GIFT OF 
 
 71 
 
 
 A^S 
 
 
A SERIES 
 
 OF 
 
 THREE EDITORIALS 
 
 REPRINTED FROM 
 
 The DAILY NEWS 
 
 SAN FRANCISCO, CALIFORNIA 
 
 Bolshevik agents are busy in every industrial center. 
 Their work has been denounced by nearly every 
 American journal, but denunciation is not enough. 
 The Daily News is the only newspaper of this coun- 
 try that has undertaken, in language that any man 
 can understand, to make clear the terrific blunders 
 that are the very root of Bolshevik doctrine. These 
 editorials, written by Mr. Eugene MacLean, editor 
 of The Daily News, constitute a major document in 
 the case of Americanism vs. Bolshevism. They are 
 commended to your attention. 
 
 •*i3 
 
0—^7, qq 
 
BOTH the Bolsheviki and the Social- 
 ists preach the "Revolution." 
 By this they mean upsetting the 
 existing order of things entire, and 
 building up a new structure of govern- 
 ment and society. 
 
 No such plan could add to the happi- 
 ness or welfare of mankind. 
 
 It would have an exactly contrary 
 effect. 
 
 The jar of such an upheaval itself 
 means misery, lasting until order again 
 is restored in the course of years. 
 
 With order restored, under any sys- 
 tem of government either tried or pro- 
 posed, the same old problems remain. 
 
 * * ♦ 
 
 These problems are two: 
 
 Maintaining the freedom of the in- 
 dividual, without interference with his 
 neighbor's rights; 
 
 Maintaining a supply of food and 
 clothes and shelter for all, and the means 
 to get them. 
 
 The first requires the exercise of a 
 police power, and the severity or lax- 
 ness of this police power does not de- 
 pend on the NAME or FORM of govern- 
 ment, whether monarchist or republican 
 or bolshevik, but upon the kind of men 
 who control the police. 
 
 The second requires the continuance 
 r <and growth of industry. No matter 
 what the form of government, industry 
 must continue and expand if aU men 
 are to be employed, and if the human 
 race is to progress. 
 
 * * * 
 
 One of the arguments extended to the 
 worker to induce him to join the "revo- 
 lution" is that under the "revolution" 
 he would not be interfere4 with by an 
 arbitrary police. 
 
 But in Russia, according to the official 
 announcement of the bolshevik leaders, 
 police oppression is b^ing exercised in 
 an extraordinary degree. 
 
 It is being exerc/sed not only upon 
 
 W 
 
 the middle classes, but upon factions 
 within the socialist ranks — upon men * ~ 
 who believe substantially as Lenine and \1 / 
 Trotsky do, but who are opposed to . 
 them personally. Some of these revolu-/^f\ 
 tionists have succeeded in escaping 
 from Russia, like Catherine Breshkovs- 
 kaya, the "grandmother of the revolu- 
 tion." They're escaping, mind you, from 
 'the revolution which they helped to 
 bring about! 
 
 * * * 
 
 There will always be leaders among 
 men. As a rule, the more radical the 
 changes proposed by any movement, 
 the greater is the dependence placed 
 upon leadership. 
 
 This is true in religious movements, 
 political movements, economic move- 
 ments. 
 
 Almost always this leadership becomes 
 a form of autocracy. The title of "em- 
 peror" itself is simply the English trans- 
 lation of the Latin name which was 
 given the people's leaders in ancient 
 Rome, when their problem was the re- 
 pelling of invaders and keeping their 
 boundaries clear. These leaders, or em- 
 perors, took the authority of absolute 
 sovereigns over foreign kings and their 
 own people, by exercise of the power 
 first placed in their hands by the Roman 
 people in their hour of need. 
 
 America has escaped this form of au- 
 tocracy. 
 
 America could not escape it if any 
 considerable mass of men should join 
 in such a "revolution" as we are dis- 
 cussing here. 
 
 The very necessity for leadership and 
 instant action on the part of the "revo- 
 lutionists" would make it inevitable. 
 
 Autocracy in any form means the full- 
 est exercise of the police power, with 
 every man subject to its severest regu- 
 lations. 
 
 * ♦ ♦ 
 
 An individual, willing to run the risk 
 
 70.Q 
 
of future autocracy to k, put across" his 
 own economic views, might figure that 
 he himself vrould escape by ir.iniug tne 
 side that's in power. 
 
 His figuring would be faulty. 
 
 In France, after the revolutionists had 
 used up the available noblemen on the 
 guillotine, they began executing each 
 other. The struggle for power was the 
 cause of that. 
 
 In Germany, when the socialist revolu- 
 tion succeeded, they shot Karl Lieb- 
 knecht and Rosa Luxemburg, socialist 
 leaders. 
 
 Human nature doesn't change. It's 
 only environment that changes. 
 
 In Russia, the extreme socialists on 
 top make it hot for the moderates, and 
 use their guns freely in doing it. 
 
 In Germany, the moderate socialists 
 on top make it hot for the radicals, and 
 they are equally ready with their weap- 
 ons. 
 
 * * * 
 
 The American who would risk that 
 sort of thing in his own country is a 
 fool. 
 
 The police power is exercised more 
 moderately and with greater consider- 
 ation for the average man in America 
 today than it is in Russia, or Germany, 
 or than it could be in America for many 
 a year under any possible "revolution." 
 
 In after-the-war dealings with various 
 orators, silly blunders have been made 
 by silly little officials, but petty deeds 
 by petty bureau chiefs are not con- 
 fined to any one nation nor to any form 
 of government. 
 
 It is worth noting, however, that there 
 are no firing squads in America. There 
 is no appeal from a firing squad. 
 
