!s;;;i;t.: ■ r 
 
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 THE LIBRARY 
 
 OF 
 
 THE UNIVERSITY 
 
 OF CALIFORNIA 
 
 LOS ANGELES 
 
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BOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII 
 
 ^ HEARINGS 
 
 BEFORE 
 
 THE COMMITTEE ON 
 IMMIGRATION AND NATURALIZATION 
 
 ?/,6. ^^ HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES 
 
 si:js:ty-seventh congress 
 
 FIRST SESSION 
 ON 
 
 H. J. RES. 158 
 
 A JOINT RESOLUTION PROVIDING AN EMERGENCY 
 
 REMEDY FOR THE ACUTE LABOR 
 
 SHORTAGE IN HAWAII 
 
 AND ON 
 
 H. J. RES. 171 
 
 A. JOINT RESOLUTION PROVIDING FOR IMMIGRATION TO MEET THE 
 
 EMERGENCY CAUSED BY AN ACUTE LABOR SHORTAGE 
 
 IN THE TERRITORY OF HAWAII 
 
 Serial 7— Part 1 
 
 /oXo - ' 
 
 JUNE 21 TO JUNE 30 AND JULY 7, 1921 
 
 STATEMENTS OF 
 
 Walter F. Dillingham, Paul Scharrenberg, 
 
 Wallace R. Farrington, John Wise, 
 
 Royal D. Mead, Albert Horner, 
 
 Charles F. Weeber, Charles F. Chillingworth, 
 
 Edgar Wallace, J. K. Kalanianaole, 
 
 John I. Nolan, Harry Irwin. 
 
 WASHINGTON 
 GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 
 56754 1921 
 
COMMITTEE ON IMMIGRATION AND NATURALIZATION. 
 
 House op Representatives. 
 
 sixty-seventh congress. 
 
 ALBERT JOHNSON, Washington, Chairman. 
 
 .. , ADOLPH J. SABATH, Illinois. 
 
 ISAAC SIEGEL, New York. A ^^^^^ caUfornia. 
 
 J. WILL TAYLOR, Tennessee. ^^^ WILSON, Louisiana.. 
 
 JOHN C. KLECZKA, Wisconsin. tow^ r BOX Texas 
 
 WILLIAM N. VAILE, Colorado. l^^R^NEY, Irbama. 
 
 HAYS B. WHITE, Kansas. ^- ^• 
 GUY L. SHAW, Illinois. 
 ROBERT S. MALONEY, Massachusetts. 
 ARTHUR M. FREE, California. 
 
 JOHN L. CABLE, Ohio. ^ p Snyder, Cleric. 
 
 II 
 
 i 
 
Digitized by the Internet Archive 
 in 2013 
 
 http://archive.org/details/laborproblemsinhOOunse 
 

 INDEX. 
 
 Page. 
 Alexander's Brief History of the Hawaiian People quoted by Witness Irwin . . . 446, 467 
 
 AJ.iens admitted to and departed from Hawaii. 1910 to 1920 : . . 344 
 
 /<Mnerican Legion, resolution adopted by , 332 
 
 ><^arter, George R. , quoted by Witness Irwin 469 
 
 i^^ntral Labor Council of Honolulu, communication from 278 
 
 I Quoted by Chairman Johnson 328 
 
 ' hestertown, Md . , farm labor wage scale at 275 
 
 ^ hillingworth, Charles F. , statement of 430 
 
 ' offee production in Hawaii, 1910 to 1920 295 
 
 Cuba, number of Chinese employed in ' 398 
 
 Dillingham, Walter F., statement of 214, 325, 438 
 
 Emergency Labor Commission of Hawaii, act creating 225 
 
 I'arrington, Wallace R., statement of 233 
 
 t Governor of Hawaii, reports of, quoted by Witness Irwin 470 
 
 Hawaiian citizens favoring admission of Chinese, communications from 404. ^39 
 
 (See also Appendix 1. pp. 471-507; Appendix 2. pp. 508-532.) 
 
 Hoffman. Franklin L. , quoted by Witness Mead. 272* 
 
 Korner, Albert, statement of 401 
 
 House joint resolution 158, text of 213 
 
 Amendment to, suggested by Mr. Mead 288 
 
 House joint resolution 171. quoted by Chairman Johnson 458 
 
 Hughes, John A. , communication from 327 
 
 Iron Molders' Union of Honolulu, communication from 278 
 
 Irwin. Harry, statem.ent of 467 
 
 Japanese in Hawaii. Report No. 1355, Fifty-fifth Congress, second session, 
 
 quoted by Mr. Raker 459 
 
 Quoted by Witness Irwin : . 467 
 
 Japan, expatriation law of 430 
 
 Kalanianaole, J. Kuhio, statement of 147 
 
 Labor Conditions in Hawaii, Senate Document No. 432, Sixty-fourth Congress, 
 
 first session, quoted by Witness Mead 341, 346, 347 
 
 I Labor Department Bulletin No. 94. quoted by Witness Mead 340 
 
 ' Laborers employed in Hawaiian sugar industry, number of, 1900 to 1920... 296 
 
 Labor Review of Hawaii, quoted by Witness Dillingham 443 
 
 liaws of Hawaii : 
 
 R elating to immigration 416 
 
 « Relating to electoral qualifications 419 
 
 R elating to publications 445 
 
 Legislature of Hawaii, concurrent resolution by 224 
 
 j Lowrie, W. J. , communication from 366 
 
 ,^-L^decker, R . C. . report on immigration of laborers to Hawaii 533 
 
 ^^cCarthv, C. J., governor of Hawaii, letter from 223 
 
 McClatchy, V. S., letter to Hon. Miles Poindexter 400 
 
 Mann, Hon. James R. , quoted by Witness Mead 292 
 
 Mead, Royal D., statements of 263, 279, 297, 339, 340, 370 
 
 Nolan, John I., statement of - 31 1 
 
 Orientals employed in United States Army, correspondence concerning 398* 
 
 Pacific Commercial Advertiser, article from - . _. 379 
 
 Philippine Labor Bureau, director of, quoted by Witness Dillingham 442 
 
 Pineapples, production of in Hawaii, 1910 to 1920 295 
 
 Pinkham, Lucius E., report of commission appointed by, quoted by Witness 
 
 Ir^\in - 469 
 
 j Population of Hawaii '. 219' 
 
 ' Products of Hawaii, amount of, 1920 22L 
 
 ^JR:^nton, George F. , communication from 367 
 
 "Scharrenberg, Paul, statement of 361 
 
 
 Ill 
 
 .^ 
 
 \ ^^ 
 
 ^^ 631998 
 
IV INDEX. 
 
 Statistical tables. (See Appendix IV, pp. 545-547.) Page. 
 
 Stevedores Association of Hawaii, communication from 326 
 
 Taxes paid by Hawaii, 1920 221 
 
 Teamsters' Union of Hawaii, communication from 327 
 
 Trade-unions of Hawaii, directory of 407 
 
 Tyson, H. N., communications from 372, 375, 379 
 
 Quoted by Witness Wallace 383 
 
 Wallace, Edgar, statements of 297, 303, 372 
 
 Weeber, Charles F., statement of 295 
 
 Wise, John, statement of 387 
 
 Wootten, H. G. , communication from 328 
 
 Wright, George W., communication from 381 
 
 ( ^ 
 
 » * 
 
 f *. 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IK ffAWAII. 
 
 Committee on Immigration and Naturalization, 
 
 House of Kepresentatives, 
 
 Tuesday, June 21, 1921. 
 
 The committee met at 10.30 o'clock a. m., Hon. Albert Johnson 
 (chairman) presiding. 
 
 There were present before the committee Mr. Walter F. Dillingham, 
 Mr. Charles F. Chillingworth, and Mr. Albert Horner, of Hawaii. 
 
 The Chairman. The committee will be in order. The meeting was 
 called this morning, gentlemen, for the purpose of hearing the Dele- 
 gate from Hawaii, Mr. Kalanianaole, and a delegation from Hawaii, 
 sent, I believe, at the request of the Legislature of the Territory of 
 Hawaii, with petitions, etc., for the admission of certain oriental labor 
 into the Territory. 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. I don't think that is just right, Mr. Chairman. 
 
 The Chairman. Well, for the admission of certain labor into the 
 Territory. The hearing is to be held on House joint resolution 158, 
 which properly belongs before this committee but which has been 
 referred to the Committee on Territories. Without objection and 
 with the consent of the Committee on Territories, I have undertaken 
 to have it referred to this committee. 
 
 Now, Mr. Kalanianaole, have you a statement to make? 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. No, excepting that we have here a commis- 
 sion sent by the legislature to appear on this matter, a commission 
 consisting of Mr. Dillingham, Senator Chillingworth, and Mr. Horner, 
 who have been sent over here to present this matter before Congress. 
 
 The Chairman. Does Mr. Dillingham desire to be heard first ? 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. Yes. 
 
 The Chairman. Very well, Mr. Dillingham, we will hear you first. 
 The resolution under consideration reads as follows: 
 
 [H. J. Res. 158, Sixty-seventh Congress, First session.] 
 
 JOINT RESOLUTION Providing an emergency remedy for the acute labor shortage in the Territory 
 ^ of Hawaii. 
 
 Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America 
 in Congress assembled, That for a period of five years from the passage of this joint 
 resolution the Secretary of Labor be, and he is hereby, empowered, under such con- 
 ditions and regulations as he shall prescribe, to admit to the Territory of Hawaii such 
 aliens otherwise inadmissible as he may deem necessary to meet the emergency 
 existing in the shortage of agricultural labor: Provided, That such aliens shall be 
 admitted only for limited periods of time, for the purpose of engaging only in agri- 
 cultural labor or domestic service; that such admission of aliens shall not operate to 
 increase the number of persons of any one alien nationality in the Territory of Hawaii 
 so that their total numbers at any one time shall exceed 20 per centum of the total 
 population of the Territory as determined b}^ the last census; and that the regulations 
 shall provide for and secure the return of such laborers to their respective countries 
 
 213 
 
214 LABOR PEOElLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 upon the expiration of the time limited: Provided further, That nothing herein con- 
 tained shall be construed to allow anv alien admitted under the terms hereof to remove 
 to any other place under the jurisdiction of the United States. 
 
 Now, Mr. Dillingham, we will be glad to hear you. 
 
 STATEl^EKT OF MR^ WALTER F. DILimGHAM, CHAIRMAN 
 OF T?HE HAWAII SMEROENCY LABOR COMMISSION. 
 
 Mr. DiXiiiN^aiiAML Qxt April'20, 1921, the governor of the Territory 
 of Hawaii presented a special message to the Territorial legislature 
 calling attention to the grave labor shortage existing throughout the 
 islands of the Territory and pointing out that a serious loss to the Ter- 
 ritory would result from that shortage unless it be relieved through 
 governmental agencies. 
 
 Acting upon this message, the house of representatives, the 
 senate concurring, passed a resolution on April 26, 1921 request- 
 ing that the Congress of the United States of America provide, by 
 appropriate legislation, for the introduction or immigration into 
 the 'Territory of Hawaii of such a number of persons, including 
 orientals, as may be required to meet the situation; limiting such 
 immigration, however, to such numbers as will not operate to in- 
 crease the number of persons of any alien nationalty in the Territory 
 at any one time beyond 25 per cent of the total population of the 
 Territory; and providing further that such persons be admitted for 
 limited periods of time, be obliged to confine their efforts to agricultural 
 labor and domestic service, and be guaranteed and secured their 
 return to their respective countries upon the expiration of such limited 
 periods of time. 
 
 The resolution and an accompanying act further authorized 
 the governor to appoint a special commission to act in the 
 matter at the National Capital, to urge upon the Federal Govern- 
 ment the necessity for immediate action in the premises. On April 
 29, 1921, the governor appointed the Hawaiian Emergency Labor 
 y Commission, consisting of Mr. Walter F. Dillingham as chairman, 
 Senator Charles F. Chilling worth, and Mr. Albert Horner, and directed 
 that this commission proceed forthwith to Washington, D. C. 
 , The industries of the Territory are agricultural. Of a total popula- 
 I tion of 255,912 in 1920, approximately 45,000 are now engaged in 
 / agriculture, as against urgent requirements for 60,000. An actual 
 I shortage of field labor is now reported by the several industries to 
 ' exist as follows: 
 
 Sugar plantations 6, 000 
 
 Pineapple plantations , 3, 000 . 
 
 . Coffee plantations 1, 500 
 
 \ Rice fields 3, 000 
 
 Contracting interests 1 , 000 
 
 Total 14, 500 
 
 In addition to this numerical shortage, however, there is a further 
 decline in production due to the inefficiency of field labor in general, 
 attributed to lack of interest and intermittent service. 
 
 Continuous efforts have been made to provide for the bringing 
 
 into the Territory of labor, within the law, to meet our increasing 
 
 requirements. Not being able to hold this labor, it has migrated to 
 
 y California practically as rapidly as it has been brought to Hawaii. 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 215 
 
 Even now efforts are being made to bring Porto Ricans and Fili- 
 pinos into the Territory. There is no possibility^, however, of over- 
 coming the shortage, as those who enter the Territory at the present 
 time can be expected only to take care of a part of the continuing 
 shrinkage. 
 
 The general shortage, but particularly the acute shortage existing 
 in the sugar industry, is caused in part by the large bonus which was 
 paid to laborers in the sugar industry during the year 1920. This 
 bonus to field laborers amounted in all to $25,878,996 and was paid 
 to them over and above regular wages, twenty-five per cent of this 
 amount being paid in lump sums at the end of the year. Finding 
 themselves provided with money sufficient for the purpose, laborers 
 have availed themselves of the opportunity to leave the less-attrac- 
 tive field occupations. Numbers of them have left the Territory for 
 their homes, permanently or for visits; and much greater numbers 
 of them have begun business ventures for themselves as small mer- 
 chants, coffee and pineapple farmers, contractors and builders, truck 
 gardeners, etc. The initiation and development of these independ- 
 ent ventures on the part of former field laborers have resulted in a 
 twofold loss to the established industries, for they have lost the 
 services not only of the new farmers, merchants, contractors and 
 gardeners themselves but of large numbers of other field laborers 
 who evidently prefer to be employed by those of their own race and 
 have therefore left the plantations to seek employment in these new 
 oriental owned and controlled industries. 
 
 A general cause of the situation and shortage, which has recently 
 become acute, is the fact that the Japanese, who constitute more 
 than 60 per cent of the labor, have ceased to appreciate the oppor- ^^ 
 tunities given them as individuals and now aim collectively to revo- i 
 lutionize the control of agricultural industries to the end that Japa- '^- 
 nese capital acquire substantial planting interests for itself, instead v 
 of merely contributing the labor for those interests under American 
 control The Japanese now has money he never had before and has 
 determined to use that money and the strength of his numbers to 
 leave the established industries without necessary labor and enter 
 into competition on his own account with these established industries 
 or actually acquire them. 
 
 As a result of this shortage and the restless independent attitude 
 of the field laborer, a lack of business control has developed, and a 
 shifting of laborers from place to place has directly followed efforts 
 on the part of the planters to urge the laborers to greater efficiency. 
 Industries organized and balanced in mill, cannery, transportation, 
 irrigation, and area are now faced with but two alternatives: Shall 
 they attempt to maintain existing areas which can be cultivated only 
 indifferently until such time as further labor can be secured, or shall • 
 they abandon land now under cultivation and thus conserve their 
 present supply of labor for the proper cultivation of smaller areas ? 
 It is evident that the possibility of conducting the business efficiently 
 is destroyed in either case. 
 
 The positive financial loss of the present labor shortage to the 
 basic agricultural industries of the Territory runs far into the mil- 
 lions of dollars. If the shortage continues unrelieved, or becomes 
 greater through additional losses of laborers, financial ruin faces the 
 planters of the Territory. 
 
216 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 During the past 10 years the normal acreage of cane harvested 
 annually has averaged 115,568 acres; and, from this acreage there 
 has been produced an average sug'ar crop totaling 590,793 tons an- 
 nually. The greatest tonnage of sugar produced during the past 20 
 years was in 1915, when 646,445 tons were harvested, with 45,654 
 laborers in the fields during the year. The greatest number of labor- 
 ers employed during the past 20 years was in the year 1912, when 
 47,345 laborers were on the pay rolls of the sugar plantations. On 
 account of a strike of plantation laborers on the Island of Oahu during 
 the first six months of 1920, an^ on account of a general labor short- 
 age during that year, the sugar production reached only 556,871 
 tons, the lowest figure since 1913; there being only 38,348 laborers 
 employed by the plantations in December, the lowest number since 
 1900. ; 
 
 There has always been soitie labor shortage in the sugar fields of 
 the Territory, and production of sugar at the high rate of the past 
 decade has been made possible only by the most advanced scien- 
 tific methods of agriculture. The sugar planters of the Territory 
 have for 26 years maintaind an experimental laboratory, at an 
 annual cost of nearly $200,000 during the past 10 years, for the de- 
 velopment of correct methods of cultivation and adequate elimina- 
 tion of bug and other pests. With 10,000 acres more under culti- 
 vation than in 1910, but with 6,000 less laborers than during that 
 year, approximately maximum production has been made possible 
 only by the strictest attention to accurate scientific methods of 
 farming. As a result of those methods, the number of acres culti- 
 vated per laborer has increased from 5.07 in 1910 to 6.04 in 1920. 
 
 It requires from 18 months to 2 years for sugar cane to mature. 
 Each summer a 2-year-old mature crop is harvested, a 1-year-old 
 crop is under cultivation, and a new crop is planted. In order to 
 secure the best results, planting of new seed cane must begin not 
 later than May 1 and must be completed not later than August 1, 
 while the care of stools in fields which are to produce a ratoon crop 
 must begin immediately after the mature crop is harvested. When 
 caretaking is delayed for an}^ reason, fields become overrun with 
 weeds and grass and the stools die, while the volunteer crop is choked 
 out. 
 
 Further development of scientific methods is being carried on, but 
 nothing can solve the present man-power problem of the sugar planter 
 except an additional labor supply to relieve the actual shortage of 
 6,000 men existing at this time. As a result of that shortage, ap- 
 proximately 50,000 tons of sugar now ready for harvesting, with a 
 present market value of approximately $5,000,000, will be lost this 
 year. 
 
 In order to keep the current loss to the lowest possible figure, the 
 planters are bending every effort and using every available man to 
 complete the harvesting and grinding of this year's crop. As a 
 result, the crop of 1922, planted last year and now about 1 year old, 
 can not be cultivated and 17 per cent of the acreage of the 1922 crop 
 has been abandoned, leaving only about 96,000 acres to produce 
 approximately 490,000 tons of sugar, a loss of a little over 100,000 
 tons. This estimate, however, is based on the assumption that the 
 reduced area will yield the average tonnage of cane per acre. As a 
 matter of fact, the fields of the 1922 crop have not received and can 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS HI HAWAII. 217 
 
 not receive the usual and required care with the present inadequate 
 labor supply, and a further reduction of at least 30 per cent, or 
 147,000 tons of sugar, will occur in the yield of next year. Consider- 
 ing these two losses from reduced acreage and inadequate cultiva- 
 tion, 247,000 tons of sugar, having a market value of $24,000,000 on 
 a basis of 5-cent sugar, will be lost to the producer in 1922. 
 
 Every available laborer on the sugar plantations of the Territory 
 is now engaged in harvesting the ripe crop of 1921, and the planting 
 of the 1923 crop has not begun and can not be begun until the present, 
 havest is completed by the end of this year. Fields planted in 
 October, November, or December, as must be the case this year, if 
 any planting is done, yield less than half a crop, and the 1923 tonnage 
 of sugar will therefore be so greatly reduced that the loss will approxi- 
 mate $50,000,000 at a conservative estimate. 
 
 The pineapple crop is an annual one, the large harvest occurring 
 in midsummer, although a smaller crop is harvested in midwinter. 
 The principal harvest season of midsummer extends over a period 
 of only eight weeks, and the large tonnage of fruit, totaling 5,978,000 
 cases in 1920, must be gathered, hauled, and packed within this 
 short period. If the harvest is prevented or delayed, some or all of 
 the crop is lost and rots on the ground, the amount of the loss 
 depending upon the extent of the delay. 
 
 Labor to make possible the harvest of 1920 was secured not only 
 by raising and offering wages so high that they attracted field laborers 
 from other established and essential industries, but it was drawn 
 from the cities and home centers, which were deserted by domestic 
 servants, clerks, and other nonagricultural employees attracted by 
 the high wages. Even under these conditions, sufficient labor could 
 not be secured, and hundreds of school children were induced to come 
 into the fields and assist in the harvest of 1920. This same procedure 
 must be followed this year to an even greater extent on account of 
 the still greater shortage in the normal labor supply. With the 
 present labor situation throughout the Territory, a delayed harvest 
 is inevitable. The financial loss occasioned by this delayed harvest 
 and the resulting loss of crop is difficult to estimate on account of the 
 varying extent of the labor shortage. That shortage is almost cer- 
 tain to be so serious, however, as to cause a financial loss, of between 
 $6,000,000 and $7,000,000 to the pineapple planters. 
 
 The coffee industry, which is largely confined to one district on the 
 Island of Hawaii, has been encouraged in the belief that it would 
 furnish an incentive to the homesteader to settle and develop Ameri- 
 can communities; and no inconsiderable part of the coffee produced 
 in the Territory is grown on the small farms of these homesteaders. 
 These small independent farmers are facing absolute ruin at the 
 present time. Their crop is ripe and ready for harvesting at the 
 time of the large pineapple harvest, in midsummer, when labor is 
 always short and will be scarcer than ever this year. 
 
 Naturally these small independent coffee farmers have similarly 
 small means; and a total loss of their crop inevitably entails ruin. 
 In 1920, on account of the shortage of labor then existing, many of 
 these small farmers, whose plantings total approximately 1,000 
 acres, lost nearly their whole crop and are therefore in critical finan- 
 cial condition, although far greater financial losses are certain to 
 
 I 
 
218 LABOR PEOBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 result from failure to harvest the crop of 1921 on account of the in- 
 creased shortage of labor. 
 
 In the organized coffee companies, one-third of the crop of 1920 
 could not be harvested; and at least one-half of the crop of 1921, with 
 a probable market value of nearly $500,000, will be lost. 
 
 The rice industry, recognized as being of great importance in fur- 
 nishing a valuable food product for the self-support of the islands, 
 has dwindled in area from 9,000 acres to 2,800 acres, and we have 
 already lost two-thirds of this important industry through shortage 
 of labor. Except for the Chinese, practically no labor has been 
 induced to handle the cultivation of the rice crop ; and with the decline 
 in the number of rice growers, over 6,000 acres of very productive 
 fields have been abandoned and the rice industry is now practically 
 dead. Continued efforts have been made during the past 10 years 
 to save this industry, but without avail; and, to-day, instead of 
 supplying her own needs and exporting rice to other countries, 
 Hawaii must import rice for herself. 
 
 The history of the rice industry is a terrifying warning of what may 
 result in our other industries if adecjuate relief from our present situ- 
 tion is not secured. The further development and maintenance of 
 prosperity in Hawaii depend solely upon our ability to continue the 
 basic industries of the country. These basic industries can not be 
 continued, however, without adequate labor to compete in markets 
 created for our commodities by those who produce the same com- 
 modities elsewhere, in greater bulk and under entirely different labor 
 conditions. 
 
 Failure to provide early relief, as well as failure to provide relief of 
 any nature, must inevitably have two far-reaching effects and can re- 
 sult only in placing both the industrial and political control of the 
 Territory in the hands of its preponderating Japanese population. 
 Furnishing normally at least 60 per cent of the required labor supply 
 of the Territory, the Japanese are in a position where, by failing or 
 refusing further to provide that labor supply, they can dictate to, if 
 not actually secure control of, the established industries. Since 
 political control of the Territory can not be divorced from the con- 
 trol of its essential industries, Japanese acquisition of the latter must 
 surely be followed by their possession of the former. 
 
 Mr. SiEGEL. Could you give us the nationalities of the population 
 of Hawaii ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. Yes, sir. The population of Hawaii, according 
 to reports from the census of 1920, was 255,912 people of all nationali- 
 ties. Hawaiians— that means the pure-blooded Hawaiians^23,723. 
 Asiatic Hawaiian, 6,955 — those are the crosses with the Asiatics. 
 Caucasian-Hawaiian, 11,072. Portuguese, 27,002. Porto Ricans, 
 5,602. Spanish, 2,430. Other Caucasians, 19,708 — those are the 
 white Americans, and are represented by 15,323 American-born 
 Americans and 2,219 naturalized citizens, leaving only 2,166 Anglo- 
 Saxon aliens who have not been Americanized. Out of the 19,708 
 there are only 2,166 who are eligible to become American citizens who 
 have not become American citizens. Chinese, 23,507. Now, of 
 that 23,000 there are only 10,000 foreign-born Chinese, alien Chinese; 
 the other 13,000 are Hawaiian-born Chinese or American citizens. 
 Japanese, 109,274; Filipinos, 21,031; Korean, 4,950; negroes, 348; 
 all others, 310. 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 219 
 
 The Chairman. Now you did not specify when you touched on 
 the Japanese proposition the ones that were ahen and the ones 
 native horn. 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. There are 60,000 of the 109,000 that are ahens; 
 49,000 of the 109,000 are American born. 
 
 Mr. SiEGEL. In other words, 49,274 are American citizens ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. Forty-nine thousand are American citizens by 
 birth. 
 
 Mr. SiEGEL. About 20 per cent of the whole population ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. Yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. SiEGEL. Of this 109,274, how many are employed as* laborers 
 in the Hawaiian Islands ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. Will you state the question again, please? 
 
 Mr. SiEGEL. I wanted to learn how many of these laborers that 
 are employed in the fields are Japanese, either by descent or by birth. 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. Of the total Japanese, only 17,906 were working 
 in the sugar cane fields in December of last year. We have about 
 6,000 laborers in the pineapple fields, and quite a large proportion 
 of those are Japanese — about 80 per cent of that 6,000 — -maybe 4,800. 
 
 Mr. SiEGEL. Well, go ahead in your own way, Mr. Dillingham. 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. Out of the 109,000 it would appear that about 
 25,000 only are in field occupations to-day. To quote exactly, the 
 figures are alien Japanese, 60,258; other Japanese, 49,016; total, 
 109,274. 
 
 I have here a table showing the total population of the Territory, 
 by sex and naticnalit}- which I desire to have inserted in the record. 
 The table is as follows: 
 
 The population of the Territory of Hawaii. 
 
 
 Census of 1920. 
 
 Total in 
 1910. 
 
 
 Race. 
 
 Sex. 
 
 Citizenship. 
 
 Total in 
 1920. 
 
 Increase 
 during 
 decade. 
 
 
 Male. 
 
 Female. 
 
 Citizen. 
 
 Ahen. 
 
 
 Hawaiian 
 
 11,990 
 
 5, 528 
 
 3,524 
 
 13, 737 
 
 3, 133 
 
 1,326 
 
 12, 309 
 
 16, 197 
 
 02, 644 
 
 3,498 
 
 16, 851 
 
 409 
 
 11, 733 
 5,544 
 3, 431 
 
 13, 265 
 2,469 
 1, 104 
 7,399 
 7,310 
 
 46,630 
 
 1,452 
 
 4,180 
 
 249 
 
 23, 723 
 11,072 
 
 6,955 
 22, 346 
 
 5,602 
 
 1, 145 
 17, 542 
 12, 728 
 49, 016 
 
 1,518 
 
 21,031 
 
 559 
 
 
 23. 723 
 
 26, 041 
 8,772 
 3, 734 
 
 22,301 
 4,890 
 1,990 
 
 14, 867 
 • 21,674 
 
 70 R7i^ 
 
 1 2 318 
 
 Caucasian Hawaiian 
 
 
 11,072 
 6,955 
 
 27,002 
 5,602 
 2,430 
 
 19,708 
 
 23, 507 
 lO^J 274 
 
 2 300 
 
 Asiatic Hawaiian . . . 
 
 
 3 221 
 
 Portuguese . . . 
 
 4,656 
 
 4' 701 
 
 Porto Rican 
 
 712 
 
 Spanish 
 
 1,285 
 
 2,166 
 
 10, 779 
 
 60, 258 
 
 3,432 
 
 440 
 
 other Caucasian 
 
 Chinese 
 
 4.841 
 1' 833 
 
 Japanese 
 
 29' 599 
 
 Korean ... . 
 
 4 950 1 4 533 
 
 ' J.17 
 
 Filipino 
 
 21 031 ! 2 361 1 18 fi7n 
 
 Negro and all other. 
 
 99 
 
 '658 l'071 
 
 1413 
 
 Total 
 
 151, 146 
 
 104,766 173 9,37 
 
 82, 675 
 
 255 912 1Q1 QfiQ '^■i f^f^^ 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 Decrease. 
 
 With funds in amounts never before possessed by them, the 
 Japanese, who think and act collectively, are provided with capital 
 for their collective use in acquiring control of industries at present 
 owned and controlled by Americans. That 'they intend to secure 
 such control is demonstrated not only by their disinclination or 
 actual refusal to be employed by American-controlled industries but 
 
220 LABOR PEOBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 also by their several specific attempts to purchase the control of some 
 of these industries. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Mr. Chairman, I understand that Mr. Dillingham will 
 complete his statement before being interrupted ? 
 
 Mr. SiEGEL (in the chair). Yes; that is the method we have 
 decided to adopt. 
 
 Mr. DiLLENGHAM. American and other non-Japanese owners and 
 operators of small farms throughout the islands report a uniform 
 inability to secure necessary field labor, although the bulk of the 
 existing shortage of labor is in the supply of field laborers for the 
 larger organized plantations, where the shortage is aggravated by 
 the restless and indifferent attitude of the field laborer in general. 
 Efforts on the part of the planters to urge their laborers to greater 
 efficiency have been directly followed by a shifting of laborers from 
 place to place, resulting only in further reducing efficiency. 
 
 Within the past several months, Japanese or persons representing 
 them have made two actual offers to purchase outright, or to purchase 
 the control of one of the largest sugar companies in the Territory. 
 An effort by the Japanese to purchase the control of a smaller sugar 
 company was abandoned only because of the refusal of certain 
 Portuguese owners to sell their controlling interest in the company. 
 The Japanese purpose to secure control of established industries, or 
 to make continued American control difficult and expensive, can 
 also be recognized in such an incident as the one in which Japanese 
 interests recently bid, at a public auction, for a site and right of way 
 adjacent to a sugar plantation. Excepting only the plantation to 
 which it was essential, this right of way was practically useless to 
 anyone who might acquire it; but, despite this fact, the Japanese 
 interests present at the auction, by bidding, raised the final sale price 
 to $36,500, although the appraised valuation of the property was only 
 $14,000. 
 
 Under the present conditions efficient or profitable operation of 
 existing American organizations is impossible. Such a condition 
 must inevitably bring the planter to the point where he must sell 
 his organization to any available buyer. Sale either before or after 
 failure must be made to the people who control the majority of 
 available field labor; and, considering this fact, it is at once apparent 
 that there could be no purchasers except Japanese. When this point 
 has been reached and such a sale of American-controlled industries is 
 forced by the shortage of field labor, further American control ceases 
 and Japanese control of the Territory's industries begins. 
 
 Failure or sale of the basic agricultural activities of the Territory 
 must be followed by a similar failure or sale of the dependent non- 
 agricultural activities, for the latter can not stand without the 
 former. Considering the fact that the prosperity of the entire Ter- 
 ritory as a Commonwealth and also the prosperity of the nonagri- 
 cultural interests of the Territory are based entirely on the sugar and 
 pineapple industries, it soon becomes evident that political control 
 must be vested in those who control these two large and essential 
 agricultural industries. 
 
 If the present labor, shortage continues unrelieved, both the Ter- 
 ritory and the Nation must lose foodstuffs and tax revenues; the 
 former because of reduced crops, and the latter because of the smaller 
 taxable values of such reduced crops. In addition to these two losses, 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 221 
 
 however, the Territory will be o;reatly hampered and delayed in public 
 works and improvements of all kinds, as will also the Federal Gov- 
 ernment to a smaller extent. 
 
 The exports from the Territory during the Government fiscal year 
 of 1910 amounted to $98,859,311, increasing to $145,831,074 during 
 the fiscal year of 1920. During the calendar year 1920, however, 
 on account of the fact that the bulk of the sugar and pineapple crops 
 is shipped during the last six months of each year, the exports 
 amounted to $192,383,000, this latter figure being divided between 
 the principal commodities as follows: 
 
 Sugar $158, 712, 000 
 
 Pineapples 29, 176, 000 
 
 Coffee 470, 000 
 
 Canned fish and sundries 4, 025, 000 
 
 192, 383, 000 
 
 To determine the value of produce raised in the Territory, the value 
 of home-grown products consumed in the Territory must be added to 
 the foregoing total, as follows: 
 
 Su2:ar $4, 300, 000 
 
 Coffee 174, 000 
 
 Rice 1, 280. 000 
 
 Garden vegetables and sundries 1, 200, 000 
 
 6, 954, 000 
 
 I w^ould like to say here that $1,200,000 is far less than the value 
 of all the garden truck produced. Practically all of the farmers have 
 their ow^n little garden patches and raise the garden requirements of 
 the majority of our population directly, and it is impossible to see the 
 value of this produce as coming through a market. 
 
 On account of labor shortage and the consequent delayed harvests, 
 interrupted cultivation, and failure to plant new crops, the tw^o prin- 
 cipal export items, sugar and pineapples, will be reduced approxi- 
 mately one-fourth in tonnage during the calendar year 1921, while the 
 coffee industry will suffer an even greater percentage of loss. It is 
 extremely difficult to arrive at any definite figure in estimating the 
 effect of these losses on the food supplies of the Territory and Nation, 
 l)ut anything occasioning the destruction or nonproduction of food 
 staples is an economic condition demanding immediate correction. 
 
 It is similarly difficult to estimate the loss in tax revenues occa- 
 sioned by reduced production, but the taxes to be paid to the Ter- 
 ritory and Nation in 1921 will be much less than the amounts paid 
 in 1920, which were as follows: 
 
 To the Federal Government: 
 
 Internal revenue $11, 929, 872. 72> 
 
 Customs 1, 172, 906. 24 
 
 13, 102, 778. 96 
 To the Territorial Government 4, 954, 484. 43 
 
 With reduced production and income and correspondingly reduced 
 profits, the amounts of taxes to be paid in the year 1921 will be reduced 
 out of all proportion to the loss in production, for the reason that the 
 excess-profits item w^ill be so greatly reduced that the tax will be 
 negligible in comparison wdth the 1920 tax. 
 
222 LABOE PROBLEMS IIT HAWAII. 
 
 Public works and improvements by the Territory valued at nearly 
 $3,000,000 are proposed and have been authorized. The Territorial 
 superintendent of public works has informed the commission, how- 
 ever, that he '^does not know where the men are coming from to fill 
 the quota necessary to complete the above projects on anything near 
 time." Nearly 500 laborers are required to carry on the projects in 
 question, the completion of which will require from four to six months 
 for the smaller ones to a year and a half for a number of the larger 
 ones. No such supply of labor is conceivably available; and the only 
 possible effect is a great delay in instituting and 'carrying through these 
 improvements, all of which are necessary and some of which are essen- 
 tial to the public health. 
 
 The form of relief from the labor shortage proposed in the joint 
 resolution herewith has been determined upon after careful consider- 
 ation of conditions attending such relief. The industries of the coun- 
 try do not desire, and this commission does not propose or intend to 
 request any greater supply of labor than is an absolute necessity for 
 the relief of the present grave situation. This being so, in considera- 
 tion of the fact that the shortage is variable, it is believed to be to the 
 best interests of the industries themselves and of the country to place 
 in the hands of responsible Government officials the duty of deter- 
 mining the measure of relief. To enact legislation fixing the exact 
 number of laborers that my be imported to relieve the shortage would 
 result in leaving the actual shortage unrelieved in the event that it 
 increases subsequent to such legislative action, while a similar repre- 
 hensible condition might result from an overabundance of field labor 
 were the shortage to decrease. 
 
 The situation in the Territory is now so serious and threatening 
 that it requires instant relief without the delay incident to careful 
 and thorough investigation of the circumstances by legislative com- 
 mittees. It is therefore proposed that the Department of Labor be 
 charged with the duty of furnishing relief in such measure as is 
 necessary, leaving to the department the determination of the extent 
 of the shortage from time to time, with a corresponding initiative to 
 limit and restrict immigration. In this manner laborers may be im- 
 ported in such numbers only as will best subserve the interests of all 
 concerned while presenting, at the same time, the immediate relief 
 that is so essential. 
 
 In proposing administrative latitude in the provision of relief, no 
 small consideration has been the desire to avoid international com- 
 plications of any kind through cooperation between the Department 
 of Labor and other departments and bureaus. To draft legislation 
 at this time, imposing all the restrictions and conditions that would 
 be necessary for the strict observance of international courtesy and 
 other considerations, would probably so delay the final enactment of 
 that legislation as to make the relief therein provided of little or no 
 value m the present acute emergency, whereas such restrictions can 
 be imposed by administrative action as occasion therefor arises from 
 time to time without harmful delay. 
 
 The Territory of Hawaii is insular and isolated, 2,100 miles from 
 the mainland of the United States. Its agricultural problems are 
 tropical and strongly differentiated from the farm problems of the 
 mainland. The white farmer who can prosper everywhere through- 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 223 
 
 out the continental United States is inherently unable to work in the 
 cane fields and on the pineapple and other plantations of the Ter- ^^ 
 ritory. This statement is no idle expression of theory, but is prem- 
 ised on the unquestionable results of many experiments during the 
 past 50 years of tropical agriculture in Hawaii. That agriculture, 
 during those years, has progressed to the point where it is now the 
 most scientific in the world, but its further continuance, despite all 
 scientific methods, demands a supply of labor adequate to its needs 
 and fundamentally able to meet the peculiar conditions imposed by 
 the tropical nature of the country. 
 
 The shortage and all its accompanying conditions are local. They 
 are not related in any way to similar problems confronting farmers. 
 of the mainland; they can not be solved in the same manner as can 
 the problems of continental agriculture; and the relief provided, no 
 matter what its peculiar form may be, can in no way complicate or 
 involve mainland conditions. The emergency is such, however, as. 
 to demand immediate relief sufficiently flexible in nature to meet 
 the const antlv changing conditions. It is manifest that no such 
 flexibility would be possible under detailed statutory restrictions, 
 and for that reason alone, if for no other, administrative latitude in 
 determining both the measure and nature of relief is an essential. 
 
 I have a copy of the message of the governor to the legislature- 
 which opened the whole question two months ago. 
 
 Mr. SiEGEL. You may file that with your statement, if you desire. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. Could we have that message read ? How long is it % 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. It is only three pages long. 
 
 Mr. SiEGEL. We can have it read, if you desire it. 
 
 ^Ir. Dillingham. It was on this message that the legislature took 
 action. I will read it, with your permission [reading] : 
 
 The honorable the President of the Senate: the honorable the Speaker of the 
 Hottse; and Members of the Legislature of the Territory of Hawaii: 
 
 Gentlemen: My attention has recently been called to th^act that the agricultural 
 industries of this Territory are suffering from an acute labor, shortage. I am con- 
 vinced that unless some remedy be speedily found whereby this condition may be 
 alleviated, the agricultural and other dependent industries of this Territory and 
 the Territory as a whole will suffer great and irreparable loss. If this condition shall 
 continue it will mean that the areas of sugar cane and pineapples now under cultiva- 
 tion will have to be reduced. It is now true that thousands of acres of productive 
 rice lands in this Territory have been abandoned because of the lack of labor to cul- 
 tivate them, and the Territory of Hawaii is for that reason just so much less able to 
 support its inhabitants and the military forces of the United States in this Territory. 
 It is also true that a large portion of the 1920 coffee crop of this Territory was not 
 harvested because of the great lack of labor, and the same condition will exist during 
 this present year. This resulted and will result in severe loss to the coffee planters, 
 the greater proportion of whom are citizens of moderate means and unable to withstand 
 such a loss for even one year. The continued shortage of labor will result in a similar- 
 loss and in the reduction in cultivated areas in other agricultural lines with a corre- 
 sponding inability to support ourselves and the military forces of the United States 
 either in normal times or during periods of emergency. 
 
 You are all aware that the enth-e industrial life of this Territory is based upon 
 agriculture. Xo other industry would exist here except for the support contributed, 
 dhectly or indirectly, by the l^asic agricultural industries of the Territory, and all 
 our citizens and residents are dependent directly or indirectly upon the successful 
 prosecution of those industries. You are all aware of the fact that no agiiculttiral 
 labor, other than PHipino, has been brought into this Territory for at least 14 years. 
 During that period of time there has been a large increase in the acreage planted in 
 sugar cane, pineapples and other food staples, and as no adequate additional labor was 
 brought into the Territory to cultivate the increased area and as during that same^ 
 period a large number of laborers have returned to their homes in other parts of the. 
 
.224 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 world, the result has been that we have had to spread our available labor supply over 
 such a large area that production has had to slow down and within a short time will 
 be very materially decreased. 
 
 As our agricultural operations are devoted entirely to the production of food sup- 
 plies and as the continuance of that production is essential to the support of the in- 
 habitants of this Territory, ci\'ll and military, both in normal times and particularly 
 in times of emergency, it is vitally necessary that we have an adequate supply of 
 agricultural laborers to carry on those industries. Since this Territory is of the utmost 
 importance to the Nation as a militar/ outpost, it is above all things necessary that 
 we should be put in a self-sustaining position so that in a time of national emergency 
 we AVould not only be no burden on the rest of the Natioij. but would be in a position 
 where we could supply the military forces of the United States with certain essential 
 foods. 
 
 The question is one of such great importance to the Territory and to the Nation that 
 I believe it should be presented to you and to Congress as an administrative measure, 
 ;and I, therefore, as governor of this Territory and as representing the entire citizenship 
 of the Territory, submit herewith the draft of a concurrent resolution which contains 
 my ideas of what should be done in the premises and of the recommendations which 
 should De made to Congress in this regard. A resolution has been introduced in the 
 house of representatives by Hon. Norman K. Lyman somewhat along the same lines 
 as the one submitted herewith but based upon different reasons. I recommend that 
 the concurrent resolution which is submitted herewith be referred to the same com- 
 mittee which now has the pending resolution under consideration and that that 
 committee report out one of the two resolutions. I believe, however, that this is a 
 matter of such great importance to the Territory, as a whole, that a resolution sponsored 
 and approved by the administration would have the greater weight and infiucene. 
 
 In order that this matter may be properly, forcibly, and speedily presented to the 
 Congress of the United States, I recommend the enactment of the bill which is sub- 
 mitted herewith, which provides for the creation and appointment of the Hawaii 
 Emergency Labor Commission, whose duty it will be to proceed to Washington, 
 D. C, for the purpose of assisting our Delegate to Congress in obtaining immediate 
 relief in the premises, and which provides an appropriation for the payment of expenses 
 incurred by said commission in the performance of its duties. 
 
 Honolulu, Hawaii, April 20, A. D. 1921. 
 
 C. J. McCarthy, Governor. 
 
 (The concurrent resolution follows :) 
 
 ^ CONCURRENT RESOLUTION. 
 
 ( 
 
 Whereas, owing largely to conditions resulting from the war, the agricultural industries 
 of the Territory are now experiencing an acute shortage of labor, which shortage 
 according to present indications will not only continue but will increase in intensity 
 for some years to come unless special and adequate provisions be speedily made to 
 replenish the supply; and 
 Whereas the remedying of such shortage is of immediate and vital importance to this 
 Territory as a whole in order that its basic industries may be preserved, thereby 
 avoiding a diminution of the citizen population of Hawaii which is dependent 
 directly and indirectly upon such basic industries and in order that a material 
 reduction in territorial revenues derived from taxes may be avoided, which reduc- 
 tion in territorial revenues would entail a corresponding reduction in the construc- 
 tion of roads, harbor improvements, and other public works, and of educational, 
 health, scientific, and other activities of local and national importance" and 
 Whereas no remedy for this serious condition can be provided except by Federal 
 action in permitting the immigration of available laborers under appropriate condi- 
 tions and limitations: Now, therefore, be it 
 
 Resolved hy the House of Representatives of the Legislature of Hawaii, the Senate con- 
 curring, That the Congress of the United States of America be, audit is hereby, urgently 
 and respectfully requested to provide by appropriate legislation for the introduction 
 of immigration into the Territory of Hawaii of such a sufficient number of persons, 
 including Orientals, as may be required to meet the situation above outlined and to 
 overcome the said acute labor shortage in the said agricultural industries, but in such 
 numbers only as will not operate to increase the number of persons of any alien nation- 
 ality in the Territory at any one time beyond 25 per cent of the total population of 
 the Territory, amd upon such conditions as will provide for the admission of such 
 i persons into the Territory of Hawaii only, for limited periods of time and as will limit 
 their employment to agricultural labor and domestic service and provide for and secure 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 225 
 
 their return to their respective countries upon the expiration of such limited periods 
 of time or upon such other conditions and limitations as the Congress may deem 
 advisable /and be it further 
 
 Resolvei, That the Governor of Hawaii be, and he is hereby, authorized and requested 
 to forthwith take all necessary and proper steps, including the authorization or appoint- 
 ment of individuals or commissions to act in the matter, both at home and in the 
 National Capital, to urg>e upon the Federal Government the necessity of immediate 
 action in the premises; and be it further 
 
 Resolved, That certified copies of this resolution be forthwith forwarded to the Presi- 
 dent of the United States; to the President of the Senate, and to the Speaker of the 
 House of Representatives, respectively, of the Congress of the United States; to the 
 chairmen of the Committees on the Territories of the Senate and of the House of Repre- 
 sentatives of the Congress; to the chairmen of the Committees on Immigration of the 
 Senate and of the House of Representatives of the Congress; and to the Delegate to 
 Congress from Hawaii. 
 
 AN ACT Creating the Hawaii Emergency Labor Commission, prescribing its duties, and providing an 
 
 appropriation therefor. 
 
 Be it enacted by the Legislature of the Territory of Hawaii: 
 
 Section 1. A commission to be known as the Hawaii Emergency Labor Commission, 
 consisting of three members, who shall be appointed by the governor, as provided by 
 the organic act, is hereby created. One of said members shall be appointed as chair- 
 man of the said commission. 
 
 Sec. 2. The said commission shall, as soon as practicable after the passage of this 
 act, proceed to Washington, D. C, and shall there assist the Delegate to Congress from 
 Hawaii in the presentation before Congress of the matters which are referred to in 
 concurrent resolution No. — of this session of the Legislature of Hawaii and of urging 
 upon Congress the necessity of speedily enacting such legislation as will remedy the 
 conditions described in said concurrent resolution. 
 
 Sec 3. The sum of 815,000, or so much thereof as may be necessary, is hereby 
 appropriated from the general revenues of the Territory for the payment of the ex- 
 penses of the said commission during its absence from the Territory, which sum shall 
 be expended on vouchers approved by the chaii'man of the said commission. The 
 per diem or other expenses of the members of said commission shall not be limited by 
 the pro\-isions of joint resolution No. 3 of the 1917 session of the Legislature of Hawaii. 
 
 Sec. 4. This act shall take effect upon its approval. 
 
 Approved at Honolulu, T. H., April 27, 1921. 
 
 C. J. McCarthy, Governor. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. Mr. Chairman, I would like to ask for a little informa- 
 tion. Looking over the population of Hawaii I find this peculiar 
 situation, that in 1910 you had 695 Negroes and in 1920 you had 348. 
 Apparently the Negro population is decreasing. Has there ever been 
 any attempt to take Negroes from the States here to work in the fields 
 of Hawaii ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. There were two attempts to bring the Negroes 
 to Hawaii as cane workers, and, while one swallow does not make a 
 summer, those two experiments were a failure, and we were not 
 encouraged to go further with the proposition of bringing Negroes 
 there. TOiat the reasons were it is hard to determine, but we were 
 unfortunate, certainly, in getting an undesirable class of Negroes. 
 A high percentage of them were in jail before they had been there very 
 long, and a very low percentage were in the cane fields. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. I just wondered if there had been any attempt made 
 along that line. 
 
 Mr. Box. I would like to ask the witness a question. I noticed 
 that in 1910 you had 2,361 Filipinos, and in 1920 you had 21,000. 
 Does that great increase consist raainly of laborers ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. We have been making a very desperate effort 
 to get labor to keep up the requirements of the islands, and also to 
 neutralize the control of any one alien nationality. The Filipinos 
 
 56754— 21— SER 7, pt 1 2 
 
226 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 offered the best opportunity and we have been bring them in as fast 
 as it was possible to get them from the Phihppine Islands. We have 
 been very strict about their health conditions before leaving the 
 Philippines, which were checked again on coming to Hawaii, and they 
 have made better than indifferent labor for us. The difficulty is this: 
 The Philippine Islands are short of labor and have been opposed to 
 our efforts to get labor from them. In practically every meeting of 
 the legislature in the Philippines, there is a bill introduced to prevent 
 the takingof labor away from the Philippines. A good many have come 
 to us, have taken a course in sugar culture in the islands and have 
 gone back to the Philippines, and the reports from such laborers which 
 have been educated in Hawaii have been very favorable to their 
 experience awa}^ from home. They have gone back to take up better 
 positions and deliver more valuable services in their own country. 
 
 Mr. Box. There is nothing in the law of the United States to pre- 
 vent your taking those people from the Philippine Islands to Hawaii ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. No, sir; and we are working very diligently 
 now to have the accommodations on all steamers that touch Hawaii 
 and the Philippines increased so as to bring them over. 
 
 Mr. Box. You have made some progress in this line, as I under- 
 stand it ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. The Filipinos are drifting back to the Philip- 
 pines as well as drifting to Hawaii. 
 
 Mr. SiEGEL. In other words, you want us to understand that 
 immigration and emigration are about equal so far as the Fili- 
 pinos are concerned ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. There has been a decided increase in the number 
 of Filipinos brought to the islands over those who have gone back; 
 but, up to date, we have not done more than take care of the shrink- 
 age with what labor we could bring in from Porto Rico and from the 
 Philippines. 
 
 Mr. Kleczka. For how long have you noticed this acute un- 
 skilled labor shortage ? For how many years past ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. My earliest recollection of business is hearing^ 
 the labor shortage discussed. That is not quite 40 years ago, but 
 it was a long time ago. We have never had adequate labor. What 
 I mean is that we have been building the country up from the time, 
 40 years or 45 years ago, when we had an output of 13,500 tons of 
 sugar, until the country now produces over half a million tons a 
 year. With the development of the country, there has been a great 
 demand for labor, and providing that labor has been one of the great 
 problems. To-day, however, we have the country developed: and,, 
 due to conditions which came up here last year, we suddenly find 
 that we are 25 per cent short of enough labor to carry the industries 
 along as now developed. 
 
 Mr. Kleczka. You mean to carry the industries at maximum 
 capacity ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. No; at efficient capacity. 
 
 Mr. Kleczka. Well, now, from your figures I notice that your 
 exports for 1920, in dollars, were tremendously increased over the 
 1919 exports. 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. That is accounted for by the very abnormal 
 price of sugar. 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 227 
 
 Mr. Shaw. Twenty-six cents a pound, as against probably five 
 the year before. The canners of CaUfornia bought sugar last year 
 at 26 cents a pound to put up fruit with, and the year before I think 
 the contract ran about 5 cents, so it was five or six times the price. 
 I don't know how the figures on output would compare, but prob- 
 ably they were not any greater. 
 
 jVir. SiEGEL. The exports of any country, expressed in dollars and 
 cents to-day, do not tell you the number of articles produced. 
 
 Mr. Kleczka. But would the increase in the price of exported 
 products in 1920 be so great as to take care of this great increase 
 in 1920 exports? 
 
 Mr. Shaw. Have you the amount in pounds ? 
 
 Mr. DiLLixGHAM. I have it in tons; yes, sir. The tonnage in 
 1919 was 603,000; in 1920, last year, it was 556,000. So you see 
 we received practically Rve times the normal price of sugar last 
 year. The worst feature of tliis abnormal price was that, instead 
 of benefiting the industry, instead of benefiting the country, it 
 completely upset our economic conditions and balance. The bonus 
 system gave to the plantation laborer an abnormal return for his 
 work, while all those connected with every other industry in the 
 islands were obliged to stumble along on the old wage, so there 
 wasn't anyone who was happy. Those who got the money were 
 restless and dissatisfied with the thought of the work they were 
 obliged to do, and those who were doing the more skilled jobs in 
 other lines of business felt that they were far underpaid. 
 
 Mr. Cable. How about this child labor business ? Don't you 
 have any laws there against employing children for the cane fields ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. You refer to my reference to calhng the children 
 in? 
 
 Mr. Cable. Yes; you stated about the children being employed 
 there in the cane fields. 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. In the pineapple fields. Of course, this is 
 volunteer work which comes in summer and is only for the eight 
 weeks of the summer months, and doesn't do a grooving boy any 
 harm. 
 
 Mr. Cable. What were the number and ages of children? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. I can't answer that question offhand. 
 
 Mr. Iravtn. There are none under 14. 
 
 Mr. Cable. About how many altogether? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. About 100 was the report of the number that were 
 moved into the island of Maui to help out in the shortage there. 
 
 I read in one of the recent issues of our paper that there were 300 
 boy scouts planning to go out this summer, and practically every 
 able-bodied bo}^ scout was keen to go out and work in the pineapple 
 fields and help out. 
 
 Mr. Cable. The only children then that were employed, were the 
 ones that you referred to ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. There are children empolyed in the canneries 
 during the summer months. From my own observation, I couldn't 
 say that any very young children were employed. 
 
 Mr. Cable. You don't know about the ages, though? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. There are none under 14. 
 
 Mr. Cable. Does your law require that limit? 
 
228 LABOR PEOBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 Mr. Ikwin. We have a statute to that effect. 
 
 Mr. Cable. That those under 14 can not work ? 
 
 Mr. Maloney. Have you any labor troubles in Hawaii ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. You mean labor disturbances ? 
 
 Mr. Maloney. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. We had a strike of Japanese on the Island of 
 Oahu which started in January, 1920, and lasted until the 1st of 
 July of that year. 
 
 Mr. Maloney. What was the cause of that ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. The causes given for the strike were the base 
 pay, the number of days required in the month to earn the bonus, 
 and the recognition of the Japanese Federation of Labor. 
 
 Mr. Maloney. How did it terminate ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. It terminated without any concessions being 
 made to the Japanese. 
 
 Mr. Maloney. It was exclusively a Japanese proposition ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. It was exclusively Japanese. The national 
 lines were drawn as clean as a razor cut. 
 
 Mr. Box. Mr. DiHingham, I notice your statement with reference 
 to the fact that Japanese industries appear to be abundantly financed. 
 Have you any information as to the source of that financial support ? 
 Is it local ? Have the people there the money, or does it come from 
 elsewhere ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. As a matter of practice, the Japanese have 
 banked with the Japanese banks for a good many years, and the 
 Japanese banks have made their investments in Japan and not in 
 Hawaii. The records show that there was $17,000,000 sent home to 
 Japan in 1920. The first indications we had of any disposition on 
 the part of Japanese capital to come to Hawaii in large amounts 
 was about a year ago when an effort was made to purchase the control 
 of one of the plantations. 
 
 Mr. Box. What was involved in that, roughly ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. You mean the amount of money ? 
 
 Mr. Box. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. That would amount to two or three million 
 dollars. 
 
 Mr. Box. And there was no local capital there able to take care of 
 that situation ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. Yes; if they pooled it. If the Japanese labor 
 community pooled its money through a bank in some way, they 
 could handle it. It is very difficult to find out the source of money, 
 particularly when it is money in the control of orientals. 
 
 Mr. SiEGEL. Do you realize, Mr. Dillingham, that that would 
 mean $150 sent out of the Hawaiian Islands for each person, each 
 Japanese in the year ? I have just been figuring that out here. 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. That is wholly within the range of possibilities. 
 
 Mr. SiEGEL. For one year's time ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. Yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Box. I wish you would state a little more fully than you have 
 about the racial compactness, the unity, the cohesiveness, with 
 which they operate in your industrial life and in the threatened ac- 
 quisition of your business and economic life— the Japanese, I mean. 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. The experience they are having in California is 
 repeated in Hawaii. A great many of us have believed that, by 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 229 
 
 exert inoj a different attitude toward 4fe the Japanese, the results 
 would be favorable to the intermingling of the two nations, and 
 eventually the bringing of them into the full American spirit. I was 
 one of those who believed that there were so many well-educated, 
 prominent Japanese in Hawaii w^ho had bettered their condition in 
 every way after coming under the control of the American Govern- 
 ment and influences and ideas, that if it came to a question such as 
 was raised in 1920, when the Japanese went on strike on the planta- 
 tions of Oahu, we could rely upon the prominent business men and 
 professional men of the Japanese community to take the matter up 
 with us and work out a proper solution. 
 
 For SIX months it was absolutely impossible to get any one of them 
 to come out and take the stand, through the Japanese press or through 
 public meetings, that the strike was wrong; that they would get 
 nothing in the way of adjusting any differences until they went back 
 to work; and that, if they went back to work, the matter could be 
 adjusted between the laborers and the plantations, while they would 
 find the plantation management deaf to treating with the agitators 
 who were the leaders in that strike, until they did go back. Several 
 of them frankly admitted to me that it was impossible for the planta- 
 tions to give in. They admitted that it was against the interests of 
 the Japanese community to turn over the control to the agitators and 
 that they did not believe the planters would give in, and yet they did 
 not have the courage, the individual courage, to get out and face the 
 Japanese community which was completely in sympathy with back- 
 ing up those of their own nationality. 
 
 The call was made on all Japanese residents of the Territory to 
 contribute toward the support of the strikers. 
 
 Mr. Box. Did they do it ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. They did; to the extent of a million dollars. 
 
 Mr. Maloney. How many men were involved in the strike ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. About 6,000. 
 
 Mr. Kleczka. And the agitators were Japanese? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. They were. They were the most undesirable 
 Japanese in the Territory and were admitted to be so by their own 
 people, who nevertheless had not the courage to get up and put them 
 where they belonged. 
 
 Mr. Cable. Wasn't that at a time when they were getting more 
 money than they ever did before ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. At that time they were drawing a wage which 
 amounted practically to $3 a day if a man would work 20 days out 
 of the month. At the time the bonus system was made no one ever 
 contemplated that they would ever get any such return as that — $3 
 in addition to a house, a garden, medical attendance, free water, and 
 free firewood. That accounts for the $150 per capita. 
 
 Mr. Cable. How much do you pay them to-day? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. $1.15 is the base wage paid to-day. 
 
 Mr. Cable. And a chance for the bonus ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. A chance for the bonus besides. 
 
 Mr. Cable. If sugar goes up ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. If sugar goes up; yes. 
 
 Mr. Cable. Do you think sugar will go up ? [Laughter.] 
 
 Mr. SiEGEL. Well, that is a little bit outside of the hearing. 
 
230 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 Mr. Box. Did I understand you to say that the racial spirit, class 
 consciousness, and cohesiveness is very strong among the Japanese; 
 that that spirit is very strong, to the extent that it predominates in 
 that portion of the population of Hawaii ? Is that correct ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. I offer in evidence what I have just said, and 
 from that can only conclude that the solidarity of the Japanese 
 exceeds that of any other nationality that has ever been in Hawaii. 
 
 Mr. Cable. Will they work at this price — -the aliens that you con- 
 template bringing in there ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. I think they will work at the regular price if 
 they had an opportunity. 
 
 Mr. Cable. Is it your idea to get them in there and cut the throats 
 of the Japanese on the labor proposition ? Will they underwork the 
 Japanese — work cheaper ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. The object of this mission is not to cut anyone's 
 throat; the object of the mission, Mr. Cable, is to control the indus- 
 tries for Hawaii, for Americans; and if it is possible to get any peo- 
 ple in there who will have a neutralizing effect upon the great num- 
 ber of one nationality that we have there, we believe it is the thing 
 to do. If Chinamen can be permitted to come into that country, we 
 believe the Chinaman will be a pacemaker for all others in develop- 
 ing agriculture. 
 
 Mr. Cable. W^ouldn't you have to pay him as much as you do the 
 Japanese? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. I imagine that the price would be the same. 
 If the laborer will deliver at the wage which we are paying — ^efficiently 
 deliver — we believe that with our methods of agriculture and eco- 
 nomic handling of our business we can keep within the market price 
 which is established by Cuba. The sugar which we produce in 
 Hawaii has no control over the market price that is paid here. 
 
 Mr. Cable. Who regulates the price? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. The price is regulated by the Cuban crop. 
 
 Mr. Cable. Why is that? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. Because they furnish the United States about 75 
 per cent of the sugar consumed here. 
 
 Mr. Cable. What does Cuba pay its labor? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. I will have to ask some one who knows more 
 about Cuban conditions than I do. 
 
 Mr. Albert Horner? I was in Cuba a few years ago and the wages 
 at that time were the same as they were in Hawaii. 
 
 Mr. Cable. In other words, you have to pay as much as they do in 
 Cuba ? 
 
 Mr. Horner. Yes; we were paying the same as Cuba. 
 
 Mr. Cable. They set the price ? 
 
 Mr. Horner. I don't think we are following Cuba in the matter of 
 paying wages, but the wages that Cuba was paying when I was there 
 were the same as we were paying in Hawaii. 
 
 Mr. Cable. You don't know what it is to-day ? 
 
 Mr. Horner. No; I do not. I think on the whole the wages in 
 Cuba are slightly higher than the wages in Hawaii. 
 
 Mr. Cable. A few cents a day higher ? | 
 
 Mr. Horner. A few cents a day; yes. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. Carrying out the thought of Judge Box, Mr. Dillingham, 
 is it not a fact that the Japanese in Hawaii are united, even in building 
 
LABOK PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. ^ ( 
 
 ,9 7 * 
 
 trades, so that, except on very large jobs where it takes a great amourii. 
 of capital to finance them, even the building in Hawaii is being con- 
 ducted by Japanese who are organized and financially backed by 
 Japanese money ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. That is true. The Japanese skilled laborers and 
 artisans have combined with Japanese contractors who handle all 
 work that is available for them. They can not handle territorial or 
 county public works, because the territorial laws require that all work 
 done for the county or territory must be done by a citizen laborer or 
 by laborers who are eligible to become citizens. The Federal Govern- 
 ment, however, has opened the door to the employment of orientals 
 on public works. Fortifications and navy yards, in time of peace, and 
 Government public roads built by the Federal Government, are 
 works on which the oriental can compete with citizen labor. 
 
 Mr. Kleszka. What is this corporation that you mentioned a few 
 minutes ago, that wanted to buy one of your industries, at a con- 
 sideration, I think you said, of 13,000,000 ? Was that corporation IQO 
 per cent Japanese ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. I don't know. The approach came from the 
 Japanese and was represented as being Japanese capital, the idea being 
 that they wished to show a vested interest in the country, to be one 
 with us and so on, and change the policy of taking the money home to 
 Japan and invest it in Hawaii. That was the attitude of approach. X 
 As a matter of fact, I had something to do with the selling end of the . >^ 
 proposition indirectly, and we would not entertain it. We did not^^ 
 care to go into it further at all, believing that if the start was made, the 
 entering wedge driven home, it would be only a question of time until 
 the control of our industry would pass into alien hands, just as surely 
 as the potato business of California and the strawberry business of 
 California, and perhaps some other interests, have passed over into the 
 control of these people. 
 
 Mr. Kleczka. Were any other attempts made to gain control of 
 industry by the Japanese % 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. Yes; there was a plantation on the island of 
 Kauai, control of which was held by Portuguese who had graduated 
 from the field work years ago and were in a position to have the con- 
 trol of this small plantation; but they refused to give it over to the 
 Japanese. They are moving in on pineapple lands, taking up lands 
 -which are known to be valuable as pineapple lands, and farming them 
 with their own countrymen. There is no land law in our country 
 which prevents their buying land. They are prevented from drawing 
 for public lands, but their children are permitted to do so. 
 
 The Chairman. The children are permitted to draw for public lands % 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. The children of aliens are permitted to draw for 
 public lands that are put up for homesteads. 
 
 Mr. Kleczka. That is, children born there ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. Yes; American-born Japanese have the right 
 and do draw. 
 
 The Chairman. But they have to be of age, I take it. 
 
 Mr. Irwin. They have to be 18 years old. 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. Are they not represented by trustees. Judge, in 
 the drawings ? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. No; they can't draw before they are 18 years of age. 
 That is the minimum age, but this situation developed from time to 
 
230 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAIL 
 
 .^me, that the aUen oriental will buy a piece of land — Government 
 land or homestead land — but buy it in the name of his minor child 
 and take the title in the name of his minor child who was born in 
 the Territory. 
 
 The Chairman. That is, they will buy it from some one who has 
 secured the homestead rights by lottery ? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Maloney. Your statement is that there are 109,000 Japanese 
 in the islands, 60,000 aliens and 49,000 American-born. 
 
 Mr. D[LLiNGHAM. Ycs, sir. 
 
 Mr. Maloney. Now, of those that were on strike, were they 
 American-born or foreign-born, or mixed ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. We don't keep our statistics in that way on the 
 plantations. 
 
 Mr. Maloney. They all work together, do they ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. They all work together, but as a matter of fact 
 there are very, very few Hawaiian-born Japanese who will do work 
 in the cane fields. Out of the 6,000 that went on strike, probably 
 very few were American citizens, or American-born, but with them 
 would go their children. Whole families left the plantations, taking 
 their children. Do you remember, Mr. Mead, how many there were 
 on that strike ? You were connected with that. 
 
 Mr. Mead. There were about 6,000 out on strike. 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. That includes the children ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Oh, yes; some of the very worst agitators among the 
 Japanese strikers were American-born Japanese young men. In 
 very many instances, they were the heads of the unions on the planta-- 
 tions which created a great deal of trouble; and, while we had no 
 direct evidence, we had good reason to believe that they were the 
 ones that were firing cane fields. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. I want to ask one more question. Is it not a fact that 
 the Japanese are organizing and endeavoring to get control of nearly 
 every line of business in the islands, building trades and everything 
 else where they can — stores and all that sort of thing ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. That is correct. Whether they are organizing 
 to do it or not, we do not know; that they are doing it, we do know. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. And from some source or other, where they undertake 
 these things, they have sufficient capital to carry out any venture 
 that they desire to undertake ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. They do. 
 
 Mr. Box. You spoke of the rice industry. You said there was an 
 acreage of about 9,000 maximum, and 2,800 now? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. Yes-, sir. 
 
