for 
 holding water, and a small calabash to drink out of 
 and Karfa sent me, from his own dwelling, two meals 
 a-day, and ordered his slaves to supply me with fire- 
 wood and water. But I found that neither the kind- 
 ness of Karfa, nor any sort of accommodation, could put 
 a stop to the fever which weakened me, and which be- 
 came every day more alarming. I endeavoured as 
 much as possible to conceal my distress but on the 
 third day after my arrival, as I was going with Karfa 
 to visit some of his friends, I found myself so faint that 
 I could scarcely walk, and before we reached the place, 
 I staggered and fell into a pit from which the clay had 
 been taken to build one of the huts. Karfa endeavoured 
 to console me with the hopes of a speedy recovery, as- 
 suring me, that if I would not walk out in the wet, ] 
 should soon be well. I determined to follow his advice, 
 and confine myself to my hut, but was still tormentec 
 with the fever, and my health continued to be in a very 
 precarious state for five ensuing weeks. Sometimes J 
 could crawl out of the hut, and sit a few hours in the 
 open air ; at other times I was unable to rise, and passec 
 the lingering hours in a very gloomy and solitary man- 
 ner. I was seldom visited by any person except HP 
 benevolent landlord, who came daily to inquire aftei 
 my health. When the rams became less frequent, an< 
 the country began to grow dry, the fever left me, bu 
 in so debilitated a condition that I could scarcely stanc 
 upright ; and it was with great difficulty that I couh 
 carry my mat to the shade of a tamarind tree, at a shor 
 distance, to enjoy the refreshing smell of the corn fields 
 and delight my eyes with a prospect of the country. '. 
 had the pleasure at length to find myself in a state o 
 convalescence, towards which the benevolent and simpli 
 manners of the negroes, and the perusal of Karfa' 
 little volume, greatly contributed. 
 
 In the meantime, many of the slatees who resided a 
 Kamalia having spent all their money, and become in 
 a great measure dependent upon Karfa's hospitality 
 beheld me with an eye of envy, and invented man; 
 ridiculous and trifling stories to lessen me in Karfa' 
 esteem. And in the beginning of December, a Sera 
 
 oolli slatee, with five slaves, arrived from Sego : this 
 nan, too, spread a number of malicious reports con- 
 erning me, but Karfa paid no attention to them, and 
 ontinued to show me the same kindness as formerly. 
 As I was one day conversing with the slaves which this 
 latee had brought, one of them begged me to give 
 lira some victuals. I told him I was a stranger, and 
 lad none to give. He replied, " I gave you victuals 
 vlien you was hungry. Have you forgot the man who 
 wrought you milk at Karrankalla? But," added he, 
 vith a sigh, " the irons were not then upon my legs /" I 
 mmediately recollected him, and begged some ground 
 uts from Karfa to give him, as a return for his former 
 dndness. He told me that he had been taken by the 
 iambarrans the day after the battle at Joka, and sent 
 o Sego, where he had been purchased by his present 
 master, who was carrying him down to Kajaaga. Three 
 more of these slaves were from Kaarta, and one from 
 >Vassela, all of them prisoners of war. They stopped 
 'our days at Kamalia, and were then taken to Bala, 
 vhere they remained until the river Kokoro was ford- 
 ble, and the grass burnt. 
 
 In the beginning of December, Karfa proposed to 
 complete his purchase of slaves, and for this purpose 
 collected all the debts which were owing to him in his 
 own country ; and on the 1 9th, being accompanied by 
 ;hree slatees, he departed for Kancaba, a large town on 
 the banks of the Niger, and a great slave-market. Most 
 of the slaves who are sold at Kancaba come from Bam- 
 aarra ; for Mansong, to avoid the expense and danger 
 of keeping all his prisoners at Sego, commonly sends 
 them in small parties to be sold at the different trading 
 :owns and as Kancaba is much resorted to by mer- 
 chants, it is always well supplied with slaves, which 
 are sent thither up the Niger in canoes. When Karfa 
 departed from Kamalia, he proposed to return in the 
 course of a month, and during his absence I was left 
 to the care of a good old bushreen, who acted as school- 
 master to the young people of Kamalia. 
 
 Being now left alone, and at leisure to indulge my 
 own reflections, it was an opportunity not to be neglect- 
 ed of augmenting and extending the observations I had 
 already made on the climate and productions of the 
 country, and of acquiring a more perfect knowledge of 
 the natives than it was possible for me to obtain in 
 the course of a transient and perilous journey through 
 the country. I endeavoured likewise to collect all the 
 information I could concerning those important branches 
 of African commerce, the trade for gold, ivory, and 
 slaves. Such was my employment during the remain- 
 der of my stay at Kamalia ; and I shall now proceed to 
 lay before my readers the result of my researches and 
 inquiries, avoiding, as far as I can, a repetition of those 
 circumstances and observations which were related, as 
 occasion arose, in the narrative of my journey* 
 
 CHAPTER XX. 
 
 Of the Climate and Seasons. Winds. Vegetable Productions. 
 Population. General Observations on the Character and Dis- 
 position of the Mandingoes, and a summary Account of their 
 Manners and Habits of Life, their Marriages, &c. 
 
 THE whole of my route, both in going and returning, 
 having been confined to a tract of country bounded 
 nearly by the 12th and 15th parallels of latitude, the 
 reader must imagine that I found the climate in most 
 places extremely hot, but no where did I feel the heat 
 so intense and oppressive as in the camp at Benowm, of 
 which mention lias been made in a former place. In 
 some parts, where the country ascends into hills, the 
 air is at all times comparatively cool, yet none of the 
 districts which I traversed could properly be called 
 mountainous. About the middle of June, the hot and 
 sultry atmosphere is agitated by violent gusts of wind 
 (called tornadoes), accompanied with thunder and rain. 
 These usher in what is denominated "the rainy season," 
 which continues until the month of November. During 
 this time the diurnal rams are very heavy, and the pre- 
 vailing winds are from the south-west. The termination 
 
56 
 
 CLIMATE POPULATION. 
 
 of the rainy season is likewise attended with violent 
 tornadoes, after which the wind shifts to the north- 
 east, and continues to blow from that quarter during 
 the rest of the year. 
 
 When the wind sets in from the north-east, it pro- 
 duces a wonderful change in the face of the country. 
 The grass soon becomes dry and withered, the rivers 
 subside very rapidly, and many of the trees shed their 
 leaves. About this period is commonly felt the harmat- 
 tan, a dry and parching wind, blowing from the north- 
 east, and accompanied by a thick smoky haze, through 
 which the sun appears of a dull red colour. This wind, 
 in passing over the great desert of Sahara, acquires a 
 very strong attraction for humidity, and parches up 
 every thing exposed to its current. It is, however, 
 reckoned very salutary, particularly to Europeans, who 
 generally recover their health during its continuance. 
 I experienced immediate relief from sickness, both at 
 Dr Laidley's and at Kamalia, during the harmattan. 
 Indeed, the air during the rainy season is so loaded 
 with moisture that clothes, shoes, trunks, and every 
 thing that is not close to the fire, become damp and 
 mouldy, and the inhabitants may be said to live in a 
 sort of vapour bath ; but this dry wind braces up the 
 solids, which were before relaxed, gives a cheerful flow 
 of spirits, and is even pleasant to respiration. Its ill 
 effects are, that it produces chaps in the lips, and afflicts 
 many of the natives with sore eyes. 
 
 Whenever the grass is sufficiently dry, the negroes set 
 it on fire ; but in Ludamar, and other Moorish countries, 
 this practice is not allowed, for it is upon the withered 
 stubble that the Moors feed their cattle, until the return 
 of the rains. The burning the grass in Manding ex- 
 hibits a scene of terrific grandeur. In the middle of 
 the night, I could see the plains and mountains, as far 
 as my eye could reach, variegated with lines of fire, 
 and the light reflected on the sky made the heavens 
 appear in a blaze. In the day time, pillars of smoke 
 were seen in every direction, while the birds of prey 
 were observed hovering round the conflagration, and 
 pouncing down upon the snakes, lizards, and other rep- 
 tiles, which attempted to escape from the flames. This 
 annual burning is soon followed by a fresh and sweet 
 verdure, and the country is thereby rendered more 
 healthful and pleasant. 
 
 Of the most remarkable and important of the vege- 
 table productions, mention has already been made ; 
 and they are nearly the same in all the districts through 
 which I passed. It is observable, however, that al- 
 though many species of the edible roots which grow in 
 the West India islands are found in Africa, yet I never 
 saw, in any part of my journey, either the sugar-cane, 
 the coffee, or the cocoa tree, nor could I learn, on in- 
 quiry, that they were known to the natives. The pine- 
 apple, and the thousand other delicious fruits, which 
 the industry of civilised man (improving the bounties 
 of nature) has brought to so great perfection in the 
 tropical climates of America, are here equally unknown. 
 I observed, indeed, a few orange and banana trees 
 near the mouth of the Gambia, but whether they were 
 indigenous, or were formerly planted there by some of 
 the white traders, I could not positively learn. I suspect 
 that they were originally introduced by the Portuguese. 
 
 Concerning property in the soil, it appeared to me 
 that the lands in native woods were considered as be- 
 longing to the king, or (where the government was not 
 monarchical) to the state. When any individual of free 
 condition had the means of cultivating more land than 
 he actually possessed, he applied to the chief man of 
 the district, who allowed him an extension of territory, 
 on condition of forfeiture if the lands were not brought 
 into cultivation by a given period. The condition being 
 fulfilled, the soil became vested in the possessor, and, 
 for aught that appeared to me, descended to his heirs. 
 
 The population, however, considering the extent and 
 fertility of the soil, and the ease with which lands are 
 obtained, is not very great in the countries which I 
 visited. I found many extensive and beautiful districts 
 entirely destitute of inhabitants, and, in general, the 
 borders of the different kingdoms were either very 
 
 thinly peopled or entirely deserted. Many places ara 
 likewise unfavourable to population from being un- 
 healthful. The swampy banks of the Gambia, the Sene- 
 gal, and other rivers towards the coast, are of this 
 description. Perhaps it is on this account chiefly that the 
 interior countries abound more with inhabitants than 
 the maritime districts ; for all the negro nations that 
 fell under my observation, though divided into a num- 
 ber of petty independent states, subsist chiefly by the 
 same means, live nearly in the same temperature, and 
 possess a wonderful similarity of disposition. The Man- 
 dingoes, in particular, are a very gentle race, cheerful 
 in their dispositions, inquisitive, credulous, simple, and 
 fond of flattery. Perhaps the most prominent defect 
 in their character was that insurmountable propensity, 
 which the reader must have observed to prevail in all 
 classes of them, to steal from me the few effects I was 
 possessed of. For this part of their conduct no com- 
 plete justification can be offered, because theft is a 
 crime in their own estimation ; and it must be observed, 
 that they are not habitually and generally guilty of it 
 towards each other. This, however, is an important 
 circumstance in mitigation ; and before we pronounce 
 them a more depraved people than any other, it were 
 well to consider whether the lower order of people in any 
 part of Europe would have acted, under similar circum- 
 stances, with greater honesty towards a stranger than 
 the negroes acted towards me. It must not be forgotten 
 that the laws of the country afforded me no protection ; 
 that every one was at liberty to rob me with impunity ; 
 and, finally, that some part of my effects were of as 
 great value in the estimation of the negroes, as pearls 
 and diamonds would have been in the eyes of a Euro- 
 pean. Let us suppose a black merchant of Hindostan 
 to have found his way into the centre of England, with 
 a box of jewels at his back, and that the laws of the 
 kingdom afforded him no security ; in such a case the 
 wonder would be, not that the stranger was robbed of 
 any part of his riches, but that any part was left for a 
 second depredator. Such, on sober reflection, is the 
 judgment I have formed concerning the pilfering dis- 
 position of the Mandingo negroes towards myself. Not- 
 withstanding I was so great a sufferer by it, I do not 
 consider that their natural sense of justice was per- 
 verted or extinguished : it was overpowered only, for 
 the moment, by the strength of a temptation which it 
 required no common virtue to resist. 
 
 On the other hand, as some counterbalance to this 
 depravity in their nature, allowing it to be such, it is 
 impossible for me to forget the disinterested charity 
 and tender solicitude with which many of these poor 
 heathens (from the sovereign of Sego to the poor 
 women who received me at different times into their 
 cottages when I was perishing of hunger) sympathised 
 with me in my sufferings, relieved my distresses, and 
 contributed to my safety. This acknowledgment, how- 
 ever, is perhaps more particularly due to the female 
 part of the nation. Among the men, as the reader 
 must have seen, my reception, though generally kind, 
 was sometimes otherwise. It varied according to the 
 various tempers of those to whom I made application. 
 The hardness of avarice in some, and the blindness of 
 bigotry in others, had closed up the avenues to com- 
 passion ; but I do not recollect a single instance of 
 hard-heartedness towards me in the women. In all my 
 wanderings and wretchedness, I found them uniformly 
 kind and compassionate ; and I can truly say, as my 
 predecessor Mr Ledyard has eloquently said before me, 
 " To a woman I never addressed myself in the lan- 
 guage of decency and friendship, without receiving a 
 decent and friendly answer. If I was hungry, or 
 thirsty, wet, or sick, they did not hesitate, like the men, 
 to perform a generous action. In so free and so kind a 
 manner did they contribute to my relief, that if I was 
 dry, I drank the sweetest draught, and if hungry, I ate 
 the coarsest morsel, with a double relish." 
 
 It is surely reasonable to suppose that the soft and 
 amiable sympathy of nature, which was thus sponta- 
 neously manifested towards me in my distress, is dis- 
 played by these poor people, as occasion requires, much 
 
MANNERS OF THE MANDINGO WOMEN. 
 
 more strongly towards persons of their own nation and 
 neighbourhood, and especially when the objects of their 
 compassion are endeared to them by the ties of con- 
 sanguinity. Accordingly, the maternal affection (neither 
 suppressed by the restraints, nor diverted by the soli- 
 citudes of civilised life) is every where conspicuous 
 among them, and creates a correspondent return of 
 tenderness iu the child. An illustration of this has 
 been already given : " Strike me," said my attendant, 
 " but do not curse my mother." The same sentiment I 
 found universally to prevail, and observed in all parts 
 of Africa, that the greatest affront which could be 
 offered to a negro was to reflect on her who gave him 
 birth. 
 
 It is not strange that this sense of filial duty and af- 
 fection among the negroes should be less ardent towards 
 the father than the mother. The system of polygamy, 
 while it weakens the father's attachment by dividing 
 it among the children of different wives, concentrate's 
 all the mother's jealous tenderness to one point the 
 protection of her own offspring. I perceived with great 
 satisfaction, too, that the maternal solicitude extended 
 not only to the growth and security of the person, but 
 also, in a certain degree, to the improvement of the 
 mind of the infant ; for one of the first lessons in which 
 the Mandingo women instruct their children, is the 
 practice of truth. The reader will probably recollect 
 the case of the unhappy mother, whose son was mur- 
 dered by the Moorish banditti at Funingkedy. Her 
 only consolation in her uttermost distress was the re- 
 flection that the poor boy, in the course of his blameless 
 life, had never told a lie. Such testimony from a fond 
 mother on such an occasion, must have operated power- 
 fully on the youthful part of the surrounding spectators. 
 It was at once a tribute of praise to the deceased, and 
 a lesson to the living. 
 
 The negro women suckle their children until they 
 are able to walk of themselves. Three years' nursing 
 is not uncommon, and during this period the husband 
 devotes his whole attention to his other wives. To this 
 practice it is owing, I presume, that the family of each 
 wife is seldom very numerous. Few women have more 
 than five or six children. As soon as an infant is able 
 to walk, it is permitted to run about with great freedom. 
 The mother is not over solicitous to preserve it from 
 slight falls, and other trifling accidents. A little prac- 
 tice soon enables a child to take care of itself, and ex- 
 perience acts the part of a nurse. As they advance iu 
 life, the girls are taught to spin cotton, and to beat corn, 
 and are instructed in other domestic duties, and the 
 boys are employed in the labours of the field. Both 
 sexes, whether bushreens or kafirs, on attaining the 
 age of puberty are circumcised. This painful operation 
 is not considered by the kafirs so much in the light of 
 a religious ceremony as a matter of convenience and 
 utility. They have, indeed, a superstitious notion that 
 it contributes to render the marriage state prolific. 
 The operation is performed upon several young people 
 at the same time, all of whom are exempted from every 
 sort of labour for two months afterwards. During this 
 period they form a society called solimana. They visit 
 the towns and villages in the neighbourhood, where 
 they dance and sing, and are well treated by the inha- 
 bitants. I had frequently, in the course of my journey, 
 observed parties of this description, but they were all 
 males. I had, however, an opportunity of seeing a 
 female solimana at Kamalia. 
 
 In the course of this celebration, it frequently hap- 
 pens that some of the young women get married. If 
 a man takes a fancy to any one of them, it is not con- 
 sidered as absolutely necessary that he should make an 
 overture to the girl herself. The first object is to agree 
 with the parents concerning the recompense to be given 
 them for the loss of the company and services of their 
 daughter. The value of two slaves is a common price, 
 unless the girl is thought very handsome, in which case 
 the parents will raise their demand very considerably. 
 If the lover is rich enough, and willing to give the sum 
 demanded, he then communicates his wishes to the 
 damsel ; but her consent is by no means necessary to 
 
 the match, for if the parents agree to it, and eat a few 
 kolla nuts, which are presented by the suitor as an ear- 
 nest of the bargain, the young lady must either have 
 the man of their choice, or continue unmarried, for she 
 cannot afterwards be given to another. If the parents 
 should attempt it, the lover is then authorised, by the 
 laws of the country, to seize upon the girl as his slave. 
 When the day for celebrating the nuptials is fixed on, 
 a select number of people are invited to be present at 
 the wedding a bullock or goat is killed, and great 
 plenty of victuals dressed for the occasion. As soon 
 as it is dark, the bride is conducted into a hut, where 
 a company of matrons assist in arranging the wedding- 
 dress, which is always white cotton, and is put on in 
 such a manner as to conceal the bride from head to 
 foot. Thus arrayed, she is seated upon a mat in the 
 middle of the floor, and the old women place themselves 
 in a circle round her. They then give her a series of 
 instructions, and point out, with great propriety, what 
 ought to be her future conduct in life. This s*cene of 
 instruction, however, is frequently interrupted by girls, 
 who amuse the company with songs and dances, which 
 are rather more remarkable for their gaiety than delicacy. 
 While the bride remains within the hut with the women, 
 the bridegroom devotes his attention to the guests of both 
 sexes who assemble without doors, and by distributing 
 among them small presents of kolla nuts, and seeing 
 that every one partakes of the good cheer which is 
 provided, he contributes much to the general hilarity 
 of the evening. When supper is ended, the company 
 spend the remainder of the night in singing and dancing, 
 and seldom separate until daybreak. About midnight, 
 the bride is privately conducted by the women into 
 the hut which is to be her future residence, and the 
 bridegroom, upon a signal given, retires from his com- 
 pany. The newly married couple, however, are al- 
 ways disturbed towards morning by the women, who 
 assemble to inspect the nuptial sheet (according to the 
 manners of the ancient Hebrews, as recorded in Scrip- 
 ture), and dance round it. This ceremony is thought 
 indispensably necessary, uor is the marriage considered 
 as valid without it. 
 
 The negroes, as hath been frequently observed, whe- 
 ther Mahomedan or pagan, allow a plurality of wives. 
 The Mahomedans alone are by their religion confined 
 to four, and as the husband commonly pays a great price 
 for each, he requires from all of them the utmost defe- 
 rence and submission, and treats them more like hired 
 servants than companions. They have, however, the 
 management of domestic affairs, and each in rotation is 
 mistress of the household, and has the care of dressing 
 the victuals, overlooking the female slaves, &c. But 
 though the African husbands are possessed of great 
 authority over their wives, I did not observe that in 
 general they treat them with cruelty, neither did I per- 
 ceive that mean jealousy in their dispositions which is 
 so prevalent among the Moors. They permit their 
 wives to partake of all public diversions, and this indul- 
 gence is seldom abused, for though the negro women 
 are very cheerful and frank in their behaviour, they 
 are by no means given to intrigue I believe that in- 
 stances of conjugal infidelity are not common. When 
 the wives quarrel among themselves a circumstance 
 which, from the nature of their situation, must fre- 
 quently happen the husband decides between them, 
 and sometimes finds it necessary to administer a little 
 corporal chastisement, before tranquillity can be re- 
 stored. But if any one of the ladies complains to the 
 chief of the town that her husband has unjustly pu- 
 nished her, and shown an undue partiality to some other 
 of his wives, the affair is brought to a public trial. In 
 these palavers, however, which are conducted chiefly 
 by married men, I was informed that the complaint of 
 the wife is not always considered in a very serious 
 light, and the complainant herself is sometimes con- 
 victed of strife and contention, and left without re- 
 medy. If she murmurs at the decision of the court, 
 the magic rod of Mumbo Jumbo soon puts an end to 
 the busines-. 
 
 The children of the Mandiugoes are not always named 
 
NOTIONS AND BELIEF OF THE MANDINGOES. 
 
 after their relations, but frequently in consequence of 
 some remarkable occurrence. Thus, my landlord at 
 Kamalia was called Karfa, a word signifying to replace, 
 because he was born shortly after the death of one of 
 his brothers. Other names are descriptive of good or 
 bad qualities as Modi, a good man ; Fadibba, father of 
 the town, &c. : indeed, the very names of their towns 
 have something descriptive in them as Sibidooloo, the 
 town of ciboa trees ; Kenneyeto, victuals here ; Dosita, 
 lift your spoon. Others appear to be given by way of 
 reproach as Bammakoo, wash a crocodile ; Karrankalla, 
 no cup to drink from, &c. A child is named when it 
 is seven or eight days old. The ceremony commences 
 by shaving the infant's head ; and a dish called dega, 
 made of pounded corn and sour milk, is prepared for 
 the guests. If the parents are rich, a sheep or a goat 
 is commonly added. This feast is called ding koon lee 
 (the child's head shaving). During my stay at Kamalia, 
 I was present at four different feasts of this kind, and 
 the ceremony was the same in each, whether the child 
 belonged to a bushreeu or a kafir. The schoolmaster, 
 who officiated as priest on those occasions, and who is 
 necessarily a bushreen, first said a long prayer over 
 the dega, during which every person present took hold 
 of the brim of the calabash with his right hand. After 
 this, the schoolmaster took the child in his arms, and said 
 a second prayer, in which he repeatedly solicited the 
 blessing of God upon the child, and upon all the company. 
 When this prayer was ended, he whispered a few sen- 
 tences in the child's ear, and spat three times in its face, 
 after which he pronounced its name aloud, and returned 
 the infant to the mother. This part of the ceremony 
 being ended, the father of the child divided the dega into 
 a number of balls, one of which he distributed to every 
 person present ; and inquiry was then made if any per- 
 son in the town was dangerously sick, it being usual 
 in such cases to send the party a large portion of the 
 dega, which is thought to possess great medical virtues.* 
 
 Among the negroes every individual, besides his own 
 proper name, has likewise a kontong, or surname, to 
 denote the family or clan to which he belongs. Some 
 of these families are very numerous and powerful. It 
 is impossible to enumerate the various kontongs which 
 are found in different parts of the country, though the 
 knowledge of many of them is of great service to the 
 traveller, for as every negro plumes himself upon the 
 importance or the antiquity of his clan, he is much 
 flattered when he is addressed by his kontong. 
 
 Salutations among the negroes to each other, when 
 they meet, are always observed, but those in most 
 general use among the kafirs are Abbe haeretto, Ening 
 sent, Anawari, &c., all of which have neai'ly the same 
 meaning, and signify " Are you well ?" or to that effect. 
 There are likewise salutations which are used at diffe- 
 rent times of the day, as Ening somo (" Good morning"), 
 &c. The general answer to all salutations, is to repeat 
 the kontong of the person who salutes, or else to repeat 
 the salutation itself, first pronouncing the word Marhaba 
 ("My friend.") 
 
 CHAPTER XXI. 
 
 The Account of the Mandingoes continued. Their Notions in 
 respect of the Planetary Bodies, and the Figure of the Earth. 
 Their Religious Opinions, and Belief in a Future State. 
 Their Diseases and Methods of Treatment. Their Funeral 
 Ceremonies, Amusements, Occupations, Diet, Arts, Manufac- 
 tures, &c. 
 
 THE Mandingoes, and I believe the negroes in general, 
 have no artificial method of dividing time. They cal- 
 culate the years by the number of rainy seasons. They 
 portion the year into moons, and reckon the days by so 
 many suns. The day they divide into morning, mid- 
 day, and evening ; and farther subdivide it, when ne- 
 cessary, by pointing to the sun's place in the heavens. 
 
 * Soon after baptism, the children are marked in different 
 parts of the skin, in a manner resembling what is called taiooing 
 in the South Sea Islands. 
 
 I frequently inquired of some of them what became of 
 the sun during the night, and whether we should see 
 the same sun, or a different one, in the morning ; but 
 I found that they considered the question as very child- 
 ish. The subject appeared to them as placed beyond 
 the reach of human investigation they had never in- 
 dulged a conjecture, nor formed any hypothesis, about 
 the matter. The moon, by varying her form, has more 
 attracted their attention. On the first appearance of the 
 new moon, which they look upon to be newly created, 
 the pagan natives, as well as Mahomedans, say a short 
 prayer ; and this seems to be the only visible adoration 
 which the kafirs offer up to the Supreme Being. This 
 prayer is pronounced in a whisper the party holding 
 up his hands before his face : its purport (as I have 
 been assured by many different people) is to return 
 thanks to God for his kindness through the existence 
 of the past moon, and to solicit a continuation of his 
 favour during that of the new one. At the conclusion, 
 they spit upon their hands, and rub them over their 
 faces. This seems to be nearly the same ceremony 
 which prevailed among the heathens in the days of Job.* 
 
 Great attention, however, is paid to the changes of 
 this luminary in its monthly course, and it is thought 
 very unlucky to begin a journey, or any other work of 
 consequence, in the last quarter. An eclipse, whether 
 of the sun or moon, is supposed to be effected by witch- 
 craft. The stars are very little regarded ; and the 
 whole study of astronomy appears to them as a useless 
 pursuit, and attended to by such persons only as deal 
 in magic. 
 
 Their notions of geography are equally puerile. They 
 imagine that the world is an extended plain, the termi- 
 nation of which no eye has discovered it being, they 
 say, overhung with clouds and darkness. They describe 
 the sea as a large river of salt water, on the farther shore 
 of which is situated a country called Tobaubo doo 
 (the land of the white people). At a distance from 
 Tobaubo doo, they describe another country, which 
 they allege is inhabited by cannibals of gigantic size, 
 called komi. This country they call Jong sang doo 
 (the land where the slaves are sold). But of all countries 
 in the world their own appeal's to them as the best, and 
 their own people as the happiest ; and they pity the fate 
 of other nations, who have been placed by Providence 
 in less fertile and less fortunate districts. 
 
 Some of the religious opinions of the negroes, though 
 blended with the weakest credulity and superstition, 
 are not unworthy attention. I have conversed with all 
 ranks and conditions upon the subject of their faith, 
 and can pronounce, without the smallest shadow of 
 doubt, that the belief of one God, and of a future state 
 of reward and punishment, is entire and universal 
 among them. It is remarkable, however, that except 
 on the appearance of a new moon, as before related, 
 the pagan natives do not think it necessary to offer up 
 prayers and supplications to the Almighty. They re- 
 present the Deity, indeed, as the creator and preserver 
 of _ all things; but in general they consider him as a 
 being so remote, and of so exalted a nature, that it is 
 idle to imagine the feeble supplications of wretched 
 mortals can reverse the decrees, and change the pur- 
 poses, of unerring wisdom. If they are asked, for what 
 reason then do they offer up a prayer on the appear- 
 ance of the new moon, the answer is, that custom has 
 made it necessary they do it because their fathers did 
 it before them. Such is the blindness of unassisted na- 
 ture ! The concerns of this world, they believe, are com- 
 mitted by the Almighty to the superintendence and di- 
 rection of subordinate spirits, over whom they suppose 
 that certain magical ceremonies have great influence. 
 A white fowl, suspended to the branch of a particular 
 tree, a snake's head, or a few handfuls of fruit, are of- 
 ferings which ignorance and superstition frequently 
 present, to deprecate the wrath, or to conciliate the 
 favour, of these tutelary agents. But it is not often 
 that the negroes make their religious opinions the sub- 
 ject of conversation : when interrogated, in particular, 
 concerning their ideas of a future state, they express 
 * Chap. xxxi. ver. 26, 27, 28. 
 
MUSIC OF THE MANDINGOES. 
 
 59 
 
 themselves with great reverence, but endeavour to 
 shorten the discussion by observing, Mo o mo into, ullo 
 (" No man knows any thing about it.") They are con- 
 tent, they say, to follow the precepts and examples of 
 their forefathers, through the various vicissitudes of life ; 
 and when this world presents no objects of enjoyment 
 or of comfort, they seem to look with anxiety towards 
 another, which they believe will be better suited to their 
 natures, but concerning which they are far from in- 
 dulging vain and delusive conjectures. 
 
 The Mandingoes seldom attain extreme old age. At 
 forty, most of them become grey-haired and covered 
 with wrinkles, and but few of them survive the age of 
 fifty-five or sixty. They calculate the years of their 
 lives, as I have already observed, by the number of 
 rainy seasons (there being but one such in the year), 
 and distinguish each year by a particular name, founded 
 on some remarkable occurrence which happened in that 
 year. Thus, they say, the year of the Farbanna war 
 the year of the Kaarta war the year on which Gadou 
 was plundered, &c. &c. ; and I have no doubt that the 
 year 1796 will in many places be distinguished by the 
 name of tobaubo tambi sang (the year the white man 
 passed), as such an occurrence would naturally form 
 an epoch in their traditional history. 
 
 But notwithstanding that longevity is uncommon 
 among them, it appeared to me that their diseases are 
 but few in number. Their simple diet, and active way 
 of life, preserve them from many of those disorders 
 which embitter the days of luxury and idleness. Fevers 
 and fluxes are the most common and the most fatal. 
 For these they generally apply saphies to different 
 parts of the body, and perform a great many other su- 
 perstitious ceremonies some of which are, indeed, well 
 calculated to inspire the patient with the hope of re- 
 covery, and divert his mind from brooding over his 
 own danger but I have sometimes observed among 
 them a more systematic mode of treatment. On the 
 first attack of a fever, when the patient complains of 
 cold, he is frequently placed in a sort of vapour bath. 
 This is done by spreading branches of the nauclea 
 orientalis upon hot wood embers, and laying the patient 
 upon them, wrapped up in a large cotton cloth. Water is 
 then sprinkled upon the branches, which descending 
 to the hot embers, soon covers the patient with a cloud 
 of vapour, in which he is allowed to remain until the 
 embers are almost extinguished. This practice com- 
 monly produces a profuse perspiration, and wonderfully 
 relieves the sufferer. 
 
 For the dysentery, they use the bark of different 
 trees reduced to powder, and mixed with the patient's 
 food ; but this practice is in general very unsuccessful. 
 
 The other diseases which prevail among the negroes 
 are the yaws, the elephantiasis, and a leprosy of the 
 very worst kind. This last-mentioned complaint ap- 
 pears at the beginning in scurfy spots upon different 
 parts of the body, which finally settle upon the hands 
 or feet, where the skin becomes withered, and cracks 
 in many places. At length, the ends of the fingers 
 swell and ulcerate the discharge is acrid and fetid 
 the nails drop off, and the bones of the fingers become 
 carious, and separate at the joints. In this manner 
 the disease continues to spread, frequently until the 
 patient loses all his fingers and toes. Even the hands 
 and feet are sometimes destroyed by this inveterate 
 malady, to which the negroes give the name of balla jou 
 (incurable). 
 
 The guinea worm is likewise very common in certain 
 places, especially at the commencement of the rainy 
 season. The negroes attribute this disease, which has 
 been described by many writers, to bad water, and 
 allege, that the people who drink from wells are more 
 subject to it than those who drink from streams. To 
 the same cause they attribute the swelling of the glands 
 of the neck (goitres), which are very common in some 
 parts of Bambarra. I observed also, in the interior 
 countries, a few instances of simple gonorrhoea, but 
 never the confirmed lues. On the whole, it appeared 
 to me that the negroes are better surgeons than phy- 
 sicians. I found them very successful in their manage- 
 
 ment of fractures and dislocations, and their splints and 
 bandages are simple and easily removed. The patient 
 is laid upon a soft mat, and the fractured limb is fre- 
 quently bathed with cold water. All abscesses they open 
 with the actual cautery, and the dressings are composed 
 of either soft leaves, shea butter, or cow's dung, as the 
 case seems, in their judgment, to require. Towards 
 the coast, where a supply of European lancets can be 
 procured, they sometimes perform phlebotomy, and in 
 cases of local inflammation a curious sort of cupping is 
 practised. This operation is performed by making in- 
 cisions in the part, and applying to it a bullock's horn, 
 with a small hole in the end. The operator then takes 
 a piece of bees' wax in his mouth, and putting his lipa 
 to the hole, extracts the air from the horn, and, by a 
 dexterous use of his tongue, stops up the hole with the 
 wax. This method is found to answer the purpose, 
 and in general produces a plentiful discharge. 
 