 * * * 
 
 What is troubling the average worker, 
 however, is not any question of free 
 speech, but is a question of a livelihood, 
 and better opportunity for himself and 
 his children. 
 
 The "revolutionists" abroad, and lately 
 in Seattle in our own country, told the 
 workers that under the "revolution" all 
 men would find employment, each re- 
 ceiving the full value of hi3 product 
 
 without any profit from his labor being 
 taken by another. 
 
 "The products and industries of the 
 world are ours by right," said one of 
 the Seattle proclamations. 
 
 These were not put out by trades 
 unionists, but by "revolutionary" groups 
 that tried to take advantage of the gen- 
 eral strike. They were not represented 
 on the strike committee, but, according 
 to the union men, they "butted into" 
 the situation with their propaganda. 
 
 It was proposed by these "revolution- 
 ary" outsiders that workers in each 
 industry should take over and operate 
 the industry, "abolishing the profit sys- 
 tem." 
 
 It so happens that there are some in- 
 dustries that pay big returns, some that 
 pay small returns, and some that pay 
 no profits at all. 
 
 Those that are unprofitable are main- 
 tained by their owners in the hope that 
 they will be profitable some day, and 
 the losses are paid out of the profits of 
 other industries. 
 
 With profits abolished, the losses in 
 these unprofitable businesses would have 
 to be borne by the workers themselves. 
 The immediate result would be the es- 
 tablishment of greatly unequal returns 
 to workers in the same crafts, but in 
 different establishments. Some would 
 be receiving greatly less than they are 
 now, and some, from inability to sus- 
 tain the industry, would find themselves, 
 for the time being at least, without work. 
 
 The first thought of the men receiving 
 lesser pay, under the new scheme, would 
 be to get their pay equalized. 
 
 This would mean that the fellow in 
 the big profitable plant would have to 
 give up a portion of his income to help 
 out the fellow who hadn't enough. 
 
 Furthermore, he would have to care 
 in some fashion for the man who had 
 no job at all. 
 
 * * * 
 
 That's the same problem that we have 
 now — poverty and unemployment. 
 
 It would be increased by two great 
 factors. 
 
 One of these would be the men in the 
 so-called luxury manufactures, the mar- 
 
ket for whose products would be wiped 
 out. 
 
 The other is the men and women 
 who have invested their life's savings, 
 and have retired to live on the old-age 
 pension that they have made for them- 
 selves — on the "profit system," in other 
 words, that the "revolution" would wipe 
 out. Los Angeles is full of old folks 
 like that, living on the interest of the 
 farms or the little businesses they ha?e 
 sold. There can be no interest without 
 "profit." 
 
 What to do with them, and with the 
 worker who is thrown out of employ- 
 ment, and the man who had no employ- 
 ment to begin with? 
 
 It would be necessary either to make 
 work for them, or to pension them — 
 unless it was decided to let them starve. 
 
 Either of the first two plans would 
 make necessary the levying of taxes on 
 the employed to take care of the public 
 work to be provided, or the pensions to 
 be paid. 
 
 » * * 
 
 We have the machinery to do that now. 
 
 We don't have to go through a "revo- 
 lution" to provide public works for the 
 unemployed. 
 
 And we haven't, thank God, knocked 
 out the life savings of old people by 
 abolition of civilization as we know it! 
 * * * 
 
 There's another thing about the Se- 
 attle-Russian doctrine that "the products 
 and industries of the world are ours 
 by right." 
 
 Take shipbuilding. It was in the ship- 
 building crafts that a lot of the preaching 
 was done up there. 
 
 Under that plan, the ships would be- 
 long to the shipbuilders. 
 
 But there are other crafts with an in« 
 terest in the proposition. 
 
 There's the rolling-mill man, who 
 makes the steel plates. 
 
 "The plates are mine!" he could say, 
 with justice, under such a plan. 
 
 The engine-builders, the miners who 
 mined the ore, the smeltermen who made 
 it into pig-iron, the sailor who sailed the 
 fchips, all could with equal authority 
 
 make claim to the product or the in- 
 strument of their toil. 
 
 Naturally there would have to be some 
 adjustment between these interests. 
 
 * * • 
 
 There is an adjustment between them 
 right now. 
 
 We don't have to go through a "revo- 
 lution" to get it. 
 
 The shipper pays the ship-operator, 
 the ship-operator pays the ship-yard 
 man, the ship-yard man pays the plate* 
 maker and the engine-builder, the ttto 
 of them pay the smelterman, and the 
 smelter pays the miner. 
 
 The bolshevik retorts: 
 
 "Yes, but the worker gets only part 
 of the money. The rest of it goes into 
 profits. What we would do is to abolish 
 profits." 
 
 • • • 
 
 But in order to extend ship-building, 
 plate-making, engine-building, smelting, 
 and mining, as populations grew and made 
 more ships and steel products necessary, 
 it would be necessary to set aside a sur- 
 plus to make the extensions. 
 
 In other words, if a larger number of 
 ships were to be built, the new men 
 needed to mine the ore, make the plates, 
 do the riveting, and so on, would de- 
 mand, as their right, that they receive 
 wages just as they do now. If all the 
 proceeds of the other ore, plates, en- 
 gines and ships had been divided, there 
 would be nothing with which to pay 
 the workers while the work was in prog- 
 ress. If the miner had to wait until 
 the new ship was put in service to get 
 the income he had earned, he'd have to 
 wait one whale of a long while. 
 
 The only solution would be for the 
 "revolution" to set aside part of the 
 proceeds of earlier ships to take caro 
 of the cost of new ones. 
 
 And that surplus is profit. 
 
 No matter what name they call it, it's 
 profit all the same. 
 
 There is profit in the industry now. 
 