 Mr. Box. How much of that land is suited to the growing of rice^ 
 if you had plenty of labor ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. We would go back to 9,000 acres from 2,800, if 
 we had labor. There is no question about that, in my mind. 
 
 Mr. Box. Would you greatly exceed that ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. No; we would not; because to grow rice you 
 must have a deep flow of water and are therefore obliged to use the 
 lands at a low level, where flowing wells will take care of the terraces 
 and so on. It would not pay to pump the water up to any great 
 elevation and it would be impossibe to raise rice on high levels and 
 sell it at the average price prevailing over a period of years. 
 
LABOTJ PROBLF.MS IN HAWAII. 233 
 
 The Chairman. Will you give, for the record, the names of those 
 who appear as members of your commission ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. I would like to have Governor-elect Farrington 
 make a statement as to his attitude toward the situation there. 
 
 There is also present Mr. Royal D. Mead, who has been handling 
 labor matters in connection with the sugar interests in the islands for 
 20 years. Mr. Mead will deal with the efi'orts to secure labor. 
 
 The other members of the commission are Senator Charles F. 
 Chillingworth and Mr. Albert Horner, and our attorney general, Judge 
 Harry Irwin. 
 
 (Whereupon, at 12 o'clock noon, the committee adjurned until 
 10 a. m., Wednesday, June 22, 1921.) 
 
 Committee on Immigration and Naturalization, 
 
 House of Representatives, 
 
 Washington, Wednesday, June 22, 1921. 
 
 The committee met at 10 o'clock a. m., Hon. Albert Johnson 
 (chairman) presiding. 
 
 The Chairman. Is it your desire, Mr. Dillingham, to proceed with 
 your statement ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. Judge Raker asked some questions which we 
 would be glad to answer if it is possible for us to do so. 
 
 The Chairman. The questions asked by Judge Raker were asked 
 in a tentative way, as I remember them, after we had concluded the 
 hearing and were not placed in the record of yesterday's hearing.. 
 We will hear Gov. Farrington this morning. 
 
 STATEMENT OF HON. WALLACE K. FAERINOTON, GOVERNOR 
 OF THE TERRITORY OF HAWAII. 
 
 Gov. Farrington. Mr. Dillingham has gone into this matter in 
 detail, so that really the matter for me to present is my idea of whether 
 a crisis exists in the industry of the Territory and whether this is a 
 matter that deserves the attention of the Federal Government along 
 the lines of the resolution that is presented to you by the Territorial 
 Legislature. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Just there, what is before the committee ? 
 
 The Chairman. H. J. Res. 158. This resolution was referred on June 
 20 to the Committee on the Territories, and yesterday, in the House, 
 it was reref erred to this committee. Now let us make this clear, fol- 
 lowing Judge Raker's inquiry: This joint resolution was introduced 
 by the Delegate from Hawaii. Is it exactly the same wording of the 
 resolution of the Hawaiian Legislature 1 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. No, sir; it is not identical, Mr. Chairman. It is 
 based on the concurrent resolution passed by the Territorial Legis- 
 lature and is a suggested method of working out the solution asked 
 for by the legislature of the Territory. 
 
 Gov. Farrington. My understanding of it is that this is, in effect, 
 the expression of the legislature and that the changes are immaterial. 
 
 A crisis is sometimes a long period in developing. The remark 
 has been made that some years ago a gentleman who afterwards 
 served the Territory as governor, went through the islands and told 
 
234 LABOK PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 US if we did not secure additional sources for labor that we should 
 meet a very serious crisis in years to come. The comment is made 
 that we got along pretty well; that we seemed to have weathered 
 that crisis and that possibly we are frightened before we are really 
 hurt. On the other hand, the conditions are just exactly as he pre- 
 dicted. The acuteness of the crisis has really developed since I left 
 home last March. When I left the islands, there was comment about 
 the spirit of the labor; that the labor of the plantations was not as 
 efficient as it might be and that there was prospect of the crop being 
 materially reduced by a shortage of labor. As the harvesting of the 
 crop proceeded, the truth of that situation developed and is now 
 demonstrated in the delay of the harvesting of the crop, the market- 
 ing of the crop, and the delayed financial return, so that, I understand, 
 there is a general financial stringency in the Territory. 
 
 Now my interest is largely that of seeing that the Territory shall 
 continue in a prosperous condition and maintain its position as the 
 American outpost of the Pacific Naturally, it is very important for 
 us to be self-sustaining and, in order that we may be, for us to have a 
 reasonably prosperous condition in our main industry, which is sugar. 
 
 The strike of last year opened the eyes of a good many of us to a 
 condition which has become more acute as time has gone on. It 
 stands to reason, and I think that it appeals to all of us, that the 
 main industry in any part of our country should not be in the hands 
 of, or subject to the dictates of, an alien element, regardless of the 
 origin of that people. 
 
 That is a condition which we of Hawaii face at the present time, 
 and we have found ourselves called upon to appeal to representatives of 
 foreign Governments to help in the settlement of our labor difficulties. 
 The attitude of the dominant labor element, taken in connection 
 with the absolute man power shortage, creates a situation which, to 
 my mind, is an emergency of sufficient importance to call for the 
 attention of the Federal Government in giving us legislation which 
 will open the way for securing labor from sources other than those 
 which are now available. j 
 
 Mr. Box. You said something about having to appeal to the rep- I 
 resentatives of foreign Governments to help them settle their labor 
 troubles. Did I get that right ? 
 
 Mr. Farrington. That is what it amounts to. Of course, we are 
 in hearty cooperation with the representatives of foreign Govern- 
 ments; but, at the same time, it is a situation where they are called 
 into cooperation with us under circumstances which are rather 
 unusual. 
 
 Mr. Box. That was done last year through the representatives of 
 that Government ? I want to get the exact meaning the governor 
 had in mind, Mr. Chairman. 
 
 Gov. Farrington. They were in cooperation to quite an extent, 
 were they not ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. No; there was no cooperation on his part. There was 
 an attempt to get him interested and he did become somew^hat inter- 
 ested and he tried to get the Japanese business men together, but 
 without success. 
 
 The Chairman. That has reference to the time of the strike ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. To the time of the strike; yes. 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWATL 285 
 
 The Chairman. On the sugar plantations of the islands ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Box. You did, then, undertake to reach the Japanese element 
 through representatives of the Japanese Government, the consul, and 
 others ? 
 
 Gov. Farrtngton. That is my understanding. 
 
 Mr. Mead. I got the idea of cooperation in my head. I could not 
 see where there was any cooperation. 
 
 Mr. Box. He said they were dependent on the representatives of 
 the foreign Government for cooperation. 
 
 Gov. Farrington. I observed the situation from the standpoint 
 of a newspaper man at that time and not from an official standpoint, 
 and that is the impression I gained. 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. We have always had to go to the representa- 
 tives of the Japanese Government, anyhow. 
 
 Mr. Box. For what? 
 
 The Chairman. With regard to labor ? 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. In our trouble with the Japanese situation, 
 as I understand it, and I think Mr. Mead ought to know it, the 
 people of that Territory have always consulted the Japanese consul 
 and have had to take the consul out in the fields to help them in 
 handling the Japanese labor. 
 
 Mr. Mead. In this last strike, in 1920, there was onh^ one occasion 
 when representatives of the plantations called upon the Japanese 
 consul. They did that because of the seriousness of the situation 
 and we got very little satisfaction from him; but he did attempt and 
 did accomplish a calling together of the Japanese business men with 
 the idea of settling the difficulties. Nothing ever came of it. But 
 in times past, as the Delegate says, the Territory and employing 
 interests have always consulted with the Japanese consul. 
 
 Gov. Farrington. Now, the islands must either go forward or 
 backward, and we have reached the point where production in our 
 principal industry has started backward on account of our shortage 
 of agricultural labor. We have exhausted the ordinary sources for 
 supplying labor in our main industry, and it is not until the .situation 
 has been very thoroughly canvassed by officials and leading business 
 men of the islands that this matter is brought to the attention of the 
 United States Congress. It is a situation which calls in my estima- 
 tion, for action. 
 
 We must go forward and we must have a supply of agricultural 
 labor that can be depended on to do the work with reasonable efficiency 
 Mr. Dillingham has canvassed the situation with reference to the 
 various efforts made to secure labor. 
 
 The Chairman. Now, let me ask you, Governor: Assuming that 
 Congress should grant some relief along the lines of this resolution 
 and that aliens hsoidd be admitted for a limited period of time for 
 the purpose of engaging only in agriculture, and that such aliens 
 should be debarred from removing to any other place under the 
 jurisdiction of the United States; if those aliens struck, who would 
 represent them? Would their Government's consul be entitled to 
 represent them ? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. Be entitled to represent them ? 
 
 The Chair^ian. Yes. Suppose they were to strike and riot and 
 make trouble for the Territorial Government; who would deal with 
 
236 LABCR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 you with regard to those ahens brought there for a period of five year& 
 under this resohition ? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. I have no doubt their consul would have a 
 personal interest in their affairs. 
 
 The Chairman. Suppose a few of them were killed as a result of 
 the riot or strike ? 
 
 Mr. Raker. They would then be dead. [Laughter.] 
 
 The Chairman. Then what would be the next step ? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. Naturally, the dealings would be through the 
 representatives of their country. 
 
 The Chairman. If any one was killed under such conditions, the 
 United States w^ould be asked to pay a sum of money to the other 
 government for each one ? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. I imagine that our Government would have 
 more interest than that of an ordinary spectator. 
 
 The Chairman. These Japanese who are now there and who were 
 not born in the United States are barred from citizenship ? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. Yes, sir. 
 
 The Chairman. And naturally they look to their governmental 
 officials for protection; and, in dealing with them, I assume that not 
 only the business men and planters, but the Territorial officials, 
 would deal with them through the representatives of the Japanese 
 Government ? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. That is true. We have a solidarity among the 
 people who constitute the majority of the laboring element on the 
 plantations, a solidarity which has never existed before, so far as I 
 know, among the people of any other race or nationality that has 
 come to the Islands. 
 
 Mr. Box. That is really a race solidarity and not a class solidarity, 
 is it? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. I think it is; there is no question about it. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Governor, how long have you been living in Hawaii ? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. Twenty-five years. 
 
 Mr. Raker. And what is your business ? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. I am a newspaper publisher. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Are you fairly well informed with regard to the 
 general conditions of the Islands ? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. I should say so, generally speaking. 
 
 Mr. Raker. You have read this resolution ? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. Yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Raker. What is the number of shortage in laborers that you 
 are figuring on bringing in ? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. The shortage is given in this statement of 
 yesterday. 
 
 Mr. Raker. I do not care for that statement. I am asking you 
 for your opinion, now. 
 
 Gov. Farrington. Well, I should have to refer to this statement, 
 because I am not intimately informed as to all the details of the 
 situation. 
 
 Mr. Raker. You would not know, then, the amount of the short- 
 age in labor, so far as the sugar interests is concerned ? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. I would not attempt to state off hand. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Nor the pineapple industry ? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. Nor the pineapple industry. 
 
LABOR riu)r.iJ*:MS in jiawail 237 
 
 Mr. Raker. Nor the coffee industry '^ 
 
 Gov. Farrington. I would refer to these gentlemen who have 
 canvassed the situation. 
 
 Mr. Raker. I am just getting to your personal knowledge. 
 
 Gov. Farrington. I have not been in a position to go into details 
 as these gentlemen have. 
 
 Mr. Raker. There has been a considerable increase in your popu- 
 lation in the last 10 years — about 42 per cent? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. Thirty- three per cent, I think it is, in the 
 general population. 
 
 Mr. Weeber. Thirty- three and one- third per cent. 
 
 Mr. Raker. What is the number of laborers less in 1920 than 
 in 1921 ? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. The number of laborers less ? 
 
 Mr. Raker. Laborers for all business in Hawaii? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. I would have to refer to Mr. Dillingham for 
 those figures. He has been actively engaged in compiling them. 
 
 Mr. Raker. During the last two years how many laborers, of all 
 kinds, skilled and unskilled, have left the island ? 
 
 Gov. :Farrington. I would again have to refer you to Mr. Dilling- 
 ham for the figures. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Well, I see on this matter you are really not familiar 
 with it ? 
 
 Gov, Farrington. I can not answer your questions as an expert 
 who has gone into the details, as these gentlemen have. 
 
 Mr. Raker. That is the reason I thought we ought to find out from 
 Mr. Dillingham first, but I will get down to the question of this 
 resolution. You do not know, then, the number of aliens, otherwise 
 inadmissible under our immigration law, that you desire to have come 
 to Hawaii for the next five years ? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. Not the exact number; no, sir. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Could you give approximately the number ? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. I would not attempt to give that at the present 
 time. I think that is something that, under this resolution, would 
 naturally be canvassed by the executive officer of the Government. 
 
 Mr. Raker. That might be canvassed by him, but what I was 
 trying to find out, before we yielded all power of Congress to the 
 Secretary of Labor, was what is the shortage in labor, if any, and 
 I understand that you have not canvassed that ? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. I could not give you the exact figures on that; 
 no, sir. 
 
 Mr. Raker. What class of labor do you want to bring in? I see 
 you have there all classes, all kinds. Now, what kind do you want 
 to bring in ? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. So far as I am concerned, to bring in any class 
 of labor that will do the work. 
 
 Mr. Raker. I know; but what is your purpose in this? What are 
 you figuring on ? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. You mean what is behind it all ? 
 
 Mr. Raker. Yes; that is what I mean; what kind of laborers— what 
 nationalities ? You have Portuguese, Porto Ricans, Spanish, Chinese, 
 Japanese, Filipinos, Koreans, Negroes. What class or kind of people — 
 that is, what nationality — do you desire to bring in to the islands 
 under this resolution ? 
 
238 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 Gov. Farrington. I think the people that can answer that ques- 
 tion to you direct are the members of the commission, the delegation 
 of the, Hawaiian Legislature, who have come on here to state what is 
 desired under this resolution. 
 
 Mr. Raker. You have gone over this matter. I do not want to 
 press the matter too hard, but what I wanted to know was what 
 nationality, if any particular nationality, are the people you are 
 figuring on bringing in under this resolution ? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. The nationality which has been very generally 
 discussed are the Chinese. 
 
 Mr. Kaker. Any others except Chinese ? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. There has been a general discussion whether it 
 would be possible to bring in Europeans. ; 
 
 Mr. Raker. There are no restrictions now against Europeans 
 coming to that country. 
 
 Gov. Farrington. It is limited; there is the same restriction that 
 there is to Europeans coming to the mainland of the United States. 
 
 The Chairman. That is the bill limiting the immigration to 3 
 per cent ? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. Yes. 
 
 The Chairman. Assuming that this resolution No. 158 should be 
 passed in some form by the House and Senate and should go through 
 the ordinary delays— say it passed by the 1st of November — how 
 long would it be likely to take to get any considerable number of 
 laborers in the islands ? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. I imagine it would take a good part of a year, 
 would it not, Mr. Mead, from your experience in handling such 
 matters ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. It depends on where you are going to get them. 
 
 The Chairman. Then let us assume, as a fair presumption, if this 
 resolution passed, in the ordinary run of events you could not get 
 labor in in any quantity in 18 months. Would that help next year's 
 crop of sugar 'i 
 
 Mr. Mead. Not next year's sugar crop. Next year's sugar crop 
 has to be planted this year. 
 
 The Chairman. And is now being planted ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Yes, sir. 
 
 The Chairman. That is the 1922 crop? 
 
 Mr. Mead. 1922-23. The crop will be very much injured unless; 
 there is a supply of labor at the present time. 
 
 The Chairman. About when will you have no crop ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. When, without any labor, will we have no crop ? 
 
 The Chairman. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Mead. I should say in 1923-24, if we had no labor, the crop 
 would be ruined. 
 
 The Chairman. If you had no more labor than you now have ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Very largely so. 
 
 Mr. Box. Right at that point, just for my information and con- 
 sideration, I want to ask if the way were opened so that you could get 
 labor from Europe, is there a prospect of your getting it from Europe ? 
 In other words, if the 3 per cent law was so changed that they were 
 permitted to come, are the conditions such that you probably could 
 get them ? 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 239 
 
 Gov. Farrington. I think it would be a rather (Hfficult proposition; 
 that is, it woiihi take a considerabk> period of canvassing. That is a 
 matter that the men who have been intimately identified with 
 soliciting immigration and developing it could answer better than 
 I can. 
 
 Mr. Mead. Under the present law you could not get them. These 
 people have to come a long, long way. Your present law absolutely 
 prohibits getting any laborers from Europe, because the people have 
 to be assisted. They are poor, agricultural people, without any funds, 
 and their passage has to be paid from Portugal or the Azore Islands, 
 and it is a very expensive proposition. 
 
 Mr. Kaker. How does it happen, then, they are coming to the 
 United States by the millions ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Coming to the United States from Europe is a rather 
 simple matter as compared to going from Europe to Hawaii. 
 
 Mr. Raker. If their friends pay their passage, it is wholly im- 
 material whether their passage is paid to the United States or to 
 Hawaii, is it not ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Well sir; we have tried for many years and have never 
 been able to get voluntary immigration from Europe. 
 
 Mr. White. I would like to ask the gentleman a question to bring 
 out further information along the line of Judge Box's interroga- 
 tories: Are you able to state whether the European immigration of 
 European labor would be adapted to the character of the work they 
 would have to perform there, or desirable — or do you know? 
 
 Gov, Farrington. There are certain European laborers who have 
 been very successful there in the islands. 
 
 Mr. White. From what part of the continent of Europe? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. The Portuguese. Our only complaint against 
 
 the Portuguese, so far as I know, is that often they stay only long__ 
 
 enough to get money to go to California. California is the Eldorado 
 
 of the world, even though the days of '49 have passed, and the am- 
 
 Jbition of every working man to reach the fields of California is most 
 
 lextraordinary. ^ ""^ 
 
 Mr. Raker. I find in this resolution the following: ''That the 
 regulations shall provide for and secure the return of such laborers 
 to their respective countries upon the expiration of the time limited." 
 Your purpose is to bring them in for five years ? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. Yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Raker. And then you want the regulation to return them at 
 the end of the five years; is that right ? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Raker. In other words, if they want to stay, if they become 
 Drosperous and like the country, your idea is to return them whether 
 they want to return, or not — by force, if necessary ? Is that right ? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. Well, I presume they would come under an 
 arrangement with the Government whereby they would return 
 
 Mr. Raker. An arrangement with what government ? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. Well, with our own Government. 
 
 Mr. Raker. In other words, you mean that you want the Govern- 
 ment to assume the responsibility of bringing them here; is that 
 right ? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. They would have to come under the Govern- 
 nent's supervision; yes. 
 
'240 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII: 
 
 Mr. Raker. And the Government would have to supervise them 
 while they are here ? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. Well, I do not know what you would mean by 
 the general term ^'supervision." Yes, the Government would have 
 an interest in those men; certainly. 
 
 The Chairman. Would this Government take part in getting them ? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. I should not say so; no, sir. 
 
 The Chairman. Would any agents of the sugar planters deal with 
 other Governments in securing them ? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. Deal with the foreign Government? 
 
 The Chairman. Yes. 
 
 Gov. Farrington. I do not know how that would work out. I 
 imagine that is a detail that would have to be worked out in con- 
 nection with the regulations. 
 
 The Chairman. Does the Chinese Government have some such 
 scheme by which it permits their men to go out and arrange the 
 details ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. Yes, sir; they have such an arrangement. 
 Before the Chinese Government will permit its nationals to leave the 
 country, it must be satisfied as to the conditions under which they 
 are to be employed. 
 
 The Chairman. Such a scheme was developed as a part of the 
 necessities of the European war ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. It was worked at that time, but it has been 
 worked in other ways also, in taking labor from China to other parts 
 of the world. The Chinese Government now requires a definite 
 arrangement and guaranty for the proper care, treatment, payment, 
 and return home of these people, or they will not permit the immi- 
 grants to go. The day of ^ ' black-birding " is past. 
 
 The Chairman. What is '^black-birding" ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. When they were forced out of the countries of 
 Africa to come to this country and out of China to go to other coun- 
 tries. To-day the Chinese Government takes an interest in its 
 people and sees to it that people suitable for the purpose for which 
 they are to be employed leave China for that purpose. 
 
 The Chairman. Now, then, if this plan looks to negotiations on 
 the part of the United States with the Government of China, for the 
 admission of aliens from that country into the Territory of Hawaii, 
 would not this resolution properly be before the Committee on For- 
 eign Relations ? 
 
 Mr. Raker. I think we can handle it. [Laughter.] 
 
 Mr. Box. With reference to the matter that was up, you know the 
 conditions under which the first Chinese were brought to California 
 in the sixties — something of it ? Is the system now something like 
 that, or do you know ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. I am not familiar with the arrangement under 
 which they came to California; but under the Republic of China I 
 know that a different plan has been worked out, a plan which is a 
 guaranty of the safety of the laborers who leave there. I think it 
 is more like the arrangement which was made with Hawaii prior to 
 annexation, when a bond was put up and arrangements made through 
 Government agencies for the care and return of the Chinese to China! 
 after a period of years. 
 
LABOK PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 241 
 
 Mr. Rakek. Then do I understand, Governor, that if this reso- 
 lution was enacted, if the Chinese desired to come to Hawaii, they 
 could not come voluntarily from their own Government to stay in 
 Hawaii for five years ; is that right ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. No Chinese would be permitted, as I under- 
 stand the laws of China to-day, to come to Hawaii except with the 
 approval of the Chinese Government. 
 
 Mr. Raker. That seems to be a long matter there and I am pretty 
 familiar with it and I will ask you about it when you get back on 
 the stand and will not bother the governor on that particular feature ; 
 but this would provide and would require a bonding provision to 
 the end that these men should be returned to their own country — 
 to the country from which they came ? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. That is my understanding of it, yes. 
 
 Mr. Raker. If they cease laboring in agricultural pursuits, they 
 would be returned ? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. That is my understanding of it. 
 
 Mr. Raker. In other words, they would come here under the 
 supervision of the Government to work in the sugar plantation fields 
 and in the pineapple fields, and in the rice fields ; and if they worked 
 there a little while and quit and went into some other business, the 
 automobile business, the peanut business, or other business, they 
 would be returned to the country from which they came ? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. To their home country. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Is that right ? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. That is my understanding of it. 
 
 Mr. Raker. The other businesses are profitable — the other farm- 
 ing industries are profitable ? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. You mean other than sugar ? 
 
 Mr. Raker. Yes, sir. They are profitable, are they not? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. They have been during the past two years, 
 certainly. The sugar industry has been particularly profitable, but 
 we are facing a condition in the present year and in the years to come 
 which will not bear comparison with, for instance, 1920 or 1919. 
 
 The Cilairman. Let me interrupt you. Assume that some of these 
 people come in under contract, to be returned, that they come in 
 from any country and, while here, they marry; children are born to 
 that union in Hawaii and those people are due to be returned. What 
 is the nationality of the child that goes back with them ? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. The nationality of the child would be that of 
 the country in which it was born. 
 
 The Chairman. Would not that be an extreme difficulty with the 
 whole plan ? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. V^Tiy, I do not know that it would. 
 
 The Chairman. You would not have anything in a bond that 
 would forbid them to marry ? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. Does your program outline any scheme which 
 would cover that, Mr. Dillingham? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. I do not know that the contract would have 
 any special clause in it with reference to marriage; but the wife 
 generally follows the husband and if he is under obligation to move 
 from one part of the world to another the assumption would be that 
 the woman would follow. 
 
 56754— 21— SER 7, pt 1 3 ' 
 
242 LABOR PROBLEMS IIST IIAYv^AII. 
 
 Mr. Raker. But under the last amendment to the Constitutioi 
 and the present progressive, forward movement of America, the 
 husband follows the wife. [Laughter.] 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. The children would be American citizens. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. The point there is that the child is an American 
 citizen. 
 
 The Chairman. The contract recjuires that the foreigner return to 
 the country from which he came, at the end of his term of bondage, 
 or whatever you call it. 
 
 Gov. Farrington. I would not call it bondage. 
 
 The Chairman. What is it ? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. It is a scheme whereby he can engage in profit- 
 able labor for a period of years and return to his home and live in 
 greater comfort than he did when he started out. 
 
 The Chairman. Now, he takes back an American-born child that 
 this United States is bound to protect. That child, in the course of 
 time, might want to return to Hawaii, for instance, and get some more 
 of the benefits. Wouldn't you get into all sorts of complications 
 there ? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. I do not contemplate we would ever have a 
 very serious situation on that score. 
 
 The Chairman. Don't you know we have trouble all the time now,, 
 in the courts and elsewhere, with the children of Chinese whom the 
 parents claim were born here, and the children claim the rights of 
 American citizens and to come to the United States from China? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. I have no doubt that such a situation might, 
 exist. I do not know that we could force them to refrain from mar- 
 riage, but I have in mind, for instance, a Chinese family — I do not 
 know that this would follow out in all particulars, but the Chinese 
 families on the islands, the fathers have sometimes returned to China 
 in their old age and left their families in Hawaii as American citizens 
 and a part of our community there. 
 
 The Chaerman. We have enough Chinese now in the United States 
 who have proved that they were born here to make our statistics 
 shov\^ that every Chinese woman in the country has been the mother 
 of at least 1,000 Chinese children — every one of them. 
 
 Gov. Farrington. We could probably keep a more exact record, 
 of these men than those who came in under former arrangements. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Just going right along that line, supposing now that. 
 one of these men who came to work in the agricultural pursuits, 
 instead of working on the sugar plantation should go to work in the 
 mill. He would then be deportable and would you send him home ? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. Do you mean would I consider that he should 
 be sent home ? 
 
 Mr. Raker. He changed from work in the field to go in the sugar 
 factory. 
 
 Gov. Farrington. Well, he could not go to work in the sugar 
 factory unless he were asked to go in there by his employer. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Oh, that is not the j)oint. 
 
 The Chairman. The law we are discussing here says he shall pursue- 
 the line of agriculture. 
 
 Mr. Raker. But it does not say in the event he fails to do so — it 
 does not say what you are going to do with him, whether you will, 
 send him back home or punish him. 
 
LABOU PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 243 
 
 The Chairman. Would you provide a fine ? Let us carry that out; 
 suppose he dedined to work at agriculture ? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. I do not think that it is contemplated under 
 this resolution to impose any penalty on a man which would be in 
 the nature of a fine or imprisonment. So far as my understanding 
 of it is concerned, the worst thing that could be done would be ta 
 send him home. 
 
 Mr. Raker. What I am saying now is, suppose you had a thousand 
 of them out in the fields cultivating sugar cane. They struck and 
 said ^^We won't work in the field; but we want to work in the fac- 
 tor}'." They demand to work in the factory. 
 
 Gov. Farrington. I should say that they would be candidates for 
 return home. 
 
 Mr. Eaker. Well, don't you need men in the factories? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. We do not need them in the factories as much 
 as we do in the fields. 
 
 Mr. Raker. I know, but don't you need them in the factories now ? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. I think we can supply the factories from the 
 labor supply we have there at the present time, of which I think a 
 very large percentage are citizens. 
 
 Mr. White. I would like to ask the governor this question: These 
 persons who come here, that you desire to have come, will they have 
 work consecutively throughout the year for the period that you 
 would like to have them come, or for the period that may be provided 
 under a power given to the Secretary ? Would they have work con- 
 secutively ? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. You mean is our employment seasonal ? 
 
 Mr. White. Yes. 
 
 Gov. Farrington. Oh, no; we work in our fields all the year 
 around. When we are not planting we are harvesting, and when we 
 are not harvesting we are planting. 
 
 Mr. Raker. What proportion of the 3,000 that are now engaged in 
 the sugar industry are working in the fields and what proportion in 
 the 43 and some odd mills ? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. That is something I will have to refer to the 
 statistician. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Under your law, as you contemplate it here, if they 
 ceased to work in the agricultural pursuits and went into the mills, 
 they would then be subject to deportation? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. That is my understanding of it; yes. 
 
 Mr. Raker. And the same way with these 2,855, all told, that work 
 in regard to pineapples: What proportion of this number works in the 
 pineapple orchards and what proportion in the canning and preserving 
 factories for pineapples ? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. That is something I will also have to refer to 
 the statistician. 
 
 The Chairman. If we undertook to perfect this resolution, would 
 it be advisable to place an age limit on those who would be brought 
 in ? Would you bring in children ? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. Not 3^oung children. 
 
 The Chairman. Yf hat would you recommend as an age limit ? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. I would not care to make a suggestion offhand. 
 
244 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 The Chairman. I want to ask you also as applied to women 
 
 Gov. Farrtngton. Their families ? 
 
 The Chairman. As to women, first. Let us assume you are going 
 to bring in 5,000 Chinese to work for a possible 5 years: Should the 
 resolution say that women might come ? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. We are now discussing a detail which, under 
 my understanding of the spirit of this measure, it was assumed would 
 be passed upon by the Department of Labor, the theory being that 
 this resolution would put in motion the machinery to cover an 
 emergency. Whether these men should be accompanied by their 
 families is a matter which I would not care to answer offhand. 
 
 The Chairman. I am endeavoring to ask practical questions. 
 The United States Government could not afford to be in a position 
 of inviting — even if it went as far as this, it could not be in the position 
 of inviting a child 14 years old and 12 years old to come to work under 
 these conditions. 
 
 Gov. Fare^ington. No. 
 
 The Chairman. So that is one obstacle if there is no age limit. 
 Now I take it that the agricultural people who have to run these 
 plantations would not want old men to come ? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. I should say the natural limitations would be 
 between 21 or 22 and 35. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Isn't it a fact that in the rice fields and a great part of 
 the sugar fields, the age limit now of the majority of them is about 
 60 per cent of men over 60 years of age ? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. I can not answer that. 
 
 Mr. Raker. All right. You would permit women as laborers 
 to come in under this resolution, would you? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. That should be determined later. 
 
 Mr. Raker. I know; but they work. They can work in the pine- 
 apple industry. I see almost a majority of the labor employed in the 
 pineapple industry are women. 
 
 Gov. Farrington. Those women are not in the fields; they are in 
 the factories. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Yes; but you are seeking labor for the pineapple 
 industry ? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. We are seeking them for the field labor; and 
 the percentage of women in field labor is relatively low. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Would you restrict the women coming in to engage 
 in the agricultural pursuits — any of them ? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. I am disposed now to say that there should be 
 some restriction on women. 
 
 Mr. Raker. All right. But if a woman should come in, unless 
 the resolution was amended, and married an American citizen, why, 
 at the end of the ^ve years, if she bore children during that time, 
 what would you do with her American citizenship and the American 
 citizenship of the children ? 
 
 The Chairman. In other words, which would be supreme; the 
 bond or citizenship in the United States ? 
 
 Mr. Raker. There are two situations I have illustrated; I will get 
 to another one in a moment. Here a woman is married to an Amer- 
 ican citizen. She then becomes a citizen; she has given birth to a 
 child, two children or three children during that time that are Amer- 
 ican citizens. Under the bond and under the resolution she would 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWATL 245 
 
 be compelled to be returned at the end of the five years. What 
 would you do with this lady? 
 
 Got. Farrington. Under the bond, she would have to be returned ? 
 
 Mr. Raker. Yes. 
 
 Gov. Farringtox. You mean if she married in Hawaii ? 
 
 Mr. Raker. You are asking these people to come in and I am 
 showing what will be their status. What will you do with them ? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. I am not prepared to pass on the legal inter- 
 pretation of their status. You are assuming this laborer marries an 
 Hawaiian woman ? 
 
 Mr. Raker. An American citizen. 
 
 Gov. Farrington. A resident of Hawaii, an American? 
 
 Mr. Raker. An American citizen. 
 
 Gov. Farrington. And they have a family there ? 
 
 Mr. Raker. Yes, sir. 
 
 Gov. Farrington. And the question is whether that whole family 
 should be sent back ? 
 
 Mr. Raker. Yes. 
 
 Gov. Farrington. Or whether they should remain in Hawaii? 
 
 Mr. Raker. Yes. 
 
 Gov. Farrington. I would not attempt to answer that from the 
 legal standpoint. 
 
 The Chairman. Let me make that clear. It must have only one 
 answer. A bondswoman comes and marries an American citizen in 
 the island; all the bond in the world would not be worth the paper 
 it is written on. She becomes an American citizen by marriage and 
 you could not send her back. 
 
 Mr. Sabath. How many Chinese are American citizens in the 
 island ? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. Thirteen thousand, I understand. 
 
 Mr. Weeber. There are 12,728 American citizens in the islands 
 of Chinese ancestry. 
 
 Mr. Sabath. That includes the men, women, and children ? 
 
 Mr. Weeber. That includes the men, vfomen, and children. 
 
 Mr. Sabath. Have you statistics to show how many of those are 
 single men? 
 
 Mr. Weeber. No, sir. I have no information as to their marital 
 condition. There are about 8,000 of that number above the age 
 of 21. 
 
 Mr. Box. Men and women both? 
 
 Mr. Weeber. Men and women both. 
 
 Mr. Sabath. I mean males; just the men and unmarried. 
 
 Mr. Weeber. There are no figures available from which to deter- 
 mine the number who are married. 
 
 Mr. Sabath. I wanted to know whether there was any danger 
 that these women would marry American citizens. That is all I shall 
 ask. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Supposing out of this 12,728 Chinese there were 2,000 
 Chinese women marriageable ? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. Resident in the Islands at the present time? 
 
 Mr. Raker. Yes. Nov/, these Chinese laborers that you brought 
 there could each, if they wanted to, marry these respectable 2,000 
 Chinese American citizens ? 
 
246 LABOE PEOBLEMS 11^ HAWAII. 
 
 Gov. Faeeington. I think that the prospect of their marrying 
 them is very remote. 
 
 Mr. Rakee. What is that ? 
 
 Gov. Faeeington. I think the prospects of their intermarrying 
 are very remote. 
 
 Mr. Rakee. The Chinese that come from China do not marry the 
 Chinese that are residents of Hawaii; is that what you mean? 
 
 Gov. Faeeington. I would be very much surprised if there was 
 any considerable intermarrying among these people. 
 
 Mr. Rakee. Why? 
 
 Gov. Faeeington. Simply because the general atmosphere of the 
 Chinese women is such that most of them would prefer to remain 
 American citizens and members of the community. The different 
 environment would preclude the possibility that any number of the 
 Chinese women now in the Territory would marry laborers. I should 
 say there would be an exceedingly small prospect of their inter- 
 nnarrying. 
 
 Mr. Rakee. Would they not remain American citizens ? 
 
 Gov. Faeeington. No. 
 
 Mr. Mead. Not if they married Chinese. 
 
 Gov. Faeeington. Not if they married Chinese. 
 
 Mr. Rakee. They would lose their citizenship if they married 
 Chinamen who come from China, would they ? 
 
 Gov. Faeeington. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Rakee. But if they gave birth to a child, that child would be j 
 an American citizen. Now you would send the husband back home, 
 leaving an alien wife on the islands with an American citizen as a 
 child. That does not look very good, does it, to our country? 
 
 Gov. Faeeington. That is a detail of the situation which I really 
 think is a very remote one. 
 
 Mr. Rakee. As to the legal phases, that is true. There is not any 
 '4fs" and '^ands" about it. 
 
 Gov. Faeeington. Very well. 
 
 Mr. Rakee. If an American citizen, a Chinese woman, should 
 marry a Chinese who is an alien, she becomes an alien; and if they 
 have born in Hawaii or the United States a child of that union, that 
 child becomes an American citizen. 
 
 Gov. Faeeington. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Rakee. Nov/, we have a bill here proposing to send this man 
 back to his country after he has been held for five years. Is that 
 right ? 
 
 Gov. Faeeington. Yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Rakee. Would you permit these laborers who come from 
 China — and that is where you want to bring them from, is it not ? 
 
 Gov. Faeeington. Yes; that is, we are looking to China. 
 
 Mr. Rakee. The real truth of the matter is that this resolution, 
 while generally drawn, is somewhat uniquely drawn, with a good deal 
 of ingenuity and with a good deal of handling of the language — the 
 purpose really is to bring in Chinese ? 
 
 Gov. Faeeington. I would not want you to feel that the people 
 of Hawaii are coming here and attempting collectively, by a manipu- 
 lation of language, to put something over on the people of the United 
 States. 
 
LABOE PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 247 
 
 Mr. Kaker. My dear Governor, this makes the third time, now, 
 A {• have had this question up. Four years ago and two years ago 
 A r had this matter up before the committee in long and extensive 
 rings, and then they asked directly for 20,000 Chinese to be ad- 
 ;; i tted in the Islands on account of the shortage of labor. Now, I am 
 isking you if it is not the same desire now, that the Chinese are the 
 Dnes you desire to be admitted as laborers under this proposed 
 'esolution? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. You are asking me to say that that is the only 
 *orm of labor that we want. We want labor that will relieve us from 
 the critical situation we have there and we would be very glad to have 
 IJhinese if it is allowable to obtain them. 
 
 Mr. Raker. But your distinguished colleague here has said they 
 30uld not get laborers from any other place; that they had fallen 
 iown on that all along the line. Now, I am asking if it is not the 
 Fact that your desire and the purpose of the resolution, knowing 
 those facts — that you have not been able to get labor otherwise — is 
 to get Chinese, and that that is the real purpose of this resolution ? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. A direct answer to that might lead to a mis- 
 apprehension of the spirit in which this subject is brought before 
 Congress. I do not believe that it is a matter of subterfuge 
 
 Mr. Raker. I beg your pardon; I did not suggest subterfuge and 
 [ trust that may not be lugged into this. I am asking solely as to 
 the facts. 
 
 Gov. Farrington. I feel that if the Chinese were the only ones 
 they had in mind under this resolution, they would have so stated in 
 this resolution. Chinese are always uppermost in our minds; I am 
 free to say that; there is no question about that — from the very 
 nature of our position and the very high character of the Chinese 
 who are in the islands. They occupy a very commendable position 
 in the esteem of the community there, and from their reputation as 
 laborers and their reputation as people who have to a great extent, 
 iin the third generation, become Americanized, they stand high in 
 |the Territory of Hawaii. But to say that the only thing we have in 
 mind, in bringing in this resolution before Congress, is to bring in 
 the Chinamen is not the fact. 
 
 Mr. Raker. What other class of nationals do you expect to get or 
 are you seeking to get, except Chinese ? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. The Europeans we have always in mind. For 
 instance, the Portuguese. My understanding is there will be a gen- 
 eral canvass of the situation if this resolution is passed and the move- 
 ment will be made as directed by the best judgment of the executive 
 department. 
 
 Mr, Raker. There has been no restriction on you for the immigra- 
 tion of the Portuguese, ha.s there ? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. Voluntary immigration from Europe, as I 
 stated here, is impossible. We have at times, while it was permitted 
 by law, assisted immigration. 
 
 The Chairman. Do you see any objection to Florida, which is com- 
 ing along rapidly in intensive gardening, having a considerable num- 
 ber of Chinese to do that work in the fields ? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. That would be determined by their agricultural 
 conditions, their industrial conditions. 
 
248 LABOE PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 The Chairman. If they should come before this committee and 
 6Sij they are very short of this squatting labor ? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. There is a matter that should be borne in mind 
 in connection with the Territory of Hawaii. You see, we are 2,000 
 miles on one side and 3,000 miles on the other side from any source 
 of labor; we have in our islands no natural source of labor as they 
 do in the Philippines or Porto Eico. The population of our islands 
 is not sufficient to carry on the agricultural industries of the Territory. 
 
 The Chairman. The truth of the matter is that in the Hawaiian 
 Islands you have developed some big agricultural industries ? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. Yes, sir. 
 
 The Chaerman. And you are in a tropical country? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. Yes, sir. 
 
 The Chairman. And you need tropical labor of a kind that they^ 
 have in Java, for instance, or in any other tropical country ? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. Yes. 
 
 The Chairman. You have not got it there and are not producing it. 
 and are barred by law from getting it ? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. Yes, sir. 
 
 The CHAtRMAN. That is the thing? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. That is the problem in a nut shell. 
 
 The Chairman. You want to raise coffee and you are in no posi- 
 tion to compete with Java, where I believe there are 30,000,000 
 people on an island which is no larger than Cuba. 
 
 Mr. WfLSON. Since you have brought up the question of Flordia, 
 may I ask the governor a question or two in that connection? Were* 
 you at the conference in New York, Governor ? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. No. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. I have been informed that when this matter came up 
 relative to this resolution that the sugar producers in the conti- 
 nental United States, and the rice producers, took the position that 
 if such a resolution should be passed, the provisions of it should 
 be extended to the continental United States. Do you know about 
 that ? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. I do not know about that. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. Because my State is a sugar-producing and ice- 
 producing State, and I have been informed that that was the position 
 taken by those interests in this country should such a resolution be 
 passed. 
 
 Mr. Horner. That was the position. I was there. 
 
 The Chairman. You are familiar with the shortage conditions 
 there ; are you familiar with the wages ? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. Not intimately familiar with them. 
 
 The Chairman. What is the usual daily wage of labor on the sugar 
 plantation ? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. There is a new schedule that has been put in 
 force. Mr. Mead can answer those questions exactly. 
 
 The Chairman. We will ask him later. I just wanted to know if 
 you knew in a general way. . Before you ask him, let me ask you now 
 what is your idea of the pay of a common laborer on the sugar plan- 
 tation? I do not care whether you get it right within 50 cents a 
 day or not 
 
 Gov. Farrington. It is about $30 a month. 
 
 Mr. Mead. That is the minimum. 
 
LABOll PROBLEMS IN BAWATT. 249 
 
 Gov. Farrington. That includes a great deal more than is ordi- 
 narily considered as wages on the mainland. For instance, our 
 laborers have free houses ; free medical attendance, fuel, and water. 
 
 Mr. White. Does it include free food? 
 
 Gov. Faerington. No. 
 
 Mr. White. But it does include free living quarters? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. Yes, sir. 
 
 The Chairman. Do you know, if the United States should go into 
 any such bill as is proposed, whether the matter of wages would be 
 included in the negotiations ? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. You mean in connection with these men; you 
 mean, would it have the effect of reducing wages ? 
 
 The Chairman. Would the United States Government or any 
 agent of the Government be a party to the bargain fixing the daily 
 wage for the labor in the fields ? Who would fix that ? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. I assume they would work at the wage ruling 
 at the period they were brought in. 
 
 The Chairman. Who would have to be satisfied; would it be the 
 Government of China or the fellow to be brought there ? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. I suppose the Government of China on behalf 
 of the men who would be brought in. My understanding of the 
 arrangement with the Chinese Government is that they would look 
 to the welfare of their people. 
 
 The Chairman. The Chinese Government ? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. They would have to be satisfied. 
 
 The Chairman. Now, if the United States Government had to be 
 a party to it, it clearly would result in the United States becoming a 
 party to fixing the wages of labor in the field. And if that happened 
 in Hawaii with this class of labor, why would not the cotton pickers 
 from Texas ask the Government to fix their wage ? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. I think that the situation is hardly parallel. 
 
 The Chairman. But just suppose, now, that the Government said 
 '^This won't do; these fellov/s have to have a better wage before 
 we will enter into this part of the bargain at all"; and suppose they 
 fixed a very nice wage, then would not American citizens working 
 on plantations, in the fields, say '^Here, if the Government is so good 
 to the imported bond Chinese, must not the Government see that we 
 are done as well by?" 
 
 Gov. Farrington. Well it seems to me that is rather a remote 
 possibility, Mr. Chairman. 
 
 The Chairman. You do not think you would have any such good 
 wage ? [Laughter.] 
 
 Mr. Raker. Governor, these men tliat come now from China should 
 be permitted to bring their wives ; any laborers that come under the 
 proposed legislation should be permitted to bring their wives ? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. You say if they should be ? 
 
 Mr. Ranker. No; I say they should be, under the laws of humanity 
 and decency and fair play and uprighteousness and any other con- 
 dition that makes a man happy and prosperous should be given the 
 right to marry and to bring his wife with him wherever he goes ? 
 
 Mr. Sabath. Do you think your question is justifiable and fair? 
 You take for granted all these things in your question. 
 
 Mr. Raker. If the distinguished gentleman thinks that question 
 is not fair, I will ask to strike it out, Mr. Chairman, and to put another 
 
250 • LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 question. It v/ould be your view, Governor, under this resolution, 
 if it becomes a law, that a man who came under its terms should be 
 permitted to bring his wife ? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. Now you are asking me a question which deals 
 wdth a situation that is entirely new. We are dealing with a new 
 situation; we have never brought laborers in under such conditions, 
 The men who have come to the Islands from the Orient have generally 
 not brought their families with them. If these men are to be con- 
 sidered in the light of the Chinese who were sent to Europe during 
 the vv^ar period, they would not necessarily be accompanied by their 
 families. On the other hand, as I view the situation, I can see no 
 particular objection, if they were arixious to bring their families 
 here, v/hy they should be refused that privilege. 
 
 Mr. Saker. Won't you please forget the war period and what 
 was done during the war and how we sent men over there and other 
 nationalities sent them, and get down to American territory? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. Yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Eaker. Now you would be in favor, if the men wanted to, to 
 let them bring their wives, as a humanitarian proposition, wouldn't 
 you? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. As a humanitarian proposition, when you say 
 ^^bring their wives," if you contemplate an immigration which would 
 have the atmosphere of being more or less permanent — this is not 
 intenHed to be permanent. 
 
 Mr. Raker. I take off the atmosphere of permanency and put it 
 tem.porarily, for a period of five years. If the man wanted to bring 
 his wife and come there to Hawaii as an agriculturist to work, he 
 ought to be permitted; I will put it that way. Would not that be 
 your view ? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. I am not prepared to answer that question. 
 
 Mr. Raker. You would not deny it? I will put it that way; you 
 would not deny them the privilege to bring their wives if they 
 v/anted to ? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. The regulations for handling this labor and the 
 general viewpoint of it is of such a nature that I do not know — these 
 men might be enlisted on the basis of their being laborers for a tem- 
 porary period and they might seek men without families. 
 
 Mr. Raker. No, but I am putting it down now to the effect it 
 will have upon our country, irrespective of Hawaii. If a man comes 
 here and is permitted to come to this country for any purpose, and 
 if he wants to bring his wife, he should be permitted to bring her, 
 should he not ? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. On general principles, I should say it would be 
 well to allow his wife to come along wii'b. him. 
 
 ^ir. Raker. Do you think the American people would submit to 
 a law that would permit people to be brought in here to work and 
 would deny them the right to have a family ? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. No. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Should not a man who is engaged as an agriculturalist 
 in cultivating pineapples and cultivating rice and cultivating sugar be 
 permitted to have a wife and to raise children ? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. He certainly should have that privilege if he 
 wants it. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Yes. 
 
LABOR PKOBI.EMS U< IIAV/AII. 251 
 
 Gov. Faeeington. But they do not always marry. 
 
 Mr. Rakee. Oh, that appHes to all people. Now^, to get dovvii to 
 the question: These people would be under bond; the}^ would be, in 
 substance, peons of the Government ? 
 
 Gov. Faeeington. No; not peons. 
 
 Mr. Rakee. They would be under direction to labor and to do one 
 particular kind of labor, would they not ? 
 
 Gov. Faeeington. Yes: but there is 
 
 Mr. Sabatk. They would be contract laborers. 
 
 Mr. Rakee. No; more than that. 
 
 The Chaieman. Now, let us see what they are. If they are not 
 peons and are not quite contract laborers, would it be fair to call them 
 enlisted Ipvborers— enlisted agricultural laborers ? 
 
 Gov. Faeeington. I should say that w^ould come more nearly to 
 a proper definition. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. Is it conscripted labor? 
 
 The Chaieman. Is that the word i' 
 
 Gov. Faeeington. No; I think enlisted labor; they are volunteers. 
 
 Mr. Yvhite. I want to ask the governor this question: As a pre- 
 liminary to securing this labor, do you not believe, or do you believe, 
 that it is likely that enough laborers could be secured who would not 
 care to bring their families? Do you think it would be possible to 
 secure all the laborers necessary from the ranks of those who v/ould 
 be glad to come under the terms fixed, who would not care to bring 
 their families ? 
 
 Gov. Faeeington. Yes, sir. I feel as though these points that are 
 being raised are very extreme. 
 
 Mr. White. I want to ask 3^ou another question on that point. _ Of 
 course, you are proceeding here regularly, as you think, and fairly, 
 and you would expect that those persons whom you desired to bring 
 here or who might desire to come here would understand all the terms 
 and conditions under which the}-^ would come to the islands to labor ? 
 
 Gov. Faeeington. Yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. White. And that they would Imow, before they left their 
 country, all those conditions ? 
 
 Gov. Faeeington. Yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Yv^hite. And circumstances ? 
 
 Gov. Faeeington. Yes, sir; there is no question about it. 
 
 Mr. White. And that the question then as to bringing their fain- 
 ilies would not be a question that would arise subsequent to their 
 coming here or to their marrying ? They would understand the situ- 
 ation thoroughly; that is your purpose, that they should understand 
 it, is it not ? 
 
 Gov. Faeeington. It is my understanding they should understand 
 the situation; yes, sir. 
 
 The Chaieman. If one of* those laborers did not like it on the island 
 of Hawaii, would he be permitted to go over to the island of Maui ? 
 
 Gov. Faeeington. I should imagine that among our employers 
 there would he a general readiness to respect the wishes of the laborers 
 as far as possible. 
 
 The Chaieman. That leads right up to this question: Yfe will 
 assume that 20,000 come. How would they be distributed ? 
 
 Gov. Faeeington. I assume they would be distributed according 
 to the needs of the industry in which they are employed. It v/ould 
 
252 LABOR PROBLEMS 11^ HAWAII. 
 
 be necessary to establish quite a little machinery in connection with 
 it, so that they might be properly disposed of. 
 
 The Chairman. Would that machinery be Federal machinery or 
 Territorial machinery ? 
 
 Gov. E'ARRiNGTON. I would cxpect that it would possibly be Ter- 
 ritorial machinery, supervised by the Federal Government. The 
 demarcation between Federal and Territorial is hard to define. Of 
 course, as a Territory we are immediately under the Federal Gov- 
 ernment; it would not be the same as it would be in a State. 
 
 The Chairman. Could it be done under an association of the people 
 using the labor ? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. I presume that might be done. In the distri- 
 bution of the labor naturally we would have to deal with an associa- 
 tion employing the labor, so as to know where we would need it. 
 
 The Chairman. When you say "we/^ what do you mean — the 
 sugar growers or the people of the Territory ? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. The people of the Territory. 
 
 The Chairman. The sugar planters now could not prorate this 
 labor themselves ? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. They would be able to give the information by 
 which it could be properly prorated; they are the principal ones 
 with whom we are dealing. 
 
 The Chairman. To give that information, they would have to be 
 in a sort of an association, would they not ? 
 
 Gov. Farriitgton. Yes, sir. 
 
 The Chairman. And have an agreement ? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. Yes, sir. 
 
 The Chairman. Are the growers in such an association ? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. They have a voluntary organization on the 
 basis of cooperation in connection with the handling of labor — ^the 
 Hawaiian Sugar Planters' Association. 
 
 The Chairman. If the Hawaiian Sugar Planters' Association as 
 an association within the law got into the business of bringing in 
 these men, this kind of labor, under authority of Congress and then 
 of their own accord as an association peddled it out, prorated it, 
 would not they run against the antitrust law right away ? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. You say they are peddling it out ? 
 
 The Chairman. Yes. 
 
 Gov. Farrington. My idea of it is that they would furnish the 
 information by which it would be distributed by the organization 
 having in charge the admission of the labor. 
 
 The Chairman. Are these Japanese working on the plantations 
 formed into a labor union of any kind ? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. Yes, indeed. 
 
 The Chairman. They have a labor organization '? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. Yes, sir; a very close and exacting labor or- 
 ganization. 
 
 The Chairman. Would they, in your opinion, be likely to strike 
 if this sort of labor came in — Chinese labor ? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. Not necessarily. 
 
 The Chairman. Assume that they would — I won't ask you to 
 answer it — assume they would and would not work at all in the agri- 
 ^3ultural pursuits, then you would have to get more Chinese labor ^ 
 
LABOE PEOBLEMS IN HAWAII. 25 
 
 Q 
 
 Got. Farrington. That would mean that the Japanese would 
 eventually all have to go home. 
 
 Mr. Sabath. That is just what it should be, too. 
 
 Gov. Farrington. But that is not anything we need fear at the 
 present time. 
 
 The Chairman. Has the Government of Australia gone into any 
 deal of this kind ? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. Not that I am aware of. 
 
 The Chairman. Is the Government of Australia requiring the Japa- 
 nese in Australia to return to Japan ? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. So far as I am informed, there is a strict law 
 against Japanese in Australia. 
 
 The Chairman. Against their admission ? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. Against any colored race in Australia. 
 
 Mr. Mead. Australia you know, Mr. Chairman, went to the extent 
 of deporting all blacks, even though they had had property rights 
 there for years. 
 
 Mr. Cable. If you bring in 20,000 Chinese, do 3^ou think that would 
 lead to murdering Japs and Chinamen ? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. No, sir. 
 
 Mr. Cable. They would get along all right together on the planta- 
 tions ? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. We have had very few troubles of that char- 
 acter 
 
 Mr. Cable. You have never had a large number of Chinese in 
 comparison to the Japs ? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. Not in recent years. I do not anticipate any 
 trouble of that character. 
 
 Mr. Eaker. Now, Governor, if you brought these Chimamen there 
 and their wages were not satisfactory and 2,000 of them struck and 
 refused to work, they would be a perfect drug on the market — they 
 just absolute!}^ refused to work. What would you do with them ? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. They would go home. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Who would send them home ? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. They would be sent home under the regulations 
 which would be established by the Department of Labor. Now, as 
 to who would send them home, I assume the Department of Labor 
 would make arrangements so that the expense of sending those 
 people home would not be a charge on the public. 
 
 Mr. Raker. If they wanted to go to another country they would 
 be in the same position; they would be arrested and deported and 
 sent back to China, would they not ? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. I should assume so. 
 
 Mr. Raker. You won't let him get out; you make him go back to 
 where he came. 
 
 Gov. Farrington. I say the route of getting out is defined for him. 
 
 Mr. Raker. You think we ought to establish that policy as part of 
 the Government of the United States, do you ? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. I think it is very important that the Territory 
 of Hawaii should have relief in connection with its labor situation. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Now let me ask you a few questions in regard to the 
 shortage of labor conditions. I fend that in the last 10 years corn has 
 increased 60 per cent; rice has increased 305 per cent — the produc- 
 tion of rice; that dried edible beans have increased 47 per cent; that 
 
254 LABOR PROBLEMS Il\^ HAWAII. 
 
 soya beans have increased 40 per cent; dried beets 41 per cent; 
 dried peas 55 per cent, and the raising of peanuts 625 per cent. 
 
 Mr. Sabath. Within what time ? 
 
 Mr. Raker. Within 10 years. They are prospering, all of them. 
 
 Gov. Farrington. Is that in pounds, or dollars and cents ? 
 
 Mr. Raker. It is in value. 
 
 Gov. Farrington. You want to understand that during that 
 period we have had war prices. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Yes; I know. We ahvays get back to the war. Now 
 we find that the sugar cane harvested increased 42.8 per cent. 
 
 The Chairman. In value ? 
 
 Mr. Raker. In value; yes, sir. That is what I said. That coffee 
 has increased 247 per cent; cotton, 178 per cent; and tobacco has 
 decreasecL 
 
 Mr. Sabath. How about the quantities ? 
 
 Mr. Raker. All except sugar there decreased in quantities — every- 
 thing except sugar. 
 
 Gov. Farrington. Pardon me for referring to the war ^gain, but 
 you mentioned coffee as 242 per cent. During the period of the war 
 coffee was a very profitable industry; but, I think it was last year, 
 the last crop rotted on the trees in the coffee district of Kona. 
 
 Mr. Cable. Why was that ? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. One reason was because of their inability to 
 harvest it as they desired; and another was there was a marked re- 
 duction in the price of coffee — I think they could not sell it at cost. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Now, ail of those items and all of those leading prod- 
 ucts have increased in value in the Territory, according to the last 
 statistics. 
 
 Gov. Farrington. Yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Raker. I find that pineapples in 1919, in value — in 1909 it 
 was 1333,000 and over? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Raker. And in 1919 it was $3,545,385. The industry has just 
 grown by leaps and bounds, has it not ? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. We have had a splendid growth in our pine- 
 apple industry. 
 
 Tiie Chairman. It is fair to say that the people of Hawaii have 
 devoted themselves to developing that industry on the same prin- 
 ciple as we developed the cantaloupe industry in California, or any 
 other highly specialized industry. 
 
 Mr. Raker. I am taking every item. 
 
 The Chairman. You would have figures for California in exactly 
 the same proportion, in all probability. 
 
 Mr, Raker. I do not know about that, Mr. Chairman. I am asking 
 the gentleman if it is not a fact that these leading products have 
 increased in value; namely, sugar, coffee, pineapples, and rice. Is 
 not that right ? 
 
 Mr. Sabath. Those are artificially created prices. If it was vol- 
 ume,* I think it v/ould be of some value to the committee; but merely 
 the artificially created prices, they do not give us any information — 
 at least it does not to me. Sugar, that usually sells for 5 cents, has 
 been selling for 2^ and 30 cents. 
 
 The Chairman. And prunes from California, and from my State, 
 that usually sell for 5 cents are now selling for 25 cents. 
 
LABOR. PROBLEMS I>T HAWAII. 255 
 
 Mr. Wilson. How about grapes ? 
 
 The Chatrman. And grapes in proportion. 
 
 Gov. Farringtont. I thini^ it was called to my attention yester- 
 day by Mr. Dillingham that there was a decreased proportion in the 
 production of sugar. 
 
 Mr. Eaker. In regard to su^'ar cane, it is all owned and controlled 
 by 43 corporations; is that right? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. There are about 43 sugar plantations. 
 
 Mr. Raker. There is none of it held by individuals ? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. The sugar cane areas ? 
 
 Mr. Raker. That is what this sa3^s here; sugar cane: Number of 
 establishments, owned by individuals, corporations, and ail others. 
 It gives us the percentage, and the total of the corporations is 100 
 per cent. 
 
 Gov. Farrington". The large portion of the cane area of the 
 Hawaiian Islands is handled by corporations — is owned by corpora- 
 tions. 
 
 Mr. Raker. This says 43 concerns. 
 
 Gov. Farrington. I have no reason to question that. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Now, these 43 concerns then control the sugar-cane 
 production — these corporations ? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. A large part of the production. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Are they the ones that will fix the price "of this im- 
 ported semi — these imported men under the proposed law ? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. You mean fix the price of the labor? 
 
 Mr. Raker. Yes. 
 
 Gov. Farrington. They are the ones who will employ these 
 people; they are the ones who have labor to offer. 
 
 Mr. Raker. And will they fix the price ? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. They naturally will have a right to state what 
 they can afford to pay those laborers. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Will they fix the price ? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. Will they fix it? 
 
 Mr. Raker. Yes. 
 
 Gov. Farrington. Generally speaking, yes, if I understand your 
 question correctly. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Yes, I think you do. Hovf many more men were 
 employed in the sugar industry in 1920 than there are now in 1921 ? 
 How many less men were there in the islands, in the sugar industry ? 
 
 Supposing you had something over 3,000 employed 
 
 1^ Mr. Weeber. Thirty-eight thousand men last December. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Thirty-eight thousand in December ? 
 
 Mr. W^eeber. In December, last 3^ear. That is the lowest num- 
 ber since 1900. In 1919 it is 43,000; 1918, 44,000. 
 
 Mr. Raker. There were hov/ many now — 43,000 ? 
 
 Mr. Weeber. In May, of 1920, there were 43,000 and in December, 
 1920, 38,348. 
 
 Mr. Raker. How many less of these men that were em.ployed in 
 1920 are there now in the islands in 1921 ? 
 
 Mr. Weeber. Six thousand less now than last year, if I under- 
 stand your question. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Did those m^en leave the islands ? 
 
256 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAW AIL 
 
 Mr. Weeber. I do not know. Some of them have gone in other 
 industries and some have gone home; how many, I do not know 
 
 Mr. Raker. Does anyone else here know? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. It is impossible to say just what number have 
 left the islands and what number have gone into other industries. 
 The fact is they have left the fields which require field labor. 
 
 Mr. Raker. What I am getting at now is, and what I would like 
 to get in the record, is whether or not those same men that worked 
 in 1920 are not on the island to-day — the greater per cent of them? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. I can not answer that question definitely. 
 
 The Chairman. Let us ask such questions of the other witnesses. 
 
 Mr. Raker. I thought the governor knew. I will be through in a 
 moment. The trouble is you had a strike in 1920 and 1921; is that 
 right ? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. Yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Raker. By the Chinese ? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. The Japanese. 
 
 Mr. Raker. How many were involved in that strike ? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. Six thousand. That was on the island of 
 Oahu. 
 
 Mr. Raker. They were working for sugar planters ? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. Yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Have they left the island? These 6,000 that did 
 strike, have they left the island ? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. I do not think so. 
 
 Mr. Raker. They are still there and want to work ? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. The great proportion of them. Some of 
 them have returned to their work; but, as I understand it, they are 
 not efhcient laborers. 
 
 Mr. Raker. They are not what? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. They are not efficient workmen. They are 
 occupying their quarters, but I understi\ad they are not always 
 working full time. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Part of these are American citizens ? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. A proportion of those laborers ? 
 
 Mr. Raker. Yes; that were in the strike? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. Some of them. 
 
 Mr. Raker. They all belonged to the American Federation of 
 Labor ? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. No; not the American Federation of Labor. 
 
 Mr. Raker. To a federation of labor, then ? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. To the Japanese Federation of Labor, known 
 as a high-wage association. 
 
 Mr. Raker. It is immaterial whether a man was a citizen or an 
 alien, he can belong to the federation of labor ? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. To that federation of labor. 
 
 Mr. Raker. There is no disqualification? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. So far as I know there is no disqualification. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Now, the intention is that since the American citizens, 
 although of Japanese birth, struck for higher wages, or struck for the 
 conditions in Hawaii, you desire to leave them alone and to go with- 
 out work, and to bring in Chinese from China; is that right? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. I do not think that that is a presentation of the 
 case that would be exactly correct. The strike developed features 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 257 
 
 which are of quite a different nature than ordinary strikes on the 
 mainland. It became a nationahstic movement, and it became so 
 definitely nationalistic that it was very apparent that it was a desire 
 to control the industry, Now, we may have some differences of 
 opinion on whether an industry should be nationalized by citizens of 
 our own country; but we can have no difference of opinion, so far as I 
 know, on whether an industry should be nationalized by people who 
 are alien and are unable even to become citizens. So in putting it as 
 you suggest it seems to me that if I were to give a favorable reply it 
 would not be a proper representation of the attitude of the American 
 people and American industry in the Hawaiian Islands. 
 
 Mr. Raker. I know, but there are about 40,000 of those Japanese- 
 American citizens in Hawaii. They have the same rights and same 
 responsibility to exist and work and unionize and better their condi- 
 tion as any other nationality; is not that right? 
 
 Gov. Farrixgtox. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Now, is it the purpose or would it have the effect of 
 entirely eliminating them from the fields of labor in the agricultual 
 pursuits because they do get together as nationals, although being 
 citizens, and bring in other people to take their places ? 
 
 Gov. Farrixgtox. If this strike, for instance, were a movement of 
 the American citizens, and primarily moved and controlled by 
 American citizens, the question that you raise might be a proper one; 
 but they are not. They are controlled by the Japanese. The 40,000 
 American citizens there of Japanese ancestry are not the men who 
 controlled that movement or who are in control of that federation; 
 it is an alien element. And regardless of what alien element that 
 may be, it is a ver}^ serious matter to have any industry controlled by 
 aliens in the position we are — as an outpost of the Pacific. 
 
 The Chairman. California found that out for themselves. 
 
 Gov. Farrixgton. Yes, sir; I understand that they have. 
 
 Mr. Raker. In other words, you want to put yourselves in the 
 position or Hawaii wants to be in a position that she can have a 
 sufficient amount of laborers for the white Americans who o^ti these 
 industries to employ them without emplo^ang the Japanese that 
 belong to this labor organization ? 
 
 Gov. Farrixgtox. Oh, I do not think there is any movement on 
 the part of the industry there to refuse to employ a man simply 
 because he belongs to the organization. 
 
 Mr. Raker. No; but I understand these that struck won't work 
 and are there in the islands and, therefore, that you' want to get other 
 laborers from China, for instance, to do the work ? 
 
 Mr. Sabath. I understood you to say many of them have gone 
 back to work? 
 
 Gov. Farrixgtox. Yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. White. May I ask a (question ? I just want to ask the governor 
 how you can employ them if they won't work, as has been suggested ? 
 [Laughter.] 
 
 The Chairmax. I think we have pursued that line far enough. 
 Are there any other questions ? 
 
 Mr. Raker. I want to ask one. 
 
 • Gov. Farrixgtox. I would like to get that last question. I have 
 been interrupted several times. 
 
 56754 — 21 — SEE 7, pt 1 4 
 
258 LABOK PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 Mr. Kaker. These Japanese that entered into this organization 
 struck for higher wages, did they not ? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. Yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Raker. And the sugar companies, 43 in number, constituting 
 all of the sugar interests, refused to pay the wage? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. I think they did not pay the wages requested 
 by the federation. They advanced the wages, but I do not know 
 what the per cent was. 
 
 Mr. Mead. Fifty per cent. 
 
 Mr. Raker. What was the difference and why did they not go 
 back to work? They struck for higher wages. Did the sugar com- 
 panies meet the request? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. They met the request for a higher wage. I do 
 not think they met the exact request of the laborers. My under- 
 standing of the fight of the Japanese Federation of Labor was that 
 they sought recognition, an official recognition, of their organiza- 
 tion, and that, as I understand, was not granted. 
 
 Mr. Raker. They sought official recognition by these 43 companies 
 of their organization and, second, higher wages ? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. Yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Now, the sugar companies, controlling the entire sugar 
 interests, refused to meet their demand on the wage question: is that 
 right? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. They did not meet their full demand; no. 
 
 Mr. Raker. And they refused to grant the labor organization's 
 demand on recognition ? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Raker. And for that reason this organization and its mem- 
 bers refused to go back to work ? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. Some of them refused to go back to work. 
 
 Mr. Raker. What percentage went back to work? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Approximately 75 per cent. 
 