 When a person of consequence dies, the relations 
 and neighbours meet together, and manifest their sor- 
 row by loud and dismal howlings. A bullock or goat 
 is killed for such persons as come to assist at the fu- 
 neral, which generally takes place in the evening of 
 the same day on which the party died. The negroes 
 have no appropriate burial places, and frequently dig 
 the grave in the floor of the deceased's hut, or in the 
 shade of a favourite tree. The body is dressed in white 
 cotton, and wrapped up in a mat. It is carried to the 
 grave, in the dusk of the evening, by the relations. If 
 the grave is without the walls of the town, a number/ 
 of prickly bushes are laid upon it to prevent the wolves 
 from digging up the body, but I never observed that 
 any stone was placed over the grave as a monument or 
 memorial. 
 
 Hitherto I have considered the negroes chiefly in a 
 moral light, and confined myself to the most promi- 
 nent features in their mental character ; their domestic 
 amusements, occupations, and diet, their arts and 
 manufactures, with some other subordinate objects, 
 are now to be noticed. 
 
 Of their music and dances, some account has inci- 
 dentally been given in different parts of my journal. 
 On the first of these heads, I have now to add a list of 
 their musical instruments, the principal of which are 
 the koonting, a sort of guitar with three strings ; the 
 korro, a large harp, with eighteen strings ; the simbing, 
 a small harp, with seven strings ; the balafou, an in- 
 strument composed of twenty pieces of hard wood of 
 different lengths, with the shells of gourds hung under- 
 neath to increase the sound; the tangtang, a drum, 
 open at the lower end ; and, lastly, the tabala, a large 
 drum, commonly used to spread an alarm through the 
 country. Besides these, they make use of small flutes, 
 bowstrings, elephants' teeth, and bells ; and at all their 
 dances and concerts, clapping of hands appears to con- 
 stitute a necessary part of the chorus. 
 
 With the love of music is naturally connected a taste 
 for poetry ; and fortunately for the poets of Africa, 
 they are in a great measure exempted from that ne- 
 glect and indigence which in more polished countries 
 commonly attend the votaries of the Muses. They con- 
 sist of two classes ; the most numerous are the sing- 
 ing men, called jilli kea, mentioned in a former part of 
 my narrative. One or more of these may be found in 
 every town. They sing extempore songs in honour of 
 their chief men, or any other persons who are willing 
 to give "solid pudding for empty praise." But a nobler 
 part of their office is to recite the historical events of 
 their country : hence, in war they accompany the 
 soldiers to the field, in order, by reciting the great 
 actions of their ancestors, to awaken in them a spirit of 
 glorious emulation. The other class are devotees of the 
 Mahomedan faith, who travel about the country sing- 
 ing devout hymns, and performing religious ceremonies, 
 to conciliate the favour of the Almighty, either in avert- 
 ing calamity, or insuring success to any enterprise. Both 
 descriptions of these itinerant bards are much employed 
 and respected by the people, and very liberal contribu- 
 tions are made for them. 
 
 The usual diet of the negroes ia somewhat different 
 
MANUFACTURES OF THE MANDINGOES. 
 
 in different districts ; in general, the people of free con- 
 dition breakfast about daybreak upon gruel made of 
 meal and water, with a little of the fruit of the tamarind 
 to give it an acid taste. About two o'clock in the after- 
 noon, a sort of hasty-pudding, with a little shea butter, 
 is the common meal ; but the supper constitutes the 
 principal repast, and is seldom ready before midnight. 
 This consists almost universally of kouskous, with a 
 small portion of animal food or shea butter mixed 
 with it. In eating, the katirs, as well as Mahomedans, 
 use the right hand only. 
 
 The beverages of the pagan negroes are beer and 
 mead, of each of which they frequently,drink to excess. 
 The Mahomedan converts drink nothing but water. 
 The natives of all descriptions take snuff and smoke 
 tobacco ; their pipes are made of wood, with an earthen 
 bowl of curious workmanship. But in the interior 
 countries the greatest of all luxuries is salt. It would 
 appear strange to a European to see a child suck a 
 piece of rock-salt as if it were sugar. This, however, I 
 have frequently seen, although, in the inland parts, the 
 poorer class of inhabitants are so very rarely indulged 
 with this precious article, that to say a man eats salt 
 with his victuals, is the same as saying, he is a rich man. 
 I have myself suffered great inconvenience from the 
 scarcity of this article. The long use of vegetable food 
 creates so painful a longing for salt, that no words can 
 sufficiently describe it. 
 
 The negroes in general, and the Mandingoes in par- 
 ticular, are considered by the whites on the coast as 
 an indolent and inactive people, I think without rea- 
 son. The nature of the climate is, indeed, unfavour- 
 able to great exertion ; but surely a people cannot 
 justly be denominated habitually indolent, whose wants 
 are supplied, not by the spontaneous productions of 
 nature, but by their own exertions. Few people work 
 harder, when occasion requires, than the Mandingoes, 
 but not having many opportunities of turning to advan- 
 tage the superfluous produce of their labour, they are 
 content with cultivating as much ground only as is 
 necessary for their own support. The labours of the 
 field give them pretty full employment during the rains, 
 and, in the dry season, the people who live in the vici- 
 nity of large rivers employ themselves chiefly in fish- 
 ing. The fish are taken in wicker baskets, or with 
 small cotton nets, and are preserved by being first 
 dried in the sun, and afterwards rubbed with shea 
 butter, to prevent them from contracting fresh mois- 
 ture. Others of the natives employ themselves in hunt- 
 ing. Their weapons are bows and arrows ; but the 
 arrows in common use are not poisoned.* They are 
 very dexterous marksmen, and will hit a lizard on a 
 tree, or any other small object, at an amazing distance. 
 They likewise kill guinea-fowls, partridges, and pigeons, 
 but never on the wing. While the men are occupied in 
 these pursuits, the women are very diligent in manu- 
 facturing cotton cloth. They prepare the cotton for 
 spinning, by laying it in small quantities at a time upon 
 a smooth stone or piece of wood, and rolling the seeds 
 out with a thick iron spindle ; and they spin it with the 
 distaff. The thread is not fine, but well twisted, and 
 makes a very durable cloth. A woman with common 
 diligence will spin from six to nine garments of this 
 cloth in one year, which, according to its fineness, will 
 sell for a minkalli and a half, or two miukallies each.f 
 The weaving is performed by the men. The loom is 
 made exactly upon the same principle as that of Europe, 
 but so small and narrow, that the web is seldom more 
 thau four inches broad. The shuttle is of the common 
 
 * Poisoned arrows are used chiefly in war. The poison, which 
 is said to be very deadly, is prepared from a shrub called koona 
 (a species of echites), which is very common in the woods. The 
 leaves of this shrub, when boiled with a small quantity of water, 
 yield a thick black juice, into which the negroes dip a cotton 
 thread : this thread they fasten round the iron of the arrow in 
 such a manner that it is almost impossible to extract the arrow, 
 when it has sunk beyond the barbs, without leaving the iron 
 point and the poisoned thread in the wound. 
 
 f A minkalli is a quantity of gold nearly equal in value to ten 
 ehillings sterling. 
 
 construction, but as the thread is coarse, the chamber 
 is somewhat larger than the European. 
 
 The women dye this cloth of a rich and lasting blue 
 colour, by the following simple process : The leaves of 
 the indigo, when fresh gathered, are pounded in a 
 wooden mortar, and mixed in a large earthen jar, with 
 a strong ley of wood ashes ; chamber-ley is sometime3 
 added. The cloth is steeped in this mixture, and 
 allowed to remain until it has acquired the proper 
 shade. In Kaarta and Ludamar. where the indigo is 
 not plentiful, they collect the leaves and dry them in 
 the sun ; and when they wish to use them, they reduce 
 a sufficient quantity to powder, and mix it with the ley 
 as before mentioned. Either way the colour is very 
 beautiful, with a fine purple gloss, and equal, in my 
 opinion, to the best Indian or European blue. This 
 cloth is cut into various pieces, and sewed into gar- 
 ments with needles of the natives' own making. 
 
 As the arts of weaving, dyeing, sewing, &c. may easily 
 be acquired, those who exercise them are not consider- 
 ed in Africa as following any particular profession, for 
 almost every slave can weave, and every boy can sew. 
 The only artists which are distinctly acknowledged 
 as such by the negroes, and who value themselves on 
 exercising appropriate and peculiar trades, are the 
 manufacturers of leather and of iron. The first of these 
 are called karrankea (or, as the word is sometimes pro- 
 nounced, gaungay). They are to be found in almost 
 every town, and they frequently travel through the 
 country in the exercise of their calling. They tan and 
 dress leather with very great expedition, by steeping 
 the hide first in a mixture of wood-ashes and water 
 until it parts with the hair, and afterwards by using 
 the pounded leaves of a tree called goo as an astringent. 
 They are at great pains to render the hide as soft and 
 pliant as possible, by rubbing it frequently between 
 their hands, and beating* it upon a stone. The hides of 
 bullocks are converted chiefly into sandals, and there- 
 fore require less care in dressing than the skins of 
 sheep and goats, which are used for covering quivers 
 and saphies, and in making sheathes for swords and 
 knives, belts, pockets, and a variety of ornaments. 
 These skins are commonly dyed of a red or yellow 
 colour ; the red, by means of millet stalks reduced to 
 powder, and the yellow, by the root of a plant, the 
 name of which I have forgotten. 
 
 The manufacturers in iron are not so numerous as 
 the karrankeas, but they appear to have studied their 
 business with equal diligence. The negroes on the coast 
 being cheaply supplied with iron from the European 
 traders, never attempt the manufacturing of this article 
 themselves ; but in the inland parts, the natives smelt 
 this useful metal in such quantities, as not only to sup- 
 ply themselves from it with all necessary weapons and 
 instruments, but even to make it an article of commerce 
 with some of the neighbouring states. During my stay 
 at Kamalia, there was a smelting furnace at a short 
 distance from the hut where I lodged, and the owner 
 and his workmen made no secret about the manner of 
 conducting the operation, and readily allowed me to 
 examine the furnace, and assist them in breaking the 
 ironstone. The furnace was a circular tower of clay, 
 about ten feet high, and three feet in diameter, sur- 
 rounded in two places with withes, to prevent the clay 
 from cracking and falling to pieces by the violence of 
 the heat. Round the lower part, 011 a level with the 
 ground (but not so low as the bottom of the furnace, 
 which was somewhat concave), were made seven open- 
 ings, into every one of which were placed three tubes 
 of clay, and the openings again plastered up in such a 
 manner that no air could enter the furnace but through 
 the tubes, by the opening and shutting of which they 
 regulated the fire. These tubes were formed by plas- 
 tering a mixture of clay and grass round a smooth roller 
 of wood, which, as soon as the clay began to harden, was 
 withdrawn, and the tube left to dry in the sun. The 
 ironstone which I saw was very heavy, of a dull red 
 colour, with greyish specks ; it was broken into pieces 
 about the size of a hen's egg. A bundle of dry wood 
 was first put into the furnace, and covered with a con- 
 
STATE AND SOURCES OF SLAVERY. 
 
 61 
 
 siderable quantity of charcoal, which was brought, 
 ready burnt, from the woods. Over this was laid a 
 stratum of ironstone, and then another of charcoal, 
 and so on, until the furnace was quite full. The fire 
 was applied through one of the tubes, and blown for 
 some time with bellows made of goats' skins. The ope- 
 ration went on very slowly at first, and it was some 
 hours before the flame appeared above the furnace ; 
 but after this, it burnt with great violence all the first 
 night, and the people who attended put in at times 
 more charcoal. On the day following the fire was not 
 so fierce, and on the second night some of the tubes 
 were withdrawn, and the air allowed to have freer 
 access to the furnace ; but the heat was still very great, 
 and a bluish flame rose some feet above the top of the 
 furnace. On the third day from the commencement 
 of the operation, all the tubes were taken out, the ends 
 of many of them being vitrified with the heat ; but the 
 metal was not removed until some days afterwards, 
 when the whole was perfectly cool. Part of the fur- 
 nace was then taken down, and the iron appeared in 
 the form of a large irregular mass, with pieces of char- 
 coal adhering to it. It was sonorous ; and when any 
 portion was broken off, the fracture exhibited a granu- 
 lated appearance, like broken steel. The owner in- 
 formed me that many parts of this cake were useless, 
 but still there was good iron enough to repay him for 
 his trouble. This iron, or rather steel, is formed into 
 various instruments by being repeatedly heated in a 
 forge, the heat of which is urged by a pair of double 
 bellows, of a very simple construction, being made of 
 two goats' skins ; the tubes from which unite, before 
 they enter the forge, and supply a constant and very- 
 regular blast. The hammer, forceps, and anvil, are all 
 very simple, and the workmanship (particularly in the 
 formation of knives and spears) is not destitute of merit. 
 The iron, indeed, is hard and brittle, and requires 
 much labour before it can be made to answer the pur- 
 pose. 
 
 Most of the African blacksmiths are acquainted also 
 with the method of smelting gold, in which process they 
 use an alkaline salt, obtained from a ley of burnt corn- 
 stalks evaporated to dryness. They likewise draw the 
 gold into wire, and form it into a variety of ornaments, 
 some of which are executed with a great deal of taste 
 and ingenuity. 
 
 Such is the chief information I obtained, concerning 
 the present state of arts and manufactures in those re- 
 gions of Africa which I explored in my journey. I 
 might add, though it is scarce woi'thy of observation, 
 that in Bambarra and Kaarta the natives make very 
 beautiful baskets, hats, and other articles, both for use 
 and ornament, from rushes, which they stain of differem 
 colours ; and they contrive also to cover their calabashe: 
 - with interwoven cane, dyed in the same manner. 
 
 In all the laborious occupations above described, the 
 master and his slaves work together, without any dis- 
 tinction of superiority. Hired servants by which ] 
 mean persons of free condition, voluntarily working foi 
 pay are unknown in Africa ; and this observation na 
 turally leads me to consider the condition of the slaves 
 and the various means by which they are reduced to 
 so miserable a state of servitude. This unfortunati 
 class are found, I believe, in all parts of this extensivi 
 country, and constitute a considerable branch of com 
 merce with the states on the Mediterranean, as wel 
 as with the nations of Europe. 
 
 CHAPTER XXII. 
 
 Observations concerning the State and Sources of Slavery in 
 Africa. 
 
 A STATE of subordination, and certain inequalities of 
 rank and condition, are inevitable in every stage of civil 
 society ; but when this subordination is carried to so 
 great "a length that the persons and services of one 
 part of the community are entirely at the disposal of 
 another part, it may then be denominated a state of 
 
 lavery, and in this condition of life, a great body of 
 he negro inhabitants of Africa have continued from 
 he most early period of their history, with this aggra- 
 y ation, that their children are born to no other in- 
 icritance. 
 
 The slaves in Africa, I suppose, are nearly in the 
 jroportion of three to one to the freemen. They claim 
 10 reward for their services except food and clothing, 
 and are treated with kindness or severity, according to 
 lie good or bad disposition of their masters; Custom,, 
 lowever, has established certain rules with regard to 
 the treatment of slaves, which it is thought dishonour- 
 able to violate. Thus, the domestic slaves, or such as 
 ire born in a man's own house, are treated with more 
 enity than those which are purchased with money. The 
 authority of the master over the domestic slave, as I 
 ,iave elsewhere observed, extends only to reasonable 
 correction ; for the master cannot sell his domestic, 
 ivithout having first brought him to a public trial be- 
 'ore the chief men of the place.* But these restrictions 
 on the power of the master extend not to the case of 
 prisoners taken in war, nor to that of slaves purchased 
 ivith money. All these unfortunate beings are con- 
 sidered as strangers and foreigners, who have no right 
 :o the protection of the law, and may be treated with 
 severity, or sold to a stranger, according to the pleasure 
 of their owners. There are, indeed, regular markets, 
 ivhere slaves of this description are bought and sold, 
 and the value of a slave, in the eye of an African pur- 
 chaser, increases in proportion to his distance from his 
 native kingdom ; for when slaves are only a few days' 
 journey from the place of their nativity, they frequently 
 effect their escape, but when one or more kingdoms 
 intervene, escape being more difficult, they are more 
 readily reconciled to their situation. On this account, 
 the unhappy slave is frequently transferred from ono 
 dealer to another, until he has lost all hopes of return- 
 ing to his native kingdom. The slaves which are pur- 
 chased by the Europeans on the coast are chiefly of 
 this description. A few of them are collected in the 
 petty wars, hereafter to be described, which take place 
 near the coast, but by far the greater number are 
 brought down in large caravans from the inland coun- 
 tries, of which many are unknown, even by name, to 
 the Europeans. The slaves which are thus brought 
 from the interior may be divided into two distinct 
 classes first, such as were slaves from their birth, 
 having been born of enslaved mothers secondly, such 
 as were born free, but who afterwards, by whatever 
 means, became slaves. Those of the first description 
 are by far the most numerous, for prisoners taken in 
 war (at least such as are taken in open and declared war, 
 when one kingdom avows hostilities against another) 
 are generally of this description. The comparatively 
 small proportion of free people to the enslaved through- 
 out Africa, has already been noticed ; and it must bo 
 observed, that men of free condition have many ad- 
 vantages over the slaves, even in war time. They are 
 in general better armed, and well mounted, and can 
 either fight or escape with some hopes of success ; but 
 the slaves, who have only their spears and bows, and 
 of whom great numbers are loaded with baggage, be- 
 come an easy prey. Thus, when Mansong, king of 
 Bambarra, made war upon Kaarta (as I have related 
 in a former chapter), he took in one day nine hundred 
 prisoners, of which number not more than seventy were 
 freemen. This account I received from Daman Jumma, 
 who had thirty slaves at Kemmoo, all of whom were 
 made prisoners by Mansong. Again, when a freeman 
 is taken prisoner, his friends will sometimes ransom 
 him, by giving two slaves in exchange ; but when a 
 slave is taken, he has no hopes of such redemption. 
 
 * In time of famine, the master is permitted to sell one or more 
 of his domestics, to purchase provisions for his family ; and in 
 case of the master's insolvency, the domestic slaves are some- 
 times seized upon by the creditors, and if the master cannot re- 
 deem them, they are liable to be sold for payment of his debts. 
 These are the only cases that I recollect in which the domestic 
 slaves are liable to be sold, without any misconduct or demerit 
 of their own. 
 
62 
 
 STATE AND SOURCES OF SLAVERY. 
 
 To these disadvantages, it is to be added, that the sla- 
 tees, who purchase slaves in the interior countries, and 
 carry them down to the coast for sale, constantly prefer 
 such as have been in that condition of life from their 
 infancy, well knowing that these have been accustomed 
 to hunger and fatigue, and are better able to sustain 
 the hardships of a long and painful journey, than free- 
 men ; and on their reaching the coast, if no opportunity 
 offers of selling them to advantage, they can easily be 
 made to maintain themselves by their labour ; neither 
 are they so apt to attempt making their escape, as 
 those who have once tasted the blessings of freedom. 
 
 Slaves of the second description generally become 
 such by one or other of the following causes : 1. Cap- 
 tivity ; 2. Famine ; 3. Insolvency ; 4. Crimes. A free- 
 man may, by the established customs of Africa, become 
 a slave, by being taken in war. War is of all others the 
 most productive source, and was probably the origin, 
 of slavery, for when one nation had taken from another 
 a greater number of captives than could be exchanged 
 on equal terms, it is natural to suppose that the con- 
 querors, finding it inconvenient to maintain their pri- 
 soners, would compel them to labour at first, perhaps, 
 only for their own support, but afterwards to support 
 their masters. Be this as it may, it is a known fact, 
 that prisoners of war in Africa are the slaves of the 
 conquerors ; and when the weak or unsuccessful warrior 
 begs for mercy beneath the uplifted spear of his oppo- 
 nent, he gives up at the same time his claim to liberty, 
 and purchases his life at the expense of his freedom. 
 
 In a country divided into a thousand petty states, 
 mostly independent and jealous of each other, where 
 every freeman is accustomed to arms, and fond of mili- 
 tary achievements, where the youth who has practised 
 the bow and spear from his infancy, longs for nothing 
 so much as an opportunity to display his valour, it is 
 natural to imagine that wars frequently originate from 
 very frivolous provocation. When one nation is more 
 powerful than another, a pretext is seldom wanting for 
 commencing hostilities. Thus, the war between Kajaaga 
 and Kasson was occasioned by the detention of a fugi- 
 tive slave that between Bambarra and Kaarta by the 
 loss of a few cattle. Other cases of the same nature 
 perpetually occur, in which the folly or mad ambition 
 of their princes, and the zeal of their religious enthu- 
 siasts, give full employment to the scythe of desolation. 
 
 The wars of Africa are of two kinds, which are dis- 
 tinguished by different appellations ; that species which 
 bears the greatest resemblance to our European con- 
 tests is denominated killi, a word signifying "to call 
 out," because such wars are openly avowed and previ- 
 ously declared. Wars of this description in Africa 
 commonly terminate, however, in the course of a single 
 campaign. A battle is fought the vanquished seldom 
 think of rallying again the whole inhabitants become 
 panic-struck and the conquerors have only to bind the 
 slaves, and carry off their plunder and their victims. 
 Such of the prisoners as, through age or infirmity, are 
 unable to endure fatigue, or are found unfit for sale, 
 are considered as useless, and, I have no doubt, are fre- 
 quently put to death. The same fate commonly awaits a 
 chief, or any other person who has taken a very distin- 
 guished part in the war. And here it may be observed 
 that, notwithstanding this exterminating system, it is 
 surprising to behold how soon an African town is re- 
 built and repeopled. The circumstance arises probably 
 from this: that their pitched battles are few the 
 weakest know their own situation, and seek safety in 
 flight. When their country has been desolated, and 
 their ruined towns and villages deserted by the enemy, 
 such of the inhabitants as have escaped the sword and 
 the chain generally return, though with cautious steps, 
 to the place of their nativity for it seems to be the 
 universal wish of mankind to spend the evening of their 
 days where they passed their infancy. The poor negro 
 feels this desire in its full force. To him no water is 
 sweet but what is drawn from his own well, and no tree 
 has so cool and pleasant a shade as the tabba tree* of 
 * This is a large spreading tree (a species of stercutia) under 
 which the beating is commonly placed. 
 
 his native village. When war compels him to abandon 
 the delightful spot in which he first drew his breath, 
 and seek for safety in some other kingdom, his tune ia 
 spent hi talking about the country of his ancestors ; and 
 no sooner is peace restored than he turns his back upon 
 the land of strangers, rebuilds with haste his fallen 
 walls, and exults to see the smoke ascend from his na- 
 tive village. 
 
 The other species of African warfare is distinguished 
 by the appellation of tegria (plundering or stealing). 
 It arises from a sort of hereditary feud, which the in- 
 habitants of one nation or district bear towards another. 
 No immediate cause of hostility is assigned, or notice 
 of attack given, but the inhabitants of each watch every 
 opportunity to plunder and distress the objects of their 
 animosity by predatory excursions. These are very 
 common, pax-ticularly about the. beginning of the dry 
 season, when the labour of the harvest is over and pro- 
 visions are plentiful. Schemes of vengeance are then, 
 meditated. The chief man surveys the number and 
 activity of his vassals, as they brandish their spears at 
 festivals, and, elated with his own importance, turns 
 his whole thoughts towards revenging some depreda- 
 tion or insult, which either he or his ancestors may have 
 received from a neighbouring state. 
 
 Wars of this description are generally conducted with 
 great secrecy. A few resolute individuals, headed by 
 some person of enterprise and courage, march quietly 
 through the woods, surprise in the night some unpro- 
 tected village, and carry off the inhabitants and their 
 effects, before their neighbours can come to their as- 
 sistance. One morning during my stay at Kamalia, 
 we were all much alarmed by a party of this kind. 
 The king of Fooladoo's son, with five hundred horse- 
 men, passed secretly through the woods, a little to the 
 southward of Kamalia, and on the morning following 
 plundered three towns belonging to Madigai, a power- 
 ful chief in Jallonkadoo. 
 
 The success of this expedition encouraged the gover- 
 nor of Bangassi, a town in Fooladoo, to make a second 
 inroad upon another part of the same country. Having 
 assembled about two hundred of his people, he passed 
 the river Kokoro in the night, and carried off a great 
 number of prisoners. Several of the inhabitants who 
 had escaped these attacks were afterwards seized by 
 the Mandingoes, as they wandered about in the woods, 
 or concealed themselves in the glens and strong places 
 of the mountains. 
 
 These plundering excursions always produce speedy 
 retaliation ; and when large parties cannot be collected 
 for this purpose, a few friends will combine together, 
 and advance into the enemy's country, with a view to 
 plunder or carry off the inhabitants. A single indivi- 
 dual has been known to take his bow and quiver, and 
 proceed in like manner. Such an attempt is doubtless 
 in him an act of rashness ; but when it is considered 
 that in one of these predatory wars he has probably 
 been deprived of his child or his nearest relation, his 
 situation will rather call for pity than censure. The 
 poor sufferer, urged on by the feelings of domestic or 
 paternal attachment, and the ardour of revenge, con- 
 ceals himself among the bushes, until some young or 
 unarmed person passes by. He then, tiger-like, springs 
 upon his prey, drags his victim into the thicket, and in 
 the night carries him off as a slave. 
 
 When a negro has, by means like these, once fallen 
 into the hands of his enemies, he is either retained as 
 the slave of his conqueror, or bartered into a distant 
 kingdom ; for an African, when he has once subdued 
 his enemy, will seldom give him an opportunity of lift- 
 ing up his hand against him at a future period. A con- 
 queror commonly disposes of his captives according to 
 the rank which they held in their native kingdom. Such 
 of the domestic slaves as appear to be of a mild dispo- 
 sition, and particularly the young women, are retained 
 as his own slaves. Others that display marks of discon- 
 tent, are disposed of hi a distant country ; and such of 
 the freemen or slaves as have taken an active part in 
 the war, are either sold to the slatees, or put to death. 
 War, therefore, is certainly the most general and most 
 
MODE OF COLLECTING GOLD DUST. 
 
 63 
 
 productive source of slavery, and the desolations of 
 war often (but not always) produce the second cause 
 of slavery, famine; in which case a freeman becomes 
 a slave to avoid a greater calamity. 
 
 Perhaps, by a philosophic and reflecting mind, death 
 itself would scarcely be considered as a greater calamity 
 than slavery, but the poor negro, when fainting with 
 hunger, thinks like Esau of old : " Behold I am at the 
 point to die, and what profit shall this birthright do to 
 me ?" There are many instances of free men volun- 
 tarily surrendering up their liberty to save their lives. 
 During a great scarcity which lasted for three years, 
 in the countries of the Gambia, great numbers of people 
 became slaves in this manner. Dr Laidley assured me 
 that at that time many free men came and begged, 
 with great earnestness, to be put upon his slave-chain, 
 to save them from perishing of hunger. Large families 
 are very often exposed to absolute want ; and as the 
 parents have almost unlimited authority over their 
 children, it frequently happens, in all parts of Africa, 
 that some of the latter are sold to purchase provisions 
 for the rest of the family. When I was at Jarra, Da- 
 man Jumma pointed out to me three young slaves 
 whom he had purchased in this manner. I have already 
 related another instance which I saw at Wonda ; and L 
 was informed that in Fooladoo, at that time, it was a 
 very common practice. 
 
 The third cause of slavery is insolvency. Of all the 
 offences (if insolvency may be so called) to which the 
 laws of Africa have affixed the punishment of slavery, 
 this is the most common. A negro trader commonly 
 contracts debts on some mercantile speculation, either 
 from his neighbours, to purchase such articles as will 
 sell to advantage in a distant market, or from the Eu- 
 ropean traders on the coast payment to be made in a 
 given time. In both cases, the situation of the adven- 
 turer is exactly the same. If he succeeds, he may se- 
 cure an independency : if he is unsuccessful, his person 
 and services are at the disposal of another ; for in Africa, 
 not only the effects of the insolvent, but even the in- 
 solvent himself, is sold to satisfy the lawful demands 
 of his creditors.* 
 
 The fourth cause above enumerated is, the commission 
 of crimes on which the laws of the country affix slavery 
 as a punishment. In Africa, the only offences of this 
 class are murder, adultery, and witchcraft, and I am 
 happy to say that they did not appear to me to be com- 
 mon. In cases of murder, I was informed that the 
 nearest relation of the deceased had it in his power, 
 after conviction, either to kill the offender with his own 
 hand, or sell him into slavery. When adultery occurs, 
 it is generally left to the option of the person injured 
 either to sell the culprit, or accept such a ransom for 
 gjiim as he may think equivalent to the injury he has 
 sustained. By witchcraft is meant pretended magic, 
 by which the lives or healths of persons are affected ; 
 in other words, it is the administering of poison. No 
 trial for this offence, however, came under my obser- 
 vation while I was in Africa, and I therefore suppose 
 that the crime, and its punishment, occur but very 
 seldom. 
 
 When a free man has become a slave by any one 
 of the causes before mentioned, he generally continues 
 so for life, and his children (if they are born of an en- 
 slaved mother) are brought up in the same state of 
 
 * When a negro takes up goods on credit from any of the Euro- 
 peans on the coast, and does not make payment at the time ap- 
 pointed, the European is authorised, by the laws of the country, 
 to seize upon the debtor himself, if he can find him, or, if he 
 cannot be found, on any person of his family; or, in the last re. 
 sort, on any native of the same kingdom. The person thus seized 
 on is detained, while his friends are sent in quest of the debtor. 
 When he is found, a meeting is called of the chief people of the 
 place, and the debtor is compelled to ransom his friend by fulfill- 
 ing his engagements. If he is unable to do this, his person is im- 
 mediately secured and sent down to the coast, and the other re- 
 leased. If the debtor cannot be found, the person seized on is 
 obliged to pay double the amount of the debt, or is himself sold 
 into slavery. I was given to understand, however, that this part 
 of the law is seldom enforced. 
 
 servitude. There are, however, a few instances of 
 slaves obtaining their freedom, and sometimes even 
 with the consent of their masters, as by performing 
 some singular piece of service, or by going to battle 
 and bringing homo two slaves as a ransom ; but the 
 common way of regaining freedom is by escape, and 
 when slaves have once set their minds on running 
 away, they often succeed. Some of them will wait for 
 years before an opportunity presents itself, and during 
 that period show no signs of discontent. In general, it 
 may be remarked, that slaves who come from a hilly 
 country, and have been much accustomed to hunting 
 and travel, are more apt to attempt their escape than 
 such as are born in a flat country, and have been em- 
 ployed in cultivating the land. 
 
 Such are the general outlines of that system of 
 slavery which prevails in Africa, and it is evident, from 
 its nature and extent, that it is a system of no modern 
 date. It probably had its origin in the remote ages of 
 antiquity, before the Mahomedans explored a path 
 across the desert. How far it is maintained and sup- 
 ported by the slave traffic, which, for two hundred 
 years, the nations of Europe have carried on with the 
 natives of the coast, it is neither within my province 
 nor in my power to explain. If my sentiments should 
 be required concerning the effect which a discontinu- 
 ance of that commerce would produce on the manners 
 of the natives, I should have no hesitation in observing, 
 that, in the present unenlightened state of their minds, 
 my opinion is, the effect would neither be so extensive 
 or beneficial as many wise and worthy persons fondly 
 expect. 
 
 CHAPTER XXIII. 
 
 Of Gold Dust, and the Manner in which it is Collected Process 
 of Washing it Its value in Africa. Of Ivory Surprise of the 
 Negroes at the Eagerness of the Europeans for this Commodity. 
 Scattered Teeth frequently picked up in the Woods. Mode 
 of Hunting the Elephant. Some Reflections on the unimproved 
 State of the Country, &c. 
 
 THOSE valuable commodities, gold and ivory (the next 
 objects of our inquiry), have probably been found in 
 Africa from the first ages of the world. They are 
 reckoned among its most important productions in the 
 earliest records of its history. 
 