 The profits go into creating new in- 
 dustry, no matter whether they are spent 
 on ships, on automobiles, on shipyards, 
 on rugs, on office buildings. 
 And if private control of these profits 
 
and private promotion of new industry 
 with them isn't satisfactory, public own- 
 ership is as possible today as it would 
 be possible in a "revolution." 
 
 Public ownership is a recognized prin- 
 ciple now. It is actually in operation. 
 The principle will be extended as rap- 
 Idly or as slowly as the majority of the 
 people desire. 
 
 The point is that the means of getting 
 public ownership is as good now as it 
 could be under a "revolution" — better, 
 for the machinery for getting it has been 
 set up, and is working. 
 * * * 
 
 Mankind has been painfully piecing 
 together, since the beginning of time, 
 the structure of its civilization. 
 
 Little by little, it has stopped a gap 
 here, erected a little higher bulwark 
 there, provided a sounder foundation in 
 another place. 
 
 The best brains of the world, the 
 hopes and aspirations of good men — 
 whole races of men — have gone to build 
 what we have now. 
 
 The structure cannot be torn down 
 without wreckage and deep suffering 
 for millions. 
 
 And once torn down, it would have to 
 be erected again, with toil and pain and 
 tears. 
 
 The man who pulled down his house 
 about his ears because he didi't like 
 the roof would justly be accounted a 
 lunatic. 
 
 Yet that's what the bolsheviks propose 
 to do. 
 
 * * * 
 
 The moving cause of social unrest is 
 contained in two beings: 
 
 The man who lives in surpassing lux- 
 ury; 
 
 The man who has not the means to 
 buy bread. 
 
 Those are two pictures that are al- 
 ways present in the worker's mind. 
 
 The man who has control of too much 
 wealth for the public good can be dealt 
 with. Under the exigencies of war, the 
 public already has begun to deal with 
 him. 
 
 The taxing power in the hands of the 
 people of America is absolute. What- 
 
 ever the majority, through its represen- 
 tatives, thinks should be done about tax- 
 ing millions, will be done. 
 
 Consider for one second the taxes 
 that now are levied as the result of war 
 — 50, 60, and even 80 per cent on some 
 fortunes ! 
 
 Taxes are levied by all of us, as a 
 government, upon private property. 
 
 It takes from the few for the benefit 
 of the many. 
 
 The majority approves and the taxes 
 are paid. 
 
 If the people desire to deal further 
 with the question of great fortunes, 
 they can do it now. "Revolution" could 
 not make it more possible than it is 
 now, and "revolution" would exact a 
 heavy price in hunger and suffering 
 from the people to gain a privilege they 
 already have! 
 
 * * # 
 
 The problem of unemployment is pres- 
 ent. It has always been present. 
 
 It is one of the gaps remaining in our 
 structure of civilization that must be 
 filled. 
 
 It is not necessary to smash civiliza- 
 tion to fill this gap in it. Gaps cannot 
 be filled that way. 
 
 The same people inhabit the country 
 as would inhabit it under a "revolution." 
 They are equipped with the sajie brains. 
 They have a vastly more capable ma- 
 chinery for handling unemployment, be- 
 cause they haven't created artificial un- 
 employment by wrecking the means of 
 trade. 
 
 It is admitted that public w rks, a* 
 public expense, is a proper means to 
 relieve unemployment. 
 
 It is up to the people how far these 
 public works shall go. 
 
 * * * 
 
 It is a heartening thing that the ma- 
 jority is awake to the problem, and that 
 it is being discussed in every hamlet 
 and town and country crossroads. 
 
 When the American people get think- 
 ing along a given line, they get results. 
 
 We earnestly believe that in another 
 decade involuntary unemployment will 
 be a thing of the past. The farmer, the 
 business man, the worker, all realize 
 
that in the fullest degree of employment 
 for every man lies the prosperity of al 1 . 
 One man unemployed, through his in- 
 ability to buy, throws another out of 
 work. Each man employed is a buyer 
 of goods, and a maker of trade — and 
 trade, boiled down to its simplest terms, 
 means work for men to do. 
 
 The biggest stumbling block in the 
 way of success for this movement for 
 the unemployed is the bolshevik himr 
 self. He frightens away the men and 
 women who want to help the people who 
 need help. He's holding back the wheels 
 of economic progress. 
 
 It's the good luck of our own land 
 that the bolsheviks are few. Being few, 
 their power for frightening away sup- 
 port for labor is lessened. 
 
 There are enough of them, however, 
 to make it clear that labor would be 
 nearer the righting of its difficulties if 
 there were no bolsheviks around at all. 
 
 * ♦ * 
 
 The strong and skillful always have 
 been able to shift for themselves. 
 
 Even with the strong man curbed by 
 police power from taking what he wants 
 by force, he is offered what he wants by 
 his neighbors, who desire his help in 
 preference to the help of the mai who 
 cannot do his task so well. 
 
 He accumulates money, or other 
 things he values — "profit," in other 
 words. 
 
 It is the weak who need help. It is 
 the weak who would need help under a 
 "revolution." It isn't necessary to turn 
 things upside down to get that problem 
 presented to us. 
 
 * • ♦ 
 
 Our problems are many, but they are 
 the problems of humanity. 
 
 Slowly, but surely, America is solving 
 them. 
 
 It will be when the last man is dead 
 that the last wrong is banished from the 
 world, but we are progressing toward the 
 goal of the square deal. 
 