 Mr. Raker. If those men went back to work and the companies 
 met their demands, they would then be in the same position as they 
 were the year before, and would be able to cultivate and to handle 
 and mill the same amount of sugar as they did before ? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. You mean the sugar plantation? 
 
 Mr. Raker. Yes. 
 
 Gov. Farrington. Would be in the same position? 
 
 Mr. Raker. Yes. 
 
 Gov. Farrington. In so far as the ordinary routine of their crop 
 is concerned? 
 
 Mr. Raker. Yes. 
 
 Gov. Farrington. The most serious point that is involved there is 
 the recognition of that organization, because once they accept the 
 management of the labor forces by the alien organization there is no 
 known limit of the demands that might be made and where the control 
 of the industry would rest. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Now, Governor, I asked you this question a moment 
 ago and I understood you were not able to* answer it and I will ask 
 you now: What percentage of this organization were American citi- 
 zens; do you know? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. No; I do not. 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IIT HAWAII. 259 
 
 Mr. Raker. Then when you say it was an ahen organization, you 
 are not able to state the number of American citizens, although of 
 Japanese nationality, that were in that organization, are you? 
 
 Gov. FARRiNCfTON. No, sir; except that a very small percentage 
 was American citizens. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Now, can you answer my question if those men went 
 back to work and the other demands of the labor organization were 
 met, would that supply the same amount of labor for 1921 as they 
 had in 1920? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. I assume it would supply the labor — a fair 
 supply. 
 
 Mr. Mead. Oh, yes. The shortage has not grown out of the fact 
 that these men have not returned to work; the shortage has occurred 
 by reason of large numbers of laborers having gone back to Japan 
 and to the Philippines. 
 
 Mr. Raker. WTio knows whether or not if these men that struck in 
 
 1920 went back to work you would be in as normal condition for 
 
 1921 as you were in 1920, before they struck? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. The immigration commissioner who came on 
 here to represent the Territory. 
 
 Mr. Raker. They will know that fact ? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. They can give you that information. 
 
 Mr. Box. Governor, I note in the figures introduced here yester- 
 day, showing the population of Hawaii of the different classes, a de- 
 crease in the population of Hawaii of the number of Hawaiians during 
 the last 10 years? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. Yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Box. That decrease has gone on for a great many years, has 
 it not ? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. There has been a steady decrease of the native 
 Hawaiian population for a period of years. 
 
 Mr. Box. That is a regrettable fact. "^Yhat is the cause of it ? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. One cause of it, I think, is the intermarriage. 
 You will notice in those figures there that the Asiatic Hawaiians and 
 Caucasian Hawaiians have increased. Now, the pure Hawaiian has 
 steadily decreased. Their death rate is high and they have inter- 
 married to quite an extent so that in the net Hawaiian population, 
 as we of Hawaii class it, you might say there has been a decrease. 
 
 Mr. Box. There has been a partial amalgamation with other races, 
 so to speak ? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. Yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Box. This decrease in the number of pure bloods, is that about 
 right ? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. Yes, sir. The man who could answer that 
 question for you very fully is Senator Wise of the Territorial Legis- 
 lature of Hawaii. That is my solution of it. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. Governor, my understanding of this situation is that, 
 by natural processes or otherwise, the population in Hawaii has not 
 increased sufficiently to take care of your expanding industries and 
 especially agriculture ? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. Yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. That you now have a shortage of labor? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. Yes, sir. 
 
260 LABOK PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. That you can only secure this labor by an inflow of 
 population from some other country ? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. Yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. You can not get that froin the United States ? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. We have been unsuccessful up to the present 
 time, but not for lack of effort. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. I also understand that you can not get it from the 
 Philippines or Porto Rico ? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. Not in adequate quantity. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. What efforts have been made to supply this labor 
 from Porto Rico and the Philippines ? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. We have been endeavoring for some years past 
 to secure immigration from the Philippines. We have now in the 
 Territory, as shown by the last census, 21,000. That is an increase 
 from 2,000 in 1910, and that increase is mainly due to the immigra- 
 tion that has been fostered by the Territory or by the sugar planters' 
 association. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. What attitude does the Philippine Government take 
 toward immigration to Hawaii ? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. They want their people for their own Territory. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. What about Porto Rico ? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. I have understood the same situation prevails 
 there. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. I understand, further, that of the laboring classes in 
 these particular industries, such as sugar, rice, and pineapples, that 
 ^bout 65 per cent is Japanese ? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. Yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. About what per cent is Chinese ? 
 
 Mr. Weeber. One thousand seven hundred out of 38,000. 
 
 Gov. Farrington. A very small percentage. 
 
 Mr. Weeber. Less than 5 per cent. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. While, of course, you are willing to take this agri- 
 cultural labor from any country from which you may be able to 
 get it, still, as a practical proposition, the only available supply, as 
 you see it, is from China ? Is that the situation ? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. We know that we can get them there; or we 
 feel certain that we can get them there. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. In the last analysis, that is v^hat is contemplated? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. Yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. Now, this resolution deals with a particular situation ? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. Yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. And ultimately it will be construed as establishing a 
 policy for the Government, and those are the things that address 
 themselves to the committee. Now, the resolution provides any 
 inadmissible aliens shall, under regulations prescribed by the Secretary j 
 of Labor, be admitted to Hawaii ? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. For the purpose of engaging in a certain kind of | 
 labor; that is true, is it not? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. Yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. Agricultural labor ? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. Yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. And it fixes a limit of time for their sojourn in the 
 islands ? 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN PIAWATT. 261 
 
 Gov. Farrington. Yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. And prohibits them removing to any other territory 
 belonging to the United States ? « . 
 
 Gov. Farrington. Yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. Now, a very serious question in my mind is the power 
 of Congress, under our laws and the decisions of our courts, to impose 
 those conditions on any nationality coming into our Territory. 
 If we can do it in Hawaii, of course we can do it in the continental 
 United States. Now, you see, if you admit the fact that he is an 
 Asiatic and incapable of citizenship, it does not change that situation; 
 if you admit them and take charge of them, you might say — and 
 this must be done under some governmental authority ? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. And you must engage in a certain kind of labor and 
 you must do that for a certain period of time, and you must confine 
 your residence to a certain territory. Of course, this resolution 
 does not fix the penalty, but the effect is the same. Now, have you 
 had a legal opinion upon the power of Congress to do that thing ? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. I have not. That question would have to he 
 answered by the commission. I assume we would not be coming ort 
 here asking Congress to so something that was not within its power. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. I will say it is presumed that they would not do 
 that, but that is a very serious question in my mind about this, 
 resolution. There is another thing about that: If you say to these^ 
 people — if we reach the conclusion that we can legally enact such a 
 law, then what authority is going to carry out that portion of it 
 that says to this 20,000 — is that the number you think you need now ? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. Twenty thousand. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. What authority is going to carry out that part of it 
 providing that they shall engage in a certain kind of labor? Ta 
 whom is it contemplated that that authority shall be delegated ? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. To whom shall it be delegated? 
 
 Mr. Wilson. Yes. 
 
 Gov. Farrington. My idea is that that is a program to be worked 
 out by the Secretary under the Department oi Labor. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. But is the Department of Labor going to be called 
 upon to execute that provision of the resolution ? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. I should say that it would have to be executed 
 under the general supervision of the Department of Labor. Whether 
 it should be territorial and whether those expenses should be borne 
 by the Territory or the industry. I assume it should be borne by the 
 industry. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. It is contemplated, then, that some official there 
 answerable to the Department of Labor of the territorial government 
 in Hawaii shall see that that part of it is carried out ? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. I should consider that that is absolutely nec- 
 essary. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. And the same would be true as to this prohibition 
 against removing to any other portion of the United States ? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. Yes, sir; that is a matter that would be com- 
 paratively simple in Hawaii with the immigration, for it would be 
 very difficult for them to move from Hawaii to the mainland of 
 the United States. For instance, that prohibition is at- present 
 enforced against the Japanese in the islands. 
 
262 LABOK PEOBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. But not against the native born? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. No; not native born. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. Native-born Japanese or native-born Chinese ? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. No; but the foreigners of Japanese nationality; 
 they are not allowed to go to the mainland of the United States. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. But any Chinese born during this 5-year period on 
 the islands would be admissible to the United States ? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. Yes. 
 
 The Chairman. You say the foreign-born Japanese are not per- 
 mitted to go ? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. That is a detail of the regulations established 
 under the '' Gentlemen's agreement." 
 
 Mr. Weeber. That is prohibited by the presidential proclamation 
 issued on March 14, 1907. Alien Japanese, Chinese, or Koreans can 
 not emigrate from the Hawaiian Islands to the continental United 
 States. 
 
 Mr. Raker. May I ask you a question right there? Will it 
 interrupt 3^ou ? 
 
 Mr. Wilson. No. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Is it your view that under i^rticle XIII of the Con- 
 stitution the last proviso of this bill that they should only work in 
 an agriculturEd pursuit and should be returned if they did not, and 
 at the end of the five years should be sent back, would contravene 
 that section of the Constitution which prohibits involuntary 
 servitude ? 
 
 Mr. Wilson. I have made no investigation of the question. I 
 thought somebody else might have done so. 
 
 Mr. Sabath. Will you permit me — in 1904 or 1906, up to that 
 time there were several Southern States that had entered into agree- 
 ments and had a permit to import contract labor. 
 
 Mr. Raker. And that was held immediately, and as quick as it 
 was brought to the attention of the Federal authorities that it was 
 subjecting them practically to peonage and therefore in contravention 
 of the amendment to the Constitution. 
 
 Mr. Sabath. No; certain contracts that have been entered into 
 have been held in violation of the Constitution. 
 
 Mr. Raker. But has it been held any place that a man could be 
 put at certain work and couid be deported and moved back and forth 
 as the parties saw fit ? 
 
 Mr. Sabath. Yes; where there was misrepresentation made to 
 these people who have been imported; but they had to show that 
 there v/as a misrepresentation. I had the matter up with the de- 
 partment in 1908 and 1909 and I made the charges of peonage and I 
 called for an investigation. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. Here is the proposition: This is not just the phase 
 of it that I had in mand, but whatever is done about this relative to 
 these people coming in the Government must be a party to, you see % 
 
 Gov. Farrington. Yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. The two Governments ? 
 
 Gov. Farrington. Possibly. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. I have made no investigation myself, but this dis- 
 cussion has impressed me and I thought that probably that question 
 had beeli gone into. It is not a question oi some organization oil 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 2G3 
 
 business men down in Hawaii bringing over labor; it is a question of 
 the Government being a party to it through the Secretary of Labor. 
 
 Gov. Farrington. Yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. vSo it is not on all fours with the case suggested at all. 
 
 Mr. Sabath. In that case the States were authorized to establish 
 immigration commissioners and import and bring over labor from 
 other countries, and they did bring several vessels. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. My recollection is that either some individual or some 
 corporation was bringing them over. 
 
 Mr. Sabath. This was under the jurisdiction of the State and 
 received the sanction and approval of our Federal Governnient. 
 
 The Chairman. Is that all you desire to ask the governor, gentle- 
 men? 
 
 Mr. Wilson. Yes; that is all I have. 
 
 The Chairman. Governor, that is all. W^e are thankful to you for 
 the information you have given and we wish you much success in 
 your administration of the government of the Territory of Hawaii. 
 I think that all Members of Congress realize that Federal control, 
 under the territorial plan of government, of a domain so far removed 
 from the National Capital as Hawaii, is difficult in the extreme, and 
 I for one have often given expression to the statement that the gov- 
 ernors of our two Territories — Alaska and Hawaii — should have more 
 individual power than is now accorded to them. I regret the delay 
 which so often occurs in the ratification by Congress of the acts of 
 the Hawaiian and Alaskan Territorial Legislatures. 
 
 As you leave to take up your official duties I beg to assure you 
 that all members of this committee, regardless of political adherence; 
 will do all that we can to assist you. 
 
 STATEMENT OF MR. ROYAL D. MEAD, HONOLULU, HAWAII. 
 
 The Chairman. State your name, residence, and business. 
 
 Mr. Mead. My name is Royal D. Mead, my residence is Honolulu, 
 Hawaii, and I am appearing before this committee as a citizen of 
 the Territory, not as a representative of the Hawaiian Sugar 
 Planters' Association, by which I happen to be employed. 
 
 Up to November of last year I was the secretary and treasurer of 
 the association and director of their labor bureau and I have had to 
 do with their labor matters for the last 20 years. I left Hawaii in 
 November to come to Washin^on to represent them in labor matters 
 and have spent two months in Porto Rico with the intention of get- 
 ting Porto Ricans to go to Hawaii. The matter which I believe you 
 want me to touch upon particularly is the question of wages paid by 
 the sugar planters; that is the question you suggested yesterday 
 before you adjourned. 
 
 The Chairman. That is one question. 
 
 Mr. Mead. We have very many classes of labor on the plantations 
 in Hawaii. The basic wage for the unskilled field hands runs from 
 $30 to $32 a month of 26 days, depending largely on the location of 
 the plantation. Now, there are other unskilled laborers, such as 
 mill hands, teamsters, ditch men, and there are dozens of occupa- 
 tions where the unskilled wage is higher than the minimum wage, 
 and it varies on the different plantations; but I think a very con- 
 
254 LABOR PROBLEMS I^ HAWAII. 
 
 servative statement as to the average of the wages of unskilled men 
 would be $1.50 per day at the present time — S39 a month. 
 
 Seventy-five to eighty per cent of the plantation work and planta- 
 tion labor is performed under contract. There are contracts for all 
 plantation operations from the planting of the seed cane to the load- 
 ing of the sugar into the cars after it is manufactured — everything 
 that can be done is done under the contract system. 
 
 The cultivation contractors, the long-term contractors as they call 
 them, take the fields after planting, or from the first or second irriga- 
 tion, and carry on the cultivation up to the time the cane is matured 
 and harvested. Those long-term contractors make more money than 
 the unskilled day men, and I should say that their average earnings 
 are from $1.50 to $1.75 a day; perhaps $1.50 would be conservative. 
 
 Mr. Raker. What do you mean by contractors ? Will you explain 
 that ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. The cultivation contractors are men who take selected 
 areas of cane fields and do all the necessary work of cultivation. 
 The plantation is divided up into areas, and a number of men are 
 given the privilege of doing the work on a certain area from the time 
 it is planted, or from the time of the first and second irrigation, and 
 they are paid so much per ton for the cane raised upon that area, 
 varying according to the growth of the cane. They are given their 
 fertilizer, and advances are made to them from month to month for 
 their living expenses and that sort of thing, and then settlement is 
 made when the cane is harvested and the weight determined. I 
 think I said $1.50; I should say $1.75 is a closer estimate for the 
 earnings of cultivation contractors on the average. 
 
 In addition to that, those men work in other occupations. When 
 the field does not require their attention, they get oft for a few days, 
 or a week, perhaps, and work at other things, so that their earnings 
 are considerably increased. 
 
 Then we have the short-term contractors — men who do ditch work 
 or other short-term contract work. Two of our principal short-term 
 contracts are cutting and loading. Loading cane is a particularly 
 hard job, and the men do not work very many hours a day at it. 
 They usually get out very early in the morning and quit early in the . 
 afternoon. Cutting is also a hard job. Those men make consider- 
 ably in excess of the ordinary wages, and I should say a conservative 
 statement of the earnings of that class of labor is $2 a day. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Do you mean in that •contract that you divide the 
 plantation ofi^ into 100 acres or 50 acres, and the man takes it and 
 employs his labor ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. There are two systems. Some plantations employ 
 boss contractors, who in turn employ the necessary men. The more 
 common system is to have individual contractors. 
 
 In addition to the wages paid day men and the rates paid contrac- 
 tors, we have a bonus system which applies to all laborers on the 
 plantations, even up to skilled laborers. That bonus system is based 
 upon the price which Hawaiian 96° sugar brings in New York. It 
 begins with a bonus of 10 per cent for sugar at 4 cents, or $80 a ton, 
 and runs up at the rate of 1 per cent for every $2 increase in the price 
 of sugar. I have not followed exactly the price of sugar — I have 
 been out of the country so much — but the bonus begins the 1st of 
 November and runs on for 12 months. I think the price of sugar 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAIL 265 
 
 in November, December, January, and February was something over 
 5 cents — 6 cents. vSince then it has dropped, and now it is 4 cents, 
 but I think tlie average has been well over 5 cents. So that they 
 have been obtaining the bonus from November on on sugar at an 
 average of 5 cents, say, or 20 per cent bonus, which would be added 
 to their wages. 
 
 The condition of that bonus is that they shall work 20 days per 
 month. 
 
 The Chairman. What was the highest bonus received during the 
 war prices of sugar ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. The highest bonus during war prices^ — I do not have 
 that figure exactly, but it ran up to something over 300 per cent in 
 one month. Sugar went up to 23 cents at one time- — raw sugar — 
 and it made a perfectly enormous bonus. 
 
 The Chairman. Can you roughly give us one example that would 
 show what the common laborer would receive in profits by that 
 bonus ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Well, I have some figures on the bonuses here. Takef 
 the month of May, for instance, in 1920; the total bonus percentagej/' 
 that month was 466^. At that time the base wage was $20. Thatl 
 man received $70 in addition to his wages. 
 
 The Chairman. And he received $20 in pay ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. And $70. 
 
 The Chairman. He received $20 and a place to live in ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. I am coming to that in a moment. 
 
 The Chairman. He got $70 as a month's bonus ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Yes; and $20 as wages. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Just before you pass that; with whom does the con 
 tract man enter into the contract ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. With the plantation. 
 
 Mr. Raker. With the owner? 
 
 Mr. Mead. With the plantation as represented by the manager. 
 
 Mr. Raker. With one man ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. No; usually there are many men in the contract. If a 
 dozen men take a field under a contract, they sign that contract indi- 
 vidually, each one of them, with the plantation, and the settlement is 
 made at the end of the time. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Then he has to work a certain plot of ground ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. He has to work a certain plot of ground, a certain area. 
 
 Mr. Raker. That is what I was asking you. Supposing a man has 
 1,000 acres; he divides that off in plots from 5 acres up ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Yes; it varies. I do not know of any contracts cov- 
 ering as low as 5 acres. 
 
 Mr. Raker. What is the lowest ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. I could not tell you about that; I do not know. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Supposing it is 20 acres: There will be four or five 
 men take a contract ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. The average, I think, is about one man to 9 or 9^ or 10 
 acres. It usually works out that way, I believe. 
 
 Mr. Raker. I think I get that now. 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. Depending on what part of the island the plan- 
 tation is located, the number of acres that a man can cultivate prop- 
 erly is determined ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Oh, very largely so. 
 
266 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 Mr. Raker. He gets how much a month ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Well, the advances vary. I think the last year they 
 were discussing advancing $20 a month, or more per month. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Supposing we take 100 acres and there are five men 
 who take that 100 acres. They are given $20 a month and then the 
 bonus. Supposing there is no production on that 20 acres; then 
 what do they get ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Then they are settled with according to the day wages, 
 depending very largely on the contractor. If the contractor has been 
 very efficient and has done good work, then the plantation makes a 
 settlement with him at a rate somewhat above the day wages. 
 
 Mr. Raker. What would that be ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. I should imagine a good contractor would probably be 
 settled with now at the rate of perhaps $32 or $33 a month. 
 
 Mr. Raker. So that if there was no production on those 100 
 acres 
 
 Mr. Mead. That is, if the production failed, so that he did not get 
 back his advances, you mean ? 
 
 Mr. Raker. Yes; then those five contractors and laborers would 
 get about how much ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. I think they would be settled with at the rate of about 
 $30 or $32 a month, if they had done good work. 
 
 Mr. Raker. And if he had not done good work ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Then they would settle with him at the rate of day wages. 
 
 Mr. Raker. That would be what ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. $30; that is, of course, discretionary with the planta- 
 tion manager. It depends on whether the men have been diligent, or 
 whether they have been loafers. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. Now, I understand that under this contract system, 
 say, a planter has 100 acres that he wants planted and cultivated to 
 sugar; he simply takes Li Hung Chang and associates and enters into 
 a contract for its cultivation ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. And the planter signs and the laborers sign that con- 
 tract ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. And then they will cultivate it in sugar for a year? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Yes; until it is harvested. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. At a certain stipulated price ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. At a certain stipulated price per ton for the cane that 
 is raised on that plantation. 
 
 Mr. Box. The cultivation of the crop extends over more than one 
 year, does it not ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Oh, yes; these contracts usually run for 18 months. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. What are the stipulations in this contract relative 
 to what happens during the time of a strike ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. If the men leave their contract, the plantation has the 
 right to pay them off for the work they have done and take over 
 the field. If they go on strike, I believe there has never been, so 
 far, a provision in the contract which would protect the plantation. 
 I believe the contracts entered into this year are drawn to protect 
 the plantation on that point. For instance, during the strike of 
 1920, the contractors, notwithstanding their agreement, left the fields 
 and it was a question when they came back to those fields whether 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 267 
 
 or not they should be paid for the cane that was harvested in those 
 fields^— whether they should be paid the full rate or just what sort of 
 A settlement should be made with them. 
 • Mr. Raker. Why don't they pay a regular monthly wage? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Because the contract system is far better for our 
 conditions. The men work better; they have a stake in the cane 
 and they cultivate the ground better and look after the fields better 
 in every way. Their compensation is dependent very largely on 
 the efforts in getting good crops; they do not require the supervision 
 the daymen require, and in every way it is better. If we had to 
 go back to the old system of the day wage, it would require a good 
 many more men than it does now. 
 
 The Chairman. Where does that bonus begin on the plantation? 
 Does the bookkeeper get any of that bonus ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Yes; right now. They have had various systems for 
 dealing with skilled men, v/hat we call skilled men, receiving $50 or 
 over a month. This year that bonus, as I understand, applies to all 
 the laborers and all the men. 
 
 The Chairman. To everybody employed ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. So I understand. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. Is that rated as a profit-sharing proposition? 
 
 Mr. Mead. It is not profit sharing, because it is not dependent 
 on the idea of profits, exactly. You probably might call it a pros- 
 perity sharing bonus. If the price of sugar is high, he gets a large 
 3onus; if the price of sugar gets below a profitable price, then the 
 .aborers do not share. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. Then it is profit sharing. 
 
 Mr. Mead. Weil, profit sharing, of course, in the ordinary accepta- 
 tion of the term '^profit sharing," means you set aside a certain por- 
 tion of your profits for the purpose of distribution among the labor. 
 Now, a lot of our plantations are paying a bonus, and they are not 
 profitable. 
 
 The Chairman. That is, they pay the bonus, and they might not 
 make as much as 6 per cent on the investment ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. A number of the plantations have not paid dividends 
 for a good many years, but, nevertheless, they pay the bonus. 
 
 Mr. Horner. Is not the bonus paid on the price of sugar, regard- 
 less of whether the planters make a profit or not ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Oh, absolutely. 
 
 Mr. Box. They share in the gross receipts ? 
 
 ^Ir. Mead. Now, on the question of the perquisites: In addition to 
 the wages and bonus which the laborers receive from the plantations, 
 they are provided, without charge, with a house, in the case of fam- 
 ilies; with living quarters in the case of single men; with fuel, water, 
 medical attendance, and with hospital treatment for themselves and 
 their families. I have tried in the past to get more or less definite 
 figures of the cost to the plantation of these perquisites, but it has 
 been a very difficult matter. W^ater, for instance, on some of the 
 plantations is a very valuable commodity; on other plantations where 
 the rainfall goes up as high as 200 inches, it is more or less of a waste 
 commodity. The question of fuel is also a very difficult matter to 
 determine, as to what the value of it is. Fuel on nearly all of the 
 plantations is a very expensive item. They have to go up in the 
 moimtains and get the wood down, and I know of one plantation that 
 
 ■ 
 
268 LABOR PROBLEMS 1^ HAWAII. 
 
 supplies coal to the laborers, and I know others, when I left there in 
 November, that were discussing the advisability of giving them kero- 
 sene stoves and supplying them with kerosene as fuel. So that you 
 can not find out from any general figures the value of the various per- 
 quisites. Hospitals, for instance — some of the plantations have very 
 elaborate hospitals — hospitals equal to any they have in the States 
 that I have ever seen; very well equipped with a full medica corps, 
 and nurses, and others have more modest establishments, and I think 
 a very conservative estimate of the cost of these perquisites, the cost 
 of the houses, fuel, water, hospital, and medical treatment, and so 
 forth, equals about -$10 per month per laborer; that is, as a matter of 
 plantation investment. 
 
 Mr. Box. That is for the house ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. For the house, water, fuel, and all the prerequisites. 
 For the laborer to have to go out and rent a house and provide him- 
 self with the things that the plantation provides him with free of 
 charge, I should say it would cost him up to $20 or $25 a month. 
 
 Mr. Raker. What kind of a house do they get ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Well, they get a pretty good house. Some of the 
 houses, of course, are better than others; but the average house 
 is pretty fair. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Do they get hot and cold water ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. No; they do not get hot and cold water; but every 
 plantation camp, most all of the plantation camps, and I guess I can 
 say every plantation camp, has a bathhouse, where especially the 
 Japanese have hot water, where they bathe every day. The Japanese 
 are very clean; the Chinese the same. They have to have hot water. 
 The other people bathe in their own houses or avail themselves of 
 the facilities furnished by every or nearly every camp. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Do they have separate compartments or separate 
 rooms, or are three or four required to be in one room ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. The single men, I think, are put two in a room nowa- 
 days. They used to put more in a room, but I think nowadays they 
 only put two in a room. 
 
 The Chairman. They compare with the houses which the Jajjanese 
 erect for themselves in California, do they not ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. I have been in the Philippines and Porto Rico, and in 
 neither of those countries or on the mainland have I seen any common 
 laborers housed as well as the laborers are in Hawaii, and improve- 
 ments are going on all the time. They are increasing their facilities 
 and building better houses. There are still some of the plantations, 
 some of the unprofitable plantations, where the houses are not as 
 good as others, naturally; but, as the plantations can they are re- 
 placing those older types of houses and putting in better houses. 
 
 Mr. Raker. About what is the size of the force working at one of 
 those plantations ? It varies, I suppose ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Oh, it varies. It varies according to the size of the 
 plantation, naturally. I think the Hawaiian Commercial employs 
 up to 3,300 men. That plantation produces normally about 50,000 
 or 55,000 tons of sugar a year. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Does each plantation have its own mill on the plan- 
 tation ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Yes. There are a few plantations where they do not. 
 Their cane is ground in the adjoining mill. They have grinding 
 contracts. 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 269 
 
 Mr. Raker. So tliat they keep their growing and mill laborers all 
 on the same plantation ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Yes. Now, there is no seasonal employment, such as 
 exists on the mainland, Porto Rico, or in Cuba. The laborers in 
 Hawaii are afforded employment for every day in the year if they 
 want to work. That does not seem a very large proposition, but it 
 is a very important matter — the proposition of continuous employ- 
 ment throughout the year. When the mill closes, the men go out in 
 the field; so that there is never unemployment such as you have in 
 the vStates here after the harvest season and such as exists in Cuba 
 after the harvest season, or in Porto Rico. 
 
 Those wages I consider compare very favorably with the wages in 
 the east of the United States and in the South. They do not com- 
 pare with the wages in California or the West, where they have the 
 highest wage for farm labor paid anywhere in the United States. 
 
 Mr. Raker. So that there will be no misunderstanding, say a plan- 
 tation has 5,000 acres, the growing of the cane and the milling of it 
 and putting the sugar in the raw state is all done on that plantation ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Raker. And that is ready, when it is hauled to the wharf, 
 to be shipped to the refinery ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Box. And there is no separation, so far as your general 
 employment classes are concerned, between those who work in the 
 fields and those who work in the mills ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Oh, no. The mill is run for 24 hours a dav during the 
 harvesting season ; and when the mill closes then they go out in the 
 fields. 
 
 Mr. Box. And those brought in for these agricultural pursuits 
 named here would work in those mills, too ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. I assume so. The mills down there are not considered 
 as manufacturing industries; they are considered as part of the 
 agricultural industry, as a part of the plantation. 
 
 Mr. Raker. And none of the sugar is refined in Hawaii ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. There is only one sugar refinery in Hawaii, on the 
 Honolulu plantation, where they produce about 20,000 tons of refined 
 sugar. 
 
 Mr. Raker. And the rest of it is put on the boat in the raw state' 
 and shipped to the various refineries in California, Philadelphia, and 
 New York ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Up to the present year, and for several years past, they 
 sent nearly all their sugar to the California-Hawaiian Sugar Refining 
 Co. to be refined in California. This year, I believe they are sending 
 150,000 tons to eastern refineries. 
 
 Mr. Sabath. Mr. Chairman, I am obliged to leave, and I desire to 
 ask this gentleman a few questions. You say you have been in the 
 Philippines and Porto Rico for the purpose of trying to secure labor ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Sabath. That was last year ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. The Philippine immigration started in 1909. I was 
 there in 1910, 1912, and 1914, looking over the field. We have a 
 force of men out there working for us. The Filipinos and Porto 
 Ricans, of course, can always come to the United States; they have 
 the same rights and privileges of travel as I have. 
 
270 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 Mr. Sabath. But there are some aliens in Porto Rico that are 
 employed there from time to time, who migrate from Porto Rico^ 
 foreign labor, is there not ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. No; there has been no immigration to Porto Eico. 
 
 Mr. Sabath. None at all? 
 
 Mr. Mead. There has never been any immigration to Porto Rico 
 that I know of. Porto Rico is a small island of less than 4,000 
 square miles. 
 
 Mr. Sabath. They have some Chinese there, have they not ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. No; they have 1,300,000 Porto Ricans on that island, 
 and have the m.ost crowded conditions I have ever seen anywhere, 
 even in China. I hav^e never been any place where the conditions of 
 the laboring man and the lack of opportunities for advancement so 
 depressed me as in Porto Rico. 
 
 Mr. Sabath. One more question and then I am through. What 
 effect will this immigration have upon the conditions on your islands ? 
 For instance, if this measure is favorably acted upon and you will 
 secure 15,000 or 20,000 of these men, what effect will it have upon the 
 laborers now upon your island ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. It will have no effect upon them that I know of. 
 
 Mr. Sabath. Won't that throw a great many people out of em- 
 ployment ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Oh, no. Of course, I have not been in Hawaii since 
 November, but I have talked with this commission in regard to 
 the present shortage and I would say that 15,000 people could be 
 very easily absorbed — 15,000 laborers can be absorbed in Hawaii at 
 the present time. 
 
 Mr. Sabath. Is it the aim in securing these laborers to supplement 
 those now on strike ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. No. 
 
 Mr. Sabath. Or is it to relieve a general shortage in addition to 
 those ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. I think there is a little misunderstanding, in regard to 
 the question of that strike. There were about 6,000 Japanese on the 
 plantations on the Island of Oahu who went on strike. When the 
 strike was over I would say that from 75 to 80 per cent of those men 
 returned to their former employments. When the final bonus period 
 came in November and the laborers received their final bonus, 
 already having received a considerable nionthty bonus, a great many 
 of them returned to Japan and a great many of the Filipinos to the 
 Philippines. I do not think that the shortage of labor out there is 
 in any way due to the strike of 1920. 
 
 The Chairman. In other words, the bonus is so great they are 
 taking a vacation ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. They had more money than they knew what to do 
 with, and they went back home, mostly. 
 
 Mr. Raker. You speak of the condition of Porto Rico: Those 
 Porto Ricans can go now to the Hawaiian Islands even under the 
 present law ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Raker. They can go anyhow ? 
 
 The Chairman. You can take 50 shiploads of them ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Yes, if they wished to go. 
 
LABOR PEOBLEMS IN HAWAII. 271 
 
 Mr. IIaker. Now the condition being as you describe in Porto 
 Rico, of there being so many people there that it is more thickly 
 and densely populated than China, with these wages you pay and 
 with the conditions you offer people in Hawaii, why don't you get 
 them there ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. I was there for two months for that purpose exactly. 
 I made an agreement with the Government there reciting the wages 
 and conditions of employment regarding which I have already testi- 
 fied to before this committee, and went out in the field with my men 
 to recruit. 
 
 Mr. Sabath. Where, in Porto Kico ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. In Porto Rico. I got all sorts of encouragement from 
 the men themselves and I felt so happy over the situation that I 
 entered into negotiations for a charter of the steamer Princess 
 Matioka, and it was going to cost the Hawaiian sugar planters 
 $225,000 to get that steamer to take that shipment of Porto Ricans. 
 While I was out in the field getting the shipment ready the two most 
 influential newspapers in Porto Rico began an attack on the immi- 
 gration, and the reason for the attack — I will have to go back a little 
 bit. They had an emigration of about 50,000 Porto Ricans to the 
 States during the war, and they had an emigration of Porto Ricans 
 to Cuba, and in each instance the emigration was apparently so 
 poorly conducted and they took people apparently not suitable for 
 the kind of work in which they wanted to employ them here in the 
 United States, that a great many complaints came back and there 
 are now several hundred Porto Ricans in New York who are pestering 
 the Porto Rican Government to bring them home. And the news- 
 papers took the stand they were opposed to emigration anywhere; 
 that the emigration to Hawaii, as we did not propose to repatriate 
 them, was a bad thing for the Porto Ricans, and advised them not 
 to go to Hawaii. 
 
 I went to a town called Penuelas, where our recruiters got together 
 something like 50 families for examination by a doctor we had in our 
 employ, and a planter there read them a lot of these newspaper clip- 
 pings and dispersed every man in that bunch. I went to a tov/n 
 called Guayanilla and found the mayor of the town had done exactly 
 the same thing. And I found the same thing in Lajas, where there 
 is a tremendous population, where the people work a few days in the 
 sugar fields there and the rest of the time starve, and found this same 
 propaganda had gotten in there and it defeated our purpose there. I 
 went then to one or two other places, to a place called Adjuntas, up 
 in the mountains, where we were getting a very nice class of people 
 that these newspapers did not reach, and those people stayed with us. 
 How long they would have stayed, I do not know; but after going 
 over the field and finding out the feeling and what the leading news- 
 papers said, I canceled the Matoika and left a man in charge and 
 came back here. Just before leaving there we started a counter 
 propaganda, and I believe we are going to make some headway. 
 
 Mr. Sabath. Where were these 40,000 Porto Ricans taken during 
 the war ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. To the South somewhere; I do not know just where. 
 
 Mr. Sabath. And they went to work with the understanding they 
 would go back ? 
 
272 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 Mr. Mead. I do not know the conditions of employment; I do 
 not think there were any conditions of repatriation. 
 
 The Chairman. They were sohcited by the United States Depart- 
 ment of Labor; and if the war kept on longer there would have been 
 a great many more. 
 
 Mr. Mead. We had the same trouble in 1900. We took some 
 Porto Ricans to Hawaii then. The recruiting was done by an agent 
 of the association in Porto Rico. He was not directly connected 
 with us and he recruited anybody and everybody. The result was 
 we got a lot of people from the towns; we got a lot of criminals and 
 generally bad people, and they made a great deal of trouble for us. 
 They complained and kicked and refused to work and did everything 
 they could to make trouble and to make trouble for the Porto Rican 
 Government also. 
 
 Mr. Raker. I do not quite understand what you mean, that there 
 was objection on the ground of repatriation. Could not those people 
 go from Porto Rico to Hawaii and still be American citizens ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Oh, yes. By repatriation, I mean we refused to pay 
 their passage back to Porto Rico; refused to repatriate them at our 
 expense. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Would they have come if you had done that ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. I do not know whether they would have come if we 
 had done that, or not; but it was something we could not stand for. 
 In the first place, there are no regular lines of steamers between 
 Porto Rico and Hawaii, and we have to charter special steamers to 
 get them there; and we can not agree to send them back, after a few 
 years, because of the enormous expenditure. 
 
 The Chairman. People emigrated from Spain to the United States 
 in very considerable numbers and within the last eight months they 
 have found themselves out of work and that Government is appro- 
 priating money for their return to Spain. I suppose that is repatri- 
 ation ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. I have been following the labor situation in Hawaii 
 for so many years, I am more or less proud of the advance the Hawai- 
 ian planters have made and, before I forget it, I would like to read 
 what a very impartial observer says. This is an address by Dr. 
 Franklin L. Hoffman, who is the statistician of the Prudential Life 
 Insurance Co. He has a wide reputation along statistical lines. In 
 this address he made this statement : 
 
 It has been my privilege to examine personally perhaps half of the labor camps on 
 the principal islands, and, broadly speaking, their conditions conform as nearly as 
 possible to a reasonable ideal as could be expected in the case of a population largely 
 of oriental, or otherwise Asiatic, origin. It is something very considerably to the 
 credit of the Hawaiian sugar planters that in this respect they should have set an 
 example of humanitarian consideration and conformitj^ to the exacting principles of 
 sanitary science far in advance of most of the plantation housing conditions in the 
 Southern States of the mainland, or of Cuba and Porto Rico. It is even more to their 
 credit that they should have provided better hospital facilities and free medical aid 
 to a relatively low class of oriental or Filipino labor on the Hawaiian sugar plantations 
 than is available at the present time to most of the agricultural population, rich and 
 poor, white and black, on the mainland of the United States. Such hospitals as are 
 to be found on the island of Kauai at Lihue and on the island of Maui at Puunene 
 challenge comparison with any similar institution as regards the equipment, nursing 
 care, medical supervision, and even the keeping of card records, on the mainland. 
 It is primarily due to the persistent efforts on the part of the planters to improve 
 sanitary and housing conditions, hospital facilities, and provide food at reasonable 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 273 
 
 prices for plantation laborers, combined with adequate wages, free fuel, pure water, 
 etc., and the hearty cooperiation of an efficient and thoroughly well organized Terri- 
 torial board of health that such far-reaching sanitary results have been achieved in 
 recent years. 
 
 There is the testimony of a man who had no connection at all with 
 the Hawaiian sugar industry. He went out there and made an 
 examination of general conditions for the Prudential Life Insurance 
 Co. ^ 
 
 The Chairman. In that connection, I have just found an oppor- 
 tunity to look into the report on labor conditions in Hawaii, and a 
 letter from the Secretary of Labor transmitting the Fifth Annual 
 Report of the Commissioner of Labor Statistics on labor conditions 
 in Hawaii for 1915. In the letter of transmittal it is stated that this 
 is a report transmitted by Dr. Victor S. Clark, under authority of 
 law, and the Department of Labor says that this is a work for which 
 Dr. Clark is especially qualified. I find a number of very interesting 
 statements here, I take it, covering a lot of the matters which we are 
 now trying to examine into. This covers the conditions in 1915. It 
 is an extremely readable report. Is that a report which is made 
 annually ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. It was made annually up to 1904, when they changed it 
 to a five-year report. It is now published every five years instead of 
 annually. I think Dr. Clark has, with the exception of the first 
 report, either made or assisted in making each of the reports since 
 that time. At one time Dr. Clark was in charge of the Hawaiian 
 territorial board of immigration, so he is particularly well qualified 
 to report on labor conditions in Hawaii. 
 
 The Chairman. He is in the employ of the Federal Government, 
 is he? 
 
 Mr. Mead. He was at that time. I understand he is now the 
 editor of The Living Age. 
 
 The Chairman. You will have the authority to put in any extracts 
 you wish as a part of your statement, and it might be a good idea to 
 put in the record some extracts from this report. 
 
 Mr. Mead. I will be glad to do that. 
 
 Mr. Raker. May I ask Mr. White a question which will save a good 
 deal of time ? Mr. White, in Kansas, during the last three years 
 about what was the average wage for agricultural laborers, without 
 board ? 
 
 Mr. White. Does the gentleman mean — I want to be very careful, 
 if this is in order — does the gentleman mean the wage for consecutive 
 laborers employed by the year, with houses and fuel furnished? 
 
 Mr. Raker. No. What I mean is this: Suppose a man worked a 
 month or two months or three months; he worked by the day, and he 
 was paid by the day ? 
 
 Mr. White. You mean for seasonal work ? 
 
 Mr. Raker. Seasonal work ? 
 
 Mr. White. Harvesting and thrashing ? 
 
 Mr. Raker. Yes. 
 
 Mr. White. Well, I should say the wages ran from $5 to $10 a day 
 and found. 
 
 Mr. Raker. And found ? 
 
 Mr. White. Yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Box. What does ^' and found" mean? 
 
 56754— 21— SEE 7, pt 1 5 
 
274 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 Mr. White. That means board and lodging. 
 
 Mr. Box. I know what it means, but I would like to have you state 
 that for the record. 
 
 Mr. White. That is in harvesting and threshing. 
 
 Mr. Raker. This will save a good deal of time, and I just want to 
 make the comparison and ask a few more questions. 
 
 The Chairman. The witness has not dealt with seasonal labor at 
 all. 
 
 Mr. Raker. I am going to ask that question in a moment. What 
 was paid for seasonal labor, where there was no '^ found" ? 
 
 Mr. White. I do not know of any such labor. You refer to agri- 
 cultural work ? 
 
 Mr. Raker. Yes. 
 
 Mr. White. A man who works on a farm in Kansas gets three meals 
 a day and a bed. If he does not get that it is because he does not 
 work. 
 
 Mr. Raker. During the last three years how much, per month, has 
 he gotten for that work ? 
 
 Mr. White. That labor is by the day, that seasonal work. 
 
 Mr. Raker. But there are others who do work by the year ? 
 
 Mr. White. I am only able to speak for my own locality. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Let us get that, it will probably make a comparison 
 possible. 
 
 Mr. White. Well, I will give the gentleman from California this 
 illustration, if he will allow me to complete my statement. I have 
 a man working on one of my farms and I pay him $68 for the year, 
 for four weeks, which is about $74 per month, furnishing him his fuel. 
 He cuts it; it is pretty tough. I furnish him his house with six rooms 
 and a basement, and furnish him all the land he wants for the use 
 of his family, on which to raise garden truck, vegetables, etc. I 
 furnish him all of the fuel he cares to get cut. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Now 
 
 Mr. White (interposing). Hold on. He has the use of three cows; 
 I feed them. He owns one and I feed it. I furnish him with the 
 other two. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. Is he not a farmer rather than a workingman ? 
 
 Mr. White. He is a manager, a superintendent, and he works 
 himself. 
 
 The Chairman. He works for a wage ? 
 
 Mr. White. Yes, sir; by the year. 
 
 The Chairman. He gets no bonus from you ? 
 
 Mr. White. No, sir. 
 
 Mr. Raker. He gets the vegetables he uses for his family, and all 
 those things? 
 
 Mr. White. Yes; I should say it is equivalent to probably about 
 $2,000 a year. 
 
 Mr. Raker. That is equivalent to about $2,000 a year? 
 
 Mr. White. Yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Box. He is the manager of your farm? 
 
 Mr. White. Yes; he superintends my farm and he furnishes me 
 with a weekly report. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Mr. Mead, from your statement, I take it, that even 
 with the bonus paid these men, the total amount paid them is not 
 more than is paid the ordinary common laborer in agriculture ? 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IX HAWAIL 275 
 
 Mr. Mead. In the West, yes. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Is there any other place in the United States, includ- 
 ing its Territories, where a man is employed on terms similar to the 
 terms of that employment in Hawaii, by a contract running for 18 
 months 1 
 
 Mr. Mead. I do not know anything at all about the contract 
 system here in connection with the raising of agricultural products; 
 that is, in the States. But if you will permit me, I would like to 
 read an extract from one of the Washington papers, quoting some- 
 thing from Chestertown, Md. This is a dispatch from Chestertown, 
 Md., under date of January 27. It says: 
 
 Chestertown, Md., January 27. 
 
 A new wage scale for farm labor was adopted at a mass meeting of farmers here 
 The scale calls for a day's work to be from sunup to sundown, with the following 
 compensation; 
 
 The maximum wage for a month laborer to be ■5"2o a month -with h)oard and keep 
 for laborer's horse, or §30 a month with board and no keep for the horse. 
 
 The maximum wage for a day laborer for regular farm work to be SI a dav and board. 
 
 The maximum wage for a woman's work in a farmhouse kitchen, including washing, 
 to be S15 a month, or SIO a month without washing. 
 
 We pay our women laborers on the plantations in Hawaii $22.50 a 
 month. 
 
 Mr. Raker. What I was trying to get at was this: You prefer 
 contract labor ? 
 
 !Mr. Mead. We prefer — well, I do not say we prefer contract labor. 
 We prefer the contract system of doing our work. 
 
 Mr. Raker. That is what I meant when I said contract labor. 
 That practically holds a man down for a year or 18 months? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Raker. So he is bound on his job for that length of time ? 
 
 ^Ir. Mead. No; I would not say exactly that, because he can leave 
 at any time he wants to. But the avidity with which they take a 
 contract of that kind would surprise you. 
 
 ^Ir. Raker. If a man leaves you he loses the bonus ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. No; he does not. 
 
 The Chair]vlax. I have been over there, and I know they seek such 
 a contract. 
 
 ^Ir. Raker. I would not doubt that. 
 
 The Chajrman. The conditions are not bad. I have been down 
 60 miles from here in Maryland, in St. Marys County, and I have 
 found that the condition of much of the colored population down there 
 is wc^ioe than anything in Hawaii, in any area or on any plantation 
 on any island of the Hawaiian Islands. 
 
 Mr. Raker. It all amounts to this, does it not, that so far as the 
 laborer ever getting any hold in this business or any part of the land 
 by his working and saving is concerned, he can not do it ? 
 
 The Chairman. He has no more chance than he would have on 
 certain plantations in California. 
 
 jMr. Raker. Oh, now, ^Ir. Chairman, you ought not to compare 
 these conditions with conditions in California. 
 
 Mr. Mead. I would not say there is never a chance of his getting 
 anvthing. There have been a great manv homesteads of cane land 
 taken up by Portuguese and other citizens. 
 
276 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 Mr. Raker. I mean so far as the plantations are concerned, 
 
 Mr. Mead. So far as the plantations themselves are concerned, 
 there is no chance. 
 
 Mr. Raker. There are 43 plantations, according to the census 
 report, and according to that report all of the sugar-cane industry 
 is under the control of 43 corporations. Is that correct ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. That is not altogether true; no, sir. There are some 
 of the plantations that are held individually — by individual owners — 
 like the Grove Farm. 
 
 The Chairman. But to begin with, we ought to realize that the 
 complete area of all the Hawaiian Islands is not large. 
 
 Mr. Box. I would like to get the names referred to in the census 
 report. 
 
 The Chairman. These lands that can be cultivated are the lands 
 known as the highly cultivated lands, which means cane land, and 
 ■ that is comparatively small in area. Sugar, as a crop to be produced, 
 has to be produced on a large scale, or on a large plantation. We 
 have had this same matter up in the Committee on Territories, of 
 which I am also a member, and the one great trouble we have had 
 there is the fact that leases to these sugar plantations, on some of the 
 large areas, are about to expire, after having been in existence for 30 
 years, and the homestead laws are such that they have to be home- 
 steaded, and when they are homesteaded, it is done by lottery, and 
 our Japanese friends come in and win their full proportion in the 
 lottery and will soon have what has been a large plantation in home- 
 stead tracts, and then if they are going to continue sugar planting 
 they have to combine the tracts and have some kind of a big organi- 
 zation to cover enough land to make it profitable to run a sugar out- 
 fit, including railroads, storehouses, stores, and houses for the laborers, 
 and all that sort of thing. Sugar raising is done on a big scale or not 
 at all. 
 
 Mr. Mead. It has to be a centralized industry to be successful. 
 There are several plantations, Mr. Raker, which are owned and 
 controlled by individuals, such as the Grove Farm, Gay and Robinson, 
 on the island of Kauai, and on the Island of Hawaii there are the 
 Hhawi, the Puakea and the Niuli plantations. 
 
 Mr. Raker. That means simply a laboring proposition for the 
 laboring man. There is no future hope of his getting an interest in 
 the land and getting into the business himself, is there ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. I would say there is very little. I will make that 
 statement very frankly. I think there is very little chance of a 
 plantation laborer getting an area of land in a plantation. 
 
 Mr. White. Can he acquire any interest in the stock ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. He can acquire it in the market. There is no more 
 chance of my getting an interest in a plantation than there is of the 
 laborer getting an interest in it; I can buy the stock in the market, 
 and he can do it too. 
 
 The Chairman. That is where the land is owned and not leased ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Yes. 
 
 The Chairman. Ultimately, following the present trend of things, 
 the person who can not become a citizen is just as likely to have con- 
 trol of the land there as such a person is likely to have control of the 
 land in California. 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IX HAWAII. 277 
 
 Mr. Mead. If he could get control of the labor situation down there 
 and thereby control the plantations. 
 
 The Chairman. As a matter of fact, only last summer this com- 
 mittee was called upon to investigate a situation at Turlock, Calif., 
 which was creating a disturbance. They had to deal ^Wth the canta- 
 loupe industry. The cantaloupe raisers, who raise them on large 
 areas, had employed Japanese as against the migratory union fruit 
 pickers of the regular American Federation of Labor organization. 
 These producers were paying 5 per cent less to the Japanese, who 
 were being supplied by some invisible system, and they always came 
 out in the night time, and the organized American citizens were out 
 of work. There were 400 or 500 of them idle in the little town of 
 Turlock. That is the trouble with oriental labor. 
 
 Mr. Mead. I would like to say just a word in regard to some of the 
 information which ^Ir. Farrington was called upon to give. The 
 strike of 1920 started in January of that year, and it was not brought 
 about by demands made by Japanese laborers on those plantations. 
 The demands were made by an organization of Japanese called the 
 Japanese Federation of Labor. The original directorate of that 
 Japanese Federation of Labor did not have a single laborer on it. 
 The men in charge, the Japanese in charge, were newspaper men, a 
 storekeeper or two. and principally agitators, men who were un- 
 desirable from every standpoint and who were even considered so by 
 the more responsible Japanese. There was not an American citizen 
 among those organizers. They made the demands, the Japanese 
 Federation of Labor made the demands upon the Hawaiian Sugar 
 Planters' Association, and the Hawaiian Sugar Planters' Association 
 refused to have anything to do with them. They thereupon called 
 the laborers out from the plantations, and the laborers did not make 
 any demands at all upon the plantations until a considerable time 
 afterwards. When the strike was over, as I have previously said^ 
 most of those men went back to their work. 
 
 (Thereupon the committee adjourned to meet to-morrow. Thursdav, 
 June 23. 1921, at 10 o'clock, a. m.) 
 
 Committee ox Immigratiox axd Xatuealizatiox, 
 
 House of Repeesextatives, 
 
 Tfiursday, June 23, 1921. 
 
 The committee met at 10 o'clock, a. m.. Hon. Albert Johnson 
 (chairman) presiding. 
 
 The Chairmax. I would like to state for the record that Hon. John 
 I. Nolan, a Member of Congress from California, by letter dated May 
 23. 1921. has submitted to this committee a copy of resolutions 
 adopted by the Iron Moulders' L^nion of North America, Local No. 
 350. Honolulu, Territor}' of Hawau, and also a copy of resolutions 
 adopted by the Central Labor Council of Honolulu, Territory of 
 Hawaii. Tsdth regard to the proposal to bring labor into the Territory 
 and notice of opposition to that proposal. Representative Nolan 
 also said he would like to be heard by the committee, and he will be 
 called to appear before the committee before these hearings close. 
 A representative of the American Federation of Labor resident here 
 
278 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 in Washington has also asked to be heard, and will be called before 
 the committee. 
 
 I will insert the resolutions by Mr. Nolan in the record at this point. 
 
 (The resolutions referred to are as follows:) 
 
 Iron Moulders' Union of North America, 
 
 Local No. 350, 
 Honolulu, T. H., May 5, 1921. 
 
 Keferring to the concurrent resolution passed by the Legislature of the Territory 
 of Hawaii authorizing the appointment of a so-called labor commission to go to 
 Washington to urge the necessity of importing Chinese coolie labor into the Territory, 
 we beg to present the protest of the Iron Moulders' Union of North America in opposi- 
 tion to any such scheme. 
 
 Our opposition is based upon the following considerations: 
 
 We maintain that there is not at present any serious shortage in the available supply 
 '^ of labor in this Territory, and that the representations of the sugar planters to that 
 effect are false and misleading, being based upon data that does not cover the grounds, 
 and that the efforts put forth in behalf of this scheme are for the sinister purpose of 
 creating an oversupply of labor with the end in view of introducing a cheaper substi- 
 tute for the present labor element, and thus inevitably lowering the present standards 
 of living, not only among the Japanese and Filipinos but among those of the white 
 race and of American nationality. 
 
 J The whole wage system of any community is based upon the lowest wages paid 
 "^to unskilled labor, and a material reduction of the standards of those at the lowest 
 subsistence level must affect the entire structure of our social and economic life. 
 
 We can not endure to have a virtual system of peonage, with all of its attendant 
 evils, introduced into an already complicated situation. 
 
 The present shortage of the sugar crop is not due to the lack of labor, but it is a 
 direct result of the strike of last year, which affected the growing crop and reduced 
 the production for the present year. 
 
 We call your attention to the fact that under the organic act it is required that an 
 industrial survey of the Territory be held every five years, and we are advised that 
 1921 is the year in which this survey falls due. Any action that our legislature con- 
 templates in this matter should be deferred until after the report of a competent and 
 impartial commission such as would be appointed under the Federal Department of 
 Labor. If such report shows an actual shortage of labor, which is now claimed, then 
 and not now will be the time of devising some adequate and satisfactory remedy. 
 Then, again, we wish to brand this idea of importing Chinese coolies or any other 
 cheap labor from a foreign country as un-American. This Territory is already flooded 
 with orientals; the last census will vouch for this. Our aim is to Americanize this 
 Territory and make it a place where the middleman may earn and keep earning a 
 living wage. To-day we are competing with the Jap, which is bad enough, and if the 
 planters are allowed to flood this Territory with cheap foreign labor we Americans will 
 be compelled to leave here. 
 
 We beg to remain, very respectfully, 
 
 Manuel Souga, President. 
 Paul Gregory, 
 J. H. Mulhall, 
 
 M. GrONDON, 
 
 Ed Blundon, 
 
 Committee. 
 
 Central Labor Council of Honolulu, Hawaii, 
 
 May 2, 1921. 
 Hon. J. I. Nolan, 
 
 House of Representatives, Washington, D. C. 
 Referring to the concurrent resolution passed by the Legislature of the Territory of 
 Hawaii, authorizing the appointment of a so-called labor commission to go to Wash- 
 ington to urge the necessity of importing Chinese coolie labor into the Territory, we 
 beg to present the protest of organized labor in opposition to any such scheme. 
 Our opposition is based upon the following considerations: 
 
 We maintain that there is not at present any serious shortage in the available supply 
 of labor in the Territory and that the representations of the sugar planters to that 
 effect are false and misleading, being based upon data that does not coyer the ground, 
 and that the efforts put forth in behalf of this scheme are for the sinister purpose of 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 279 
 
 creating an oversupply of labor with the end in view of introducing a cheaper sub- 
 atitute for the present labor element and thus inevitably lowering the present stand- 
 ards of living, not only among the Japanese and Filipinos, but among those of the 
 white race and of American nationality. 
 
 The whole wage system of any community is based upon the lowest wages paid 
 to unskilled labor, and a material reduction of the standards of those at the lowest 
 subsistence level must affect the entire structure of our social and economic life. 
 We can not endure to have a virtual system of peonage with all its attendant evils 
 introduced into an already complicated situation. 
 
 The present shortage in the sugar crop is not due to the lack of labor, but it is a 
 direct result of the strike of last year which affected the growing crop and reduced 
 the production for the present year. 
 
 We call your attention to the fact that under the organic act it is required that an 
 industrial survey of the Territory be held every five years, and we are advised that 
 1921 is the year in which this survey falls due. Any further action as the legislature 
 contemplates in this matter should be deferred until after the report of a competent 
 and impartial commission, such as would be appointed under the Federal Depart- 
 ment of Labor. If such report shows the actual shortage of labor which is now 
 claimed, then it will be time to think of de^dsing some adequate and satisfactory 
 remedy. 
 
 To send this commission of labor (so-called) to Washington at this time as the last 
 act of the present session of the legislature would smell too strongly of "undue influ- 
 ence' ' and would bring into the present rather strained situation another element 
 of suspicion and distrust. We state frankly that organized labor will resist to the 
 last any such effort aimed at creating artificial unemployment in the Territory by 
 flooding the plantiations with a horde of coolies. 
 We beg to remain, very respectfully, 
 
 Geo. W. Wright, President, 
 Jos. I. Whittle, 
 J. H. Pascoe, 
 L. S. Lloyd, 
 
 Comrmttee. 
 
 STATEMENT OF MR. ROYAL D. MEAD, HONOLTJLU, HAWAII, 
 REPRESENTING THE HAWAIIAN SUGAR PLANTERS' ASSO- 
 CIATION— Resumed. 
 
 Mr. Mead. There is one further statement I would like to make in 
 connection with this matter before closing my part of it, and that is 
 this: The Hawaiian Sugar Planters' Association, whom I represent, 
 have never instructed me in any way in connection with the work of 
 this emergency labor commission. They have informed me that the 
 commission was organized under a resolution of the Legislature of 
 Hawaii, and that the commission, which has come on here, represents 
 the Territory and all of the employing interests and no special in- 
 terests, by which I take it that whatever I have to say is only my 
 own individual statement, that whatever statements I may make are 
 my own personal statements, and that the Hawaiian Sugar Planters' 
 Association is taking no part in this at all. 
 
 I want to add also that early in this year, in March, I received 
 cable instructions from them to proceed to Porto Rico to recruit 
 3,300 families of agricultural laborers for Hawaii, the labor conditions 
 at that time being very acute. The Porto Rican immigration is going 
 to be a most expensive proposition. The Shipping Board has 
 fixed a rate of $125 as fare for an adult from Porto Rico to the 
 Hawaiian Islands, and I estimate that the families will run approx- 
 imately 3 adults to the family, making 9,900 adults to be sent 
 from Porto Rico to Hawaii. Figuring the cost at $125 per adult, you 
 can see that it will cost the Sugar Planters' Association, in transporta- 
 tion alone, approximately a million and a quarter dollars. That 
 
280 LABOK PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 shows what they are up against, and what they are willing to do in 
 order to save their crops. 
 
 The Chairman. Do you reside in the Hawaiian Islands ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Yes; Honolulu is my home. 
 
 The Chairman. Are you willing to give the committee any observa- 
 tions as to the future of the Hawaiian Islands, in regard to persons 
 there who are nonassimilable people ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Yes; I am willing to make those statements, if the 
 committee desires me to do so. But I will say to you that I believe 
 that is a matter which is more for the commission than for me. I 
 have decided views upon the situation out there, which I have studied 
 a good many years from the standpoint of labor and from the stand- 
 point of population. But it is, perhaps, more a matter for the com- 
 mission than it is for me to discuss with you. Some statements,, 
 perhaps, should not be put into the record. 
 
 The Chairman. The point in my mind is this, that I would like to 
 have this committee have as a matter of record the very statements 
 which so many think should not be for the record. In the House of 
 Representatives I happen to be ranking Republican member of the 
 House Committee on Territories, and in that committee I have 
 learned a good deal about land troubles and Japanese troubles and 
 matters of that kind out in the Hawaiian Islands. 
 
 I am perfectly willing to state for the record that if these questions 
 are left somewhat to the people over there to work out, I think' the 
 control of the Hawaiian Islands is absolutely in danger — that is, the 
 control by the United States. I think it is inevitable, unless we get 
 some legislative action that all of the lands that can be homesteaded^ 
 or at least a large proportion of them, will fall into the hands of 
 American-born Japanese. 
 
 Mr. Box. Would not those lands also be held for the benefit of 
 their racial kindred ? 
 
 The Chairman. Exactly. When the time comes, the Japanese 
 will out-vote the other population. Furthermore, my opinion is that 
 as the Japanese are homesteading the highly cultivated lands, which 
 are the lands used for the raising of sugar, they will themselves 
 organize sugar companies. 
 
 I am not concerned with the statement made here yesterday that 
 there are a limited number of corporations handling the sugar planta- 
 tions. I happen to know that the sugar plantations have to be large 
 or they can not be successfully conducted. I have been hoping that 
 at some time some citizen of the Territory would outline the Japanese 
 problem clearly and carefully. If no one will present the statements 
 which really make the situation acute in Hawaii, that is, the race 
 situation, then I am willing to place before the committee all of the 
 matter that has come into my possession. Those who were members 
 of the committee of inquiry in California last year will remember 
 the statements of Chester Rowell, who had then just returned from 
 Hawaii. Perhaps we shall discuss that phase of it a little later. 
 
 I want to ask you this question: Are you familiar with the wages 
 paid on the sugar plantations in the United States ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Labor in the continental sugar industry is largely 
 seasonal, and wages depend on the section of the country and upon 
 the demand for and scarcity of labor in the locality. No such 
 cond i 1 ns obtain in Hawaii, where fixed wages are paid to laborers^ 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 281 
 
 with certain established perquisites, for continuous labor during the 
 entire year. On account of seasonal conditions of mainland labor, 
 wages vary widely according to locality and time and no reliable 
 estimate is possible. 
 
 The Chairman. The sugar raised in Hawaii has to compete not 
 only with the sugar grown in the United States, but also with sugar 
 grown everywhere else ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. I would not say that the sugar grown in Hawaii com- 
 petes, exactly. Competition is the other way. The competition is 
 on the part of Cuba. When Cuba has an enormous crop, as it has 
 had this year, it adversely affects the continental, the Hawaiian, the 
 Porto Rican, and the Philippine industry. They can raise sugar in 
 Cuba cheaper than it can be raised in any other part of the world. 
 
 The Chairman. I understood you to say you thought I meant the 
 beet-sugar industry. I mean plantations in other parts of the United 
 States as well. 
 
 Mr. Mead. The only place on the continent where they raise any 
 quantity of cane sugar is in Louisiana. The Louisiana conditions 
 this year are well nigh hopeless. 
 
 The Chairman. Why ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. They have had a bad year. They have had a very 
 cheap price of sugar. Their costs have always been higher than those 
 in any other sugar-producing country I know of, and they are really 
 in a bad condition. 
 
 The Chairman. You are coming to the point I am trying to bring 
 out; that is to say, the cost of producing sugar in Louisiana is 
 high 
 
 Mr. Mead (interposing) . Very high. 
 
 The Chairman. Are the labor costs high? 
 
 Mr. Mead. I do not know that their labor costs are so high. They 
 were last year. Just what they are this year, I do not know. 
 
 The Chairman. The sugar growers in Louisiana could not pay more 
 for common labor than is paid in Hawaii and hope to compete with 
 the Hawaiian sugar growers ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. No. 
 
 The Chairman. And Hawaii can not pay more for common labor 
 on its sugar plantations and hope to compete with Cuba ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. No; that could not be done. 
 
 The Chairman. How do the prices range for common labor on the 
 sugar plantations, as between Cuba and Hawaii? 
 
 Mr. Mead. As between Hawaii and Cuba, I think at the present 
 time they are about on a par. During the harvesting season in Cuba 
 I think they pay their labor more than w^e pay ours. But that is 
 purely seasonal labor, and it does not cost anything in addition to the 
 mere wage. They do not house the labor down there, they do not 
 keep the labor on their plantations all the time. They employ labor 
 there during the time when they need the laborers. While, for a few 
 months in the year they may be receiving slightly higher wages than 
 the same class of labor in the Hawaiian Islands, the average during 
 the year is more in favor of Hawaii than Cuba. 
 
 The Chairman. The cost of carrying that labor in Hawaii would 
 make it cost more than the Cuban labor ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Considerably more. Of course, there are other condi- 
 tions which exist in Hawaii that do not exist in Cuba. Cuba has 
 
282 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 practically none of the big problems that we have in Hawaii; none 
 of the expensive problems that we have in Hawaii. 
 
 The Chairman. Hawaiian sugar is on the free list, and always has 
 been? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Yes; for many years. 
 
 The Chairman. And Cuban sugar is not on the free list? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Cuban sugar, up to this year, paid a duty of 1 cent a 
 pound. The emergency tariff raised that duty to 1.6 cents per 
 pound, and immediately after that increased tariff went into effect 
 the price of sugar dropped. 
 
 Mr. Box. Is not the duty on Cuban sugar the same as that from 
 other countries, less 20 per cent ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. The full duty is 2 cents a pound, and the Cubans have 
 a preferential of 20 per cent. There is practically no full-duty sugar 
 coming into the United States 
 
 The Chairman, Let me go back to the subject we were discussing 
 a few moments ago and ask you a few questions in reference to Porto 
 Rico. Is much sugar raised in Porto Rico ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Porto Rico raises about 500,000 tons. 
 
 The Chairman. What is the population of Porto Rico ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. The population of Porto Rico is 1,300,000 people, 
 living on an island containing less than 4,000 square miles. They 
 have a very extensive tobacco industry there which this year has 
 been very hard hit. They have not sold a pound of tobacco that was 
 raised this year, and a very large part of last year's crop has come 
 back to them because of its inferior quality. Their fruit industry 
 has no market and a number of the regular ships have been laid up. 
 Hundreds of tons of fruit is rotting on the ground. I have never 
 seen anyconditions in any country worse than those in Porto Rico 
 at the present time. The people are depressed, and they are in a 
 very bad way. The island raises less of agricultural products in 
 actual tonnage than Hawaii does. Hawaii produces 100,000 tons of 
 sugar more than Porto Rico; last year we packed 150,000 tons of 
 pineapples, and in actual tonnage production Hawaii exceeds the 
 total production of Porto Rico, and we have one-fifth of the total 
 population of Porto Rico. 
 
 The Chairman. What is the situation as to area? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Most of the island of Porto Rico is practically in culti- 
 tion. They raise their tobacco up in the mountains. 
 
 The Chairman. What is the wage paid for common labor in Porto 
 Rico? 
 
 Mr. Mead. The highest day wage I found to be paid on the planta- 
 tions there was 70 cents a day. The wage which the men with whom 
 I talked told me they were getting was 40 cents a day. 
 
 The Chairman. Is there any housing of labor down there? 
 
 Mr. Mead. No; they do not have to house their labor in Porto 
 Rico. Some of the American corporations have gone in for housing 
 to a limited extent, but there is no such thing down there as we have 
 in Hawaii, so far as housing is concerned. They do not have to do 
 it. When they want some laborers, all they have to do is to send 
 word down to the village that they want a certain number of laborers, 
 and they can get them very easily in that way. 
 
 The Chairman. Of what nationality is the common labor in 
 Porto Rico ? 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAIL 283 
 
 Mr. Mead. I presume their original stock was that of the Caribbean 
 Indians. Of course, they are mixed with the Spanish and Haitians. 
 There is considerable of a mixture down there; some of the people 
 are very blagk while others are as white as you and I. 
 