 It has been observed, that gold is seldom or never dis- 
 covered, except in mountainous and barren countries- 
 nature, it is said, thus making amends in one way for 
 her penuriousness in the other. This, however, is not 
 wholly true. Gold is found in considerable quantities 
 throughout every part of Handing, a country which is 
 indeed hilly, but cannot properly be called mountain- 
 ous, much less barren. It is also found in great plenty 
 in Jallonkadoo (particularly about Boori), another hilly, 
 but by no means an infertile, country. It is remarkable 
 that in the place last mentioned (Boori), which is situ- 
 ated about four days' journey to the south-west of 
 Kamalia, the salt-market is often supplied at the same 
 time with rock-salt from the Great Desert and sea-salt 
 from the Rio Grande ; the price of each, at this distance 
 from its source, being nearly the same, and the dealers 
 in each, whether Moors from the north or negroes from 
 the west, are invited thither by the same motives that 
 of bartering their salt for gold. 
 
 The gold of Handing, so far as I could learn, is 
 never found in any matrix or vein, but always in small 
 grains nearly in a pure state, from the size of a pin's 
 head to that of a pea, scattered through a large body 
 of sand or clay, and in this state it is called by the 
 Mandingoes sanoo munko (gold powder). It is, how- 
 ever, extremely probable, by what I could learn of the 
 situation of the ground, that most of it has originally 
 been washed down by repeated torrents from the 
 neighbouring hills. The manner in which it is collected 
 is nearly as follows : 
 
 About the beginning of December, when the harvest 
 is over, and the streams and torrents have greatly sub- 
 sided, the mansa or chief of the town appoints a day to 
 
64 
 
 MODE OF COLLECTING GOLD DUST. 
 
 begin sanoo koo (gold washing), and the women are sure 
 to have themselves in readiness by the time appointed. 
 A hoe or spade for digging up the sand, two or three 
 calabashes for washing it in, and a few quills for con- 
 taining the gold dust, are all the implements necessary 
 for the purpose. On the morning of their departure, a 
 bullock is killed for the first day's entertainment, and 
 a number of prayers and charms are used to ensure 
 success, for a failure on that day is thought a bad omen. 
 
 The mansa of Kamalia, with fourteen of his people, 
 were I remember so much disappointed in their first 
 day's washing, that very few of them had resolution to 
 persevere, and the few that did had but very indifferent 
 success ; which indeed is not much to be wondered at, 
 for instead of opening some untried place, they con- 
 tinued to dig and wash in the same spot where they 
 had dug and washed for years, and where, of course, 
 but few large grains could be left. 
 
 The washing the sands of the streams is by far the 
 easiest way of obtaining the gold dust ; but in most 
 places the sands have been so narrowly searched be- 
 fore, that unless the stream takes some new course, the 
 gold is found but in small quantities. While some of 
 the party are busied in washing the sands, others em- 
 ploy themselves farther up the torrent, where the rapi- 
 dity of the stream has carried away all the clay, sand, 
 &c., and left nothing but small pebbles. The search 
 among these is a very troublesome task. I have seen 
 women who have had the skin worn off the tops of their 
 fingers in this employment. Sometimes, however, they 
 are rewarded by finding pieces of gold, which they call 
 sanoo birro (gold stones), that amply repay them for 
 their trouble. A woman and her daughter, inhabitants 
 of Kamalia, found in one day two pieces of this kind ; 
 one of five drachms, and the other of three drachms 
 weight. But the most certain and profitable mode of 
 washing is practised in the height of the dry season, by 
 digging a deep pit, like a draw-well, near some hill which 
 has previously been discovered to contain gold. The 
 pit is dug with small spades or corn hoes, and the earth 
 is drawn up in large calabashes. As the negroes dig 
 through the different strata of clay or sand, a calabash 
 or two of each is washed by way of experiment ; and 
 in this manner the labourers proceed, until they come 
 to a stratum containing gold, or until they are ob- 
 structed by rocks, or inundated by water. In general, 
 when they come to a stratum of fine reddish sand, with 
 small black specks therein, they find gold in some pro- 
 portion or other, and send up large calabashes full of 
 the sand, for the women to wash ; for though the pit 
 is dug by the men, the gold is always washed by the 
 women, who are accustomed from their infancy to a 
 similar operation in separating the husks of corn from 
 the meal. 
 
 As I never descended into any one of these pits, I 
 cannot say in what manner they are worked under 
 ground. Indeed, the situation in which I was placed 
 made it necessary for me to be cautious not to incur 
 the suspicion of the natives, by examining too far into 
 the riches of their country ; but the manner of sepa- 
 rating the gold from the sand is very simple, and is 
 frequently performed by the women in the middle of 
 the town ; for when the searchers return from the 
 valleys in the evening, they commonly bring with them 
 each a calabash or two of sand, to be washed by such 
 of the females as remain at home. The operation is 
 simply as follows : 
 
 A portion of sand or clay (for the gold is sometimes 
 found in a brown-coloured clay) is put into a large 
 calabash, and mixed with a sufficient quantity of water. 
 The woman whose office it is, then shakes the calabash 
 in such a manner as to mix the sand and water toge- 
 ther, and give the whole a rotatory motion at first 
 gently, but afterwards more quick, until a small por- 
 tion of sand and water, at every revolution, flies over 
 the brim of the calabash. The sand thus separated is 
 only the coarsest particles mixed with a little muddy 
 water. After the operation has been continued for 
 some time, the sand is allowed to subside, and the 
 water poured off; a portion of coarse sand, which is 
 
 now uppermost in the calabash, is removed by the hand, 
 and fresh water being added, the operation is repeated 
 until the water comes off almost pure. The woman now 
 takes a second calabash, and shakes the sand and water 
 gently from the one to the other, reserving that portion 
 of sand which is next the bottom of the calabash, and 
 which is most likely to contain the gold. This small 
 quantity is mixed with some pure water, and being 
 moved about in the calabash, is carefully examined. 
 If a few particles of gold are picked out, the contents 
 of the other calabash are examined in the same man- 
 ner ; but in general the party is well contented, if she 
 can obtain three or four grains from the contents of 
 both calabashes. Some women, however, by long prac- 
 tice, become so well acquainted with the nature of the 
 sand, and the mode of washing it, that they will collect 
 gold where others cannot find a single particle. The 
 gold dust is kept in quills stopped up with cotton ; and 
 the washers are fond of displaying a number of these 
 quills in their hair. Generally speaking, if a person 
 uses common diligence, in a proper soil, it is supposed 
 that as much gold may be collected by him in the course 
 of the dry season as is equal to the value of two slaves. 
 
 Thus simple is the process by which the negroes ob- 
 tain gold in Handing ; arid it is evident, from this ac- 
 count, that the country contains a considerable portion 
 of this precious metal, for many of the smaller particles 
 must necessarily escape the observation of the naked 
 eye ; and as the natives generally search the sands of 
 streams at a considerable distance from the hills, and 
 consequently far removed from the mines where the 
 gold was originally produced, the labourers are some- 
 times but ill paid for their trouble. Minute particles 
 only of this heavy metal can be carried by the current 
 to any considerable distance ; the larger must remain 
 deposited near the original source from whence they 
 came. Were the gold-bearing streams to be traced to 
 their fountains, and the hills from whence they spring 
 properly examined, the sand in which the gold is there 
 deposited would no doubt be found to contain particles 
 of a much larger size ;* and even the small grains might 
 be collected to considerable advantage by the use of 
 quicksilver, and other improvements, with which the 
 natives are at present unacquainted. 
 
 Part of this gold is converted into ornaments for the 
 women, but in general these ornaments are more to be 
 admired for their weight than their workmanship. 
 They are massy and inconvenient, particularly the ear- 
 rings, which are commonly so heavy as to pull down 
 and lacerate the lobe of the ear ; to avoid which, they 
 are supported by a thong of red leather, which passes 
 over the crown of the head from one -ear to the other. 
 The necklace displays greater fancy, and the proper ar- 
 rangement of the different beads and plates of gold is^ 
 the great criterion of taste and elegance. When a lady' 
 of consequence is in full dress, her gold ornaments 
 may be worth altogether from fifty to eighty pounds 
 sterling. 
 
 A small quantity of gold is likewise employed by the 
 slatees, in defraying the expenses of their journeys to 
 and from the coast, but by far the greater proportion 
 is annually carried away by the Moors in exchange for 
 salt and other merchandise. During my stay at Ka- 
 malia, the gold collected by the different traders at that 
 place, for salt alone, was nearly equal to one hundred 
 and ninety-eight pounds sterling ; and as Kamalia is but 
 a small town, and not much resorted to by the trading 
 Moors, this quantity must have borne a very small pro- 
 portion to the gold collected at Kancaba, Kankaree, 
 and some other large towns. The value of salt in this 
 part of Africa is very great. One slab, about two feet 
 and a half in length, fourteen inches in breadth, and 
 two inches in thickness, will sometimes sell for about 
 
 * I am informed that the gold mine, as it is called, in Wicklow, 
 in Ireland, which was discovered in the year 1795, is near the 
 top, and upon the steep elope, of a mountain. Here pieces of 
 gold of several ounces' weight were frequently found. What would 
 have been gold dust two miles below, was here golden gravel ; that 
 is, each grain was like a small pebble in size, and one piece \vas| 
 found which weighed near twenty-two ounces troy. 
 
TRADE IN IVORY. 
 
 65 
 
 two pounds ten shillings sterling, and from one pound 
 fifteen .shillings to two pounds may be considered as 
 the common price. Four of these slabs are considered 
 as a load for an ass, and six for a bullock. The value 
 of European merchandise in Handing varies very much, 
 according to the supply from the coast, or the dread of 
 war in the country, but the return for such articles is 
 commonly made in slaves. The price of a prime slave, 
 when I was at Kamalia, was from nine to twelve min- 
 kallies, and European commodities had then nearly the 
 following value : 
 
 If) gun flints, ") 
 
 48 leaves of tobacco, , 
 
 ,. ' , } one minkalh. 
 
 20 charges of gunpowder, I 
 
 A cutlass, J 
 
 A musket, from three to four minkallies. 
 
 The produce of the country, and the different neces- 
 saries of life, when exchanged for gold, Sold as follows: 
 
 Common provisions for one day, the weight of one 
 teeleekissl (a black bean, six of which make the weight 
 of one minkalli) a chicken, one teelee-kissi a sheep, 
 three teelee-kissi- a bullock, one minkalli a horse, 
 from ten to seventeen minkallies. 
 
 The negroes weigh the gold in small balances, which 
 they always carry about them. They make no diffe- 
 rence, in point of value, between gold dust and wrought 
 gold. In bartering one article for another, the person 
 who receives the gold always weighs it with his own 
 teelee-kissi. These beans are sometimes fraudulently 
 soaked in shea-butter to make them heavy, and I once 
 saw a pebble ground exactly into the form of one of 
 them ; but such practices are not very common. 
 
 Having now related the substance of what occurs to 
 my recollection concerning the African mode of obtain- 
 ing gold from the earth, and its value in barter, I pro- 
 ceed to the next article of which I proposed to treat, 
 namely, ivory. 
 
 Nothing creates a greater surprise among the negroes 
 OTI the sea-coast, than the eagerness displayed by the 
 European traders to procure elephants' teeth it being 
 exceedingly difficult to make them comprehend to what 
 use it is applied. Although they are shown knives with 
 ivory hafts, combs, and toys of the same material, and 
 are convinced that the ivory thus manufactured was 
 originally parts of a tooth, they are not satisfied. They 
 suspect that this commodity is more frequently con- 
 verted in Europe to purposes of far greater importance, 
 the true nature of which is studiously concealed from 
 them, lest the price of ivory should be enhanced. They 
 cannot, they say, easily persuade themselves, that ships 
 would be built, and voyages undertaken, to procure an 
 article which had no other value than that of furnish- 
 ing handles to knives, &c., when pieces of wood would 
 answer the purpose equally well. 
 
 Elephants are very numerous in the interior of 
 Africa, but they appear to be a distinct species from 
 those found in Asia. Blumenbach, in his figures of 
 objects of natural history, has given good drawings 
 of a grinder of each, and the variation is evident. M. 
 Cuvier also has given, in the Magazin Encyclopedique, 
 a clear account of the difference between them. As I 
 never examined the Asiatic elephant, I have chosen 
 rather to refer to those writers than advance this as 
 an opinion of my own. It has been said that the Afri- 
 can elephant is of a less docile nature than the Asiatic, 
 and incapable of being tamed. The negroes certainly 
 do not at present tame them ; but when we consider 
 that the Carthaginians had always tame elephants in 
 their armies, and actually transported some of them to 
 Italy in the course of the Punic wars, it seems more 
 likely that they should have possessed the art of taming 
 their own elephants, than have submitted to the expense 
 of bringing such vast animals from Asia. Perhaps 
 the barbarous practice of hunting the African elephants 
 for the sake of their teeth, has rendered them more un- 
 tractable and savage than they were found to be in 
 former times. 
 
 The greater part of the ivory which is sold on the 
 < Gambia and Senegal rivers, is brought from the interior 
 country. The lands towards the coast are too swampy, 
 
 and too much intersected with creeks and rivers, for 
 so bulky an animal as the elephant to travel through 
 without being discovered ; and when once the natives 
 discern the marks of his feet in the earth, the whole 
 village is up in arms. The thoughts of feasting on his 
 flesh, making sandals of his hide, and selling the teeth to 
 the Europeans, inspire every one with courage, and the 
 animal seldom escapes from his pursuers ; but in the 
 plains of Bambarra and Kaarta, and the extensive wilds 
 of Jallonkadoo, the elephants are very numerous, and, 
 from the great scarcity of gunpowder in those districts, 
 they are less annoyed by the natives. 
 
 Scattered teeth are frequently picked up in the 
 woods, and travellers are very diligent in looking for 
 them. It is a common practice with the elephant to 
 thrust his teeth under the roots of such shrubs and 
 bushes as grow in the more dry and elevated parts of 
 the country, where the soil is shallow. These bushes 
 he easily overturns, and feeds on the roots, which are 
 hi general more tender and juicy than the hard woody 
 branches or the foliage ; but when the teeth are partly 
 decayed by age, and the roots more firmly fixed, the 
 great exertions of the animal in this practice frequently 
 cause them to break short. At Kamalia I saw two 
 teeth, one a very large one, which were found in the 
 woods, and which were evidently broken off in this 
 manner. Indeed, it is difficult otherwise to account 
 for such a large proportion of broken ivory as is daily 
 offered for sale at the different factories, for when the 
 elephant is killed hi hunting, unless he dashes himself 
 over a precipice, the teeth are always extracted entire. 
 
 There are certain seasons of the year when the ele- 
 phants collect into large herds, and traverse the coun- 
 try in quest of food or water ; and as all that part of 
 the country to the north of the Niger is destitute of 
 rivers, whenever the pools in the woods are dried up, 
 the elephants approach towards the banks of that river. 
 Here they continue until the commencement of tho 
 rainy season, in the months of June or July, and dur- 
 ing this time they are much hunted by such of the 
 Bambarrans as have gunpowder to spare. The ele- 
 phant-hunters seldom go out singly a party of four or 
 five join together, and having each furnished himself 
 with powder and bail, and a quantity of corn-meal in 
 a leather bag sufficient for five or six days' provision, 
 they enter the most unfrequented parts of the wood, 
 and examine with great care every thing that can lead 
 to the discovery of the elephants. In this pursuit, 
 notwithstanding the bulk of the animal, very great 
 nicety of observation is required. The broken branches, 
 the scattered dung of the animal, and the marks of his 
 feet, are carefully inspected ; and many of the hunters 
 have, by long experience and attentive observation, 
 become so expert in their search, that as soon as they 
 observe the footmarks of an elephant, they will tell 
 almost to a certainty at what time it passed, and at 
 what distance it will be found. 
 
 When they discover a herd of elephants, they follow 
 them at a distance, until they perceive some one stray 
 from the rest, and come into such a situation as to be 
 fired at with advantage. The hunters then approach 
 with great caution, creeping amongst the long grass, 
 until they have got near enough to be sure of their 
 aim. They then discharge all their pieces at once, and 
 throw themselves on their faces among the grass. The 
 wounded elephant immediately applies his trunk to the 
 different wounds, but being unable to extract the balls, 
 and seeing nobody near him, he becomes quite furious, 
 and runs about amongst the bushes, until by fatigue and 
 loss of blood he has exhausted himself, and affords the 
 hunters an opportunity of firing a second time at him, 
 by which he is generally brought to the ground. 
 
 The skin is now taken off, and extended on the ground 
 with pegs to dry ; and such parts of the flesh as are 
 most esteemed are cut up into thin slices, and dried in 
 the sun, to serve for provisions on some future occasion. 
 The teeth are struck out with a light hatchet, which the 
 hunters always carry along with them, not only for that 
 purpose, but also to enable them to cut down such trees 
 as contain honey ; for though they carry with them 
 
66 
 
 SCRIPTURAL KNOWLEDGE OF THE NEGROES. 
 
 only five or six days' provisions, they will remain in the 
 woods for months, if they are successful, and support 
 themselves upon the flesh of such elephants as they kill, 
 and wild honey. 
 
 The ivory thus collected is seldom brought down to 
 the coast by the hunters themselves. They dispose of 
 it to the itinerant merchants, who come annually from 
 the coast with arms and ammunition to purchase this 
 valuable commodity. Some of these merchants will 
 collect ivory in the course of one season sufficient to 
 load four or five asses. A great quantity of ivory is 
 likewise brought from the interior by the slave coflies; 
 there are, however, some slatees of the Mahomedan 
 persuasion, who, from motives of religion, will not deal 
 in ivory, nor eat of the flesh of the elephant, unless it 
 lias been killed with a spear. 
 
 The quantity of ivory collected in this part of Africa 
 is not so great, nor are the teeth in general so large, as 
 in the countries nearer the line : few of them weigh more 
 than eighty or one hundred pounds, and, upon an ave- 
 rage, a bar of European merchandise may be reckoned 
 as the price of a pound of ivory. 
 
 I have now, I trust, in this and the preceding chap- 
 ters, explained with sufficient minuteness the nature 
 and extent of the commercial connection which at pre- 
 sent prevails, and has long subsisted, between the negro 
 natives of those parts of Africa which I visited, and the 
 nations of Europe ; and it appears, that slaves, gold, and 
 ivory, together with the few articles enumerated in the 
 beginning of my work, viz. bees' wax and honey, hides, 
 gums, and dye-woods, constitute the whole catalogue of 
 exportable commodities. Other productions, however, 
 have been incidentally noticed as the growth of Africa, 
 such as grain of different kinds, tobacco, indigo, cotton- 
 wool, and perhaps a few others ; but of all these (which 
 can only be obtained by cultivation and labour), the na- 
 tives raise sufficient only for their own immediate ex- 
 penditure, nor, under the present system of their laws, 
 manners, trade, and government, can any thing farther 
 be expected from them. It cannot, however, admit of 
 a doubt, that all the rich and valuable productions, both 
 of the East and West Indies, might easily be natural- 
 ised, and brought to the utmost perfection, in the tro- 
 pical parts of this immense continent. Nothing is want- 
 ing to this end but example to enlighten the minds of 
 the natives, and instruction to enable them to direct 
 their industry to proper objects. It was not possible 
 for me to behold the wonderful fertility of the soil, the 
 vast herds of cattle, proper both for labour and food, 
 and a variety of other circumstances favourable to co- 
 lonisation and agriculture and reflect, withal, oil the 
 means which presented themselves of a vast inland na- 
 vigation without lamenting that a country so abun- 
 dantly gifted and favoured by nature, should remain in 
 its present savage and neglected state. Much more did 
 I lament, that a people of manners and dispositions so 
 gentle and benevolent, should either be left as they 
 now are, immersed in the gross and uncomfortable 
 blindness of pagan superstition, or permitted to become 
 converts to a system of bigotry and fanaticism, which, 
 without enlightening the mind, often debases the heart. 
 On this subject many observations might be made, but 
 the reader will probably think that I have already di- 
 gressed too largely ; and I now, therefore, return to 
 my situation at Kamalia. 
 
 CHAPTER XXIV. 
 
 Transactions at Kamalia resumed. Arabic MSS. in TJ;o among 
 the Mahomedan Negroes. Reflections concerning the Conver- 
 sion and Education of the Negro Children. Return of the 
 Author's benefactor, Karfa. Farther Account of the Purchase 
 and Treatment of Slaves. Fast of Rhamadan, how observed 
 by the Negroes. Author's Anxiety for the Day of Departure. 
 The Caravan sets out. Account of it on its Departure, and 
 Proceedings on the Road, until its arrival at Kinytakooro. 
 
 THE schoolmaster to whose care I was intrusted during 
 the absence of Karfa, was a man of a mild disposition 
 
 and gentle manners ; his .name was Fankooma, and 
 although he himself adhered strictly to the religion of 
 Mahomet, he was by no means intolerant in his prin- 
 ciples towards others who differed from him. He spent 
 much of his tune in reading, and teaching appeared to 
 be his pleasure as well as employment. His school 
 consisted of seventeen boys, most of whom were sons 
 of kafirs, and two girls, one of whom was Karfa's own 
 daughter. The girls received their instructions in the 
 daytime, but the boys always had their lessons by the 
 light of a large fire before daybreak, and again late in 
 the evening ; for being considered, during their scholar- 
 ship, as the domestic slaves of the master, they were 
 employed in planting corn, bringing firewood, and in 
 other servile offices, through the day. 
 
 Exclusive of the Koran, and a book or two of com- 
 mentaries thereon, the schoolmaster possessed a variety 
 of manuscripts which had partly been purchased from 
 the trading Moors, and partly borrowed from bushreens 
 in the neighbourhood, and copied with great care. 
 Other MSS. had been produced to me at different 
 places in the course of my journey ; and on recounting 
 those I had before seen, and those which were now 
 shown to me, and interrogating the schoolmaster on the 
 subject, I discovered that the negroes are in possession, 
 (among others) of an Arabic version of the Pentateuch 
 of Moses, which they call Taureta la Moosa. This is so 
 highly esteemed that it is often sold for the value of 
 one prime slave. They have likewise a version of the 
 Psalms of David (Zabora Dawidi) ; and, lastly, the book 
 of Isaiah, which they call Lingeeli la Isa, and it is in 
 very high esteem. I suspect, indeed, that in all these 
 copies there are interpolations of some of the peculiar 
 tenets of Mahomet, for I could distinguish in many 
 passages the name of the Prophet. It is possible, how- 
 ever, that this circumstance might otherwise have been 
 accounted for, if my knowledge of the Arabic had been 
 more extensive. By means of those books, many of 
 the converted negroes have acquired an acquaintance 
 with some of the remarkable events recorded in the 
 Old Testament. The account of our first parents, the 
 death of Abel, the deluge, the lives of Abraham, Isaac, 
 and Jacob, the story of Joseph and his brethren, the 
 history of Moses, David, Solomon, &c., all these have 
 been related to me, in the Mandingo language, with 
 tolerable exactness by different people, and my sur- 
 prise was not greater on hearing these accounts from 
 the lips of the negroes, than theirs on finding that I was 
 already acquainted with them ; for although the ne- 
 groes in general have a very great idea of the wealth 
 and power of the Europeans, I am afraid that the 
 Mahomedan converts among them think but very 
 lightly of our superior attainments in religious know- 
 ledge. The white traders in the maritime districts take* 
 no pains to counteract this unhappy prejudice, always 
 performing their own devotions in secret, and seldom 
 condescending to converse with the negroes in a friendly 
 and instructive manner. To me, therefore, it was not so 
 much the subject of wonder as matter of regret, to 
 observe, that while the superstition of Mahomet has 
 in this manner scattered a few faint beams of learning 
 among these poor people, the precious light of Chris- 
 tianity is altogether excluded. I could not but lament, 
 that although the coast of Africa has now been known 
 and frequented by the Europeans for more than two 
 hundred years, yet the negroes still remain entire 
 strangers to the doctrines of our holy religion. We are 
 anxious to draw from obscurity the opinions and re- 
 cords of antiquity, the beauties of Arabian and Asiatic 
 literature, &c. ; but while our libraries are thus stored 
 with the learning of various countries, we distribute 
 with a parsimonious hand the blessings of religious 
 truth to the benighted nations of the earth. The natives 
 of Asia derive but little advantage in this respect from 
 an intercourse with us ; and even the poor Africans, 
 whom we affect to consider as barbarians, look upon us, 
 I fear, as little better than a race of formidable but 
 ignorant heathens. When I produced Richardson's 
 Arabic Grammar to some slatees on the Gambia, they 
 were astonished to think that any European should 
 
NEGRO SCHOOLS AND EDUCATION. 
 
 67 
 
 understand and write the sacred language of their re- 
 ligion. At first, they suspected that it might have 
 been written by some of the slaves carried from the 
 coast, but, on a closer examination, they were satisfied 
 that no bushreen could write such beautiful Arabic, 
 and one of them offered to give me an ass, and sixteen 
 bars of goods, if I would part with the book. Perhaps 
 a short and easy introduction to Christianity, such as 
 is found in some of the catechisms for children, ele- 
 gantly printed in Arabic, and distributed on different 
 parts of the coast, might have a wonderful effect. The 
 expense would be but trifling ; curiosity would induce 
 many to read it ; and the evident superiority which it 
 would possess over their present manuscripts, both in 
 point of elegance and cheapness, might at last obtain it 
 a place among the school-books of Africa. 
 
 The reflections which I have thus ventured to submit 
 to my readers on this important subject, naturally sug- 
 gested themselves to my mind on perceiving the en- 
 couragement which was thus given to learning (such as 
 it is) in many parts of Africa. I have observed that 
 the pupils at Kamalia were most of them the children 
 of pagans their parents therefore could have had 
 no predilection for the doctrines of Mahomet. Their 
 aim was their children's improvement; and if a more 
 enlightened system had presented itself, it would pro- 
 bably have been preferred. The children, too, wanted 
 not a spirit of emulation, which it is the aim of the 
 tutor to encourage. When any one of them has read 
 through the Koran, and performed a certain number 
 of public prayers, a feast is prepared by the school- 
 master, and the scholar undergoes an examination, or 
 (in European terms) iakes out his degree. I attended 
 at three different inaugurations of this sort, and heard 
 with pleasure the distinct and intelligent answers which 
 the scholars frequently gave to the bushreens, who as- 
 sembled on those occasions and acted as examiners. 
 "When the bushreens had satisfied themselves respect- 
 ing the learning and abilities of the scholar, the last 
 page of the Koran was put into his hand, and he was 
 desired to read it aloud : after the boy had finished 
 this lesson, he pressed the paper against his forehead, 
 and pronounced the word Amen, upon which all the 
 bushreens rose, and shaking him cordially by the hand, 
 bestowed upon him the title of bushreen. 
 
 When a scholar has undergone this examination, his 
 parents are informed that he has completed his educa- 
 tion, and that it is incumbent on them to redeem their 
 son, by giving to the schoolmaster a slave, or the price 
 of a slave, in exchange, which is always done, if the 
 parents can afford to do it ; if not, the boy remains the 
 domestic slave of the schoolmaster until he can, by hi 
 own industry, collect goods sufficient to ransom himself 
 About a week after the departure of Karfa, three 
 Moors arrived at Kamalia with a considerable quantity 
 of salt, and other merchandise, which they had obtaine " 
 on credit from a merchant of Fezzan, who had lately 
 arrived at Kancaba. Their engagement was to pay him 
 his price when the goods were sold, which they expectec 
 would be in the course of a month. Being rigid bush- 
 reens, they were accommodated with two of Karfa's 
 huts, and sold their goods to very great advantage. 
 
 On the 24th of January, Karfa returned to Kamalia 
 with a number of people, and thirteen prime slave? 
 whom he had purchased. He likewise brought with hiir 
 a young girl whom he had married at Kancaba, as his 
 fourth wife, and had given her parents three prim 
 slaves for her. She was kindly received at the door o 
 the baloon by Karfa's other wives, who conducted theii 
 new acquaintance and copartner into one of the bes 
 huts, which they had caused to be swept and white 
 washed on purpose to receive her.* 
 
 My clothes were by this time become so very ragge 
 that I was almost ashamed to appear out of doors, bu 
 Karfa, on the day after his arrival, generously presente 
 me with such a garment and trousers as are commonh 
 worn in the country. 
 
 The slaves which Karfa had brought with him wer 
 
 * The negroes whitewash their huts with a. mixture of bone 
 
 ashes and water, to which is commonly added a little g\im. 
 
 11 of them prisoners of war ; they had been taken by 
 lie Bambarra army in the kingdoms of Wassela and 
 Caarta, and carried to Sego, where some of them had 
 emained three years in irons. From Sego they were 
 ent, in company with a number of other captives, up 
 he Niger in two large canoes, and offered for sale at 
 Yamina, Bammakoo, and Kancaba; at which places 
 he greater number of the captives were bartered for 
 gold dust, and the remainder sent forward to Kankaree. 
 
 Eleven of them confessed to me that they had been 
 laves from their infancy, but the other two refused 
 o give any account of their former condition. They 
 vere all very inquisitive, but they viewed me at first 
 vith looks of horror, and repeatedly asked if my country- 
 ncn were cannibals. They were very desirous to know 
 what became of the slaves after they had crossed the 
 salt water. I told them that they were employed in 
 cultivating the land ; but they would not believe me, 
 and one of them, putting his hand upon the ground, 
 said with great simplicity, " Have you really got such 
 ground as this to set your feet upon 1" A deeply-rooted 
 dea that the whites purchase negroes for the purpose 
 of devouring them, or of selling them to others, that 
 they may be devoured hereafter, naturally makes the 
 slaves contemplate a journey towards the coast with 
 Treat terror, insomuch that the slatees are forced to 
 <eep them constantly in irons, and watch them very 
 closely, to prevent their escape. They are commonly 
 secured by putting the right leg of one and the left of 
 another into the same pair of fetters. By supporting 
 he fetters with a string, they can walk, though very 
 slowly. Every four slaves are likewise fastened toge- 
 ther by the necks with a strong rope of twisted thongs, 
 and in the night an additional pair of fetters is put on 
 their hands, and sometimes a light iron chain passed 
 round their necks. 
 
 Such of them as evince marks of discontent are se- 
 cured in a different manner. A thick billet of wood 
 is cut about three feet long, and a smooth notch being 
 made upon one side of it, the ankle of the slave is bolted 
 to the smooth part by means of a strong iron staple, 
 one prong of which passes on each side of the ankle. All 
 these fetters and bolts are made from native iron ; in 
 the present case, they were put on by the blacksmith 
 as soon as the slaves arrived from Kancaba, and were 
 not taken off until the morning on which the coffle de- 
 parted for Gambia. 
 
 In other respects, the treatment of the slaves during 
 their stay at Kamalia was far from being harsh or cruel. 
 They were led out in their fetters every morning to 
 the shade of the tamarind tree, where they were en- 
 couraged to play at games of hazard, and sing divert- 
 ing songs, to keep up their spirits ; for, though some of 
 them sustained the hardships of their situation with 
 amazing fortitude, the greater part were very much 
 dejected, and would sit all day in a sort of sullen melan- 
 choly, with their eyes fixed upon the ground. In the 
 evening, their irons were examined, and their hand 
 fetters put on, after which they were conducted into 
 two large huts, where they were guarded during the 
 night by Karfa's domestic slaves. But notwithstanding 
 all this, about a week after their arrival, one of the 
 slaves had the address to procure a small knife, s with 
 which he opened the rings of his fetters, cut the rope, 
 and made his escape : more of them would probably 
 have got off had they assisted each other, but the slave 
 no sooner found himself at liberty, than he refused to 
 stop and assist in breaking the chain which was fastened 
 round the necks of his companions. 
 
 As all the slatees and slaves belonging to the cofile 
 were now assembled, either at Kamalia, or at some of 
 the neighbouring villages, it might have been expected 
 that we should have set out immediately for Gambia ; 
 but though the day of our departure was frequently 
 fixed, it was always found expedient to change it. Some 
 of the people had not prepared their dry provisions ; 
 others had gone to visit their relations, or collect some 
 trifling debts ; and, last of all, it was necessary to con- 
 sult whether the day would be a lucky one. On account 
 of one of these, or other such causes, our departure was 
 
DEPARTURE FROM K AM ALT A. 
 
 put off', day after day, until the month of February was 
 far advanced, after Vhich, all the slatees agreed to re- 
 main in their present quarters until the fast moon was 
 over. And here I may remark, that loss of time is an 
 object of no great importance in the eyes of a negro. 
 If he has any thing of consequence to perform, it is a 
 matter of indifference to him whether he does it to-day 
 or to-morrow, or a month or two hence ; so long as he 
 can spend the present moment with any degree of com- 
 fort, he gives himself very little concern about the 
 future. 
 