 And The Daily News' politics are 
 these: 
 
 To stand by America and American 
 institutions; 
 
 To uphold the right as we understand 
 
 "W 
 
 it, and to assail the wrong; 
 
 To aid all men in getting a fair chance 
 for a livelihood and decent surround* 
 ings and comforts for their dependents; 
 
 To help the skilled man in securing 
 for himself and his children the savings 
 of his thrift and enterprise; 
 
 To oppose the taking of an unfair ad- 
 vantage OF any man BY any man; 
 
 To promote, as best we may, the hap- 
 piness and prosperity of our country- 
 men, to the end that Americans may 
 progress together in the arts and crafts 
 of peace. 
 
 Second Editorial 
 HY should I work f->r ;he 
 benefit of a fellow who is a 
 stranger to me? Abolish 
 capitalism, and I'll be working for my- 
 self. I'll get the full value of my prod- 
 uct, instead of turning it over to a man 
 I don't even know, getting back only 
 a pittance for my labor." 
 
 That's the standard argument of the 
 radical socialists — the men whom we 
 usually call bolsheviks or I. W. W. 
 We've heard it 40 times, in one way or 
 another, and most workingmen have 
 heard it. The propagandists see that the 
 workingmen DO hear it. 
 
 ♦ * * 
 
 "Why should I work for the benefit of 
 a fellow who is a stranger to me?"- 
 
 Because that's the only way you can 
 make your labor of benefit to yourself, 
 brother. 
 
 There are two means of escaping work 
 for the benefit of the other fellow. No. 
 1 is not to work at all. No. 2 is to go 
 off in the woods by yourself, dig your 
 own roots to eat, knock over your own 
 bear with a club, for clothes, and pull 
 down your own branches for shelter. 
 
 But the man who lives and works 
 among other men must work for their 
 benefit, because that is the kind of part- 
 nership humanity has set up to .escape 
 the cold and hunger, that brought- mis- 
 ery in the days of barbarism. • •• 
 
 * * * .'..*> 
 
 Go back to the beginning; back to the 
 days before men went into partnership. 
 
 A man lies on his back beneath a tree, 
 naked. 
 
Other men, like him, are basking in 
 the autumn sunshine. 
 
 Nobody is working. Nobody has 
 worked. There is no food stored up for 
 the chili days when vegetation is with- 
 ered and the trees bear no fruit. There 
 are no clothes. There is no shack nor 
 novel There can be no stored pro- 
 visions nor clothes nor hut without work. 
 
 * * • 
 
 Winter comes on. The people huddle 
 in caves to escape the bitter wind. Some 
 die of cold. They scratch in the earth 
 for roots that they can eat. Sometimes 
 they are able to catch a small animal 
 When such food is not available, they 
 starve. 
 
 Occasionally a man, with a rock or 
 club, has managed to kill a bear. The 
 others rush for the meat, and he de- 
 fends It. They kill him, and then bat- 
 tle among themselves over the question 
 who shall get the carcass of the bear. 
 In the end the strongest gets it, and 
 drags tt to his own cave, where he and 
 his female and his children devour the 
 flesh. 
 
 * * * 
 
 Men lived so, once upon a time. 
 
 * • * 
 
 X-ater, they decided that this sort of 
 thing didn't pay. 
 
 They worked out a different arrange- 
 ment. Before cold weather came, the 
 matt kilted a bear or two, and the woman 
 skinned them, and laid out the pelts to 
 dry; fdY clothes. Together they put away 
 some nuts and dried vegetables and 
 meat, to keep themselves and the young- 
 sters alive through the winter. To make 
 Utt for the shortage of caves, they built 
 a hut W live in, out of the branches of 
 trees, and bits of turf. 
 
 They learned that there was such a 
 thing as comfort, even in the winter. 
 
 la the course of ages they learned 
 that they could make food grow for them 
 by planting seeds and bulbs. 
 
 That meant more work. When they 
 first began working, two or three weeks 
 in the year served the purpose. They 
 got Only two or three weeks' worth of 
 return from it, but not so many froze 
 to death or starved. 
 
 lese 
 
 But more desires developed, and these 
 meant greater and longer effort. 
 
 They discovered that stone hatchets 
 were better than branches torn from a 
 tree in doing battle with bears and 
 wolves. 
 
 One old man proved more skillful in 
 making hatchets than the others. He 
 was too weak to go out to do any kill- 
 ing himself, but in exchange for his 
 hatchets, the younger men gave him a 
 share of the meat they brought in. 
 
 It was the first wage in history. 
 
 * • * 
 
 If the old man had worked only for 
 himself and not for the benefit of the 
 other fellow, he'd have only his hatchets. 
 He couldn't eat them, and he couldn't 
 wear them. He couldn't even use them. 
 
 He could use the meat, though. 
 
 He was working for others, and they 
 were working for him. 
 
 • • • 
 
 There was one difficulty. 
 
 Meat came to him in plenty when the 
 men were hunting. When they weren't 
 hunting, or when the kill was poor, he 
 had to eat just the same. 
 
 However, the news of his skill was 
 spreading. Men came a long way to get 
 his hatchets'. Some brought dried 
 foods — roots and meat dried in the sun. 
 They were more than he could eat at 
 the moment, but they would keep. He 
 put them away at the back of his hut 
 for future use. 
 
 It was the first profit in history. 
 
 In course of time, other skilled men 
 developed. Bows and arrows Were in- 
 vented. There were arrowmakers and 
 men who knew how to treat the sinews 
 of animals to make bowstrings. 
 
 Some had discovered how to make 
 rough shoes out of hides, to protect the 
 feet from thorns and flinty rocks. 
 
 Each put in his time at the task he 
 could do best, and traded products with 
 the makers of other implements, and 
 hunters, and growers of grain. 
 
 Men were learning to work together. 
 They were learning, too, to lay aside 
 a surplus out of what they received — 
 food for the winters, and skins and ar- 
 rowheads for the days when they could 
 
no longer produce, and would have noth- 
 ing to give in trade. 
 These surpluses grew. 
 