 The Chairman. The Haitian is black? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Yes. There has been a considerable mixture. The 
 original Porto Rican was of the West Indian stock. 
 
 The Chairman. In their field work, do they dress as the people in 
 Hawaii? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Yes; about the same. The Porto Rican does not pay 
 much attention to his dress. He wears trousers and a shirt, and 
 that just about covers him. 
 
 The Chairman. What do the laborers in the Hawaiian Islands 
 wear ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. They wear dungarees— overalls — while working. In 
 •comparing conditions in Porto Rico with the conditions in Hawaii, 
 the only thing anyone could say is that in Porto Rico they are still 
 in the dark ages. 
 
 The Chairman. Porto Rico is an insular possession of the United 
 States, and Hawaii is a Territory ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Yes, sir; Porto Rico is an insular possession. They 
 wish to have independence, as I understand it, with a United States 
 protectorate; other than that, perhaps they wish statehood. 
 
 Mr. Box. Have you in mind the quantity of sugar produced in 
 continental United States ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. The total production of beet sugar in the United States, 
 Toughly, is a million tons. The production in Louisiana, of course, 
 varies. There they run as high as 300,000 tons. 
 
 Mr. Box. Between 250,000 and 300,000 tons ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Yes. Of course, they have bad years down there; 
 they have gone as low as 100,000 tons. 
 
 Mr. Box. I understand. 
 
 Mr. Mead. The Louisiana people produce what they call clarified 
 sugar that goes directly into consumption, and this and the proximity 
 to market has saved the industry. 
 
 Mr. Box. Your production in Hawaii is about 600,000 tons ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. It runs from 550,000 tons — I think the highest crop 
 ive ever had was about 630,000 tons. 
 
 Mr. Box. The United States produces about a million tons ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Of beet sugar; yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Box. Your production is a little over half of the amount pro- 
 duced in the United States ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. It is about half of the beet-sugar crop. 
 
 Mr. Box. I was talking about the entire production. 
 
 Mr. Mead. I think the amount of the entire continental production 
 is about 1,300,000 tons. 
 
 Mr. Box. Then, your production in Hawaii would be a little less 
 than one-half of the total production in the United States ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Box. You spoke of what you had to pay as the cost of taking 
 Porto Rican labor from Porto Rico to Hawaii. I think you said it 
 cost $125 per head? 
 
 Mr. Mead. It costs SI 25 per adult fare; yes, sir. 
 
284 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAW All! 
 
 Mr. Box. How many did you figure on taking from Porto Rico to 
 Hawaii ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. The Planters' Association has instructed me to get 
 3,300 famihes. That was their original order, and th^y have not 
 amended it. 
 
 Mr. Box. If you count three to a family that would be practically 
 10,000 people? 
 
 Mr. Mead. It would mean practically 10,000 adults. It would 
 be more than that in the total number of people. 
 
 Mr. Box. And the original cost for their passage would be some- 
 thing like $125,000? 
 
 Mr. Mead. The cost of the 9,900 adults would be over $1,000,000. 
 
 Mr. Box. How would you protect yourself in the collection of that 
 money ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. In the collection of that money ? 
 
 Mr. Box. Yes; you could not give it away. 
 
 Mr. Mead. We have never yet, in any of our immigration dealings, 
 deducted anything from the wages of laborers for transportation. 
 From the time they leave their homes until they get to work in Hawaii 
 they have no expense. 
 
 Mr. Box. That is a general charge against the industry which gets 
 the benefit of their labor ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Box. It is not a charge against them ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. It is not, and never h<as been. 
 
 The Chairman. When these men are freed of that expense which 
 is carried by the sugar industry, if, after a short space of time they 
 should go to the pineapple orchards, you can not stop them doing 
 that? 
 
 Mr. Mead. We can not stop them. But they are adding to the 
 general labor population of the Territory, which is a desirable thing 
 at the present time, as well as the idea of getting labor there for the 
 sugar industry. 
 
 The Chairman. Have you been successful in bringing in Portu- 
 guese lately ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. We have had no Portuguese recently; that immigration 
 stopped in 1913. 
 
 The Chairman. In those days you were permitted, as a Territory, 
 to seek labor ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. There was a provision in the immigration law which 
 permitted States, Territories, and the District of Columbia to adver- 
 tise inducements which such State or Territory or the District of 
 Columbia might offer to laborers in foreign countries. That provi- 
 sion was omitted in the immigration law in 1917. 
 
 Mr. Box. That related to the inducing of immigration and did it 
 not affect the question of custody or peonage service ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. No; we have never brought in, under any conditions, 
 any contract labor. But we have been very successful under that 
 provision of the law in getting people; at least, the Territory was 
 successful. There was nothing in that law which would prevent 
 people going from Hawaii to the mainland. 
 
 Mr. Box. What did the people of Portugal do with reference to 
 staying with you or going to California ? 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWATF. 285 
 
 Mr. Mead. A great many of them, as soon as they acquired the 
 cost of steerage transportation from Hawaii to Cahfornia, got out 
 of Hawaii and went to Cahfornia. 
 
 Mr. Box. Where did most of them go ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. To Cahfornia. If there could be a provision in the 
 immigration law allowing us, as we have done, to induce people to 
 go to Hawaii, and to advertise our inducements and pay their passage 
 to Hawaii, and, in addition to that, a provision so that if a passport 
 is issued to a man to go to Hawaii that passport shall not be usable 
 for that man to go to the continental part of the United States, then 
 we would have, during the five-year period in which he may apply 
 for naturalization, time to anchor him there as a part of the perma- 
 nent population. I believe the only hope that we have of settling 
 a permanent white population in Hawaii depends upon some provi- 
 sion which would give us time to make them permanent citizens. 
 
 The Chairman. Is that not a far better plan for this committee 
 to be considering than the plan now before us. 
 
 Mr. Mead. It in a better plan as endeavoring to seek a permanent 
 white population for Hawaii. The matter before the committee, 
 however, as I understand it, is an emergency proposition to meet 
 an emergency which exists in the labor situation. 
 
 The Chairman. The emergency exists now ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Yes. 
 
 The Chairman. You could not hope for this legislation short of 
 several months. I can not see how an emergency would be recognized 
 as so much more acute than it might be in California or Florida as to 
 make it an emergency sufficient to attract the attention of the Mem- 
 bers of the House and Senate, and with the certainty in my mind that 
 the last piece of legislation that would be touched by this or any 
 future Congress is the Chinese exclusion act. 
 
 Mr. Mead. I am sorry to hear you say that, because I really be- 
 lieve that the emergency is such that there must be congressional 
 legislation to help out the situation. That is the way I feel about it. 
 
 The Chairman. I say that in my capacity as a Member of the 
 House from a Pacific Coast State. We have the Japanese problem 
 the same as you have, and as I see it, if at the time we passed the 
 Chinese exclusion act we had made it an oriental exclusion act we 
 would be free from our present problem. 
 
 Mr. Box. As I understand 3'our statement, in answer to an in- 
 quiry made by Chairman Johnson, any plan you adopt will, in order 
 to have any chance to succeed, have to carry with it something that 
 will confine them to the Hawaiian Islands ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. That is, something which mil confine them to the 
 Hawaiian Islands while they are aliens: yes, sir. I would not, of 
 course, advocate anything that would say that any citizen could 
 not move. If we could have them there during the period of natur- 
 alization, while they are aliens, and could have time to anchor them 
 there and improve their conditions so that they would not want to 
 move, I think it would be a very desirable thing. 
 
 I have discussed this matter with other Members of Congress, and 
 I prepared, at one time, a provision which could become a part of 
 the immigration law, if the committee wanted to do that, which I 
 think would cover the situation. 
 
286 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 The Chairman. We would like to have you submit that, if you. 
 have it. 
 
 Mr. Mead. You mean submit it now? 
 
 The Chairman. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Mead. I will be glad to submit that to you. 
 
 The Chairman. This brings us to the discussion of a subject which 
 we hear talked about all the time, and in regard to which a great deal 
 of mail comes to the committee. It is a subject which lecturers are 
 discussing, and chambers of commerce are advocating all the time, 
 under the indefinite terms of selective immigration and placement. 
 I have never been able to figure out how distributed immigration 
 could be anchored. 
 
 Mr. Box. That means one thing in the mind of one writer and 
 another thing in the mind of another, and when you come down to 
 the final analysis of it you will find they are speaking from the stand- 
 point of their own interests and their own local situation, and the 
 kind of selection they would make would be to select the people who- 
 are adapted to their work and their environment, and not for the 
 education and development of citizens. When somebody else goes 
 to select immigrants you will find that they want them for some 
 particular trade or work, like the people who wanted 5,000,000 on the 
 eastern border. That is what half of the talk about selective immi- 
 gration means with the sugar producers in the United States. 
 
 The gentleman has just stated a fact in reference to a condition 
 where the sugar beet growers are getting their laborers under a 
 dispensation which I do not think was legal. It is a big question. 
 I think these gentlemen have brought a big question to us and I 
 think they are entitled to our best consideration. I think it is a 
 mighty serious thing, as the chairman's questions would indicate. 
 
 The Chairman. You mentioned the present form of passport con- 
 trol in Hawaii. I want to ask you about that. I judge that any 
 alien in Hawaii with a passport from some other country is limited 
 in the use of that passport to the Territory of Hawaii ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Yes; under a presidential proclamation I think it is 
 limited now entirely to orientals. You are familiar with the pass- 
 port provision in the immigration law. It says that ''Whenever 
 the President is satisfied that passports issued by any foreign gov- 
 ernment to a citizen to go to any country other than the United 
 States or to any insular possession of the United States or to the 
 Canal Zone, are being used for the purpose of enabling the holder& 
 to come to the continental territory of the United States to the 
 detriment of labor conditions therein, it is made the duty of the 
 President to refuse to permit such citizens of the country issuing 
 such passports to enter the continental territory of the United 
 States from such country or from such insular possession or from the 
 Canal Zone." The President's proclamation was issued in 1913; it 
 is confined to orientals. 
 
 The Chairman. Since that enactment, as a result of the war, we 
 have enacted other passport legislation and now require all aliens to 
 come to the United States to have passports from their country 
 viseed, and I was wondering whether a man living in Hawaii, coining 
 from Sweden with a passport, could then move on to the United 
 States ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. I could not tell you that. 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 287 
 
 The Chairman. He could with a vise, I presume ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. I presume so. 
 
 Mr. Box. Is there not some special arrangement by which labor 
 has been carried to Panama ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. There was some special Panama legislation on that 
 subject. They took a great many people from Jamaica, from the 
 Virgin Islands, and other West Indian islands to Panama, but most 
 of them, I think, have left. 
 
 Mr. Box. There were provisions that kept them out of continental 
 United States ? 
 
 ^ Mr. Mead. There were provisions that kept them out of con- 
 tinental United States. 
 
 Mr. Box. What became of them later ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. They were repatriated, as I understand it. 
 
 The Chairman. Taken back, or called back ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Well, they were taken back. 
 
 Before reading this provision, which I had suggested could be 
 inserted in the immigration law, I should like to say that between /' 
 1906 and 1914 a total of 15,012 Portuguese, Spanish, and Russian 
 meii, women, and children were brought to the Territory of Hawaii 
 by the Government thereof. This was done under the provision of 
 the law allowing assistance of immigration by State boards with 
 funds raised by public taxation. Agents of the Territory cooperated 
 with Federal officials in the selection of agricultural families. The 
 total cost of assisting these people to the Territory was approxi- 
 mately $1,250,000. 
 
 During that same period, from 1906 to 1914, a total of 12,041 men, 
 women, and children of the same nationalities, Portuguese, Spanish, 
 and Russians, left the Territory, and from 1914 to 1919, inclusive^- 
 5,912 more left the Territory, none having coine in except a few 
 coming back from California. The people who came from 1906 to 
 1914 amounted in total figures to 15,012, and the people who left 
 amounted in total figures to 17,953. 
 
 Mr. Box. Then it would appear that heretofore your efforts to get 
 immigrants have resulted in the dumping of that very element on 
 the continental United States ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Very largely so. We have done everything we could 
 to hold them, but the lure of California has been too great for them. 
 You can not blame them for that. 
 
 The Chairman. In view of the fact that there is a great amount of 
 unemployment in the United States now, particularly among a great 
 many of the colored population who were attracted north by reason of 
 the war wages, so much unemployment that in Chicago to-day there 
 are 20,000 or 30,000 Negroes out of work, would you be able to get 
 that kind of labor ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. I doubt very much whether they would go out there. 
 I very seriously doubt whether they would go there to work in the 
 cane fields. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. I know more about Negro labor than almost anything 
 else. These Negro laborers will not mix with Asiatics or any other 
 foreign population. 
 
 Mr. Mead. There have been efforts made to get Negroes, but they 
 have not been successful. 
 
288 LABOR PEOBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. The American white man is the only man the Negro 
 wants to cooperate with, and it is impossible to get him to do that 
 with anybody else. If you had 15,000 or 20,000 down there with 
 people who knew how to handle them, you might keep them there, 
 but the other proposition is impossible. 
 
 Mr. Mead. Yes; that is true. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Have you tried Hindus ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. No; there were a few Hindus who came in there. I 
 think they came from British Columbia, but there were only a very 
 few of them. We could not recruit Hindus, of course. I am told 
 that 227 of them came in 1910, but they got out rapidly. 
 
 The Chairman. The Hindu, as a matter of fact, is in the barred 
 zone. 
 
 Mr. Raker. I mean before the barred zone went into effect. 
 
 Mr. Mead. All the efforts in the Territory of Hawaii to get labor 
 liave been directed to getting white labor. There has never been 
 any effort on the part of the Territory to get anything but white 
 labor to build up the citizen population. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Did the Hindus who went to Hawaii remain there 'i 
 
 Mr. Mead. No. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Most of them went to California ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Most of them went to California. They are particu- 
 larly in the northern part of the State, in the lumber country. 
 
 The Chairman. We will be very glad to have you give us your 
 suggestion of the amendment you referred to awhile ago. 
 
 Mr. Mead. This is my suggestion of an amendment which could 
 Le inserted in the law in its proper place, as a proviso : 
 
 Provided, That any alien laborer, skilled or unskilled, not having become a citizen 
 of the United States, who has gone to any foreign country or to any insular territory 
 or possession of the United States or Canal Zone under a passport issued by his govern- 
 ment, permitting him to proceed thereto, shall not be allowed to enter the continental 
 territory of the United States from such foreign country, insular territory or possession 
 of the United States or Canal Zone. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. Will you read that again ? 
 Mr. Mead. This suggested proviso reads : 
 
 Provided, That any alien laborer, sldlled or unskilled, not having become a citizen 
 of the United States, who has gone to any foreign country or to any insular territory 
 or possession of the United States or Canal Zone under a passport issued by his govern- 
 ment, permitting him to proceed thereto, shall not be allowed to enter the continental 
 territory of the TJnited States from such foreign country, insular territory or possession 
 of the United States or Canal Zone. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. That would apply to those aliens who have adopted 
 United States citizenship as well as those who have not ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Under this provision any alien who goes to Hawaii, to 
 an insular territory or the Canal Zone would not be permitted to go 
 into the continental territory of the United States under a passport 
 which entitles him to go to any one of those places. 
 
 The Chairman. You would not think that would run counter to 
 our treaties ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. No; it is a passport issued by his government to him. 
 
 Mr. Raker. You would make that general, applying to all people ? 
 
 IVir. Mead. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Raker. You would put no restriction on it? 
 
 Mr. Mead. As far as the Japanese and Chinese are concerned, no — 
 it would not be necessary. This provision would be merely supple- 
 mental to the present immigration laws, not amendatory. 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 289 
 
 Ml*. Raker. You want people to go to Hawaii who are laborers, 
 skilled or unskilled. Would you make it general, applying to all 
 nationalities ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. I think I would, yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Raker. You would then permit any of the Asiatic laborers to 
 come to Hawaii? 
 
 Mr. Mead. No; that is not my intention at all, under this provision. 
 
 Mr. Raker. That may not be your intention, but that is what that 
 would mean ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. No; I do not think it would, because this does not in 
 any way amend your Chinese exclusion act, and it does not amend 
 the gentleman's agreement as to Japanese 
 
 Mr. Raker. Then you would not have that provision applied to 
 the Chinese so that they might come under that provision ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. My intention in that was to provide a white labor 
 population for Hawaii. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Your idea would be not to permit the Chinamen to 
 come under that provision as those from Porto Rico and elsewhere ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Raker. You would? 
 
 Mr. Mead. I would not permit Chinese to come under that provi- 
 sion. They could not come in under the present laws. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Would you permit Japanese to come in under that? 
 
 Mr. Mead. No ; I would not. 
 
 Mr. Raker. You would exclude the Chinese and Japanese ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. I would. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. From where ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. From Hawaii. My idea in connection with this 
 proposition is simply and wholly that of getting a white population 
 for the Territory of Hawaii. It does not propose to take the place 
 of this emergency immigration legislation at all. It is simply with 
 the idea of trying to get white people to come there and to give us a 
 chance to have them settle there. 
 
 Mr. Raker. In other words, your proposition would be to have 
 people who come to Hawaii, skilled and unskilled labor, from all 
 countries of the world, without any limitation, to remain there as 
 long as they wanted to, but at no time to allow them to come to the 
 continental United States, with the exception of the oriental labor- 
 ers? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Yes, sir. Chinese and Japanese are excluded under 
 the present laws. 
 
 Mr. Raker. That is, including the Japanese and Chinese ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. At no time while they are still aliens to let them come 
 to the United States. I have no intention, and it is clearly stated 
 there, that they shall not be permitted to come so long as they are 
 aliens. This would give us the naturalization period of five yers in 
 which to make conditions in Hawaii so attractive to them that they 
 would remain there and become a part of the white population. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Then, let us put it this way: Your idea would be to 
 allow all nationalities of the world, without any restrictions, skilled 
 and unskilled labor, excepting Asiatic coolie labor from Japan and 
 China, to remain there as long as they wanted to, to become natural- 
 ized if they desire, and when they become naturalized to have them 
 come to the continental United States, but not otherwise ? 
 
 56754— 21— SER 7, pt 1 6 "'■' 'Ml 
 
290 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 Mr. Mead. Yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Now, you have tried to get the nationalties of all 
 countries to the Hawaiian Islands, and up to this time you have 
 practically failed, except in the case of those from Japan and China ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. We have not failed in getting them; no, sir. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Getting them and keeping them ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Getting them and keeping them; yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Then, by this resolution you would not hope to get 
 any other nationalities save and except the Chinese and the Jap- 
 anese ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. We would not hope to get any other but the Chinese 
 and the Japanese ? 
 
 Mr. Raker. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Mead. By this resolution before you ? 
 
 Mr. Raker. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Mead. The resolution is a resolution of the Territory of 
 Hawaii, presented by a commission from the Territory. What 
 their instructions are and what they desire to get is something I do 
 not know about. Personally, I hope they will get the Chinese. 
 
 Mr. Raker. We have to read what is presented to us. Having 
 failed in all the other cases — and I will say you have made a very 
 clear presentation of it and put it to us in a splendid way — there 
 could be no other result of the resolution than to secure otherwise 
 inadmissible Chinese, except that we have them from China. 
 
 Mr. Mead. I believe you have stated it correctly; yes, sir. Asia 
 is the closest place to Hawaii, where there is an available labor supply. 
 It is the only place we can go at the present time and get labor at 
 anywhere near a reasonable cost. In the first place, your immigra- 
 tion laws prohibit us from going to Europe and getting people. 
 
 The Chairman. To get labor ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. To get labor; the cost is prohibitive. Our natural 
 source of supply is Asia, and when we go to Europe we are going to 
 an unnatural source of supply, but we are willing to do it if we are 
 permitted. 
 
 Mr. Raker. The object of this resolution is to secure laborers for 
 Hawaii ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. For a temporary supply to meet an emergency. 
 
 Mr. Raker. You understand that under the resolution now before 
 the committee no Japanese would come in ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Absolutely not, under that. The situation in regard 
 to the Japanese in Hawaii is perhaps well known to all of you. 
 
 Mr. Raker. It has been drawn with that proposition in view ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. The Japanese situation ? 
 
 Mr. Raker. To exclude the Japanese from the Hawaiian Islands ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Absolutely; I think they would not consider getting 
 any Japanese into the islands. 
 
 Mr. White. The terms of the resolution exclude the Japanese, do 
 they not ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Yes; I think so. 
 
 The Chairman. We will discuss that phase of it with the members 
 of the commission. I want to ask you about this paragraph of this 
 proposed amendment to the immigration law to see if my mind is 
 clear in regard to it. I have another angle of it. Following the plan 
 you have suggested, if an alien laborer — skilled laborer — came to the 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HA WAIL 291 
 
 Hawaiian Islands from England with a passport, he would have to 
 stay in the Hawaiian Islands ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Yes; or go back home. He could not go to the conti- 
 nental territory of the United States. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. In other words, if a laborer comes to the Hawaiian 
 Islands, although he may be admissible as an American citizen, he 
 must reside during the entire period of naturalization in the Hawaiian 
 Islands ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Exactly. 
 
 The Chairman. You think that would not interfere with any of 
 our treaties ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. No, sir. If the Government of Great Britain issued a 
 passport to a man to go to Hawaii, it shows that Great Britain does 
 not want him to go anywhere else. 
 
 The ChaiRxMAN. I think it might be all right if it were an insular 
 possession. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. I want to ask you about your statement that when 
 Great Britain issues such a passport to an Englishman it is because 
 the Government of Great Britain does not want him to go anywhere 
 else than to Hawaii. Has not the passport been issued because the 
 man applied for a passport to go to Hawaii ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. That might be the construction of it, but for the pur- 
 poses of getting labor and of getting a population down there you 
 have to look at the practical situation in connection with it. You 
 have to get people who want to stay there and build up that country. 
 They want people who are going to make their homes there. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. If you had this clause in the immigration law that a 
 man shall apply to his government, for instance, Great Britain, to 
 get a passport to go to Hawaii, of course the Government would 
 issue this passport in view of these restrictions; it would have knowl- 
 edge of these restrictions ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. And a man who came to the country would come 
 with a knowledge of the conditions under which he would go to 
 Hawaii ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. His government would know about it and he would 
 know about it. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. Although he might make a good citizen of the United 
 States, your idea would be to retain him in the Hawaiian Islands 
 during the time of naturalization, during the period of five years, in 
 order to pin him to the soil ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. In order to pin him to the soil; in other words, to anchor 
 him there. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Unless there was a positive provision prohibiting a 
 common laborer, who at a certain time went to Hawaii, who was 
 otherwise admissible to the United States, coming to the United 
 States after he had gone to Hawaii, notwithstanding his passport, 
 you could not exclude him from the continental territory of the 
 United States, could you ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Under this provision you could, yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Raker. There would be no law to prevent him, if he got 
 tired out there, from leaving Hawaii ? 
 
292 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 The Chairman. While I have this paper before me I want to 
 read into the record some remarks made by Mr. Mann of Ilhnois 
 during the debate on the immigration suspension bill. Mr. Mann 
 said: 
 
 I think Hawaii is in danger because the great mass of the people who work there are 
 Japanese. They have a very large Japanese population and the children of the 
 Japanese population born there are citizens of the United States. It is highly de- 
 sirable to get the Portuguese or any other European nationality to send their people to 
 Hawaii and let them remain there, and have families there, rear their children there, 
 and become the class who do the work there, instead of compelling the Hawaiians to 
 depend upon the Japanese. It would be easy of course to forbid these people coming 
 to the United States from Hawaii. 
 
 That is from volume 60 of the Congressional Record, No. 5, page 
 136. 
 Then this paper goes on to say: 
 
 There are two precedents for taking such action as suggested by Mr. Mann. Chinese 
 laborers are not allowed to enter any state or territory of the United States from Hawaii. 
 The Immigration Laws of 1907 and the President's proclamation based thereon, keep 
 out of the continental territory of the United States all Japanese or Koreans who have 
 gone to any foreign country or insular possession with a passport permitting them to 
 proceed thereto. You are of course familiar with the provisions referred to which is 
 at the end of section 1 of the act of February 20, 1907. 
 
 The paper further says : • 
 
 It would be highly desirable, for military reasons, if for no other, that immigration 
 into Hawaii from nations other than Japan, be assisted and encouraged, and an oppor- 
 tunity be given to induce such immigrants to remain. We are confident that the 
 military authorities are alive to the situation and will concur in the statements herein 
 made. 
 
 Mr. Box. Where does that come from 'i 
 
 The Chairman. That is from a statement prepared in advocacy of 
 some kind of relief. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Take the statement that has been read. The propo- 
 sition there is not what was contemplated by what you presented 
 just now before the committee ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. No; this was entirely outside. This was simply my 
 own personal idea of the way it could be done. 
 
 Mr. Raker. It is perfectly clear. 
 
 The Chairman. We have a right to consider any substitute, and 
 have it explained. 
 
 Mr. Mead. This is not a substitute. This is merely my own idea 
 of the way in which you can acquire a permanent white population 
 for Hawaii. It is not a proposition in any way to meet the present 
 conditions that exist in Hawaii. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Your idea would be that with certain restrictions as 
 to health and other conditions, the bars are thrown down for immi- 
 gration to Hawaii from all countries of the world, save and except 
 Japan and China, and that after they get there they should remain 
 there and not be permitted to come to the United States for five 
 years; you think that would be a good thing ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. I would not say from all countries of the world. 
 
 Mr. Raker. What would you exclude ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. All of Asia. I would exclude anything but Europe. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. In other words, under this proposed amendment to 
 the immigration law, the people who would go to Hawaii would be 
 the same people who can immigrate to the United States now ? 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAW AIL 293 
 
 Mr. Mead. Exactly. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. From the same territory? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. Would it be your intention in doing that to remove 
 the restrictions in the immigration law relative to the literacy test ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Yes; you would have to remove the restrictions of the 
 literacy test, so far as the kind of people we would want to come are 
 concerned. The literacy test operates to bar pretty nearly all agri- 
 cultural people. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. In other words, your idea would be to have practi- 
 cally an unlimited opportunity to emigrate to Hawaii from European 
 countries, under the restrictions that the passport upon which a man 
 came must hold him there during all the period and processes of 
 naturalization ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Raker. In other words, let us put it this way. With the same 
 restrictions now in the immigration law, under the act of 1917, with 
 the exception of the literacy test, you would exclude all Asiatic 
 laborers, allowing it to apply generally to Hawaii, and you think that 
 would meet'your situation, do you? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Hardly. There would have to be other exceptions. 
 You would have to permit us to assist them and to advertise the in- 
 ducements we offer to them. You would have to amend your pro- 
 visions for a literacy test. 
 
 Mr. Raker. I eliminated that. 
 
 Mr. Mead. We would have to be allowed to assist them, and the 
 literacy test would have to be eliminated that we may get them. 
 The agricultural people that we want to come are poor people. They 
 are illiterate and they have to be assisted. But I tell you the second 
 generation of the Portuguese we have brought in make just as good 
 American citizens as you find anywhere in the United States. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Let us get your statement fully. First, you would 
 eliminate the literacy test. You would eliminate the provision which 
 prohibits advertising abroad, and third, you would give them assist- 
 ance ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. And I would include also the payment of their passage. 
 You would still keep the contract-labor provision in there. 
 
 Mr. Raker. And then exclude the orientals ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. You are already excluding them. 
 
 Mr. Raker. You would also put a provision in that they should 
 not within five years enter the continental territory of the United 
 States ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. While they are aliens they could not enter the conti- 
 nental territory of the United States. 
 
 Mr. Raker. While they are aliens those people should not enter the 
 continental United States — you think that would meet your situation ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. That would meet the situation for a permanent popu- 
 lation. It would not meet the situation at the present time. It 
 would be an experiment perhaps, but one worth trying. 
 
 The Chairman. You are familiar with the general movement in 
 central Europe to get out of that part of the world, and you are famil- 
 iar with the fact that a large portion of those people want to leave 
 central Europe and come into the United States or go to South America ? 
 
294 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HA WAIL 
 
 Mr. Mead. Yes; I have heard of it. 
 
 The Chairman. Do you not think that will be of some assistance 
 in your permanent population proposition i 
 
 Mr. Mead. I do not. 
 
 The Chairman. You do not think they would be lured to go to 
 Hawaii and have to stay there five years before coming on to the 
 United States ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. I do not think they are the kind of people we want to 
 get in Hawaii. The people that I would personally prefer would be 
 the people from Portugal, from the Azores, and irom the Madeira 
 Islands, and perhaps from the northern part of Italy. 
 
 The Chairman. If we undertake to enact such amendment, Hawaii 
 would be open to all people who could get passports to Hawaii, would 
 it not ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. They would not go because they could not, owing to the 
 fact that transportation from Europe to Hawaii is a very expensive 
 proposition. 
 
 The Chairman. If people from central Europe, upon failing to get 
 passports to the United States directly, can go to Vera Cruz, leave the 
 ship there, and then take the railroad for a thousand mileg or so across 
 the Mexican border, and then find their way to St. Louis or New 
 York, they could become American citizens under that, could they 
 not ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. If they ever got as far as California they would not 
 want to go any farther. 
 
 The Chairman. If the way was open by which, without all that 
 expense, they could go directly to Hawaii, they could go there and 
 locate for five years ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. In theory they could, but in practice they would not. 
 
 Mr. Raker. You have your statistics all there before you, or you 
 can get them from your assistant. Can you give to the committee, 
 briefly, the production of sugar in tons and the value of that sugar in 
 1890, and from that year down to the present time ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Yes, sir; I can give you that, although I am not sure 
 that I can give you the value. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Give us what information you have along that line, 
 or go as far back as you can. 
 
 Mr. Mead. You want to go back as far as 1900 ? 
 
 Mr. Raker. Go back, say, 10 years. 
 
 Mr. Mead. I can give you the Hawaiian sugar crop from 1911 to 
 1920, in tons, showing the production upon each plantation in Hawaii, 
 by years, from 1911 down. **^ 
 
 Mr. Raker. What was the production in 1911 ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. The production in 1911 — and this is all in short tons, 
 2,000 pounds for the ton — was 566,821 tons. 
 
 Mr. Raker. And the value ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. The value you would have to get from the customs 
 statistics; I do not have it. In 1912 the production was 595,258; in 
 1913, it was 546,798; in 1914 it was 617,038; in 1915 it was 646,455; 
 in 1916, it was 593,483 tons: in 1917, it was 644,574 tons — that was | 
 a banner crop — in 1918 it was 576,842 tons; in 1919 it was 603,583 
 tons ; in 1920 it was 556,871 tons. I can get you the production from 
 1900 if you desire it. 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 295 
 
 Mr. Raker. You might give that to us. 
 
 Mr. Mead. Mr. Weeber can give those figures to you. 
 
 STATEMENT OF MR. CHARLES F. WEEBER, SECRETARY OF 
 THE HAWAII EMERGENCY LABOR COMMISSION. 
 
 Mr. Weeber. The production in the year 1900 was 289,544 tons 
 of sugar; the production in 1901 was 360,036 tons; the production 
 in 1902 was 355,611 tons; the production in 1903 was 437,931 tons; 
 the production in 1904 was 367,475 tons; the production in 1905 was 
 426,248 tons; the production in 1906 was 429,231 tons; the produc- 
 tion in 1907 was 440,317 tons; the production in 1908 was 521,123 
 tons; the production in 1909 was 535,156, and the production in 1910 
 was 518,127. Mr. Mead has given you the production by years from 
 1911 to 1920. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Can you give to the committee the same data relative 
 to the pineapple production from 1900, giving us the gross production ? 
 
 Mr. Weeber. The production of pineapples, by years, since and 
 including 1910, is as follows: 
 
 Cases. I Cases- 
 
 1910 650, 000 I 1916 2, 609, 483 
 
 1911 730, 000 1917 2, 607, 031 
 
 1912 1,313,363 , 1918 3,847,315 
 
 1913 1.667,122 ! 1919 5,071,976 
 
 1914 2, 268, 781 1920 5, 978, 182 
 
 1915 2,669,616 | 
 
 Mr. Raker. I would like to have, for the benefit of the committee, 
 the gross production of coffee and rice for the same pt'.riods. 
 
 Mr. Weeber. Coffee was exported, by years, since and including 
 1910, as follows: 
 
 Bags of 100 
 pounds. 
 
 1910 23,656 
 
 1911 28,789 
 
 1912 16,182 
 
 1913 27,955 
 
 1914 32,146 
 
 1915 24,266 
 
 Bags of 100 
 pounds. 
 
 1916 27,661 
 
 1917 11,709 
 
 1918 39,833 
 
 1919 28, 042 
 
 1920 16,316 
 
 1921 to date '..... 17, 257 
 
 In addition to the coffee exported, a much smaller quantity, which 
 it is impossible to estimate, is consumed in the Territory. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Can you give us the same figures for rice production ? 
 
 Mr. Weeber. No, sir. Hice is produced in the Territory by inde- 
 pendent growers, most of whom are Chinese. This same statement 
 is true of the rice produced in the past 20 years, and there are no 
 compiled figures to show the production by years during that time. 
 In 1904, however, there were practically 9,000 acres of rice land under 
 cultivation, producing approximately 4,600 pounds of rice to the acre, 
 making a total production of about 414,000 bags of 100 pounds each. 
 In 1920 there were some 2,800 acres of rice land under cultivation, 
 producing only about 168,000 bags of the same weight, a reduction 
 of 59.2 per cent. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Can you furnish us with the number of laborers em- 
 ployed by years in the sugar, pineapple, coffee, and rice industries ? 
 
296 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 Mr. Weeber. The number of laborers employed in the sugar 
 industry, by years, since and including 1900, were as follows: 
 
 Laborers. 
 
 1900 35,040 
 
 1901 39, 587 
 
 1902 42,242 
 
 1903 (1) 
 
 1904 45,860 
 
 1905 45, 243 
 
 1906 41,525 
 
 1907 44, 447 
 
 1908 46,918 
 
 1909 41,702 
 
 1910 43,917 
 
 Laborers. 
 
 1911 45,048 
 
 1912 47,345 
 
 1913 45,600 
 
 1914 46,043. 
 
 1915 45,654 
 
 1916 43,961 
 
 1917 45, 000 
 
 1918 44,708 
 
 1919 45,311 
 
 1920 (May) 43, 371 
 
 1920 (December) 38, 348 
 
 The sugar industry is the only one of the four industries in question 
 in which there has been maintained a central organization which is 
 able to furnish accurate statistics with reference to production and 
 labor. The records of the Bureau of Census are also incomplete so 
 far as segregating the agricultural laborers employed in the coffee, 
 rice, and pineapple industries is concerned. 
 
 In the year 1900, when there was no pineapple industry, census 
 reports show that there were 45,413 farm laborers in the Territory, 
 of which number 35,040 were employed in the sugar industry alone, 
 leaving less than 10,373 for both the coffee and rice industries. In 
 the year 1910 there were 425 farm laborers employed in the coffee 
 industry, 1,962 employed in the rice industry, and 862 listed by the 
 Bureau of Census under the heading of ^^ Orchard and fruit-farm 
 laborers," the pineapple laborers being included in this number. 
 
 Estimates made by the Bureau of Census from preliminary work 
 
 sheets, which are still subject to revision, show that the following 
 
 laborers were employed in the industries in question in 1920: 
 
 In the coffee industry 948 
 
 In tlie rice industry 1, 661 
 
 In the pineapple industry / 2. 917 
 
 These figures are as of the 1st of January, and the total for the 
 pineapple industry does not, therefore, indicate the maximum number 
 employed during the midsummer harvest season, this number being^ 
 estimated at between five and six thousand. 
 
 Mr. Raker. You might give us the names of the concerns engaged 
 in the sugar industry. 
 
 Mr. Weeber. I have those names here. They are as follows: 
 
 On Hawaii: Olaa Sugar Co. (Ltd.), Waiiakea Mill Co., Hilo Sugar 
 Co., Hawaii Mill Co. (Ltd.), Kaiwiki Milling Co., Onomea Sugar Co., 
 Pepeckeo Sugar Co., Honomu Sugar Co., Hakalau Plantation Co., 
 Laupahoehoe Sugar Co., Kaiwiki Sugar Co. (Ltd.), Kukaiau Plan- 
 tation Co., Kukaiau Mill Co., Hamakua Mill Co., Paauhau Sugar 
 Plantation Co., Honokaa Sugar Co., Pacific Sugar Mill, Niulii Mill 
 and Plantation; Halawa Plantation, Kohala Sugar Co., Union Mill 
 Co., Hawi Mill and Plantation, Puakea Plantation, Puako Plantation, 
 Kona Development Co. (Ltd.), Hutchinson Sugar Plantation Co., 
 and Hawaiian Agricultural Co. 
 
 On Maui: Pioneer Mill Co. (Ltd.), Olowalu Co., Wailuku Sugar Co., 
 Hawaiian Commercial & Sugar Co., Maui Agricultural Co., Kaeleku 
 Plantation Co. (Ltd.), and Kipahulu Sugar Co. 
 
 On Oahu: Honolulu Plantation Co., Oahu Sugar Co. (Ltd.), 
 Ewa Plantation Co., Apokaa Sugar Co. (Ltd.), Kahuku Plantation 
 
 1 No figures available. 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAIL 297 
 
 Co., Waianae Co., Waialua Agricultural Co. (Ltd.), Laie Plantation^ 
 Koolau Agricultural Co. (Ltd.), and Waimanalo Sugar Co. 
 
 On Kauai: Lihue Plantation Co. (Ltd.), Grove Farm Plantation, 
 Koloa Sugar Co., McBryde Sugar Co. (Ltd.), Hawaiian Sugar Co.,., 
 Gay & Robinson, Waimea Sugar Mill Co., Kekaha Sugar Co. (Ltd.), 
 Estate V. Knudsen, Kilauea Sugar Plantation Co., Makee Sugar Co.,, 
 and Kipu Plantation. 
 
 The Chairman. There is a representative here of the American 
 Federation of Labor, and before the morning session ends we would, 
 like to have a statement from him. 
 
 STATEMENT OF MR. EDGAR WALLACE, REPRESENTING THE 
 AMERICAN FEDERATION OF LABOR. 
 
 Mr. Wallace. Mr. Chairman, I wish to state that I have sent for 
 some information on this subject to Denver, but it has not yet 
 arrived. I wish you would defer my examination for a day or two. 
 
 The Chair^iax. How long do you think it will take you to get that 
 information; how long do you wish to have your statement deferred ? 
 
 Mr. Wallace. The information will probably be here to-morrow. 
 
 The Chairman. What do you mean when you say ^'information'^ ? 
 Do you mean instructions from the officers ? 
 
 Mr. Wallace. No; it is some information which came to them from 
 Hawaii and which they took wdth them to Denver, which I have wired, 
 for and expect to have here within a day or two. 
 
 STATEMENT OF MR. ROYAL D. MEAD— Resumed. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Now, Mr. Mead, there has been a remarkable increase^ 
 in the production of sugar, in tonnage, since 1900? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Raker. And also a remarkable increase in production in the 
 pineapple industry ? 
 
 ]\lr. Mead. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Raker. There has also been an increase in the number of men 
 employed ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Wages have increased or decreased ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Wages have been on the increase right along ? 
 
 Mr. Raker. From 1900 up 
 
 Mr. Mead. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Raker. In these three industries ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. I can not speak definitely for the pineapple industry; 
 I can speak for the sugar industry. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Taking the other industries, such as peanuts, pota- 
 toes, and the products that you raise there, has there been an increase 
 in the production of those other articles ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. It is a surprise to me they are raising any peanuts 
 down there for export. The only peanuts I have ever seen there 
 were in the back yards. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Well, other agricultural production; has it increased? 
 
 Air. Mead. I believe the production of coffee has increased. I 
 have no accurate information on that, sir, but I think there has been, 
 a general increase in all agricultural products in Hawaii. 
 
298 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 Mr. Raker. And a general increase of the wages, too ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. And a general increase of the wages, too; and a very 
 marked improvement also in the general conditions surrounding 
 labor. 
 
 Mr. Raker. I notice in the census report there are 43 institutions, 
 corporations, that handle the sugar industry in Hawaii, and the report 
 puts it at 100 per cent ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. That is not entirely accurate. The table that has been 
 submitted shows all the producers in the Territory. Altogether there 
 are 56 various organized bodies or individuals producing sugar in 
 Hawaii. 
 
 Mr. Raker. All right. The census report here puts it at 43. 
 
 Mr. Mead. That, sir, I think relates to 43 mills. 
 
 Mr. Raker. I called up the Director of the Census yesterday 
 morning and read this to him and asked him — it says here ''sugar 
 cane." I said, "Does that mean the production of sugar in the field 
 and the handling of it until it is ready to ship ?" and he says that is 
 his understanding. 
 
 Mr. Mead. Well, I took exception to that statement when I read 
 it in that report. 
 
 Mr. Raker. You took exception to it ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Yes, sir; and I wrote to him about it. 
 
 Mr. Raker. I do not know; I am seeking information, that is all. 
 
 Mr. Mead. I wrote to the Director of the Census particularly in 
 regard to that statement, and I think his statement was they were 
 then dealing — I am speaking from memory now — with those who 
 manufacture the sugar, the mills. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Have you the list of the corporations which was read 
 a few minutes ago ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Oh, yes. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Have you any objection to letting that go in the 
 record ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. That has already gone in, the whole list. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Are those practically foreign corporations, so far as 
 Hawaii is concerned ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. No. The great proportion of those, the vast majority 
 of them are all Hawaiian corporations; but there are some California 
 corporations in there. There are no foreign corporations in the 
 sugar business in Hawaii. 
 
 Mr. Raker. I will put it the other way: Most of them interested 
 are nonresidents of Hawaii ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Most of them interested ? 
 
 Mr. Raker. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Mead. Most of them interested are residents. We have no 
 nonresident ownership there to any extent. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Most of the stockholders are nonresidents, then ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. They are nearly all residents of Hawaii. 
 
 Mr. Raker. They are ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. They are; yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Sabath. But there are some California people — ■ — ■ 
 
 Mr. Mead. There are some California people. The Hawaiian 
 Commercial & Sugar Co. is incorporated in California. Honolulu 
 Plantation is owned very largely by San Francisco men. The Maka- 
 weli Plantation is a California organized corporation, and some of the 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. ^ 299 
 
 W. G. Irwin plantations — the old W. G. Irwin plantations^ which are 
 now under the agency of C. Brewer & Co., I do not know just where 
 the control of those plantations is held; I think C. Brewer & Co., a 
 Hawaiian corporation, has purchased the control of one or two of 
 those pantations, but when the Irwin Co. had the agency they were 
 owned very largely in wS.tn Francisco or California. 
 
 Mr. Raker. In regard to your labor strike — were you there during 
 the strike ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. I was. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Now, did I ask you the question — I think not — 
 whether these men who were in this strike were seeking better 
 wages ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. The demands were made, sir, by the Japanese Federa- 
 tion of Labor — the so-called Japanese Federation of Labor. 
 
 The Chairman. Is that affiliated with the American Federation of 
 Labor ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. It is not. They. attempted to affiliate with the Ameri- 
 can Federation of Labor but, to the best of my information, they 
 were turned down. 
 
 The Chairman. It is affiliated, with other labor, into one big union? 
 
 Mr. Mead. It is one big union in Hawaii; it has no affiliations 
 outside of Hawaii. 
 
 The Chairman. It is not affiliated with what we call the radical 
 element of the labor organizations ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. No; not that I know of. The Japanese laborers on the 
 plantations in Hawaii are or were members of the Japanese Federation 
 of Labor, nearly every one of them. The Japanese Federation, an 
 organization of Honolulu, was organized by people who were not 
 laborers; they were school teachers; they were newspaper men and 
 rank agitators. There was not a laborer and there was not a citizen 
 on the directorate of the Japanese Federation; or, at the beginning, 
 as a member of the Japanese Federation of Labor. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Those school-teachers — are they not citizens ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. They are not; no, sir. They are Japanese school- 
 teachers. They are sent to Hawaii usually by the Buddhist Church of 
 Japan, under the auspices of the Japanese Government. I believe 
 their appointments have to be approved by the minister of the 
 interior. 
 
 Mr. Irwin. You are speaking there of the foreign-language schools ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Of the foreign-language schools; the teachers of the 
 Japanese schools. 
 
 Mr. Irwin. They were striking for what? 
 
 Mr. Mead. They demanded higher wages; they demanded a recog- 
 nition of the federation. There were no demands on the part of the 
 laborers on the plantations; the demands were refused by the 
 Hawaiian Sugar Planters' Association, and then the Japanese Federa- 
 tion called out the laborers on the plantations of Oahu. It was not 
 until sometime after they had gone out on strike that any demands or 
 requests were made. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Are they good laborers ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. The Japanese ? 
 
 Mr. Raker. Yes, 
 
 Mr. Mead. If the Japanese wants to work, you can not beat him. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Then what is the matter ? 
 
300 ^ LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 Mr. Mead. The Japanese thought they had us down there; that 
 is what is the matter; they thought we needed them absolutely, and 
 could not get along without them— that was what was the matter. 
 
 Mr. Raker. What do you mean — that the Japanese intended to 
 run the situation in Hawaii ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Well^^ 
 
 Mr. Sabath. Is not that what you always claim about the Japanese 
 in California, Judge Raker ? 
 
 Mr. Raker. I am not on the witness stand, and I beg the gentle- 
 man's pardon. 
 
 Mr. Mead. Well, my views on the situation are perhaps pretty 
 strong. I have had to do with the two different strikes we have had 
 out there of the Japanese, and I have never had any delusions in 
 regard to Americanizing them. 
 
 The Chairman. Your views are the same as those of most of the 
 California people ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. I presume so, although I have not talked much to the 
 Californians about it. But I do not believe there is any prospect of 
 Americanizing them. Without doubt, as a race, the absolute cohe- 
 rence and solidarity of the Japanese is marvelous. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Irrespective of whether they are born in Hawaii or not ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Absolutely, sir. 
 
 Mr. Raker. And that is one of the things you have to contend 
 with ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. That is the big thing we have to contend with. Not 
 only do we have to contend with it from an industrial standpoint, but 
 it is a thing the United States Government has to contend with from 
 a military standpoint. 
 
 Mr. Raker. If they get stronger and more numerous, they will 
 practically control the whole situation so far as the industries and 
 l^bor is concerned in Hawaii ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. They have nearly control of the labor situation out 
 there now. 
 
 The Chairman. Do they go into business in cities like Honolulu ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Yes, sir. 
 
 The Chairman. Open barber shops ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Everything. 
 
 The Chairman. Tailor shops ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Everything. 
 
 The Chairman. Anything — plumbing and carpentering ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Every blessed thing you can think of. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Then it is really sort of a contest between the American 
 white owners and laborers of all kinds, on the one hand, and the 
 Japanese owners and laborers on the other hand ? 
 
 Mr. Sabath. I do not think that question is proper. You know 
 what is in my mind ? 
 
 Mr. Raker. I do not want to make any comments. The judge has 
 so many good things in his mind; if I knew, of course 
 
 The Chairman. You may answer the question. 
 
 Mr. Mead. I would not say there is any contest out there exactly, 
 because the Territory of Hawaii is now and is going to be American; 
 it is going to remain American under any condition and we are going 
 to control the situation out there — the Americans are going to control 
 
LABOK PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 301 
 
 the situation out there; the United States Government is going to 
 control the situation out there. If it becomes so bad that any alien 
 race gets control of the electorate, I expect the Government will step 
 in and form a commission-form of government. 
 
 Mr. Raker. What I mean is in numbers. 
 
 Mr. Mead. There has got to be some offset to the Japanese out 
 there; there is no question about it. 
 
 Mr. Raker. That is what I mean. 
 
 Mr. Mead. They are a constantly growing population. The main 
 object of the Japanese woman is to bear children; that is hdi* pi-rpose 
 in life; there is no question about it. The statistics of population 
 show you the Japanese are increasing very rapidly. 
 
 Mr. Raker. There is an economic situation as between the two 
 races as to which shall dominate in Hawaii at the present time ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. I do not think there is any contest as to who shall 
 dominate; thejwhite race, the white people, the Americans in Hawaii 
 are ^oing to dominate and will continue to dominate — there is no v 
 question about it. There is an economic question as to what we are 
 going to do with those people, as to whether we are going to bring 
 in anything to offset them; that is the question. 
 
 Mr. Free. Do the women work in the fields in Hawaii, the same 
 as they do in California 1 
 
 Mr. Mead. Yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Free. And the children ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. The Japanese children not to any very great extent. 
 I think, Mr. Chairman, that some of these statements should not go 
 into the record. 
 
 The Chairman. I was just about to say I have been advising here 
 with members of the committee and, while this is an open hearing, 
 it may be advisable to strike from this record certain statements. 
 However, the question was before the committee last year, and here 
 it is again. 
 
 Mr. Sabath. Mr. Chairman, I reserve the right, later on, to object 
 to some of the questions asked and to some of the answers given, rela- 
 tive to a matter which I think is not pertinent to the resolution. 
 
 Mr. Raker. This is for the record^ — — 
 
 The Chairman. Just wait a minute. I say now we will run thor- 
 oughly through the hearing, and unless there is objection the chair- 
 man will use his judgment in either striking from the record, or 
 adding to the record, matters presented and under controversy. 
 
 Mr. Raker. They are seeking by this resolution to bring in laborers, 
 evidently Chinese laborers, to come in competition with the Japanese 
 that are there, aAd I suppose we should get all the facts bearing on 
 the matter; and we have put the soft pedal on this matter for years, 
 instead of meeting it as we ought to have met it and saved these 
 people in Hawaii and elsewhere. 
 
 Mr. Sabath. Now, Mr. Chairman, I have always been ready to 
 save the people of Hawaii, and I am also willing to save our Govern- 
 ment from unnecessary complications, and a great many of these 
 questions that the gentleman from California, Mr. Raker, has asked, 
 he knows more about it than any man in this room ; he has lived with 
 the. question and is thoroughly posted on the question. 
 
802 ILABOE PROBLEMS IX HAWAII. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Yes. but 
 
 Mr. Sabath. He knows more about the question than any other 
 man, I think, in this room. It is not that he desires the information; 
 he has the information. I must concede that he is better posted than 
 any one I have ever had the pleasure to meet, on the Japanese ques- 
 tion. We all know his standing and. his position, so it is not neces- 
 sa'ry to rehash it ; and put in the record things that are known to the 
 members of the committee. And I hope that he is not trying to 
 prepai'e a; rec;or.d for some one else, for some outsiders. 
 
 ^he* Chairman. liet me make a statement to the effect that when 
 this committee considers it necessary to discuss certain phases of 
 this question, if that question is properly before this committee, we 
 shall discuss the same. If necessary we can secure authoric^y to 
 send a subcommittee to Hawaii. We can make trouble here by 
 certain disclosures. Questions can be asked in open hearing without 
 doing any good to any one. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Mr. Chairman, may I state this, in conclusion. I feel 
 that my duty as a member of this committee and as a Member of the 
 House, representing a State that has an interest and representing 
 the Government to go thoroughly into this matter ; and I say to you, 
 sir, frankly and candidly, that we have pussy-footed this question for 
 many years. 
 
 Mr. Sabath. What question, sir ? 
 
 Mr. Raker. Whether we should give proper treatment to Hawaii 
 and the other parts of the United States, and to bring out the facts 
 that the American people and the world might know just our attitude; 
 and if we come out boldly and frankly, as a matter of fair dealing 
 with these people, as we ought, with a firm hand instead of a jelly-back 
 proposition, we will get results without any trouble. That is now 
 my attitude publicly and privately expressed and that is the only 
 thing I am trying to do, to the end that we get all the facts before 
 this committee on which to act. It is unquestioned from the testi- 
 mony presented that they are not seeking or can not get any other 
 nationality save and except Chinese, and the question now is ought 
 we not go to the very bottom of the thing. 
 
 Mr. Sabath. If the gentleman is satisfied, there is no use bringing 
 in side issues. I am ready to vote on the resolution now; I have heard 
 enough to satisfy me that they are in need of this labor; and if the 
 gentleman from California is satisfied, what is the use of wasting all 
 this time. 
 
 The Chairman. If there are no more questions, Mr. Mead, we want 
 to thank you for the information and the very good evidence you 
 have given the committee and also for your patience. 
 
 Mr. Raker. I want to thank Mr. Mead for his kind and courteous 
 treatment of myself in the few questions I have asked him. 
 
 Mr. Mead. At any time, Mr. Raker, that you want to go into the 
 Japanese situation in Hawaii with me, I will be ver^^ glad to discuss 
 it with you. > 
 
 Mr. Raker. I am sure you will present it in all frankness. 
 
 The Chairman. Now, who wants to proceed ? Mr. Wallace, if you 
 will give us a little discussion, we would like tohear you on the matter 
 for a few minutes. 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 30^ 
 
 STATEMENT OF MR. EDGAR WALLACE, LEGISLATIVE REPRE- 
 SENTATIVE, AMERICAN FEDERATION OF LABOR. 
 
 The Chairman. Give the stenographer 37^pur name. 
 
 Mr. Wallace. Edgar Wallace, American Federation of Labor. 
 
 The Chairman. And your position with the American Federation 
 of Labor is what ? 
 
 Mr. Wallace. Legislative representative. 
 
 The Chairman. You have heard this discussion ? 
 
 Mr. Wallace. Yes, sir. 
 
 The Chairman. You have read this resolution ? 
 
 Mr. Wallace. Yes, sir. 
 
 The Chairman. Have you any views in regard to the labor situa- 
 tion on the plantations of Hawaii ? 
 
 Mr. Wallace. Mr. Chairman and gentlemen, the conditions that 
 surround the people of Hawaii are very much like those that sur- 
 round the people in other sections of the country. It appears there 
 has not been enough inducements to bring people to that country 
 voluntarily to labor. We did not bring about this Japanese situation; 
 we deplore it; we warned against it. We do not think it would be the 
 part of wisdom to try to change it by bringing in another oriental 
 people in bondage. It can not be called anything else but in bondage. 
 Men will be bound down for five years and then sent back; and if they 
 undertake to return, they must come again in bondage. In my 
 opinion, it is worse than the condition that antedated the revolution 
 in this country, when men were indentured and served out their 
 time and then became citizens of the country — freemen in the 
 country. I do not see anything in this resolution that would prevent 
 them from bringing in Soloman Islanders, man eaters, or any kind 
 of labor that they thought could be handled cheaply. 
 
 The Chairman. Is there anything in the immigration laws of thes 
 United States to prevent these people coming to the United States 
 voluntarily ? 
 
 Mr. Wallace. Which people, the Chinese ? 
 
 The Chairman. The Soloman Islanders. 
 
 Mr. Wallace. I do not know that there is. They would be 
 admitted if they could fulfill the literacy test. 
 
 The Chairman. Forty words. 
 
 Mr. Wallace. Naturally there would be some objections raised. 
 Our objection is that these men should be brought in there as bonds- 
 men. The Japanese labor was a kind of labor that they chose to get 
 in there because that labor was cheap; it was abject, and submitted 
 to anything until they got power and then they became t3n?anical, 
 as I see it — as I understand it now. I recognize that it is a political 
 question as well as an economic question; but I do not think that 
 that question can be remedied by bringing in another problem just 
 like it, another danger just like it — by bringing in other orientals to 
 take the places of those men, possibly cheaper, to displace them and 
 then there will be another danger to the country. 
 
 As I stated to you, Mr. Chairman, when you first asked me, some 
 protests came in to the American Federation of Labor from certain 
 American labor unions on the island in Honolula. They had gotten 
 information that this measure was to be brought up here and they 
 sent this information in to the American Federation of Labor and 
 
304 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 asked us to take care of the situation as near as we could; that is, 
 to present their case before this committee, before the Members of 
 Congress. The convention is on at Denver; they took those papers 
 ivith them to Denver. I have telegraphed for the information that 
 came from Honolulu to us and they are sending it to me by special- 
 delivery letter. When it comes, I would like to present it; in the 
 meantime, if there is anything else, any question that I can answer, 
 I will be glad to do so, but I wish to pause, first, to enter my protest 
 against any system of bond labor to be introduced in any part of 
 the United States or its Territories. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Could I ask you a question right there ? 
 
 Mr. Wallace. Yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Raker. What is your business ? 
 
 Mr. Wallace. I am a coal miner. 
 
 Mr. Raker. What official business do you have with the American 
 Federation of Labor ? 
 
 Mr. Wallace. Oh, I am a representative; that is, it is my busi- 
 ness to appear before such conunittees as this and to try to present 
 our case before such committee. 
 
 Mr. Raker. What I was figuring on and intended to ask you, I 
 thought maybe as you were appearing as the legislative representa- 
 tive you had gone into this matter in a legal way. 
 
 Mr. Wallace. Oh, I am not a lawyer; I am a miner, as I said. We 
 do not pick lawyers for this kind of a job; we generally select some 
 man who has a labor point of view and who represents the interests 
 of the laboring man. 
 
 Mr. Raker. You spoke as if you appeared from a legal standpoint 
 and because of that I was very much interested and was going to 
 ask you to give the committee your view. Have you discussed it 
 with the legal branch of the American Federation of Labor ? 
 
 Mr. Wallace. No, sir. 
 
 Mr. Raker. You think, in substance, the effect of this resolution 
 practically puts these men in bondage or slavery ? 
 
 Mr. Wallace. Absolutely; that is my opinion. I can not read 
 anything else into it. They are there as long as they will submit to 
 a certain contract to work at a certain work, with the fear of being 
 deported if they do not, and we do not know what penalties await 
 them on the other side, if they are deported — we do not know — 
 and I have reason to fear there are penalties on the side from which 
 they come, if they do not fulfill the contract. 
 
 Mr. Maloney. What do you know about the strike of 1920, Mr. 
 Wafiace? 
 
 Mr. Wallace. I do not know anything, except the Japanese 
 federation is not afifiliated with the American Federation of Labor. 
 Its system of unionism is entirely foreign to the American Federa- 
 tion of Labor system of unionism; in other words, it embraces only 
 Japanese. I would class it, really, as a racial organization instead ofj 
 an economic organization. My belief is, if that is worth anything, 
 that it has a racial meaning, a nationalistic meaning, instead of 
 unionism. | 
 
 Mr. Maloney. Has the American Federation any organization in 
 the Hawaiian Islands ? j 
 
 Mr. Wallace. They have organizations of skilled workmen in the 
 cities. 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN PIAWATI. 305 
 
 Mr. Maloney. They have not, as far as the plantations are 
 concerned ? 
 
 Mr. Wallace. On the plantations there are only the Japanese 
 laborers and men of that kind, and they have organized among 
 themselves, I understand from what I hear here, but not through my 
 connection with the American Federation of Labor. 
 
 The Chairman. The Japanese in Honolulu, we will say, go into 
 business: Can they join the American Federation unions there? 
 
 Mr. Wallace. They may. 
 
 The Chairman. That is open to them ? 
 
 Mr. Wallace. That is open to them; if they belong to some craft, 
 they can join that organization as an individual. 
 
 The Chairman. And they probably do that? 
 
 Mr. Wallace. And possibly they do. 
 
 The Chairman. We have had presented for the record this morning 
 two sets of protests from unions in Honolulu. If there were Japanese 
 members there, they would be instrumental in getting those resolu- 
 tions passed ? 
 
 Mr. Wallace. Mr. Chairman, my opinion is — and that is why I 
 wanted to wait on the information — ^that these protests come from 
 distinctly white - dominated unions — unions that are composed 
 largely of Americans, or possibly foreigners who are naturalized 
 Americans, American citizens — and they are not dominated at all 
 by any Japanese on the Island. 
 
 Mr. 'Raker. Mr. Wallace, right there, so that your statement may 
 be clear: It does not make any difference to a man joining the union 
 of the American Federation of Labor whether he is a foreigner or 
 whether he has taken out his first papers, or whether he is naturalized, 
 does it? 
 
 Mr. Wallace. No, sir. We have to take the men such as they 
 are — ^the men who are brought in there and hired. 
 
 Mr. Raker. I inquired yesterday — I wanted to get at the fact and 
 I have not found out — and I was advised by the different ones that 
 an alien, one who had made application for his first papers, or a 
 citizen of the United States, all were permitted to join the unions in 
 the American Federation of Labor ? Is that so ? 
 
 Mr. Wallace. They are permitted to join the union. We have 
 certain unions, the Mine Workers of Ohio, for instance, that make it a 
 provision that while an alien can join the organization he must apply 
 for his first papers as soon as that is possible — as soon as sufficient 
 time has elapsed. 
 
 Mr. Raker. But, generally speaking, an alien is eligible for 
 membership in the unions ? 
 
 Mr. Wallace. Mr. Raker, the employers hire the men. We try 
 to organize them. We do a great deal towards Americanizing them; 
 we try to Americanize them. 
 
 The Chairman. Now, then, when an alien gets to the point, as he 
 might do in Honolulu, where a man who is not eligible to citizenship 
 may apply for membership in the union, have you any rules to pre- 
 vent that, or is that a local matter? 
 
 Mr. Wallace. No; we would consider those men eligible if the 
 employers insist upon employing them. We are going to organize 
 them if we can, so that they shall not come into unfair competition. 
 
 56754— 21— SER 7, PT 1 7 
 
306 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 The Chairman. But what are you going to do when you come ta 
 Seattle, with the Japanese barbers? The white barber is protesting- 
 against the admission and the activities of the oriental barber. The 
 white waiter objects to the oriental waiter, and so on. 
 
 Mr. Wallace. The particular union should have, and has, according- 
 to the American spirit, complete jurisdiction over these cases. 
 
 The Chairman. They can not be controlled by the central labor 
 council ? 
 
 Mr. Wallace. It can not be controlled by the central labor 
 council nor by the American Federation of Labor. 
 
 The Chairman. That is the point I want to bring out. 
 
 Mr. Wallace. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Maloney. That is controlled by the different local unions ? 
 
 Mr. Wallace. It is controlled by the different local unions. 
 
 Mr. Maloney. The union of whichever trade he works at ? 
 
 Mr. Wallace. We might suggest, we might counsel that they 
 should, but we can not say that they shall take in even colored men 
 born in this country. 
 
 Mr. Free. Is it not a fact that some of the unions affiliated with 
 the American Federation of Labor, like the stevedores union, which, 
 has a large Hawaiian membership, have placed themselves on record 
 as in favor of this proposition ? 
 
 Mr. Wallace. Absolutely not. I have never heard of anything; in 
 fact, the protest comes direct from them, and I am instructed to protests 
 
 Mr. Free. From whom does the protest come ? 
 
 Mr. Wallace. From Honolulu, first, and through that Honolulu 
 Federation of Labor to the American Federation of Labor, and we are 
 speaking for both. The American Federation of Labor feels the 
 danger of any such resolution being adopted for any part of the Ter- 
 ritories under the jurisdiction of the United States and, if it is adopted 
 and becomes a law, and they are permitted to bring men in under- 
 such conditions in Hawaii, why under the same supposed emergency 
 they cculd be brought in in Florida or California or any other part 
 of the country. It would be a precedent that would be dangerous; 
 it would be a step backward. 
 
 The Chairman. Does any member want to ask any questions ? 
 
 Mr. Cable. Have you ever been out to Hawaii ? 
 
 Mr. Wallace. No, sir. 
 
 Mr. Cable. You do not know anything about the conditions there ;- 
 that is, how many of these people belong to the unions out there I 
 Can you give us some idea about that ? 
 
 Mr. Wallace. I can not tell you the exact numbers, but in the- 
 cities we have locals of molders and, as was shown here, they have 
 unions of the other skilled trades. 
 
 Mr. Cable. What I want to get at is this: If these Chinese come 
 in, are they going to compete with any men that belong to any of 
 your local unions out there ? 
 
 Mr. Wallace. It would not make any difference; it would estab- 
 lish a system. We would be establishing a system of slavery in 
 countries dominated by the United States. I believe they would, 
 eventually aim to put those men under certain restrictions, and, some 
 way or other, they will get them under that restriction whenever 
 the necessity arises. If some of these sugar planters have other- 
 interests and they have trouble with their men, I do not believe that. 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 307 
 
 they would have any scruples in removmg some of those Chinese into 
 the factories to take the place of the Americans they have. 
 
 Mr. Raker. In other words, if you were to bring enough laborers 
 in to take the place of those who are in the fields now, enough Chinese 
 laborers, it would remove all those now in the fields, drive them out 
 and drive them into the cities to compete with the Americans there 
 in the other industries ? 
 
 Mr. Wallace. It would be a very poor wa}^ of Americanizing the 
 Hawaiian Islands to bring in orientals. Yes, it would have that effect 
 in my opinion; whenever the necessity arose they would use them 
 anywhere that they could be used. 
 
 Mr. Cable. Do 3-ou know whether any of those men who are em- 
 ployed in the fields belong to unions at the present time ? 
 
 Mr. Wallace. It is evident that those Japanese have joined a 
 union of their own. 
 
 Mr. Maloney. Your point is that these people who are employing 
 Japanese over there, that the Japanese were all right with them as 
 long as they could control them; but now that they have gotten out- 
 side of their control, they are beginning to recognize they have some 
 rights as to fixing the conditions under which they work, that now 
 the employers are objecting and want to bring in a class that they 
 can control and also control the conditions under which they work ? 
 
 Mr. Wallace. Absolutel}^^. And, as I said before, it might be 
 South Sea Islanders, and, if there is anything below that, they can 
 choose them — anyone that they can absolutely hold down and have 
 them work under conditions that they wish to impose upon them. 
 
 Mr. Raker. What is the matter with those Soloman Islanders ? 
 That is a new one on me. 
 
 Mr. Wallace. They are a man-eating class. I do not know, but 
 I have read some of Jack London's stories. 
 
 Mr. Free. Don't you think it would be a good thing to let some 
 of them get in there and eat up some of the Japanese ? 
 
 Mr. Wallace. That is my impression. They had this black- 
 birding system among those islanders; they would go to those 
 islands and some chief would sell them a certain number of young 
 men for a certain length of time and he would get a consideration 
 and they would have to go in there and work for a certain length 
 of time and then they would turn them back and so many ijiore 
 would come. That is the system under which they raised copra 
 in the South Sea Islands, according to my reading. 
 
 Mr. Cable. I would like to ask you another question. You are 
 here representing the American Federation of Labor ? 
 
 Mr. Wallace. Yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Cable. You are here in response to a protest filed with the 
 American Federation of Labor ? 
 