 The fast of Rhamadan was observed with great strict- 
 ness by all the bushreens ; but instead of compelling 
 me to follow their example, as the Moors did on a 
 similar occasion, Karfa frankly told me that I was at 
 liberty to pursue iny own inclination. In order, how- 
 ever, to manifest a respect for their religious opinions, 
 I voluntarily fasted three days, which was thought suf- 
 ficient to screen me from the reproachful epithet of kafir. 
 During the fast, all the slatces belonging to the coffle 
 assembled every morning in Karfa's house, where the 
 schoolmaster read to them some religious lessons from 
 a large folio volume, the author of which was an Arab, 
 of the name of Sheiffa. In the evening such of the 
 women as had embraced Mahomedaiiism assembled, 
 and said their prayers publicly at the missura. They 
 were all dressed in white, and went through the diffe- 
 rent prostrations prescribed by their religion with be- 
 coming solemnity. Indeed, during the whole fast of 
 Rhamadan the negroes behaved themselves with the 
 greatest meekness and humility, forming a striking con- 
 trast to the savage intolerance and brutal bigotry which 
 at this period characterise the Moors. 
 
 When the fast month was almost at an end, the 
 bushreens assembled at the missura to watch for the 
 appearance of the new moon, but the evening being 
 rather cloudy, they were for some time disappointed, 
 and a number of them had gone home with a resolution 
 to fast another day, when on a sudden this delightful 
 object showed her sharp horns from behind a cloud, and 
 was welcomed with the clapping of hands, beating of 
 drums, firing of muskets, and other marks of rejoicing. 
 As this moon is reckoned extremely lucky, Karfa gave 
 orders that all the people belonging to the coffle should 
 immediately pack up their dry provisions, and hold 
 themselves in readiness ; and on the 16th of April the 
 slatees held a consultation, and fixed on the 1.9th of the 
 same month as the day on which the coffle should de- 
 part from Kamalia. This resolution freed me from 
 much uneasiness, for our departure had already been 
 so long deferred, that I was apprehensive it might still 
 be put off until the commencement of the rainy season ; 
 and although Karfa behaved towai-ds me with the 
 greatest kindness, I found my situation very unplea- 
 sant. The slatees were unfriendly to me, and the trad- 
 ing Moors who were at this time at Kamalia continued 
 to plot mischief against me from the first day of their 
 arrival. Under these circumstances, I reflected that 
 my life in a great measure depended on the good opinion 
 of an individual, who was daily hearing malicious stories 
 concerning the Europeans, and I could hardly expect 
 that he would always judge with impartiality between 
 mo and his countrymen. Time had, indeed, reconciled 
 me in some degree to their mode of life, and a smoky 
 hut, or a scanty supper, gave me no great uneasiness ; 
 but I became at last wearied out with a constant state 
 of alarm and anxiety, and felt a painful longing for the 
 manifold blessings of civilised society. 
 
 On the morning of the 17th, a circumstance occurred 
 which wrought a considerable change in my favour. 
 The three trading Moors, who had lodged under Karfa'; 
 protection ever since their arrival at Kamalia, and had 
 gained the esteem of all the bushreens by an appear- 
 ance of great sanctity, suddenly packed up their effects, 
 and, without once .thanking Karfa for his kindness to- 
 wards them, marched over the hills to Bala. Every 
 one was astonished at this unexpected removal, but the 
 atlair was cleared up in the evening by the arrival of 
 the Fczzan merchant from Kancaba (mentioned in p. 
 67), who assured Karfa, that these Moors had bor- 
 
 rowed all their salt and goods from him, and had sent 
 for him to come to Kamalia and receive payment. When 
 he was told that they had fied to the westward, ho 
 wiped a tear from each eye with the sleeve of his cloak, 
 and exclaimed, " These shirrukas (robbers) arc Maho- 
 medans, but they are not men they have robbed me 
 of two hundred minkallies." From this merchant I 
 received information of the capture of our Mediter- 
 ranean convoy by the French, in October 1795. 
 
 April 19th. The long wished-for day of our depar- 
 ture was at length arrived ; and the slatees having 
 taken the irons from their slaves, assembled with them 
 at the door of Karfa's house, where the bundles wcro 
 all tied up, and every one had his load assigned him. 
 The coffle, on its departure from Kamalia, consisted of 
 twenty-seven slaves for sale, the property of Karfa and 
 four other slatees ; but we were afterwards joined by five 
 at Maraboo, and three at Bala making in all thirty- 
 five slaves. The freemen were fourteen in number, 
 but most of them had one or two wives, and some do- 
 mestic slaves ; and the schoolmaster, who was now upon 
 his return for Woradoo, the place of his nativity, took 
 with him eight of his scholars so that the number of 
 free people and domestic slaves amounted to thirty- 
 eight, and the whole amount of the coffle was seventy- 
 three. Among the free men were six jillikeas (singing 
 men), whose musical talents were frequently exerted 
 cither to divert our fatigue or obtain us a welcome 
 from strangers. When we departed from Kamalia, we 
 were followed for about half a mile by most of the in- 
 habitants of the town, some of them crying, and others 
 shaking hands with their relations who were now about 
 to leave them ; and when we had gained a piece of rising 
 ground, from which we had a view of Kamalia, all the 
 people belonging to the coffle were ordered to sit down 
 in one place, with their faces towards the west, and the 
 townspeople were desired to sit down in another place 
 with their faces towards Kamalia. In this situation, the 
 schoolmaster, with two of the principal slatees, having 
 taken their places between the two parties, pronounced 
 a long and solemn prayer, after which they walked 
 three times round the cofflo, making an impression in 
 the ground with the ends of their spears, and muttering 
 something by way of charm. When this ceremony was 
 ended, all the people belonging to the coffle sprang up, 
 and, without taking a formal farewell of their friends, 
 set forwards. As many of the slaves had remained for 
 years in irons, the sudden exertion of walking quick 
 with heavy loads upon their heads occasioned spasmo- 
 dic contractions of their legs ; and we had not proceeded 
 above a mile before it was found necessary to take two 
 of them from the rope, and allow them to walk more 
 slowly until we reached Maraboo, a walled village, 
 where some people were waiting to join the coffle. 
 Here we stopt about two hours, to allow the strangers 
 time to pack up their provisions, and then continued 
 our route to Bala, which town we reached about four 
 in the afternoon. The inhabitants of Bala at this 
 season of the year subsist chiefly on fish, which they 
 take in great plenty from the streams in the neighbour- 
 hood. We remained here until the afternoon of the 
 next day, the 20th, when we proceeded to Wortunbang, 
 the frontier village of Manding towards Jallonkadoo. 
 As we proposed shortly to enter the Jallonka Wilder- 
 ness, the people of this village furnished us with great 
 plenty of provisions, and on the morning of the '21st 
 we entered the woods to the westward of Worumbang. 
 After having travelled some little way, a consultation was 
 held whether we should continue our route through the 
 wilderness, or save one day's provisions by going to Kiny- 
 takooro, a town in Jallonkadoo. After debating the mat- 
 ter for some time, it was agreed that we should take the 
 road for Kinytakooro ; but as that town was a long day's 
 journey distant, it was necessary to take some refresh- 
 ment. Accordingly, every person opened his provision 
 bag, and brought a handful or two of meal to the place 
 where Karfa and the slatees were sitting. When every 
 one had brought his quota, and the whole was properly 
 arranged in small gourd shells, the schoolmaster offered 
 up a short prayer, tho substance of which was, that God 
 
THE COFFLE CROSSES JALLONKA WILDERNESS. 
 
 69 
 
 and the holy Prophet might preserve us from robbers 
 and all bad people, that our provisions might never fail 
 us, nor our limbs become fatigued. This ceremony being 
 ended, every one partook of the meal, and drank a little 
 water ; alter which wo sot forward (rather running 
 iliun walking), until we came to the river Kokoro, a 
 branch of the Senegal, where we halted about ten mi- 
 nutes. The banks of this river are very high ; and 
 from the grass and brushwood which had been left by 
 the stream, it was evident that at this place the water 
 had risen more than twenty feet perpendicular during 
 the rainy season. At this time it was only a small 
 stream, such as would turn a mill, swarming with fish ; 
 and on account of the number of crocodiles, and the 
 danger of being carried past the ford by the force of 
 the stream in the rainy season, it is called Kokoro (dan- 
 gerous). From this place we continued to travel with 
 the greatest expedition, and in the afternoon crossed 
 two small branches of the Kokoro. About sunset we 
 came in sight of Kinytakooro, a considerable town, 
 nearly square, situated in the middle of a large and 
 well-cultivated plain : before we entered the town, we 
 halted until the people who had fallen behind came up. 
 During this day's travel, two slaves, a woman and a 
 girl, belonging to a slatee of Bala, were so much fa- 
 tigued that they could not keep up with the coffle ; they 
 were severely whipped, and dragged along until about 
 three o'clock in the afternoon, when they were both 
 affected with vomiting, by which it was discovered that 
 they had eaten clay. This practice is by 110 means un- 
 common amongst the negroes ; but whether it arises 
 from a vitiated appetite, or from a settled intention to 
 destroy themselves, I cannot affirm. They were per- 
 mitted to lie down in the woods, and three people re- 
 mained with them until they had rested themselves, 
 but they did not arrive at the town until past midnight ; 
 and were then so much exhausted, that the slatee gave 
 up all thoughts of taking them across the woods in their 
 present condition, and determined to return with them 
 to Bala, and wait for another opportunity. 
 
 As this was the first town beyond the limits of Man- 
 ding, greater etiquette than usual was observed. Every 
 person was ordered to keep in his proper station, and 
 we marched towards the town in a sort of procession 
 nearly as follows : In front five or six singing men, all 
 of them belonging to the coffle ; these were followed 
 by the other free people ; then came the slaves, fas- 
 tened in the usual way by a rope round their necks, 
 four of them to a rope, and a man with a spear between 
 each four ; after them came the domestic slaves, and 
 in the rear the women of free condition, wives of the 
 slatees, &c. In this manner we proceeded until wo 
 came within a hundred yards of the gate, when the 
 singing men began a loud song, well calculated to flatter 
 the vanity of the inhabitants, by extolling their known 
 hospitality to strangers, and their particular friendship 
 for the Mandiugoes. When we entered the town we 
 proceeded to the bentang, where the people gathered 
 round us to hear our dentegi (history) ; this was re- 
 lated publicly by two of the singing men they enume- 
 rated every little circumstance which had happened to 
 the coffle, beginning with the events of the present day, 
 and relating every thing in a backward series until they 
 reached Kamalia. When this history was ended, the 
 master of the town gave them a small present, and all 
 the people of the coflie, both free and enslaved, were in- 
 vited by some person or other, and accommodated with 
 lodging and provisions for the night. 
 
 CHAPTER XXV. 
 
 The Coffle crosses the Jallonka Wilderness. Miserable Fate of 
 one of the Female Slaves Arrives at Sooseeta Proceeds to 
 Manna. Some Account of the Jallonkas. Crosses the Main 
 Stream of the Senegal. Bridge of a singular Construction. 
 Arrives at Malacotta. Remarkable Conduct of the King of the 
 Jaloffs. 
 
 WE continued at Kinytakooro until noon of the 22d of 
 April, when we removed to a village about seven miles 
 
 to the westward, the inhabitants of which, being appre- 
 hensive of hostilities from the Foulahs of Fooladoo, 
 were at this time employed in constructing small tem- 
 porary huts among the rocks, on the side of a high hill 
 close to the village. The situation was almost impreg- 
 nable, being every where surrounded with high pre- 
 cipices, except on the eastern side, where the natives 
 had left a pathway sufficient to allow one person at a 
 time to ascend. Upon the brow of the hill, immediately 
 over this path, I observed several heaps of large loose 
 stones, which the people told me were intended to be 
 thrown down upon the Foulahs, if they should attempt 
 the hill. 
 
 At daybreak on the 23d we departed from this vil- 
 lage, and entered the Jallonka Wilderness. We passed, 
 in the course of the morning, the ruins of two small 
 towns which had lately been burnt by the Foulahs. 
 The fire must have been very intense, for I observed 
 that the walls of many of the huts were slightly vitri- 
 fied, and appeared at a distance as if covered with a 
 red varnish. About ten o'clock we came to the river 
 Wonda, which is somewhat larger than the river Ko- 
 koro ; but the stream was at this time rather muddy, 
 which Karfa assured me was occasioned by amazing 
 shoals of fish. They were indeed seen in all directions, 
 and in such abundance that I fancied the water itself 
 tasted and smelt fishy. As soon as we had crossed the 
 river, Karfa gave orders that all the people of the coffle 
 should in future keep close together, and travel in their 
 proper station. The guides and young men were ac- 
 cordingly placed in the van, the women and slaves iu 
 the centre, and the freemen in the rear. In this order 
 we travelled with uncommon expedition through a 
 woody but beautiful country, interspersed with a pleas- 
 ing variety of hill and dale, and abounding with par- 
 tridges, guinea-fowls, and deer, until sunset, when we 
 arrived at a most romantic stream called Co-meissang. 
 My arms and neck having been exposed to the sun 
 during the whole day, and irritated by the rubbing of 
 my dress in walking, were now very much inflamed 
 and covered with blisters, and I was happy to embrace 
 the opportunity, while the coffle rested on the bank of 
 this river, to bathe myself in the stream. This prac- 
 tice, together with the cool of the evening, much dimi- 
 nished the inflammation. About three miles to the 
 westward of the Co-meissang we halted in a thick wood, 
 and kindled our fires for the night. We were all by 
 this time very much fatigued, having, as I judged, 
 travelled this day thirty miles, but no person was heard 
 to complain. Whilst supper was preparing, Karfa 
 made one of the slaves break some branches from the 
 trees for my bed. When we had finished our supper 
 of kouskous, moistened with some boiling water, and 
 put the slaves in irons, we all lay down to sleep ; but 
 we were frequently disturbed in the night by the howl- 
 ing of wild beasts, and we found the small brown, ants 
 very troublesome. 
 
 April 24th. Before daybreak the bushreens said 
 their morning prayers, and most of the free people 
 drank a little moening (a sort of gruel), part of which 
 was likewise given to such of the slaves as appeared 
 least able to sustain the fatigues of the day. One of 
 Karfa's female slaves was very sulky, and when some 
 gruel was offered to her, she refused to drink it. As 
 soon as day dawned we set out, and travelled the whole 
 morning over a wild and rocky country, by which my 
 feet were much bruised, and I was sadly apprehensive 
 that I should not be able to keep up with the coffle 
 during the day ; but I was in a great measure relieved 
 from this anxiety, when I observed that others were 
 more exhausted than myself. In particular, the wo- 
 man slave who had refused victuals in the morning, 
 began now to lag behind, and complain dreadfully of 
 pains in her legs. Her load was taken from her and 
 given to another slave, and she was ordered to keep in 
 the front of the coffle. About eleven o'clock, as we 
 were resting by a small rivulet, some of the people dis- 
 covered a hive of bees in a hollow tree, and they were 
 proceeding to obtain the honey, when the largest swarm 
 I ever beheld flew out, and, attacking the people of the 
 
70 
 
 MISERIES OF THE SLAVE COFFLE. 
 
 coffle, made us fly in all directions. I took the alarm 
 first, and I believe was the only person who escaped 
 with impunity. When our enemies thought fit to de- 
 sist from pursuing us, and every person was employed 
 in picking out the stings he had received, it was dis- 
 covered that the poor woman above mentioned, whose 
 name was Nealce, was not come up ; and as many of 
 the slaves in their retreat had left their bundles behind 
 them, it became necessary for some persons to return 
 and bring them. In order to do this with safety, fire 
 was set to the grass a considerable way to the eastward 
 of the hive, and the wind driving the fire furiously 
 along, the party pushed through the smoke, and re- 
 covered the bundles. They likewise brought with them 
 poor Nealee, whom they found lying by the rivulet. 
 She was very much exhausted, and had crept to the 
 stream in hopes to defend herself from the bees, by 
 throwing water over her body ; but this proved inef- 
 fectual, for she was stung in the most dreadful manner. 
 
 When the slatees had picked out the stings as far as 
 they could, she was washed with water, and then rubbed 
 with bruised leaves ; but the wretched woman obsti- 
 nately refused to proceed any farther, declaring that 
 she would rather die than walk another step. As en- 
 treaties and threats were used in vain, the whip was 
 at length applied ; and after bearing patiently a few 
 strokes, she started up, and walked with tolerable ex- 
 pedition for four or five hours longer, when she made 
 an attempt to run away from the coffle, but was so very 
 weak that she fell down in the grass. Though she was 
 unable to rise, the whip was a second time applied, but 
 without effect, upon which Karfa desired two of the 
 slatees to place her upon the ass which carried our dry 
 provisions; but she could not sit erect, and the ass 
 being very refractory, it was found impossible to carry 
 her forward in that manner. The slatees, however, 
 were unwilling to abandon her, the day's journey being 
 nearly ended ; they therefore made a sort of litter of 
 bamboo canes, upon which she was placed, and tied on 
 it with slips of bark ; this litter was carried upon the 
 heads of two slaves, one walking before the other, and 
 they were followed by two others, who relieved them 
 occasionally. In this manner the woman was carried 
 forward until it was dark, when we reached a stream 
 of water, at the foot of a high hill called Gankaran- 
 Kooro, and here we stopt for the night, and set about 
 preparing our supper. As we had only ate one hand- 
 ful of meal since the preceding night, and travelled all 
 day in a hot sun, many of the slaves who had loads 
 upon their heads were very much fatigued, and some 
 of them snapt their fingers, which among the negroes 
 is a sure sign of desperation. The slatees immediately 
 put them all in irons ; and such of them as had evinced 
 signs of great despondency were kept apart from the 
 rest, and had their hands tied. In the morning they 
 were found greatly recovered. 
 
 April 25th. At daybreak poor Nealee was awakened, 
 but her limbs were now become so stiff and painful 
 that she could neither walk nor stand ; she was there- 
 fore lifted, like a corpse, upon the back of the ass, and 
 the slatees endeavoured to secure her hi that situation 
 by fastening her hands together under the ass's neck, 
 and her feet under the belly, with long slips of bark ; 
 but the ass was so very unruly that no sort of treat- 
 ment could induce him to proceed with his load, and as 
 Nealee made no exertion to prevent herself from fall- 
 ing, she was quickly thrown off, and had one of her legs 
 much bruised. Every attempt to carry her forward 
 being thus found ineffectual, the general cry of the 
 coffle was Kany-tegi, kang-teyi ! (" Cut her throat, cut 
 her throat !") an operation I did not wish to see per- 
 formed, and therefore marched onwards with the fore- 
 most of the coffle. I had not walked above a mile, 
 when one of Karfa's domestic slaves came up to me, 
 with poor Nealee's garment upon the end of his bow, 
 and exclaimed, Nealee affeeleeta ! (" Nealee is lost !") I 
 asked him whether the slatees had given him the gar- 
 ment as a reward for cutting her throat ; he replied, 
 that Karfa and the schoolmaster would not consent to 
 that measure, but had left her on the road, where un- 
 
 doubtedly she soon perished, and was probably de- 
 voured by wild beasts. 
 
 The sad fate of this wretched woman, notwithstanding 
 the outcry before mentioned, made a strong impression 
 on the minds of the whole coffle, and the schoolmaster 
 fasted the whole of the ensuing day in consequence of 
 it. We proceeded in deep silence, and soon afterwards 
 crossed the river Furkoomah, which was about as largo 
 as the river Wonda. We now travelled with great ex- 
 pedition, every one being apprehensive he might other- 
 wise meet with the fate of poor Nealee. It was, however, 
 with great difficulty that I could keep up, although I 
 threw away my spear and every thing that could in the 
 least obstruct me. About noon we saw a large herd of 
 elephants, but they suffered us to pass unmolested ; and 
 in the evening we halted near a thicket of bamboo, but 
 found no water, so that we were forced to proceed four 
 miles farther, to a small stream, where we stopt for the 
 night. We had marched this day, as I judged, about 
 twenty-six miles. 
 
 April 26th. This morning two of the schoolmaster's 
 pupils complained much of pains in their legs, and one 
 of the slaves walked lame, the soles of his feet being 
 very much blistered and inflamed ; we proceeded, not- 
 withstanding, and about eleven o'clock began to ascend 
 a rocky hill called Boki-Kooro, and it was past two in 
 the afternoon before we reached the level ground on 
 the other side. This was the most rocky road we had 
 yet encountered, and it hurt our feet much. In a 
 short time we arrived at a pretty large river called 
 Boki, which we forded : it ran smooth and clear over 
 a bed of whinstone. About a mile to the westward of 
 the river, we came to a road which leads to the north- 
 east towards Gadou, and seeing the marks of many 
 horses' feet upon the soft sand, the slatees conjectured 
 that a party of plunderers had lately rode that way to 
 fall upon some town of Gadou ; and lest they should 
 discover upon their return that we had passed, and 
 attempt to pursue us by the marks of our feet, the 
 cotfle was ordered to disperse, and travel in a loose 
 manner through the high grass and bushes. A little 
 before it was dark, having crossed the ridge of hills to 
 the westward of the river Boki, we came to a well 
 called cullong qui (white sand well), and here we 
 rested for the night. 
 
 April 27th. We departed from the well early in the 
 morning, and walked on with the greatest alacrity, in 
 hopes of reaching a town before night. The road, dur- 
 ing the forenoon, led through extensive thickets of dry 
 bamboos. About two o'clock we came to a stream 
 called Nunkolo, where we were each of us regaled with 
 a handful of meal, which, according to a superstitious 
 custom, was not to be eaten until it was first moistened 
 with water from this stream. About four o'clock we 
 reached Sooseeta, a small Jallonka village, situated in 
 the district of Kullo, which comprehends all that tract 
 of country lying along the banks of the Black River, 
 or mam branch of the Senegal. These were the first 
 human habitations we had seen since we left the village 
 to the westward of Kinytakooro, having travelled in 
 the course of the last five days upwards of one hundred 
 miles. Here, after a great deal of entreaty, we were 
 provided with huts to sleep in, but the master of the 
 village plainly told us that he could not give us any 
 provisions, as there had lately been a great scarcity in 
 this part of the country. He assured us, that before 
 they had gathered in their present crops, the whole in- 
 habitants of Kullo had been for twenty-nine days with- 
 out tasting corn, during which time they supported 
 themselves entirely upon the yellow powder which is 
 found in the pods of the nitta, so called by the natives, a 
 species of mimosa, and upon the seeds of the bamboo 
 cane, which, when properly pounded and dressed, taste- 
 very much like rice. As our dry provisions were not 
 yet exhausted, a considerable quantity of kouskous was 
 dressed for supper, and many of the villagers were in- 
 vited to take part of the repast ; but they made a very 
 bad return for this kindness, for in the night they 
 seized upon one of the schoolmaster's boys, who had 
 fallen asleep under the bentang tree, and carried him 
 
REACHES MALACOTTA. 
 
 away. The boy fortunately awoke before he was far 
 from the village, and setting up a loud scream, the man 
 who carried him put his hand upon his mouth, and ran 
 with him into the woods ; but afterwards understand- 
 ing that he belonged to the schoolmaster, whose place 
 of residence is only three days' journey distant, he 
 thought, I suppose, that he could not retain him as a 
 slave without the schoolmaster's knowledge, and there- 
 fore stripped off the boy's clothes, and permitted him 
 to return. 
 
 April 28th. Early in the morning we departed from 
 Sooseeta, and about ten o'clock came to an unwalled 
 town called Manna, the inhabitants of which were 
 employed in collecting the fruit of the nitta trees, which 
 are very numerous in this neighbourhood. The pods 
 are long and narrow, and contain a few black seeds 
 enveloped in the fine mealy powder before mentioned ; 
 the meal itself is of a bright yellow colour, resembling 
 the flour of sulphur, and has a sweet mucilaginous 
 taste : when eaten by itself it is clammy, but when 
 mixed with milk or water, it constitutes a very pleasant 
 and nourishing article of diet. 
 
 The language of the people of Manna is the same 
 that is spoken all over that extensive and hilly country 
 called Jalonkadoo. Some of the words have a great 
 affinity to the Mandingo, but the natives themselves 
 consider it as a distinct language : their numerals are 
 these : 
 
 One, Kidding. Six, Seni. 
 
 Two, Fidding. Seven, Soolo ma Adding. 
 
 Three, Sarra. Eight, Soolo ma sarra. 
 
 Four, Nani. Nine, Soolo ma nani. 
 
 Five, Soolo. Ten, Nuff. 
 
 The Jallonkas, like the Mandingoes, are governed by a 
 number of petty chiefs, who are in a great measure in- 
 dependent of each other : they have no common sove- 
 reign, and the chiefs are seldom upon such terms of 
 friendship as to assist each other even in war time. 
 The chief of Manna, with a number of his people, ac- 
 companied us to the banks of the Bafing, or Black River 
 (a principal branch of the Senegal), which we crossed 
 upon a bridge of bamboos of a very singular construc- 
 tion. The river at this place is smooth and deep, and 
 has very little current. Two tall trees, when tied toge- 
 ther by the tops, are sufficiently long to reach from one 
 side to the other, the roots resting upon the rocks, and 
 the tops floating in the water. When a few trees have 
 been placed in this direction, they are covered with dry 
 bamboos, so as to form a floating bridge, with a sloping 
 gangway at each end, where the trees rest upon the 
 rocks. This bridge is carried away every year by the 
 swelling of the river in the rainy season, and is con- 
 stantly rebuilt by the inhabitants of Manna, who, on 
 that account, expect a small tribute from every pas- 
 senger. 
 
 In the afternoon we passed several villages, at none 
 of which we could procure a lodging ; and in the twi- 
 light we received information that two hundred Jallon- 
 kas had assembled near a town called Melo, with a view 
 to plunder the coffle. This induced us to alter our 
 course, and we travelled with great secrecy until mid- 
 night, when we approached a town called Koba. Before 
 we entered the town, the names of all the people be- 
 longing to the coffie were called over, and a freeman 
 and three slaves were found to be missing. Every 
 person immediately concluded that the slaves had mur- 
 dered the freeman and made their escape. It was 
 therefore agreed that six people should go back as far 
 as the last village, and endeavour to find his body, or 
 collect some information concerning the slaves. In the 
 meantime, the cofHe was ordered to lie concealed in a 
 cotton field near a large nitta tree, and nobody to speak 
 except in a whisper. It was towards morning before 
 the six men returned, having heard nothing of the man 
 or the slaves. As none of us had tasted victuals for 
 the last twenty-four hours, it was agreed that we should 
 go into Koba, and endeavour to procure some provi- 
 sions. We accordingly entered the town before it was 
 quite day, and Karfa purchased from the chief man, 
 for three strings of beads, a considerable quantity of 
 
 ground nuts, which we roasted and ate for breakfast : 
 we were afterwards provided with huts, and rested here 
 for the day. 
 
 About eleven o'clock, to our great joy and surprise, 
 the freeman and slaves who had parted from the coffle 
 the preceding night, entered the town. One of the 
 slaves, it seems, had hurt his foot, and the night being 
 very dark, they soon lost sight of the coffle. The free- 
 man, as soon as he found himself alone with the slaves, 
 was aware of his own danger, and insisted on putting 
 them in irons. The slaves were at first rather unwill- 
 ing to submit, but when he threatened to stab them one 
 by one with his spear, they made no farther resistance; 
 and he remained with them among the bushes until 
 morning, when he let them out of irons, and came to 
 the town in hopes of hearing which route the coffle had 
 taken. The information that we received concerning 
 the Jallonkas, who intended to rob the coffle, was this 
 day confirmed, and we were forced to remain here until 
 the afternoon of the 30th, when Karfa hired a number 
 of people to protect us, and we proceeded to a village 
 called Tinkingtang. Departing from this village on the 
 day following, we crossed a high ridge of mountains to 
 the west of the Black River, and travelled over a rough 
 stony country until sunset, when we arrived at Lingi- 
 cotta, a small village in the district of Woradoo. Here 
 we shook out the last handful of meal from our dry 
 provision bags, this being the second day (since we 
 crossed the Black River) that we had travelled from, 
 morning until night without tasting one morsel of food. 
 
 May 2d. We departed from Lingicotta ; but the 
 slaves being very much fatigued, we halted for the night 
 at a village about nine miles to the westward, and pro- 
 cured some provisions through the interest of the 
 schoolmaster, who now sent forward a messenger to 
 Malacotta, his native town, to inform his friends of his 
 arrival in the country, and to desire them to provide 
 the necessary quantity of victuals to entertain the coffle 
 for two or three days. 
 
 May 3d. We set out for Malacotta, and about noon 
 arrived at a village near a considerable stream of water 
 which flows to the westward : here we determined to 
 stop for the return of ^he messenger which had been 
 sent to Malacotta the day before ; and as the natives 
 assured me there were no crocodiles in this stream, I 
 went and bathed myself. Very few people here can 
 swim, for they came in numbers to dissuade me from 
 venturing into a pool where they said the water would 
 come over my head. About two o'clock the messenger 
 returned from Malacotta, and the schoolmaster's elder 
 brother being impatient Ho see him, came along with 
 the messenger to meet him at this village. The hater- 
 view between the two brothers, who had not seen each 
 other for nine years, was very natural and affecting. 
 They fell upon each other's neck, and it was some time 
 before either of them could speak. At length, when 
 the schoolmaster had a little recovered himself, he took 
 his brother by the hand, and turning round, " This is 
 the man," said he, pointing to Karfa, " who has been 
 my father in Manding ; I would have pointed him out 
 sooner to you, but my heart was too full." 
 
 We reached Malacotta in the evening, where we were 
 well received. This is an unwalled town ; the huts for 
 the most part are made of split cane, twisted into a sort 
 of wicker-work, and plastered over with mud. Here 
 we remained three days, and were each day presented 
 with a bullock from the schoolmaster ; we were likewise 
 well entertained by the townspeople, who appear to be 
 very active and industrious. They make very good 
 soap by boiling ground nuts in water, and then adding 
 a ley of wood ashes. They likewise manufacture ex- 
 cellent iron, which they carry to Bondou to barter for salt. 
 A party of the townspeople had lately returned from 
 a trading expedition of this kind, and brought informa- 
 tion concerning a war between Almami Abdulkader, 
 king of Foota-Torra, and Darnel, king of the Jaloffs. 
 The events of this war soon became a favourite subject 
 with the singing men, and the common topic of conver- 
 sation in all the kingdoms bordering upon the Senegal 
 and Gambia ; and as the account is somewhat singular, 
 
72 
 
 THE CARAVAN PROCEEDS TO KONKADOO. 
 
 I shall here abridge it for the reader's information. The 
 king of Foota-Torra, inflamed with a zeal for propa- 
 gating his religion, had sent an embassy to Darnel si- 
 milar to that which he had sent to Kasson, as related 
 in page 21. The ambassador, on the present occasion, 
 was accompanied by two of the principal bushreens, 
 who carried each a large knife, fixed on the top of a 
 long pole. As soon as he had procured admission into 
 the presence of Darnel, and announced the pleasure of 
 his sovereign, he ordered the bushreens to present the 
 emblems of his mission. The two knives were accord- 
 ingly laid before Darnel, and the ambassador explained 
 himself as follows : " With this knife," said he, " Ab- 
 dulkader will condescend to shave the head of Darnel, 
 if Darnel will embrace the Mahomedan faith ; and with 
 this other knife, Abdulkader will cut the throat of Darnel, 
 if Darnel refuses to embrace it : Take your choice." 
 Darnel coolly told the ambassador that he had no choice 
 to make he neither chose to have his head shaved, nor 
 his throat cut ; and with this answer the ambassador 
 was civilly dismissed. Abdulkader took his measures 
 accordingly, and with a powerful army invaded Darnel's 
 country. The inhabitants of the towns and villages 
 tilled up their wells, destroyed their provisions, carried 
 off their effects, and abandoned their dwellings, as he 
 approached. By this means he was led on from place 
 to place, until he had advanced three days' journey 
 into the country of the Jaloffs. He had, indeed, met 
 with no opposition, but his army had suffered so much 
 from the scarcity of water that several of his men had 
 died by the way. This induced him to direct his march 
 towards a watering-place in the woods, where his men, 
 having quenched their thirst, and being overcome with 
 fatigue, lay down carelessly to sleep among the bushes. 
 In this situation, they were attacked by Darnel before 
 daybreak, and completely routed. Many of them were 
 trampled to death, as they lay asleep, by the Jaloff 
 horses ; others were killed in attempting to make their 
 escape ; and a still greater number were taken prisoners. 
 Among- the latter was Abdulkader himself. This am- 
 bitious, or rather frantic prince, who but a month be- 
 fore had sent the threatening message to Darnel, was 
 now himself led into his presence as a miserable cap- 
 tive. The behaviour of Darnel, on this occasion, is 
 never mentioned by the singing men but in terms of 
 the highest approbation ; and it was indeed so extraor- 
 dinary in an African prince, that the reader may find 
 it difficult to give credit to the recital. When his royal 
 prisoner was brought before him in irons, and thrown 
 upon the ground, the magnanimous Darnel, instead of 
 setting his foot upon his neck, and stabbing him with 
 his spear, according to custom in such cases, addressed 
 him as follows : " Abdulkader, answer me this ques- 
 tion. If the chance of war had placed me in your situa- 
 tion, and you in mine, how would you have treated 
 me ?" " I would have thrust my spear into your heart," 
 returned Abdulkader with great firmness ; " and I 
 know that a similar fate awaits me." " Not so," said 
 Darnel ; " my spear is indeed red with the blood of your 
 subjects killed in battle, and I could now give it a deeper 
 stain by dipping it in your own, but this would not 
 build up my towns, nor bring to life the thousands who 
 fell in the woods. I will not therefore kill you in cold 
 blood, but I will retain you as my slave, until I perceive 
 that your presence in your own kingdom will be no 
 longer dangerous to your neighbours, and then I will 
 consider of the proper way of disposing of you." Ab- 
 dulkader was accordingly retained, and worked as a 
 slave for three months ; at the end of which period, 
 Darnel listened to the solicitations of the inhabitants of 
 Foota-Torra, and restored to them their king. Strange 
 as this story may appear, I have no doubt of the truth 
 of it ; it was told me at Ivlalacotta by the negroes it 
 was afterwards related to me by the Europeans on the 
 Gambia by some of the French at Goree and con- 
 firmed by nine slaves, who were taken prisoners along 
 with Abdulkader by the watering-place in the woods, 
 and carried in the same ship with me to the West 
 Indies. 
 