 * • * 
 
 One day, in the distant ages of the 
 past, came word to one of the tribe that 
 another clan, across the mountains and 
 the great river, had produced a great 
 quantity of wheat — more than it could 
 use. 
 
 Wheat could not be grown on the lands 
 of this tribe, but it had been tasted and 
 relished. 
 
 The journey across the mountains was 
 long and perilous. One youth offered 
 himself to make it. 
 
 "I have here a great heap of bearskins/' 
 said he. "I will take some of them with 
 me. I should take other things. Give 
 me some of these fine arrow-heads, and 
 these strong bowstrings, and I will give 
 you the rest of my skins for them. Then 
 I will take what I have gathered, and 
 go across the mountains to secure 
 wheat." 
 
 He collected his wares, made the trip, 
 and brought back, on his own shoulders 
 and on those of bearers from the other 
 tribe, the wheat his people wanted. 
 
 It was the first commerce in history. 
 i • * 
 
 The young man traded back to his 
 tribesmen the wheat he had brought, re- 
 ceiving things he needed in exchange, 
 and other things that he could trade to 
 the villagers across the mountains for 
 another consignment of grain. 
 
 He was the first merchant in history. 
 
 fie dealt in things he did not raise 
 nor produce, yet without him, each of 
 two tribes would have been without 
 
 products that it wanted. 
 
 ♦ * * 
 
 Slowly, though very surely, the idea 
 spread through mankind. 
 
 Rude manufactures grew. 
 
 The discovery was made that iron 
 could be found in the earth, and made 
 into implements. 
 
 Certain men had learned how to lo- 
 cate iron ore and dig it from the ground. 
 They were the miners. 
 
 Others had developed skill in heating 
 it and turning it into a metal that could 
 
 be used. They were the smelters. 
 
 Still others knew how to beat the iron 
 into spearheads and hatchets and swords 
 and instruments with which to scratch 
 the ground in order that seeds could be 
 ^planted. They were the smiths — the 
 
 first mechanics of history. 
 
 • • ♦ 
 
 Elsewhere, there were regions where 
 men bred sheep, and had learned how to 
 weave cloth from the wool. 
 
 There were communities where leather 
 goods were made, such as shoes, and 
 heavy jerkins to use in hunting. 
 
 There were places where ornaments 
 were made, and where men had learned 
 to find and polish precious stones. 
 
 Merchants went from tribe to tribe, 
 and village to village, carrying the prod- 
 ucts of one to another, trading there for 
 materials needed back home. 
 
 Each man had his own particular 
 work. 
 
 Each was working for the benefit of 
 strangers, but if he had not done so, 
 his own work would not have been of 
 benefit to him. The weaver could not 
 consume all his own cloth. The spear- 
 maker could not use his spears and 
 make them, too. Neither of them could 
 spare the time and effort to make the 
 exchange himself. But, by the weaver, 
 spearmaker, merchant, and all the rest 
 laboring for each other, mankind was 
 lifting itself from the level of the sav- 
 age, lying naked upon the ground. 
 
 * • • 
 
 In course of time it was found too 
 cumbersome to carry iron hatchets and 
 bales of cloth and shoes from village 
 to village. 
 
 Tokens were invented, which were 
 used in trade. 
 
 A merchant, buying a bale of goods 
 to carry back to his people, gave a token 
 to the man from whom he bought. The 
 token usually was made of metal, which 
 could be traded for other wares up to 
 a certain amount. 
 
 These tokens were called MONEY. 
 
 Men could carry money in their pock- 
 ets, easily, where they could not pos- 
 sibly carry all the wares it represented. 
 
 The invention of money did not change 
 
10 
 
 the principles on which men were con- 
 ducting trade. It simply made trade 
 easier to carry on. 
 
 In storing this surplus for old age, it 
 was no longer necessary for the man 
 to fill his house to overflowing with 
 cloth and leather and dried grains. He 
 simply laid by a store of these tokens, 
 with which he could buy what he wanted 
 in time of need. 
 
 • * * 
 
 Other things had come into being, 
 with the upward growth of the human 
 race. 
 
 There were men whose duty it was to 
 heal the sick. There were ministers of 
 religion, and men who decided disputes 
 between the people, and men who wrote 
 records on brick or parchment, and men 
 who taught the young. 
 
 Their services were paid for out of 
 the surplus of the others. They worked 
 at their crafts, just as the ironmaker 
 worked at his, and similarly, out of the 
 surplus that they were able to lay aside 
 they bought the wares of the cloth- 
 worker, and the ironworker, and the 
 worker in ornaments. 
 
 * * * 
 
 Once upon a time, a weaver of cloth 
 found that there was more demand for 
 his product than he could fill by him- 
 self. 
 
 There was a youth in the neighbor- 
 hood. The youth was not skilled in any- 
 thing, as he had just sprung into man- 
 hood. Skilled work was demanded now 
 by men. 
 
 "Come with me and learn to weave," 
 said the weaver. "I will teach you the 
 craft, and will give you money to feed 
 and clothe yourself. As you become more 
 skillful I will pay you more. If there 
 is a surplus from your work, as there 
 is from mine, I will buy more wool, and 
 more spindles, and another loom, and 
 find another young man to work with 
 us/' 
 
 It was the first factory under the wage 
 system. 
 
 The experiment succeeded. There 
 was profit from the labor of both men. 
 The profit went into the buying of more 
 raw material, and more tools of the craft, 
 
 and other men were added to the force. 
 
 ♦ • * 
 
 Some of the young men proved skill- 
 ful and thrifty. In course of time they 
 had laid up sufficient surplus of their 
 own to become master-weavers on their 
 own account. 
 