 Mr. Wallace. I am here in answer to a protest filed with the 
 American Federation of Labor by the Honolulu Federation of Labor, 
 consisting of the labor unions over there. 
 
 Mr. Cable. What I want to get at is to find out the condition 
 over there in Hawaii and Honolulu, as to who are in back of this 
 ^ protest. Is it the Japanese and the Japanese unions, or employees 
 of the Government, or who ? 
 
308 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 Mr. Wallace. I have not the information here; I have not the 
 originals. 
 
 Mr. Cable. In other words, I want to get the origin of the pro- 
 test, if it is possible. I am not asking you to give away any state 
 secrets. 
 
 Mr. Wallace. No, sir. 
 
 Mr. Cable. But we want to 2:et all the information. 
 
 Mr. Wallace. This is not a secret at all. I was anxious to brin .^ 
 this before the committee, but I do not have the original papers. 
 But here is an answer to Mr. H. N. Tyson, president of the Central 
 Labor Union. 
 
 Mr. Cable. Now, who is Mr. H. N. Tj^son? 
 
 Mr. Wallace. He is not a Japanese. 
 
 Mr. Cable. What does he do out there, do you know? 
 
 Mr. Wallace. He is president of the Central Labor Union; I do 
 not know what else. He is in some trade, no doubt, working. 1 
 have not the information here, and that is why I asked to wait 
 until the papers came. 
 
 Mr. Free. Isn't it a fact that a man by the name of Wright is 
 president and Mr. Tyson is not the president ? 
 
 Mr. Wallace. This is all I have — Mr. Tyson, president of the 
 Central Labor Union. 
 
 Mr. Cable. Can you give us the benefit of the names of those who 
 protested and who they represent ? 
 
 Mr. Wallace. I will bring that here as soon as I get the infor- 
 mation. 
 
 Mr. Cable. I believe it would help the committee in acting fairly 
 in this matter, to find out the source of the objections filed in the 
 resolutions. 
 
 Mr. Wallace. I want to say one thing, that we, as a federation 
 of labor, do not feel called upon to support the nationalistic hopes 
 of any race of people in any part of this country or its Territories. 
 
 Mr. Cable. That is exactly what I want to get at; whether this 
 is a Japanese problem and whether you are in back of it, or whether 
 this is entirely an American Federation of Labor problem. 
 
 Mr. Wallace. Mr. Cable, we protested against the admission of 
 Japs in this country or any of its Territories. They were brought 
 in in spite of our protest as long as they would labor and labor cheap 
 and were obedient and even abject. I want to say this, also, that : 
 if the time comes when we either have to admit any race of people ' 
 into this country or fight, at my age I am willing to take a gun. I 
 am not here representing any foreign race of people or any race of 
 people; I am here to try to protect conditions of labor in America; 
 I am here to protest against slavery in any part of the United States. 
 
 Mr. Cable. You will find this committee unanimous, I think, 
 against importing any labor into this country. 
 
 Mr. Wallace. Or any of its Territories. 
 
 Mr. Cable. We are not against hearing American labor here, but | 
 what we want to find out is whether or not the situation there in | 
 Hawaii is different or not. 
 
 Mr. Wallace. It seems to me that the way for you to correct that 
 situation is not by importing another oriental situation, and under 
 conditions even worse than those under which the Japanese were 
 brought in. 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN" HAWAII. 309 
 
 Mr. Free. What would be your solution of that problem? You 
 realize we have a problem out there ? 
 
 Mr. Wallace. If this industry can not get along without some 
 kind of slave labor, I say it is a parasitic industry. I believe if the 
 inducements there wcrg sufficient men would go there. I see no 
 reason, even in that country, if there are certain advantages in going 
 over there, why they can not advertise those advantages in this 
 country and get a plentiful supply of labor. There are 5;000,000 
 idle men in this country.' 
 
 The Chairman. They would not work on crops in the fields, would 
 they? 
 
 Mr. Wallace. Oh, I do not know; why not? 
 
 Mr. Cable. You would not favor American labor going over there 
 and working for the wages they give, would you? 
 
 Mr. Wallace. Not for the wages they give, but if the wages are 
 good enough, if they could give fair wages, I know of pretty good 
 American citizens who work in the fields. They call them farmers, 
 but they work in the fields. 
 
 Mr. Free. A white man can not work in the fields of that country, 
 can he ? 
 
 Mr. Wallace. My impression has been that when a job becomes 
 a Negro's job, to use that expression, or a Jap's job, why, then, the 
 white man won't work there; and that is the objection they have 
 to going there to work. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Is not that the condition that has occurred in the 
 Western States, that our best young men and women from the 
 schools, during their vacations, went out and picked prunes and 
 gathered up almons and gathered the greater part of the crop of 
 apricots, and then on to the hops, and did that work until the Japs 
 came in, and then the white bo}^ and the white girl would not go 
 out there and work ? 
 
 Mr. Wallace. Of course they would not; why should they? Why, 
 those men were brought in first because they would work cheap ; and 
 then this migratory importation — I have seen men, white men, 
 Americans, driven away from the mines, driven away from the 
 factories by the cheaper labor that was imported. They spread over 
 the country and kept going westward, without homes, without 
 families, until they met the incoming flood, the yellow flood, and 
 they were driven back, and those men have a grouch against the 
 Government. They are called the I. W. W's, and they are nothing 
 but disgruntled men. They have a grouch against the Government 
 and hatred, and I think it is partly justified. 
 . The Chairman. You say they have a grouch? 
 
 Mr. Wallace. I say they have a grouch. 
 
 The Chairman. Their leader. Bill Hayward, seemed to have a 
 graft. 
 
 Mr. Wallace. I have read that, too. 
 
 Mr. Sabath. In what way do you think they are justified in part, 
 when the conditions of the men who labor have been getting better 
 and better and better ? Have they not improved the laboring con- 
 ditions of the American in the last 20 or 30 years ? 
 
 Mr. Wallace. Since organized labor has gotten some hold. The 
 conditions were miserable and the harm was done and the potential 
 family was driven out before organized labor got a chance. 
 
310 LABOR PROBLEMS IIT HAWAII. 
 
 Mr. Sabath. I would grant that the Federation of Labor or united 
 labor has done a great deal to improve the conditions and they have 
 done so especially in the last 30 years. Now, what I desire to ask 
 is, in view of the improved conditions, What reason or justification 
 have these men to have this grouch ? They have been earning more 
 money than ever before; they live better than ever before; they have 
 nearly everything. Of course, here and there there may be some 
 shortcomings. 
 
 Mr. Wallace. Mr. Sabath, I am not a patriarch yet; but I re- 
 member when all of the iron mills, all of the coal mines, most of the 
 textile mills were manned by Americans and the early immigrants. 
 I have seen them driven out from those places until not 1 per cent 
 remain. These men that drifted out into the building of railroads, 
 into the lumber camps of the West, into the quartz mines and new 
 places, they have never married. It is the womanless man, the man 
 who has no stake in the country, that is a menace to this country. 
 He has nothing to lose. And from that kind of people you get all 
 your labor radicals. 
 
 Mr. Raker. We brought in this cheap foreign labor to take their 
 places ? 
 
 Mr. Wallace. To take their places and drove them out of every 
 place. They have no wives; they have no family; they have no plot 
 of ground — they have no stake. 
 
 ^Ii\ Raker. And we do not have to go very far and very many 
 years back ? 
 
 Mr. Wallace. No, sir. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Over in Illinois, less than four years ago, their agents 
 went dov/n South and brought up trainloads of Negroes, with promises, 
 that came to the door where these men worked and went in and took 
 their jobs? 
 
 Mr. Wallace. Absolutely, and drove them out. Those are the 
 radicals. 
 
 The Chairman. That will be all, and when you have that evidence, 
 we will be glad to have it. 
 
 Mr. Wallace. Yes, sir. 
 
 (The committee thereupon adjourned until to-morrow, Friday, 
 June 24, 1921, at 10.30 o'clock a. in.) 
 
 Committee on Immigration and Naturalization, 
 
 House of Representatives, 
 
 WasMngton, June 24, 1921. 
 
 The committee met at 10.30 o'clock a. m., Hon. Albert Johnson 
 (chairman) presiding. 
 
 The Chairman. Your chairman has given some thought to the 
 question raised yesterday that discussion in detail before this com- 
 mittee of various phases of the Japanese problem in Hawaii might 
 not be proper subject matter to come before this committee, and 
 that such discussion of these problems might embarrass the State 
 Department. 
 
 Mr. Raker. I want to go on record as opposed to that statement 
 
 The Chairman. If you will just wait a minute. 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 311 
 
 The cliairman has examined questions and answers in the hearings 
 •of the past three days and finds that the questions involved are 
 identical, or nearly identical, with those which furnished the basis 
 •of the inquiry by this committee in California, Oregon, and Wash- 
 ington during the Sixty-sixth Congress. 
 
 Therefore the chairman gives it as his opinion that, inasmuch as 
 the present labor situation in Hawaii is alleged to be largely the 
 result of Japanese settlement within the islands and Japanese 
 solidarity there, it is pertinent for this committee to hear statements 
 •on any and all phases of the question in open hearings. 
 
 At the proper time, unless there is objection, I may present a state- 
 ment with the views I have gathered here and elsewhere. Pertinent 
 questions may be asked of any witnesses appearing here after. 
 
 Mr. Raker. The chairman will present a statement for the wit- 
 nesses ? 
 
 The Chairman. No, I will present a composite statement which 
 seems to give the whole thing in a nut shell. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Then, after that has been presented in a nut shell, 
 there might be some necessity to crack that nut a little bit, and we 
 will be given the opportunity to see what is inside of the nut ? 
 
 The Chairman. If the matter is not considered sufficiently dis- 
 cussed for this committee to come to a conclusion and act on the re- 
 solution directly, we can go on and hold hearings all summer, although 
 many other matters are pressing. 
 
 Mr. Raker. That is perfectly satisfactory to me, Mr. Chairman. 
 
 The Chairman. Representative Nolan is present and desires to be 
 heard, we will hear him now. 
 
 STATEMENT OF HON. JOHN I. NOLAN, A REPRESENTATIVE IN 
 CONGRESS FROM THE STATE OF CALIFORNIA. 
 
 Mr. Nolan. Mr. Chairman and gentlemen of the committee, there 
 are two phases of the subject covered by this resolution about which 
 I desire to say a few words. 
 
 As a Californian and as one of the California Delegation in the 
 House, I felt it my duty to transmit to this committee certain pro- 
 tests that I have received. In addition to that, I feel it my duty 
 also to enter my protest against any legislation or any resolution by 
 the Congress of the United States that would permit the tilting of the 
 lid regarding Asiatic immigration, whether it happened to deal with 
 Chinese, Japanese, or other Asiatics. 
 
 The people of our State, in fact the people of the West coast, are 
 pretty generally solidified on the matter of complete Asiatic exclu- 
 •sion. We have had an opportunity during the last four or five years 
 to try out all sorts of suggestions regarding relief to the agricul- 
 turists and horticulturists of the Western States. One little exper- 
 ience we had I would like to call to the attention of the committee — ■ 
 that was when the Secretary of Labor, in interpreting the Burnett 
 immigration bill, decided that certain classes of labor would be per- 
 mitted to come over our borders, practically in bond, for agricultural 
 purposes. I do not know what the experience of the rest of the 
 border States was in that regard; I do know this, that some of the 
 Mexican laborers that came over into California and got up into our 
 beet fields, did not receive the consideration that was promised them. 
 
312 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 They were not in bond as proposed practically by the terms of this 
 resolution; but they did not get the considertaion they should have 
 received from the beet growers and the sugar men. That was our 
 only experience with tilting the lid for agricultural purposes. 
 
 A movement was started in California by certain interests to bring- 
 about a sentiment there among the farmers and agriculturists gener- 
 ally for the admission of Chinese in bond; a well-financed movement 
 in this country was started and it had its headquarters in New York 
 and undoubtedly you gentlemen received plenty of literature. I can 
 not recall the name of the gentleman who had charge of the matter 
 over there, but I know he circularized Congress time after time in 
 regard to this movement. The people of our State had an oppor- 
 tunit}^ to go on record, through the farmers' organizations, and they 
 went on record solidly against any importation of Chinese for agri- 
 cultural purposes, in bond or otherwise. So I just preface my re- 
 marks on this situation, as it applies to Hawaii, to tell you just 
 exactly how our people feel. 
 
 You know what happened in the alien land referendum last fall; 
 you know how our people feel about Asiatic labor generally, and if 
 the suggestion was even made out there that we would admit Chi- 
 nese for any purpose, it would be overwhelmingly defeated. 
 
 The Chairman. Just a minute. What did happen on the alien 
 land referendum ? 
 
 Mr. Nolan. A four to one vote against it; a four to one vote 
 against permitting Japanese or Asiatics from owning or leasing land 
 in the State of California. 
 
 Mr. Raker. That applied to Chinese as well as Japanese ? 
 
 Mr. Nolan. To all Asiatics — all those ineligible to citizenship. 
 
 The other phase of this on which I would like to say a word, 
 before going into the situation in regard to Hawaii, is that I do not 
 know how we can justify any action by the American Congress that 
 would mean bonded or forced labor; and if you admit labor in any 
 considerable numbers, in bond, you are tying them to the particular 
 jobs they are supposed to do. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Is not that specifically inhibited by the Constitution, 
 as well as by the decisions of the Supreme Court, since the thirteenth 
 •amendment? 
 
 Mr. Nolan. I will leave that to you lawyers. I am not a lawyer; 
 I only happen to be a layman. But I think we put that thing behind 
 us many years ago and the struggle cost the lives of many good men 
 on both sides in doing it. We settled the question of bonded labor; 
 and whether it is the continental United States or one of our posses- 
 sions or anybody we have under our wing, we ought not to give it a 
 moment's consideration. If an industry can not live in this country 
 . or in any of our possessions without bonded labor or enforced labor, 
 it should not thrive at all; it does not belong to us. That is about 
 all I have to say in that regard. 
 
 Now, gentlemen, I want to tell you my experience as far as 
 Hawaii is concerned. I went over there first in 1900 and stayed,, 
 there 13 months and came back to the United States in 1901. I^ 
 went there again in 1904, stayed eight months and came back in 
 1905. When I first went over there, the Japanese were coming in' 
 in droves; they were also leaving the islands for the mainland, and 
 they continued to do that until 1907. 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 313 
 
 I had some opportunity to observe conditions over there. The 
 first strike, I think, of the Japanese — and I mention the strikes 
 because that is largely responsible for this resolution, the experiences 
 of the planters and people of Hawaii generally with the Japanese 
 strike last year— the first strike I have any knowledge of occurred on 
 one of the plantations on the island of Oahu in 1901. I can not give 
 you the name of the plantation, because it has gone out of my mind. 
 I remember very well, though, that the then high sheriff of Honolulu, 
 Sheriff Brown, and several of his deputies — and* if T- x'-e^rneinbertigdu, 
 I think one of the members of this commission happened to be^'With 
 them at the time, Mr. Chillingsworth, and I do k^ncw |vl7'.',Difme,find 
 some others went along — went out to the plailir^lJioil 'to'.a^til^ 'the 
 Japanese strike. Luckily the}^ had the consul general of the Jap- 
 anese Government with them, and he was able to talk to them and 
 quiet them down; otherwise, somebody would have been hurt. 
 
 From that time on they have had considerable trouble with the 
 Japanese, due to the fact they began to feel their strength — they 
 were dominating the labor situation on the plantation. I am not 
 going to blame the planters: I think they have probably been penalized 
 heavily enough without criticizing the.Ti for the situation that exists 
 there. But they turned everything on the plantations o^^er to ihe 
 Jap— not along the laborious work in the fields, but the buildin,^^ of 
 pipe lines, contracting for the building of ditches, and work like that. 
 They turned over to them practically ever^'thing of a mechanical 
 nature on the plantations with the possible exception of the chief 
 eng^ineer's job and a few other important jobs of that kind. 
 
 In 1904, when I was over there, the planters — I make the sugges- 
 tion it was the planters, because I do not know of any other interest 
 that would have started the movement over there except the plant- 
 ers — made a proposition to the builders' and traders' organization 
 in Honolulu and the Honolulu Trades and Labor Council, asking 
 them each to appoint a committee of three to make a tour of all the 
 plantations for the purpose of investigating the labor situation and 
 making recommendations. That committee was taken in tow by 
 Mr. Pinkham, former Governor of Hawaii, and I think he at that 
 time was connected with the Territorial board of health. They made 
 quite an extensive tour of the islands and came back to Llonolulu 
 and wrote a report memorializing Congress to admit into the Terri- 
 tory of Hawaii, for a period of 10 years, 30,000 Chinese in bond for 
 agricultural purposes. I was a delegate to the Central Labor Coun- 
 cil out there, and I bitterly opposed the proposition. The council 
 then took no action, favorable or unfavorable, for the simple reason 
 everything broke up in a row whenever a discussion took place. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Where was this meeting, in Hawaii ? 
 
 Mr. Nolan. In Honolulu. The people who were interested in 
 having that resolution adopted sent for the delegates to that council, 
 practically everyone of them, and tried to induce them, by various 
 methods, to vote in favor of the adoption of the report, which would 
 have been a memorial from a representative gathering of labor over 
 there to the American Congress to admit Chinese in the Territory of 
 Hawaii. In return for their support to admit Chinese into the Ter- 
 ritory of Hawaii, they promised to discharge every Japanese holding 
 a skilled mechanical or semiskilled position on the plantations and 
 to turn those positions over to citizen labor. 
 
314 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 The American Federation of Labor was communicated with and 
 immediately, in their convention in San Francisco in 1904, they 
 entered a strong and vigorous protest to the Government of the 
 United States against any action of this kind. Some of the local 
 unions over there that had adopted the report were disciplined by 
 their international unions through a loss of their charter. It shows 
 you the very strong feeling that the people of this country, especially 
 the workers, had against any admission of Chinese, in bond or other- 
 wise^'.'-, \ •' I '' r'< ' '' 
 
 The thing was dropped; no effective action was had upon the propo- 
 sition. ; But;! wovJd like to call the committee's attention to this 
 fkcG," that as' far^ back-. 4s 1904 the proposition of admitting Chinese 
 into the Territory of Hawaii was a live issue, and considerable time 
 and money was spent in sending this commission around to the 
 difi'erent islands and in compiling this report for the purpose of getting 
 effective action. 
 
 Now, the same arguments were advanced in 1904 that you find 
 advanced here to-day. I have not had an opportunity of being 
 present before this committee, but I have discussed this matter with 
 Mr. Dillingham and Senator Wise, and I have also discussed it with 
 a man I know very well and who has had a great many years' expe- 
 rience in Plawaii, Mr. McCrosson, and I went into it very fully with 
 them; and the very same arguments are being presented to you 
 to-day, gentlemen, as were presented in 1904 — the sugar industry in 
 Hawaii could not live unless they got cheap labor, unless they were 
 relieved from the terrific situation they were living under at that 
 time, on account of the economic control of those islands, as far as 
 the labor situation was concerned, by the Japanese. 
 
 Notwithstanding that, Hawaii has continued to prosper. I would 
 like you to have, Mr. Chairman, an opportunity of going over the 
 stock reports in reference to the stock of the different plantations in 
 Hawaii and the different institutions interested in sugar over there, 
 and you can get them very readily enough through the clerk of this 
 committee, for 1904, 1920, and the present time. You can then see 
 whether Hawaii has prospered, notwithstanding her claims at that 
 time. 
 
 Now, the sugar industry has not alone prospered, but they have 
 built up what to-day is a tremendous business, and that is the pine- 
 apple industry over there. And Hawaii has prospered, notwithstand- 
 ing the statements made at that time, and is going to prosper without 
 Chinese and without forced labor. 
 
 The Chairman. How did they build up the pineapple industry? 
 
 ]VIr. Nolan. They had no pineapple industry when I was there, 
 and I am calling your attention to the fact, Mr. Chairman, that it 
 has prospered. They made the statement that they had to have this 
 cheap labor for their plantations in 1904, and they wanted 30,000 
 Chinese to save the islands. I do not know how they did it, but I 
 am telhng you you can get the facts as to how the pineapple industry 
 prospered, because they found a common-sense, practical method of 
 canning pineapples and have a very effective organization over there, 
 not alone for distribution but for advertising the excellent qualities 
 of pineapple as a food. 
 
 The Chairman. That is done by organization, beginning with the 
 introduction of capital ? 
 
LABOK PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 315 
 
 V Mr. Nolan. Yes. But at that time they had no pineapple in- 
 dustry. I am calhng your attention to the fact that not alone the 
 .sugar industry has been able to survive over there and live with the 
 labor conditions complained of in 1904, but they have built up this 
 added industry and I hope many others. 
 
 Mr. Raker. And in that industry a great many young people, 
 young women, are used in canning ? 
 
 Mr. Nolan. I could not give you the facts in connection with the 
 class of labor; but I am calling your attention to the fact, in a broad 
 way, that Hawaii has prospered since 1904, notwithstanding the 
 claims of the commission at that time and the planters that they had 
 to have relief through forced or bonded labor to save the situation 
 and relieve them from the Jap. 
 
 Mr. Raker. From your personal observation over there, Mr. Nolan, 
 and knowledge of the labor condition generally, just what is the 
 trouble with those people in Hawaii in regard to labor? Can you 
 -tell us ? 
 
 Mr. Nolan. Well, it is no different. Judge, so far as the Japanese 
 .are concerned — which is the class of labor that is largely used on the 
 plantations — than it is in California. From my investigations over 
 there and from what I could find out, when the Jap was first brought 
 there he got $16 a month and the same conditions of house, fuel, light, 
 water, a little patch of ground and medical attention, and the Waihani 
 woman got $12 a month, in the fields. Since that time, I understand 
 it has gone up to approximately $24 or $26 a month — a dollar a day. 
 When he first came there, he did not have control in the cane fields 
 and he did a good day's work, according to the statements of the 
 planters — he was considered a good laborer, because he had not gotten 
 control. As they gradually came along, he diminished the amount of 
 the labor he did in the cane fields and in other lines over there, until 
 he was doing what he considered $16 worth of work, and the state- 
 ment was made it took three Japanese in 1904 and 1905 to do the 
 same amount of labor that was done by one, when they did not have 
 control of the plantations, several years before. 
 
 Mr. Raker. In other words, he was fixing his labor according to the 
 amount he was paid ? 
 
 Mr. Nolan. He was doing what they call striking on the job. He 
 was making a place for another fellow to come along, because he did 
 not get what he considered he was earning. Now they were making 
 room for more of them. What they had in the back of their head, in 
 making room for more, I do not know; but that situation has gone 
 on until last year. 
 
 You have the history of the strike down there. They had a pretty 
 hard time of it. 
 
 Mr. Maloney. Will you give us the history of that strike ? 
 
 Mr. Nolan. I could not give it to you for last year; I was not over 
 there and all I know are the newspaper reports. But I think these 
 gentlemen here have given you the exact facts and, as far as I know, 
 I have no reason to doubt one word they say in relation to the strike 
 situation over there last year. Knowing the people they had to deal 
 with, as I do, I do not think they can exaggerate anything they did. 
 We know what they did in California. They have my entire sym- 
 pathy as far as that situation is concerned, whether they are respon- 
 :sible for it, or not; because we have it in a milder way in California. 
 
316 LABOK PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 Now there is not a farmer in this country, or not any great number 
 of farmers in this country, that are not oppressed from time to time 
 on account of the labor cost. In yesterday's paper, a statement was 
 made that they had to pay $6 a day to farm labor in the State of 
 Kansas, on account of the shortage 
 
 Mr. White. That is right. 
 
 Mr. Nolan (continuing). And we know there is a tremendous 
 number of men hundreds of thousands or a million or two, of farm 
 laborers available some place in this country without the necessary 
 means of transportation, distribution or anything else to take them 
 to Kansas to relieve that situation. It is not a question of $6 a day; 
 it is a question of shortage, and that is exactly what labor costs mean. 
 Wherever there is a shortage, it goes up. 
 
 This Congress recently passed an immigration bill. Now, you had 
 all of the calamity howlers in this country before your committee- 
 protesting against the limitation of immigration — the representa- 
 tives of the big interests and everybody else that was interested — and 
 they could put up just as fine a tale as the gentlemen from Hawaii. 
 Now, if they can get relief under legitimate conditions, I am willing 
 to go as far as anybody else to give it to them. 
 
 Mr. Raker. From your observation, Mr. Nolan, are not the- 
 Hawaiian people in a little different situation than they are in conti- 
 nental United States, in that the Japanese are of such a large per- 
 centage now of the labor that instead of really being a labor organiza- 
 tion, by classes as to each occupation, they make it a national 
 organization, and, therefore, they are in a position practically to 
 dominate the entire situation ? 
 
 Mr. Nolan. I do not know anything about the national aspect. 
 I do know something about the Ja])anese and their methods. 
 Whether it is in California or Hawaii, there is nobody that has a, 
 closer feeling of kin than the Japanese — whether it is out in the field 
 as a laborer, or whether it is in the formation of small cooperative^ 
 organizations with a limited amount of capital to start with, branch- 
 ing out and sending their people out into the world to work until such 
 time as they need to draw them in to take their part in this particular- 
 line of business, or whether it is trying to capture some fertile valley 
 in the State of California or some place else, through methods they 
 know so well how to practice; that is, for a number of years they have' 
 had a monopoly in furnishing labor to that particular section of a. 
 State and have driven out every other class, and then, when the time' 
 comes and the crop is about to ripen on the trees, they withhold labor 
 and will not gather the crop at any price; and through that mean& 
 eventually they get control not only of the crop but the land itself. 
 
 We are trying to reach that situation in California in a straight- 
 forward way ■ 
 
 The Chairman. Now, if you were trying to meet it in Hawaii,, 
 then what ? 
 
 Mr. Nolan. I say I am willing to give every legitimate help. We 
 in California have got to find a way to meet that thing legitimately. 
 We think we have done it. Some people are telling us we are going 
 to plunge the country into war by doing it — by depriving those 
 people within the State of the right of holding, leasing, or owning; 
 land. 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 317 
 
 Mr. Cable. Is your chief objection to this resolution the fact a 
 bond is required for the return of these people? 
 
 Mr. Nolan. My principal objection to the resolution is that behind 
 it I feel they want Chinese labor, and they are not curing the race 
 (jucstion over there except in another direction. Those of us who 
 A\ ere raised in California know how much of a menace the Chinaman 
 is. Now he happens to be of good standing throughout the country; 
 to-day he happens to be in fairly good standing in Calif ornia, because 
 man}^ years ago he ceased to be an economic menace. And when he 
 •ceased to be that to the field worker and the manufacturer and agri- 
 culturist, he took on a new being. When he went into the restaurant 
 husiness and went into the curio business and went in the house- 
 holds, as a household servant, why he ceased to be an economic 
 menace to anybody; but when he used to come over by the thousands 
 he, first of all, was a menace to the worker; when he started to go into 
 business, then he became a menace to the retailer; when he became 
 a manufacturer, then he became a menace to the manufacturer, and, 
 when the people began generally to buy from him direct, he became 
 a menace to everybody and we got the Chinese exclusion law. 
 
 Now, we do not want Chinese to enter into any of our possessions 
 any more than the Japs. I have probably a little bit more fear, in 
 the matter of compettiion, of the Japanese, but I do not want the 
 Chinese; that is, I do not want to see us return to the proposition of 
 forced labor and bonded labor in any case. 
 
 Mr. Cable. If there was no bond, would it be bonded labor? 
 
 Mr. Nolan. If you admit them to this country ? 
 
 Mr. Cable. No; to Hawaii, I mean. 
 
 Mr. Nolan. If you admit them to Hawaii for a certain specific 
 purpose and confine thern to that, what are you going to do with 
 them when they leave the plantation ? 
 
 Mr. Raker. Arrest them and send them back. 
 
 Mr. Nolan. You are chaining them to the job again. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Surely. 
 
 Mr. Nolan. What is the difference between that and a bond? 
 
 Mr. Raker. None whatever. 
 
 Mr. Nolan. You are only doing in this instance what you relieved 
 or tried to relieve the seamen from. The seaman, when he quit his 
 ship in any port in the United States, up to a few years ago, was re- 
 turned to the ship. We stopped that. And I say on the Hawaiian 
 question, no matter what he may look like or what color they are, do 
 not introduce another race problem in the Territory of Hawaii; if 
 you can relieve them in any way at all, for God's sake give them the 
 kind of labor we can assimilate. 
 
 Mr. Cable. What would you recommend? Provided what they 
 have said is true, that they paid the Japs so much money last year that 
 a good many of them are leaving and there is a labor shortage and a 
 failure of crops in the field, what is your idea for remedying that 
 situation ? 
 
 Mr. Nolan. I will give you my idea, but I want to say to you, 
 frankly, that I do not think Congress is going to pass any legislation 
 of this kind; I do not think they are going to give any special privileges. 
 
 Mr. Cable. I want to get your idea for the benefit of the com- 
 mittee. 
 
318 LABOR PROBLEMS Iiq" HAWAII. 
 
 Mr. Nolan. I will tell you what I think is going to happen over 
 there; they are going to take the Jap and work the Jap, but they will 
 work him under different conditions — they will put him on a basic 
 wage, which will be better for the planter and for everybody else. 
 The mistake was made on the bonus, because the price of sugar, under 
 conditions that we ourselves are somewhat responsible for, went so 
 high that the wages over there, the plantation wages, were all out of 
 proportion. A basic wage, fixed from time to time as we fix the wage 
 for farm labor in this country, would have been the better proposition 
 for the plantations of Hawaii, and that is the best thing he can do 
 to-day, whether he deals with the Jap or anybody else; that is, to deal 
 with them like the farmers in this country deal with them. 
 
 Just imagine, gentlemen, what, is going to happen. You have a 
 cane-sugar industry, not on such a large scale, down here in the State 
 of Louisiana. What would the Louisiana cane planters think if you 
 are going to give any special privileges to Hawaii; what will the beet- 
 sugar men of California, Utah, Colorado, Nebraska, Michigan, and all 
 the rest of those Middle Western States think if you are going to give 
 special privileges to the growers of Hawaii ? They are entitled to the 
 same consideration. They have to market their product in com- 
 petition with Hawaii, and you must give them the same consideration. 
 
 Mr. Cable. Is not their chief competitor Cuba rather than Hawaii ? 
 
 Mr. Nolan. Competitor of who ? 
 
 Mr. Cable. Of the sugar industry in this country? 
 
 Mr. Nolan. It is all in the same boat. The fact of the matter is 
 that the price of sugar is fixed by the trust. The trust buys the sugar 
 from the Llawaiian planter; it buys it from the Louisiana planter, and 
 it buys it from the planter in Cuba and buys it from the rest of the 
 world, and it also negotiates with the men who control the sugar 
 industry in this country regarding prices. 
 
 Mr. Raker. And they fix the price through their refineries ? 
 
 Mr. Nolan. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. The Louisiana planters refine their own product; 
 they are in competition with the trust. 
 
 Mr. Nolan. I say the arrangements are generally consummated 
 through the American Sugar ReSning Co., even though there are a lot 
 of independents. In other words, they are not out in the markets 
 competing. Whether they have a signed agreement or not, they have 
 some sort of an understanding. 
 
 Mr. Cable. That understanding does not hold good to-day 
 though, does it? 
 
 Mr. Nolan. No understanding holds good to-day so far as com- 
 modities are concerned. You can do it with the building material 
 and you can do it with the stuff that doesn't perish, but you can not 
 do it with farm products. If you could, the farmers in this country 
 would be more prosperous than they are. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. The Louisiana sugar planters, of course, must com- 
 pete directly with the Hawaiian sugar producers. 
 
 Mr. Nolan. Surely; just as much as they compete with Cuba and 
 the illustration I was trying to make is what are the Louisiana 
 planters going to say if you are going to give Hawaii Chinese or some 
 other type or class of cheap labor and deny it to the United States ? 
 
 Mr. Wilson. I will say right there, Mr. Chairman, it has already 
 gone into the hearings that the continental American sugar producers 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 319 
 
 took the position at their New York meeting that if this resolution 
 should pass, extending this privilege to Hawaii, they are going to 
 demand of us that the same privilege be extended to the continental 
 United States. 
 
 Mr. Nolan. And I can tell you that the fruit growers of California 
 want the same thing, if you are going to give any special privileges. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. I did not know that. 
 
 Mr. Nolan. I mean they would expect it. There was a group of 
 them that wanted it and I will say this much for them that they were 
 patriotic enough, and have shown their patriotism, to turn it down. 
 I am not talking for political effect, because the only farmers in my 
 district are those that I make myself through the annual distribution 
 of garden seed; but the farmers out there were patriotic enough to 
 stand pat on this proposition and 9 oiit of every 10 of them voted 
 against the admission of all Asiatics. 
 
 Mr. Raker. But notwithstanding that, Mr. Nolan, the large fruit 
 producers and. the large hop growers and others have been feeding this 
 question up to the limit right along. 
 
 Mr. Nolan. When you are talking about the fruit producers 
 you are not talking about farmers ; and when you are talking about 
 the hop growers, you are talking about men who employ Hindus and 
 all sorts of labor in the hop fields, and they are the men who are 
 largely responsible for that custom. 
 
 Mr. Raker. But I say they have been feeding this stuff right up to 
 the limit to see if they could not get a letting down of the bars and 
 let them have Chinese. 
 
 Mr. Nolan. I say 9 out of 10, and these fruit producers and hop 
 growers you speak of being the tenth — I say 9 out of everj^ 10 farmers 
 in California have opposed it. 
 
 Now, gentlemen, I do not see how the planters in the Territory of 
 I Hawaii can expect this special consideration. They have got, as 
 they call it, a trickle from the Philippines; they are making an effort 
 in Porto Rico. They might try some of the rest of the islands and 
 get labor that is admissible to go over to the Territory of Hawaii. 
 I would advise them, as a Member of Congress, to devote most of 
 their energies to that end of it and give it a severe trial. I am not a 
 bit fearful of the future of the Hawaiian Islands, if they do not get 
 this sort of special relief. I have called your attention to the fact 
 that they have prospered since 1904 up to this year of 1921, and they 
 raised the same issue then and the chairman of this committee and I 
 believe Judge Raker and a few others on the committee remember 
 a Mr. Hindle who came over here not as representing the planters 
 but, he frankly stated himself, a group of very wealthy Chinese in 
 the Hawaiian Islands who were desirous of bringing large numbers 
 of their countrymen into the Territory some years ago. 
 
 Now, I just want to register the protest of a number of organiza- 
 tions in California, the Exclusion League, State Federation of Labor, 
 and other organizations there, that are opposed to the admission 
 of any Asiatics to either the continental United States or any of our 
 insular possessions. 
 
 Mr. Kleczka. There is no shortage of labor in the farming com- 
 munities of California, is there ? 
 
 Mr. Nolan. No; not now. 
 
320 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 Mr. Kleozka. That is, a shortage of unskilled labor ? 
 
 Mr. Nolan. There is no shortage of unskilled labor just now. They 
 have had their shortages, but during this period ol unemployment 
 in the cities they can get about all the labor they need. 
 
 The Chairman. In connection with your suggestion and recom- 
 mendation to the planters, that they try to secure labor from else- 
 where, I will call your attention to a proposition coming before the 
 committee, not in the form of a bill, but in the form of a suggested 
 amendment to the immigration act. [Reading:] 
 
 Provided, That any alien laborer, skilled or unskilled, not havins; become a citizen 
 ■of the United States, who has gone to any foreign country or to any insular territory or 
 possession of the United States or Canal Zone under a passport issued by this Govern- 
 ment, permitting him to proceed thereto, shall not be allowed to enter the continental 
 territory of the United States from such foreign country, insular territory, or possession 
 of the United States or Canal Zone. 
 
 Can you see in that the nucleus of legislation that might help the 
 situation ? 
 
 Mr. Nolan. No. I can only see in that a letting down of the bars 
 as far as our immigration laws are concerned to suit a particular 
 condition that the Territory of Hawaii feels it is confronted with 
 and that a great many of the States of this Union could also justify 
 
 The Chairman. This does not apply to any aliens barred from 
 admission by the present law. 
 
 Mr. Nolan. I understand. This would clearly bar out those that 
 are not admissible at the present time, but I can not see any justifi- 
 cation for a broad proposition of that kind, that is, for any special 
 section of our domain. 
 
 The Chairman. You think, then, that if the planters in Hawaii are 
 sincere in their statement that they are suffering for labor or see that 
 they will be suffering, if they can not provide relief from those that 
 go naturally to the Territory, the sugar industry out there had better 
 perish ? 
 
 Mr. Nolan. I do not want to see anybody crucified. I do not 
 think they are suffering from a want of labor. I think they are 
 suffering from a want of the kind of labor that they are after. I think 
 before very long they will reemploy the Jap on satisfactory terms and 
 that the thing will settle down to such an extent that the Japanese 
 will be willing to listen to reason and to go on the plantations and 
 work. Now, if it is a proposition of driving all Japanese out of the 
 Territory of Hawaii, that is another proposition. We have no right 
 to do that. I want to know how, as the American Government, we 
 are going to justify our contention — I will just divert a little bit on 
 this international situation — how we are going to justify the position 
 that we are asking the State Department to take to-day, through 
 diplomatic channels, in trying to arrange with Japan for the complete 
 exclusion of all of her nationals; and then to say, in another breath, 
 get rid of your people who have come into the country under the 
 law, and say now in the Territor}^ of Hawaii we are going to ex- 
 tend special privileges to the sugar interests over there and business 
 nterests 
 
 The Chairman. No; the problem is this, that while we are trying 
 to arrange for the specific exclusion of one oriental race, we are sug- 
 gesting that we might aid in that exclusion by extending special privi- 
 leges to the people of another oriental race. 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 321 
 
 Mr. Nolan. In other words, you would allow other immigrants to 
 come into Hawaii who would not be permitted to come to the United 
 States, and the idea in mind would be to relieve the planters over 
 there from this labor situation and to drive the Jap off the plantations 
 •out into the labor market and there is no place for him to go, and he 
 must go back to his own country. Is not that the fact ? 
 
 The Chairman. Well, nearly so. 
 
 Mr. Nolan. How are we going to justify our position with Japan 
 in a diplomatic way, in asking them to enter into negotiations with us 
 accepting the proposition of excluding her nationals ? 
 
 Mr. Raker. In other words, this proposition excludes the Japa- 
 nese — the resolution that is before the committee. 
 
 The Chairman. The substitute you have in your hand there does 
 not deal with oriental peoples at all. 
 
 Mr. Kleczka. It deals with all races, all orientals, to prevent their 
 readmission to the United States. That, in short, is its effect. 
 
 Mr. Nolan. The inference is he would be eligible to become *a 
 -citizen if he came into this country. 
 
 The Chairman. No; the proposition is that any alien could not 
 leave the island with a passport to go to the United States until he has 
 completed his citizenship; that is, unless he is a citizen he can not 
 come to the continental United States. 
 
 Mr. Nolan. That is a five-year tenure on the Islands of Hawaii. 
 
 The Chairman. You have heard all sorts of propositions put for- 
 ward here with regard to the naturalization of aliens under various 
 forms and an extension of time — forced naturalization and distribu- 
 tion and holding them in certain places — you have heard that proposed 
 by lecturers and chambers of commerce ? 
 
 Mr. Nolan. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Raker. In other words, this resolution would permit all 
 Chinese and Japanese that desired to come to Hawaii to come, the 
 suggested resolution, but they never could come to the United States 
 because they are ineligible to be'come citizens ? 
 
 The Chairman. It is proposed to make this resolution, if the words 
 are not clear, applicable only to those who could become citizens. 
 As I remember the argument yesterday, it was designed and put 
 forward with a view of admitting only those that would be assimilable. 
 
 Mr. Raker. That is not what they want. They do not want to 
 exclude Chinese. The resolution now before the committee, and I 
 want to call Mr. Nolan's attention to it, which relates to the complica- 
 tions that are now in existence before the State Department and 
 otherwise, would not allow any Japanese to come to the Hawaiian 
 Islands. In other words, it says ''but that such admission of aliens 
 shall not operate to increase the number of persons of any one alien 
 nationality in the Territory of Hawaii so that their total number at 
 any one time should exceed 20 per cent of the total population of 
 Hawaii as determined by the last census." Now there are 280,000 
 there and of course the Japanese have exceeded that 20 per cent. 
 There are only 12,000 Chinese. Take that from 56,000 and it would 
 -leave about 44,000 Chinese that could be admitted under this reso- 
 lution. So that we are excluding one of the Asiatic nationalities and 
 admitting the other, which would bring about the same complica- 
 ^tion we have now, only intensified. 
 
 56754— 21— SEB 7, pt 1 8 
 
322 LABOK PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 Mr. Nolan. I was addressing myself to tliis proviso, whicli the 
 cliairinan read. I do not believe we ought to have any of our outly- 
 ing possessions used as an instrument to citizenship hj having people 
 serve a probationary period. And that is exactly what this would 
 do and give them the opportunity of coming in there regardless of 
 our immigration laws. 
 
 The Chairman. A question or two on other phases of the situation. 
 The resolution of the Central Labor Council of Honolulu states, '^ We 
 maintain there is not at present any serious shortage of the labor 
 supply in the Territory." Do you agree with that ? 
 
 Mr. Nolan. I have no m-cans of knowing vfhether that is a state- 
 ment of fact or not. 
 
 The Chairman. They state, also, that the present shortage in the 
 sugar crop in the island is not due to a lack of labor but is a direct 
 result of the strike of last year, which affected the grov/ing crop and 
 reduced the production of the crop for the present year. You have 
 no information concerning that ? 
 
 Mr. Nolan. No. The statement was- made by Mr. Dillingham to 
 Kie that it was stated in the Central Labor Council that white men 
 would work in the cane fields. I want to agree with this commission 
 that you can not get white men to work in the cane fields ; so that any 
 man who m.ade that statement, whether on the floor of the council or 
 anywhere else, is absolutely in error. 
 
 Mr. Raker. What do you mean by that ? 
 
 Mr. Nolan. I mean that the white man will not work in the cane 
 fields. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Why? 
 
 Mr. Nolan. Well, because of the conditions of climate and every- 
 thing else. We have a hard time getting them to work in the delta 
 up in the San Joaquin Valley on potatoes and on asparagus; and I 
 think it is tougher .work out in the cane fields of Hawaii than it is in 
 the California Delta. 
 
 Mr. Box. The organization you mentioned — what is the name ? 
 
 The Chairman. The Central Labor Council of Honolulu. 
 
 Mr. Box. I want to know whether that is a Japanese organization 
 or does it represent American workmen ? 
 
 Mr. Nolan. All American workers. 
 
 The Chairman. The legislative representative of the American 
 Federation of Labor stated here 3'esterda3^ that the unions could take 
 alien workers into their ranks. 
 
 Mr. Nolan. Aliens, yes; not necessarily citizens. But, as far as 
 I know, there are no Asiatics in any of those organizations. I do 
 not know of any organization that takes in Asiatics. 
 
 Mr. Raker. They are not excluded, are they ? 
 
 Mr. Nolan. I do not know that they are excluded specifically, 
 but I have never known of any unions that have taken them in. 
 
 Mr. Kleczka. The Japanese have their own labor organization in 
 Hawaii, have they not ? 
 
 Mr. Nolan. I believe they have. 
 
 Mr. Raker. This is one thing I have been unable to reconcile. 
 Supposing there are 40,000 Japanese over there, American citizens. 
 Now, as American citizens, having the rights of American citizens 
 in every way, without any discrimination whatever, don't you think 
 that Congress should not recognize legislation that would bring in 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 323 
 
 nonassimilable, nonadmissible, Asiatic laborers to take the place of 
 and drive out those American citizens, although they were Japs, by 
 depriving them of their right to participate in the working conditions 
 and others of Hawaii ? 
 
 Mr. Nolan. I do not know how many thousand citizens there are 
 of Japanese parentage, but I doubt very much whether there are 
 40,000. 
 
 Mr. Weeber. There are 49,000 native-born Japanese. 
 
 Mr. Nolan. Forty-nine thousand native-born Japanese that have 
 reached the age of 21 years? 
 
 Mr. Weeeer. No, sir; they have not all reached that age. 
 
 Mr. Eaker. I do not fix the age, but there are 49,000 citizens who 
 are Japanese. 
 
 Mr. Nolan. I see the point. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Now, they are in all branches of business, either 
 agriculture or fruit. Could we, as the American Congress, consider 
 for a moment, notwithstanding their nationality is Japanese, passing 
 legislation that would deprive them of the right to work or labor 
 and to handle their business in the island, whatever it may be, and 
 bring in bonded Chinese ? Let us get right down to fundamentals. 
 
 Mr. Nolan." No; we could not under the Constitution; but our 
 people would advocate an amendment that would permit us in the 
 State of California to deprive even native-born Japs of the right to 
 own land, and so forth. 
 
 Mr. Raker. No; we have not. 
 
 Mr. Nolan. We are advocating that. 
 
 Mr. Raker. No. 
 
 Mr. Cable. How did you handle that situation out in California? 
 
 Mr. Nolan. Senator Phelan had a constitutional amendment 
 pending in the Senate 
 
 Mr. Raker. No; I want to differ with you; that is not his amend- 
 ment. I have had the same amendment pending in the House for 
 four years. This is the amendment — that cliildren hereafter born 
 of alien parents, who themselves (their parents), or either one, 
 could not become citizens, could not become citizens although born 
 in the United States. That is the amendment. 
 
 Mr. Nolan. The only difference is you are not making it retro- 
 active; that is all. The principle is the same. Frankly, I am in 
 favor of it, if it could be accomplished, knowing our experience with 
 them. 
 
 Mr. Cable. I just wondered how you handled the situation out 
 in California that you described, where the Japs would get control 
 of a valley or attempt to get control by refusing to work. 
 
 Mr. Nolan. Why, they own the land now, they own the leases, and 
 the way we are trying to correct it, at a rather late date, is through 
 depriving them of the right to own or lease land in the State. 
 
 Mr. Cable. By your State legislation? 
 
 Mr. Nolan. By our State legislation. It is a little bit late, but 
 we are trying to save the rest of the State from the conditions that 
 exist in the Sacramento Valley and certain portions of the San 
 Joaquin Valley and a large section of the Santa Clara Valley. They 
 have control of the potato crop; they have control of the asparagus 
 and berry crop, and largely control of the cantaloupe crop. 
 
324 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 Mr. Cable. What percentage of the land do they own? 
 
 Mr. Nolan. Not in the aggregate such a great percentage of the 
 land, but they own a fairly good percentage of the land in California 
 that is under cultivation in fruits and vegetables. 
 
 The Chairman. That is all covered in the hearings held last year. 
 
 Mr. Nolan. They own too much — I will say that — for the good of 
 California. 
 
 The Chairman. I notice in the report of the Census Office published 
 this morning that the Japanese population in the United States 
 reported in 1920 is not nearly so large as the figures given to this 
 committee by the agents of the Japanese societies. 
 
 Mr. Nolan. Your United States census enumerators could not get 
 them. I will tell you what we are doing in California and show you 
 just exactly what happened. We had a very effective way of getting 
 a Japanese alien census in our State, because the last legislature 
 passed a law placing a tax of $10 a year on all aliens, and when they 
 started to collect from the Japanese and Chinese they were immedi- 
 ately informed by their representatives not to pay it and the Chinese 
 Oovernment made a protest to the State Department, and they are 
 attacking the law in the courts of California. 
 
 The Chairman. They protest on the ground of the constitutional 
 guaranty ? 
 
 Mr. Nolan. Yes. But the idea behind it is this: Whenever you 
 get a man to set out to collect $10 from each individual alien, he is 
 going to get a pretty accurate census. Every man has to have 
 something to show he has paid his poll tax, and these tax gatherers 
 would have pretty nearly gotten every Chinaman and Japanese in 
 California and we would have had a census of them, and they do not 
 want that taken. 
 
 Mr. Raker. This report this morning shows there are 71,952 
 Japanese in California from the last census, and you will remember 
 that our own men said there were many of these Japanese that were 
 not taken by the census enumerators because of their evading being 
 enumerated. 
 
 Mr. Nolan. I think the Japanese Association of America or their 
 subsidiary organization in California, you will find, was somewhat 
 instrumental in getting word out among them, as far as possible, not 
 to register for the census. 
 
 The Chairman. But these associations took their own census of 
 the Japanese in America and they did it at the instance of their own 
 Government, Japan, and they gave out their own census figures. 
 
 Mr. Nolan. Yes. 
 
 The Chairman. And I think their own census figures of Japanese 
 in the United States is larger than the figures given in the United 
 States census. 
 
 Mr. Box. And it just shows our census is not complete and makes 
 us dependent on theirs, and we do not know how faithfully they 
 have taken theirs. 
 
 The Chairman. I believe that is all, Mr. Nolan. 
 
 Mr. Nolan. I thank the committee for its courtesy in hearing me. 
 
 Mr. Cable. I would like to ask a question. Judge Raker raises a 
 constitutional question with reference to this resolution and I won- 
 dered if any proposed contract had been introduced in the record — - 
 that is, between the Chinamen who were supposed to come into 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 325 
 
 Hawaii and the persons who were bringing them in— to show under 
 what terms and conditions they were being brought ? 
 Mr. Nolan. I think not. 
 
 FUKTHEE STATEMENT OF MR. WALTER F. DILLINGHAM. 
 
 The Chairman. Has your commission any form of contract which 
 it proposes to enter into with the Chinese, or Chinese labor associ- 
 ations, or the Chinese Government. 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. We have no such form of contract and such a 
 contract is not necessary under the proposed resolution. I have 
 tried to cover in a statement I have here, in as few words as possible, 
 the points that have come up in connection with the hearing, in the 
 questions that have been asked by members of the committee of the 
 different witnesses here. 
 
 The Chairman. Have you any copies of contracts entered into 
 between the French Government and the Chinese Government with 
 relation to laborers during the period of the war? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. No, sir; we have not, because it is not the in- 
 tention to make that sort of a contract or any other sort of a contract. 
 I think some of the witnesses, as well as some of the members of the 
 committee, are laboring under a misapprehension as to the workings 
 of this proposed resolution, and I have tried to cover some of those 
 points in a short statement here, and this can be further developed by 
 discussion, if it is agreeable for me to make this statement. 
 
 This commission has endeavored to put before your committee a 
 statement of the industrial conditions in Hawaii, and has sought to 
 make clear that, while there is a great labor shortage in our agri- 
 cultural industries, the question is far greater than that of an in- 
 adequate supply of labor to maintain our industries and, by the same 
 token, there is a much bigger question before us than any mere 
 economic loss resulting from lessening production. 
 
 The history of our attempts to encourage and bring to our country 
 labor which would form a base for an American population shows 
 that, up to the present time and under the immigration laws of 
 America, all efforts have been unsuccessful. It has been intimated 
 before this committee that the reason that labor is not satisfied to 
 remain in the fields of Hawaii is because it is underpaid and not well 
 treated or has been underpaid and not well treated in the past. 
 Our failure to keep labor in our agricultural pursuits that would be 
 eligible to citizenship is due rather to the fact that it has been suffici- 
 ently well paid and otherwise provided for to enable it to accumulate 
 such savings as to hasten its departure from the less desirable field 
 occupations. 
 
 The fact that California offers to the small farmer an opportunity 
 which the nature of our industry does not permit in Hawaii draws 
 away the labor which we have at such great expense endeavored to 
 hold in our fields. The planting interests of the islands have required 
 of their labor only what is properly expected of the workers in any 
 similar enterprise, and, as a matter of fact, the farm laborers in 
 Hawaii work shorter hours than do any like laborers on the farms 
 of the American mainland. 
 
 Bearing in mind that we must produce sugar in competition with 
 other tropical countries, we cite the fact that the class of labor in 
 
326 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 question is better paid, housed, and cared for in the fields of the 
 Territory than in any Uke tropical country in the v/orld, as is borne 
 out by iGovernment reports and investigations. As conclusive evi- 
 dence that our labor has been well paid, over and above living costs, 
 we invite your attention to the large sums of money which are annu- 
 ally sent to Japan by the laboring community, amounting to 
 $17,000,000,000 in the year 1920. 
 
 The Chairman. That is, sent to Japan and not carried to Japan? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. That is sent; it is a matter of exchange. 
 
 The Chairman. Therefore it is a matter of record ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. It is a matter of record. 
 
 It must not be thought that the question before this committee is 
 merely one of providing for the continued miaintenance of our volume 
 of production or of sustaining the profits on our invested 'capital. 
 The question is rather one that goes to the very foundation of main- 
 taining our whole business structure and involves the continued em- 
 ployment of mechanics in our industrial and repair plants in the 
 cities. Mechanics of long experience in the islands appreciate this 
 fact, and it is with surprise that we find the American Federation of 
 Labor opposed to a remedy for our situation which, unless secured, 
 will certainly result in loss of employment to the very men the Federa- 
 tion claims to represent. It is a matter of particular surprise that 
 organizations of laborers, beyond any other persons, should oppose 
 this legislation, and our surprise is the greater because of the fact 
 that resident citizen mechanics and group laborers, such as stevedores 
 and teamsters, take the opposite position and support the proposed 
 resolution. 
 
 The stevedores' union is the largest labor organization in the 
 Hawaiian Islands, excepting only the Japanese National Federation 
 of Labor, and the teamsters' union is nearly as large. These two 
 unions represent more laboring men than are included in all of the 
 branches of the American Federation of Labor in Hawaii; and, further- 
 more, they represent that class of citizen labor that has been longest 
 resident in the Territory and is most familiar with conditions there. 
 I present to the committee the indorsements of these two large unions. 
 
 I have here, under date of May 26, a cablegram addressed to 
 Charles Chillingsworth, New Willard Hotel, Washington; 
 
 At meeting of the members of the Hawaiian Stevedores ' Association a motion was 
 unanimously passed favoring immigration. The members also voted that you repre- 
 sent them at such hearings as may be held. 
 
 McGuiRE, President. 
 
 Mr. Raker. How many members are there in that stevedores^ 
 association 1 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. I have not the exact number, but I am advised 
 there were about 1,000 to 1,200. 
 
 Mr. Raker. What is their nationahty? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. As I understand it, they are all citizens, or| 
 eligible to become citizens. 
 
 Mr. Raker. What part or portion would you say were citizens ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. We have with us here Senator Wise, who was 
 president of the stevedores' union for, I think, two or three years,! 
 and perhaps he can answer that question directly. I have not the 
 figure. Senator Wise, are you prepared to make a statement ? 
 
 Mr. Wise. They are all citizens. 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 327 
 
 The Chairman. Including how many native Hawaiians ? 
 
 Mr. Wise. There are about 800 to 1,000 Hawaiians and about 200 
 others. 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. I have here, under date of May 29, addressed to 
 Walter Dillingham, New Willard Hotel, Washington, the following 
 cablegram : 
 
 At a meeting of the directors of the Teamsters ' Union it was agreed to indorse the 
 proposal to amend the immigration laws to allow Chinese to come to Hawaii as agri- 
 culturists so as to relieve the labor shortage. 
 
 M. T. ROBELLO, 
 
 President Teamsters^ Union. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Do you know how many men there are in the team- 
 sters' union ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. I am advised there are between three and four 
 hundred. I will have to call on Senator Wise again to verify that 
 statement. 
 
 Mr. Wise. That is the correct number. 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. I have been advised that more than 90 citizen 
 laborers and mechanics have individually addressed personal letters 
 to this commission, indorsing the proposed legislation. These letters 
 began to be received almost immediately after it was known that 
 organized labor had opposed the legislation in question. I refer to 
 the American Federation of Labor central committee's resolution, 
 of Honolulu. 
 
 With your permission, I would like to read some representative 
 letters from mechanics and artisans of m.any years of residence in 
 Hawaii, who are thoroughly conversant with conditions throughout 
 the industries of the Territory. I would not ask to have the record 
 burdened with letters along the same line, but there are some here 
 of particular interest and, if the committee would like to hear them, 
 I would be very glad to read them. They come from mechanics of 
 prominence in the islands and men who have been there for a long 
 period of years. 
 
 The Chairman. I think Mr. Dillingham might read some of these, 
 or extracts, and insert them in the record. 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. This first letter was handed to me the day before 
 I left home and is signed by one of the best citizens, I think, that we 
 have in Hawaii, a man by the name of John A. Hughes, an Irishman. 
 [Reading:] 
 
 As a workingman who has the interest of American workingmen at heart and as 
 a citizen who prizes his citizenship higher than St. Paul, I wish you success in your 
 mission to Washington to secure for the agricultural interests of this Territory 25,000 
 Chinese laborers. 
 
 I have resided in this Territory 32 years, being engaged by the late B. F. Dilling- 
 ham in San Francisco to build cars for his railroad. I am still building cars for the 
 same railroad. During those years I have consistently worked for the Americani- 
 zation of the isla.nds, helped to organize the Republican Party, was a member of 
 its first executive committee and served one term in the legislature. 
 
 I am in favor of bringing in Chinese labor for our sugar plantations and pineapple 
 canneries because the very life of those industries depend on this labor, and the 
 commercial and business life of the Territory depends absolutely on these industries. 
 
 To say that white men can or Vvdll Y\^ork on the torrid sugar plantations cutting and 
 loading cane is an absurdity. The time is past, if it ever was, when he would do 
 it. It is contrary to nature's laws for white men to toil at hard, laborious work under 
 an equatorial sun; even the Japanese quit at the earliest j)Ossible tim.e. 
 
328 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAIL 
 
 I am in favor of bringing in Chinese labor, because from a, national and business 
 point of view it is wrong to allow Japanese nationals to hold by the throat — and can 
 throttle at any moment — the business and commercial life of an American Territory. 
 
 I am in favor of bringing Chinese labor here because, in the world's chaotic state, 
 China is our loyal friend. Our Chinese business men are honest and progressive 
 and there is no more loyal and patriotic American than our Chinese-American. 
 Thirty thousand Chinese will help, not hinder, the Americanization of this Territory, 
 because they are honest and industrious workers and because they will squeeze out 
 an un-American and undesirable element. 
 
 There is no one longs more ardently for the day to come when over our great land 
 all will be good and loyal citizens, all shall live in peace and prosperity. To bring 
 about this condition Hawaii, if allowed, will surely do her part. She can not, how- 
 ever, do it if she is made a desert of, and a refusal of your request by Congress would 
 tend to that result. 
 
 Yours, very truly, John A. Hughes, 
 
 Here is a letter that was handed to me on the steamer, on our way 
 up from Honolulu: 
 
 Honolulu, H. T., May 3, 1921. 
 Mr. Walter F. Dillingham, 
 
 Chairmari the Hawaii Emergency Labor Commission, Honolulu, H. T. 
 
 Dear Sir: As a mechanical engineer and a resident of Hawaii for nearly 40 years,. 
 I am very much interested in the objects of your mission to Washington in an effort 
 to secure Chinese labor for agricultural purposes. I beg to state that my experience 
 with this class of labor while acting in an official capacity on sugar plantations 30 
 years ago, was eminently satisfactory for industry and reliability, and such few of 
 them as have remained on the plantations that I have knowledge of are still giving 
 good service there. 
 
 Since the introduction of Japanese labor in the Islands I have noted with regret 
 and alarm the steady decrease in the number of American mechanics which I believe- 
 is largelv due to the intense competition which they have to meet from semiskilled 
 mechanics who originally came to Hawaii for agricultural purposes and whose mode of 
 living makes it impossible for any white mechanic to compete with them; and, when 
 we had Chinese labor on the plantations, such conditions as these did not exist. 
 
 I have noted in the past few years that these semiskilled Japanese artisans have been 
 leaving the agricultural districts and taking up their residence in the towns to such an. 
 extent that at the present time agricultural industries of Hawaii are suffering from a 
 shortage of labor. 
 
 As an American citizen and a permanent resident of Hawaii, I am vitally interested 
 in all that concerns the prosperity of the Islands; and I view the present situation 
 with some alarm as the outlook seems to indicate that, owing to the foregoing mentioned 
 conditions, the situation will get worse instead of better, and I firmly believe that a. 
 large majoritv of the reputable American citizen residents of Hawaii would gladly 
 welcome the reintroduction of Chinese labor for agricultural purposes which would 
 tend to alleviate our present industrial conditions and stabilize the prosperity of the 
 Islands. In closing, I desire to say, without bias or prejudice, that many of us con- 
 sider that, owing to their intense nationalistic characteristics and dual citizenship, 
 the ever-increasing population of native-born Japanese are a distinct and serious 
 menace to the Americanization of the Hawaiian lalands. 
 
 Hoping that the special labor commission will be successful in their efforts, I am, 
 Resper-tfully, yours, 
 
 H. G. WooTTEN, Engineer. 
 
 The Chairman. I want to ask you about a paragraph m the reso- 
 lutions adopted by the Central Labor Council of Honolulu, as follows : 
 
 We call your attention to the fact that under the organic act it is required that an 
 industrial survey of the Territory be held every five years, and we are advised that 
 1921 is the year in which this survey falls due. Any further action as the legislature 
 contemplates in this matter should be deferred until after the report of a competent 
 and impartial commission such as would be appointed under the Federal Department 
 of I^abor. 
 
 I suppose they mean to prepare that industrial survey. The 
 resolution continues : 
 
 If such report shows the actual shortage of labor which is now claimed, then it will 
 be time to think of devising some adequate and satisfactory remedy. 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 329 
 
 Have you anything to say in regard to that suggestion? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. The United States Government, I understand, 
 has made no arrangement for the survey of the industrial conditions 
 of Hawaii for this year. I have not discussed the matter with the 
 Secretary of Labor, but my understanding is that they do not feel 
 disposed to spend money to investigate labor conditions in Hawaii. 
 They state that they are more familiar with the labor conditions in 
 Hawaii than with those in any other section of the United vStates; 
 that if they can raise the money they would like to spend it in 
 investigating labor conditions in Porto Rico, because they know 
 practically nothing of the labor conditions in that country. 
 
 The Chairman. Did we not have a statement made here the other 
 .day in connection with the report of 1915 to the effect that the 
 issuance of that report was mandatory ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. That was my understanding of it, and that was 
 the last report that has been made. 
 
 Mr. Irwin. That is section 16 of the organic act. 
 
 The Chairman. Without objection, I will have the clerk of the 
 committee make an official inquir}^ of the Secretary of Labor in 
 reference to the next report of the labor survey. 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. I would like to state that under the resolution 
 the obligation is on the Secretary of Labor to meet the situation. 
 The obligation is certainly implied by the statement that he should 
 ascertain, of his own knowledge, whether or not there is a shortage 
 or a need of immigration to meet the situation in Hawaii. 
 
 The Chairman. That is to say, if this resolution should be passed 
 by Congress, it would call upon the Secretary to make such an 
 inquiry preparatory to authorizing this action ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. Yes, sir. 
 
 The Chairman. Then, following from that and your statement that 
 that sort of action was not contemplated, who w^ould make the 
 arrangement ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. I will cover that a little further along in my 
 statement. 
 
 Mr. Raker. In connection with these letters you have read to the 
 committee, particularly the letter from John A. Hughes addressed 
 to you under date of Honolulu, T. H., May 3, 1921 — your commission 
 has examined this letter ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. I do not know whether the commission has 
 examined it. The records of the commission are before its members, 
 and they have all had an opportunity to study these records, and I 
 assume they have done so. 
 
 Mr. Raker. I wanted to know^ whether your commission generally 
 approves what Mr. Hughes said in this letter. 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. I am speaking only for myself, but I know that 
 the commission approves of the resolution as it has been submitted. 
 
 Mr. Raker. That is not what I am asking, Mr. Dillingham. 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. I understand what you are asking me, and that 
 is whether or not we approve the sentiments of that letter ? 
 
 Mr. Raker. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. We approve of the sentiments of that letter, 
 
 Mr. Raker. You said you had a separate view. Do you approve, 
 generally, the viewpoint presented by Mr. Hughes in this letter ? 
 
330 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. If you will ask me directly what I approve of, 
 I will be glad to answer you. 
 
 Mr. Raker. I am asking you the question. 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. The letter covers a good many points. The 
 general tenor of the letter is to Americanize the Territory of Hawaii. 
 I absolutely approve of that. 
 
 Mr. Raker. In this letter I find the following paragraph: 
 
 I am in favor of bringing in Chinese labor, because from a national and business 
 point of view it is -wrong to allow Japanese nationals to hold by the- throat — and can 
 throttle at any moment — the business and commercial life of an American Territory . 
 
 Does the commission approve that statement ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. The commission does not approve of a condition 
 which gives to any alien nationality the control of our industrial or 
 other conditions in the islands. 
 
 Mr. Raker. There is a clean-cut statement by Mr. Hughes. Does 
 your commission generally approve the views as expressed in that 
 paragraph by Mr. Hughes ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. You are trying to pin me down to a detailed 
 expression of where the commission stands on this matter. 
 
 Mr. Raker. No; I am not trying to pin you down. 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. We are on record as to where we stand with 
 regard to this proposition and vv^e will be further on record when I 
 finish my statement to the committee this morning. I have tried to 
 answer your question and do not want to quibble with you. 
 
 Mr. Raker. I know you w^ould not do that. It would be far from 
 both of us to do it at any time. 
 
 The Chairman. Let us cut out the quibbling and get along. 
 
 Mr. Raker. There is not any quibbling in this. This is funda- 
 mental. This paragraph contains two fundamental propositions, and 
 I wanted to know from Mr. Dillingham — -because he is a keen, capable, 
 clear-headed fellow — whether or not the commission generally approve 
 the views as expressed in that paragraph. That is all. You would 
 not like to answer, Mr. Dillingham ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. I consider I have answered your question, Judge. 
 
 Mr. Raker. That is all right. 
 
 Mr. Cable. In one of those letters it is stated that the people are 
 leaving the fields and coming into the cities or villages and competing 
 with mechanics. Why would it not be a further inducement if you 
 bring in a large number of Chinese and take them from the field to 
 compete further with the mechanics ? Would it not have a tendency 
 to injure the work of the mechanics if you had an overabundance of 
 laborers and not a sufficient amount of work? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. The field laborer is not a mechanic, but the 
 system which has been in force has provided for a sort of promotion, 
 so that a field laborer feels by making himself of value to the planta- 
 tion he has a chance to rise to the skilled positions. When he is 
 graduated, if you like, from a course of training at the pumps, in the 
 mills, wherever it may be, he comes to the city and sets up in the 
 contracting business or building business or as an automobile me- 
 chanic. 
 