 CHAPTER XXVI. 
 
 The Caravan proceeds to Konkadoo, and crosses the Fulemc 
 River. Its arrival at Buuiserile, Kirwani, and Tambacunda. 
 Incidents on the Road. A Matrimonial Case. The Caravan 
 proceeds through many Towns and Villages, and arrives at 
 length on the Banks of the Gambia. Passes through Medin.i , 
 the Capital of Woolli, and finally stops at Jindey. The Au- 
 thor, accompanied by Karfa, proceeds to I'isania. Various 
 Occurrences previous to his Departure from Africa Takes his 
 Passage in an American Ship. Short Account of his A r oyage 
 to Great Britain by the Way of the West Indies. 
 
 ON the 7th of May we departed from Malacotta, and 
 having crossed the Ba Lee (Honey River), a branch of 
 the Senegal, we arrived in the evening at a walled town 
 called Bintingala, where we rested two days. From 
 thence, in one day more, we proceeded to Dindikoo, a 
 small town situated at the bottom of a high ridge of 
 hills, from which this district is named Konkodoo (the 
 country of mountains). These hills are very productive 
 of gold. I was shown a small quantity of this metal, 
 which had been lately collected ; the grains were about 
 the usual size, but much flatter than those of Manding, 
 and were found in white quartz, which had been broken 
 to pieces by hammers. At this town I met with a 
 negro whose hair and skin were of a dull white colour. 
 He was of that sort which are called in the Spanish 
 West Indies albinos, or white negroes. The skin is 
 cadaverous and unsightly, and the natives considered 
 this complexion (I believe truly) as the effect of disease. 
 
 May llth.- At daybreak we departed from Dindikoo, 
 and, after a toilsome day's travel, arrived in the evening 
 at Satadoo, the capital of a district of the same name. 
 This town was formerly of considerable extent, but 
 many families had left it in consequence of the preda- 
 tory incursions of the Foulahs of Foota-Jalla, who made 
 it a practice to come secretly through the woods, and 
 carry off people from the corn-fields, and even from the 
 wells near the town. In the afternoon of the 12th, we 
 crossed the Faleme river, the same which I had for- 
 merly crossed at Bondou in my journey eastward. This 
 river, at this season of the year, is easily forded at this 
 place, the stream being only about two feet deep. The 
 water is very pure, and flows rapidly over a bed of sand 
 and gravel. We lodged for the night at a small village 
 called Medina, the sole property of a Mandingo mer- 
 chant, who, by a long intercourse with Europeans, has 
 been induced to adopt some of their customs. His 
 victuals were served up in pewter dishes, and even his 
 houses were built after the fashion of the English houses 
 on the Gambia. 
 
 May 13th. In the morning, as we were preparing 
 to depart, a coffle of slaves belonging to some Serawoolli 
 traders crossed the river, and agreed to proceed with 
 us to Baniserile, the capital of Dentila a very long 
 day's journey from this place. We accordingly set out 
 together, and travelled with great expedition through 
 the woods until noon, when one of the Serawoolli slaves 
 dropt the load from his head, for which he was smartly 
 whipped. The load was replaced, but he had not 
 proceeded above a mile before he let it fall a second 
 time, for which he received the same punishment. 
 After this he travelled in great pain until about two 
 o'clock, when we stopt to breathe a little, by a pool of 
 water, the day being remarkably hot. The poor slave 
 was now so completely exhausted that his master was 
 obliged to release him from the rope, for he lay motion- 
 less on the gi-ound. A Serawoolli therefore undertook 
 to remain with him, and endeavour to bring him to the 
 town during the cool of the night : in the meanwhile we 
 continued our route, and, after a very hard day's travel, 
 arrived at Baniserile late in the evening. 
 
 One of our slatees was a native of this place, from 
 which he had been absent three years. This man in- 
 vited me to go with him to his house, at the gate of which 
 his friends met him, with many expressions of joy, 
 shaking hands with him, embracing him, and singing 
 and dancing before him. As soon as he had seated 
 himself upon a mat, by the threshold of his door, a 
 young woman (his intended bride) brought a little water 
 
ENTERS THE TEN DA WILDERNESS. 
 
 73 
 
 in a calabash, and knediug down before him, desired 
 him to wash his hands ; when he had done this, the girl, 
 with a tear of joy sparkling in her eyes, drank the water 
 this being considered as the greatest proof she could 
 possibly give him of her fidelity and attachment. About 
 eight o'clock the same evening, the Serawoolli, who had 
 been left in the woods to take care of the fatigued slave, 
 returned and told us that he was dead the general opi- 
 nion, however, was that he himself had killed him or left 
 him to perish on the road, for the Sera woollies are said 
 to be infinitely more cruel in their treatment of slaves 
 than the JMandingoes. We remained at Baniserile two 
 days, in order to purchase native iron, shea-butter, and 
 some other articles for sale on the Gambia ; and here 
 the slatee who had invited me to his house, and who 
 possessed three slaves, part of the coffle, having ob- 
 tained information that the price on the coast was very 
 low, determined to separate from us, and remain with 
 his slaves where he was, until an opportunity should 
 offer of disposing of them to advantage giving us to 
 understand that he should complete his nuptials with 
 the young woman before mentioned in the meantime. 
 
 May 16'th. We departed from Baniserile, and tra- 
 velled through thick woods until noon, when we saw at 
 a distance the town of Julifunda, but did not approach 
 it, as we proposed to rest for the night at a large town 
 called Kirwani, which we reached about four o'clock 
 in the afternoon. This town stands in a valley, and 
 the country, for more than a mile round it, is cleared 
 of wood and well cultivated. The inhabitants appear 
 to be very active and industrious, and seem to have 
 carried the system of agriculture to some degree of 
 perfection, for they collect the dung of their cattle into 
 large heaps during the dry season, for the purpose of 
 manuring their land with it at the proper time. I saw 
 nothing like this in any other part of Africa. Near the 
 town are several smelting furnaces, from which the 
 natives obtain very good iron. They afterwards ham- 
 mer the metal into small bars, about a foot in length 
 and two inches in breadth, one of which bars is suffi- 
 cient to make two Maudingo corn hoes. On the morn- 
 ing after our arrival we were visited by a slatee of this 
 place, who informed Karfa, that among some slaves he 
 had lately purchased was a native of Foota-Jalla, and 
 as that country was at no great distance, he could not 
 safely employ him in the labours of the field, lest he 
 should effect his escape. The slatee was therefore de- 
 sirous of exchanging this slave for one of Karfa's, and 
 offered some cloth and shea-butter to induce Karfa to 
 comply with the proposal, which was accepted. The 
 slatee thereupon sent a boy to order the slave in ques- 
 tion to bring him a few ground nuts. The poor creature 
 soon afterwards entered the court in which we were sit- 
 ting, having no suspicion of what was negotiating, until 
 the master caused the gate to be shut, and told him to sit 
 down. The slave now saw his danger, and perceiving 
 the gate to be shut upon him, threw down the nuts and 
 jumped over the fence. He was immediately pursued 
 and overtaken by the slatecs, who brought him back 
 and secured him in irons, after which one of Karfa's 
 slaves was released and delivered in exchange. The 
 unfortunate captive was at first very much dejected, 
 but in the course of a few days his melancholy gradually 
 subsided, and he became at length as cheerful as any 
 of his companions. 
 
 Departing from Kirwani on the morning of the 20th, 
 we entered the Tenda Wilderness of two days' journey. 
 The woods were very thick, and the country shelved 
 towards the south-west. About ten o'clock we met a 
 coffle of twenty-six people, and seven loaded asses, re- 
 turning from the Gambia. Most of the men were 
 armed with muskets, and had broad belts of scarlet 
 cloth over their shoulders, and European hats upon 
 then? heads. They informed us that there was very 
 little demand for slaves on the coast, as no vessel had 
 arrived for some months past. On hearing this, the 
 Serawoollies, who had travelled with us from the Faleme 
 river, separated themselves and their slaves from the 
 coffle. They had not, they said, the means of main- 
 taining their slaves in Gambia until a vessel should ar- 
 
 rive, and were unwilling to soil them to disadvantage ; 
 they therefore departed to the northward for Kajaaga. 
 We continued our route through the wilderness, and 
 travelled all day through a rugged country, covered 
 with extensive thickets of bamboo. At sunset, to our 
 great joy, we arrived at a pool of water near a large 
 tabba tree, whence the place is called Tabba-gee, and 
 here we rested a few hours. The water at this season 
 of the year is by no means plentiful in these woods, and 
 as the days were insufferably hot, Karfa proposed to 
 travel in the night. Accordingly, about eleven o'clock 
 the slaves were taken out of their irons, and the people 
 of the coffle received orders to keep close together, its 
 well to prevent the slaves from attempting to escape 
 as on account of the wild beasts. We travelled with 
 great alacrity until daybreak, when it was discovered 
 that a free woman had parted from the coffle in the 
 night : her name was called until the woods resounded, 
 but no answer being given, we conjectured that she had 
 either mistaken the road, or that a lion had seized her 
 unperceived. At length it was agreed that four people 
 should go back a few miles to a small rivulet, where 
 some of the coffle had stopt to drink as wo passed it in 
 the night, and that the coffle should wait for their re- 
 turn. The sun was about an hour high before the 
 people came back with the woman, whom they found 
 lying fast asleep by the stream. We now resumed our 
 journey, and about eleven o'clock reached a walled 
 town called Tambacunda, where we were well received. 
 Here we remained four days, on account of a palaver 
 which was held on the following occasion : Modi Le- 
 mina, one of the slatees belonging to the coffle, had 
 formerly married a woman of this town, who had borne 
 him two children ; he afterwards went to Manding, and 
 remained there eight years, without sending any account 
 of himself during all that time to his deserted wife, 
 who, seeing no prospect of his return, at the end of 
 three years had married another man, to whom she 
 had likewise borne two children. Leinina now claimed 
 his wife ; but the second husband refused to deliver her 
 up, insisting that by the laws of Africa, when a man 
 has been three years absent from his wife, without giv- 
 ing her notice of his being alive, the woman is at liberty 
 to marry again. After all the circumstances had been 
 fully investigated in an assembly of the chief men, it 
 was determined that the wife should make her choice, 
 and be at liberty either to return to the first husband, 
 or continue with the second, as she alone should think 
 proper. Favourable as this determination was to tho 
 lady, she found it a difficult matter to make up her 
 mind, and requested time for consideration ; but I 
 think I could perceive that first love would carry the 
 day. Lemina was indeed somewhat older than his 
 rival, but he was also much richer. What weight this 
 circumstance had in the scale of his wife's affections I 
 pretend not to say. 
 
 About one o'clock on the morning of the 26th, we 
 reached Sibikillin, a walled village; but the inhabi- 
 tants having the character of iuhospitality towards 
 strangers, and of being much addicted to theft, we did 
 not think proper to enter the gate. We rested a short 
 time under a tree, and then continued our route until 
 it was dark, when we halted for the night by a small 
 stream running towards the Gambia. Next day the 
 road led over a wild and rocky country, every where 
 rising into hills, and abounding with monkeys and wild 
 beasts. In the rivulets among the hills we found great 
 plenty of fish. This was a very hard day's journey, and 
 it was not until sunset that we reached the village of 
 Koomboo, near to which are the ruins of a large town 
 formerly destroyed by war. The inhabitants of Koom- 
 boo, like those of Sibikillin, have so bad a reputation, 
 that strangers seldom lodge in the village ; we accord- 
 ingly rested for the night in the fields, where we erected 
 temporary huts for our protection, there being great 
 appearance of rain. 
 
 May 28th. We departed from Koomboo, and slept 
 at a Foulah town about seven miles to the westward ; 
 from which, on the day following, having crossed a con- 
 siderable branch of the Gambia, called Neola Koba, we 
 
RETURN TO THE GAMBIA. 
 
 reached a well-inhabited part of the country. Here are 
 several towns within sight of each other, collectively 
 called Tenda, but each is distinguished also by its parti- 
 cular name. We lodged at one of them called Koba 
 Tenda, where we remained the day following, in order 
 to procure provisions for our support in crossing the 
 Simbani woods. On the 30th we reached Jallacotta, 
 a considerable town, but much infested by Foulah ban- 
 ditti, who come through the woods from Bondou, and 
 steal every thing they can lay their hands on. A few 
 days before our arrival they had stolen twenty head oi 
 cattle, and on the day following made a second attempt, 
 but were beaten off, and one of them taken prisoner. 
 Here one of the slaves belonging to the coffle, v/ho had 
 travelled with great difficulty for the last three days, 
 was found unable to proceed any farther : his master 
 (a singing man) proposed therefore to exchange him 
 for a young slave girl belonging to one of the townspeople. 
 The poor girl was ignorant of her fate until the bundles 
 were all tied up in the morning, and the coffle ready to 
 depart, when, coming with some other young women 
 to see the cofHe set out, her master took her by the 
 hand, and delivered her to the singing man. Never 
 was a face of serenity more suddenly changed into one 
 of the deepest distress ; the terror she manifested on 
 having the load put upon her head, and the rope fas- 
 tened round her neck, and the sorrow with which she 
 bade adieu to her companions, were truly affecting. 
 About nine o'clock we crossed a large plain covered 
 with ciboa trees (a species of palm), and came to the 
 river Nerico, a branch of the Gambia. This was but 
 a small river at this time, but in the rainy season it is 
 often dangerous to travellers. As soon as we had 
 crossed this river, the singing men began to vocife- 
 rate a particular song, expressive of their joy at having 
 got safe into the west country, or, as they expressed it, 
 the land of the setting sun. The country was found to 
 be very level, and the soil a mixture of clay and sand. 
 In the afternoon it rained hard, and we had recourse 
 to the common negro umbrella, a large ciboa leaf, which 
 being placed upon the head, completely defends the 
 whole body from the rain. We lodged for the night 
 under the shade of a large tabba tree, near the ruins 
 of a village. On the morning following we crossed a 
 stream called Noulico, and about two o'clock, to my in- 
 finite joy, 1 saw myself once more on the banks of the 
 Gambia, which at this place being deep and smooth, is 
 navigable ; but the people told me, that a little lower 
 down the stream is so shallow that the coffles fre- 
 quently cross it on foot. On the south side of the river 
 opposite to this place, is a large plain of clayey ground, 
 called Toombi Toorila. It is a sort of morass, in which 
 people are frequently lost, it being more than a day's 
 journey across it. In the afternoon we met a man and 
 two women, with bundles of cotton cloth upon their 
 heads. They were going, they said, for Dentila, to 
 purchase iron, there being a great scarcity of that ar- 
 ticle on the Gambia. A little before it was dark we 
 arrived at a village in the kingdom of Woolli, called 
 Seesukuncla. Near this village there are great plenty 
 of nitta trees, and the slaves in passing along had col- 
 lected large bunches of the fruit ; but such was the 
 superstition of the inhabitants, that they would not 
 permit any of the fruit to be brought into the village. 
 They had been told, they said, that some catastrophe 
 would happen to the place, when people lived upon 
 nittas and neglected to cultivate corn. 
 
 June 2d. We departed from Seesukunda, and passed 
 a number of villages, at none of which was the coffle per- 
 mitted to stop, although we were all very much fatigued : 
 it was four o'clock in the afternoon before we reached 
 Baraconda, where we rested one day. Departing from 
 Baraconda on the morning of the 4th, we reached in a 
 few hours Medina, the capital of the king of Woolli's 
 dominions, from whom the reader may recollect I re- 
 ceived an hospitable reception in the beginning of De- 
 cember 1795, in my journey eastward (see p. 13). I 
 immediately inquired concerning the health of my good 
 old benefactor, and learnt with great concern that he 
 was dangerously ill. As Karfa would not allow the coffle 
 
 to stop, I could not present my respects to the king in 
 person, but I sent him word, by the officer to whom 
 we paid customs, that his prayers for my safety had 
 not been unavailing. We continued our route until 
 sunset, when we lodged at a small village a little to the 
 westward of Kootacunda, and on the day following ar- 
 rived at Jindey, where, eighteen months before, 1 had 
 parted from my friend Dr Laidley an interval during 
 which I had not beheld the face of a Christian, nor once 
 heard the delightful sound of my native language. 
 
 Being now arrived within a short distance of Pisania, 
 from whence my journey originally commenced, and 
 learning that my friend Karfa was not likely to meet 
 with an immediate opportunity of selling his slaves on 
 the Gambia, it occurred to me to suggest to him, that 
 he would find it for his interest to leave them at Jindey 
 until a market should offer. Karfa agreed with me in 
 this opinion, and hired from the chief man of the town 
 huts for their accommodation, and a piece of land on 
 which to employ them in raising corn, and other pro- 
 visions for their maintenance. With regard to himself, 
 he declared that he would not quit me until my depar- 
 ture from Africa. We set out accordingly, Karfa, my- 
 self, and one of the Foulahs belonging to the coffle, 
 early on the morning of the 9th ; but although I was 
 now approaching the end of my tedious and toilsome 
 journey, and expected in another day to meet with- 
 countrymen and friends, I could not part, for the last 
 time, with my unfortunate fellow-travellers doomed, 
 as I knew most of them to be, to a life of captivity and 
 slavery in a foreign land without great emotion. Dur- 
 ing a wearisome peregrination of more than five hun- 
 dred British miles, exposed to the burning rays of a 
 tropical sun, these poor slaves, amidst their own in- 
 finitely greater sufferings, would commiserate mine, 
 and frequently, of their own accord, bring water to 
 quench my thirst, and at night collect branches and 
 leaves to prepare me a bed in the wilderness. We parted 
 with reciprocal expressions of regret and benediction. 
 My good wishes and prayers were all I could bestow 
 upon them, and it afforded me some consolation to bo 
 told that they were sensible I had no more to give. 
 
 My anxiety to get forward admitting of no delay on 
 the road, we reached Tendacunda in the evening, and 
 were hospitably received at the house of an aged black 
 female called Seniora Camilla, a person who had re- 
 sided many years at the English factory, and spoke our 
 language. I was known to her before I had left the 
 Gambia, at the outset of my journey, but my dress and 
 figure were now so different from the usual appearance 
 of a European, that she was very excusable in mis- 
 taking me for a Moor. When I told her my name and 
 country, she surveyed me with great astonishment, and 
 seemed unwilling to give credit to the testimony of her 
 senses. She assured me that none of the traders on 
 the Gambia ever expected to see me again, having been 
 informed long ago that the Moors of Ludamar had 
 murdered me, as they had murdered Major Houghton. 
 I inquired for my two attendants, Johnson and Demba, 
 and learnt, with great sorrow, that neither of them was 
 returned. Karfa, who had never before heard people 
 converse in English, listened to us with great attention. 
 Every thing he saw seemed wonderful. The furniture 
 of the house, the chairs, &c., and particularly beds with 
 curtains, were objects of his great admiration, and lie 
 asked me a thousand questions concerning the utility 
 and necessity of different articles, to some of which I 
 found it difficult to give satisfactory answers. 
 
 On the morning of the 10th, Mr Robert Ainsley, 
 having learnt that I was at Tendacunda, came to meet 
 me, and politely offered me the use of his horse. He 
 informed me that Dr Laidley had removed all his pro- 
 perty to a place called Kayee, a little farther down the 
 river, and that he was then gone to Doomasansa with 
 his vessel to purchase rice, but would return in a day 
 or two. He therefore invited me to stay with him at 
 Pisania, until the doctor's return. I accepted the in- 
 vitation, and being accompanied by my friend Karfa, 
 reached Pisania about ten o'clock. Mr Ainsley's schooner 
 was lying at anchor before the place. This was the most 
 
ARRIVAL IN ENGLAND FROM AFRICA. 
 
 surprising object which Karfa had yet seen. He could 
 not easily comprehend the use of the masts, sails, and 
 rigging, nor did he conceive that it was possible, by any 
 sort of contrivance, to make so large a body move for- 
 wards by the common force of the wind. The manner 
 of fastening together the different planks which com- 
 posed the vessel, and filling up the seams so as to ex- 
 clude the water, was perfectly new to him ; and I found 
 that the schooner, with her cable and anchor, kept 
 Karfa in deep meditation the greater part of the day. 
 
 About noon on the 12th, Dr Laidley returned from 
 Doomasansa, and received me with great joy and satis- 
 faction, as one risen from the dead. Finding that the 
 wearing apparel which I had left under his care was 
 not sold or sent to England, I lost no time in resuming 
 the English dress, and disrobing my chin of its vene- 
 rable encumbrance. Karfa surveyed me in my Bri- 
 tish apparel with great delight, but regretted exceedingly 
 that I had taken off my beard, the loss of which, he 
 said, had converted me from a man into a boy. Doctor 
 Laidley readily undertook to discharge all the pecuniary 
 engagements which I had entered into since my depar- 
 ture from the Gambia, and took my draft upon the 
 Association for the amount. My agreement with Karfa 
 (as I have already related) was to pay him the value 
 of one prime slave, for which I had given him my bill 
 upon Dr Laidley before we departed from Kamalia ; 
 for in case of my death on the road, I was unwilling 
 that my benefactor should be -a loser. But this good 
 creature had continued to manifest towards me so much 
 kindness, that I thought I made him but an inadequate 
 recompense, when I told him that he was now to receive 
 double the sum I had originally promised ; and Dr 
 Laidley assured him that he was ready to deliver the 
 goods to that amount, whenever he thought proper to 
 send for them. Karfa was overpowered by this unex- 
 pected token of my gratitude, and still more so, when 
 he heard that I intended to send a handsome present 
 to the good old schoolmaster, Fankooma, at Malacotta. 
 He promised to carry up the goods along with his own ; 
 and Dr Laidley assured him, that he would exert him- 
 self in assisting him to dispose of his slaves to the best 
 advantage, the moment a slave vessel should arrive. 
 These, and other instances of attention and kindness 
 shown him by Dr Laidley, were not lost upon Karfa. 
 He would often say to me, " My journey has indeed 
 been prosperous !" But observing the improved state 
 of our manufactures, and our manifest superiority in 
 the arts of civilised life, he would sometimes appear 
 pensive, and exclaim with an involuntary sigh, Fatofing 
 into feng ! (" Black men are nothing !") At other times 
 he would ask me with great seriousness, what could 
 possibly have induced me, who was no trader, to think 
 of exploring so miserable a country as Africa ! He 
 meant by this to signify that, after what I must have 
 witnessed in my own country, nothing in Africa could 
 in his opinion deserve a moment's attention. I have 
 preserved these little traits of character in this worthy 
 negro, not only from regard to the man, but also be- 
 cause they appear to me to demonstrate that he pos- 
 sessed a mind above his condition : and to such of my 
 readers as love to contemplate human nature in all its 
 varieties, and to trace its progress from rudeness to re- 
 finement, I hope the account I have given of this poor 
 African will not be unacceptable. 
 
 No European vessel had arrived at Gambia for many 
 months previous to my return from the interior ; and as 
 the rainy season was now setting in, I persuaded Karfa 
 to return to his people at Jindey. He parted with me 
 on the 14th with great tenderness ; but as I had little 
 hopes of being able to quit Africa for the remainder of 
 the year, I told him, as the fact was, that I expected 
 to see him again before my departure. In this, how- 
 ever, I was luckily disappointed, and my narrative now 
 hastens to its conclusion; for on the loth, the ship 
 Charlestown, an American vessel, commanded by Mr 
 Charles Harris, entered the river. She came for 
 slaves, intending to touch at Goree to fill up, and to 
 proceed from thence to South Carolina. As the Euro- 
 pean merchants on the Gambia had at this tune a great 
 
 many slaves on hand, they agreed with the captain to 
 purchase the whole of his cargo, consisting chiefly of 
 rum and tobacco, and deliver him slaves to the amount, 
 in the course of two days. This afforded me such an 
 opportunity of returning, though by a circuitous route, 
 to my native country, as I thought was not to be ne- 
 glected. I therefore immediately engaged my passage 
 in this vessel for America ; and having taken leave of 
 Dr Laidley, to whose kindness I was so largely indebt- 
 ed, and my other friends on the river, I embarked at 
 Kayee on the 17th day of June. 
 
 Our passage down the river was tedious and fatigu- 
 ing ; and the weather was so hot, moist, and unhealthy, 
 that before our arrival at Goree, four of the seamen, 
 the surgeon, and three of the slaves, had died of fevers. 
 At Goree we were detained for want of provisions, 
 until the beginning of October. 
 
 The number of slaves received on board this vessel, 
 both on the Gambia and at Goree, was one hundred 
 and thirty ; of whom about twenty-five had been, I sup- 
 pose, of free condition in Africa, as most of those, being 
 bushreens, could write a little Arabic. Nine of them, 
 had become captives in the religious war between Ab- 
 dulkader and Darnel, mentioned in the latter part of 
 the preceding chapter. Two of the others had seen 
 me as I passed through Bondou, and many of them had 
 heard of me in the interior countries. My conversa- 
 tion with them, in their native language, gave them 
 great comfort ; and as the surgeon was dead, I consented 
 to act in a medical capacity in his room for the remainder 
 of the voyage. They had in truth need of every con- 
 solation in my power to bestow ; not that I observed 
 any wanton acts of cruelty practised either by the mas- 
 ter or the seamen towards them, but the mode of con- 
 fining and securing negroes in the American slave ships 
 (owing chiefly to the weakness of their crews) being 
 abundantly more rigid and severe than in British 
 vessels employed in the same traffic, made these poor 
 creatures to suffer greatly, and a general sickness pre- 
 vailed amongst them. Besides the three who died on 
 the Gambia, and six or eight while we remained at 
 Goree, eleven perished at sea, and many of the sur- 
 vivors were reduced to a very weak and emaciated 
 condition. 
 
 In the midst of these distresses, the vessel, after 
 having been three weeks at sea, became so extremely 
 leaky as to require constant exertion at the pumps. It 
 was found necessary, therefore, to take some of the 
 ablest of the negro men out of irons, and employ them 
 in this labour, in which they were often worked beyond 
 their strength. This produced a complication of mise- 
 ries not easily to be described. We were, however, 
 relieved much sooner than I expected ; for the leak 
 continuing to gain upon us, notwithstanding our utmost 
 exertions to clear the vessel, the seamen insisted on 
 bearing away for the West Indies, as affording the 
 only chance of saving our lives. Accordingly, after 
 some objections on the part of the master, we directed 
 our course for Antigua, and fortunately made that 
 island in about thirty-five days after our departure 
 from Goree. Yet even at this juncture we narrowly 
 escaped destruction ; for on approaching the north- 
 west side of the island, wo struck on the Diamond 
 Rock, and got into St John's harbour with great diffi- 
 culty. The vessel was afterwards condemned as unlit 
 for sea, and the slaves, as I have heard, were ordered 
 to be sold for the benefit of the owners. 
 
 At this island I remained ten days, when the Ches- 
 terfield Packet, homeward bound from the Leeward 
 Islands, touching at St John's for the Antigua mail, I 
 took my passage in that vessel. We sailed on the 24th 
 of November, and, after a short but tempestuous voy- 
 age, arrived at Falmouth on the 22d of December, 
 from whence I immediately set out for London ; having 
 been absent from England two years and seven months. 
 
 [Here terminates the account of Mr Park's first 
 travels in Africa, as written by himself, and we con- 
 tinue the narrative of his life and second expedition as 
 follows.] 
 
RESIDENCE IN BRITAIN AFTER HIS RETURN. 
 
 RESIDENCE IN BRITAIN FROM 1797 TILL 1805. 
 
 DAYLIGHT had scarcely dawned on the morning of Christ- 
 inas day 1797, when Mungo Park arrived in London 
 from Falmouth. Unwilling to disturb the family of 
 his brother-in-law, Mr Dickson, at so early an hour, 
 the traveller, in order to while away a little time, stept 
 into the gardens of the British Museum, one of the 
 entrances to which was accidentally open. While saun- 
 tering about the walks, Park was seen by Mr Dickson, 
 who had the charge of these gardens, and who had 
 visited them early that morning for some casual pur- 
 pose. It may well be imagined that the relative of 
 the long unheard-of wanderer doubted at first whether 
 the object which met his gaze was a vision or a reality. 
 These doubts were, of course, speedily dispelled, and 
 a joyful recognition ensued. Ere long, Park had the 
 pleasure of receiving a rapturous welcome from all 
 his friends then resident in London, and assurances of 
 the welfare of those at a distance. 
 
 The African Association hailed Park's arrival with 
 the liveliest satisfaction ; the more so, it may be be- 
 lieved, as they had been so often disappointed by the 
 unhappy results of former missions. Nor was the ac- 
 tual value of the information brought by Park, and of 
 the discoveries made by him, disproportioned to the 
 interest which his return excited. His journey set at 
 rest, once and for ever, the question of the Niger's 
 existence, and though the mystery remained in part 
 unexplained, a great step had been made towards its 
 ultimate and complete solution. As soon as the extent 
 and importance of his labours became known, the pub- 
 lic in general hailed the return of the traveller not less 
 warmly than the Association had done, and the publi- 
 cation of a narrative of his wanderings was looked for- 
 ward to with the utmost impatience. The Association 
 liberally gave Park permission to publish his papers 
 exclusively for his own benefit ; but in order to gratify 
 in some measure the curiosity which prevailed, the Se- 
 cretary of the society, Mr Bryan Edwards, was em- 
 ployed to draw up an abstract or summary of the 
 journey from the traveller's minutes. This abridge- 
 ment was ably executed, and formed the groundwork 
 of the detailed narrative drawn up and published by 
 the traveller himself.* 
 
 Park remained in London, busily engaged with the 
 preparation of this work, up till the month of June 1798. 
 He then went to Scotland, and visited his mother, who 
 still resided at Fowlshiels, and his other relations in 
 that country. With them he spent the whole of the 
 ensuing summer and autumn, still unremittingly em- 
 ployed upon the narrative of his journey. In the 
 winter of the same year, lie returned to London to su- 
 perintend the progress of the work through the press. 
 It appeared before the public in the spring of 1799, 
 and met with an enthusiastic reception. This was in 
 no slight degree owing, doubtless, to the novelty and 
 interest of the information it contained, but much also 
 of the success may be justly ascribed to the manly sim- 
 plicity and clearness of its style, and to that straight- 
 forward truthfulness which breathes out, in a way that 
 cannot be mistaken, from every line. Two impressions 
 of the work were rapidly sold off, and other editions 
 followed at intervals. It is to this hour one of the 
 most popular of British books. Of its merits, how- 
 ever, the reader is now qualified to judge for himself. 
 