 As men learned the warmth and com- 
 fort of cloth, the demand grew, and 
 weavers set up their looms in increasing 
 numbers. 
 
 The same process was repeated in 
 other occupations. 
 
 Mankind by now had advanced so far 
 ibeyond the naked savage underneath 
 the tree that he regarded as necesaary 
 many objects that the savage could not 
 dream would ever exist. 
 
 In the quest for physical comfort and 
 mental advancement, and happiness, 
 men were demanding more and more 
 products and service. 
 
 Each of these activities required the 
 time of men. Each new product de- 
 manded special skill. 
 
 Means for establishing new industries, 
 for advancing new arts, for promoting 
 new discoveries in science, were pro- 
 vided by the surplus which was stored 
 up from the labor of mankind. 
 
 This surplus was profit, and without 
 profit men found that they could not ex- 
 tend the arts and crafts which constituted 
 civilization. 
 
 * * • 
 
 The growth of mankind is measured 
 by the growth of mankind's require- 
 ments. 
 
 It came to pass that great engines 
 •were required to do the work that a 
 sail used to do, in moving ships across 
 the water. 
 
 To make these engines, huge factories 
 were needed, and these in turn called 
 for intricate machines. 
 
 By the effort of scientists — which 
 <really means all men who use their 
 brains in seeking human progress — it 
 became possible to do in these great 
 plants things that could not be done at 
 all by individual men working alone. 
 
 It was possible, once, for the master- 
 weaver, or spearmaker, out of the sur- 
 plus of his own labor and that of the 
 
11 
 
 men who worked with him, to add the 
 simple machinery that he needed for 
 extension, or to establish an entirely 
 new industry. 
 
 But as the demands of the human race 
 grew greater, with increasing knowl- 
 edge, it took the surplus of a number 
 of master-weavers or ironmasters, put 
 together, to establish a plant for weav- 
 ing a new material, or building a new 
 engine, or to extend old plants. 
 
 Each put his surplus with the surplus 
 ^of the others, and they called them- 
 selves a corporation. 
 
 Instead of the one young fellow in the 
 plant of the original weaver, great num- 
 bers were working by this time. 
 
 They were paid money for their work, 
 just as the first master-weaver paid his 
 first hired assistant. 
 
 Out of the profits of these combined 
 efforts, still other new industries were 
 founded, and old ones extended to meet 
 the needs of the growing population of 
 the world. 
 
 * * » 
 
 This is the system which the radical 
 socialist desires to overthrow. 
 
 Call it by any name, it is still the 
 means by which men ascend from the 
 savage who lay naked "underneath a 
 tree. 
 
 It is based on the principle that each 
 man, in doing his task he has picked 
 out for himself, is working for his fel- 
 lowmen, whether they be acquaintances 
 or strangers. Further, it means that 
 his fellowmen are working for him. 
 
 The material for growth is provided 
 by the discovery of the old hatchet- 
 maker in the distant past — that a surplus 
 is necessary from the labor of men If 
 men are to receive the full benefit of 
 their labor. 
 
 This surplus has extended industry, 
 in order to give occupation to the grow- 
 ing multitudes on earth and to provide 
 comforts that they call for; it has built 
 schools and cathedrals and supported 
 the teachers who train men to think; it 
 has made possible the social machinery 
 that protects men in their persons and 
 possessions; it has carried water into 
 the desert places of the earth; it has 
 
 constructed highways and other means 
 of travel; it has, bit by bit, built the 
 structure of civilization. 
 
 Overthrow the system, and it must 
 be built again. 
 
 Man will not be contented to labor 
 only for himself, receiving nothing from 
 his neighbor, getting nothing but what 
 he fashions by his own effort. 
 
 "These other fellows are riding on my 
 back!" complains the bolshevist. 
 
 And he is riding on the backs of the 
 other fellows. 
 
 Each would suffer without the help of 
 the others. If a man is to dwell among 
 his fellowmen at all he must help to 
 carry them, in order that they may help 
 to carry him. 
 
 Man MUST work for the benefit of 
 the other fellow, if he is not to slip back 
 to nakedness, in the wilderness. 
 * * * 
 
 There are balances in the system that 
 need adjusting. 
 
 Each man should receive enough for 
 This labor to lay aside a surplus of his 
 own, if he is the type of man who will 
 lay aside a surplus at all. 
 
 There should be minimum wage laws, 
 based on the cost of living. 
 
 There have been wastes of the so- 
 cial surplus — humanity's profit from its 
 work — such as in the destruction of war. 
 The proposed League of Nations is 
 aimed to stop that particular waste. 
 
 There is need of applying part of the 
 profit to reclaiming more lands, to build- 
 ing more highways, to establish dwell- 
 ings for the workers away from crowded 
 apartments, onto the land where their 
 children may develop into better men 
 and women. 
 
 There is need of laying aside part of 
 the profit for the support of the sick and 
 aged, who either have not been able to 
 store up a surplus for themselves or 
 who have not chosen to do so. 
 
 These things and others should be 
 done, and the means for doing them is 
 at hand, whenever the majority finds 
 that it is ready to do them. 
 « * * 
 
 There are men who understand, and 
 who call out to mankind: 
 
12 
 
 "Let us keep on building! We have 
 1 structure that has taken all these ages 
 to erect. Let us make it safer, and 
 sounder, and adorn it with useful things. 
 in order that each of us may take ad- 
 vantage of his skill and knowledge for 
 tiie betterment of himself and the race 
 ©f men!" 
 
 And then there are the bolshevists, 
 wiio point to the edifice of civilization, 
 and cry: 
 
 "Let's tear the damn thing down!" 
 