 The shortage with us has never been a shortage of mechanics, but 
 a shortage of men to do the heavy field work. That work is not con- 
 sidered desirable by any race or nationality of people we have been 
 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 331 
 
 able to bring to the islands longer than it was necessary for them to 
 carry on. Directly they are financially in a position to move into 
 some other position, they move away. 
 
 Mr. Cable. Would not more labor have a tendency to crowd them 
 in competition with American citizens ? 
 
 'Mr. Dillingham. If we were bringing in labor t t : ood our market, 
 the result which you suggest might happen. There is no intention of 
 bringing in an oversupply of labor. We believe there is a shortage 
 there, and despite any statement made to discredit that belief, the 
 fact remains that our sugar crops, which usually are harvested by the 
 middle of the year, will not be harvested and the sugar will not be 
 made, and the work of the mills com.pleted until the end of the year. 
 That can have nothing to do with the strike of 1920. That is a manu- 
 facturing proposition, and the harvesting is a proposition of 1921. 
 
 Mr. Raker. May I ask you one question that is in my mind. I am 
 wondering, Mr. Dillingham, if the labor shortage situation there could 
 not be remedied, as in other places in the United States, if there is any 
 shortage in common labor, in this way: Where the labor is hard, 
 heavy work, if we would just reverse our policy and pay this labor 
 such a high remuneration as to make it attractive to everybody to go 
 into it, would not that remedy the situation ? Then let the consumer 
 pay the difference, instead of making the easier jobs the higher paid 
 jobs and paying the heavy labor more wages, putting the higher 
 wages on heavy labor and letting the consuming public pay for it ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. Judge Raker, you have touched on a big theory. 
 As a matter of fact, no amount of money would induce you or me to 
 go into the canebrake, and no amount of money would keep us in the 
 canebrake for any length of time. So far as paying wages which 
 would induce labor which can do the work to go into the field and stay 
 in the field, letting the consumer pay for it, we are to-day raising 
 sugar under wage rates, which apparently are considered low, at a 
 cost considerably in excess of the market price of sugar to-day. If 
 you add to that field cost the amount of money sufficient to make it 
 attractive, sale at the price fixed — say by a trust or a refinery, or 
 anything you like — would mean certain ruin. 
 
 Mr. Raker. I often wonder about this proposition. I see that the 
 teamster gets much more than the man who throws dirt in his Vv^agon. 
 If we reverse that policy and pay twice as much to the man who 
 throws the dirt in the wagon and the teamster the same as he gets 
 now, would not that reverse the demand for the jobs where men get 
 the large wages ? 
 
 The Chairman. You ought to talk that over with the socialists. 
 The plumber gets more pay than the clerk in a dry goods store, but 
 your daughter and my daughter will marry the clerk getting the 
 small pay in preference to the plumber getting the higher wages. 
 Those are problems of societ}- which you can discuss from now until 
 next Christmas and yet not solve the labor problem in Hawaii. 
 
 Mr. Raker. I defer to the chairman's statement in regard to 
 that. I have observed this proposition a little, and I want to tell 
 you there is more truth than poetry in it. The men doing the hard 
 jobs .ought to get more wages, all over the United States, every- 
 where. The other fellow who is doing the lighter work should get 
 a little less, and if it costs a little more to the consumer, it will be a 
 benefit to the fello.w who is now getting less remuneration and it 
 
332 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 will give him an opportunity to have some recreation or pleasure 
 after he gets through with his work. 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. My attention has just been called to the state- 
 ment that Mr. Wooten, who signed one of the letters I have just 
 read, was the president of the marine engineers' organization, and 
 it was his organization that protested against the admission of the 
 Japanese Federation of Labor to the American Federation of Labor. 
 
 The Chairman. Have you any information in regard to the 
 application of the Japanese Federation of Labor to be admitted 
 into the American Federation of Labor ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. The statement was made by a witness here the 
 other day that an attempt was made for an affiliation, but it was 
 turned down by the American Federation of Labor. 
 
 Mr. Mead. I know that the Japanese Federation of Labor, at 
 the instance of Mr. Tyson, who was mentioned by a witness yester- 
 day, did apply to the American Federation of Labor for affiliation. 
 The marine engineers, of which organization Mr. Wooten is the 
 president, protested by resolution against the admission of that 
 Japanese Federation of Labor into the American Federation of 
 Labor. 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. At the last national convention of the Ameri- 
 can Legion in Minneapolis the following resolution was passed, in- 
 dorsing in effect the plan now proposed in the joint resolution before 
 this committee to diversify the oriental population of the Territory : 
 
 Whereas the complete and speedy Americanization of the Territory of Hawaii is of 
 A'ital importance to the Territory and to the United States; and 
 
 Whereas the American Legion, Department of Hawaii, aided by many other agencies. 
 is making every effort to bring such Americanization about; and 
 
 Whereas the peaple of Hawaii, for the best interests of the Nation, are willing to join 
 with other parts of the country in closing the doors to further Japanese immigration 
 in spite of the fact that the peculiar conditions of the islands make a supply of labor 
 adapted for work under the climatic and other conditions peculiar to the islands 
 essential to the continued contribution of Hawaii to the Nation's food supply and 
 resources: Therefore be it 
 Resolved by the American Legion, in national convention assembled, That Congress be 
 
 urged to make an impartial investigation of the labor needs of Hawaii with the view to 
 
 possible modifications of policy which shall result in a larger population of distinctly 
 
 American origin and a diversification of alien pppulation with a view to military, social, 
 
 and economic safety; and be it further 
 
 Resolved, That the work of the American Legion, Department of Hawaii, in securing 
 
 the cooperation of employers in Hawaii to the end that citizens be given preference in 
 
 employment when otherwise fitted, is indorsed; and be it further 
 
 Resolved, That the efforts of the American Legion, Department of Hawaii, to sec ur(; 
 
 national legislation requiring the use of citizen labor on Government work is indorse.! 
 
 and Congress is urged to pass such legislation. 
 
 While the American Federation of Labor may have done much 
 to improve labor conditions in this country, no credit of any kind is 
 due it for the development of American interests in the islands, from 
 the start of American industry there to the present day. That 
 Hawaii stands to-day as an AmxCrican Territory, controlled by 
 American citizens, with as high a standard of living among its citi- 
 zen population as is found in any part of the United States and a 
 higher standard of living among its oreintals than is found in any 
 tropical country in the world, is due in no respect whatever to the 
 efforts of organized labor. 
 
 To control the interests of the Territory for Americans, and recog- 
 nizing the growing power of the Japanese through their numerical 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IlST HAWAII. 333 
 
 preponderances and consequent control, the American citizens who 
 have directed the destinies of the Territory for the past century, 
 have endeavored, during the past two years, to curb the Hcense of 
 the Japanese foreign-hmguage press and to regulate the Japanese 
 foreign-language schools. In this endeavor, these American citizens 
 have been opposed in their efforts not only by the Japanese but by 
 the members and organizations of the American Federation of Labor. 
 
 Mr. Wallace, on behalf of the American Federation of Labor, has 
 stated a formal opposition to this resolution; but neither he nor the 
 organization which he represents has suggested any affirmative plan 
 for meeting the positive situation which exists. I can not over- 
 emphasize to this committee the fact that it is a situation and not a 
 theory that confronts us. If this situation is allowed merely to drift, 
 it is answering itself by the laws of mathematics. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Why is it that the Hawaiian Legislature two years 
 ago did not pass a bill which was then pending before it requiring 
 American school teachers to teach in Hawaii, but let that bill be 
 killed? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. I do not know. Two years ago I was here in 
 Washington. I was not in Hawaii during the session of the legis- 
 lature and I do not remember any of the discussions in connection 
 with that. 
 
 The Chairman. The bill was to require American teachers in alien 
 schools, was it not, or was it in public schools 1 
 
 Mr. Raker. In public schools. 
 
 Mr. Irwin. They have since passed the bill. 
 
 Mr. Weeber. At a special session. Senator Wise is here, and he 
 can answer your question. 
 
 Mr. Wise. They got word from the State Department to stop that. 
 
 The Chairman. To stop what? 
 
 Mr. Wise. To stop the passage of that law introduced at that 
 session. 
 
 The Chairman. What did the bill provide for ? 
 
 Mr. Wise. It provided for the elimination of the foreign-language 
 schools. 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. That was at the time Mr. Wilson was in 
 France. 
 
 The Chairman. The bill called for the elimination of foreign- 
 language schools ? 
 
 Mr. Wise. Yes, sir. 
 
 The Chairman. Was there any bill to eliminate alien teachers ? 
 
 Mr. Wise. That, as modified, passed at the last session. 
 
 The Chairman. Did that refer to the public schools of Hawaii or 
 to the foreign-language schools ? 
 
 Mr. Wise. It refers to the foreign-language schools alone. The 
 public schools all have American citizen teachers. 
 
 Mr. Irwin. No teachers but American teachers can teach in the 
 public schools. 
 
 Mr. Raker. But the bill that prohibited the foreign-language 
 schools from going on was held up by reason of the request of the 
 State Department? 
 
 Mr. Wise. The State Department. 
 
 Mr. Raker. At Washington ? 
 
 Mr. Wise. Yes. 
 
334 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. It is no answer for Mr. Wallace to say that he 
 will shoulder a gun and fight if necessary. We maintain that it is 
 the duty of Congress to see that American citizens are not compelled 
 to take up arms to meet any situation due to the domination of any 
 single alien group in Hawaii, when that situation can be met and 
 solved by peaceful economic methods. 
 
 The suggestion that the proposed voluntarily enlisted laborers 
 would be bondsmen or slaves is made only for effect. Any fair- 
 minded study of the proposed plan of relief will demonstrate be3^ond 
 question that it m.eans and entails neither bondage nor slavery nor 
 coercive labor. It is our bona fide intention to secure labor from any 
 practicable source. So far as the Chinese are concerned, alien Chinese 
 are nov/ permitted to enter the United States under certain restric- 
 tions. For example, they are permitted to enter the United States 
 to-day to attend educational institutions or for purposes of traveling. 
 In either case, they are obliged to return to their own country as soon 
 as the object of their entry is accomplished. Under the proposed 
 legislation now before this committee, this right of entry is extended 
 to other Chinese v/ith suitable restrictions applying to that class, and 
 there is no more of a burden on this proposed class than exists at the 
 present time with respect to the classes of Chinese who are now 
 permitted to enter the country under restrictions. 
 
 It must be clearly understood that this resolution does not propose 
 or contemplate the entry of contract labor, but provides simply for 
 the granting of permission by the Department of Labor for the admis- 
 sion of laborers otherwise debarred, to enter the United States to 
 engage in agricultural pursuits at the prevailing wage rates. There 
 is no obligation, implied or otherwise, upon this Government to enter 
 into negotiations with any other government or individuals as to the 
 fixing of wage rates or the making of wage contracts. After entry 
 into the country the laborers in question are free to move from one 
 plantation to another and from one island of the Territory to another,, 
 so long as they continue to employ themselves in agricultural pursuits. 
 
 Your attention has been called to an actupd shortage of labor in the 
 fields of the Territory, and the intention of this proposed legislation, 
 and its only reason or purpose is the necessity of supplying labor to 
 meet this actual numerical shortage. The resolution is distinctly not 
 designed, nor would the Department of Labor permit it to be used, 
 to create an oversupply of labor, looking to the reduction of the- 
 prevailing wage scales. It would be distinctly against the interests 
 of the Territory to have an oversupply of labor, for there is no oppor- 
 tunity for such labor to migrate from one place of seasonal employ- 
 ment to another, as is possible and practiced on the mainland. The 
 nature of the industries of Hawaii furnishes an opportunity for con- 
 tinuous employment the year round, so that no enforced idleness iS' 
 ■ever occasioned by the absence of vfork to be done. 
 
 As a very probable medium for the handling of the details of this- 
 proposed immigration, the Territorial laws now provide for a board of 
 immigration, v/ith authority to handle just such situations as- would 
 be created by the resolution under consideration. Under this Ter- 
 ritorial law boards of immigration have handlcvd European immi- 
 grants to the Territory in large numbers and have not only brought, 
 them to the Territory, but have also attended to their distribution. 
 throughout the various islands. 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 385 
 
 At this point, we wish to say that this commission has no objection 
 to amendments to the resolution in question with a view specifically 
 to placing a part of the responsibility on the Territorial government 
 or requiring the Territory to provide funds for carrying the measure 
 into effect, should the committee consider amendments along these 
 lines either necessary or desirable. 
 
 As this is a proposition of enlisted labor volunteering to be em- 
 ployed under certain restrictions and conditions known to it in 
 advance, a very proper requirement would be that only young men, 
 or men between the ages, say, of 18 or 20 and 25 years, be admitted 
 under the plan in question. These ages correspond with the age of 
 young men in this country who are attending technical and other 
 schools and who have not yet acquired families with the accompany- 
 ing responsibilities. Should such young men be admitted to the 
 Territory, they would there be afforded an opportunity to acquire 
 an industrial education in practical methods'of agriculture, sanitation, 
 and modern scientific m.ethods of farming. That employment in the 
 fields of the Territory constitutes a real education of great practical 
 value to the laborer is amply demonstrated by the fact that Japanese 
 and Filipinos who have returned from Hawaii to their own countries 
 are to-day recognized as a prominent and invaluable factor in de- 
 veloping the agriculture of their own countries. 
 
 As evidence of the fact that the Territory of Havv^aii is maintained 
 on a high plane of live and let live, we cite the fact that the wage 
 scale for the islands and the freedom and opportunities of employ- 
 ment are such that there is not a single poorhouse in the Territory of 
 Hawaii, and that vagrancy and poverty are practically unknown. 
 Under a system inaugurated a few years ago all of our eleemosynary 
 institutions are provided for from funds raised annually by voluntary 
 subscriptions. The welfare fund for this purpose amounted to 
 $375,000 in 1921. This fund is expended and, used for maintaining 
 hospitals, social settlements, open-air camps, and general welfare 
 organizations, and it is seldom if ever necessary to use a part of this 
 fund for the mere financial relief of the destitute. 
 
 In spite of the fact that the labor immigration experiments of the 
 past 50 years have been generally unsuccessful, it has been clearly 
 brought out in this hearing tiiat Hawaii is willing and anxious to 
 continue such experiments with a view to the development of a 
 permanent Caucasian population. The people of the Territory still 
 hope and beheve, despite the discouragement of past failures, that a 
 solution can be worked out in time, and we therefore urge that, in 
 the preparation of a permanent immigration policy, due consideration 
 be given to the problems of the Territory of Hawaii. Those problems 
 require relief of a widely different nature. The first problem is the 
 solution of the present grave labor shortage constituting a crisis 
 which threatens the very existence of the industries of the Territory 
 and even of the Territor}^ itself. The second problem is the determi- 
 nation of a permanent immigration policy which will at once permit 
 the creation of a white Caucasian base for the population of the 
 Territory and effectively prevent the recurrence of such a labor 
 shortage hereafter. 
 
 For the relief of the present situation, a rotation of immigration 
 is proposed to the end that Hawaii may now secure adequate labor 
 that will solve her instant emergency problem. Since this immigra- 
 
336 LABOR PROBLEMS IIsT HAWAII. 
 
 tion is to be rotated and thereby prevented from becoming a part of 
 the Territory's permanent population, the first and the only consider- 
 ation in determining upon the nature of the immigrants is whether 
 or not they can and will work in the tropical fields of the country so 
 efficiently as to permit the continued operation and control of our 
 agricultural industries by and for Americans. 
 
 The second problem of a permanent immigration policy will need 
 no solution unless and until the present emergency has passed; for, if 
 that emergency continue unrelieved, the industrial and political 
 control of the Territory will pass into alien hands, and the country 
 cease to remain an American community. The solution of these 
 two problems, the one emergency and the other permanent must be 
 founded upon a frank differentiation between labor intended to 
 relieve the present crises and labor intended for a permanent popu- 
 lation. For the former, Hawaii needs the most efficient labor avail- 
 able, regardless of race or color; for the latter, she needs a carfully 
 selected agricultural people who can continue her industries, be 
 assimilated into her population, and constitute the base on which 
 to build a body politic essentially American. 
 
 Gentlemen, this committee has a responsibility to meet the prob- 
 lem of how to continue Hawaii as an American Territory. To take 
 no action at all is to answer that she shall speedily come under the 
 economic and the political control of an alien race. To postpone 
 action exaggerates and makes more diffident the later adjustment 
 and solution of the problem, and such adjustment is so necessary 
 that now or later it can not be escaped. To refuse to provide a 
 remedy for the present predicament of the isolated Territory of 
 Hawaii, simply because the method of remedy proposed may not 
 be adaptable to mainland conditions or because that method is new 
 in principle, is not solving our problem or meeting the responsibility 
 which is vested in your committee. 
 
 Mr. Cable. Suppose this resolution goes through as it is drawn, 
 and you were back in Hawaii. How would you proceed to get this 
 labor? Would you send men to China, or what method would you 
 pursue ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. Many of the details for carrying out this plan, 
 of necessity, would have to be provided by the Department of Labor. 
 The burden would be upon the Territory to show to the Department 
 of Labor, and it would be upon the Department of Labor to ascer- 
 tain, the exact conditions in Hawaii. If it were possible to meet 
 our situation by bringing in others than Chinese, for the sake of keep- 
 ing away from the prejudice that is against the Chinese in this country, 
 we would be glad to bring in some other people. If, howeyer, it is 
 impossible to bring people in from any other source, we will be glad 
 to bring the Chinese in. 
 
 Mr. Cable. You would have to pay their boat fare down there, 
 would you not ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. That is right. 
 
 Mr. Cable. About how much would that be ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. I do not recall what the new rates are from 
 China to Hawaii, but Mr. Mead, who knows the rates • 
 
 Mr. Cable (interposing) . Approximately ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. I should say from $50 to $75. 
 
 Mr. Mead. The rate is $65. 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 337 
 
 Mr. Cable. Then they would come to Hawaii and work for a month 
 and become dissatisfied and refuse to work any longer. What would 
 you then do with them ? 
 
 Mr. DiLLiNGHAM.f ^According to law, they would be deportable, just 
 as a man who comes here from southern Europe and stays for a month 
 and breaks any law of this country is deportable. 
 
 Mr. Cable. Who would pay that expense? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. That expense would have to be borne, probably, 
 by the unfortunate who paid his fare over. The burden would have 
 to be placed somewhere to assure to the Government his return at the 
 completion of his time of work. 
 
 Mr. Cable. Is it your understanding that this fare on the boat both 
 ways would be deducted from the amount he earned ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. That would be a matter of negotiation between 
 the interests doing the employing there, the Territorial board of immi- 
 gration supervising the arrangements made by the planters, who 
 entered into negotiations with agents in China. Under existing law 
 the Chinese Government requires that the form of the arrangement be 
 approved by the Chinese Government before any of her citizens can 
 leave for foreign lands. We have such a territorial board of immi- 
 gration, but it is unable to function owing to present immigration 
 laws. 
 
 Mr. Cable. Is that form of arrangement in writing anywhere where 
 we could get a copy of it ? Have you seen one, or do you know the 
 contents of it ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. No; I do not. 
 
 The Chairman. Have the members of your commission talked 
 with any diplomatic or consular officer of the Chinese Government in 
 relation to this matter ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. No, sir. 
 
 Mr. Cable. If that fare was deducted from the amount of wages, 
 you would get him down there and he would have to stick some time 
 before he got a nickel ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. If the Chinese Government is making arrange- 
 ments such as suggested with Hawaii, I have no doubt but that 
 protection of the individuals will be covered in such arrangements. 
 
 The Chairman. The Chinese Government could not make any 
 arrangements with the Territory of Hawaii ; they would have to make 
 such arrangements with the State Department. 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. No, sir; the arrangement is made with the 
 approval of our Government, under a permit granted by the Depart- 
 ment of Labor to import a certain number of Chinese for a limited 
 period of time, as provided in this resolution. 
 
 The Chairman. Let us see about that. We have the laws requiring 
 all Chinese coming to the United States to carry passports from their 
 Government, and those passports have to be vised by our consular 
 agents. 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. Yes. 
 
 The Chairman. The State Department certainly would be notified 
 by the consular agents of people coming in under these arrangements ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. They would be notified that, under this law, 
 authority was given by the Secretary of Labor for the admission of a 
 certain number for a certain length of time, and passports would be 
 issued under those conditions. 
 56754— 21— SER 7, pt 1 9 
 
?? 
 
 338 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Do I understand that the Chinese Government, as a 
 Government, makes an arrangement with another Government to 
 transport those of her nationals to the other country for labor ? 
 
 The Chairman. It has done so. 
 
 Mr. Raker. That was during the war. Now, I would like to have 
 the facts about that. 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. They are sending labor, as I understand it, to the 
 Malay Peninsula and other parts of the world where labor is required, 
 but they are putting a very much more careful check on that; they 
 are having a more paternal eye on that arrangement with labor to 
 insure their labor. 
 
 The Chairman. Have you any details of the provisions of those 
 agreements under which certain money is sent home for the support 
 of the families, or in reference to the amount of money required to be 
 deposited by the companies who employ the coolie labor ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. We have not gone into the details of any such 
 arrangement as that. 
 
 The Chairman. Do you know anything about it by hearsay, as to 
 how it is done in other countries ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. I have a letter which was forwarded to me since 
 my arrival here. It is very brief and I could not offer it as an 
 exhaustive report on the arrangement. I will give it to you for what 
 it may be worth. 
 
 The Chairman. Is it a personal letter or a business letter ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. It is a personal letter; it is headed ^'Personal 
 It is not the disposition of this commission, however, to hold back 
 any information that we have, whether it is personal or otherwise, 
 which bears on this subject. I do not wish to betray any confidence, 
 but I feel sure that the addressee is interested, as we all are, only in 
 meeting the situation in Hawaii, as evidenced by the fact that he 
 has sent me this letter, which says : 
 
 With reference to our conversation on the question of Chinese labor for Hawaii, 
 I wish to state that it would be the best thing for the islands if the planters can get 
 Congress to pass a special act allowing a certain number of laborers to enter the Ter- 
 ritory for the plantations. This is, of course, a matter to be taken up on the other 
 side, but as regards the procedure that has to be gone through in order to secure the 
 labor at this end, I would briefly summarize as follows: 
 
 First of all, I would suggest that the employment of laborers from the Swatow 
 district, which supplied over 90 per cent of the farm laborers of the Straits Settle- 
 ments and the Federated Malay States, be considered, and these are by far superior 
 in physique and working capacity to the men from the Heung Shan and Sun Ning 
 districts that have before gone into Hawaii. 
 
 Since there is a law passed by the Chinese Government prohibiting contract labor 
 to go abroad, the question of securing the laborers in large numbers has to be solved, 
 and the solution lies in that satisfactory arrangements will have to be made with the 
 Chinese Government whereby the emigrants will be sufficiently protected before 
 the sanction can be obtained. This has been the case with thousands of IsiBorers 
 that were sent to ^he Straits Settlements, Samoa, and Nauru Islands, and in every 
 instance a contract was made between the Chinese Government, representing the 
 laborers, and the foreign consul, representing the emploj^ers of laborers. 
 
 The gist of such a contract generally embraces the fixed terms of employment, the 
 wages, and the supplies the men are to receive. At the present time thirty Mexican 
 dollars per month should be satisfactory to the men, and on this basis thousands and 
 thousands of men can be obtained. 
 
 Among the other terms of the contract, the stipulations that sufficient medical 
 assistance should be rendered the men by the employers in case of sickness, healthy 
 q^uarters should be provided, and the number of holidays in the year are also men- 
 tioned. Furthermore, on every batch of laborers sent numbering 500 or so, a sum of, 
 sav $5^000 or so. is required to be deposited by the employers with the Chinese Gov- 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII, 339 
 
 ernment for the purpose of rendering charitable aids or making compensation to any 
 of the said laborers should they return home sick or disabled. 
 
 The above are, roughly, the conditions under which Chinese labor can be obtained 
 and, to my mind, should not be difficult to follow. 
 
 The Chairman. Is that a letter written by a representative of any 
 company which acts as a go-between with the Chinese Government 
 and those who would contract for Chinese laborers ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. I do not know; I can not tell you about that. 
 I knew the writer. I remember him — or I think I do — as a very 
 small boy. He has been in China for several years and has been 
 quite a factor in connection with the transfer of the Government 
 from an empire to a republic. 
 
 The Chairman. Without objection, the clerk of the committee 
 will be asked to call on the Library of Congress for copies of the laws 
 passed by the Chinese Government prohibiting the immigration of 
 contract labor mentioned in this letter. 
 
 Have you any letters from any concern in China that might act 
 as an agent ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. No, sir. 
 
 [Note. — The Library of Congress was unable to find the informa- 
 tion desired.] 
 
 ADDITIONAL STATEMENT OF MR. ROYAL D. MEAD. 
 
 Mr. Mead. Mr. Chairman, may I make a statement in response to 
 the suggestion made by Kepresentative Nolan, that the trust, or the 
 American Sugar Refining Co., the so-called trust, buys Hawaiian 
 sugar ? 
 
 The Chairman. You may proceed. 
 
 Mr. Mead. For many years the American Sugar Refining Co. has 
 not purchased 1 pound of Hawaiian sugar. The Hawaiian sugar has 
 been refined principally by the refinery of the sugar planters in Cali- 
 fornia called the California-Hawaiian Sugar Refining Co., at Crockett, 
 Calif. This year, however, a quantity of sugar will be sent to the 
 eastern refineries, and the American Sugar Refining Co. has pur- 
 chased, I understand, 70,000 tons of that sugar. But since 1909 up 
 to this time there has not been a pound sold to the American Sugar 
 Refming Co. 
 
 The Chairman. I take it that the sugar business has fat years and 
 lean years ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. It has. Furthermore we contend that the price we 
 receive for sugar has been fixed on the basis of supply and demand 
 and not by any refinery. 
 
 The Chairman. You have had quite a number of fat years ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. We had a fat year last year, but the United States 
 Government took a large part of that profit in excess profits and 
 income taxes. 
 
 The Chairman. The fact that the Government has taken away 
 some of your profits in excess profit taxes and income taxes, does not 
 put you in any different position from any other corporation which 
 makes money ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. No, but it does place us at a distinct disadvantage with 
 the Porto Rican'and Philippine producers who do not have that tax 
 to pay. 
 
340 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 The Chairman. When was the last year when you had any lull 
 in the sugar business, v/hich you might call a lean year ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Previous to the war, in 1914, the price of sugar had 
 gone down below 3 cents, and we were facing then a very bad year. 
 Since that time our profits have been fairly good. 
 
 The Chairman. The sugar market is getting back to normal now, 
 is it not? 
 
 Mr. Mead. No, not now. I do not believe it will be back to normal 
 for several years — -not until the present tremendous production has 
 decreased. There is a very large oversupply. 
 
 (Thereupon, the committee went into executive session, after 
 which it adjourned to meet to-morrow, Saturday, June 25, 1921, at 
 10.30 o'clock a. m.) 
 
 Committee on Immigration and Naturalization, 
 
 House of Representatives, 
 
 Saturday, June 25, 1921. 
 
 The committee met at 10.30 o'clock a. m., Hon. Albert Johnson 
 (chairman) presiding. 
 
 The Chairman. Has the commission anything further to present 
 this morning, Mr. Dillingham ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. Yes, sir; I v/ould like for Mr. Mead to present 
 some extracts from reports which were not put in the record the other 
 day. 
 
 The Chairman. Mr. Mead, you may proceed. 
 
 ADDITIONAL STATEMENT OF MR. EOYAL D. MEAD. 
 
 Mr. Mead. Mr. Chairman, there are tw^o reports upon labor condi- 
 tions in Hawaii particularly which I want to refer to, the two latest 
 reports, 1911 and 1915, made by the Department of Commerce and 
 Labor. The 1915 report is Bulletin No. 94 of the United States 
 Bureau of Labor on labor conditions in Hawaii, and I am reading 
 from page 694. 
 
 Mr. Raker. And the report of 1914? 
 
 Mr. Mead. 1911. It is a bulletin of the Department of Labor 
 No. 94, and I am reading from page 694. This report you will bear 
 in mind was made in 1911, and the idea of reading from this one first 
 is to show the progressive improvement of labor conditions on the 
 sugar plantations in Hawaii. 
 
 But no unbiased observer would question that the mass of working people on 
 Hawaii plantations are now better off than ever before. Their wages are higher, 
 their housing better, their standard of living higher, their opportunities for advance- 
 ment broader. Moreover, public opinion in the islands and the sentiment of plan- 
 tation managers and overseers as a class are predominantly in favor of the changes 
 in administering labor that have occurred, and sympathetic with the progress made 
 by plantation workers under the new system. 
 
 Nevertheless, room still remains for improvement in plantation labor conditions — 
 a remark that applies equally to mainland occupations. While five years have seen 
 a betterment of plantation housing and camp sanitation, and in many places within 
 another half decade every married couple will occupy a detached cottage and gar- 
 den, yet the substitution of new residences and the introduction of improved sani- 
 tation take time, and occasion expense that in any business enterprise will be dis- 
 tributed over several years. It appears to be the rule that bad housing, poor sanita- 
 tion, and overcrowding are more common in privately owned tenements outside the 
 
 I 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 341 
 
 plantation limits than upon the plantations themselves. The rate of wages obviously 
 does not permit plantation laborers to adopt the standard of living enjoyed by white 
 laborers in the United States; nor can wages be raised immediately ito such a rate. 
 There are no relial)le means of knowing whether, taking into account cost of living 
 as well as actual wages, the economic condition of Hawaiian workers is improving 
 faster or slower than the condition of workers upon the Pacific coast. But there is 
 no immediate prospect that conditions in these two places will be equalized. The 
 differences of industries, traditions, and race are too great. 
 
 However, a comparison of Hawaiian conditions with those of California is hardly a 
 fair one. More properly Hawaii should be compared with other tropical and insular 
 countries, having similar industries. Yet this comparison must be conditioned by 
 important distinctions. Without attempting either to confirm or deny a casual 
 relation between the two facts, there is no cane-producing country in the world, 
 outside the American tariff area, where sugar cane is so highly protected as in Hawaii. 
 There is no important sugar-cane region except Queensland and Cuba where the 
 rate of wages is so high for common field labor as in Hawaii. The condition of labor 
 in Hawaii is better than in Madeira and the Azores — white labor countries- — for the 
 Territory is now drawing its main sujjply of immigrants from those islands. Wages 
 are higher than in Porto Pvico, and the material euAdronment of labor is better than in 
 most parts of the West Indies. 
 
 Furthermore, the autonomy of industry, which reflects itself directly in the general 
 Welfare of workers, is probably greater in Hawaii than in any other tropical country. 
 Hawaii is not and never has been a colony. 
 
 There is more along the same Hne but that is a general summing 
 up, as I understand it, of the conclusions of the investigators at that 
 time. This report I believe was made by Dr. Victor Clark — or 
 rather, by the chief of the bureau who. was then Dr. Neill, assisted 
 by Dr. Clark. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Where was Neill from ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. I do not know what his State was, but he was then 
 chief of the Department of Labor. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Who was the other gentlemen ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Victor S. Clark. 
 
 Mr. Raker. And you do not know where he was from ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Clark at that time had a dual employment. I believe 
 he was employed by the Carnegie Institute and also did this special 
 work for the Department of Labor. It may be that also in 1911 or 
 after this report was made, I think he took employment under the 
 Territory as superintendent of immigration. At any rate, it was on 
 or about that time. 
 
 Now, the report of 1915 appears in Senate Document No. 432, 
 Sixty-fourth Congress, first session, ^^ Labor Conditions in* Hawaii." 
 
 believe it was also published as a bulletin of the Labor Department 
 but it comes to me in this form. I am reading from page 10: 
 
 A large oriental population and a tropical climate make labor conditions in Hawaii 
 different from those on the mainland of the United States. But there is probably 
 no other tropical country except northern Queensland where average earnings and the 
 standard of living of workers are as high as in the islands. Cuban plantation hands 
 receive more pay jjer day for part of the 3^ear, but employment at these wages is not 
 80 continuous as in Hawaii, while housing and sanitary conditions for ordinary laborers 
 are below the Hawaiian standard. However, Tv'ages in the Territory are lower, and 
 the opportunit}- for a common laborer to advance is less than in California. 
 
 Page 35: 
 
 Considering the demands of the climate, plantation workers are better housed than 
 many rural laborers, mine workers, and unskilled citv workmen on the rnainland. 
 However, when new laborers from the Orient are introduced, with low standards of 
 living and primitive notions of hygiene, they invariably deteriorate the quarters 
 where they are placed. The recent large immigration of Filipinos has had this effect. 
 As they are mostly single they are often placed in long tenements or barracks, and some 
 
342 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 buildings of this type — which it was hoped had been abolished from plantation camps- 
 have been erected for them. 
 
 And they are being abolished, I will say. The question of barracks | 
 for single men is something we all frown upon, and just as rapidly as 
 possible they are being eliminated; but I have gone into camps where 
 they have put Filipinos and others into very nice houses and you would 
 almost weep to see the way they have abused those good quarters, 
 and my advice would be against the putting of Porto Ricans, who 
 have not the slightest idea of sanitation, in new houses. They ought 
 to be given first an opportunity of learning something in regard to 
 sanitation and the care of their houses before they are given the type 
 of houses now being erected for ordinary laborers. 
 
 Page 39: 
 
 Several facts indicate that plantation laborers receive more than a subsistence wage* 
 The Japanese, including those not on plantations, send more than .$1,000,000 annually 
 to their home country through the post office, and are said to transmit a still larger sum 
 through the Yokohama Specie Bank, which has a branch in Honolulu. 
 
 Page 58 — this is headed, ^'The question of the Asiatic": 
 
 This is the main question in Hawaii from all standpoints. The population is more 
 largely Asiatic now than ever before, and that element is growing relatively faster 
 than the rest of the people. The Japanese multiply through a high birth rate and the 
 importation of picture brides. The planters' associations have brought in more Fili- 
 pinos since 1909 than the entire north European and American population of the 
 Territory. The Japanese women who come to Hawaii under the peculiar arrangement 
 mentioned engage in field work. Their principal occupation, however, is the bearing 
 of children. They and their children are not as yet self-supporting, so that the family 
 expenditures have thus been enhanced. These importations have not thus far acted 
 to depress wages of male workers. There are about 14 adult men among the Filipinos 
 for every 3 women and children, and their importation has probably helped to lower 
 wages or at least to prevent them from rising. 
 
 In which conclusion the gentlemen is entirely wrong because wages 
 have been continually on the increase. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Before I forget it, since the claimed landing of picture 
 brides on the mainland during the year 1920, after August, have 
 there not been picture brides coming to Hawaii? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Yes; that regulation or restriction did not apply to 
 Hawaii. I do not know why, but it did not. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Have you any idea of the number that have come to 
 Hawaii ? ' 
 
 Mr. Mead. I have not the figures; no, sir. 
 
 Mr. Weeber. I can tell you the number that came in from 1910 to 
 1920, but not by separate years. The total was 10,617 in that 
 decade. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Picture brides. 
 
 Mr. Weeber. Picture brides admitted to the Territory of Hawaii 
 from 1910 to 1920. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Could you give the committee the approximate 
 number that came in in 1920 ? 
 
 Mr. Weeber. Six hundred and seventy-six picture brides were ad 
 mitted to the Territory of Hawaii in 1920. 
 
 The Chairman. Just at that point, did I understand you to say 
 that the order of the Japanese Government forbidding the entry oi 
 picture brides into the United States did not apply to Hawaii s 
 
 Mr. Mead. It did not apply to Hawaii. 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 343 
 
 Mr. Kaker. And those that came in in 1920, after August, and 
 those that are coming in since August, 1920, up until the present time 
 and bear children in Hawaii, those children will be American citizens ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Children born there will be American citizens. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Yes; and can come on to the continental United States 
 at their pleasure. 
 
 Mr. Mead. They can, as I understand it. 
 
 Mr. Raker. And being American citizens, property in California 
 could be deeded to them although they resided in Hawaii. 
 
 Mr. Mead. Oh, yes. They are American citizens born in Hawaii, 
 and their citizenship extends everywhere through continental -United 
 States, naturally. There is a significant thing, though, in connection 
 with the children of Japanese born in Hawaii. I have followed the 
 istatistics of arrivals and departures of steerage passengers at Hono- 
 lulu for a great many years, and I venture to say that for 20 years 
 past and more the number of Japanese children leaving the Territory 
 and going to Japan has exceeded by four to one the number of chil- 
 dren coming from Japan to Hawaii. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Yes; but 
 
 Mr. Mead (continuing). In other words, the Japanese who have 
 children in Hawaii send their children back to Japan after they have 
 reached a certain age. Just what that age is I do not know, but they 
 send them back to Japan to acquire their education in Japan. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Exactly; and they get a Japanese education, and all 
 the boys who are American citizens married in Japan would be en- 
 titled to reenter Hawaii as well as the mainland. 
 
 Mr. Mead. Exactly. 
 
 Mr. Raker. With their brides, which would be proper under the 
 law because they would be American citizens; and the girls or the 
 young ladies go there for an education and stay until they graduate 
 and then can come back whenever they see fit to do so. 
 
 Mr. Mead. I do not know when they come back, but it is signifi- 
 cant that even though they are born in Hawaii and born into Ameri- 
 can citizenship, it is apparent that they send them back to Japan to 
 acquire a Japanese education. 
 
 Mr. Raker. From your observation, is not that the condition with 
 reference to those born on the mainland ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. I do not know so much about those born on the main- 
 land, but I know about those in Hawaii. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Do they not send them back to Japan for their early 
 education ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Just as an individual instance of that, I have had a 
 Japanese working for the Hawaiian Sugar Planters Association since 
 1901. He married in Hawaii; in fact, he has married there twice, 
 his first wife having died. He has eight children. So far as I know, 
 this young man has as nearly imbibed the ideas of Americanism, per- 
 haps, or Americanization, as any Japanese I know of there. He is 
 associated with white people in his work and has always been very 
 loyal to me. Just previous to my coming away from Honolulu, this 
 man came to me and said, ''I want a vacation to go back to Japan," 
 and I said, '^Why? What are you going back to Japan for?" He 
 said, ''I want to take my children to Japan. I want to educate them 
 as Japanese. I do not want them to grow up as Americans." 
 
344 
 
 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 Now, that is an individual instance. I do not know that it is 
 pecuhar or anything of the kind, but there is a boy I would trust. 
 I would certainly trust him where I would not trust any other 
 Japanese, but he wants his youngsters to grow up as Japanese and 
 not as Americans. - 
 
 Mr. Free. Mr. Mead, have you folks any statistics here to show 
 the number, if any, of American-born Japanese who have become 
 expatriated or who have requested expatriation from their own 
 country? - 
 
 Mr. Mead. No; I have not. I do not know whether the commis- 
 sion has those figures or not. 
 
 The Chairman. Before we get to those figures, Mr. Weeber has here 
 a table of aliens admitted to and departing from the Territory of 
 Hawaii between the years 1910 and 1920, inclusive, by nationalities. 
 I think it would be well to have that inserted, and without objection, 
 it will be so ordered. 
 
 (The statement referred to follows :) 
 
 Aliens admitted to and departing from the Territory of Hawaii between the years 1910 and 
 
 1920, inclusive. 
 
 Race of people. 
 
 1910 
 
 * 
 
 1911 
 
 1912 
 
 1913 
 
 1914 
 
 1915 
 
 In. 
 
 Out. 
 
 In. 
 
 Out. 
 
 In. 
 
 Out. 
 
 In. 
 
 Out. 
 
 In. 
 
 Out. 
 
 In. 
 
 OU. 
 
 African (black) 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 6 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 
 1 
 
 Armenian 
 
 1 
 
 2 
 
 1 
 
 91 
 
 
 
 
 Bohemian.. 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 i 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Bulgarian 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Chinese 
 
 478 
 
 130 
 
 370 
 
 114 
 3 
 
 253 
 
 143 
 
 230 
 
 129 
 
 198 
 
 Ill ■ 
 
 .183' 
 
 Croatian and Slovenian 
 
 Cuban . . 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Dutch and Flemish 
 
 East Indian 
 
 3 
 
 227 
 46 
 
 
 
 '"19 
 
 1 
 70 
 67 
 
 
 5 
 
 2 
 
 6 
 6 
 
 81 
 1 
 3 
 
 19 
 1 
 1 
 8 
 2 
 4,062 
 
 45 
 
 X 
 
 ""49' 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 66 
 
 1 
 '"46" 
 
 4 
 
 1 
 
 46 
 
 ...... 
 
 41 
 
 English 
 
 32 
 
 73 
 1 
 2 
 
 23 
 1 
 
 35 
 2 
 
 5 
 - 1 
 
 Finnish . 
 
 French 
 
 2 
 57 
 
 6 
 
 3 
 13 
 
 1 
 1,239 
 
 2 
 12 
 
 i'632' 
 
 106 
 
 4 
 1 
 
 5 
 20 
 1 
 1 
 3 
 
 2 
 1,883 
 
 8 
 
 1 
 
 5 
 
 25 
 
 3 
 16 
 
 216 
 32 
 
 "'2i' 
 1 
 
 1 
 20 
 
 2 
 
 3,817 
 
 92 
 
 6 
 6 
 
 . 6 
 
 2 
 17 
 
 1 
 
 2 
 ■ •'. 1- 
 ...... ^ 
 
 German . 
 
 Greek 
 
 Hebrew 
 
 Irish ■ 
 
 
 10 
 
 3 
 
 3 
 
 1 
 
 215 
 
 30 
 
 i 
 2,625 
 
 -6 
 
 '"M 
 
 ■'. 37" 
 
 Italian 
 
 Japanese ; 
 
 912 
 32 
 
 2.816 
 17 
 
 617 
 40 
 
 Korean 
 
 Mexican 
 
 Pacific Islander 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 3 
 
 228 
 
 '"15 
 
 1 
 17 
 13 
 
 
 '1 
 
 ', V 
 
 .-•■' 2 
 32 
 
 '""96 
 2 
 ■ . 24 - 
 
 • ■ 
 
 Pohsh 
 
 12 
 
 864 
 
 6 
 
 548 
 
 1 
 3 
 
 7 
 1,114 
 
 2 
 
 Portuguese... . . . 
 
 33 
 
 2. 
 1 
 6 
 1 
 31 
 
 Rumanian . 
 
 Russian 
 
 1, 542 
 
 3 
 
 58 
 
 4 
 3 
 6 
 
 202 
 
 1 
 
 64 
 
 7 
 2 
 15 
 9 
 3 
 
 234 
 
 6 
 
 65 
 
 23 
 
 4 
 
 16 
 
 99 
 
 7 
 73 
 
 90 
 
 1 
 
 17 
 
 14 
 
 3 
 
 54 
 
 -119 
 
 1 
 
 30 
 
 Scandinavian 
 
 Scotch ^ 
 
 Slovak 
 
 Spanish 
 
 1 
 
 
 868 
 
 2,156 
 
 2 
 
 1,043 
 
 3 
 
 1,362 
 
 49 
 
 3 
 
 . :3i'- 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Turkish 
 
 5 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Welsh 
 
 
 3 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 3 
 
 
 2 
 
 1 
 
 
 1 ' 
 
 West Indian 
 
 Other peoples 
 
 
 1 
 
 4 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 1 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Total 
 
 4,186 
 
 2,267 
 
 3,886 
 
 1,421 
 
 6,654 
 
 907 
 
 5,837 
 
 682 
 
 5,622 
 
 747 
 
 2,934„ 
 
 561 
 
 
LABOR PEOBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 345 
 
 Aliens admitted to and departing from the Territory of Hawaii between the years 1910 
 
 and 1920, mc^tiswe— Continued. 
 
 Race of people. ) 
 
 1916 
 
 1917 
 
 1918 
 
 1919 
 
 1920 
 
 Net. 
 
 In. 
 
 Out. 
 
 In. 
 
 Out. 
 
 In. 
 
 Out. 
 
 In. 
 
 Out. 
 
 In. 
 
 Out. 
 
 Loss. 
 
 Gain. 
 
 African (black) 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 Armenian 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 Bohemian 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Bulgarian 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 Chinese. 
 
 119 
 
 104 
 
 141 
 
 Ill 
 
 101 
 
 209 
 
 72 
 
 26G 
 
 107 
 
 345 
 
 1,489 
 
 
 Croatian and Slovenian . 
 
 3 
 
 Cuban 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 i 
 
 Dutch and Flemish 
 
 East Indian 
 
 2 
 1 
 
 76 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 3 
 
 i 
 
 23 
 
 
 5 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 29 
 
 307 
 
 English 
 
 29 
 
 71 
 5 
 2 
 
 16 
 4 
 4 
 6 
 
 28 
 
 35 
 
 48 
 
 33 
 
 128 
 
 38 
 
 
 340 
 
 Finnish 
 
 5 
 
 French 
 
 16 
 
 22 
 
 2 
 
 1 
 
 18 
 
 2 
 1 
 
 
 1 
 2 
 
 
 3 
 
 2 
 
 3 
 1 
 
 1 
 1 
 
 ...... 
 
 ""is" 
 
 20 
 
 German. . 
 
 151 
 
 Greek 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 Hebrew 
 
 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 14 
 
 2 
 
 2,138 
 
 45 
 
 
 13 
 
 Irish 
 
 5 
 
 8 
 
 2 
 
 5 
 
 ' 5 
 
 2,384 
 
 66 
 
 1 
 
 "'i74' 
 14 
 
 3 
 
 
 73 
 
 Italian 
 
 13 
 
 Japanese . . 
 
 2,797 
 80 
 
 58 
 24 
 
 3,178 
 116 
 
 84 
 34 
 
 2,856 
 
 78 
 
 249 
 57 
 
 229 
 
 7 
 
 ""I' 
 
 25,409 
 219 
 
 Korean 
 
 Mexican 
 
 
 Pacific islander 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 
 1 
 1 
 1 
 
 
 2 
 
 JNjUsh.... . . 
 
 4 
 2 
 
 
 i 
 
 39 
 
 
 
 
 
 46 
 
 Portuguese. . 
 
 81 
 
 6 
 
 
 12 
 
 
 . 3 
 
 
 
 2,558 
 
 Rumanian ... 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 Russian 
 
 12 
 
 8 
 29, 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 22 
 
 9 
 
 8 
 
 30 
 
 65 
 ■'"12" 
 
 6 
 
 6 
 
 13 
 
 61 
 
 2 
 
 25 
 
 5 
 
 2 
 
 22 
 
 8 
 
 "'io' 
 
 16 
 
 5 
 
 114 
 
 14 
 
 
 1,650 
 
 Scandinavian 
 
 33 
 
 
 20 
 
 ""9' 
 
 356 
 
 Slovak 
 
 
 Spanish 
 
 
 63 
 
 4 
 
 25 
 
 ...... 
 
 18 
 
 
 
 
 
 5,243 
 
 Spanish-Am erican 
 
 2 
 1 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 - 4 
 
 Syrian 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 Turkish. ... 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 5 
 
 Welsh .. 
 
 1 
 
 
 2 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 ...... 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 
 12 
 
 West Indian 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Other peoples 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Total... . 
 
 3,194 
 
 394 
 
 3,607 
 
 405 
 
 3,100 
 
 674 
 
 2,619 
 
 511 
 
 2,578 
 
 659 
 
 
 34,989 
 
 
 'Mr. Raker. And although it may be shown by that table that a 
 large number of Japanese had expatriated themselves from the 
 tiawaiian Islands, there is nothing to show but what those young 
 m^n and women going to Japan to receive their education, after they 
 have stayed there from 5 to 10 or 12 years, return to the United 
 '. States. 
 
 Mr. Mead. I do not think that table shows anything of the kind. 
 - The Chairman. It does not show expatriation. It shows arrivals 
 and departures. 
 
 .'Mr. Eaker. But I say that if the departures shown were fairly 
 large, it would be no indication that they were returning in order to 
 remain there. 
 
 , Mr. Mead. Not at all; but the figures for many years past show that 
 with the exception of Japanese women coming to Hawaii, the de- 
 partures of Japanese men and the departures of Japanese children 
 irom Hawaii to Japan are far in excess of the arrivals of Japanese 
 men and Japanese children. The only excess of arrivals over de- 
 partures among the Japanese is among the Japanese women and 
 there are not and have not been coming into Hawaii for a long period 
 as many Japanese men as have gone out, or as many Japanese children 
 as have gone out. 
 
346 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Then how do you account for the fact that the popu- 
 lation of the Japanese for the last 10 years has increased 
 
 Mr. Mead (interposing). The birth rate, of course, is very high. 
 The birth rate of the Japanese is very high and this excess of depar- 
 tures does not at all make up for the very high birth rates. These 
 are simply figures of arrivals and departures of steerage passengers 
 there. 
 
 Mr. Free. Mr. Mead, this question may have been asked you before, 
 but unfortunately I have two hearings going on that I am trying to 
 follow and I can only appear here occasionally. Has the question 
 been asked or answered about the plan of the Japanese as to adoption. 
 Have they adopted that plan of the Japanese in the Islands ? 
 
 Mr. Mead (interposing) . I have not heard of anything of that kind 
 in Hawaii. It may be so, but I have not heard of it at all, and I 
 think I would have heard of it if it was going on. 
 
 This report continues at page 59: 
 
 Economic competition, however, does not account for the displacement of whites 
 by Asiatics so much as social repulsion. Both races instinctively withdraw from 
 each other in response to impulses that are hard to analyze. Nevertheless these 
 age-old barriers between the West and the East should not blind us to the rights 
 acquired by oriental residents in Hawaii. They came at the invitation of the former 
 Government and were there when we took the country, or have come with our con- 
 sent since it was in our possession. We have by our laws changed them from inden- 
 tured laborers, who might be deported at our behest, into life residents and fathers 
 of future citizens. Unless we abolish representative government in Hawaii, their 
 children, mostly Japanese, will soon be able if they are so disposed to dominate the 
 country politically. We shall then have the choice of either denying our most typi- 
 cal institutions to one of our own Territories, or of giving over the control of one of 
 our most important oversea military possessions into the hands of an Asiatic voting 
 population. 
 
 Moreover, the political influence of these people, whose Americanization is still 
 in question, will be reenforced by their growing economic influence. 
 
 Then there is a discussion about their going into various busi- 
 nesses and intrenching themselves in all lines of occupation and 
 then a discussion of the Japanese language schools, which I will 
 not readv 
 
 Mr. Raker. We have a very extensive resume of the Japanese 
 language schools and a survey of education in Hawaii issued by 
 the Department of Labor in Bulletin No. 16 of 1920. It would be 
 worth while for the committee and the Members of Congress to be 
 familiar with that report. 
 
 Mr. Mead. I might read an extract from this report along the 
 line of what I have just stated regarding the Japanese children 
 going back to be educated. It appears on page 60: 
 
 A very large number of Japanese children are sent back to Japan as soon as they are 
 able to leave their parents, to be educated and to be trained in the traditions, religion, 
 and history of Japan, in order that they may not lose their loyalty to that country. 
 
 On page 65 is a review and the conclusions on labor conditions: 
 
 Labor conditions in Hawaii are better than in most tropical countries and. in some 
 ways are better than in many mainland communities. The struggle for existence 
 is not severe. Except early in 1914, when abnormally low-sugar prices and the 
 prospective removal of the duty on that article enforced stringent economy in plan- 
 tation management, agricultural workers have never faced involuntary unemj)loy- 
 ment. From an oriental standpoint, labor conditions are excellent. 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 347 
 
 And then they discuss that proposition further: 
 
 Most of the betterment of labor conditions during the past 15 years has not been 
 at the instance of the laborers themselves. It has been partly forced from employers 
 by their competition among themselves for labor. 
 
 Then, going on in regard to this situation, on page 67 : 
 
 There is no reason for an alarmist attitude toward the Japanese. Those in Hawaii 
 are not unmindful that some mischance may in the future disturb the friendly 
 relations between their country and our own; but they do not court such an event. 
 
 This report, as you recall, was published in 1915. 
 
 They (the Japanese) maintain their national characteristics and allegiance very 
 stubbornly and transmit them to their children born in Hawaii. Their Americaniza- 
 tion is as yet on the surface; it has not touched their hearts. Nor is there much reason 
 why it should. They are discriminated against in the matter of citizenship and are 
 separated by social and linguistic barriers from the white population. 
 
 The Chairman. At the time that was written there had been no 
 Japanese labor organization formed in Hawaii. 
 
 Mr. Mead. There was in 1909, when they carried on a strike, a 
 Japanese organization, yes; but it did not last very long. 
 
 Mr. Raker. When that was written and before it was printed I 
 called it to the attention of this committee — that is, the conditions 
 there — and requested that some action be taken whereby the condi- 
 tions might be molhfied and that Hawaii might be given an oppor- 
 tunity to look after her future interests, but the authorities then, 
 and the American Congress then, gave a deaf ear to the conditions 
 in Hawaii. 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. What time was that? 
 
 Mr. Raker. Following that report. 
 
 The Chairman. What was the plan offered by you? 
 
 Mr. Raker. Well, I do not want to take up the time of the com- 
 mittee to state all of the plans, but the first plan was to prohibit the 
 importation or the immigration of Japanese to Hawaii, through 
 picture brides and otherwise, as well as to the continental United 
 States. That was in 1915, a little over five years ago, and pretty 
 nearly six. 
 
 Mr. Mead. I will read from page 68: 
 
 Necessary encouragement should be given to the immigration of Europeans. The 
 Portuguese have proved suitable settlers for Hawaii. People of Iberian stock readily 
 become Americans in habits and spirit. They are frugal and industrious and they 
 thrive in the Hawaiian climate. On account of the remoteness of the Territory 
 from Europe, they can attract immigrants in competition with nearer countries only 
 by paying their passage, and the law permits the Government to do this. 
 
 The law does not permit it now, that provision having been taken 
 out of the law. 
 
 But many Europeans use this Government assistance to get cheaply to California, 
 a fact that has discouraged the policy of thus building up a citizen population. It 
 is maintained by some that immigrants whose passage to Hawaii has been paid by 
 the local Government should be required to repay their passage money if they leave 
 the Territory for the mainland within three years. 
 
 I do not know how that would ever be accomplished, but there is 
 just that suggestion. To end that particular part of the discussion 
 this report says : 
 
 The Federal Government, in every policy affecting the Territory, should strive to 
 foster such a community. 
 
348 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 That is, a community of white stock. Those are about the only 
 extracts that I care to read out of these reports. Both of these 
 reports, especially the report of 1916, which is not very long, would 
 well repay a careful reading. There are other statements which I 
 could read but I do not want to burden the record. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Going back not only to labor conditions but to 
 economic conditions, all of the Japanese that are American citizens 
 would be entitled to purchase any business that might be on the 
 Islands. 
 
 Mr. Mead. Oh, yes. 
 
 Mr. Raker. And then call in their relatives and friends to assist 
 them ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Well, I assume that could follow. 
 
 Mr. Raker. But up to the present time is there any law prohibiting 
 a Japanese from purchasing property in Hawaii ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Not that I know of. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Either land or otherwise ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. No. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Then if they have the money and the desire there are 
 enough Japanese to purchase not only the sugar plantations but other 
 industries in Hawaii and run them as American citizens ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. If they had the money perhaps they might make an 
 attempt to purchase the sugar plantations, but I do not think they 
 would ever get very far. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Why not ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Because the people out there are patriotic Americans 
 and they are not going to sell their lands to the Japanese ; they are 
 not going to sell their plantation lands to aliens. 
 
 Mr. Raker. If they do not get the necessary labor and the Japan- 
 ese being there in the large number they are, having refused to work 
 on the plantations and having induced others to refuse to work on 
 the plantations, the sugar plantations can not prosper or do business 
 and would be running a losing business all the time, so that it would 
 look feasible that if the Japanese had the money they would be in a 
 position to acquire the property and then put their own people at work. 
 
 Mr. Mead. I do not agree to that for a minute. I believe that the 
 
 great majority of the plantation owners in Hawaii would rather see 
 
 /their fields dried up and turned into absolutel}^ arid areas than to 
 
 I have that country turned over to the Japanese, either through their 
 
 ' purchase of the lands or otherwise. That is what I think of the white 
 
 people of Hawaii. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Do you mean that the condition is such that because 
 of a nationality they would refuse to sell to an American citizen ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. I would not say they would refuse to sell to American 
 citizens. 
 
 Mr. Raker. I mean, Japanese American citizens. 
 
 Mr. Mead. They would not refuse to sell to you, no, sir; they would 
 be glad to have you come out there and buy all the sugar land you 
 could afford to buy. 
 
 Mr. Raker. That would be very little. 
 
 Mr. Mead. But so far as allowing the Japanese to get a foothold 
 
 there I am very confident, sir, that it could never be done. You 
 
 ; must remember that the holdings of the stock of the plantations in 
 
 ': Hawaii are by people who are Americans or those who are white 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 349 
 
 American citizens, and that they are living there. They have their/ 
 homes there, and they propose to have that country a white American' 
 country. 
 
 Mr. Raker. In other words, you intend to convey to the committee 
 the idea that the conditions are such, by virtue of the large number 
 of nationals of Japan, whether aliens or citizens, that unless some- 
 thing is done to give the people there who are engaged in business — 
 that is, the white American citizens — an opportunity to conduct 
 their business, that they will either go bankrupt or 
 
 Mr. Mead (interposing). Yes, sir; I think the people of Hawaii are 
 entitled to that relief. I think they are not only entitled to that 
 relief from an economic standpoint but from the standpoint that 
 Hawaii is a military outpost of the United States, and it is a mighty 
 important post; I do not think that most people realize how very 
 important it is and that the people out there are trying their very 
 hardest to build up a population that will be loyal to the United 
 States in case of any trouble. 
 
 Mr. Raker. If the Japanese population is so large and it continues 
 to increase to such an extent that they could take possession of the 
 islands, what good would it do to us to hold them ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. What good would it do us to have other labor there 
 that would offset that ? 
 
 Mr. Raker. No; what good would it do us to hold it as a military 
 outpost if the population of a particular nationality is so strong that 
 overnight they could take possession ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Well, overnight they are not going to take possession 
 in a military way. 
 
 The Chairman. You figure it will be done by what is termed in 
 Cajifornia '^peaceful penetration" ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Possibly. 
 
 The Chairman. Is it not true that there are 20,000 Japanese 
 children attending Japanese schools and being taught by Japanese 
 teachers ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. I think I stated the other day that when it comes to a? 
 point where the political aspect of things shows that the Japanese; 
 have or will shortly obtain control of the electorate that you gen- 1 
 tlemen here in Congress are going to see that some provision is made \ 
 whereby a commission form of government is put into effect out there. I 
 That is my belief. 
 
 The Chairman. Rather a military government ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. A commission form of government, the commission 
 being composed largely of military or naval men. 
 
 The Chairman. How many Japanese newspapers are in the islands, 
 if you know? 
 
 Mr. Mead. I do not know how many there are all over the islands, 
 but there are five or six in Honolulu. 
 
 Mr. Johnson. Including some daily papers ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Yes, sir. 
 
 The Chairman. Have they fought the plantation owners? 
 
 Mr. Mead. They are very rabid and say all sorts of things. 
 
 The Chairman. What is the University of Hawaii ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. That is an educational institution conducted by the 
 Territory of Hawaii, and it has. I believe, assistance from the Federal 
 
350 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 Government. It used to be an agricultural college but has been 
 turned into a university. 
 
 The Chairman. It is maintained by the Territory ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Yes, sir. I do not know positively whether it receives 
 Federal aid or not. 
 
 Mr. Wise. $50,000 a year'. 
 
 The Chairman. Do Japanese pupils go there ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Yes; pupils of all nationalities. 
 
 The Chairman. They go there whether they are citizens or not ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Yes, sir. 
 
 The Chairman. Are there any alien teachers in that university ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. I think there are one or two. I think they have a 
 Japanese professor of Japanese art and literature, and a Chinese pro- 
 fessor of art and literature. 
 
 The Chairman. Do you know Prof. Harada ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Yes; I know him. 
 
 The Chairman. What is his chair ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. He has charge of Japanese art and literature. 
 
 The Chairman. Do you remember his address before the Japanese 
 business men of Honolulu on January 13, 1921, in which he said: 
 
 The complete solution of the Japanese question will never be reached until Ameri- 
 can-born Japanese exert their influence in political circles. 
 
 Mr. Mead. I was not there at that time, but I read that address in 
 one of the newspapers. 
 
 The Chairman. It is presumed to be a fair report ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Yes. 
 
 The Chairman. That might mean that the American-born Japa- 
 nese would act as Americans ? " 
 
 Mr. Mead. Yes, sir. 
 
 The Chairman. Or they could act in the capacity of their other 
 citizenship. 
 
 Mr. Mead. Exactly. 
 
 The Chairman. Getting right down to the nub of the thing, do 
 you think it would be advisable for Congress to undertake to cure 
 one oriental sore by the development of another oriental sore? 
 
 Mr. Mead. I do not admit for a moment that the admission of 
 Chinese to Hawaii would form an oriental sore. 
 
 The Chairman. Did any one think, when the first 500 Japanese 
 came to the Hawaiian Islands or the first 1,000 came to the State of 
 Washington or to the State of California, that we would have this 
 oriental problem, acute as it is, both in Hawaii and in the United 
 States? 
 
 Mr. Mead. We have had Japanese and we have had Chinese in 
 Hawaii, so that we have had a chance to compare the nationalities. 
 The Chinese mix and intermarry with other races, and the offspring 
 of Chinese and Hawaiians or Chinese and other races is splendid. : 
 Some of those are the equal of anything we have in Hawaii, so far i 
 as their loyalty and so far as their general citizenship are concerned, j 
 But the Japanese do not intermarry with any other nationality j 
 nor do they mix with any other nationality. 
 
 The Chairman. Let us see about that. The Chinese never brought [ 
 their women to the Hawaiian Islands in any numbers? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Not in any numbers; no, sir. 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 351 
 
 The Chairman. Therefore, by the very nature of things, they 
 intermarried. 
 
 Mr. Mead. Yes; and very largely with the Hawaiians. 
 
 The Chairman. The Japanese, on the contrary, having devised 
 the picture bride scheme, have brought their women there ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Yes, sir; although for many years there were no picture 
 brides coming to Hawaii. 
 
 The Chairman. So that the incentive to intermingle or intermarry 
 is not so great? 
 
 Mr. Mead. I would not say the incentive, but I would say that 
 the Japanese do not want to mix w^ith any other nationality; they 
 would rather remain unmarried than to marry anybody outside of 
 their own. 
 
 The Chairman. The American citizens who went out to the Pacific 
 Northwest, following the strike of gold in California in 1849, did not 
 want to marry the Indian women out there, but some of them did. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Only a few of them. 
 
 ^Ir. Mead. The Japanese do not want to and they have not. I 
 believe I could count on the fingers of both hands the marriages of 
 Japanese to people of other nationalities. 
 
 The Chairman. In Hawaii? 
 
 Mr. Mead. In Hawaii. Out in the Orient, of course, you will 
 find a great many men who have married Japanese women, but you 
 do not find it in Hawaii. 
 
 The Chairman. So you think the Chinese could come in in any 
 considerable number and not in any way create a possible future 
 trouble ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Absolutely; they would create no trouble at all. 
 
 Mr. Raker. If the Japanese are there in such numbers and by 
 reason of their work and labor and accumulation of all the finances 
 of the various businesses of the country, it is bound to reduce the 
 rest of the community to a sort of reliance on them for finances, 
 is it not ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. I do not believe we would ever reach that stage. 
 
 Mr. Raker. In a way it is getting that way now, is it not ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. No. I would not say that you would ever reach or 
 even approach the stage where we would rely upon the Japanese for 
 the financing of any operation of any kind. 
 
 Mr'. Raker. If you brought in 30,000 Chinese to take the places 
 of the Japanese who have been working not only in the sugar- 
 cane industry but in the pineapple industry, the rice industry and 
 other agricultural industries, so as to displace the Japanese labor, 
 the Japanese would have to go into something else, would they not ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. I do not understand that it is the intention to bring 
 in Chinese or any other labor to displace any of the people who are 
 now working. But there is a shortage of labor out there; they have 
 not enough labor to do the agricultural work that is necessary to 
 be done, and the proposition is to bring in some nationality, other 
 than Japanese, naturally, to fill up the hole which now exists in the 
 labor situation. 
 
 Mr. Raker. I will put it this way, then : The Japanese have 
 already struck, or had a strike in 1920, and some of them did not 
 go back. Suppose that more should strike, and that there was 
 practically no labor for these agricultural industries, and you should 
 
352 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 bring in 30,000 Chinese to take their places. That would leave the 
 Japanese without any employment, would it not ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Yes; if they all went out on a strike and did not 
 come back 
 
 Mr. Raker. I am assuming that to be the condition. Would not 
 that create an acute condition as between the two races, the Japanese 
 and the Chinese, the Japanese, on the one hand, having thirty or 
 forty thousand laboring in the fields, getting a good wage, and having 
 fairly good conditions surrounding them as to housing, etc., and the 
 Japanese, on the other hand, being out of employment. 
 
 Mr. Mead. I can imagine that condition on a theoretical questioii 
 of that kind; that is, if all the Japanese on the plantations went' out 
 on a strike and were absolutely loafing and doing nothing, and you 
 should bring in 30,000 Chinese and put them in the places that those 
 Japanese had previously occupied, you might have racial trouble, 
 but that is a purely theoretical situation which will never arise, 
 because if the Japanese all go out on a strike and will not work on 
 the plantations they will not be able to find employment, and most 
 of them will have to go back to Japan, because they have got to 
 work to live. 
 
 The Chairman. This last strike was won by which side ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. By the planters. 
 
 The Chairman. After a delay of how long ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. About six months. 
 
 The Chairman. Then the Japanese returned to their work ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Yes. 
 
 The Chairman. At the old scale ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. They returned at the old scale and thereafter the 
 wages were raised 50 per cent. The bonus was reduced but the 
 basic wage was increased. 
 
 The Chairman. That had the tendency of getting away from the 
 trouble with this excessive bonus ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Yes, sir. 
 
 The Chairman. What was the cost of that strike ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. The Japanese Federation published figures whereby 
 .•they claimed that they had received in donations from other Japan- 
 \/ese throughout the Territory, Japanese laborers and others, $900,000. 
 My own information is that they received an amount considerably 
 in excess of that. The cost to the Hawaiian sugar planters in providing 
 strike breakers and in damage to their crops approximated, I believe, 
 $12,000,000, although I may be mistaken as to that amount. The 
 figures were finally compiled after I left there and I have not them 
 with me, but I tliink that was the cost. One of our large expenses 
 in that connection was the insuring of the growing cane crop of 1920. 
 They were firing the fields; they would go along, apparently, in 
 automobiles with bombs and throw them over into the fields in 
 different sections of the plantations, where the fields adjoined the 
 public roads. We had very serious fires, so we insured that crop. 
 It was the first time that I know of — I never heard of it before— 
 where any such insurance had been taken out on such a large scale. 
 The fields were insured for $15,000,000. 
 