 Only in one point did Park's Travels prove dis- 
 tasteful to any portion of the British public ; and as the 
 matter has been the subject of frequent remark, and 
 to a certain extent affects the traveller's good name, it 
 may be briefly alluded to, before proceeding with the 
 farther details of his career. In some passages of his 
 work, Park was held as discountenancing the abolition 
 of the negro slave trade ; and as this question strongly 
 agitated, and in some measure divided, the public mind 
 at that period, his opinions on this subject were natu- 
 
 * It is proper to remark here, that the report which attributed 
 to Mr Bryan Edwards the compilation, not only of the abstract, 
 but also of the larger work, appears to have been totally without 
 foundation. Park publicly contradicted the rumour. 
 
 rally seized upon and repeated by the party to whoso 
 cause they seemed favourable. But, on the other hand, 
 Park's nearest relatives and most intimate friends have- 
 left it on record, that he uniformly expressed the 
 strongest abhorrence of slavery and the slave trade, 
 whenever these subjects occurred in conversation. It 
 may therefore be inferred and, indeed, we have his 
 own authority for inferring that more stress has bet n 
 laid on the passages in question than the writer either 
 meant or anticipated. The strongest expression rela- 
 tive to slavery in the work only bears, that the zealous 
 abolitionists were too sanguine in their expectations of 
 immediate benefit from the discontinuance of the com- 
 merce. Time has fully verified this opinion, and it is 
 probable that Park put his sentiments purposely into 
 this qualified form. Not feeling himself called upon to 
 discuss the slave question, he might wish, in his few 
 incidental remarks upon the subject, to give offence to 
 neither party, in as far, at least, as this could be done 
 without violating his own conscience. When we con- 
 sider that some of his kindest patrons of the Associa- 
 tion, and particularly Mr Bryan Edwards, the one to 
 whom he owed most, were decided and noted anti-abo- 
 litionists, we can scarcely blame Park for being desirous 
 of preserving this neutral position. The utterance of 
 a sentence or two, which may be almost regarded as 
 truisms, was all the sacrifice he made in order to pre- 
 serve it, if w r e interpret his language rightly. 
 
 After the publication of his travels, which brought 
 him a considerable sum (in addition to the liberal re- 
 muneration made to him by the Association), Park re- 
 turned to Scotland, and, in the month of August 1799, 
 was united in marriage to the eldest daughter of Mr 
 Anderson of Selkirk, the gentleman with whom he had 
 served his apprenticeship. This union proved an ex- 
 tremely happy one. For about two years after it took 
 place, Park resided at Fowlshiels with his mother and 
 one of his brothers, who then managed the farm. What 
 were the traveller's views and avocations at this pe- 
 riod, does not very clearly appear. He had some com- 
 munications with government during the year 1799, 
 respecting an appointment in New South Wales, but 
 no engagement was entered into. At another time he 
 seems to have entertained some thoughts of settling in 
 a farm. But, ultimately, he resolved upon devoting 
 himself to the practice of his profession ; and with this 
 view removed, in the latter end of 1800, to the neigh- 
 bouring town of Peebles, where something like a va- 
 cancy then occurred in the medical department. 
 
 Park's reputation as a traveller, conjoined with his 
 professional ability, and the many virtues of his charac- 
 ter, speedily acquired for him a fair share of the busi- 
 ness of the place and its neighbourhood. Having a 
 wide circle of country for his beat, however, and that 
 in many parts of a rude and mountainous description, 
 the toils to which he was subjected were extremely 
 arduous and severe, in proportion to the recompense 
 accruing from them. But the society which the vici- 
 nity of Peebles then afforded, in some measure sweet- 
 ened and compensated the hardships which he had to 
 undergo. The celebrated Dr Adam Ferguson (father 
 of the present Sir Adam), author of a History of the 
 Roman Republic, and formerly Professor of Moral 
 Philosophy in the Edinburgh University, was resident 
 at that period within a few miles from the town, in the 
 small country-house of Hallyards, and from him, as 
 well as from Dugald Stewart, and other distinguished 
 persons who were in the habit of visiting the philoso- 
 pher's retreat, Park received the most gratifying at- 
 tentions. The gentry of the district, also, to their credit, 
 showed themselves generally sensible of the merits of 
 him whom fortune had thrown within their circle in 
 the comparatively humble, though respectable, capacity 
 of a country surgeon. He was a welcome guest at 
 their tables, and not infrequently met there persons of 
 eminence, who were capable of appreciating and enjoy- 
 ing his society. 
 
 Those, however, who have once tested their powers 
 on the short, steep, and dangerous path to fame and 
 fortune, can seldom afterwards submit to travel along 
 
PRACTISES AS A SURGEON AT PEEBLES. 
 
 77 
 
 the broad and winding highway, by which the multi- 
 tude, slowly but surely, attain to similar ends. Mungo 
 Park was no exception to this rule. His mind's eye 
 had been fixed on lofty and noble objects, and he never 
 was able to circumscribe the range of its vision, or 
 confine it to things within his new and narrowed 
 sphere. His professional duties in Peebles seemed from 
 the first to be irksome to him not because of their 
 laboriousuess, but because the want of those high mo- 
 tives to action, under the influence of which he had 
 formerly toiled unweariedly and undauntedly, preyed 
 on his mind, and weighed down his energies. Those 
 who knew him most intimately at this period of his life, 
 dcserilie him as having always the appearance of brood- 
 ing over some secret confined to his own breast. In 
 part, no doubt, this meditative look arose simply from 
 the quiet reserve which was a marked feature in his 
 character, but it may be also, in no inconsiderable 
 degree, ascribed to the cause already noticed. Within 
 the circle of his own family, indeed, and in the society 
 of his intimate friends, Park lost much of that retiring- 
 neaa \\hich hung about him on ordinary occasions, 
 and became a pleasant and communicative companion. 
 At such times he was not averse to talk of his past 
 perils, and of his hopes for the future a subject which 
 his almost feminine modesty rendered him usually 
 extremely shy of entering upon. Amongst the county 
 yeomanry, too in which corps he enrolled himself, and 
 the members of which were of the very class to which 
 he himself belonged, by birth and early habitudes 
 Park appeared in his most agreeable phase. A patrio- 
 tic song has been preserved, which he wrote for, and 
 sung at, one of the social meetings of this body. It is 
 said to have been received with the greatest enthusi- 
 asm ; a reception owing, undoubtedly, more to the mili- 
 tary spirit predominant at the time, than to any peculiar 
 merit which the composition possessed. Among the 
 few acquaintances with whom he associated in Peebles 
 was Mr James Chambers, a respectable citizen in the 
 place, and father of the publishers of the present work". 
 Mr Chambers happened at the time to possess a pretty 
 large telescope, and with this instrument he and Park 
 spent many agreeable hours in making astronomical 
 observations. 
 
 It was chiefly, however, in botanical studies that 
 Park was most interested, and these he prosecuted at 
 Peebles, in the hope, it is understood, of succeeding 
 Dr Rutherford in the chair of botany in Edinburgh, 
 through the influence of Sir Joseph Banks, with whom 
 he continued occasionally to correspond. Perhaps 
 even this held but a secondary place in his mind. 
 The Great River of Africa, with which his name was 
 already inseparably connected, occupied the first place, 
 and, after a residence of three years in Peebles, the 
 prospect opened up to him of completing what he had 
 begun, and of entirely dispelling the cloud in which the 
 Niger yet remained partially enveloped. In the autumn 
 of 1 803, he received a summons from the Colonial Office, 
 desiring his attendance in London without delay. He 
 immediately obeyed the order, and, on his arrival in 
 the metropolis, waited on the Colonial Secretary, Lord 
 Hobart, who informed him of the intention of govern- 
 ment to fit out an expedition to Africa, and of their 
 wish that he should take the principal part in it. Park 
 heard the proposition with delight, but requested a 
 short space to consult his family and friends. He again 
 came to Scotland with this apparent purpose in view ; 
 but his visit was, in reality, one of leave-taking, for his 
 mind was already made up. His acceptance of the oft'er 
 was speedily announced ; and after settling his affairs, 
 and bidding farewell to his friends, he accordingly re- 
 turned, in December of the same year, to London, 
 hoping that all would soon be in readiness for his em- 
 barkation. He was disappointed in this point, however : 
 in consequence of important political changes, his de- 
 parture, which was first fixed for February 1804, was 
 postponed till September following. This delay was 
 most annoying to Park, but the interval of leisure oc- 
 casioned by it was not spent by him idly or unprofit- 
 ably. The government having promised to defray all 
 
 reasonable expenses which he might incur in such pre- 
 parations, he engaged a person to instruct him in the 
 Arabic tongue, and also devoted himself to the improve- 
 ment of his astronomical knowledge. Finding that he 
 could pursue these studies as well beside his own family 
 as in London, he went to Peebles in March, and passed 
 the remainder of his allotted stay in Britain partly 
 there, and partly at the farm of Fowishiels in Selkirk- 
 shire. 
 
 Sidi Omback Boubi, Park's Arabic teacher, went in 
 company with his temporary pupil to Scotland. This 
 pei-son was a native of Mogadore in Morocco, who had 
 been for some time resident in London, and had filled 
 the office of interpreter to Elphi Bey, ambassador from 
 the Mamelukes of Cairo. Sidi Omback, or Omback the 
 Moor, as he w r as familiarly termed, was a considerable 
 marvel in his way to the people of Peebles. He was a 
 staunch Mussulman, and punctual in his observance of 
 all the forms inculcated by his religion. He went be- 
 fore sunrise to the market or shambles in person, and 
 killed with his own hands whatever meat was intended 
 for his own use. His mode of killing was by cutting 
 off the animal's head, after he had tuiiied its face to- 
 wards the east, and said a short prayer. So particular 
 was he in this point, that on being asked to dine at any 
 person's table, he either confined himself to a vegetable 
 diet, or had animal food, killed by himself, conveyed 
 to the house of his entertainer. One who knew him 
 well informs us of seeing Omback killing a fowl in form 
 one morning, for the purpose of sending it to the kit- 
 chen of a gentleman with whom he was that day invited 
 to dine. The Moor had other prejudices besides hi;j 
 religious ones. He would drink no wine or spirits, and 
 had a firm reliance on dreams. It is remarkable, 
 that he once expressed to Park his conviction that his 
 mother was dead, because he had so dreamt; and, 
 shortly after, information of her death actually reached 
 him. He had a deadly aversion to paintings ; and, on 
 one occasion, had well nigh stabbed a young man whom 
 he caught in the act of taking a sketch of him. In other 
 respects, Sidi was a sensible, intelligent man, spoke 
 English tolerably well, and conversed freely with all 
 who showed a disposition to cultivate his acquaintance. 
 
 Such was the person whom Park brought with him 
 to Scotland, as his instructor in the Arabic tongue, and 
 of whom many floating and not unfavourable recollec- 
 tions still exist in the south of Scotland. One circum- 
 stance dwells with particular force on the minds of all 
 those who remember Omback-. He was heard again 
 and again to express his conviction, that if Park went 
 a second time to Africa, he would never more return ! 
 The traveller would fain have had the Moor to go out 
 with him, but Omback never would consent, though a 
 strong mutual regard existed between him and Park. 
 
 After leaving Peebles, and taking up his abode at 
 Fowishiels with his family, which he did in May 1804, 
 Park enjoyed much of the society of Walter Scott, who 
 was then resident at Ashiesteel, and whose star was 
 then only rising above the horizon. A warm friendship 
 existed between these two eminent men, and it was to 
 Scott that Park avowed his deliberate preference of a 
 life of wandering in Africa to the occupation of a coun- 
 try practitioner in the wilds of Tweeddale. One strong 
 bond between Park and Scott was their common love 
 for the old and romantic minstrelsies of their own native 
 regions. The last interview which the friends enjoyed, 
 occurred immediately before the traveller's departure, 
 when the latter paid a farewell visit to Ashiesteel. 
 Scott accompanied his visitor for a considerable way 
 on the road home to Fowishiels, and, as they rode to- 
 gether, Park's horse chanced to stumble. " Ah ! Mungo," 
 the imaginative poet could not help saying, " I am afraid 
 that is a bad omen." " Freits follow them that frcils 
 follow," was the reply of the ardent traveller, as he 
 rode away without a formal adieu. These were the 
 last words which Scott heard from his friend's lips, 
 and, for the benefit of English readers, it may be ex- 
 plained that their meaning is, " Evil omens will follow 
 those only who heed them." 
 
 Early in September, Park received a final summons 
 
SETS OUT ON SECOND EXPEDITION. 
 
 to present himself at the Colonial Office. He accord- 
 ingly took a last farewell of his relations and friends, 
 and proceeded to London. Hitherto the government 
 had exhibited a degree of indecision on the subject of the 
 new African mission, even while Park, with their con- 
 currence, was making his preparations for the journey ; 
 but now the expedition seemed to be fully determined 
 on, and the manner of carrying it into execution was 
 the only point that remained to be settled. At the re- 
 quest of Lord Camden, who had succeeded Lord Hobart 
 in the Colonial Office, Park drew up a brief exposition 
 of his views regarding the proper mode of conducting 
 the enterprise. This memorial was dated 4th October 
 1804, and contained an account firstly, of the ob- 
 jects to which Park's attention would be chiefly directed 
 in his journey to the African interior secondly, of the 
 means necessary for accomplishing that journey and, 
 thirdly, of the manner in which he proposed to carry 
 the plans of government into execution. Regarding 
 the first of these points, Park stated, that the extension 
 of British commerce, and the enlargement of our geo- 
 graphical knowledge, would be the principal objects of 
 his attention, and that he would labour to promote 
 them, by acquiring an accurate knowledge of the route 
 by which merchandise could be most easily transported 
 to and from the Niger, by examining into the nature 
 and value of the articles which the interior of the Af- 
 rican continent produced, and by ascertaining, if pos- 
 sible, the termination of the Niger, and the site and 
 character of the towns and countries 011 its banks. As 
 to the means necessary for accomplishing the journey, 
 Park proposed that his party should consist of thirty 
 European soldiers, six European carpenters, and fifteen 
 or twenty Goree negroes, besides fifty asses and six 
 horses or mules (to be purchased at the Cape Verd 
 Islands). He further wished each man of his company 
 to have a gun and a pair of pistols, with a certain 
 quantity of suitable clothing. To this Park added a 
 list of other articles necessary for the expedition, con- 
 sisting of sacking bags, saddles, and other articles for 
 equipping the asses of carpenters' tools, cordage, &c., 
 for building two boats of forty feet length on the Niger 
 and of varieties of coloured cloths, amber, coral, gold, 
 and glass beads, guns, pistols, and swords, mirrors, 
 knives, scissors, and other articles, necessary either for 
 purchasing food from the natives, or for conciliating 
 their favour. Respecting the manner of carrying the 
 plans of government into execution, Park stated, that 
 after completing his equipment at St Jago and Goree, 
 he would proceed up the Gambia, cross the country to 
 the Niger, and travel down that river to its termination. 
 If it ended (as was supposed by Major Rennel) in an 
 inland lake in the kingdom of Wangara, Park proposed 
 to take the shortest way with his party to the coast, 
 and return to England. At the close of the memorial, 
 however, the writer strongly expressed his opinion, 
 that the Congo (a large river which enters the Atlantic 
 more than two hundred miles to the south of the equa- 
 tor) would be found to be the continuation and close of 
 the Niger. 
 
 After this paper was presented to Lord Camden, 
 four months elapsed ere Park's departure took place, 
 and during this interval some of his friends, and par- 
 ticularly Major Rennel, continued to dissuade him from 
 the enterprise. The impression made by these coun- 
 sels was very slight, and, in the beginning of January, 
 a letter from Lord Camden, announcing decisively 
 the intentions of government, set the question in a 
 measure at rest. In this letter, the Colonial Secretary 
 informed Park, that the king had granted to him the 
 commission of brevet-captain in Africa, and had be- 
 stowed a similar commission of lieutenant on Mr Alex- 
 ander Anderson, the traveller's brother-in-law. Mr 
 George Scott, another of Park's friends, was appointed 
 draughtsman to the party. Lord Camden further as- 
 sented to the demands made in the memorial, and ap- 
 proved of its objects. In conclusion, his Lordship 
 empowered the traveller to draw upon the treasury, or 
 upon any banking-house in London, for any sum not 
 exceeding 5000. Government also bound itself to 
 
 pay the sum of 4000 to Mrs Park, in the event of her 
 husband's death, or of his not being heard of within a 
 specified time. 
 
 NARRATIVE OF SECOND TRAVELS IN 
 AFRICA. 
 
 ALL the requisite preparations for the enterprise were 
 completed before the end of January, and on the 30th 
 of that month 1805, Park set sail from Portsmouth, 
 in the Crescent transport, talcing on board with him 
 from the dockyards of that place four or five artificers, 
 besides his two friends, Mr Anderson and Mr Scott, 
 whose appointments, of course, took place by his desire. 
 The remainder of the party was to be supplied by the 
 British garrison of Goree. After a stormy passage, 
 the Crescent reached St Jago, one of the Cape Verd 
 Islands, where the cattle and a store of provisions were 
 to be bought. From this place, Park transmitted a let- 
 ter, dated the 13th of March, to MrDickson, announcing 
 the welfare of the party, and the purchase of forty- 
 four asses, &c. From St Jago the transport sailed on 
 the 21st, and on the seventh day following anchored in 
 Goree Roads, near the mouth of the Gambia. When 
 Park's purposes were made known here, almost every 
 man of the garrison volunteered his services for the ex- 
 pedition. The traveller selected thirty-five able-bodied 
 men, and also accepted the offered services of one offi- 
 cer, Lieutenant Martyn, thinking it of consequence to 
 have in the party some one already acquainted with the 
 soldiers. Two experienced seamen, from the Squirrel 
 frigate, were added to the party, with the view of bene- 
 fiting by their valuable assistance in sailing down the 
 Niger. Park communicated these arrangements by let- 
 ter to the Colonial department, and he thus describes 
 his departure from Goree: " On. the morning of the 
 6th of April we embarked the soldiers, in number thirty- 
 five men. They jumped into the boat in the highest 
 spirits, and bade adieu to Goree with repeated huzzas. 
 I believe that every man in the garrison would have 
 embarked with great cheerfulness ; but no inducement 
 could prevail on a single negro to accompany me." 
 Strangely ominous of danger was such a refusal, from 
 those who best knew the nature of the task to be accom- 
 plished ; but the ardent spirit of the traveller saw no- 
 thing but hope in the prospect before him, and he 
 assures his wife, in a letter from Goree, that " he had 
 as yet experienced nothing but success." 
 
 On the 9th of April, the transport reached Jillifree 
 on the Gambia, and in a few days afterwards continued 
 its voyage up the river to Kayee. From this town he 
 sent several letters to his friends, one of which, addressed 
 to his father-in-law, Mr Anderson, surgeon, Selkirk, 
 is well worthy of being quoted in full, from the beauty 
 of the sentiments expressed in it.* 
 
 "Kayee, River Gambia, April 26, 1805. 
 That I have not wrote you sooner, you may be sure 
 was not from want of attention, but from want of time, 
 and because I knew that you must have received every 
 information respecting our procedure from Alexander. 
 I know that you will rejoice to hear that we both of us 
 keep our health, and that the land hand of Providence 
 has thus far made our journey prosperous. We set off 
 to-morrow morning for the interior, with the most flat- 
 tering prospect of finishing our expedition in the course 
 of six months, with honour to ourselves and benefit to 
 mankind. I need not tell you how solicitous I am about 
 the welfare of my dear Allie and children. Though I 
 have no hopes of hearing from her till my return to 
 England, yet I will indulge the hope that all is well. In 
 case it should please the Almighty to take me to him- 
 self, I have thought it necessary to give a statement of 
 my money matters in the enclosed letter, that my dear 
 wife and children may reap the reward of my industry. 
 I did not do this from any thing like second-sight, but 
 merely to guard against a possible occurrence. I am 
 
 * This letter was published for the first time in No. 7-4 of Cham- 
 bers's Journal. 
 
TROUBLES ON THE JOURNEY. 
 
 far from being in the least down-hearted : indeed, I have 
 so much to attend to that I have but little time to my- 
 self. I receive great benefit from Alexander, who is as 
 systematic, cautious, and careful as ever. I sometimes 
 think he has forgot his old maxim, 'Take it easy.' I 
 can easily imagine how little Ibi [Elizabeth, his infant 
 daughter] will be stotting about the house and garden. 
 Tell her, if she can say her questions [the catechism] 
 well, I will bring her two new frocks. My compliments 
 to Mrs Anderson, George, Thomas, and Bell. I sup- 
 pose Andrew will be in the army by this time. When 
 we return to the coast, if we are lucky enough to find a 
 vessel coming directly to England, I think we may be 
 in England by the month of December, but if we have 
 to go round by the West Indies, it will take us two 
 months longer. With best wishes for your health and 
 prosperity, I am your affectionate friend, 
 
 MUNGO PARK." 
 
 Never, perhaps, were domestic affections so warm 
 conjoined in any one breast with so ardent a love of 
 wandering and enterprise ! 
 
 In a letter to Mr Dickson, of the same date with the 
 preceding, Park thus expresses the buoyant hopes which 
 filled his mind : " Every thing at present looks as fa- 
 vourable as I could wish, and if all things go well, this 
 day six weeks I expect to drink all your healths in the 
 water of the Niger. * * * If once we are fairly afloat 
 [upon the Niger], the day is icon." At the time of re- 
 cording these sentiments, the traveller was far from 
 being unaware that there lay before him a prospect of 
 peculiar difficulty and danger. By delays, for which he 
 was not responsible, he was necessitated to enter upon 
 his route into the interior, at a season of the year when 
 travelling becomes extremely difficult, from the heats, 
 hurricanes, and rains incidental to the climate. The 
 period, indeed, for these tropical casualties was not yet 
 arrived, but it was close at hand. Park foresaw clearly 
 the chance of having to combat these disadvantages, 
 but he flattered himself with the hope of reaching the 
 Niger before the tempestuous season set in. At Kayee 
 he was able, for the first time, to perfect his prepara- 
 tions for the route, by attaching a few of the natives to 
 his party. Isaaco, a Mandingo priest and merchant, 
 and one well inured to long inland journeys, engaged 
 himself to act as guide to the expedition, and to give it 
 the assistance of several negroes, his own personal at- 
 tendants. On the 27th of April, with this addition to 
 his company, Park left Kayee, and commenced his land 
 journey, under a salute from the Crescent, whicli had 
 thus far escorted the party up the Gambia. On the 
 evening of the 28th they reached Pisania, after a march 
 rendered extremely fatiguing by the heat, and by the 
 difficulty of getting the asses to advance. At Pisania, 
 Park was again entertained by Mr Ainsley, the kind 
 friend to whom he owed so much on his former journey. 
 The party did not leave this place till the 4th of May, 
 when they set out in the following order : The asses, 
 loaded with the baggage, and marked with red paint to 
 prevent their being stolen, were divided among the 
 soldiers, a certain number to each of the six messes into 
 which the men were arranged. Mr Scott went with 
 the front party, Lieutenant Martyn in the centre, and 
 Park and Mr Anderson took charge of the rear. For 
 several days the party travelled nearly in this order, 
 in a parallel line with the Gambia the line which their 
 leader had formerly traversed alone. They had tents 
 which they pitched and slept in by night. On the llth 
 of May they reached Medina, the capital of Woolli, 
 where the king exacted a heavy cess of amber and coral 
 bars, for himself and his relatives, and great men. On 
 the 20th of May, Park had pursued his journey as far 
 as a town called Tambico, where the guide Isaaco was 
 robbed of his arms, cruelly flogged, and detained. He 
 had been sent to remonstrate against the seizure of his 
 own horse by some of the natives, as a boy was water- 
 ing it at a well. It -was with considerable difficulty, 
 and only after the payment of some articles of value, 
 that the guide could be released, and the journey con- 
 tinued. On the 26th, when the party had come up to a 
 place called Bee Creek, a curious accident befel them. 
 
 Some of Isaaco's people, being in search of honey, dis- 
 turbed a large swarm of bees, which attacked the men 
 and beasts of the company with such violence as to 
 send them flying in every direction for safety. The 
 severity of this assault may be conceived from the fact, 
 that six asses and one horse were lost on the occasion 
 two, if not three, of the asses being literally stung to 
 death, and the other animals being never recovered 
 after their dispersion. Many of the people were seri- 
 ously stung about the face and hands. 
 
 Continuing his route at no great distance from the 
 Gambia, Park was subjected to rather heavy impositions 
 by the chiefs of Badoo and Jillifinda, at which latter 
 place the party arrived on the 1st of June. Their route 
 now lay straight east, leaving the neighbourhood of the 
 Gambia. The weather at this time began to be broken, 
 and the men to suffer accordingly. On the 8th of June, 
 one of the party, a carpenter, died of dysentery. On 
 the 10th, while they were at a place called Shrondo, 
 several very heavy tornadoes occurred, and the ground 
 was covered with water about three inches deep. This 
 tempest had an instant effect on the health of the sol- 
 diers, and proved, says Park, to be the beginning of 
 sorrow. On the following day twelve of the soldiers 
 were ill with a dysenteric affection, the same by which 
 the carpenter had been cut off. Park visited the gold 
 mines of Shrondo, and saw a female go through the ope- 
 ration of washing the gravel in which the gold grains are 
 found. This gravel was taken out of pits dug in a mea- 
 dow, and washed in small basins (calabashes) by pounds 
 or so at a time. The woman referred to extracted no 
 less than twenty-three particles of gold (about a grain 
 weight each) from about two pounds of gravel, hi a few 
 minutes. Pieces of gold as large as a fist, she informed 
 the traveller, were occasionally found. Other spots 
 around are not less rich in gold than this, and altogether 
 a great quantity of the metal is procured from the dis- 
 trict annually. 
 
 From this period the troubles of Park increased 
 rapidly. Fever, as well as dysentery, spread among the 
 men, and the leader of the party suffered from it also, 
 though not so severely as Lieutenant Martyn and some 
 of the others. Before the end of June, the numbers of the 
 company had thinned lamentably. Several of the sol- 
 diers had been left behind at their own request, under 
 the charge of the natives, being totally unable to pro- 
 ceed. Park did all he could for them under the cir- 
 cumstances, by paying persons to show them every 
 necessary care and attention, but none of them ever 
 recovered. Others of the men strayed from their com- 
 panions, and were never again heard of. The majority 
 of the rest of the party, at the same time, continued for 
 the most part so ill, that they could scarcely be kept 
 on the backs of the asses by all the exertions of their 
 more healthy friends. Several of the sick begged again 
 and again to be left by the wayside to die. But not 
 even then could a peaceful death have been hoped for, 
 for wolves and lions prowled around the party by night 
 and by day. On the night of the 2d of July, the assea 
 were attacked at midnight by several young lions, and 
 one of these animals passed so near one of the sentries 
 that he cut at it with his sword. 
 
 On the 4th of July, the guide Isaaco made a narrow 
 escape from a crocodile in passing a river called the 
 Wonda, one of the feeders of the Senegal. Isaaco was 
 engaged in driving some of the asses through the stream, 
 when the crocodile rose close to him, and, seizing him 
 by the left thigh, pulled him under water. With won- 
 derful presence of mind, he thrust his finger into the 
 monster's eye, on which it quitted its hold, and Isaaco 
 made for the bank, crying for a knife ; but the croco- 
 dile followed, and again seized him by the other thigh,* 
 when Isaaco had recourse to the same expedient, and 
 thrust his fingers into both eyes with such violence 
 that the creature was compelled a second time to let go 
 its hold, after which it flounced about for a moment in 
 stupid blindness, and then went down the river. Isaaco's 
 wounds were so serious, however, as to compel Park to 
 remain near the same spot for several days a delay 
 which was not so much to be regretted, as on the 6th of 
 
80 
 
 LOSS OF COMPANIONS. 
 
 July every man of the party was unwell but one. Mr 
 Anderson and Mr Scott, on whom Park chiefly rested 
 for counsel and assistance, had been very ill for several 
 preceding days. The rains and storms continued to 
 rage at intervals, and with increasing violence. 
 
 On the 10th, the party resumed their march, and on 
 the following evening reached a considerable town 
 called Keminoom, a place remarkable only for the 
 thieving spirit which pervades all classes in and around 
 it. Thieving was universal on the route, but the thieves 
 of Keminoom were worse than usual. It was with 
 great difficulty, and only after suffering considerable 
 losses both of baggage and cattle, besides the voluntary 
 payment of a heavy toll, that Park could manage to 
 proceed. At some distance from Keminoom, he was 
 compelled with his own hand to fire at a fellow who 
 stole a greatcoat from the back of one of the asses. 
 The thief stopped, and called out in a piteous tone, 
 " Do not kill me, white man ; I cannot run from you ; 
 you have broke my leg." Park found this to be the 
 case, and his kindness of heart led him to save the poor 
 wretch from some attendant negroes, who would have 
 had him shot on the spot. 
 
 On the 19th, the party, thinned by the loss of one or 
 two more men, and with sickness still pressing on the 
 survivors, reached the banks of the Ba Woolima, 
 another feeder of the Senegal, and a stream at this 
 season twenty feet deep, being swelled by the rains. 
 After much difficulty, the party got their baggage 
 across this river, which was about sixty feet in width, 
 by means of a bridge, constructed for the occasion by 
 some negroes in a very ingenious way. The river was 
 first sounded at different distances from the shore, and 
 notches cut on a straight pole to show the depths. Two 
 straight trees were then cut, and, after their tops were 
 firmly tied together with slips of bark, one end was 
 launched across the river, and fastened to the roots of 
 trees on the opposite side. The same was done with 
 the other end. A range of upright poles, cut correctly 
 to the notches on the sounding pole, and with forks at 
 their tops, was then planted across the river, and along 
 the forks, which stood a foot above the water, were laid 
 two other trees, tied together in the middle like the 
 first. Another range of forks was placed a little farther 
 up the stream, which likewise supported two trees fas- 
 tened together as the above ; the whole was then com- 
 pleted by laying sticks, for a roadway, across the trees 
 supported on the forks. As the forked sticks which 
 stood uppermost in the stream were slanted downwards, 
 the pressure of the water maintained them firmly in their 
 place, and the undermost range of forked sticks was 
 supported against the two joined trees that were first 
 laid across the water. On the 21st, the party were all 
 safely over the Ba Woolima, and continued their route. 
 
 The 30th was marked by the death of the last of the 
 St Jago asses, the whole forty having either died or 
 been abandoned on the road at different places. Park 
 had been forced in consequence to buy or to hire new 
 ones as he went along. The route was still continued 
 by daily marches ; but before the 19th of August, more 
 than three-fourths of the party of travellers had died, 
 or had been left behind to die. Among the latter was 
 Mr Scott, whom Park saw on the 16th for the last -time. 
 Whether or not the negroes used those well who fell 
 behind, it is difficult to tell, but Park seldom gave up 
 his exertions to re-unite them to his party, until he 
 heard of their fate. Indeed, the personal toils which 
 the leader of this ill-fated band voluntarily and cheer- 
 fully underwent, for the sake of his poor companions, 
 are almost beyond belief. His kindness to them, his un- 
 wearied patience, his prudence, his encouraging hope- 
 fulness were such, perhaps, as man never evinced in 
 the like circumstances. Poor Anderson was a little 
 more fortunate than his friend Scott, for the former 
 lived at least to see the great river which was one of 
 the chief objects of their journey. After leaving a 
 place called Toniba on the 19th of August, "coming" 
 says Park, " to the brow of a hill, I once more saiv the 
 Niger rolling its immense stream along the plain !" 
 Heavy as the cost was by which the sight had been 
 
 purchased, the river was a pleasant spectacle to the 
 party, as it promised an alleviation of their toils for 
 the future. On the 22d (after a loss of several more 
 men by the fever), Park embarked from Bammakoo 
 on the Niger (or Joliba) in a canoe which he had pur- 
 chased. On the 26th, he sent Isaaco forward to the 
 large town of Sego, in order to make some presents to 
 the king or chief, Mansong, and to obtain his permission 
 to pass. Mansong sent six canoes to carry the party 
 on to Sego. The king showed considerable kindness 
 to them ; yet Park did not remain long at Sego, but 
 moved down the river to a smaller town called San- 
 sanding, where he resolved to wait for a canoe which 
 Mansong promised to sell to him. In this canoe he 
 proposed to move down the Niger to its termination. 
 After much labour, he did get a vessel of the desired 
 kind fitted up, and named it His Britannic Majesty's 
 schooner, the Joliba. At Sansanding, on the 28th of 
 October, Mr Anderson underwent the fate of so many 
 of his companions, and, regarding his death, Park ob- 
 serves " No event that took place during the journey 
 ever threw the smallest gloom over my mind, till I laid 
 Mr Anderson in the grave. I then felt myself as if 
 left a second time lonely and friendless amidst the wilds 
 of Africa." 
 