 Which utters better wisdom? 
 
 Third Editorial 
 
 i SK a Bolshevik to describe himself 
 i\ and he'll tell you he is a radical. 
 *«■ He's not. He is a reactionary. 
 
 Radicalism implies a movement for 
 progress. 
 
 The plans of Bolshevism mean a throw- 
 back to a state of society which has been 
 outgrown, and which men no longer would 
 
 endure. 
 
 • » • 
 
 What is civilization, anyhow? 
 
 It is the organization of men by which 
 the comforts of life and the general 
 knowledge of mankind are steadily in- 
 creased. 
 
 Railroads and airplanes, paved roads 
 and automobiles, fine pictures and music, 
 ornaments for the home and for the per- 
 son, the services of science, the growth 
 of machines for easing muscular labor, 
 the production of books, all are expres- 
 sions of civilization. 
 
 The aim of the labor unions has been 
 to make these benefits available to the 
 workingman, by increasing his income 
 from his labor. 
 
 This in itself means an increase in pro- 
 duction of comforts and service, to supply 
 the increase in demand. 
 
 • • * 
 
 The more the average man is able to 
 any, the more work there is for other 
 men to do. 
 
 Conversely, the greater the amount pro- 
 duced from the earth and from the hu- 
 man brain, the easier it is for the average 
 to buy these products. 
 
 A long time ago we saw an I. W. W. 
 
 poster, representing "industrial union- 
 ism" smashing down the gates of capital- 
 ism, with landlords, superintendents, 
 bankers and so on running for cover. 
 
 The inscription on the poster ran about 
 as follows: 
 
 "A few hours' work a day, a few days 
 a year, will mean plenty for everybody 
 under industrial unionism." 
 
 The picture has stuck in our mind, be- 
 cause the argument printed on the poster 
 has been repeated to the workers in so 
 many different ways, since the Bolshevik 
 agents came to re-enforce the I. W. W. 
 
 The idea is generally stated this way: 
 
 "If we abolish the profit system, and 
 put the unemployed and non-producers to 
 work, no man will have to work more 
 than a few hours a day, and there will not 
 be so many workdays in the year. Every 
 man would have easy employment and 
 all the comforts of life." 
 
 • * 
 
 If it hadn't been for that argument, the 
 Bolshevik leaders would have found 
 mighty few followers in Russia, and Bol- 
 shevism would have found fewer still in 
 America to applaud it. 
 
 The trouble with the plan is this: 
 
 It won't work. 
 
 It cannot possibly work. 
 
 It could not work if the Bolshevik! were 
 given full control of every man and every 
 enterprise and every natural resource in 
 
 the world. 
 
 • • • 
 
 In the beginning of our social system, 
 when men did not work at all, there was 
 plenty of leisure for everybody, but there 
 were no comforts, there was no knowl- 
 edge, there were not even clothes nor con- 
 nected speech. 
 
 When men began to work, a few simple 
 comforts were produced. 
 
 As work increased, the comforts in- 
 creased. 
 
 In course of time, men realized, though 
 sometimes dimly, this fact: 
 
 That the fullest effort of every man is 
 necessary to the fullest development FOR 
 every man of the comforts that earth has 
 to offer. 
 
13 
 
 The laws of nature are not subject to 
 human law. 
 
 Mankind is limited In what it can 
 achieve. 
 
 The limitation lies in man's own weak- 
 ness. 
 
 But, with effort, man's strength has in- 
 creased through the ages. He is achiev- 
 ing more, and consequently is receiving 
 more from the earth's resources. 
 
 He has not yet gained all that he should 
 gain. 
 
 The earth has scarcely begun to yield 
 her treasures. There are comforts for 
 the human race that no man has yet 
 dreamed of. There are avenues of knowl- 
 edge into which men have not stepped. 
 
 The only means by which these can be 
 attained is by labor, of hand and mind. 
 Every productive hour that is not used 
 holds back the time when these comforts 
 can be realized. 
 
 * * • 
 
 There are men out of work. 
 
 There are men who are not sufficiently 
 provided with the things they need. 
 
 The reason is that there is not yet suf- 
 ficient work being done in the world to 
 provide them with employment and with 
 their necessities. 
 
 Put a man by himself in the wilderness, 
 without help from anyone. 
 
 If, at the end of a reasonable period, he 
 has no clothes, nor shelter, nor food, 
 we know it is because he has not worked. 
 
 Men do not live by themselves, in these 
 days. As they have organized their lives, 
 living in communities, no man attempts 
 to provide all things for himself. He does 
 his task, and trades his product for the 
 other fellow's product. Other men produce 
 the clothes, food, shelter, fuel, ornaments, 
 and amusement that he desires, and he 
 secures them by trading his product for 
 theirs, using money as the token of ex- 
 change. He works for others, and they 
 work for him. 
 
 But the underlying principle of life in 
 communities is the same as the principle 
 of life alone in the wilderness. 
 
 If a man is unprovided with the things 
 
 he needs, it is because the work to pro- 
 vide them is not being done. 
 
 If he has not employment, he is not pro- 
 viding the others with the things he 
 should produce. 
 
 One man's labor withheld from human- 
 ity, or given to humanity for only part 
 time, reduces the volume of product that 
 is extracted from the earth. 
 » * * 
 
 It is to the interest of mankind that 
 every man should produce, to his fullest 
 capacity, the things he is fitted to pro- 
 duce. 
 
 Necessities and comforts alike come 
 from the earth, through labor. The knowl- 
 edge of how to prepare and use them 
 comes from the human brain. 
 