 Mr. Raker. That became more than a general strike, then. 
 
 Mr. Mead. It was a strike on all but one of the plantations on the 
 island of Oahu. 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 353 
 
 Mr. Raker. I say, that strike assumed proportions beyond just a 
 refusal of laborers to work. 
 
 Mr. Mead. Absolutely; it assumed a national movement among 
 the Japanese. 
 
 f Mr. Raker. It assumed such proportions that those who struck, 
 and their sympathizers and friends, prepared to destroy the property 
 of the owners. 
 
 Mr. Mead. It did. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Were there many instances of that kind ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Yes; there were quite a number of fires; for a while we 
 had a fire every night. 
 
 Mr. Raker. How did you keep down serious difficulties in the way 
 of really getting into a conflict ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. We had conflicts with them, but there were no riots or 
 anything of the kind, although we had a pretty serious time. 
 
 Mr. Maloney. Where did you get the strike breakers ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. We got them out of Honolulu. 
 
 Mr. Maloney. From the islands ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Principally around Honolulu. We had a strike in 1909 
 which was also serious for a while, and at that time we found that the 
 Hawaiians were the most loyal and most efficient help, and we 
 recruited at that time somewhere around 3,000 Hawaiians, stevedores 
 and the like, who were working around Honolulu. In 1920 they 
 came right to the fore, and if it had not been for the Hawaiians in and 
 around Honolulu, and many coming down from the other islands, I do 
 not know what we would have done. They saved the situation. 
 
 Mr. Raker. You answered my question of a moment ago in a very 
 pleasant and nice way; there is no complaint on my part, but still it 
 leaves something hazy in my mind. How could you accuse these 
 strikers of throwing bombs and setting the fires ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. How could we accuse them ? 
 
 Mr. Raker. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Mead. Everybody knew it must be them because we never had 
 fires down there, cane fires, except accidental fires such as might be 
 caused by the passing of a locomotive. They had never occurred. 
 
 Mr. Raker. If you knew those people were setting fire to planta- 
 tions, what did you do with them — what actually occurred ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Well, what actually occurred was this: We established 
 patrols — automobile patrols — through the plantations. The planta- 
 tions are pretty well divided up by roads, pretty fair roads, and we 
 had patrols going around all night long, and at one time, when it got 
 so bad, the sheriff stationed guards at points along the public roads, 
 just before they reached the plantations, and at intermediate points, 
 and every automobile that came along after dark was stopped and 
 examined to see whether there were any bombs or anything in the 
 cars with which to start fires. While that was going on, we had no 
 fires. 
 
 Mr. Raker. What was the attitude of the strikers and their friends 
 and sympathizers ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. The attitude of the strikers themselves was very, very 
 good indeed, and there were no riots of any kind. There were a few 
 hotheads among them who caused considerable trouble, but I would 
 not want to say that it was any Japanese plantation man or ex- 
 
 56754— 21— SER 7. pt 1 ^10 
 
354 LABOK PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 plantation man who set fire to the fields; I would not want to say 
 that, but I do say — and I believe I am right — -that those fires were 
 caused by Japanese. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Is it your intention to convey to the committee the 
 idea that that was sympathized in by the Japanese as a national 
 people or as a race ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Yes, sir; that is my feeling. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Did you get any result from the Japanese consul ? 
 Is there one in Hawaii ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Did you get any favorable assistance from him ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. No; we did not. The Japanese consul called together 
 or secured a committee of Japanese business men to act and to advise 
 the calling off of the strike, knowing that the planters would never 
 give in; but their conferences did not amount to anything; that is, 
 their committee did not amount to anything and they did nothing. 
 They tried to do something but the Japanese would not listen to 
 them. It is called to my attention that during these strike troubles 
 the National Guard of Hawaii was gotten in readiness to act imme- 
 diately. 
 
 Mr. Raker. How strong is your National Guard ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. It is a pretty strong guard; I do not know just what the 
 force is now, but during the war we supplied' more men through the 
 National Guard to the national forces, in proportion to our popula- 
 tion, than any other community in the United States. 
 
 Mr. Raker. I asked one gentleman about this, and it might have 
 been you. We have been a little tedious in this matter, at least I 
 guess I have, but you will have to forgive me. Has any consider- 
 able number of the men who were working in 1920 and on up to 1921 
 left the islands ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. You mean the men who went on strike in 1920? 
 
 Mr. Raker. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Mead. Yes; a great many of the plantation laborers who were 
 working in 1920 have left the islands. The bonus in 1920 was so 
 very large and the earnings of the plantation laborers were so enor- 
 mous that a great many of them — Japanese, Portuguese, Spanish, 
 Filipinos, and others — left the plantations; in the case of the Portu- 
 guese and Spanish to go to California; in the case of the Filipinos to 
 return to the Philippine Islands and to go to the coast; and in the 
 case of the Japanese to go to Japan. Hordes of them went away, 
 and the steamers were not anywhere near able to take care of the 
 people who wanted to go; they had to wait for months to get trans- 
 portation, so many of them wanted to go. I know that very well, 
 because our office in Honolulu handles the departure of Filipinos. 
 We try to keep a record of those who are going away very largely 
 with the idea of seeing how much money they have and how pros- 
 perous they have been, and they book their passages back home 
 tlirough our office. We had no objection to their going, because if 
 they wanted to go we could not stop them, but knowing we had that 
 condition v/e wanted to know, as far as we could know, what was 
 going on, and they just crowded in at Honolulu to get passage back 
 home. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Are there any considerable number that came to thej 
 slands in 1920 and 1921 who were not there before? ' 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 355 
 
 Mr. Mead. Do you mean Filipinos? 
 
 Mr. Raker. Of any nationality ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Yes, sir; the Filipino immigration has been continuous 
 since 1909. They have come in right along. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Are there any idle men in Hawaii now ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. I have not been out there at all since November. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Unemployed men is what I mean. 
 
 Mr. Mead. If there is any man in Hawaii who is now without 
 employment, it is his own fault. There is no unemployment. You 
 can not say that at any time there is unemployment in Hawaii. 
 There is no such thing there. There are no idle men except men 
 who wish to be idle. 
 
 Mr. Raker. That is not exactly what I mean, i got word from 
 home the other day that there were 60 or 70 idle men in that small 
 community of a few thousand population. The farmers could use 
 them, but they will not work on the farms. Are there any of that 
 kind of men in Hawaii, or men who are idle because they will not 
 work ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. No, sir; I do not think that that condition exists in 
 Hawaii as it does in the States, 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. In April the statement was made that it was 
 impossible to get common labor for work on the railroad, in double- 
 tracking 15 miles of railroad. That statement was challenged by 
 the Central Council of Labor, and I said to them, '^Send me 200 men 
 on Monday morning, and I will put them to work." The answer was, 
 '^ We are not a labor bureau." The offer was $3.25 per day, which 
 was the prevailing wage for common labor. Whether that has any 
 bearing upon the subject or not, I do not know, but I offer that as 
 evidence. 
 
 Mr. Cable. Was that this year? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. Yes, sir; that was this year, on the 29th of April. 
 
 Mr. Maloney. At what time did you leave Hawaii ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. On the 4th of May. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Mr. Mead, do you believe that better conditions would 
 prevail with regard to labor if you should have a higher basic wage 
 instead of the present system of paying a certain amount per month 
 and then a bonus ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. No, sir; I do not. I think that our system, with a 
 comparatively low basic wage, but a wage which gives a man a fair 
 living and a bonus is the best system. We have found on the plan- 
 tations, and I believe that nearly all of the employers of unskilled 
 labor there have found, that the higher the basic wage is, the lower 
 the turnout and the less efficiency you will have. I am talking now 
 of unskilled men. That is especially true with us, where they have 
 nothing to buy except their food and their clothes, and where they 
 are given everything else. They will work a certain number of 
 days or enough to provide them with food and some of the other 
 things, such as money to spend on luxuries or a little money to go to 
 a movie, or something of that kind. The higher you make that basic 
 wage the less turnout you will get. There will be a greater decrease 
 in efficiency. There is no question about that. We have worked it 
 out, and we know that to be the fact. Our bonus system aims to 
 get a turnout of 20 days' labor. The laborer is given a basic wage 
 
356 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 that is enough to guarantee him a living, and then he is given a bonus 
 which is based upon a 20-day turnout. We find that by that system 
 we get better results than if we had a higher basic wage. 
 
 Mr. Raker. I know; but the ordinary American citizen will not 
 work on that basis that you have of giving a certain living wage and 
 then a bonus, because he has got to gamble with the future. He can 
 not wait for 6 months or 18 months for his bonus. 
 
 Mr. Mead. He does not have to wait that long because the bonus is 
 paid every month. If he works for that period of time, his bonus will 
 be in his pay envelope for that month. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Why is it now that you have not taken American labor 
 for your skilled jobs, such as engineers, drivers, mechanics, car- 
 penters, etc. ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Well, there has been a great improvement along that 
 line. 
 
 Mr. Raker. I know; but in the last 10 years you have had Japan- 
 ese doing that skilled work. Just tell the committee why you have 
 not given those positions to American skilled laborers ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Well, the basic reasons for it are very much the same as 
 the reasons why the Japanese have gained control in many of your 
 orchards and other agricultural lands in California. He will work for 
 you; he will be more industrious, and he will be always and eternally 
 on the job. He ingratiates himself in that way so that he holds the 
 job. It is a fact that the Japanese by reason of their steadiness, 
 their industry, and by their aggressiveness, you might say, come in 
 and work out other people. He has largely worked the Hawaiian out 
 of nearly every job in Hawaii. He controls the fishing industry and 
 controls a great many minor trades, the building trades, and that sort 
 of thing. He does it by reason of that virtue of working all the time 
 and being eternally on the job, just as he has got control of many 
 orchards out in California. He works the other men out. 
 
 Mr. Raker. If that condition continues long enough, as it has 
 already started in Hawaii, it will not be many years until he has 
 worked out all of the white people. 
 
 Mr. Mead. No, sir; because in Hawaii they realize that condition, 
 and there has been an improvement in that situation. If you go into 
 the plantation statistics, you will see that the percentage of white 
 skilled laborers has increased right along. 
 
 The Chairman. As a matter of fact, the Japanese laborer works 
 more cheaply and lives more cheaply ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. He works more cheaply, lives more cheaply, is more 
 aggressive, and is always on the job. 
 
 The Chairman. The loss in wages during that strike amounted to 
 what sum? 
 
 Mr. Mead. I do not know, but it was a very large sum. I do not 
 know whether the figures are accurate or not, but I think at one 
 time I estimated the figure as high as $4,000,000. That is what I 
 figured they had lost in wages. 
 
 Mr. Maloney. Is that included in the $12,000,000 of loss? 
 
 Mr. Mead. That was the Japanese loss. 
 
 The Chairman. While that strike was in progress did the planta- 
 tion people pay their bookkeepers, storekeepers, and other help ? 
 The strike was entirely by field labor. 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 357 
 
 Mr. Mead. No, sir. All the Japanese, with few exceptions, on the 
 plantations of Oahu but one struck. All of them went on the strike, 
 both skilled and unskilled men. Men receiving as high as $5 per 
 day went on the strike. 
 
 Mr. Box. Did the workers of other nationalities go out on the 
 strike ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. In the beginning the Filipinos went out. They had a 
 leader who was controlled by the Japanese, and he induced them to 
 go on strike, but they were not on the strike very long. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Is it not really true that it is a case of the survival of 
 the class that works the longest and the hardest ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. In our labor situation ? 
 
 Mr. Raker. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Mead. I think that in all labor situations it is a question of the 
 survival of the man who works longest and hardest and of the man 
 who is always on the job. The man who is always on the job will 
 hold the job. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Applying that rule and going right on as you have 
 been going in Hawaii in the matter of the Japanese, they will soon 
 have the upper hand. 
 
 Mr. Mead. They would and could if the employers wanted to give 
 them the upper hand. 
 
 The Chairman. I want to ask you one other question: Have you 
 knowledge of any effort being made by any Japanese corporations, 
 banks, or other Japanese interests seeking to acquire plantations in 
 Hawaii ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. No, sir; the first that I heard of that was from Mr 
 Dillingham's testimony. , 
 
 The Chairman. How many Japanese banks are there in Honolulu ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. There is the Yokohama Specie Bank and the Pacific 
 Bank. I think there are four or five altogether. 
 
 The Chairman. Are they conducted under any form of Federal or 
 Territorial supervision ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. I do not know about that. They have a Territorial 
 banking law in Hawaii, but I am not familiar with it. 
 
 The Chairman. Do you know whether the books of those banks are 
 kept in the English language or in the Japanese language ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. I should say offhand that they were kept in the Japanese 
 language. 
 
 The Chairman. Does any other member of the committee desire to 
 ask any questions now ? 
 
 Mr. Box. What is the population of the city of Honolulu ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. It is 85,000. There are some figures in Thrum's Annual 
 for 1921 showing that there has been quite an increase in the number 
 of Americans on the plantations and in the number of Hawaiians and 
 of white laborers, generally speaking. That appears on page 17 of 
 the Annual for 1921. 
 
 The Chairman. Without objection, that matter may be inserted in 
 the record. You understand that the secretary will receive any 
 tables or statistics that you desire to present, and they will appear 
 as an appendix to the hearing. 
 
 Mr. Raker. You raise rice in Hawaii, do you not? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Yes, sir. 
 
358 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 Mr. Raker. You have designated that as one of the agricultural 
 products that is being seriously handicapped by virtue of the labor 
 situation. 
 
 Mr. Mead. The commission has stated that, yes sir; and it is a 
 fact. 
 
 Mr. Raker. The total value of the rice crop last year, or for 1919, 
 was more than it had been in any year before ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. I can not state that from my own knowledge. 
 
 Mr. Raker. I find that that is true. 
 
 Mr. Mead. The agricultural products in 1919 and 1920 had very 
 high valuations. 
 
 Mr. Cable. That has nothing to do with the amount of rice pro- 
 duced. 
 
 Mr. Mead. No, sir; nothing at all. For instance, in 1920, we were 
 getting as high as from 15 to 23 cents for our sugar, while in the 
 previous year we were getting, under Federal control, a little over 
 7 cents for sugar, but I think that the crop of that year was greater 
 in tonnage than the crop for 1920. 
 
 Mr. Raker. What I was getting at was just to show that, although 
 there might have been some decrease in production or in quantity, 
 the price in 1919 was considerably over that of 1909. 
 
 Mr. Mead. Yes, sir. The war prices in 1919 were fixed by the 
 Government. 
 
 Mr. Raker. I find that in 1909 you had 9,423 acres in rice, and in 
 1919 you had 5,801 acres. 
 
 Mr. Mead. I know nothing about the accuracy of those figures, 
 but I presume they are correct. I know that rice production has 
 gone down. 
 
 Mr. Raker. These figures are taken from a census bulletin. 
 
 Mr. Mead. The Chinese are the ones that cultivate the rice fields 
 there. 
 
 Mr. Raker. The value in 1909 was $1,068,239, while the value of 
 the 1919 crop was $1,577,421, or an increase in value of 47.7 per cent. 
 
 Mr. Mead. In 1909, I might say that rice was selling for from $3 
 to $3.50 per bag, while in 1919, I believe it was selling for anywhere 
 from $6 to $9 per bag. Those figures are very conservative. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Practically all of the rice used by the Japanese in 
 Hawaii is imported from Japan, is it not? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Yes, sir; a great deal of it is imported from Japan. 
 Also, a great deal of it comes from California. That is what they call 
 Japanese seed rice. I believe that during the high prices last year, 
 Japanese on the plantations used a great deal of that California 
 Japanese rice. 
 
 Mr. Raker. They buy Japanese rice in California and ship it to 
 Hawaii ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. It is raised in California. The prices were up so high, 
 and there was an embargo placed on rice by the Japanese Govern- 
 ment, so they bought a great deal of California rice. 
 
 Mr. Raker. You understand that there are quite a number of 
 Japanese in California producing rice ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. I did not know that they were producing rice. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Yes; they are, quite extensively. There are a good 
 many other things that the Japanese use out there that they import 
 from their own country. 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 359 
 
 Mr. Mead. Yes, sir; fish, soy, and a whole lot of thmgs. That 
 consists particularly of Japanese food, or things not raised in Hawaii, 
 or things not raised anywhere outside of Japan. 
 
 Mr. Raker. And also clothing? 
 
 Mr. Mead. I do not think they import a great deal of clothing. 
 They may, but offhand, I would say no. 
 
 Mr. Raker. I thought you knew, as a matter of fact, that most of 
 the Japanese in Hawaii used Japanese silks and other dress materials, 
 both for men and women ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. That sort of clothing of the better grades; yes, sir. It 
 is very likely that they do import those better grades of clothing; but 
 as for working clothes, I do not believe they come from Japan. I may 
 be wrong, but I should say they come from the States. I would not 
 want to state definitely, but you can see all kinds of brands of Ameri- 
 can-made clothes in the stores and for sale to these Japanese workers. 
 
 Mr. Raker. As I gather from these letters, it is your desire and 
 your belief that practically the only labor that may be secured is 
 Chinese labor ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. I am not a member of the commission and I am not 
 speaking for the commission or for those who sent the commission 
 here, but if you are asking my own personal opinion on the matter I 
 would say yes. 
 
 Mr. Raker. This resolution here provides that they shall come in 
 and be under some supervision for particular kinds of work. If they 
 fail or neglect to do that kind of work, they can be arrested and 
 deported, or at the end of the period of five years, or whatever the 
 limitation may be, they could be or should be deported. Is that 
 your understanding ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. In theory, as the law reads, or as the proposed resolu- 
 tion reads, that would be the exact effect, as I understand it, of this 
 resolution. However, in practice that would never occur. You are 
 dealing with a people who are industrious; you are dealing with a 
 people who want to work, and with a people who want to send money 
 back to their children and their families in China. I would be almost 
 willing to guarantee that if you got 5,000 or 25,000 Chinese under 
 such a resolution as this, you would not have to deport a man until 
 his term of contract or service was up. 
 
 Mr. Raker. I know, but what I am trying to get at is the fact 
 that, irrespective of what his desires would be, he would be in the 
 status or condition of being liable to arrest and deportation under 
 those conditions. 
 
 Mr. Mead. If I understand the matter, that would be the case; yes, 
 sir. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Of course, he would not have his free will or volition 
 to come and go as he pleased. 
 
 Mr. Mead. I do not understand that the law goes that far; no, sir. 
 As I have read the resolution — I have not studied it carefully, but as I 
 ^ understand it, he can engage in any kind of agricultural work. He 
 does not have to engage in work upon any sugar plantation or rice 
 plantation, but he can engage in any agricultural work. For instance, 
 he can raise vegetables for the market, or he can do any kind of 
 agricultural work. 
 
 I 
 
360 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 Mr. Raker. But if he, while raising agricultural products, Com- 
 mences to put up a stand in the city or to peddle articles, he would 
 be subject to deportation? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Yes, sir; so I understand, 
 
 Mr. Raker. If he went into any other lines of business, he would 
 be subject to deportation? 
 
 Mr. Mead. So I understand; yes, sir. There may be defects in 
 this emergency resolution. That is true of any emergency legisla- 
 tion. Your emergency tariff has its defects and everything in the 
 nature of emergency legislation has its defects — we must admit it. 
 However, that kind of legislation is to meet an emergency, and such 
 legislation is passed with the idea of affording immediate relief, and 
 with the idea of getting along as best you can under the best legisla- 
 tion you can pass immediately. That, as I understand it, is the 
 reason for this resolution. 
 
 Mr. Box. I notice that the United States census shows the Japanese 
 population to be about 109,000 in Hawaii, and that the Japanese 
 Association in the island make their population in Hawaii about 
 114,000, while some sort of survey made by somebody else, or, per- 
 haps, by the Chamber of Commerce or by the business interests, 
 makes the population about 120,000. That bears a striking resem- 
 blance to the situation in California. 
 
 Mr. Mead. Yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Box. Have you any reason to believe that the Japanese try 
 to make their number in Hawaii to appear less ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. No, sir; I would not say that. 
 
 Mr. Box. How do you account for that ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. I would say from my knowledge of the way the United 
 States census people go about their business— and I say that without 
 intending any criticism at all, because they have a limited time in 
 which to do their work — that I believe pretty nearly all of the census 
 statistics are under the actual population. I would say that the 
 figures secured by the Japanese consul will be a little more accurate 
 than any of the others. 
 
 Mr. Box. Would you estimate that the Japanese population, then, 
 is about 114,000 or 115,000? 
 
 Mr. Mead. I would be willing to take his figures in preference to 
 the census figures. 
 
 Mr. Box. I notice some other corroborative circumstances, and 
 from what I see I would say that too. 
 
 Mr. Mead. The Japanese consul or the Japanese Government has 
 a very extensive system in Hawaii. 
 
 Mr. Box. I do not think that they would overstate it. 
 
 Mr. Mead. The Japanese consul admitted at one time that they 
 had 500 agents throughout the islands. It was a pubhc statement. 
 
 The Chairman. Is Mr. Wallace, of the American Federation of 
 Labor, present? An opportunity is now offered Mr. Wallace to 
 present the statement that he expected to present on the receipt of 
 documents from Denver. Mr. Wallace does not appear to be present. 
 Mr. Paul Scharrenberg, representing the California State Federation 
 of Labor, is here, and we will be pleased to hear him. 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 361 
 
 STATEMENT OF MR. PAUL SCHARREl^BEEG, COMMISSIOHER 
 OF IMMIGRATION AND HOUSING, SAN FRANCISCO, CALIF. 
 
 Mr. ScHARRENBERG. Mr. Chairman and gentlemen of the com- 
 mittee, I am not here as a member of the commission of immigration 
 and housing. I am the secretary of the California State Federation 
 of Labor. I have some other business here in Washington. 
 
 The question which has been discussed before your committee is of 
 very vital interest to the working people of California. Everything 
 thai affects the Hawaiian Islands, in so far as labor is concerned, has 
 a direct reflection in California. Whenever the people of the 
 Hawaiian Islands have imported laborers, no matter where they 
 came from, we have always had a backwash in California, particu- 
 larly in San Francisco. For example, the records of the Associated 
 Charities in San Francisco show that they give more aid to Porto 
 Ricans who have come to San Francisco via the Flawaiian Islands 
 than any other nationality. So you see that the efforts of the planters 
 to secure labor bring to California som^e very undesirable people, 
 people v/ho are not able or willing to work and who become a charge 
 and burden on California. 
 
 The Chairman. That applies to any country which has an outpost 
 with which it does business ? 
 
 Mr. ScHARRENBERG. I belicve so. 
 
 The CHA.IRMAN. California has the Hawaiian Islands as one of its 
 sources of business and revenue, just like Washington has Alaska as 
 one of its sources of revenue, and necessarily the poverty of Alaska, 
 the unfortunates, and the criminal, are always thrown back on the 
 State of Washington. That is one of the conditions ? 
 
 Mr. ScHARRENBERG. I belicvc that is true. I merely said this to 
 show that the workers of California are particularly interested in the 
 discussion before the committee. The workers of California are 
 interested in the prosperity and success of Hawaii, too. 
 
 The Chairman. Surely. There is the business that California 
 sends out to the Hawaiian Islands ; I presume your fruits go there ? 
 
 Mr. ScHARRENBERG. Yes, sir. 
 
 The Chairman. Much of the sugar goes to San Francisco ? 
 
 Mr. ScHARRENBERG. Ycs, sir. 
 
 The Chairman. Their meats go out there? 
 
 Mr. ScHARRENBERG. There is no doubt of that. 
 
 The Chairman. There are two sides to that question? 
 
 Mr. ScHARRENBERG. Yes, sir. Nevertheless, if we did not have 
 the Hawaiian Islands we would not have that problem in our country 
 to which I have referred. 
 
 The Chairman. That is true. Nor would you have the sugar 
 business which has been the base of some very big activities in San 
 Francisco and California. 
 
 Mr. ScHARRENBERG. California is very rich and prosperous and I 
 believe could get along without any outpost. Is not that right. 
 Judge ? 
 
 Mr. Raker. Yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. ScHARRENBERG. Mr. Chairman, I desire to enter a protest 
 against the importation of laborers from any country who are to be 
 held in a state of peonage. That is the main and sole purpose of ap- 
 pearing here on the witness 3tand. If it is necessary to import 
 
362 LABOR PROBLEMS i:N^ HAWAIL 
 
 workers to Hawaii to live in peonage, then, by a mere sequence of 
 logic, it is also necessary to import them into California and other 
 States of our country, because we all have the same problem when it 
 is difficult to get labor to work at any wage. We are in competition 
 with other States and we are in competition with other nations. 
 That problem always will be with us. Therefore, we want to pro- 
 vide against any modification of any law which will enable the 
 Hawaiian Islands or the people in the islands to bring in laborers 
 from any country to be held in peonage. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Mr. Scharrenberg, your organization and those of us 
 who have had some knowledge for the past ten or fifteen years of this 
 question that is now affecting Hawaii, have been trying to get it be- 
 fore the people of California right along every year ? 
 
 Mr. Scharrenberg. Yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Raker. But instead of getting results, it has been getting more 
 acute and the real facts have not gotten before the American people 
 so that they might know just what would come, as it has already come 
 to Hawaii, to California, Oregon, and Washington if it continues, and 
 the longer it continues the worse it gets ? 
 
 Mr. Scharrenberg. Yes; it seems so. 
 
 The Chairman. The facts have been presented over and over again ? 
 
 Mr. Scharrenberg. Yes; I am quite sure. 
 
 The Chairman. Have you any additional facts to present? 
 
 Mr. Scharrenberg. No. 
 
 Mr. Johnson. Plave you any facts to base your opinion upon? 
 
 Mr. Raker. Only those which we gathered last year. That was the 
 first time, and the report on it has not yet been made even to Congress 
 or the Members of the House, and the American people have not 
 become familiar with the work of this committee last year. I con- 
 sider the work of this committee is one of the additions to the benefit 
 of the American people, conducted by our honorable chairman in a 
 judicial and proper way. That was the first time that the subject had 
 an opportunity to be really fairly and properly presented, but we have 
 not given that to the House nor to the country. 
 
 The Chairman. Have you any other statement to make ? 
 
 Mr. Scharrenberg. No, sir; I have none. 
 
 Mr. Cable. May I ask at whose request you are here? 
 
 Mr. Scharrenberg. At no one's request. I am here in Washington 
 on some other business. I have been in conference with some of the 
 gentlemen on the commission, President Gompers of the American 
 Federation of Labor. I subsequently met Mr. Dillingham. 
 
 Mr. Cable. Did you receive word or instructions from anyone to 
 come here and testify ? 
 
 Mr. Scharrenberg. No.' I stated specifically that I am not here 
 representing the immigration and housing commission. I know their 
 attitude and their views on this question. I have been their secretary 
 for 13 years. 
 
 Mr. Cable. Did they give you specific instructions to come here 
 and testify? 
 
 Mr. Scharrenberg. No. 
 
 The Chairman. No; he said that in the beginning. He is here in 
 accordance with his rights and I asked him myself if he cared to make 
 a statement. 
 
 p 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 363 
 
 Mr. Cable. Oh; I see. 
 
 Mr. ScHARRENBERG. I am authorized to represent the Federation 
 of Labor of the State of Cahfornia on all questions and matters. 
 
 Mr. Cable. I just wondered whether it was due to any previous 
 arrangement ? 
 
 Mr. SCHARRENBERG. No. 
 
 The Chairman. What was your previous business ? 
 
 Mr. ScHARRENBERG. I was a sailor. 
 
 The Chairman. A member of what union ? 
 
 Mr. ScHARRENBERG. The sailors' union on the Pacific coast. My 
 wife was born in the Hawaiian Islands. I am very much interested 
 in the subject. 
 
 The Chairman. You have been in the Hawaiian Islands many 
 times ? 
 
 Mr. ScHARRENBERG. No^ sir; not many times. The last time was 
 20 years ago. 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. Mr. Chairman, may I ask the witness a few 
 questions ? 
 
 The Chairman. We shall be very glad to have you do so. 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. I should like to ask you whether or not you con- 
 sider, from what you have heard about the situation in discussion, 
 that we are facing an acute situation in the islands, particularly in 
 connection with the Japanese numerical control feature ? 
 
 Mr. ScHARRENBERG. Yes; I believe the situation has been ex- 
 tremely dangerous or acute, as you say, for some years. 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. Do you think it would be an advantage or disad- 
 vantage to California to have the industries of the islands reduced 
 materially in size or wiped out altogether ? 
 
 Mr. ScHARRENBERG. It would be a disadvantage, speaking com- 
 mercially. 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. Do 3^ou think there is any advantage in having 
 Hawaii as an outpost on the Pacific coast, as a military outpost ? 
 
 Mr. ScHARRENBERG. I think it would be a disadvantage to turn 
 that over to anyone else, but I also think some other arrangement 
 could be made than the solution you have of the importation of peon 
 labor there. 
 
 The Chairman. Would you favor an amendment to the present 
 immigration law by which the literacy test might be waived for the 
 Hawaiian Islands ? 
 
 Mr. ScHARRENBERG. Personally, I would. 
 
 The Chairman. Would you be in favor of lifting the literacy test in 
 order to secure Mexican labor in Texas, Arizona, and New Mexico ? 
 
 Mr. ScHARRENBERG. Did they not do that during the war? 
 
 The Chairman. Not by law. Would you be in favor of lifting the 
 literacy test by special act of Congress for the intensive gardeners of 
 Florida ? 
 
 Mr. ScHARRENBERG. I would havc to know the conditions pre- 
 vailing there. 
 
 The Chairman. Last autumn there was a shortage of seasonal 
 labor. 
 
 Mr. ScHARRENBERG. A mere shortage would not be sufficient, in 
 my judgment, to waive the literacy test; there would have to be an 
 acute situation as they had in the southvfest States. 
 
 The Chairman. But as an absolute necessity you would favor it ? 
 
364 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 Mr. ScHARRENBERG. Yes, sir. 
 
 The Chairman. They are short of seasonal labor in Kansas right 
 now. Would you favor permitting Mexicans to come in and take 
 care of that situation ? 
 
 Mr. ScHARRENBERG. No, sir. In California we are always short at 
 certain times of the year and we have too many in other portions of 
 the -year. 
 
 The Chairman. You will be short of cantaloupe pickers in about a 
 week ? 
 
 ^r. ScHARRENBERG. For a very brief period. 
 
 The Chairman. Do you think that the effort to organize the itiner- 
 ant labor on the Pacific coast will be successful ? 
 
 Mr. ScHARRENBERG. I think that we could work out a system,* if 
 there was a responsible organization, to shift this group of migratory 
 workers from one section of the Pacific coast to the other and keep 
 them employed practically 9 or 10 months out of the year, but as it is 
 they are unorganized, they are simply traveling groups, and while the 
 people in the northern section of California want migratory workers, 
 in the southern section there are too many, because of lack of organi- 
 zation and system. 
 
 Mr. Box. I have recently read in a work dealing with the Japanese 
 question in America that they have just such an organization as that 
 which handles their labor in California. Do you know about that ? 
 
 Mr. ScHARRENBERG. The Japanese in California have a very 
 effective method of supplanting the white American laborers. The 
 method is of no advantage to the farmer of California or anywhere, but 
 it does help the Japanese. 
 
 Mr. Box. Are they able to supply this seasonal labor in different 
 parts of the State at different times ? 
 
 Mr. ScHARRENBERG. Ycs, sir. 
 
 Mr. Box. Can we learn anything from them in that regard ? 
 
 Mr. ScHARRENBERG. We scem to be very slow in learning. If you 
 own a ranch near Fresno and you want 20 men next week to do your 
 picking, you must have them or you will be sure of a loss, you send to 
 town for 20 white men. There is no employment agency in Fresno 
 that will give you an absolute guaranty that he will have 20 men 
 available for you next week, but you can go to a Japanese employment 
 agent and he will listen to you and make arrangements about the terms 
 and then he will say, ^^ On that date I will have 20 men on your ranch, ^' 
 and they will be there. He makes it his business to corral them and he 
 sends them in a wagon or team of some kind. The white employment 
 agent gathers up the drift workers. He will tell them, ^^ You may get 
 a job on such and such a place on Monday morning." As a result, 
 many of the farmers in California have as self-protection drifted into 
 the Japanese agency. The 20 Japanese workers agree to work for $2 
 a day, or whatever it may be. They work one or two days, and on the 
 third day, in the morning, their spokesman comes to you and says, 
 ^^How much wages, ^3 a day?" You say, ^'My friend, you have 
 agreed to work for $2 a day." ^^ Yes; that is all right, but to-morrow 
 morning $3?" You say, ''AH right," and he says, ''Not all right," 
 and he goes and then you will find yourself high and dry. The 
 Japanese will never come back that season, and you will have to go 
 around and look for white men. It is because of that condition that 
 the farming population of California has turned so fiercely against the 
 
LABOR PHOBLEMS IE" HAWAII. 365 
 
 Japanese. When we first had the Japanese they were welcome — they 
 could perform all sorts of things — but when they started in to be 
 farmers, then the agriculturists went against them. The protest 
 against the Japanese comes principally from the agriculturalists. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Is not this also true: To go back 10 years, maybe not 
 that far, three or four years; there would be white labor employed at 
 reasonably high wages, and they would then go and get a Japanese 
 at considerably less, and when the white labor was gone the Japanese 
 would raise his wage and if he did not get it he left ? 
 
 Mr. ScHARRENBERG. Ycs, sir. 
 
 Mr. Raker. That has been going on for some time. He would first 
 drive out the white labor and then raise the price and even if you 
 gave the price he would go off with his entire crew. 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. From your knowledge of the way the Japanese 
 work in California, and I assume that you know of the Japanese 
 labor situation in the islands, do you think that it is unlikely that the 
 Japanese will pursue the same policy in Hawaii that they have pur- 
 sued in California ? 
 
 Mr. ScHARRENBERG. Unlikely ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. Yes. 
 
 Mr. ScHARRENBERG. No ; I think it is very probable. 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. If we have that serious situation in Hawaii and 
 these people pursue the same policy there as in California, is not that 
 an extremely bad situation that we are facing to-day ? 
 
 Mr. ScHARRENBERG. Ycs, sir; I think you are ^^up against it" 
 good and hard. That is because of your own sins in the past, not 
 you individually, but the planters in the Hawaiian Islands. 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. But, while we, perhaps, have been sinners, we 
 have been doing penance in the way of spending a large amount of 
 money in an effort to import laborers into the country from Europe; 
 we have spent millions for that. You have been put to expense in 
 California through the drifting of this labor which comes from 
 Hawaii and consequently in taking care of the derelicts out of the 
 number that want employment in California. 
 
 Mr. ScHARRENBERG. Ycs, sir. 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. You do not think that we have ever made an 
 effort to unload on you any labor ? 
 
 Mr. ScHARRENBERG. No, sir; I think they come as a natural pro- 
 cess, because they receive better treatment and wages in California 
 than they do in the Hawaiian Islands. If a workingman can get 
 higher wages and better conditions he will always go. 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. And yet the fact remains that your town was 
 filled up with men out of work seeking aid from the charities, while 
 we in Hawaii had no charity patients ; we have work for all of the 
 people and try year after year to bring more into the country. 
 
 Mr. ScHARRENBERG. While we have no more subjects of charity 
 in California than in any other State of the Union, yet I say that we 
 have a larger proportion of people seeking charity coming from 
 Hawaii than from any other part of the country in San Francisco. 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. We have shipped back from California, at our 
 expense, a large number of charity patients. 
 
 Mr. ScHARRENBERG. I did hear something about that, but it must 
 be verified. 
 
366 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 Mr. DiLLiNGPiAM. Yet that is true. Mr. Mead knows something 
 about that. 
 
 Mr. Mead. Quite a considerable number. The Hawaiian Terri- 
 torial Immigration Board/ with its own funds, sent to California and 
 repatriated quite a considerable number of people. Substantially 
 every one of these men who had gone from Hawaii to California has 
 been told that he is making a mistake and that the conditions would 
 not be as good in California as in Ilawaii, but nevertheless many 
 have gone. 
 
 Mr. Box. I think you said a moment ago that there was another 
 and better remedy than that proposed here. I am sure the committee 
 will be interested if you have some remedy to suggest for the islands. 
 
 Mr. ScHARRENBERG. If the living conditions in the islands could 
 be so arranged that a farm worker could have a little place for himself 
 that normally conforms with what is desired by the American farm 
 workers, I can see no reason why you should not be able, by the 
 process of selection, to bring to the Hawaiian Islands a population of 
 farm workers. 
 
 Mr. Box. From what country would you suggest — any particular 
 country ? 
 
 Mr. ScHARRENBERG. I would not suggest any particular country, 
 but I still believe that is possible. 
 
 Mr. Rawlins. In 1902 the Ewa Plantation Co. imported 15 Ameri- 
 can farmers into Hawaii and tried them out under the conditions 
 that the gentleman has just named, giving them a house and garden 
 and a place for their animals, supplied them with the animals, etc., 
 and at the end of a year there v/as not a family left. The white man 
 will not work in the cane industry. I was born in the Hawaiian 
 Islands some years ago ; I am an attorney there and have studied the 
 conditions. There has never been and you will not find a white man 
 who will go into the cane fields and do the work required. Later on 
 down on the Island of Kauai there were a lot of Molokans, who were 
 eligible to become American citizens, living in Los Angeles and San 
 Francisco, who were brought there and they were put in the fields 
 and they could not stand up under the work. I think Mr. Dillingham 
 can verify that. That was back in 1902. 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. The stockholders of the Ewa plantation tried 
 the experiment of bringing from the mainland white farmers, the 
 idea being to eventually divide up the land into small farms for the 
 cultivation of sugar cane, which the plantation would purchase and 
 manufacture into sugar at its mill. The results of this experiment 
 are fully set forth in the following letters of Mr. W. J. Lowrie, who 
 was the manager of the Ev/a plantation when the experiment was 
 inaugurated, and of Mr, George F. Renton, the present manager. 
 
 Dear Sir: The question of employing white labor for the cultivation of sugar cane 
 has received considerable and careful consideration by the Ewa Plantation Co. In 
 the early part of 1897, Mr. W. N. Armstrong told of interviews he had had with Mr. 
 E. L. Fitzgerald, Labor Commissioner for the kState of California, and he was invited 
 to a meeting of the directors of the Ewa Plantation Co., at which meeting I, as manager, 
 was present; the -results of which meeting may best be told by quoting the following 
 resolution unanimously passed : 
 
 "Resolved, That the Ewa Plantation Co., through Mr. W. N. Armstrong, extend 
 to Mr. Fitzgerald, Labor Commissioner of the State of California, an invitation to 
 visit Honolulu and the Ewa plantation to look into the labor conditions existing here, 
 with the view of introducing desirable white laborers upon the plantation." 
 
 Mr. Fitzgerald accepted the invitation of the company, arriving here in the islands 
 shortly afterwards. He was furnished with every opportunity for the purpose of 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN FIAWAII. 367 
 
 obtaining all the information possible on the subject, not only from a practical point 
 of view, but also in the line of statistics, and before his return to California was able to 
 express the opinion that it was his belief that white labor could be introduced for the 
 cultivation of sugar cane on our plantation. After the return of Mr. Fitzgerald to 
 California considerable correspondence was conducted with him on the subject, and, 
 acting on the results of his visit to the islands and such correspondence, in July, 1898, 
 I was authorized to visit California for the purpose of securing white families of the 
 farming class to enter upon the cultivation of sugar cane at Ewa plantation, according 
 to the general terms of a form of contract that I had drawn up, with such modifications 
 as might be considered necessary. 
 
 Accordingly I went to San I'rancisco, going into the agricultural districts of the 
 State in the interior, particularly to Modesto, Stanislaus C'ounty. On reaching 
 Modesto, in order to thoroughly lay before the people the conditions as they existed 
 pertaining to the cultivation of sugar cane, I engaged a hall, inciting the people from 
 around the neighboring districts to come together in meetings, \^ here I addressed 
 them, offering them all the information possible on the subject. I found these peo- 
 ple very anxious and willing to accept the propositions offered to them to come to 
 Hawaii: in fact, they had been suffering quite severely the past two or three years 
 with their crops there, owing to drought. 1'hese people, v*''hile honest and hard- 
 working farming people, were actually without any money whatever, owing to the 
 losses sustained, undoubtedly, by them, owing to the drought. In order to assist 
 them in getting to the islands, we offered and did pay their fares to San Francisco, 
 even going so far as to settle up some indebtedness owing by some of them in Modesto. 
 They were all furnished with transportation from San J'rancisco to Honolulu, and 
 thence to the plantation, free of charge to themselves. 
 
 As the result of my visit I succeeded in selecting personally 15 farmers, 10 of whom 
 were single men and 5 married. They arrived here in the islands during September 
 of that same year, being engaged under the general following conditions: 
 
 They were to cultivate and take care of the cane from the time it received its first 
 watering up to maturity and v^ere to receive therefor one-sixth of the actual net price 
 realized on the sale of the sugar. During the time previous to settlement with them 
 after the harvesting of each crop they were allowed an advance of §18 per month. 
 Further, they were furnished, free of charge to themselves, houses, fuel and water, 
 and medical services; they were also allowed to have a small piece of ground sur- 
 rounding their houses, on which to cultivate and grow for themselves vegetables and 
 other articles for their own uses, with the water necessary to irrigate same. 
 
 Having resigned the management of the Ewa plantation in November of that same 
 year, for further information as to the results obtained with these farmers I will have 
 to refer you to the present management, but I believe that all have left the planta 
 tion, with rather unsatisfactory results to the Ewa Plantation Co. 
 
 One can see from the foregoing that the Ewa Plantation Co. made an honest and 
 earnest effort to introduce white labor, especially white farmers, for the piurpose of 
 cultivating sugar cane on their plantation, with the hope that the same would prove 
 successful, and that in the future we could get large numbers of American farmers 
 into this country, and we can not help but admit that the whole thing was a complete 
 failure. It may be of interest to note that the Ewa Plantation Co. did not send a 
 paid agent who went to the cities on the mainland to try this experiment, securing 
 this labor from the cities; on the contrary, they sent me as manager, and I did go to 
 the agricultural districts and did get farmers. 
 
 It also may be of interest in this connection to state that at the time this experi- 
 ment was undertaken the joint commission sent here by Congress to report upon our 
 conditions (consisting of Senators Cullom and Morgan and Representative Hitt) were 
 very much interested in the effort and, together with the directors of the Ewa Plan- 
 tation Co., were in hopes that it would tend to solve the labor question for these 
 islands. 
 
 Yours, truly, 
 
 W. J. LOWRIE. 
 
 Honolulu, Hawaii, December 17, 1901. 
 
 HoNOULiULi, Oahu, December 19, 1901. 
 
 Dear Sir: This is in reply to your request for information concerning the experi- 
 ment with American labor in the cane fields on this estate. 
 
 The profit-sharing company on the Ewa plantation, known as the California Farm- 
 ers' Colony, consisted at the outset of 15 men, 5 of whom were married. These farmers 
 arrived at Ewa in October and November of 1898. 
 
368 
 
 LABOR PEOBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 For their transportation from San Francisco |1, 110.81 had been advanced to them; 
 for their free accommodation nine houses each containing four rooms 13 by 12 feet, 
 exclusive of kitchen and pantry, with 24 by 6 foot verandas front and back, had been 
 erected; for their convenience water was piped to each building, gardens were allotted 
 to each household, and a fenced pasture of 17 acres immediately adjoining the house 
 lots was set aside for common use. Each married man had a separate house; of the 
 single men six occupied two rooms each, while the remaining four had separate apart- 
 ments. This was at the inception of the experiment. 
 
 After a few m.ontbs had elapsed, owing to departure, each single man had two 
 rooms; and before eight months had passed each farmer, whether married or other- 
 wise, occupied an entire house. Thus of the original nine there remained four houses 
 empty and to spare. 
 
 This was at the middle of the experiment. 
 
 They were, therefore, housed with ample accommodations and sufficient comfort; 
 fuel, water, and medical attendance were supplied without charge. A field of deep, 
 rich soil, already planted with seed cane and "first watered," was allotted to them 
 for their cultivation; one of their numib.er was selected for their suboverseer in the 
 distribution of irrigating water; and they commenced work. 
 
 The following is a record of the time each man stayed on the estate, and the reasons 
 given by each for dissolving his connection with the plantation: 
 
 Num- 
 
 Time 
 
 ber 
 
 worked 
 
 of 
 
 (in 
 
 men. 
 
 months). 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 2 
 
 7 
 
 1 
 
 7 
 
 2 
 
 8 
 
 1 
 
 8 
 
 Reason for leaving. 
 
 Wife dissatisfied. 
 
 Dissatisfied and quarreled with 
 the rest. 
 
 Dissatisfied with the work. 
 Do. 
 
 Dissatisfied with the work, re- 
 turned to California. 
 
 Num- 
 
 Time 
 
 ber 
 
 worked 
 
 of 
 
 (in 
 
 men. 
 
 months). 
 
 ] 
 
 9 
 
 1 
 
 12 
 
 1 
 
 12 
 
 5 
 
 16 
 
 Reason for leaving. 
 
 Wife died at Portland, Oreg. 
 
 Illness. 
 
 Ill and dissatisfied with the work. 
 
 Dissatisfied with the work, but 
 
 stayed until crop was mature 
 
 to fulfill agreement. 
 
 Total, 15. 
 
 General average of time at the plantation 10.6 months. 
 
 From the first there was dissension among themselves; complaints of one another, 
 both trivial and otherwise, were oi frequent occurrence; extra men were always 
 needed to keep their field in order; one by one they departed, until finally, the Cali- 
 fornia Farmers' Colony dwindled as per record to but 5 out of an original 15. Five 
 remained, but they remained dissatisfied. They stayed to the completion of maturity 
 of the crop, but they stayed to demonstrate that they would not work longer at the 
 cultivation of cane. They had done fairly well financially; they each had received 
 over $40 per month of labor cash, clear of rent, firewood, water rates, and medical 
 attendance; they had received in fact, more than the plantation could afford to pay 
 for profitable cultivation; and yet these five men refused point blank and without 
 hesitation to entertain a similar proposition for continuance of cane field work. 
 
 The work was distasteful to them in this warm climate; the irrigation, being light, 
 was least disagreeable; the task of stripping, with the necessary bending and stooping, 
 was unfit for the taller Anglo-Saxon, they said, and should be relegated to Japanese, 
 whereupon they flatly refused to perform the work; of assisting at the cutting and 
 loading of canes during harvest they would have none. 
 
 To sum up: The plantation cleared, plowed, furrowed, ditched, surveyed for 
 irrigation, planted, "first watered" the field for the California farmers, and turned 
 it over to them. At the proper time for fertilizing the plantation had to apply fertilizer 
 with extra labor; stripped, what was stripped, with extra labor, and had the labor 
 of cutting and loading the canes done by extra labor. 
 
 The farmers performed but one, the lightest portion of the work, viz, the hoeing 
 and the irrigating, which consists in the removal by hoe of weeds from the furrows 
 and the turning in of water from the various watercourses into the furrows. This, 
 too, was not performed without daily assistance of extra labor by the plantation. 
 
 1 do not think that any of these men have complained that the plantation did not 
 fulfill its agreement with them. One farmer returned to San Francisco shortly after 
 his arrival at a loss of $112.76 for transportation to the plantation; the one whose wife 
 died in Oregon was given a liberal estimate of his share when he went; in fact, was 
 given all he asked for; the two, both past middle age, who stayed 12 months, received 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 369 
 
 their shares of profit for the time they worked, and the amount due them was given 
 them. Of the remainder who left, the profits from three of the shares were turned 
 over to the five who remained until the cane had matured. 
 
 And yet the experiment was a failure and the men were not satisfied to remain. 
 
 Mark this further: Not one of these 15 farmers was intemperate. They quarreled; 
 they were dissatisfied; the work was menial, was laborious, was distasteful to white 
 men; but while a few were not as industrious as they might have been they were all 
 respectable, law-abiding, temperate men. If they had been otherwise, vice and 
 intemperance might have contributed to the failure of the colony of these farmers. 
 But it was not so. And I am forced to the conclusion that American farmers will not 
 work in the cultivation of Hawaiian cane fields. 
 
 Here was an experiment entered into by the largest and most fertile plantation in 
 the Hawaiian Islands, under a directorate composed entirely of Americans, and its 
 terms carried out in the fields under management of Americans. 
 
 It was the aim of the Ewa Plantation Co., if the scheme had proved successful, to 
 establish further colonies of American farmers, and thus obtain a source of labor in 
 the United States from which to draw, which labor would be reliable, would be 
 American in spirit, and thus do away with the necessity of looking entirely to the 
 Orient. 
 
 It was a praiseworthy effort, but it was utterly fruitless and entirely disappointing. 
 
 It is unfortunate to have to say that the experiment, toward which the whole country 
 looked with so much interest, was a flat failure. Nevertheless the fact remains, and I 
 so record it, for looking back over the whole situation of labor in Hawaii, com^ 
 prising both this experiment with the California farmers and my personal experience 
 of 24 years on sugar plantations with white men, I have come to this settled 
 conclusion : 
 
 That Anglo-Saxons can perform the actual labor of cultivation on sugar plantations 
 in Hawaii only when forced by necessity to do so, but that now they will not. 
 
 The principal objection seems to be to perform the laborious work required in the 
 cane field when there is any other possible opening in any easier occupation in other 
 industries. Another objection is to the sort of pioneer life which obtains on a plan- 
 tation when compared to that to which the laborer is accustomed on the mainland. 
 It is probable, also, that a great drawback to the success of any scheme for American 
 farm labor here in Hawaii lies in the great distance this Territory is from the main- 
 land, and the difficulty and expense this distance necessitates in getting to or from 
 Hawaii. 
 
 The geographical drawback mentioned is a natural one. The objections mentioned 
 above are also natural ones. But they will as surely kill any attempt to introduce 
 American farmers here as labor for cane fields as they have already killed the Ewa 
 Plantation experiment. 
 Yours, very truly, 
 
 Geo. F. Renton, 
 
 Manager. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Mr. Scharrenberg, from your knowledge and observa- 
 tion of labor conditions in California for the last 25 years, if the 
 Chinese are admitted to Hawaii for the sugar plantations will not 
 the same demand be made for Chinese for beet, bean, potato, hops, 
 and other like industries in California and the West by the large 
 concerns ? 
 
 Mr. ScHARREBNERG. That is precisely what I had in mind, Judge. 
 If this committee recommends to Congress a modification of the 
 Chinese exclusion act because of a certain emergency existing in the 
 islands, then this committee would be justified in making a similar 
 recommendation for other States and other industries. 
 
 Mr. Raker. And they will be here knocking at the doors of Con- 
 gress for that same condition, will they not ? 
 
 Mr. Scharrenberg. I am afraid they will, by the same process of 
 logic which the gentlemen from Hawaii are here now, that you must 
 have them to keep your industries going. 
 
 The Chairman. Mr. Scharrenberg, you did not really mean that 
 the number of Portuguese mendicants or dependents reaching Cali- 
 fornia in any one year amounted to any considerable numbf^r ^ 
 
 56754— 21— SER 7, pt 1 11 
 
3 Y tf' LfABO'll ]^EOBLE!m:S •• rl^- • tt AiVAII.^ 
 
 " Mr.'SdHAfeii^^'feE^^ I .tiid riot say Portxiguesc/I Vaid Porto Ricans,' 
 
 The Chairman. I beg your pardon, Porto Ricans., They could not 
 have ajnounted to an}^ considerable number in any one year. 
 
 Mr. ScHARRENBEiiG. No ; but proportionately Speaking, they con- 
 stitute a very serious problem to our organizations dispensing 
 charity. ,.,,j ;\, ,^ 
 
 The Chairman. San ^Francisco is a large city and has some public 
 charities work to do all the time. Is there any way we can get 
 statistics as to the number of people taken care of by such organ- 
 izations ? 
 
 ]Vir. ScHARRENBERG. The statistics are available and can be had. 
 
 The Chairman. I would like to have you mail those to the com- 
 mittee. 
 .^, Mr. ScHARRENBERG. I will do that gladly. 
 
 ADDITIOISrAL STATEMENT OF MR. ROYAL D. MEAD. 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. Mr. Chairman, may I ask Mr. Mead about the 
 question raised by Mr. Scharreriberg, whether he can recall — if not I 
 have it in the record somewhere— the experiment which was made 
 by the Territoiy to give homesteads and give them the fee to the 
 property in the hope of anchoring them on the land? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Yes; there was a very well thought out experiment 
 with the cooperation of the Territory and the cooperation of the 
 planters to settle Portuguese or Spanish agricultural people upon the 
 plantation property. The plantations agreed to give them a house 
 and an acre or more of land, or as much as they could conveniently, 
 but not less than an acre, either in fee or for the term of the lease of 
 the land which was held by the plantation employer, and I think 
 altogether there were about 1,500 people put on the land under those 
 conditions. That was long before the war. The house given was 
 very much the same style of house as the plantations are now erecting, 
 and cost the plantations in the vicinity of $800. The land was gooci, 
 average plantation land. It was not waste land. They were not 
 attempting to put anything over, but were giving them land that 
 would be valuable — say, $200 to $250 an acre — so that what they 
 were giving those people was about $1,000 worth of property. 
 
 Mr. Box. What was the character of the house? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Something similar to what you will find in these Govern- 
 ment reports — very nice little bungalow houses. At that time the 
 wage for Portuguese labor was $24. They agreed to pay these home- 
 stead people $22 per month for three years, and they were to have a 
 deed to their property at the end of three years. As I say, they 
 settled about 1,500 people there under such an arrangement, and 
 before a year was up I do not believe any of those homesteaders were 
 on the land, other than as ordinary laborers. 
 
 Mr. Raker. May I ask you this question: Is it not a fact, and has 
 it not been demonstrated for hundreds of years, that where there is 
 a large number of one nationalit}^ working, particularly of the colored 
 race, when you bring the white man in competition with them to do 
 the same kind of common labor, that not only he himself , but his wife, 
 and children as they grow up, rebel against that, and in fact would 
 rather go hungry than do that work ? 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII^ 3!71" 
 
 -■ ■'- •■ k'^ i ( I 
 
 Mr. Mead. Yes; I think that is absolutely true; but you must re-, 
 member that that statement does not apply so far as the Portuguese' 
 are concerned. We have had Portuguese out there in Hawaii since 
 before I was born, and they have been on the plantations and have 
 worked as plantation hands, and have made very good people. That 
 is the reason, in mentioning European immigration, I have always, 
 spoken of Portuguese immigration, because they have done so well. 
 The second generation of Portuguese brought to Hawaii are remark- 
 ably fine people, and they very largely form our skilled or semi- 
 skilled laboring force; they are mighty nice people — just as good 
 people as you would want to find anywhere. 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. Mr. Chairman, may I ask Judge Eaker ii, 
 question? 
 
 The Chairman. Certainly. 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. I think we are all in agreement as to this prop- 
 osition of mixing the white man and the oriental in the fields. We 
 are not starting a new project in Hawaii. We are establishing large 
 industries and there is unquestionably a preponderance of oriental 
 < unskilled labor on the ground. We are here to seek relief from that 
 I situation. Is it possible to get the relief by attempting to wedge in a 
 white population into the conditions which exist there today and save 
 the situation? 
 
 Mr. Raker. Well, sir, that is what I have been thinking about 
 ever since this matter was started. If there is any possible way to 
 do it, so far as I am concerned, I would like to see it done. 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. And I agree with you, if there is any way, and I 
 offer in evidence the history, and I would like to have put in the rec- 
 ord, a brief history made up by Mr. Lydecker, who is in charge of 
 the Government archives, and who has made a study of the history 
 of the attempts to bring in peoples from all over the world, to show 
 that a conscientious effort has been made. We are not licked to- 
 day but we are badly pressed, and that constitutes the emergency. 
 It is to tide over this emergency, in the hope that when your per- 
 manent immigration policy is established for the United States, you 
 will put into it a provision which will make possible a further 
 effort to get Americans, or those eligible to become white American 
 citizens, on to our soil and hold them there. 
 
 Mr. Raker. I would like to ask that that be published in the 
 record . 
 
 The Chairman. The commission already has authority to intro- 
 duce either into the body of the report of the hearings or as appen- 
 dices any matter which they are prepared to furnish and desire to 
 put in. 
 
 Mr. Raker. May I ask Mr. Dillingham one further question: 
 Mr. Dillingham, will you submit following this statement, irrespective 
 of what the policy might be as to general immigration in the future 
 for the United States, to the end that it might be put in condition to' 
 treat this country properly, and those that ought to come here 
 properly — eliminating that now from the proposition — submit some 
 proposed concrete plan of immigration applying solely and entirely 
 to Hawaii. Can you and will you do that for the committee ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. I do not know the extent, Judge Raker, of the 
 authority which we have as a commission representing the labor 
 
372 LABOR PROBLEMS 11^ HAWAII. 
 
 emergency, but I can tell you this, that the men who have the inter- 
 ests not only of the Territory but of the United States as a whole at 
 heart are studying and planning and working in an effort to submit 
 to Congress, in time to be included in the next immigration bill, a 
 plan which would give promise of the results which we are all anxious 
 to see achieved. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Can you not submit that as a concrete proposition 
 applying to Hawaii alone, and if you do not desire to do that as a 
 commission, submit it as your own individual thought, because you 
 have given this subject very careful and painstaking and honest 
 consideration. For the benefit of the committee, can you not do 
 that, and are you not prepared to do that now ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. I am not prepared at the moment. It is a big 
 subject, as you recognize, of course. I will be very glad to offer any 
 suggestions that I can bring together looking to that end. It would 
 have to be understood, however, that this was given to you purely 
 as a personal suggestion. 
 
 Mr. Raker. That is all, Mr. Chairman, so far as I am concerned. 
 
 (The committee thereupon adjourned until Monday, June 27, 1921, 
 at 10 o'clock a. m.) 
 
 Committee on Immigration and Naturalization, 
 
 House of Representatives, 
 
 Monday, June 27, 1921. 
 
 The committee met at 10 o'clock a. m., Hon. Albert Johnson 
 (chairman) presiding. 
 
 The Chairman. Mr. Wallace, representing the American Federa- 
 tion of Labor, is again present to place before the committee some 
 information received from the Federation of Labor at Denver, and 
 also a cablegram from Honolulu, and to give further evidence. 
 
 STATEMEITT OF MR. EDGAR WALLACE, LEGISLATIVE 
 REPRESENTATIVE OF THE AMERICAN FEDERATION OF 
 LABOR. 
 
 Mr. Wallace. Mr, Chairman, this matter from Denver, as I stated 
 to you, is here and it is rather voluminous. I can read as much of 
 it as you wish me to read. It comes direct from labor men on the 
 island. The first is a communication dated November 18, 1920, 
 addressed to Mr. Samuel Gompers, president of the American Fed- 
 eration of Labor, and reads as follows : 
 
 Dear Sir and Brother: Certain conditions arising in the Territory of Hawaii 
 make it imperative that the grand officers of the federation be apprised, with a view 
 of eliminating through the proper channels, the possibility of their development. 
 
 I have been advised that with the change of administration in this Territory the 
 large plantation interests are depending on the importation through congressional 
 sanction, the importation of Chinese laborers in the neighborhood of 50,000. They 
 are obliged either to do this or else elevate the wage scales of the present labor to 
 satisfy it in remaining on the plantations. The two main races represented on the 
 plantations at present are Japanese and Filipino, the lesser being Portuguese, Porto 
 Rican, and other lesser nationalities. 
 
 Since the "gentlemen's agreement" has been in effect, a period of about 12 years, 
 the influx of oriental labor has been materially lessened, so that with the organization 
 of the plantation laborers and the recent strike on the island of Oahu, the planters 
 are faced witii the necessity of paying a higher rate to resident labor or else import 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 373 
 
 vast hordes of Chinese to replace them. The sugar industry is the basic industry of 
 the islands, and until very recently an oriental standard of wages has been maintained. 
 In desperation the planters turn to the Orient, regardless of the consequence, sure to 
 follow the importation of coolie labor. 
 
 Let us take for grantpd that this grave development had actually happened, let us 
 see what the results would be. The Japanese labor imported some years ago is ageing; 
 the second generation is already moving onward to the mainland , landing first at San 
 Francisco and from thence they are absorbed mostly within the boundaries of that 
 State. (I shall try to get statistical data from the immigration station to submit to 
 you shortly.) This augments the already large Japanese population in California, and 
 in time the Western Coast States will be comprised of a majority population of 
 Orientals. This is not fancy, but has been supported by facts many times in the 
 past decade. Once they have arrived there, they enter into competition with white 
 labor; are so prolific in the matter of offspring and not being troubled with a social 
 standard other than clannishness, continue the policy of peaceful aggression. Then 
 we hear of the Japanese "question" from our sister State in such language familiar to 
 everyone at the present time. 
 
 The Portuguese youth are also migrating to the mainland while the older generation 
 stay here. There is, however, no shortage of labor here that can not be satisfied locally, 
 and the migration can be largely halted with the elevation of wages commensurate 
 with an American standard of decency. 
 
 Some of the incidents likely to develop are the removal of the present governor, 
 Charles J. McCarthy, who is to represent the chamber of commerce of the Hawaiian 
 Islands at Washington; the appointment of the present Delegate to Congress, Prince 
 J. K. Kalanianaole, as governor of Hawaii, who in turn will name as his successor 
 (being the new governor) one Robert Shingle, who left immediately for Washington 
 after the recent election. Mr. Shingle is a plantation man and heavily interested 
 in the big business of the Territory. With this layout, the planters are reported as 
 "counting on" and "depending on" the importation of coolie labor to further main- 
 tain the oriental wage standard bound to be eliminated without the Chinese. With 
 the exception of the last-mentioned detail, the changes in administration have been 
 given wide publicity here. 
 
 While President Wilson will have nothing to say in the matter of the next appoint- 
 ment of Hawaii's governor, the present session of Congress should put the clamps 
 on Chinese immigration so strongly that it can never be removed. The safety of 
 American labor depends on it especially on the Western coast. 
 
 I can not impress too strongly on you the grave questions here mentioned and urge 
 upon you the necessity of immediate action at the coming session of the National 
 Congress. 
 
 If these Chinese laborers are admitted to Hawaii, they will route the younger gen- 
 eration of all races, who will migrate to the mainland, already aggravating the most 
 serious of recent developments which may at any time be attended with interna- 
 tional complications. 
 
 I trust that suflEicient subject matter is contained in this communication to fortify 
 you in the arrest of the proposed influx, 
 
 I shall keep you advised. 
 
 Fraternally and anxiously, yours, 
 
 H. N. Tyson, 
 President Central Labor Union, Honolulu, T. H. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Who is this gentleman that signs that letter ? 
 
 Mr. Wallace. I only know that he signs himself as the president 
 of the Honolulu Central Labor Union. I do not know the man 
 personally, and I never heard of him until I got into this matter. 
 
 The Chairman. Do you desire to have that letter placed in the 
 record just as it is written 1 
 
 Mr. Wallace. Yes, sir; if the committee wishes it. 
 
 The Chairman. You desire it placed in the record just as it is 
 written with regard to the fact that the Delegate from Hawaii was 
 to be made governor ? He is not governor. 
 
 Mr. Wallace. This is dated November 18, 1920. 
 
 The Chairman. I think the record should be brought down to 
 date to show that he was not appointed governor. 
 
374 -tiiBOK PROBLiEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 Mi\ WIEEacC ''t'^Unaers^fSn^^'that, and also that Mr. Tyson is 
 mistaken in his belief that this other gentleman would be made 
 Delegate. 
 
 The Chairman. Does not the Territory of Hawaii elect its Delegate 
 in Congress in the same manner that districts elect Congressmen ? 
 
 Mr. Wallace. Yes, sir. 
 
 The Chairman. A statement is made there to the effect that 
 Delegate Kalanianaole would be appointed governor, and that he in 
 turn would appoint Mr. Shingle as Delegate, and that statement is 
 not in accordance with the law. 
 
 Mr. Wallace. It states that man's belief, and it reveals a certain 
 ignorance, but I can not help that. It is his letter to us. It does 
 hot change the position that he takes on the question. 
 
 The Chairman. But he is at fault in making a statement of that 
 kind. 
 
 Mr. Wallace. Yes, sir. 
 
 This communication is dated November 30, 1920, and is addressed 
 to Mr. Samuel Gompers, president American Federation of Labor, 
 Washington, D. C.,'as follows: 
 
 Dear Sir and Brother: I am inclosing a clipping from the Honolulu Star- 
 Bulletin of November 29, 1920, wMcli is self-explanatory, together with a clipping 
 same date relative to the plantation situation. It is expected that if the planters do 
 not arbitrate there will be another strike of plantation laborers. This will strengthen 
 the argument for the importation of Chinese, which I have already brought to your 
 attention. The Japanese situation is already acute, and it is supposed that the 
 planters will stand pat. Be prepared to supply our friends in Congress with these 
 facts if the occasion arises. 
 
 I am inclosing also a clipping re Hawaiian rehabilitation. This bill has the support 
 of the planters not because of its intent to rehabilitate the Hawaiian race but because 
 it is designed to kill homesteading. I am inclosing copy of a petition read before 
 the Territorial Legislature on the last day of its special session, November 24, 1920. 
 
 This council is not opposed to any measure that will rehabilitate the Hawaiian race, 
 but if this bill is passed by the United States Congress and becomes law, it will kill 
 homesteading, and that part of the bill we are unalterably opposed to. 
 
 There is at present a movement on foot by several hundred petitioners to withdraw 
 in the neighborhood of 40,000 acres of first-class agricultural lands for homestead 
 purposes. The land commissioner refuses to act without mandamus, pending the 
 action of Congress on this measure, known as the Hawaiian rehabilitation bill. 
 
 One of the pet arguments for the bill is that the land is going to the Japanese under 
 the present homestead law. There are a few Japanese who are native-born Americans 
 who have some of the land, but this argument does not hold good for the reason that 
 when the land is withdrawn, everybody has to take their chances when the final 
 drawing takes place for the lots. 
 