 At this point, the authentic account of Mungo Park's 
 second journey ends. Isaaco's engagement here ter- 
 minated, and the papers given to him by the traveller, 
 and carried back to the coast, constitute the only re- 
 cords of the expedition which came from Park's own 
 pen. These papers (the matter of which has been now 
 abridged) were accompanied by several letters, the 
 most interesting of which is one (dated Sansanding, 
 November 17th) addressed to Lord Camden. In this 
 letter Park says " I am sorry to say, that of forty-four 
 Europeans who left the Gambia in perfect health, five 
 only are at present alive, namely, three soldiers (one 
 deranged in his mind), Lieutenant Martyn, and myself. 
 From this account I am afraid that your Lordship will 
 be apt to consider matters as in a very hopeless state ; 
 but I assure you I am far from despairing. With the 
 assistance of one of the soldiers, I have changed a large 
 canoe into a tolerably good schooner, on board of which 
 I this day hoisted the British flag, and shall set sail to 
 the east, with the fixed resolution to discover the termi- 
 nation of the Niger, or perish in the attempt. I have 
 heard nothing that I can depend on respecting the re- 
 mote course of this mighty stream, but I am more and 
 more inclined to think that it can end nowhere but in 
 the sea. 
 
 My dear friend Mr Anderson, and likewise Mr Scott, 
 are both dead ; but though all the Europeans who are 
 with me should die, and though I were myself half- 
 dead, I would still persevere, and if I could not suc- 
 ceed in the object of my journey, I would at last die on 
 the Niffer." 
 
 A source of perpetual regret it must be to all who 
 sympathise with what is noble and lofty in human 
 doings, that the hopes of so dauntless a spirit as this 
 should have been doomed to disappointment. His 
 other letters from Sansanding (addressed to Sir Joseph 
 Banks, to Mrs Park, and to his father-in-law) are 
 written in the same hopeful and resolute tone. He con- 
 cludes his communication to his wife in these words : 
 " I think it not unlikely but I shall be in England be- 
 fore you receive this. You may be sure that I feel 
 happy at turning my face towards home. We this 
 morning have done with all intercourse with the natives, 
 and the sails are now hoisting for our departure for the 
 coast." 
 
 But, alas ! these were the last tidings that were heard 
 for a long time of the fate of his Majesty's schooner the 
 Joliba, and of those whom she bore with her down the 
 mysterious current of the Niger. In the following year 
 (1806), unfavourable accounts were brought by the 
 native traders from the interior of Africa to the British 
 settlements on the coast, and rumours spread abroad 
 that Park and his companions had perished. No au- 
 thentic information, however, could be obtained on the 
 subject ; and the British people, who felt a deep interest 
 
DEATH OF PARK CHARACTER. 
 
 81 
 
 in the traveller's fate, were long, long reluctant to be- 
 lieve in the report of his death. It was hoped that he 
 and his friends were only retained in slavery. Four 
 years passed away, and the same doubt hung over the 
 matter. At length, in 1810, the British Governor of 
 Senegal, Colonel Maxwell, with the concurrence of the 
 home authorities, dispatched Park's former guide, 
 Isaaco, to the interior, to ascertain the truth if possible. 
 In the beginning of the year mentioned, Isaaco set out 
 for the Niger, and, after an absence of twenty months, 
 returned to the coast with a full confirmation of the 
 reports concerning Park's death. Isaaco, who was a 
 trustworthy and intelligent man, kept a journal of his 
 proceedings for the satisfaction of his employers. No 
 part of this journal relates to the missing travellers, but 
 Isaaco was fortunate enough to procure another journal, 
 written by the very native who had succeeded him at 
 Sansanding as guide to the traveller. Isaaco relates 
 that he met this native, whose name was Amadi Fa- 
 touma, at Madina, a town a little farther down the Niger 
 than Sansanding. Amadi Fatouma, when he first saw 
 Isaaco, burst into tears, and said, " They are all dead !" 
 Afterwards, at the request of the other, Amadi pro- 
 duced a journal, written in Arabic, and containing an 
 account of all he knew relative to the closing scenes of 
 Park's career. The following are the leading facts in 
 this document : 
 
 After sailing from Sansanding, with Park, Martyn, 
 the other three surviving Europeans, and three negro 
 assistants, besides the guide Amadi Fatouma, on board, 
 the little schooner passed Jenne" and Tombuctoo in 
 safety, though not without daily attacks from the na- 
 tives in canoes. Having laid in a good stock of provi- 
 sions, the party had at first no occasion to go on shore. 
 But the news apparently spread that white men were 
 passing down the river, and canoes came to attack them 
 in greater numbers. At one time the schooner had 
 to beat off no less than sixty canoes. Nevertheless, the 
 party made their way in safety to Yaour (or Yaourie), 
 in the kingdom of Haoussa (or Houssa), where Amadi's 
 engagement as guide terminated ; but, before separat- 
 ing from the party, he went on shore and bought pro- 
 visions for them, besides making some conciliatory pre- 
 sents to the chief of Yaour. This same chief was also 
 entrusted with some presents for the king of Yaour, 
 who was not present. The chief put a question to Park 
 through Amadi as to " the intention of the white men 
 to return to that place." Park answered, " that he 
 could not return any more ;" and this reply seems to 
 have had a fatal effect, for it induced the treacherous 
 chief to retain for his own use the presents intended 
 for the king. Amadi witnessed the consequences so far 
 as to put this beyond doubt. After separating from 
 the party, and seeing the schooner continue her course, 
 he spent the night on shore, and in the morning called 
 to pay his respects to the king. On entering the royal 
 residence, he found two messengers newly arrived there 
 from the deceitful chief, with information that the 
 white men had passed without making any presents 
 to the king or to the chief himself, and that Amadi Fa- 
 touma (of whose story the wily chief was afraid) was a 
 bad man, and in league with the whites. Amadi was 
 immediately thrown into irons ; and on the following 
 morning the irritated king sent a large army to a place 
 farther down the river, called Boussa. There is before 
 Boussa a rock extending across the river, with only one 
 opening in it, in the form of a door, for the water to 
 pass through. The king's men took possession of the 
 top of this rock, until Park came up to it and attempted 
 to pass. The natives attacked him and his friends with 
 lances, pikes, arrows, and other missiles. Park de- 
 fended himself vigorously for a long time, but at last, 
 after throwing every thing in the canoe overboard, 
 being overpowered by numbers, and seeing no chance 
 of getting the canoe past, he took hold of one of the 
 white men, and jumped into the river ; Martyn did the 
 same : and the whole were drowned in their attempt 
 to escape by swimming. One black remained in the canoe 
 (the other two being killed), and he cried for mercy. 
 The canoe fell into the hands of the natives. Amadi 
 
 Fatouma, on being freed from his irons, three months 
 afterwards, ascertained these facts from the native who 
 had survived the catastrophe. 
 
 It is difficult to describe the impression which these 
 statements of Amadi (contained in the journal brought 
 to the coast by Isaaco) made on the minds of the Bri- 
 tish public, when communicated in dispatches of Colonel 
 Maxwell. A large portion of the public doubted the 
 authenticity of the relation, and it must be confessed 
 that some points of it were open to strong suspicion. 
 The account given of the rocky pass in the river, in 
 particular, seemed incompatible with all that was known 
 of the Niger, of the character of its banks, and of the 
 bulk of its waters. Twenty-one years from the period 
 of Park's journey, and sixteen from the time of Isaaco'a 
 discoveries, passed away, ere satisfactory evidence was 
 received in confirmation of Amadi Fatouma's account of 
 the traveller's death, and the manner of his death. In 
 1826, Captain Clapperton visited Boussa, and saw the 
 very part of the river where the party perished. In 
 1830, John and Richard Lander were at the same spot, 
 and their description must convince every one of 
 Amadi Fatouma's veracity. " On our arrival," say the 
 Landers, " at this formidable place, we discovered a 
 range of black rocks running directly across the stream, 
 and the water, finding only one narrow passage, rushed 
 through it with great impetuosity, overturning and car- 
 rying away every thing in its course." If further evi- 
 dence were required, the statements of the natives to 
 Clapperton and the Landers, and the discovery by the 
 latter travellers of a mantle, a gun, a book, and an in- 
 vitation card, that had belonged to Park, put the truth 
 of Amadi's narrative beyond doubt, as far as regards 
 the scene and the manner of the ill-fated party's de- 
 struction. There is every reason to believe that the 
 guide's journal also stated correctly the persons to 
 whom the catastrophe was owing. Clapperton, indeed, 
 received a different version of this part of the story. 
 He was informed that the sultan of Yaour had been 
 the friend of the white men, and that the men of Boussa 
 had been the destroyers of the party ; but the Landers 
 heard an account much more closely corresponding with 
 that of Amadi Fatouma. This discrepancy probably 
 arose from the fact that the informants of these tra- 
 vellers had the story themselves from hearsay, the king 
 of Yaour, cotemporary with Park, being long before 
 dead, and very few others left who remembered, or at 
 least who could correctly describe, the event. Besides, 
 there appeared a strong reluctance on the part of the 
 inhabitants of Yaour and Boussa, either from shame 
 or fear, to tell the truth respecting the melanchely ca- 
 tastrophe. The Landers and Clapperton entertained 
 hopes for some time of recovering the journals and 
 papers of Park, but they became ultimately convinced 
 that all memorials of this kind had been lost in the 
 Niger. 
 
 It may be held, therefore, as has been said, that Mungo 
 Park closed his career in the manner described by 
 Amadi Fatouma. The character of the lamented tra- 
 veller it would be a waste of words to expatiate on. 
 His deeds, the soundest test by which man can be tried, 
 sufficiently prove his claim to the possession of all the 
 highest qualifications of a traveller ; and as a man a 
 son, a husband, a father, and a friend he was a rare 
 example to his kind. The distinguishing feature of 
 his mind and acts was plain, solid, practical usefulness. 
 In person Mungo Park was above the middle size, and 
 was possessed of great hardihood and muscular vigour 
 of frame. He left three sons and one daughter. The 
 eldest of his sons, named after himself, died in India, in 
 the situation of an assistant-surgeon to the forces there. 
 Thomas, the second son, inherited much of his father's 
 enterprising spirit, and almost from childhood cherished 
 the resolve of penetrating the mystery that hung over 
 his parent's fate. After patiently and laboriously qua- 
 lifying himself for the task, he set out in 1827 for 
 Africa, but arrived on the Guinea coast only to die 
 there though not before he had showed powers of ob- 
 servation which made his fate the more to be deplored. 
 The third son now holds a commission in the British 
 
82 
 
 AFRICAN DISCOVERY SINCE TIME OF PARK. 
 
 Indian army, and the only daughter of the traveller is 
 the wife of Henry W. Meredith, Esq. of Pcntry-Bichen, 
 Denbighshire. Airs Park, the widow of the traveller, 
 Btill survives. 
 
 PROGRESS OF AFRICAN "DISCOVERY SINCE 
 THE TIME OF MUNGO PARK. 
 
 THE visits of the travellers, Clapperton and Lander, 
 at a recent period, to the interior of Africa, have been 
 incidentally alluded to in the preceding narrative. Be- 
 sides these adventurers, there have been various others, 
 who have made exploratory journeys in succession to 
 the same regions, and the result of their united labours 
 has been the addition of much interesting information 
 to that acquired by the journeys of Park. The annexa- 
 tion of a summary view of these recent discoveries 
 will, it is hoped, render the present work more gene- 
 rally acceptable. It would be out of place, however, 
 to include in this abstract a notice of any other expe- 
 ditions than those which refer to Central Africa, the 
 scene of Park's glory and his death, and the quarter 
 of the continent on which curiosity chiefly rests. 
 
 Even the interval betwixt the first and second jour- 
 neys of the distinguished traveller, whose history has 
 been detailed, was not unmarked by attempts from 
 other quarters to extend our knowledge of the African 
 interior. A Gei-man, named Hornemann, undertook 
 to penetrate into the continent by way of Egypt, and 
 succeeded in reaching Fezzan, whence he wrote (in 
 April 1800) to England ; but no particulars relative to 
 his future history are known. He was never again 
 heard of till 1 824, when Captain Clapperton, who fol- 
 lowed the same route with a better issue, learnt that 
 the German traveller had succeeded in penetrating 
 from Fezzan to Nyffee, or Nouffie, on the Niger, where 
 he fell a victim to dysentery. Hornemann's papers 
 had been all accidentally burnt. In 1804, another en- 
 terprising spirit, Mr Nicholls, endeavoured to enter 
 the African interior from the Calabar coast, in the 
 Gulf of Guinea, but, at the very outset of his journey, 
 he also perished from the pestilential fever of those 
 latitudes. 
 
 Both these journeys had been undertaken under the 
 auspices of the same indefatigable Association which 
 had guided the early labours of Park, and which now 
 prevailed on the British government to make use of 
 his valuable services a second time. The issue of the 
 expedition of 1805 has been seen. For many years 
 subsequent to that period, the attention of Britain was 
 too intently occupied with the great affairs then agi- 
 tating Europe, to leave any leisure for the prosecu- 
 tion of geographical discoveries in a public and autho- 
 rised form ; nor were any important contributions 
 made to the general stock of knowledge, during that 
 time, by individuals. One person, indeed, an Ame- 
 rican sailor, who took the name of Adams (though 
 his real appellation, as was afterwards discovered, was 
 Rose), gave out that he had been shipwrecked and cast 
 ashore in 1810 on the African coast, between Morocco 
 and the Senegal, and had been carried by the natives 
 to the interior, where he had seen Tombuctoo, and 
 various other cities of consequence. The African As- 
 sociation, to which Adams presented himself on his 
 escape from slavery, was at first disposed to credit the 
 American's relation ; but a number of circumstances 
 afterwards came to light, which established, to the sa- 
 tisfaction of the world generally, that all the informa- 
 tion which Adams possessed regarding the most of the 
 epots he professed to have visited, was derived from 
 diligent inquiry during the period of his stay in Africa 
 .for he had been, beyond doubt, shipwrecked, and de- 
 tained by the natives on that continent for a year or 
 two. Another individual, named Riley, supercargo of 
 the American brig Commerce, was cast away, in the 
 year 1815, on the borders of the Great Desert of Sa- 
 hara, and was carried by the natives into the interior 
 for a very considerable distance. The narrative which 
 Riley published, after escaping from slavery, added 
 
 nothing, however, of interest, to our acquaintance with 
 African geography. 
 
 It was only at the close of the great European war- 
 like struggle, that the business of discovery was again 
 resumed in a manner, and on a scale, likely to work out 
 important results. In 181C, the British government 
 fitted out an expedition under Captain Tuckey, to ex- 
 plore the course of the Congo, which river Park, it 
 will be remembered, considered identical with the 
 Niger. This opinion was rendered, by his high autho- 
 rity, long prevalent and popular, though the distance 
 between the then known portions of the Niger and the 
 mouth of the Congo is so immense (being above a thou- 
 sand miles), as to make us now wonder at the enter- 
 tainment of such a notion. The Congo pours its waters 
 into the Atlantic, about seven degrees south of the 
 equator, and is at its efflux a vast and single stream 
 in the lowest season more than a hundred and fifty 
 fathoms deep. Captain Tuckey ascended the Congo to 
 the distance of two hundred and eighty miles from the 
 coast, when the unfortunate mortality which befel his 
 party compelled him to return. Before completing his 
 descent, he also fell a victim to the epidemical fever of 
 the country. His papers, however, were brought home, 
 and were found to contain interesting notices of the 
 natives inhabiting the banks of the Congo, but they 
 threw no light on the main question which the enter- 
 prise had chiefly in view. As the Congo was found to 
 flow from the north-east, many considered its identity 
 with the Niger to have been by no means disproved by 
 the result of this enterprise. 
 
 At the same time that Tuckey and his party had 
 entered on the ascent of the Congo, another expedition, 
 under Major Peddie, had been dispatched to attempt 
 the descent of the Niger, by the same route nearly 
 which Park had followed. The parties of Tuckey and 
 Peddie, it was anticipated, would thus meet on the 
 Niger, if it turned out that the Congo was continuous 
 with that stream. Major Peddie had only commenced 
 the ascent of the river Nunez, when he died, leaving 
 the command of the expedition to Captain Campbell, 
 who proceeded on the line proposed, but found it im- 
 possible to penetrate nearer to the Niger than the 
 kingdom of the Foulahs. Captain Campbell returned 
 in life to the mouth of the Nunez, but died there on the 
 13th of June 1817, only two days after his arrival. 
 Lieutenant Stokoe, a spirited young officer belonging 
 to the expedition, projected a new attempt immediately 
 afterwards, which only terminated, like so many others, 
 in the premature death of the adventurer. Yet another 
 officer of Major Peddie's company, Captain Gray, slept 
 forward to prosecute this arduous undertaking. In 
 1818, Captain Gray set out on Park's route along tho 
 Gambia, and succeeded in reaching the territory of 
 Bondou, where he was for a considerable period de- 
 tained by the natives. His associate in the enterprise, 
 staff-surgeon Dochard, penetrated as far as the king- 
 dom of Bambarra on the Niger, of which Sego is the 
 capital, but was unsuccessful in obtaining permission 
 to pass through that country, for which purpose he had 
 been sent forward. Captain Gray, on being set at 
 liberty by the Bondou people, returned to the coast in 
 safety. Mr Dochard, however, had previously died 
 under the fatigues of the journey. 
 
 Records, more or less extensive, were preserved of 
 all these expeditions, in which so many daring and 
 gallant men lost their lives. The civilised world was 
 made acquainted with the appearance, manners, and 
 customs of African tribes formerly unknown, as well 
 as with the physical character of the countries they 
 inhabited ; but the termination of the Niger that 
 great and leading mystery of the African continent 
 remained as much in the dark as ever. The diffi- 
 culties, dangers, and deaths, however, which had so 
 plentifully attended all attempts to rend away the veil, 
 only stimulated the spirit of enlightened enterprise to 
 fresh and increased exertions. The next adventurer 
 who entered on the field of African discovery, was 
 Mr Ritchie, a young man recommended by the Asso- 
 ciation as a fit person to take charge of a jiew mis- 
 
DEXIIAM AND CLAPPERTON'S EXPEDITION. 
 
 83 
 
 sion to the interior, projected by the British govern 
 meat. Accompanied by Lieutenant Lyon of the Royal 
 Navy, Mr Ritchie proceeded to Tripoli in the begin- 
 ning of 1819, and in March the party set out on their 
 route across the desert. After much suffering, they 
 reached Mourzouk, the capital of a district called 
 Fezzan, where Mr Ritchie died of bilious fever. His 
 companions were compelled to retrace their steps. 
 
 The bashaw of Tripoli, who had lent his countenance 
 to the late expedition, and whose influence extends far 
 into the centre of the African continent, continued to 
 give such assurances of his aid and protection to any 
 mission that might be resolved upon, that the British 
 government made an attempt by the desert once more. 
 The new adventurers were Major Denham, Captain 
 Clapperton, and Dr Oudney, with one or two compa- 
 nions. In April 1822, the travellers reached Mourzouk, 
 after a long and toilsome journey, nearly straight south, 
 from Tripoli. The sultan of Fezzan, though a tribu- 
 tary of Tripoli, showed himself inimical to the progress 
 of the party, and actually ordered them to remain 
 at Mourzouk until he went to Tripoli and returned 
 stgain. Seeing no alternative, Major Denham retraced 
 his steps to Tripoli, and made a complaint to the 
 bashaw ; but not finding his remonstrances attended 
 to, the English officer at once took shipping for Britain, 
 to make the bashaw's breach of faith known at the 
 court of London. The dignitary of Tripoli was put 
 into dreadful alarm by this spirited proceeding, and 
 sent vessel after vessel to pacify and recal the Alajor. 
 By one of these that officer was found performing qua- 
 rantine at Marseilles, and was prevailed on to return, 
 on the faith of the bashaw's firm assurances that guides 
 and every other help were now at the command of the 
 mission. Major Denham found this to be true. A 
 caravan, belonging to a great native merchant, named 
 Boo Khaloom, was on the point of starting for Soudan 
 on the Niger, and with this band the travellers were to 
 cross the desert in company. 
 
 Boo Khaloom, a Moor or Arab of remarkable abili- 
 ties, and of a liberal and humane disposition, had a 
 retinue on the journey of above two hundred Arabs, 
 and with this company performed their dreary marches, 
 nnder a burning sun, across the sands of the interior. 
 The most extraordinary sight on this route was the 
 number of skeletons strewed on the ground, the wrecks 
 of former caravans. Sometimes sixty or seventy lay 
 in one spot, and of these some lay entwined in one 
 another's arms, as they had perished ! For fourteen 
 days, hills of sand, and plains of sand, constituted the 
 only objects in sight of the travellers. At the end of 
 that time they again beheld symptoms of herbage, being 
 now on the northern borders of the kingdom of Bornou. 
 Shortly afterwards, on reaching a town called Lari, the 
 British travellers beheld a sight which made up for all 
 they had undergone. This was the great inland sea of 
 Africa, Lake Tschad, the existence of which had been 
 so often canvassed, and which now lay before them 
 "glowing with the golden rays of the sun." 
 
 Lake Tschad, one of the most interesting points oi 
 central African scenery, is a vast triangular sheet oi 
 water, about one hundred and eighty miles long from 
 east to west, and above one hundred miles in extent at 
 its greatest breadth. It lies betwixt 14 and 17 degrees 
 of north latitude, and 12 and 15 degrees of east longi- 
 tude. Two large streams flow into it, the one, called 
 the Yeon, from the west, and the other, the Shary or 
 Tshary, from the south. Lake Tschad is situated about 
 five hundred miles to the east of the Niger, and the 
 country lying between them bears the general name o: 
 the Soudan, though particular appellations are giver 
 to provinces, such as Houssa, and others. Bornou is 
 the district lying immediately to the west of the lake 
 Major Denham spent a considerable time here. He 
 found the kingdom of Bornou in a very peculiar posi 
 tion as to government. The people are negroes, anc 
 had once been subjugated by the Fellatahs, a race com 
 bining negro with Moorish descent, and the conquerors 
 and oppressors of many kingdoms of the interior. Bu' 
 a Bornouese negro, oi' humble birth and powerful ta 
 
 ents, had aroused his countrymen, and driven out the 
 Fellatahs. This individual was found by Major Den- 
 lam to be in possession of the whole power of Bornou, 
 hough, out of respect to the prejudices of the people, 
 ,he old Fellatah prince was still permitted to hold a 
 lominal throne, and the empty title of sultan. The 
 real ruler contented himself with the title of sheikh. 
 :Ie is described by Denham as being extremely intelli- 
 gent, and as holding the reins of power with great firm- 
 less and sagacity. The Bornouese are disciples of 
 Mahomet, and may be called well civilised, in compa- 
 rison with other inland nations. Their country supplies 
 ;hem abundantly with food, and they carry on manu- 
 'actures to a considerable extent in cotton. Such is 
 ;he enlightened character of the present sheikh, that, 
 if his hands were once clear of the troubles caused by 
 ;urbulent neighbours, and which compel him to keep 
 up a large force, he would speedily, Major Denham 
 thinks, make Bornou one of the first kingdoms of Africa. 
 Major Denham found an opportunity of travelling 
 round nearly the whole of Lake Tschad, and thus satis- 
 fied himself that the waters of the Niger did not enter 
 this inland pool. After eighteen mouths' stay in Bor- 
 nou, Denham was joined by Captain Clapperton, who 
 had separated from him in order to explore the country 
 of Soudan an excursion on which Dr Oudney unfor- 
 tunately perished, from fatigue, and the diseases in- 
 cidental to the climate. Clapperton was well received 
 at Soccatoo, the capital of Houssa, and the seat of Bello, 
 the great Soudanite monarch, and the head of the Fel- 
 latah nation. Like the sheikh of Bornou, sultan Bello 
 was found to be an able and intelligent man. Strange 
 to say, he was so well acquainted with the various sects 
 of Christianity, and put so many puzzling questions 
 regarding the more intricate points of the faith of the 
 Christians, that Clapperton was obliged to shelter him- 
 self under the plea thai such matters, in his own coun- 
 try, were left entirely to the consideration of the priests. 
 The knowledge of the African prince on this subject 
 was derived probably from the Christians of Abyssinia. 
 Bello was a fine-looking personage, with a commanding 
 figure, a high forehead, and large black eyes. Like 
 the Bornou ruler, he showed an enlightened curiosity 
 respecting the astronomical and other instruments pre- 
 sented or shown to him, but no ignorant, vulgar wonder 
 appeared in his looks or manner. His capital Soccatoo, 
 situated on a tributary of the Niger, and distant four 
 days' journey from that river, is one of the largest 
 cities of the interior, containing, to appearance, above 
 forty thousand inhabitants. The city is laid out in 
 regular streets, and is surrounded, like most African 
 towns, with clay walls. The houses are well-built cot- 
 tages, generally of clay, and the mosques, as well as 
 parts of the sultan's palace, are ornamented with painted 
 wooden pillars, in a very pretty style of architecture. 
 
 Denham and Clapperton do not inform us very mi- 
 nutely of the differences in personal appearance between 
 the negroes of Bornou and the Fellatahs of Houssa. It 
 would appear, however, that many of the Fellatahs ap- 
 proach to a copper colour, and have extremely fine 
 regular features, like the Arabs. Others of the race 
 resemble more nearly the pure negroes in features and 
 complexion. The Fellatahs commonly clothe every 
 part of their bodies, wearing turbans, shirts, and trou- 
 sers, and sandals. The chief commercial city of Houssa 
 is Kano, a place nearly as large as Soccatoo, and a little 
 farther eastward. Kano is unquestionably the same 
 city as Ghana, mentioned six hundred years ago by the 
 old Moorish writer Edrisi as the greatest trading town 
 of Houssa. Cattle, vegetables, dyes, the cotton fabrics 
 of the country, and slaves, are the principal objects of 
 traffic in the market-place of Kano, which is formed of 
 little sheds or stalls of bamboo, and is superintended by 
 a regular sheikh or judge. Kowries constitute the cur- 
 rent coinage. 
 
 Upon the whole, the two countries of Houssa and 
 Bornou must be regarded as far above any kingdoms 
 of the African interior yet visited by Europeans, in point 
 of power and civilisation. The Fellatah sultan, Bello, 
 was extremely anxious that an English consul should 
 
84 
 
 CLAPPERTON LAING CAILLIE. 
 
 be sent to Soccatoo, and that a trade should be opened 
 up with the English. Before the travellers left either 
 Houssa or Bornou, however, they found the rulers of 
 these places to cool in their desire for British inter- 
 course. This arose, without doubt, from the intrigues 
 of the Arabs, who were afraid that the traffic through 
 the desert from the Mediterranean might be superseded 
 by the commerce of the British from the Atlantic or 
 western coast. The Arabs, therefore, artfully placed 
 before the minds of the African princes the conse- 
 quences which had resulted to India and other countries 
 from a connection with Britain. These representations 
 had a considerable effect, as has been said ; yet Bello 
 and the Bornouese sheikh were still anxious for the 
 commencement of a regulated and limited intercourse. 
 In order to begin this, and to accustom the natives to 
 the presence of Europeans, Mr Tyrwhitt, a gentleman 
 who had joined Denham and Clapper ton, was left at 
 Kouka, the capital of Boruou, with a considerable stock 
 of goods belonging to the party, when the other travel- 
 lers departed, by the road they came, for Tripoli. They 
 reached that place on the 26th of January 1825, and 
 proceeded shortly after to Britain, having spent more 
 than three years in Africa. Mr Tyrwhitt died at Kouka 
 in March 1825. 
 
 The safe return of two principal members of this ex- 
 pedition, and the interesting nature of the observations 
 made by them, was cheering and encouraging to the 
 British authorities, and to all who took an interest in 
 African discovery. But the question of the Niger's 
 outlet, through which alone, it was obvious, commercial 
 intercourse could be securely and effectually established 
 with the interior, remained yet in doubt, though the late 
 travellers were fully convinced that the river flowed 
 into the Atlantic somewhere in the Gulf of Guinea. 
 Ere he had rested many months at home, Clapperton, 
 one of the bravest of the many brave men who had 
 risked their lives on the same dangerous adventure, was 
 again on his way to Africa, at the head of an exploratory 
 party. His companions were Dr Morrison and Captain 
 Pearce, besides a faithful servant of Clapperton, Rich- 
 ard Lander. It was resolved on this occasion to enter 
 the interior from Badagry, a district on the northern 
 coast of the Gulf of Guinea, from which Clapperton be- 
 lieved the Niger might be soonest reached. Having 
 reached Badagry, the mission, on the 7th of December 
 1825, set out for the interior, accompanied by an 
 African guide named Pascoe, who had been hired at 
 Badagry. Alas ! ere a few days passed over, two of the 
 company, Messrs Pearce and Morrison, sank beneath 
 the climate, like so many of their predecessors. Clap- 
 perton continued his route, and passed through a po- 
 pulous kingdom named Yarriba, of which the capital, 
 Katunga, is no less than fifteen miles in circumference. 
 Another city, called Kiama, containing to appearance 
 thirty thousand inhabitants, was passed by the travel- 
 lers, who every where experienced a kind reception from 
 the natives. Other large towns lay in the route between 
 the coast and the Niger, and, in fact, the populous- 
 ness of the country was immense. In March 1826, 
 Clapperton reached Wawa, a city of eighteen thousand 
 inhabitants, and shortly afterwards went to Boussa, an- 
 other large city, and the place where Park met his fate. 
 Clapperton describes Boussa as being situated on an 
 island of the Quorra, or Niger ; but this appears by later 
 accounts to be a mistake, or, it may be, the river occu- 
 pies more than one channel at the spot at some sea- 
 sons. The travellers saw the place where Park died, 
 but, though they heard of relics that had been preserved 
 of him in the country, they did not see any. 
 
 After a short stay at Boussa, Captain Clapperton 
 crossed the Niger, and visited the country of Nyffee on 
 the left bank, after which he went to Kano and Socca- 
 too, the Fellatah cities which he had formerly seen. Un- 
 fortunately, the sultan, Bello, was now greatly more 
 suspicious of the motives of the British, in seeking in- 
 tercourse with the African states, and was disposed to 
 behave harshly to Clapperton. This feeling on the part 
 of Bello caused much anxiety to the traveller, whose 
 health at the same time began to decline. After many 
 
 months spent chiefly at Kano and Soccatoo, Clapper- 
 ton died at the latter of these cities, on the 13th of 
 April 1827, in the arms of his attendant, Richard 
 Lander, whose kind attentions he expressed his grati- 
 tude for almost with his latest breath. 
 
 Thus left alone among suspicious strangers, at the 
 distance of one hundred and fifteen days' journey from 
 the coast, and oppressed besides with sickness and fever, 
 Lander may well be believed, when he says that he felt 
 so disconsolate and lonely, as to wish earnestly that he 
 had been laid by the side of his dear master. But these 
 feelings wore partly away, and Lander soon gave proof 
 that he was possessed of intelligence above his condi- 
 tion, and was inferior in spirit and daring to none of the 
 many gallant men who had left their bones in the sun- 
 burnt plains of Africa. He formed the resolution of 
 proceeding directly to Fundah, the place where the 
 Niger was said to enter the sea, and endeavour to solve 
 the problem of its termination. As Bello appeared to 
 repent a little of his harshness after Clapperton's death, 
 Lander was enabled to set out on this journey, and to 
 travel a long way southwards of Soccatoo ; but just as 
 he approached the neighbourhood of Fundah and the 
 Niger, he was compelled by some of Bello's emissaries 
 to retrace his steps to the northward. He was not de- 
 tained, however, by the Fellatahs, but was permitted to 
 turn his course to the coast at Badagry, where he ar- 
 rived in November 1827. He reached England four 
 months afterwards, bringing with him Clapperton'a 
 papers, and a journal of his own proceedings subse- 
 quent to his master's death. 
 
 These documents brought under the notice of the 
 public, for the first time, several countries both on the 
 east and west banks of the Niger, and also supplied the 
 strongest confirmation yet received of Amadi Fatou- 
 ma's account of Mungo Park's death. Meanwhile, the 
 British government were making another attempt from 
 the Mediterranean to open up the interior of Africa 
 for such was the ultimate and highest object to be at- 
 tained through these expeditions. About the time 
 that Clapperton set out on his second journey, Major 
 Laing, an able officer, who had already travelled on the 
 African coasts, entered the Desert by way of Tripoli, 
 under the protection of a personage who had resided 
 twenty-two years at Tombuctoo. When in the middle 
 of the Desert, the party was attacked by a band of wild 
 Tuaricks, and Major Laing was left for dead, with 
 twenty-four dreadful wounds on his person. He reco- 
 vered, however, by the care of his surviving companions, 
 although numerous portions of bone had to be extracted 
 from his head and temples ! When able to do so, he 
 pursued his journey, and on the 18th of August, reached 
 the famous city of Tombuctoo. Several letters were 
 received from him, dated at this place, which he de- 
 scribed as having disappointed him in point of extent, 
 being only about four miles in circuit, but that he had 
 found its records copious and interesting. Major Laing 
 never had the opportunity, unhappily, of making these 
 valuable discoveries known, being murdered, three 
 days after leaving Tombuctoo, by a wretch who had 
 undertaken to guide him to the mouth of the Senegal or 
 its neighbourhood. What became of the ill-fated tra- 
 veller's papers is not yet known. 
 