 The greater the amount that comes 
 from the earth, the greater the efforf 
 made by those whose task it is to devise 
 means for extracting from earth and from 
 human life the best they have to give, 
 the greater the plenty there is in the 
 world for all men. 
 
 Each man who works helps to supply 
 his neighbor, and makes it easier for his 
 neighbor to secure what he needs. 
 
 The man who does not work, either be- 
 cause he cannot find work or does not de- 
 sire to work, is depriving his neighbor 
 as well as himself. 
 
 • • • 
 
 "How about the fellow who is living 
 off the other fellow's labor?" demands the 
 Bolshevik. 
 
 Every man lives off the other fellow's 
 labor, because he cannot himself grow 
 the food, dig the ore, weave the clothes, 
 fashion the house and furniture, write 
 the books, compose the music, solve the 
 natural secrets, build the street cars and 
 engines, that are essential to his daily 
 life. He can only do his task, and trade 
 with the other fellow. 
 
 "But we can abolish profit," insists the 
 Bolshevik. 
 
 We cannot abolish profit. 
 
 A surplus from each man's daily labor 
 —and that means the world's daily labor 
 —is essential for protection against the 
 rigors of old age, for the expansion of in- 
 
14 
 
 dustry to care for new wants and new 
 populations, for the replacing of wornout 
 equipment. 
 
 The channels through which the sur- 
 plus passes can be changed by the people 
 when they so desire, by taxation and pub- 
 lic ownership. 
 
 The surplus itself must remain, or man- 
 kind would be living, as it once did, from 
 hand to mouth. 
 
 * * * 
 
 Neither can the Bolshevik put into ef- 
 fect his doctrine of "a few hours work a 
 day, and riot so many workdays in the 
 year." 
 
 Men would not tolerate the condition 
 which would follow such a course. 
 
 An almost perfect example of what it 
 would mean can be seen today in the 
 hill region of Georgia and parts of Ten- 
 nessee. 
 
 The hill-men peacefully follow the Bol- 
 shevist program, though they never heard 
 of Bolshevism. They do not labor for the 
 other fellow; they do not count on profit 
 from what they do; they work only a few 
 hours a day, a few days a year. 
 
 They have no books nor pictures nor 
 music; very few possessions of any kind; 
 not much food; their clothes are pathetic 
 rains; they do not travel from place to 
 place. Possession of comforts means 
 WORK. 
 
 Any proposal to limit production is a 
 proposal to limit the comforts that men 
 can secure, and so limit the future of 
 their children. 
 
 * * * 
 
 What the world needs is MORE produc- 
 tion; that wealth — which is drawn from 
 the earth through labor — shall be in suf- 
 ficient abundance that ALL men may 
 share it, and the comfort that it means. 
 * * * * 
 
 There is a limit to the number of hours 
 that a man can spend at his work effi- 
 ciently. 
 
 It is contrary to public welfare that any 
 man or woman should work beyond this 
 period of efficiency. 
 
 Further, every man needs a daily period 
 
 of recreation. He cannot do his part un- 
 less he has this period. 
 
 We have now, in our civilization, the 
 means to determine the proper length 
 of workday in each craft, and the time 
 that men should be free to amuse them- 
 selves. 
 
 There can be, there should be, and 
 there WILL be — unless mankind has to 
 stop the struggle with the anti-social 
 menace of Bolshevism — a code of laws 
 defining the maximum workday, and pro- 
 viding public employment for the unem- 
 ployed. 
 
 * * * 
 
 Public employment does not differ in 
 any fundamental particular from private 
 employment. 
 
 The man who works, either at public or 
 private labor, expends his income for the 
 products made by other men. This gives 
 them, in turn, a larger income to pay for 
 his product. 
 
 The source from which the additional 
 riches come to meet this and all other 
 costs is the fruitful earth. 
 
 Each man who is employed makes pos- 
 sible a larger extraction from the earth 
 of its resources. 
 
 Each man unemployed, and each loaf- 
 er, rich or poor, retards the increase of 
 mankind's comforts by the exact measure 
 of one man's labor. 
 
 * * * 
 
 The scientist, the musician, the artist, 
 the engineer, the architect, the guardian 
 of public order, the director of groups 
 of men, the tradesman who distributes 
 men's products, the physician, the clergy- 
 man, the writer, the teacher, are NOT 
 non-producers, for they serve their fellow- 
 men in capacities in which the individual 
 cannot serve himself. 
 
 Added together, even in times of se- 
 vere stress, the actual non-producers are 
 few in comparison to the vast number of 
 human beings who are at work. 
 
 The born loafer is a problem; always 
 has been and likely will continue to be so. 
 
 But the unemployed CAN be put to 
 work, and given his full share as a part- 
 ner of humanity in bringing better things 
 
15 
 
 to the race of men. The doing of it awaits 
 only the action of the people. They have 
 the machinery at hand to abolish unem- 
 ployment. 
 
 * * * 
 
 Civilization still has a long way to go. 
 
 Mankind is only part developed. 
 
 But the man who is building ships, or 
 knitting garments, or felling trees, is as 
 surely working at the advancement of 
 science, of the arts, of the human race, 
 as if he were the scientist in his labora- 
 tory, or the thinker who is fashioning 
 into words the ideals of mankind. 
 
 The work that he does counts as one 
 man's part in the upraising of the race, 
 sharing as he does the efforts of all other 
 men, and as they share his. 
 
 The expression of higher things of the 
 mind, just as the development of greater 
 comforts for the body, depend on labor, 
 and the success of labor depends on the 
 progress of civilization. 
 
 The Bolshevik proposes to retard de- 
 velopment of the earth's bounty, whether 
 the proposal is a conscious one or not. In 
 so doing, he aims a blow at the very work- 
 ers to whom he preaches his doctrine. 
 
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