 The next light thrown upon African geography came 
 from a source somewhat different from those described. 
 Rene" Caillie, a Frenchman of humble origin, being early 
 animated by a love of enterprise, left his country at the 
 age of sixteen, and arrived at Senegal in the year 1816. 
 Having heard soon afterwards of Major Gray's expedi- 
 tion, he contrived, after many difficulties, to join the 
 party in Bondou, aud returned with them to the coast. 
 He afterwards came to France, but went back to Africa 
 in 1824, always animated with the hope of distinguish- 
 ing himself on the field of discovery. A prize offered 
 by the French Society of Geography stimulated him 
 finally to a successful exertion. Assuming the charac- 
 ter of a Mahomedan on a pilgrimage to Mecca, he joined, 
 on the 19th of April 1827, a small native caravan, tra- 
 velling from the river Nunez to the interior. He soon 
 after reached the Joliba (the name which the Niger 
 
EXPEDITION OF THE LANDERS. 
 
 85 
 
 bears as far down as Tombuctoo), but was detained by 
 illness for five months at a place called Time. On his 
 recovery, he passed onwards to Jenne" on the Niger, a 
 city described by him as containing 8000 or 10,000 in- 
 habitants, and as being a place of considerable traffic. 
 At Jenne, he embarked in a loose native vessel of sixty 
 tons burden, and sailed with a party of merchants 
 through lake Dibble (mentioned by Park), and down 
 the Niger, until, in April 1828, the vessel stopped at 
 Cabra, the port of Tombuctoo. The inhabitants of Ca- 
 bra were about 1200 in number, and were solely oc- 
 cupied as porters, either in unloading goods, or in con- 
 veying them on the backs of asses to Tombuctoo. That 
 city itself lies about ten miles from the Niger, and is a 
 place of some 10.000 or 12,000 inhabitants. It is chiefly 
 built of bricks, and is supported entirely by commerce. 
 The population are partly negroes and partly Moors, 
 but the king is a negro, and the government solely in 
 the hands of that class. On the other hand, though all 
 the people engage more or less in trade, the Moors are 
 the principal merchants. The great article of traffic is 
 salt, which is brought from the mines in the neighbour- 
 ing Desert of Sahara, and is disseminated from Tombuc- 
 too over the whole of central Africa. Other goods, 
 both of European and native manufacture, are carried 
 from the Mediterranean by Moorish merchants to the 
 city. Tombuctoo is in the midst of barren sands, and 
 depends upon Jenne' and other places for rice and other 
 necessaries of life. The population is almost entirely 
 Mahomedan, and there are several mosques in the city, 
 of which two are very large. The people are gentle in 
 their manners, and well disposed towards strangers. 
 Education is well attended to, every person being able 
 at least to read the Koran. 
 
 Such are the leading facts stated by M. Caillie' re- 
 specting Tombuctoo. He says nothing respecting those 
 records mentioned by Major Laing, and which, if 
 they exist, relate doubtless to the ancient times of the 
 city, when it was a seat of learning and literature, 
 if we may trust the old Arabic writers. In other 
 respects, Caillie's statements correspond with the most 
 accredited reports. After leaving Tombuctoo, Caillie" 
 made his way across the Desert to Tangier, where he 
 arrived in August 1828, and whence he was forwarded 
 by the French consul to Europe. When his narrative 
 was published, the truth of it was at first doubted, but 
 afterwards the world became satisfied of his veracity, 
 and placed such inaccuracies as his work contained, to 
 the account of his want of scientific knowledge and of 
 scientific instruments. Upon the whole, however, M. 
 Caillie has contributed little to the removal of those 
 glaring blanks which have so long defaced the map of 
 Africa. 
 
 Not so the next adventurer to whom we have to 
 allude. This was Richard Lander, the faithful follower 
 of Clapperton. Lander made an offer of his services to 
 government, for the investigation of the course and ter- 
 mination of the Niger. The offer was accepted, and 
 Lander embarked at Portsmouth on the 9th of Janu- 
 ary 1830, accompanied by his younger brother John, 
 who shared in all the toils and honours of the expedi- 
 tion. The Landers arrived on the 19th of March at 
 Badagry, and at the end of the month started on the 
 same route pursued by Clapperton in his journey to 
 the Niger. Paskoe, the old guide, was again taken into 
 service by the Landers. After an interesting journey 
 through the populous cities of Yarriba, the travellers 
 arrived at Boussa on the Niger, on the 17th of June. 
 The king of Boussa welcomed them with great cordi- 
 ality. Though gentle and hospitable, this prince was a 
 mere ignorant savage, in comparison of the kings of 
 Houssa and Bornou. At Boussa, notwithstanding that 
 aversion. always evinced by the natives to speak about 
 Park, the Landers found an old nautical publication 
 belonging to that traveller, with a loose paper or two 
 between the sheets one of them an invitation card to 
 dinner. The man who possessed this book regarded it 
 as his household god, every written paper being of 
 magical import in the eyes of the natives. The tobe, or 
 Burtout-dress ; of rich crimson damask, which Park had 
 
 worn, was <ilso recovered at Boussa by the Landers, 
 but no distinct account was got of the mode in which 
 these articles came into the hands of their owners. 
 
 Yaourie, a city and province on the east bank of tho 
 Niger, at the distance of three or four days' journey 
 northwards from Boussa, was next visited by the tra- 
 vellers, in consequence of reports having been long 
 prevalent that the king of Yaourie had Park's papers 
 in his possession ; but the Landers found nothing there 
 but a double-barrelled gun, which had been part of 
 Park's present to the king, and which they got in ex- 
 change for their own fowling-piece. The king of 
 Yaourie was the son of the monarch who had been co- 
 temporary with Park. It was with some difficulty that 
 the Landers could get away from the king of Yaourie, 
 who was a greedy and ignorant, though crafty savage, 
 and who had at first artfully deceived his visitors into 
 the belief of his having relics of the long-lost traveller. 
 
 On the return of the travellers to Boussa, they began 
 to look out for a canoe in which to pass down the river. 
 They did not obtain this, however, until after they had 
 paid a visit to Wawa (or Wowow, an inland town already 
 mentioned), the king of which behaved uncommonly 
 well to them. Indeed, the kings and people of Boussa 
 and Wowow seem to have been simple and ingenuous 
 in an extreme degree. The king of Boussa sent mes- 
 sengers down the Niger to a town called Rabba, in 
 order to pave the way for the secure passage of the 
 travellers ; and when a favourable answer was return- 
 ed, the African monarch "capered round his hut with 
 transport, and, after a burst of joy, he began to cry 
 like a child his heart was so full. 'Now,' said he, 
 'whatever may happen to the white men, my neigh- 
 bours cannot but acknowledge that I have taken every 
 care of them, treated them as became a king, and done 
 my best to promote their happiness and interests.' 
 And so he has," continue the Landers. 
 
 On the 20th of September, the travellers embarked 
 in a canoe provided for them, on the Niger. They 
 were detained for a time after they had sailed a short 
 way, in consequence of their having broken a promise 
 to go to Wowow during certain festivals then in pro- 
 gress. The Wowow king seems to have been anxious 
 to show off his grandeur to the white men. This diffi- 
 culty removed, the Landers continued their course. On 
 the 7th of October, they arrived opposite Rabba, hav- 
 ing passed a number of islands and towns on the river, 
 which was always a magnificent stream, but varying 
 considerably in width. Rabba is a large market-town, 
 governed by a relative of sultan Bello. The ruler of 
 Rabba being dissatisfied with the presents made to him, 
 the travellers were reluctantly forced to give him Park's 
 tobe, and they subsequently had the misfortune to lose 
 his gun. Near Rabba, the river took a wide sweep to 
 the eastwards, but it again turned to the south. Egga, 
 another famous market-town on the river, and Kacunda, 
 were afterwards passed, and the mouths of two large 
 tributaries, the Coodoovia, and the Tshadda, were also 
 seen. Various other towns were passed in succession, 
 the largest of which were Bocqua and Attah. The 
 Landers had now arrived at a region where signs of 
 European intercourse were seen, and where the natives 
 had been tainted by the demoralising consequences of 
 the slave commerce. At a place called Kirree, the 
 travellers suffered a heavy misfortune. They were 
 attacked by a number of canoes, seized, and their pro- 
 perty taken from them. Richard's journal, amongst 
 other articles, was lost in the river, though the notes of 
 his brother were happily preserved. The travellers 
 expected nothing but death at this time themselves, 
 but their lives were saved, that they might be carried 
 down the river to Eboe-town, where the king of the 
 Eboe people resided, and by whose subjects the attack 
 had been made. On their way to Eboe-town, they 
 passed a large lake on the river, which afterwards 
 divided itself into three broad streams, flowing at diffe- 
 rent inclinations to the south-west. From this and 
 previous branchings of the stream, the Landers felt 
 convinced that they were close by the termination of 
 the Niger in the Gulf of Guinea ; and their anxiety to 
 
MOUTH OF THE NIGER DISCOVERED BY THE LANDERS. 
 
 continue their route was proportionable to^their plea- 
 sure at the near accomplishment of their task. Obie, 
 the Eboe king, resolved to detain them, however, till a 
 ransom was got from the English ; but king Boy, a mo- 
 narch residing farther down the river, and who was 
 then in Eboe-town, became bound for the ransom of the 
 Landers, and carried them down (what proved to be the 
 stream commonly called the Nun river) to Brass-Town, 
 his father's capital. King Boy subsequently went down 
 to the mouth of the river with Richard Lander, leaving 
 John at Brass-Town. An English merchantman was 
 lying in the Nun, and with hope in his heart, Richard 
 Lander went on board of her with Boy, and explained 
 his situation to the commander Captain Lake, expect- 
 ing to find a countryman's sympathy and aid. The 
 wretch refused to expend a penny on their ransom, 
 though, if he had possessed a spark of intelligence, he 
 might have been assured that the British government 
 would gladly have paid, ten times over, any outlay made 
 in such circumstances. Richard Lander with difficulty 
 prevailed on Boy to go and bring his brother John to 
 the brig, by which time the traveller hoped Lake would 
 relent. The brutal captain, however, did not relent ; 
 and when John Lander came to the brig, he and his 
 brother, much against their will, were 'forced to leave 
 the river without satisfying Boy, who had generously 
 taken the risk of recovering their ransom. It is a con- 
 solution to think that the British government ultimately 
 made Boy be paid much more than he looked for. In 
 Captain Lake's vessel, meantime, the Landers, after 
 much danger, crossed the bar of the river Nun, and 
 entered the open sea in the Bight of Benin, Gulf of 
 Guinea, with the deep satisfaction on their minds of 
 having thus attained the glory of discovering the termi- 
 nation of the Niger ! Oil the 1st of December, they 
 were put ashore at Fernando Po, where they experienced 
 the warmest reception from the British residents. 
 Shortly afterwards they found a passage homewards, 
 and reached Britain on the 9th of June 1831, after an 
 absence of a year and a half. 
 
 The solution of the great African mystery by the 
 Landers was justly felt by their countrymen as a na- 
 tional triumph. But the matter, when explained, 
 looked so simple, as in the case of Columbus with the 
 egg, that men wondered how they could have been so 
 long in the dark with respect to it. The splitting of 
 the Niger into numerous branches near its close, some 
 of them a hundred miles distant from othei-s, was the 
 real cause of all the difficulty. Like the Nile, the 
 Niger has a large delta (so called from the shape of 
 the Greek letter A delta), and each of its branches 
 bore the look of independent streams. The delta of 
 the Niger is partly inhabited, but is extremely marshy. 
 
 The discovery of the mouth of the Niger was not 
 ' long in being turned to advantage by the enterprising 
 spirit of British commerce. Richard Lander again 
 gave his services to the cause. Several mercantile 
 gentlemen of Liverpool having determined upon open- 
 ing a traffic through the Niger, in the expectation of 
 getting indigo, ivory, and other African productions, 
 in exchange for British manufactures, two steam-ves- 
 sels were fitted out, to which the names of the Quorra 
 and the Alburkah were given, and the latter of which 
 was entirely formed of iron an experiment in sailing 
 which succeeded remarkably well, and which would 
 have been remarkable under any circumstances. The 
 heating of the iron was feared, but its great conducting 
 power kept it at the temperature of the water. After 
 a tedious voyage, these two vessels were safely con- 
 veyed to the destined quarter in October 1832, with 
 Lander, Messrs Laird, Oldfield, and a considerable 
 party of Europeans, on board. In the same mouth, 
 the Quorra and Alburkah commenced the ascent of 
 the Nun branch of the Niger. The lowermost portions, 
 in point of position, of the Eboe population, showed 
 some disposition to attack the vessels, which made sharp 
 reprisals ; but the danger passed over, and the party 
 proceeded to Eboe-town, where Lander's former captor 
 Obie resided. He was much surprised when he found 
 that palm-oil, in which he was a great dealer, would 
 
 not suit the new merchants. After this period, disease 
 began to attack the crews of the steamers to such an 
 extent, that in three weeks seventeen men died. Above 
 Attah a new misfortune happened. The Quorra ran 
 aground, and could not be extricated for four months, 
 at the end of which time the rising of the water re- 
 lieved it. This stoppage took place near the confluence 
 of the Tshadda, otherwise called Tshary, with the 
 Niger, and Mr Laird, one of the leaders of the party, 
 left his companions, and ascended this tributary in a 
 boat to trade with the natives an object in which 
 little progress had been made hitherto. Mr Laird, 
 after a journey, partly by land and partly by sea, of 
 about forty miles, reached Fundah, a city on the 
 Tshadda, containing thirty or forty thousand inhabi- 
 tants. Little trade in ivory or indigo was effected 
 here, though the natives were not unfavourably dis- 
 posed towards the strangers. On returning to the 
 Niger, Mr Laird found that Lander had gone down the 
 river for some purpose, and he himself was not long, 
 after leaving the Tshadda, in turning the prow of the 
 Quorra seawards. He met Lander, with others, as- 
 cending in a boat from the sea-coast. Mr Laird con- 
 tinued his descent in the Quorra, and, after reaching 
 the sea, did not re-enter the Niger. Only three or 
 four of the original crew of the Quorra survived the 
 expedition. 
 
 These separations seem to have arisen from divided 
 councils, and misunderstandings among the party. Mr 
 Lander, Mr Oldfield, and others, joined the Alburkah, 
 and attempted yet to trade with the natives. The Al- 
 burkah entered the Tshadda on the 2d of August, and 
 sailed for a hundred and four miles up that stream, 
 after which want of provisions compelled the party to 
 return to the Niger, which they immediately began to 
 ascend, with the view of reaching Boussa. At Ka- 
 cunda, Egga, and Rabbah, the travellers endeavoured 
 to open a trade ; but the eager desire of the rulers and 
 great men to get all the grand things the strangers had, 
 appears to have prevented the various communities 
 from bringing their produce for sale. This circum- 
 stance may be said to have been one of the chief bar- 
 riers in the wa) of success, but it is an obstacle obvi- 
 ously which would speedily disappear. The Alburkah, 
 from some accidental injury to the engine, had to turn 
 at Rabbah, which is about a hundred and fifty miles 
 above the Tshadda's mouth, and proceed to the sea- 
 coast. Here, however, the indefatigable Lander did 
 not permit it to stay long. He himself went to Cape 
 Coast Castle for a supply of kowries, an article found 
 to be indispensable to the expedition, while Mr Old- 
 field again ascended the Niger, where Lander was 
 soon to join '.im ; but Lander never again saw the 
 Alburkah. In sailing to join it in a boat, he was at- 
 tacked by the natives, and received so severe a gunshot 
 wound near the head of the thigh-bone, as ultimately 
 to produce fatal consequences. As there is little said 
 relative to the death of Richard Lander, in the account 
 of this expedition given by Messrs Laird and Oldfield, 
 we are happy to have it in our power to narrate the par- 
 ticulars of the accident, as detailed by Lander himself to 
 a gentleman (Mr Butter, colonial surgeon) who was the 
 medical attendant of the traveller on his death-bed. 
 
 In ascending the Niger to join the Alburkah, Lander 
 had several boats with him loaded with goods, and with 
 the kowries which he had collected. With these, he 
 and his company made their way upwards in safety, 
 for about four hundred miles by his own calculation, 
 until they came opposite to lamma (or Hjamma) and 
 Ikibree, two towns on the banks of the river. Here, 
 in the forenoon of the 20th of January 1 834, a party of 
 natives, armed with muskets, made an attack in their 
 canoes on the travellers, evidently with the view of 
 seizing their property. Lander defended himself for a 
 time by returning the fire of the natives, but soon found 
 it necessary to abandon his boats of burden, and to re- 
 treat down the river, accompanied by two boats besides 
 the ode he was on board of himself. The natives pur- 
 sued ; and it was while in the act of stooping for ammu- 
 nition to sustain his running fire, that Lander received 
 
DEATH OF LANDER. 
 
 87 
 
 a shot in the upper part of his left limb. The shot, as 
 he afterwards stated, gave him no pain whatever at the 
 tune, but a general feeling of faintness came over him, 
 and a sensation of numbness in the part, which led him 
 to place his hand upon it. On withdrawing this, he ob- 
 served it marked with blood, but the hemorrhage from 
 the wound, both then and afterwards, consisted of no 
 more than a slight oozing. Lander and his companions 
 continued their exertions, and were successful in escap- 
 ing from the natives ; but the traveller felt a deep cou- 
 viction, from the moment of the injury, that he was 
 mortally wounded. 
 
 Six days after the attack, he reached Fernando Po. 
 All the attentions paid to him there, however, were 
 unsuccessful in averting the issue which the traveller 
 anticipated. The ball was so deeply lodged in the fleshy 
 part of the limb, that it was found impossible to extract 
 it with safety. Suppuration, and subsequently morti- 
 fication of the muscles, ensued, and early on the morn- 
 ing of the 2d of February, thirteen days from the oc- 
 currence of the accident, Richard Lander breathed his 
 last. His dying moments were marked by the greatest 
 resignation and composure. Two subjects appeared 
 chiefly to occupy his thoughts. The one of these was 
 the expedition in which he had been engaged, and in 
 which he had ardently hoped to do something that might 
 redound to the honour both of his own and of the Eng- 
 lish name, as well as to the benefit of the enterprising 
 gentlemen whose property had been embarked in the 
 scheme. Influenced by these feelings, Lander, though 
 at heart impressed with the belief that his hour was 
 come, wrote cheerily to Mr Oldfield, and even spoke 
 hopefully of himself, that that gentleman might proceed 
 with undamped spirit. The other subject on which 
 Lander's last thoughts dwelt, was his family. Not long 
 before embarking on this final expedition, he had been 
 united in England to an amiable woman, to whom he 
 was strongly attached. In proof of the warmth of his 
 affections, Mr Butter, to whose kindness these details 
 are owing, states that, at a former period (May 1833), 
 when Lander was under his care for an attack of dy- 
 sentery, the traveller's illness seemed almost instanta- 
 neously to be dispelled by a letter from home, containing 
 intelligence of an agreeable nature.* After his decease, 
 the ball was extracted from his limb, and was found 
 to have fractured the neck of the thigh bone. Colonel 
 Nicolls, superintendant of Fernando Po, made every 
 endeavour to discover the parties who had been instru- 
 mental in the death of the traveller. The colonel sailed 
 in person up the river Nun (that branch of the Niger 
 or Quorra on which the accident took place), and had 
 an interview with King Boy, on whom suspicion partly 
 fell. Boy, however, declared himself entirely innocent, 
 and asserted it to have been done by the lawless people 
 of lammah and Ikibree, over whom he had no control. 
 No further satisfaction was obtained on the subject. 
 
 Richard Lander was descended from Cornish pa- 
 rents, of humble station in life. He will assuredly rank 
 second only to Mungo Park on the roll of those who have 
 connected their names with African discovery. To con- 
 vey a distinct final idea of the extent of our obligations 
 to him as a discoverer, it is necessary to recapitulate the 
 
 * Mr Butter has in his possession a lobe presented to him by 
 Richard Lander, and which the latter brought from Rabba, the 
 farthest point reached on this expedition, and a market-town of 
 importance. This tobe is formed of stout cotton stuff, of native 
 manufacture, and which resembles closely our own coarse un- 
 bleached cotton-ware, such as is used for workmen's shirting; 
 hut the material of the tobe is in breadths of only two and a 
 luilf inches, joined together by needle and thread. The tobe, 
 vlien upon the person, and hanging loose, is not unlike a wide- 
 skirted military cloak, or an English clergyman's surplice. There 
 is no opening in front, however, as in the cloak, and the way of 
 putting on the tobe is by dropping it over the head and body. It 
 fits pretty closely about the neck, and the skirts also are in part 
 drawn together around the limbs; but the side-skirts of the tobe 
 are loose, and are in general lifted by the natives upon the arms 
 and so worn. The front of this tobe has some simple figurings of 
 white silk towards the neck. Though possessing a cumbrous ap- 
 pearance, it is evidently a dross well calculated for ease in a hot 
 climate. 
 
 particulars of the geography and history of the Niger. 
 It rises, according to Park, between the eleventh and 
 twelfth degrees of north latitude, and between the fourth 
 and fifth degrees of west longitude from Greenwich. 
 For nearly the half of its course, it flows in a north- 
 easterly direction, and afterwards turns to the south. 
 Throughout the upper part of its course, it is called by 
 the natives the Joliba, Niger being exclusively an Eu- 
 ropean appellation. By Park, it was traced down to 
 Boussa, where he was killed ; but from Sansanding to 
 Yaourie, owing to the destruction of the papers of that 
 traveller, the course of the river is only traced conjec- 
 turally, with the exception of Caillie's notice of it as far 
 as Cabra. At Yaourie, where it is called the Quorra, the 
 course of the river was taken up by the two Landers in 
 1830, and traced down to the Gulf of Guinea, where a great 
 number of disemboguing streams, which had formerly 
 been supposed independent rivers, and called by diffe- 
 rent names, were now perceived to be mouths of the 
 Niger ; this river, like the Nile, the Ganges, and some 
 others, parting into several branches, when near the 
 sea. It is clearly owing to this variety of names borne 
 by the river at various parts of its course, as well as to 
 the remarkable bend it makes above Boussa, that the 
 geography of the Niger remained so long a mystery to 
 European science. 
 
 It has been already mentioned, that the Alburkah 
 again took its way up the Niger, under the charge of 
 Mr Oldfield, at the period when Richard Lander went 
 to Cape Coast Castle for kowries. Mr Oldfield's expe- 
 dition lasted from November 1833 till July 1834, dur- 
 ing which time he ascended the river no farther than 
 the town of Attah, already mentioned, and which seems 
 to be one of the most important places of traffic on its 
 banks. The chief article of traffic, unfortunately, con- 
 sists of slaves, whom the king, the principal merchant, 
 sells in great numbers to the native chiefs at the mouths 
 of the Niger, where the unfortunate creatures are dis- 
 posed of to the Spanish and Portuguese slavers. Mr 
 Oldfield, however, found at Attah a considerable quan- 
 tity of ivory, so much as to prove satisfactorily the 
 statement of Lander, that the article abounded on the 
 line of the river. But this partial success in accom- 
 plishing the objects of the enterprise, was counter- 
 balanced by the fearful loss of lives, from fever and 
 dysentery, on board of the Alburkah. So disheartening 
 was this "mortality, that Mr Oldfield, on receiving in- 
 formation of Lander's death, thought proper to com- 
 mence the descent of the river, which he completed, as 
 has been mentioned, in July 1834. Five out of twenty- 
 nine of the Quorra's crew, and four out of nineteen of 
 the Alburkah's, were the sad relics of this trading ex- 
 pedition. 
 
 Neither as regards the effects of climate, however, 
 nor with respect to many other points, must this enter- 
 prise be held as decisive of the impossibility of secure 
 and successful trading with the interior of Africa. 
 There seem to have been many obstacles of a peculiar 
 kind in the way of success on this occasion, which are 
 not likely to mar again any well-concocted attempt of 
 the same kind. The want of harmony between the 
 leaders of the expedition has been already adverted to, 
 and to this misunderstanding, as fully appears from the 
 narratives of Laird and Oldtield, the failure of the en- 
 terprise is in no small degree to be ascribed. By this 
 unhappy cause, the efforts of the party were rendered 
 vacillating, detached, and irregular, instead of being 
 concentrated upon individual objects, hi such a way as 
 might have insured a chance of success. It is but jus- 
 tice to the memory of the dead to say, that the impres- 
 sions which we are left, by Mr Laird's narrative, to form 
 respecting Lander's conduct on this occasion, are so 
 much at variance with all that is known of that travel- 
 ler's character, that we are forced to conclude Mr Laird 
 to have been altogether ignorant of his associate's 
 motives and movements during a considerable part of 
 the enterprise. The misfortunes arising from climate, 
 also, were certainly not so fully provided for as they 
 might have been during the voyage of the Quorra and 
 Alburkjih. After the death of Dr Briggs, which oc- 
 
88 
 
 CONCLUSION APPENDIX. 
 
 curred not long after the ascent of the Niger was com- 
 menced, the crews of the two steamers were left without 
 the advice or attendance of any one regularly qualified 
 medical man. Without implying any reflection on the 
 care and attentiveness of those who remained to admi- 
 nister to the sick, it. is reasonable to conclude, that to 
 this deficiency the dreadful mortality attending this 
 expedition may in part have been owing. 
 
 These remarks have in view no other object than 
 that of explaining in part the misfortunes which bcfel 
 this party. Mr Laird's remarks will afford the best 
 proof, that the dispositions of the natives were far from 
 being unfavourable to the establishment of an inter- 
 course with Europeans. He says, " I can safely assert 
 that, as far as my experience goes, European traders 
 will be received with open arms by all the inhabitants 
 of the interior ; that no hostility, but, on the contrary, 
 every kindness and respect, will be shown to them ; 
 that their property and lives will be as safe (excepting 
 from the effects of climate) upon the Niger as upon 
 the Thames ; and that nothing prevents the Eboes, and 
 other nations in the interior, trading direct with the 
 Europeans upon the coast, but the terror that a white 
 man's name carries with it a terror which is artfully 
 kept up by the chiefs upon the coast, and the disor- 
 ganised state of the country produced by the slave- 
 trade." In addition to these favourable circumstances, 
 it may be observed, that the steam-vessels found an 
 abundant supply of wood, as fuel for the engines, dur- 
 ing the whole route, either by sending men on shore to 
 cut it, or by paying a small price to the natives for it. 
 
 Time, it is obvious, will remove the main obstacles 
 pointed out by Mr Laird in the preceding sentences. 
 Climate is the great and the crushing difficulty ; but 
 
 even that may, by care and choosing time properly, be 
 got over, as was shown by an expedition, performed in 
 the Quorra steam-vessel, subsequent to those described. 
 In September 1835, Mr Becroft, a Fernando Po mer- 
 chant, ascended the Niger, traded with success, and left 
 it, at the end of three months, with the loss of only one 
 man. 
 
 Such is the history of discovery since the time of Park, 
 in those regions with which he, more than any other 
 man, has durably and honourably associated his name. 
 Difficulties yet stand in the way of the complete fulfil- 
 ment of those objects which all his toils and sufferings 
 had in view, yet the time is unquestionably not far dis- 
 tant when millions of human beings will bless the name 
 of him who was the first, at the sacrifice of his life, to 
 point out the path by which the benefits of civilisation 
 might enter the benighted dwellings of Africa. It is 
 true that the contact of civilised man has hitherto 
 tended only to deteriorate the character of the inhabi- 
 tants of that continent, and to thicken the intellectual 
 darkness amid which they lived the slave-trade, which 
 is still kept up in all its horrid vigour, being in reality 
 the grand obstacle to social advancement in this un- 
 happy region ; but let us hope that, by the exertions 
 of intrepid and philanthropic Englishmen, a better 
 time will ere long arrive, when the intercourse of their 
 white fellow-creatures will bring with it a blessing only, 
 and not a curse, to the dark-hued children of the south. 
 When that consummation arrives, Britain will feel a 
 noble pride in the thought that she has been foremost 
 in labouring for so good a cause, and Park, with all the 
 gallant train of her sons who followed in his footsteps, 
 will rank for ever among the greatest benefactors of 
 the human species. 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 THE following letter is one of the last written by 
 Mungo Park, giving an account of the illness and death 
 of his fellow-traveller and brother-in-law, Mr Alex- 
 ander Anderson, to his father, the late Dr Anderson, 
 Selkirk ; and which has never appeared in any previous 
 publication. 
 
 Sansanding, near Sego, Nov. 16 th, 1805. 
 MY DEAR FATHER, I know not in what manner to 
 tell you the most sorrowful tidings that ever reached 
 your ears, and I sincerely pray that the supporting 
 spirit from on high may sustain and comfort you under 
 this severe dispensation of Divine Providence. You will 
 readily anticipate what I am going to say your son, 
 my dear dear friend, has shut his eyes on the scenes of 
 time, and opened them on the glories of eternity. He 
 was affected with the fever, but very gently, on the 30th 
 of June, at the town of Kandy, to the east of the Black 
 River (Mr Scott was affected the same day) ; he how- 
 ever rode his horse, and was almost well again. When 
 we reached Bangassy, July 22d, here he had a return 
 of the general debility, which increased as we advanced 
 to the east, and when we reached Dababoo, the frontier 
 town of Bambarra, he was unable to manage his horse. 
 I therefore led it, and he rode till we reached a village 
 called Koomikroomi, when Mr Scott died ; here I had 
 a sort of hammock made, affixed to a long pole, and 
 carried on men's heads. In this conveyance he was 
 carried fifty miles with great ease and comfort. On our 
 arrival at Bambarra, on the Niger, he recovered so 
 rapidly that in three days he was able to ride down to 
 the river-side to embark in the canoe, and on our ar- 
 rival at Marraboo, he walked from the canoe to the 
 town. We stayed here thirteen days, and he continued 
 much the same in point of health : he complained of 
 no pain whatever, nothing but general debility. He had 
 a tolerable appetite, but never recovered his strength ; 
 and when we reached Samee, near Sego, he was again 
 
 unable to walk, and the same state of universal debility 
 prevailed when we reached this place (Sansanding) ; here 
 lie recovered gradually, and on October 18th, told me 
 that he hoped to keep a look-out in the canoe. In going 
 down the river, he was able to sit up, and even walk a 
 little by himself ; but alas, alas ! on the night of the 24th 
 of October, he was affected with a bilious diarrhoea, 
 for which in the morning I gave him a doze of calomel, 
 and an opiate at night. The opiate relieved the pain, 
 but as the diarrhoea and tenesmus still continued, we 
 had every reason to suspect that it was dysentery ; and 
 as his strength was now gone, he considered the hour 
 of his departure as at hand. I sat with him every night, 
 and I hope have derived much benefit from his con- 
 versation. He often often spoke of you, and also about 
 all friends at home, but generally added, " Where I am 
 going all the light afflictions vanish from my mind." He 
 told me to whom to give his compliments, and concluded 
 by saying, " Tell them all that I die in the firm faith 
 that Jesus Christ is the Saviour of the world, and what 
 is comfortable indeed to me, he will soon be my judge." 
 In this manner death gradually approached, and on 
 the morning of the 28th, at a quarter past five, as I 
 turned him from one side to the other, he gave a groan. 
 I inquired if he felt much pain ; he said, " No, I have 
 had a fine sleep." Shortly after this, he said with a 
 clear distinct voice, " Thou knowest my state, O Lord," 
 and instantly expired without a groan, a sigh, or struggle. 
 I had him buried about 100 yards north of the eastern- 
 most church in Sansanding. Koontee Mamadel, the chief 
 man of this town, attended his corpse to the grave. 
 
 My dear father, endeavour to comfort my beloved 
 wife ; tell her not to be uneasy on my account. I am 
 in excellent health, and the healthy season is now set 
 in. If every thing succeeds, I expect to be in England 
 in the month of May. Yours affectionately, 
 
 MUNGO PARK. 
 
 THE END OF PARK'S TRAVELS. 
 
 W. AND R. CHAMBERS, PRINTERS, EDINBURGH. 
 
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