 The mainland needs more sugar. Under homesteads, the land produces about 20 
 per cent more sugar than it does under ordinary plantation conditions. 
 ■ Please give us the benefit of your influence in Congress in this matter, otherwise 
 homesteading in the Territory of Hawaii will be done at the "discretion of the three 
 commissioners instead of one as at present," And if one commissioner obeys the 
 "powers that be" why shouldn't three? At present there is a law which can compel 
 the land commissioner to act, but under the rehabilitation bill the commissioners 
 could not be compelled to open homesteads as at present, and if their discretion was 
 negative, there wouldn't be any homesteads opened. 
 
 - At present, if 25 citizens petition for the withdrawal of a parcel of land in the Ter- 
 ritory of Hawaii, the commissioner of public lands must proceed with the survey, 
 etc., or himself break the law. 
 
 It is the right of the 25 petitioners for withdrawal for homestead purposes of the 
 lands leased by the Government to the plantation interests, that this rehabilitation 
 bill is drawn to defeat. They have tried for years to take that right of petition from 
 the citizens, and so far have failed, until they finally landed on the rehabilitation 
 measure. 
 
 If the Government would take over the sugar mills in the Territory of Hawaii, and 
 open the lands to homesteaders, the Government would be better off for the increased 
 yields, and the Hawaiian race would rehabilitate itself. 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 375 
 
 Let them set aside certain lands for the Hawaiian race if they want to, but give 
 other citizens the privilege of the present homestead law if they want it. 
 
 _ I can not urge upon you too strongly the necessity of defeating the clauses in that 
 -bill which woTild nullify our present homestead law. Please see Key Pittman, 
 Senator from Nevada, and interview his brother, William B. Pittman, who has gone 
 to Washington from this Territory on this matter. 
 Thanking you in advance for your efforts in our behalf, 
 Fraternally yours, 
 
 H. N. Tyson, 
 President Central Labor Union, Honolulu, Hawaii. 
 
 The Chairman. Did you see Senator Pittman ? 
 
 Mr. Wallace. No, sir; I did not. 
 
 The Chairman. Did you appear before the Committee on Terri- 
 tories ? 
 
 Mr. Wallace. No, sir; it was never called to my attention. 
 
 The Chairman. Do you favor Government ownership of the sugar 
 plantations ? 
 
 Mr. Wallace. I am not in favor of Government ownership of any- 
 thing, personally. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. You are not in favor of the Plumb plan ? 
 
 Mr. Wallace. No, sir; not personally. 
 
 Mr. Mead. Mr. Chairman, I want to question one statement that 
 the witness has made. I understand from what he was reading that 
 the homesteaders produce 20 per cent more sugar or sugar cane upon 
 their lands. 
 
 Mr. Wallace. That is his statement. 
 
 Mr. Mead. What basis has he for that statement ? 
 
 Mr. Wallace. He lives there. I do not know, but I have seen 
 small farms that were more productive than large ones. 
 
 Mr. Mead. In that connection, I would like to state unequivocally 
 and absolutely that the homesteaders do not produce 50 per cent of 
 the sugar cane on their lands that the plantations do. Their methods 
 are not as good, and they do not produce 50 per cent of what the 
 plantations do. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. Do you mean per acre ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. White. Is their land as good? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Yes, sir; but they have not the methods. They do not 
 fertilize, and they do not irrigate as the plantations do, and they have 
 not the systems that the plantations have. ' Homesteaders took the 
 Waiakea plantation and ran it, and the production of that plantation 
 has been decreased 50 per cent since the homesteaders operated it. 
 Mr. Horner knows about that. 
 
 Mr. Horner. I do not think that the homesteaders were to blame. 
 
 Mr. Mead. But it is a fact that they produced less. 
 
 Mr. Horner. There was a decrease in the production. 
 
 Mr. Box. Do your remarks as to the small production by the 
 homesteaders apply to the Japanese producers ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. I do not know about the Japanese homesteaders, be- 
 cause I do not think there are any extensive Japanese homesteads, 
 but I know that the homesteaders, as a general proposition, do not 
 produce 50 per cent of what the plantations do. 
 
 Mr. Box. It would appear that the small Japanese producer pro- 
 duces more per acre than the large plantations do. 
 
376 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 Mr. Mead. The only way I can answer that is in this way: On 
 many islands in Hawaii they allow the Japanese who are laborers on 
 the plantations to have small areas of land on the sides of hills and 
 in gulches which they cultivate themselves independently of the 
 plantation, and I believe that in those instances the production is 
 higher. That is done, however, by plantation men, or men experi- 
 enced in the cultivation of sugar cane. 
 
 The Chairman. The land itself is adjacent to and is really a part 
 of the plantation ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Yes, sir; it is a part of the plantation land. In those 
 instances I believe their production is all right. 
 
 The Chairman. I remember that when I was there the Japanese 
 in many cases had the privilege of cultivating any little corners of 
 land that could not be reached by the ordinary processes of planta- 
 tion cultivation. The Japanese would ask the privilege of cultivating 
 such places for their families, and they were permitted to do so. 
 However, that cane went to the mill just as the cane from the regular 
 plantation. 
 
 Mr. Box. I recently saw published a statement by people who are 
 friendly to the Japanese on the situation in California, pretending to 
 be nonpartisan, I should say, but I do not think it was nonpartisan, 
 claiming that they produced about three and one-half times as much 
 as the American producers on the same acreage. 
 
 Mr. Free. They work three and a half times harder, perhaps. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Let me ask Mr. Mead this question : If it appears that 
 the homesteader produces 50 per cent less than the plantation does, 
 is there a tendency to eliminate the homesteader so that the pro- 
 duction may be large ? What is the Hawaiian rehabilitation bill ? 
 
 The Chairman. Let me explain that bill, as I worked on it in the 
 Committee on Territories. As I understand it, the situation which 
 calls for a bill of that kind is about like this : In the old days, before 
 the United States had acquired or annexed Hawaii, long-term leases 
 were made on the sugar lands, and those lands are now the highly 
 cultivated lands. The leases are about to expire, and many of them 
 will expire about July 1 of this year. The law requires that when 
 those leases expire, the lands shall be opened to homestead upon a 
 petition of 25 or more people. That has been done with regard to 
 other lands as the leases expired, or they were handled as other 
 public lands. As I understand, there is nothing in the law that pre- 
 vents a man who draws a homestead in the lottery from getting his 
 title and then selling it to a plantation or corporation, and so that in 
 itself defeats the homestead provision. 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. That is not quite so, is it? Could they sell 
 it to corporations ? 
 
 Mr. Horner. Not to corporations. 
 
 The Chairman. It would not get into the hands of corporations ? 
 
 Mr. Horner. No, sir; not from individuals. 
 
 Mr. Irwin. That situation ended in 1910. 
 
 Mr. Raker (interposing). I understand from Mr. Mead's state- 
 ment that under this rehabilitation act there is appointed a com- 
 mission, and that if the commission will not act, they can compel 
 them to act. As I understand it, upon the commission refusing to 
 act, that leaves the lands held by the Government en bloc, and, 
 therefore, they can be leased. 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 377 
 
 The Chairman. No; the rehabiUtation bill providing for three 
 commissioners has the further plan that the lands heretofore leased 
 at a, nominal rate under leases made 30 years ago shall be leased at 
 its appraised value, and that the money shall go into a revolving fund 
 for the purpose of putting more Hawaiians on those lands or other 
 agricultural lands, m the effort to rehabilitate them and keep them 
 on the land. 
 
 Mr. Raker. I am taking Mr. Mead's statement that should the 
 commission refuse to open any land up for homesteading purposes^ 
 it would not be idle, but that they would lease it. 
 
 The Chairman. It is a long involved bill, and with this little 
 explanation of it, I do not think we need to go further into that. I 
 am sorry, Mr. Wallace, that we interrupted you and diver tetd the 
 inquiry. Will you again proceed? 
 
 Mr. Wallace. It is pertinent to mention in this discussion that 
 Mr. Dillingham in his brief stated that we had offered no construc- 
 tive proposition in lieu of the proposition for the importation of 
 Chinese coolies. I think it was Mr. Mead who stated that in Aus- 
 tralia they had deported the blacks. Now, those are not blacks who 
 were aborigines there, but they were blacks who had been imported 
 into that country under the old conditions when there were large 
 plantations and when they held that they needed some kind of cheap 
 labor to work those plantations. They contended that they should 
 import that sort of labor into that country, in much the same way 
 as this resolution proposes to import the same kind of labor into 
 Hawaii under bond, to work for so many years and then go back. 
 Australia decided that they would have no more of that kind of labor, 
 and Mr. Mead says that they have deported them, and that they 
 will not have any more Japanese or other kind of orientals as laborers. 
 It appears that that action required a division of those plantations, 
 or a subdivision of those plantations, and that the subdivision of 
 those plantations has produced a splendid specimen of man. Now, 
 I hold, and the American Federation of Labor holds, that men are 
 the real need of any country, or the right kind of people are the real 
 need, and they have them in Australia. They sent them to the 
 defense of the Empire when the time came and the necessity arose. 
 Therefore, I believe that through the system of the subdivision of 
 the plantations into homesteads, men can be found for service 
 Hawaiians, or Americans, Portuguese, etc., who would work this land. 
 There are people who would work little corners of it, and make it 
 much more productive, and they would, at least, make a much more 
 desirable type of citizenship than could be brought about by the 
 importation of bondmen, or men who have no interest in the country, 
 who would crowd out all of our labor, and who would eventually 
 own that country, or any country where they are permitted to land 
 and work. 
 
 The Chairman. You realize that there is nothing to prevent the 
 Japanese, if they are present there in the numbers indicated by the 
 census and otherwise, from securing homesteads. 
 
 Mr. Wallace. If you would adopt a suggestion along that line, 
 I would say that this Government has the right, when any nation- 
 ality seeks to become citizens of this country, not to advance the 
 interests of this country but to advance the interests of their original 
 home or the country from which they come, even to the second 
 
87§ LABOR PROBLEMS m HAWAII. 
 
 generation, to refuse them that privilege. If the evidence is suffi- 
 cient that men are seeking citizenship or seeking land in the interest 
 of their old home land or of their old home government, this Govern- 
 ment, in my opinion, has the right to defend itself in any way it 
 wants to; and while we might admire the fidelity of those people 
 to their home lands, yet, we must recognize the danger to our own 
 country. We have the right to protect our own country, and it 
 can be done without repeating the error that has brougnt about the 
 present situation. 
 
 Tiie Chairman. You must realize that the Japanese born in 
 Hawaii are American citizens. 
 
 Mr. Wallace. I realize that there are American citizens in Cali- 
 fornia as well as in Hawaii whose interests are not for America. 
 
 The Chairman. What other matter have you to present? 
 
 Mr. Wallace. I have here a clipping from the Pacific Commercial 
 Advertiser, which is alluded to in this letter, giving the planter's 
 side of the alleged labor shortage in Hawaii, and then I have the 
 answer to it by Mr. Tyson. I will read it to you, if you wish. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Mr. Chairman, I suggest that you let them go into 
 the record without reading. 
 
 Mr. Maloney. Who is Mr. Tyson ? 
 
 Mr. Wallace. He signs himself as the president of the Central 
 Labor Council of Honolulu. At the time he wrote these letters he 
 held that position. • 
 
 Mr. Box. I notice that he states in this letter that the governor 
 who is expected to be appointed is to appoint the delegate. I would 
 like first to know a little more about Mr. Tyson. I do not say that as 
 indicating a hostile attitude, but before I pass upon the value of 
 testimony, I want to know something about the person who is giving 
 it. Does anybody know who Mr. Tyson is ? 
 
 Mr. Wilson. Before publishing his statement as a part of our 
 official record, we ought to know. 
 
 Mr. Wallace. He would not have communicated with the Amer- 
 ican Federation of Labor as president of the Central Labor Council 
 of Honolulu unless he had had that position, because we have a record 
 of the elections that take place. 
 
 Mr. Box. What would you think about a statement made by a 
 man who did not know how the delegate from Hawaii was selected ? 
 
 Mr. Wallace. He might be ignorant on that subject, and still 
 know a great deal on labor matters. I can not understand why he 
 did not know how the Delegate was selected. 
 
 Mr. Box. I should think he would be informed. 
 
 The Chairman. Here is the direct statement that the Delegate 
 was to be appointed governor, and that the governor would then 
 appoint the Delegate. 
 
 Mr. Wallace. He says, ^'The appointment of the present Delegate 
 to Congress Prince J. K. Kalanianaole, as governor of Hawaii." 
 
 Mr. Wilson. Read on where he says that the Governor shall 
 appoint the Delegate. 
 
 Mr. Raker. You could find 50 men in almost any place who might 
 say that the governor could make that appointment. 
 
 Mr. Wallace. This was between elections. He says that he was 
 to resign to become governor, according to this man's prognostica- 
 
I^BQR PROBLEMS Il![ HAWAII. '379 
 
 tion, whicli was a mistake. He thought that there woukl be no 
 election, and that there would be the power to appoint. 
 
 ^Ir. Kalanianaole. The governor has not the power to appoint. 
 
 Mr. Wallace. He is mistaken in that respect. 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. You must have an election. 
 
 The Chairman. The new governor of Hawaii has been nominated, 
 iiis nomination confirmed, and he is on his way to take charge of his 
 office. He appeared before this committee. The Delegate, Mr. 
 Kalanianaole, is still the Delegate. 
 
 :;^/Mr. Wallace. If you wish, I will submit this newspaper clipping 
 and letter for the record. 
 
 The Chairman. They may be inserted in the record. 
 
 (The matter referred to is as follows:) 
 
 [From The Pacific Commercial, Thursday morning, December 9, 1920.] 
 
 Labor Shortage on Hawaii Feared — Hilo Man kSuGGESTS it Would Benefit 
 
 TO Import Chinese Workers. 
 
 [Hilo Tribune, Dec. 5.] 
 
 "The manner in which Filipino and other plantation laborers, with their families, 
 are leaving this island is a very sefioiis matter," declared a Hilo man yesterday. 
 
 "There will surelv be a shortage of labor on the plantations in the near future, and 
 the homesteaders throughout the country will feel the effect keenly," he added. 
 
 "I was alwavs of the opinion that it would be a good move to arrange for the impor- 
 tation of about 30,000 Chinese laborers and to give them employment on the sugar 
 and pineapple plantations of Hawaii. I saw in the telegraphic Ifeews the other day 
 that Chinese laborers are now being introduced to Cuban cane plantations. A similar 
 move would, in my opinion, be a good thing for Hawaii, where there is rapidly being- 
 produced a situation that will spell ruin for our principal industries if some solution of 
 the labor problem is not arrived at. 
 
 "Chinese field workers are the best and most reliable in the world, in my opinion. 
 Their offspring have proved their worth in Hawaii, where there are so many thousands 
 of them. I would like to see as manv Chinese laborers as may be required from time 
 to time, brought to Hawaii for plantation work. Thev need never be allowed to 
 proceed to the mainland, where there used to be such an objection raised to natives of 
 China, and the period of re.?idence in this Territory might be limited to a certain 
 term of j-ears. Personally freaking, after a quarter of a century of fairly close rela- 
 tionship with Chinese of both high and low caste, I am compelled to say that they 
 area fine race of people and that they showin their business dealings a splendid sense 
 of honor and integritv. 
 
 "The planters of the Territory have tried about every possible source of labor and 
 have, for many years past, been given the wrong end of the stick. Whv not make 
 a verv determined effort to obtain the best labor of all for cane fields. The Chinese 
 can solve the great conundrum, I feel certain. California has changed a lot since '49.^' 
 
 Honolulu, December 9. 
 Editor Advertiser: 
 
 In your paper of above date, on page 2, fiirst column', appears an article reprinted 
 from the Hilo Tribune. December 5. "Labor shortage on Hawaii feared." Un- 
 fortunately the naftie of this Hilo man does not appear, but if the laborers on 
 Hawaii are leaving, it would suggest that there was something fundamentally wrong 
 with the plantations and not from any fault of the laborers. When the workers have 
 opportunity to give free expression of their desires and needs and there is free inter- 
 change of ideasbetween the employers and their employees, the latter do not "leave." 
 They settle their differences if they have any and work goes on unabated. 
 
 The "Hilo man" would flood the Territory mth 30,000 Chinese coolies and cites the 
 recent shipment to Cuba and renders an opinion that the same practice would be a 
 good thing for Hawaii. Even the homesteaders come in for slight consideration of 
 "fear of a labor shortage." Would any such move as the above serve to relieve 
 conditions? Not that anybody knows of. 
 
380 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 Granted that all our "Hilo man" says is true concerning the merits and desirability 
 of the Chinese. Would he enter into industrial relations any more congenially with 
 Chinese coolies than he does with his present labor? What would he do with the 
 two or three million unemployed men in the United States? If he wants some good 
 workers, and really wants to Americanize this Territory, why doesn't he suggest 
 bringing America's unemployed to this Territory to help in the process? Would it 
 not be wise in the face of a labor shortage to homestead a little more land? The land 
 in small areas produces more sugar than under plantation rule, and this would be 
 better for the Nation. 
 
 The "Hilo man" says, "The planters of the Territory have tried about every possible 
 source of labor and have, for many years past, been given the wrong end of the stick." 
 I wonder if he would care to support that statement with a complete financial state- 
 ment. Give the public some figures that are true to life and let us see. 
 
 If such a condition really exists, we are interested and would like to know what the 
 real situation is. And in the same paragraph we read, "California has changed a lot 
 since forty-nine," which doesn't mean anything at all or else means so many things 
 that it has no force or place in the argument. I think ' ' Hilo man " means that Hawaii 
 has changed a lot since forty-nine, and the real force of his argument is that he would 
 encourage a move that would set us back a half a century to "the good old days." 
 
 Let us look at the bald, naked truth of this matter without any propaganda of any 
 sort to give local color . Present-day industry must have harmonious industrial relations 
 to exist. Laboring men have very good cause for being suspicious, and the same may 
 be said with a certain amount of justification by the employer, and the only way to 
 allay this untoward condition is to have everything concerning the business mutually 
 understood by the contracting parties. Some of our greatest American employers 
 have recognized this great fact, not the least of whom is the firm of Hart, Schaffner 
 & Marx, who have had no labor troubles for the past 10 years. 
 
 This is American soil and the big business, the press, and other agencies are advo- 
 cating the Americanization of the Territory, while at the same time a very crude 
 propaganda is being given some space at present to try to get people to thinking there 
 is a need for 30, 00# Chinese laborers that doesn't exist. 
 
 As the writer sees it, this is the real situation: 
 
 The plantations are organized. The laborers are organized. One is as strong as the 
 other. On account of the hostile attitude of the planters toward the laborers' organ- 
 izations, an artificial labor shortage is caused. Some of the laborers have even returned 
 to the land of their birth and the others who haven't stayed in the city have emigrated 
 to the mainland. This fact is immediately grasped by the "Hilo man" and his like 
 as a basis for the argument of importing 30,000 Chinese coolies who are not so well 
 versed in the conditions prevailing in the Territory, and who could be induced to 
 come here to work for a pittance and so serve the ends of the plantations in main- 
 taining an oriental wage standard. This would have an immediate reflection in all 
 other industry in lowering the wages of all other labor. ^England attempted the same 
 thing in 191 7, and English labor spoke in no uncertain terms. The boat bearing the 
 coolie laborers never docked at the English port but was diverted to Marseille, 
 France. American labor is interested in the present deal, and if the views of Hilo 
 man are shared by other plantation men, doubtless a "very determined effort" 
 will be made to effect the deal with the United States Congress. It amounts either 
 to entering into complete cooperation with the laborers as at present constituted, 
 and receding from the high and lofty pinnacle of pride, thus serving the Territory in 
 the complex problem of Americanization, or it amounts to aggravating the whole 
 condition by such as the Hilo man, who would surfeit us with 30,000 or more Chinese 
 coolie laborers. If I have missed any of the real details as to why this propaganda is 
 being carried on at the present time, it is for lack of space only. I believe the 
 above to be the real vital reasons for the present agitation. Hilo man and those 
 who share his views are trying to produce a "mountain out of a molehill." It would 
 be just as well for him to forget it, because the United States Congress isn't blind, nor 
 is American labor. 
 
 Contributed by Central Labor Council. 
 
 H. N. Tyson, President. 
 
 The Chairman. You wish to submit a cablegram ? 
 Mr. Wallace. On j^esterday I received this cablegram by wireless. 
 Mr. Raker. What is the date ? 
 
 Mr. Wallace. It is dated Honolulu, June 26, 1921, 10:07 a. m. 
 This cablegram reads as follows: 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 381 
 
 June 26, 1921. 
 Edgar C. Wallace, 
 
 American Federation Building, Washington, D. C: 
 
 Hawaii's emergency commission misrepresenting conditions. Statistics our posses- 
 sion indicate no actual labor shortage in Territory. Unemployed and casuals in ex- 
 cess of plantation requirements. Men driven from plantations by intolerable con- 
 ditions. Mostly still available if paid living wage. Varono, Phillipine commissioner, 
 assured planters of influx of Filipinos. Cost of living here still near peak. No labor 
 organization has indorsed plan. Central Labor and affiliated unions all vigorously 
 protest scheme. Direct blow Americanism program. Condition sugar industry due 
 previous overproduction, low price, excessive capitalization, plantation strike, and 
 gross mismanagement. Labor charges planters intentionally limiting production, 
 planning artificial unemployment campaign lower wages. Employers exerting 
 economic pressure on men to force indorsement planters' program. Charge of Japan- 
 ese conspiracy control industry ridiculous falsehood. Japanese here striving for 
 American ideals and standards. Strike purely economic. No nationalistic issues 
 involved. Additional information by mail. Furnish copies this message Curry, 
 NoJan, Davis, Raker, and all internationals. If desired organized labor send com- 
 mittee assist in fight. Wire instructions. 
 
 George W. Wright, 
 President Honolulu Central Labor Union, 1320 Middle Street, Honolulu. 
 
 Mr. Wright, I suppose, is the successor to Mr. Tyson. 
 
 Mr. Box. Who is he ? 
 
 Mr. Wallace. The president of the Honolulu Central Labor 
 Council or Central Labor Union. 
 
 Mr. Box. He has succeeded Mr. Tyson since Mr. Tyson wrote those 
 letters ? 
 
 Mr. Wallace. Yes, sir. 
 
 The Chairman. He makes the statement there that the industry 
 is mismanaged. 
 
 Mr. Wallace. That is what he says. 
 
 The Chairman. Is that the general labor attitude with regard to 
 all industries ? 
 
 Mr. Wallace. That is sometimes right. Sometimes they are mis- 
 managed. I do not think that that is always true. It is not true 
 of every industry, and it was not so in the industry where I used to 
 work. 
 
 Mr. Raker. What does he mean by this language in the cable- 
 gram: '^Statistics our possession indicate no actual labor shortage 
 in Territory?" 
 
 Mr. Wallace. My interpretation of that would be to follow it up 
 by the statement, "Unemployed and casuals in excess of plantation 
 requirements." 
 
 Mr. Raker. He says, "Unemployed and casuals in excess of plan- 
 tation requirements." 
 
 Mr. Wallace. I think that answers the question. 
 
 Mr. Raker. What does he mean by the statement, "Unemployed 
 and casuals in excess of plantation requirements?" 
 
 Mr. Wallace. He means that certain men are available, or that 
 there are unemployed men in excess of the requirements. 
 
 Mr. Raker. The casuals are what ? 
 
 Mr. Wallace. They are men who happen to come in there, 
 possibly Americans, and possibly men of other nationalities. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Then, if the unemployed over there to-day, and the 
 casuals, or the men who are moving from place to place without any 
 definite idea of having a fixed location, are in excess of the plantation 
 
LABOIl PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 requirements, what would be the necessity of bringing in from ten 
 to thirty thousand Chinese? 
 
 Mr. Free. I would object to that question as an argument of the 
 case. \ 
 
 Mr. Raker. What is your answer ? 
 
 Mr. Wallace. My answer would be this, that from the evidence 
 of a man who necessarily would be in touch with the labor situation in 
 Honolulu, there are enough men unemployed and among the casuals, 
 as he calls them, to fill all requirements. 
 
 Mr. Free. Do you believe that this part is true: "Japanese here 
 striving for American ideals and standards?" Do you believe that 
 that is true of any place, or do you believe that there is any place 
 where the Japanese strive for American ideals and standards? Do 
 they not rather strive for Japanese ideals and standards ? 
 
 Mr. Wallace. I know that in season and out of season organized 
 labor in America has protested against the influx of Japanese, but 
 they are brought in in spite of us. 
 
 Mr. Free. I do not think that a man who would write that the 
 Japanese are striving for American ideals and standards correctly 
 represents the situation. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Answering my friend from California, I will say that 
 I have in my office letters and circulars from all over this country, 
 representing a thousand men as a committee, who, in turn, represent 
 at least 100,000 people of all mixtures, claiming that the importation 
 and naturalization of these orientals and the repealing of the Chinese 
 exclusion law, and admitting Japanese aliens to this country, ought 
 to be done, and that it is the only humianitarian thing to do. 
 
 Mr. Free. But they do not go to the extreme of claiming that the 
 Japanese are striving to attain American ideals and standards. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Yes; and they even claim that by intermarrying they 
 would make a better race. 
 
 Mr. Wallace. I want to answer that statement, if you please. 
 The labor unions, after protesting in, vain against the importation of 
 orientals, and the Japanese among others, when they find that orien- 
 tals are seeking to adopt a higher standard of living, or a standard 
 that would permit whites to compete with them, and standards that 
 whites could live under, then they take them up, even though in the 
 early days they resisted their importation, knowing that their im- 
 portation was intended to lower the standard of living. Y^e have 
 not brought them here, but they are here in spite of us. However, 
 we will aid them when they try to better their economic condition. 
 We do not believe that you can better this situation by bringing in 
 another set of men who will work at a still lower scale. 
 
 Mr. Raker. What does he mean by this statement: ^^ Employers 
 exerting economic pressure on men to force indorsement planters'" ! 
 program?" 
 
 Mr. Wallace. I would not be surprised if they were doing as they 
 are doing in some sections of this countr}^; that is, arbitrarily closing 
 down th^s shop and driving men into that shop where they pay a 
 lower scale. That has been done, not only in Hawaii, but in this 
 country. They shut down one plant and start up another plant. 
 Then they start the first plant again on a still lower scale. That is 
 economic pressure. 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS m HAWAII. 38 S' 
 
 * ■'jFhe Chairman. Wbiild you think that there was anything in this 
 statement that the strike itself interfered with the planting of a crop 
 that takes about two years to raise, and that that in itself would 
 reduce the industry, reduce the millwork, etc. ? Is there anything in 
 that? 
 
 Mr. Wallace. I do not know. There is the statement of a man 
 on the ground who is the representative of organized labor. He is the 
 chosen representative of organized labor and of American labor on 
 that island. 
 
 The Chairman. But you admit that if nothing is planted on a 
 sugar plantation there will be nothing to run through the mills, do 
 you not ? You will admit that if there is no labor in the rice fields, 
 rice will be imported, and the high living conditions will continue, 
 will you not ? 
 
 Mr. Wallace. I do not believe that the island would go to waste, 
 even if they were not able to compete in sugar. I think that some 
 other method would be found to make the land productive. 
 
 The Chairman. What do you think they should raise ? 
 
 Mr. Wallace. Fruits and other things. I know that they have 
 quit the one-crop system in California and Australia, and they could 
 have diversified farming. It might be different from the farming that 
 they know, but on a homestead any man could raise crops for himself 
 and have an excess for the market. He would find out what was 
 needed on the market. 
 
 The Chairman. Are you familiar with the results of the effort to 
 develop the land for the growth of pineapples ? 
 
 Mr. Wallace. This is the only information I have. The only 
 information I have is gained from other people, and it would appear 
 that the solution of the question lies in dividing the plantations into 
 smaller holdings, just as the question was solved in Australia. 
 
 The Chairman. Australia is not a tropical country. Do you think 
 that white American people would work in the cane fields of Hawaii ? 
 
 Mr. Wallace. I believe that white American people could be 
 induced to take up land in these islands if they could get the land 
 for themselves. They do it in many places. I have known them to 
 bring white American labor down^to Panama and they did as much 
 of that work as colored men. 
 
 The Chairman. Are the Filipinos in Hawaii organized into labor 
 unions ? 
 
 Mr. Wallace. I do not know of any. I think there is a prejudice 
 against white people. They may have an organization of their own. 
 They are really more akin to Japanese than to American workers. 
 
 The Chairman. I notice among these papers that you have left 
 with the clerk a letter from H. N. Tyson, dated December 26, 1920, 
 in which the following statement appears : 
 
 The Japanese economic problem is a very perplexing one, but we do not feel that 
 the interests of labor in the Territory can be preserved by attempting to displace 
 the present labor without also securing the departure of the laborers displaced. This 
 can not be done and we are inclined to at least an attempt at a solution of our present 
 ills rather than fly to those we know not of, judging from Australian experience that 
 Chinese labor is socially piratical and largely uncontrollable. 
 
 And then this: 
 
 The Filipino Labor Union, having about 17,000 members who are plantation and 
 cannery laborers, now desire to affiliate with the American Federation of Labor. 
 
384 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 Section 4, article 14, of the constitution provides for reference of applications for 
 certificates of affiliation for Federal labor unions to the central body chartered in that 
 vicinity for investigation and approval. 
 
 Thinking that you may have some valuable suggestions or advice to offer in the 
 matter, I am forwarding their application under separate coyer, expecting to have 
 same referred back to this council for investigation. The Filipino Union is separate 
 and apart from the Hawaiian Laborers ' Association, which is or was the former Japanese 
 Federation. The last-named organization has about 30,000 members, practically all 
 Japanese, and do not figure in any way with the application being made by the Fili- 
 pinos, although performing the same kind of work. 
 
 Mr. Wallace. That would be the Japanese form of organization, 
 because, as was explained here, it embraces all callings, and is in the 
 way of one big union, which is entirely foreign to the principles of the 
 American Federation of Labor. If the Filipinos wanted to organize 
 as Filipinos and not as men belonging to the various crafts or indus- 
 tries, we would have the same objection to them. 
 
 The Chairman. This letter states : 
 
 The Filipino Labor Union having about 17,000 members, who are plantation and 
 cannery laborers, now desires to affiliate with the American Federation of Labor. 
 
 It appears that they applied to you for a charter, and a memo- 
 randum appears here, ^^not received to date." 
 
 Mr. Wallace. They have not affiliated. 
 
 The Chairman. Do you see any possibility of Japanese labor 
 associations there being associated with Filipino labor associations ? 
 
 Mr. Wallace. It is possible that they may locally affiliate with the 
 Filipinos. , 
 
 The Chairman. Is there any objection to that? 
 
 Mr. Wallace. It would make them much stronger. 
 
 The Chairman. It would make them a little more than one big 
 Japanese union. 
 
 Mr. Wallace. Yes, sir; but even so, we could not accept the 
 Japanese form of organization in the American Federation of Labor. 
 Those problems have been brought into the situation, and we are not 
 responsible for them. 
 
 Mr. Box. Mr. Chairman, the matter that you brought out I would 
 like to have developed more fully than was done in answer to your 
 question. You stated, Mr. Wallace, that the Japanese organizations 
 were in favor of one big union, which idea has been rejected by the 
 American Federation of Labor. What do you mean by that ? 
 
 Mr. Wallace. All I know is that it includes all Japanese workers 
 of every description on the islands, and therefore it would be in the 
 nature of one big union. I do not know that it has the tendencies 
 of what we understand as one big union in this country, but that 
 form of unionism is foreign to the principles of the American Federa- 
 tion of Labor — that is, that all should go into one union, and es- 
 pecially as a national organization. 
 
 The Chairman. Has any big union adopted the international idea ? 
 
 Mr. Wallace. Some of them have. 
 
 The Chairman. The I. W. W. is the one big union. 
 
 Mr. Wallace. That is the form of the I. W. W., but my behef 
 is that this Japanese one big union would not be at all international. 
 
 The Chairman. Have the Japanese any international agitators 
 who come out for the third or fourth Internationale ? 
 
 Mr. Wallace. Yes, sir; but they are out of luck when they get 
 caught in their own country. 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 385 
 
 The Chairman. They have trouble in their own country? 
 
 Mr. Wallace. If they should go about agitating for international 
 unionism in Japan they would be handled roughly by their Govern- 
 ment. The Japanese organization, or what little there is of it, is 
 generally on this side of the ocean. 
 
 The Chairman. In a free country. 
 
 Mr. Wallace. Yes, sir; in a free country; and that organization 
 is far from being international. I fear that it is in the interest of a 
 nation, but not of America. 
 
 Mr. Mead. I would like to make a statement at this point: The 
 Japanese Federation of Labor which was formed in the latter part of 
 1919 and the early part of 1920 consisted entirely of Japanese, and 
 no other people were taken in or invited to come in. The Japanese 
 Federation wanted to affiliate with the American Federation of Labor, 
 and their application, as I understand it, was rejected by the national 
 organization. The Japanese organization, at the instigation of Messrs. 
 Hilton and Tyson, of Honolulu, changed its name to the Hawaiian 
 Federation of Labor, and invited all other nationals to come in. 
 I believe they did get a few Porto Ricans and a very few Filipinos. 
 Then they again applied, as I understand it, for affiliation with the 
 American Federation of Labor, and I believe they were again turned 
 down. So far as the Japanese and Filipinos having anything in 
 common is concerned, or so far as the Filipinos being akin to the 
 Japanese, as Mr. Wallace says, is concerned, it is absolutely not true. 
 The Filipino does not like the Japanese. 
 
 Mr. Wallace. Is it not a fact there is much Japanese blood in 
 Filipinos ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. I do not think there is an ounce of Japanese blood in the 
 Filipinos. In a part of the island of Luzon, one of the Philippine 
 Islands, where many years ago the Chinese pirates made their head- 
 quarters, there was a mixture of Chinese blood with Filipino 
 blood, and some of the best and finest types of Filipinos at the present 
 time, or men who are high in the Philippine Government, have 
 Chinese blood in their veins. They are fine people. The Filipino 
 has no use for the Japanese. He is a Malay and does not like the 
 Japanese. That is one reason why the United States Government 
 likes to see Filipinos come to Hawaii, or why they favor the migration 
 of Filipinos to Hawaii. 
 
 Now, as to the situation in Australia that Mr. Wallace has referred 
 to, I do not believe that the deportation of the blacks resulted in the 
 dividing up of sugar plantations there into homesteads for white 
 people. I know that the sugar production at Queenstown decreased 
 tremendously after they deported those black people. Those black 
 people had acquired property and their children had been born into 
 citizenship there, and at the time they were deported it was looked 
 upon as an exceedingly harsh measure. However, Australia had 
 adopted the slogan of ^'a white Australia," and they did not want 
 black people there. As to conditions in Australia, while I have never 
 been there, I have talked with people who have come from there, and 
 they say that the conditions are not very desirable at the present 
 time for laboring people, and that a great many of them are leaving. 
 
 Mr. Wallace. I know that the people whom I met from Australia, 
 and I met many thousands of them in France, were splendid specimens 
 and they spoke highly of their own country. 
 
 56754— 21— SEB 7, pt 1 12 
 
386 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 Mr. Mead. I have met many of them coming in on the steamers, 
 and they say that they are going out. 
 
 Mr. Kaker. We have now before ns the statements of you gentle- 
 men regarding the shortage of labor. We have the wireless message 
 that was read to us this morning stating that the unemployed and 
 casuals now in Hawaii are sufficient to meet the Territory's demand 
 for labor. With that condition before us, even with the ordinary 
 immigration, it leaves us in a kind of unsatisfactory condition, does 
 it not ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. I say that that statement that the unemployed and 
 casuals there would meet the labor shortage in Hawaii is simply wrong. 
 I do not like to say it is false, but it is false. If you should go out 
 there to Honolulu, or anywhere on Oahu, and attempt to recruit 
 people for plantation work or any other kind of work, I do not believe 
 you could pick up 200 people. 
 
 The Chairman. Is it not probable that the casuals, so-called, and 
 the other people mentioned are hanging around the automobile 
 garages and other places claiming that they want work. 
 
 Mr. Mead. You do not find that sort of thing there. My attention 
 has just been called to the following telegramx from Honolulu. 
 
 Mr. Raker. What is the date of it ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. It is dated May 20, and is as follows: 
 
 I am advised that Central Labor Council has passed resolution against Chinese 
 immigration based on reports of their officers that there are plenty of unemployed in 
 Honolulu. They have interviewed Manlapit asking statement as to how many 
 unemployed Filipinos, and he advises them perhaps 200 undesirable gamblers and 
 loafers, plus 100 awaiting transportation. You may hear of this. 
 
 Those 100 were awaiting steamers to take them home to the Philip- 
 pine Islands. I have seen these men and have had them to cross my 
 trail. For instance, one man made the statement that there were 
 large numbers of unemployed Filipinos in Hilo. I went up to Hila 
 and made a careful personal investigation of the situation there, aad 
 there were not 50 idle and unemployed people there. 
 
 Mr. Wallace. After that telegram that you read, the president of 
 the labor organization there, Mr. Wright, cabled the information that 
 came to me from that labor council, that there were a number of 
 casuals and unemployed there. On matters of labor, I would just 
 as soon take Mr. Wright's word as his. I have Mr. Wright's evidence 
 which can be placed against Mr. Mead's evidence on the question of 
 labor. Mr. Wright gets his information direct from men who are in 
 touch with labor. 
 
 Mr. Mead. Mr. Wright is absolutely wrong, and that is all there is 
 to this situation. 
 
 Mr. Kalaneanaole. Do you know whether they have 100 men in 
 that organization ? 
 
 Mr. Wallace. I have no doubt that they have far more than that^ 
 because that labor body is made up of delegates, and the delegates 
 come from different organizations. It is made up of representatives 
 of all the organizations of the islands, and I have no doubt that there 
 are many thousands represented by that organization or council^ 
 including building trades men and others. 
 
 The Chairman. Let us see about that: Do you know what is the 
 population of Hawaii ? 
 
 Mr. Wallace. Three or four hundred thousand. 
 
LABOK PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 387 
 
 The Chairman. About 255,000. Do you know what is the popuhi- 
 tion of the city Honohilu ? 
 
 Mr. Wallace. No, sir. 
 
 The Chairman. It is about 85,000. Do you know how many 
 Caucasian people are there ? 
 
 Mr. Wallace. It is a small percentage. Would you include in 
 that Hawaiians ? 
 
 The Chairman. No; that would include white Americans, white 
 British, and white Russians. 
 
 Mr. Wallace. I would say they were a small minority. 
 
 The Chairman. There are about 10,000. Therefore we have not 
 many people represented by this labor organization, because the Filipi- 
 nos are in Filipino organizations and the Japanese are in Japanese 
 labor organizations. Have you made an effort to organize the com- 
 mon white field labor there ? 
 
 Mr. Wallace. We have not found that there are many such, 
 because they have been driven out by the orientals. 
 
 The Chairman. Well, suppose there are 100, could you organize 
 that common labor ? 
 
 Mr. Wallace. It is difficult, but it has been done. 
 
 The Chairman. Suppose you had an organization affiliated with 
 the American Federation of Labor, composed of 100 plantation 
 laborers, would they get anywhere as against an organization of 
 Filipinos with 17,000 members ? 
 
 Mr. Wallace. I have seen a very small percentage lead a very 
 big movement. 
 
 Mr. Raker. What is Mr. Wright's business ? 
 
 Mr. Wallace. I do not know, but I suppose he is in some trade. 
 I do not know about that, but he is in some of the skilled trades 
 employed there. He is possibly a typo or something like that. 
 
 Mr. Maloney. Are those organizations you spoke of the other day, 
 composed of teamsters, truckmen, etc., affiliated with the Central 
 Labor Union of Honolulu ? 
 
 Mr. Wise. No, sir; they are not. You were asking about this man 
 Wright. He was sent down there by the Federal Government under 
 a contract to work at Pearl Harbor. He is a transient employee, one 
 of the class who go there for a short term of two years or possibly 
 three years; and if they do not like the conditions, they would come 
 away. They are only located on the Island of Oahu, and there are 
 other islands where sugar is produced. 
 
 STATEMENT OF JOHN WISE, MEMBER OF THE SENATE OF 
 THE TERRITORY OF HAWAII. 
 
 The Chairman. Since, we have begun to question Senator Wise, 
 let us consider him a witness so that he may be asked such ques- 
 tions as may be desired. 
 
 Mr. Raker. What do you mean by saying that they were under 
 contract to work for the Federal Government ? 
 
 Mr. Wise. They were under contract with the Federal Government 
 to go down there and work in the navy yard. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Now, what branch of the Federal Government sent 
 these men down there ? 
 
388 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 Mr. Wise. The Bureau of Yards and Docks. 
 
 The Chairman. The Government builds works down there at Pearl 
 Harbor ? 
 
 Mr. Wise. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Raker. The fact is that the Government has work done on 
 their docks in that harbor ? 
 
 Mr. Wise. In Pearl Harbor; yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Raker. They employ the men who go down there to work ? 
 
 Mr. Wise. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Raker. And the men can go and come when they please, if 
 they want to violate their contract ? 
 
 Mr. Wise. They have a saying down there that Uncle Sam is the 
 only one who is held under the contract. They can quit and come 
 home. 
 
 Mr. Wallace. They could stay there, even though they broke 
 their contract with the Government ? 
 
 Mr. Wise. They could stay, but they do not as a rule; they have 
 not anything else to do there. 
 
 The Chairman. Let me ask you a question right there. Do the 
 Japanese and other aliens work on the Government works at Pearl 
 Harbor ? 
 
 Mr. Wise. On the Government works; yes. 
 
 The Chairman. They work for the Government ? 
 
 Mr. Wise. Yes; they work for the Government. 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. That is not work for the Hawaiian government. 
 
 Mr. Wise. That is work for the Federal Government; they do not 
 work for the Territorial or for the county governments. 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. The Hawaiian Territory or government has 
 cut out alien labor ? 
 
 Mr. Wise. Entirely. 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. But the United States Government allows 
 the Japanese and other aliens to perform labor on its governmental 
 works ? 
 
 Mr. Wise. Yes; and Uncle Sam is the one who drove American 
 mechanics away from Hawaii. 
 
 The Chairman. Just one moment. I am very much interested in 
 that proposition, because we have just succeeded in passing legisla- 
 tion for the purpose of keeping alien fishermen out of Pearl Harbor, 
 but we have left the aliens to work on the Federal Government 
 works. 
 
 Mr. Box. That is a matter that ought to be developed in the 
 hearing. 
 
 The Chairman. It is not thought desirable that we have fishermen 
 of an alien race moving about our works out there. 
 
 Mr. Raker. At the same time the Federal Government employs 
 them on the public works it is constructing out there. 
 
 The Chairman. What do you mean by saying that the Government 
 pays $5 a day on its works ? 
 
 Mr. Wise. The mechanics from 1900 to 1910 fell over themselves 
 trying to get contracts with the Government to put up the fortifica- 
 tions and to put up the posts. Aliens at that time were working 
 for $1.25 or $1.50 a day, as against $4 and $5 a day paid to the 
 white mechanics. The white mechanics and the Hawaiian mechanics 
 could not compete with an alien at that wage. So the Hawaiians 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 389 
 
 had to go into something else; they could not leave the country. 
 But the American mechanics quit Hawaii and came away. 
 
 Between 1910 and 1920 aliens began to raise their scale of wages, 
 and they are getting $5 or $6 a day from Uncle Sam, and Uncle 
 Sam says you can come in and work there with the white mechanics. 
 Of course, that is creating a serious condition down there, because it 
 is driving the white mechanics out of the country. The Government 
 is paying $5 and $6 a day. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Can you tell the committee about how many men the 
 Government has employed on the Pearl Harbor works ? 
 
 Mr. Wise. I am not so closely connected with the Pearl Harbor 
 works, but I know that on the posts • 
 
 Mr. Raker (interposing). Take all of the Government works. 
 Could you say, approximately, how many men are employed there 
 by the Government ? 
 
 Mr. Wise. There are over a thousand men employed by the Govern- 
 ment on the posts — that is, the carpenters and other workmen of that 
 kind. 
 
 The Chairman. That is to say the Government lets a contract 
 probably to a white contractor • 
 
 Mr. Wise (interposing). No. 
 
 The Chairman. To an alien contractor ? 
 
 Mr. Wise. To an alien contractor. 
 
 The Chairman. That is, the original contract ? 
 
 Mr. Wise. Yes. 
 
 The Chairman. He sublets the contract he gets ? 
 
 Mr. Wise. He gets the labor and pays the labor himself. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Can you tell the committee about what proportion of 
 those men working for the Government are Japanese ? 
 
 Mr. Wise. On the posts ? 
 
 Mr. Raker. An3rwhere. 
 
 Mr. Wise. All but 2 or 3 per cent on the posts, who are citizens. 
 On the Pearl Harbor works I think there are about 400 white 
 mechanics, with the Hawaiians included, and as many Japanese. 
 
 Mr. Box. I thought you said there were 2 or 3 per cent. 
 
 Mr. Wise. Two or three per cent of the labor on the posts is made 
 up of citizens; the rest are aliens. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Approximately what percentage are Japanese? 
 
 Mr. Wise. Putting them together, that will make it about 10 
 per cent of the whole, I imagine, that are citizens. 
 
 Mr. Raker. That will be 90 per cent Japanese ? 
 
 Mr. Wise. Ninety per cent alien. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Mr. Chairman, may I ask that the chairman of the 
 committee make inquiry of the Secretary of the Navy in reference 
 to this matter, asking him to send a list of the employees of the 
 Navy Department in Hawaii on the Government works, who are 
 aliens. 
 
 The Chairman. We might ask for that information also from the 
 Secretary of War, as well as from the Secretary of the Navy. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Both of them, with the request that the committee 
 be furnished with that information. 
 
 Mr. E^ALANiANAOLE. May I suggest also that the committee ask 
 for a list of those who were employed formerly on those docks, 
 
390 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 because the work on the dock is finished now, and a great many of 
 those men have been discharged. 
 
 The Chairman. What is desired, as I understand it, is the number 
 of those men and their nationahties ? 
 
 Mr. Raker. Yes. 
 
 The Chairman. Mr. Wallace, the committee thanks you for the 
 information you have presented. You will have the same privilege 
 granted to the other witnesses — that of revising your remarks, and 
 adding, during the next few days, any additional telegrams, cable- 
 grams, or exhibits which you may care to present. 
 
 The Chairman. Senator Wise, as a matter of fact, not only your- 
 self, but also the Delegate from Hawaii, Mr. Kalanianaole, and a 
 great many other far-seeing Hawaiians saw this Japanese situation 
 coming many years ago ? 
 
 Mr. Wise. We saw it coming many years ago, and the Delegate 
 from Hawaii, in his capacity as a Delegate to Congress from that 
 Territory, started a fight on that proposition in 1907 and 1908. 
 
 The Chairman. Your position is not different from that of Judge 
 Raker, of California, who also saw it coming. 
 
 Mr. Wise. Yes; but some of us saw it earlier than he did. The 
 effects of it in the islands gave him a better scope to judge by than 
 he had in California. 
 
 Mr. Raker. From your observation, Senator Wise, is it not 
 better that we suffer just a little bit in our economic and financial 
 relations because of the thing we brought about ourselves, with our 
 eyes open, both in Hawaii and in the Pacific Coast States, rather 
 than to accentuate the situation by bringing members of another 
 alien race in, under such circumstances that they could not become 
 citizens, and under circumstances by which they can be arrested 
 and deported when they fail to do their work. 
 
 Mr. Wise. I could only answer that question from the standpoint 
 of a Hawaiian who loves his country, and who loves it so deeply that 
 he fought against the annexation of Hawaii to the United States 
 and was only convinced that it would be the proper thing to go under 
 the United States Government after long and serious consideration 
 of the matter, rather than to go under Japan. We were reconciled 
 because we felt that Uncle Sam might help us when we were in need ; 
 and to-day, Mr. Raker, we would prefer to have 20,000 Chinese in 
 the country than 20,000 soldiers. Why? Because every pound of 
 food imported into the country for the soldiers has to be imported 
 from the United States. On the other hand, if we have 20,000 
 Chinese in place of the soldiers, they will be engaged not only in 
 cultivating food for themselves and the rest of us, but there will be 
 less food imported into the country for the protection of the country 
 than there would be if we had 20,000 soldiers out there. 
 
 I am speaking from the standpoint of a Hawaiian who loves his 
 of giving us a military commission form of government. We had. 
 used our influence before coming into the Union to restrict the impor- 
 tation of Asiatics, believing that it would hurt us nationally. Since 
 becoming a Territory of the United States these restrictions have 
 been removed, and now it looks as though we are drifting into a 
 military form of commission government against anything we can 
 do to stop it. 
 
l^BOK PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 391 
 
 Mr. Box. Suppose your industrial situation gets beyond your 
 control 
 
 Mr. Wise (interposing) . It is beyond our control to-day. 
 
 Mr. Box (continuing). What other course is there but a military 
 government ? 
 
 Mr. Wise. I can not see anything else but an entire surrender of 
 our beautiful little country. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Now, Senator, do you think your country should sur- 
 render itself to the organizations for the purpose of bringing in con- 
 tract peon labor — I am going to use that word advisedly — to remedy 
 the labor conditions rather than go through a little depression, and 
 so arrange matters to the end that those who may become citizens 
 come there and work out your destiny in a different way. 
 
 Mr. Wise. There is nothing more vital than the so-called rehabili- 
 tation bill, which has been brought up — and I regret that the thing 
 was brought to your attention by a man who knew nothing about 
 conditions out there, and a man who is probably down there for a 
 few years and will come away when the conditions do not suit him. 
 We Hawaiians have to stay there and die there. 
 
 The Chairman. As a matter of fact, the rehabilitation bill is the 
 result of your suggestions and work ? 
 
 Mr. Wise. One of my suggestions. It has been a life work with 
 me and the Delegate, trying to rehabilitate our dying people. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Can an alien Japanese purchase land in Hawaii ? 
 
 Mr. Wise. They are doing it. 
 
 Mr. Raker. You are looking after your interests down there. Just 
 tell the committee why you, through your Delegate and others, have 
 not been here years before seeking legislation by Congress which 
 would prohibit aliens from owning land there ? 
 
 Mr. Wise. There are several reasons. 
 
 Mr. Raker. What are they ? 
 
 Mr. Wise. In the first instance we did not think the matter was 
 going to be so serious. We looked at it from the standpoint of purely 
 rehabilitating the people. As the years went along, and as these large 
 holdings were being cut up for homesteads, the aUens were coming 
 in and were beginning, with their children born in the country, to 
 absorb these homesteads, and then we learned our lesson, and then 
 we attempted to take the necessary action, but it was not an easy 
 thing to do. They have fought me down there for years, to keep me 
 from the legislature. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Who have fought you? Let us know what the 
 trouble is down there. 
 
 Mr. Wise. The people who oppose us fought me. 
 
 Mr. Raker. The fellows who wanted cheap labor ? 
 
 Mr. Wese. Well, not exactly those who wanted cheap labor, 
 because these federations of white mechanics down there fought us 
 more bitterly than the other people. They have fought the Delegate 
 from Hawaii in the last three or four elections, and they fought me 
 at the last election. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Outside of the rehabilitation bill, which involves only 
 a few thousand acres 
 
 Mr. Wise. Two hundred and two thousand acres. 
 
 Mr. Raker. All right; 202,000 acres. All of the land now owned 
 by the corporations is subject to sale? 
 
392 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 Mr. Wise. No land owned by the corporations is included in the 
 bill, and they are going to hold onto that. You mean the leased 
 lands. 
 
 Mr. Raker. The lands owned in fee by these corporations is 
 subject to sale to the Japanese citizens and to the Japanese aliens if 
 they want to do that. 
 
 Mr. Wise. Subject to sale, I believe. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Up to this date you have made no effort to have a law 
 passed by Congress granting the absolute power to prohibit the aliens 
 from owning land in Hawaii ? 
 
 Mr. Wise. If the result of the effects of representatives of Hawaii 
 who come here and ask anything is what we have seen in the last two 
 years, I am satisfied if we had come here 20 years ago we would have 
 gotten the same treatment. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Do you not think you ought to get that kind of treat- 
 ment if you come here for the purpose of bringing in an alien race who 
 can not become citizens, whom you are holding in bondage while they 
 are working for you, and when, at the end of five years you can turn 
 them back ? Do you not think that this country ought not to adopt 
 such a policy, either for the mainland or for our insular possessions ? 
 
 Mr. Wise. I should think you could modify the bill, if you desire to 
 do so. So far as the idea of bondage is concerned, I think this 
 proposition does not compare with your own experience in the South, 
 where men were constantly torn away from their families. These are 
 simply certain conditions which the Government puts up to the men 
 who go down there, to do certain things. It says if you want to come, 
 yes; if you do not want to come, no. I do not think that is much in 
 the way of bondage, if a man says he will go down under those con- 
 ditions and work under those conditions. 
 
 Mr. Raker. At the end of five years you tear up the very roots he 
 has desired to plant in the islands. If a man marries, you would say 
 to him, no matter what his position is, ^^ You have to return home." 
 
 Mr. Wise. Whom is he going to marry? 
 
 Mr. Raker. He has the right to marry. 
 
 Mr. Wise. I doubt if he will be able to get a woman to marry him. 
 
 Mr. Raker. -But he has the right to marry. 
 
 Mr. Wise. Sure; I suppose he has. 
 
 Mr. Raker. If he marries an American-born woman of his own 
 nationality, he would have to be separated from her, unless sh<* 
 wanted to go with him, voluntarily ? 
 
 Mr. Wise. There are none there for him to marry. 
 
 Mr. Raker. There are only about 15,000 or 16,000 Chinese there? 
 
 Mr. Wise. There are 23,000, and the women there are at a premium, 
 and they are educated under the American system and they object to 
 going back to China to live under the old conditions. 
 
 Mr. Raker. But he co'uld marry, if one of those American-born 
 Chinese girls wanted to marry him ? 
 
 Mr. Wise. I suppose so. 
 
 Mr. Raker. This is the law you are figuring on, and you will send 
 him back by force ? 
 
 Mr. Wise. Not by force. 
 
 Mr. Raker. That is what it amounts to, does it not ? 
 
 Mr. Wise. With his consent. 
 
 Mr. Raker. To return him with his consent ? 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 393 
 
 Mr. Wise. Sure. He comes there with the idea that he is going 
 back in five years. 
 
 Mr. Raker. At the end of five years, suppose he says ^^I want to 
 stay here. ^' Under the law you would arrest him and deport him, 
 would you not ? 
 
 Mr. Wise. I do not think we would go that far. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Then your purpose is to have the bill enacted, to pass 
 a law, by which you could bring in 20,000 or 30,000 or 40,000 
 Chinese, to go back at the end of five years, but if at the end of G.Ye 
 years one of them said he did not want to return, you can return 
 him? 
 
 Mr. Wise. I think he would have to return, according to his 
 agreement. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Suppose he refused to go; how are you going to get 
 him home ? 
 
 Mr. Wise. Take him home the way he agreed to go home. I do 
 not see where force comes in. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Senator, you are very keen and very shrewd. Let 
 us be frank about it. Suppose he refuses to go at the end of ^ve 
 years. 
 
 Mr. Wise. Then we take him home. 
 
 Mr. Raker. By force ? 
 
 Mr. Wise. By force, if necessary. 
 
 Mr. Raker. How many American-born Chinese girls are there in 
 Hawaii ? 
 
 Mr. Wise. I do not agree that he will ever marry any of them. 
 
 Mr. Raker. He could marry one of them. Let us not dodge a 
 thing of that kind. 
 
 Mr. Wise. I am not dodging it. 
 
 Mr. Raker. He could marry one of them, if he wanted to. 
 
 Mr. Wise. If he could find one. 
 
 Mr. Raker. And if he did not want to go he could be arrested 
 and deported to China ? 
 
 Mr. Wise. Yes; sure. 
 
 Mr. Rakel. If to that union there should be born a child, you 
 would tear him away from that child, born in this country, tear him 
 away by force and send him home, would you ? 
 
 Mr. Wise. If you want it that way, sure. Shoot — all right. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Do you want that kind of a law to be passed by 
 Congress, to become effective in the Hawaiian Islands ? 
 
 Mr. Wise. Yes; I do want it. 
 
 Mr. Raker. As a matter of fact, that is the probable effect of the 
 legislation you favor, to bring in 20,000 Chinese that may be needed 
 for the Hawaiian Islands, keep them there for five years, and if at 
 the end of Rve years any of them should refuse to go, then you would 
 arrest them under the authority of the law and put them on board 
 a ship and send them home ? 
 
 Mr. Wise. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Sabath. Is not that the effect of the law that has been passed ? 
 
 Mr. Raker. I do not think so. 
 
 Mr. Sabath. It provides for the deportation of any alien who has 
 been here for 5 years, and in some cases he may have been here for 
 10 or 20 years and he may be deported if he is found guilty of any 
 offense which involves moral turpitude, whether he is married or not. 
 
394 LABOR PROBLEMS IIT HAWAII. 
 
 Mr. Raker. No; the law is to-day that a man has the right of 
 vohtion; he has the right under the laws of this land, provided he 
 does not violate the laws, and when he does violate them he loses 
 that right and becomes a criminal and we punish him accordingly. 
 
 Mr. Sabath. If he violates his contract he will be deported. 
 
 Mr. Raker. There is not any question but that I, if I am an alien, 
 have the right, under the law, subject to certain conditions, to go 
 from place to place. I assume that position by coming here volun- 
 tarily, but when I violate the law I forfeit my right and I can be 
 imprisoned or I can be hanged for certain offenses. A man who 
 comes usually to this country comes without any restraint except 
 that he shall obey our laws, and when he does that he can stay here. 
 But a man coming into Hawaii under the terms of this bill at the end 
 of five years must be deported, and he is held practically in bondage. 
 
 Mr. Sabath. If he comes he comes under a contract and he agrees 
 that he will come and stay, and at the end of Hve years, at the expira- 
 tion of the contract, which I presume will be approved by the Gov- 
 ernment and will also contain provisions for the proper treatment of 
 these men, he is notified of the fact that after the expiration of five 
 years he is obliged to leave. 
 
 There is one more thing I want to ask you. You have paid some 
 attention during the last few years to this legislation and to the 
 matter of labor conditions in Hawaii ? 
 
 Mr. Wise. I have. 
 
 Mr. Sabath. Do you recollect in 1910, 1912, and 1914 people 
 appearing here before this committee and requesting relief and also 
 asking that the literacy test should not apply to Hawaii ? 
 
 Mr. Wise. Yes; there have been individuals here. 
 
 Mr. Sabath. Representing whom? 
 
 Mr. Wise. Representing the Chinese people themselves. 
 
 Mr. Sabath. And your Hawaiian people ? 
 
 Mr. Wise. Not the Hawaiian people. 
 
 Mr. Sabath. I was under the impression that they came here for 
 that purpose. That is in answer to Judge Raker's statement that 
 you people have slept on your rights, that you have never done 
 anything. I recollect 10 or 12 years ago representatives of the 
 Hawaiian industries requested assistance and came here to present 
 their requests in reference to conditions there. 
 
 Mr. Wise. I would like to ask one question before we drift away 
 from this subject. A Chinese m-erchant is allowed to come to this 
 country. Suppose he marries in this country? What do you do 
 with the wife and children when that man wants to go back to that 
 country? Don't you take the man and arrest him, and deport him, 
 tare liim away from his family? 
 
 Mr. Cable. Chinese students come here temporarily also. 
 
 Mr. Wise. What do you do with them? 
 
 Mr. Raker. You are familiar with our Constitution — I know you 
 are. Irrespective of any contract, or otherwise, you are opposed 
 to allowing any man, woman, or child in this country to-day to enter 
 into a state of slavery, are you not ? 
 
 Mr. Wise. Most assuredly. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Whether he or she agrees to it or not, as the dis- 
 tinguished gentleman from Illinois has said. Here is a constitutional 
 amendment, placed upon the statute books after one of the bloodiest 
 wars in the world up to that time, which determined that no. man in 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 395 
 
 this country could voluntarily enter into a state of slavery, nor that 
 slavery could exist. You do not want that condition to exist in the 
 Hawaiian Islands? 
 
 Mr. Wise. I do not think there is any chance of that being done 
 at all. 
 
 Mr. Sabath. Under the immigration law; which you have voted 
 for, you permit contract labor, if such labor can not be drafted 
 in the United States ; is that not true. Judge ? 
 
 Mr. Raker. If they are otherwise 
 
 Mr. vSabath (interposing) . If such similar labor can not be secured 
 in the United States. 
 
 Mr. Raker. I guess that is in the general immigration law. 
 
 Mr. Sabath. And you voted for it? 
 
 Mr. Raker. I think I did. 
 
 Mr. Wise. This is only an emergency; we do not expect to keep 
 this going for 20 or 30 years. 
 
 The Chairman. What will be the relief from the conditions as they 
 exist now if you had to use a large number of Chinese for three years ? 
 What possible hope could you have except to get more Chinese ? 
 
 Mr. Wise. I think a great many of the Japanese would have to 
 leave and go home because of lack of labor. 
 
 The Chairman. Then you would still have more need of Chinese ? 
 
 Mr. Wise. The total number of laborers we want would be 60,000. 
 Twenty thousand or thirty thousand Chinese would come into the 
 country, plus the Japanese, who, perhaps, have property and want to 
 stay there, plus the Filipinos and the Hawaiians, and the Portuguese 
 working on the plantations. I think we will have a safe number. 
 
 The Chairman. I believe that is all, Mr. Wise. 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. May I say a word here, Mr. Chairman ? It has 
 been brought out by a number of witnesses that we hope there will be 
 an arrangement made in the permanent immigration law, which we 
 hope this country will pass, making a provision whereby immigrants 
 from southern Europe can not only be induced to come to Hawaii but 
 carb be held upon the land long enough to take up a real residence in 
 Hawaii and stop going to the mainland, as has been the case in our 
 experiences of the past 20 years. 
 
 You can not revolutionize the people of a country overnight. If 
 we allow this situation to continue as it is, the economic loss will 
 make it impossible for the business interests of the Territory to con- 
 tribute the necessary amount of money to carry out the experiments 
 which we propose to make if you give us the opportunity, with 
 proper legislation whereby we can bring in the people of southern 
 Europe and build up in our community a people who will absorb 
 American customs and become real Americans within a brief period 
 of years. 
 
 This is an emergency proposition; it is not a contract; it is not a 
 peonage proposition, with all due respect to Judge Raker. He is a 
 lawyer, and I am not, but I have been obliged to study this particular 
 feature for a long time, and I am satisfied, and those who have 
 studied law have satisfied me, that this is not a parallel case to the 
 cases cited by Judge Raker. 
 
 We have the same conditions existing under the laws of the United 
 States, when students come here and go to school and remain 
 in the country. During the time they are at school they marry. 
 What is the status of the wives of those students ? Do not the laws 
 
396 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 of the United States require that the student return to his home 
 country at the end of his education ? If so, the proposition cited by 
 Judge Raker might apply there because it is far more Ukely that a 
 union will occur between educated Chinese than between coolie labor. 
 
 Mr. Raker. I never saw any difference between a union of the 
 boy on the farmland a girl on the farm and the boy and the girl in 
 the town. They never looked any different to me. 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. I would like to ask what he does with the wives 
 of the Chinese students when they have gone. 
 
 The Chairman. The Chinese student can only be admitted upon 
 making a showing of the amount of money he has, and that he 
 proposes to be temporarily in the country, for educational purposes; 
 and the Chinese merchant is accorded the same high-grade treatment 
 here as our merchants visiting in China, for the same reason that we 
 expect our merchants in China to be given such treatment. 
 
 Have you heard of any efforts on the part of the planters in Cuba 
 toward making arrangements by which Chinese labor would be taken 
 into Cuba ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. I have understood Chinese labor is being im> 
 ported into Cuba. 
 
 The Chairman. Do you think there are Chinese laborers there 
 now? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. I understand Chinese laborers are there now. 
 
 The Chairman. Have you any knowledge as to the number ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. I have not. 
 
 The Chairman. Do you know how the arrangement was made ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. I do not. 
 
 The Chairman. Without objection, the clerk of the committee 
 will be instructed to endeavor to secure statistics with regard to the 
 importation of Chinese contract labor into Cuba ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. There are Chinese contract laborers in Cuba. 
 
 Mr. Sabath. I saw many of them there 12 or 14 years ago. 
 
 The Chairman. I do not care about that phase of it, but I am 
 interested in the recent importation of Chinese labor following, the 
 war, as a matter of competition in the sugar industry. 
 
 In your opinion, if Chinese should be permitted, by act of Congress, 
 to come into Hawaii under contract, would that lead to any protest 
 to the State Department by the Japanese Government ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. I am not prepared to speak for the State Depart- 
 ment, of course. 
 
 The Chairman. What is your personal opinion ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. I have not believed that there are grounds for 
 such an objection, because under the proposed legislation Japan 
 remains a favored nation, so far as her people in Hawaii are con- 
 cerned. There is a restriction in the bill which prohibits any one 
 alien population being increased to more than 20 per cent of the total 
 population of the islands, Japan has 43 per cent to-day. 
 
 The Chairman. How many Chinese do you figure could be admit- 
 ted under such a resolution ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. More than sufficient to meet our requirements. \ 
 
 The Chairman. About how many ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. Roughly, I think, between 30,000 and 40,000. 
 
 The Chairman. Do you think the admission of 30,000 or 40,000 
 Chinese plantation laborers would displace any number of Japanese 
 laborers ? 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IIT HAWAII. 397 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. The idea is not to displace any labor that is 
 willing to work at a living wage. 
 
 The Chairman. Would it throw any Japanese out of work? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. I doubt it. 
 
 The Chairman. Would it throw any Filipinos out of work ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. I doubt it. 
 
 Mr. Raker. I would like to ask Senator Wise one question. Sena- 
 tor Wise, conceding that the sugar industry of Hawaii is necessary, 
 would it not be better for all concerned to raise the wages of the 
 sugar workers in the cane fields and in the mills to $5 or ^10 a day 
 and let the world know it and let the consumer pay the extra price, 
 than it would be to attempt to fix up racial conditions ? 
 
 Mr. Wise. The only thing I can say in answer to that is that it is 
 a mighty poor rule if you could only make it for Hawaii and not 
 other parts of the world, because I can not see how it would work. 
 
 Mr. Cable. These men would not control the price of sugar? 
 
 Mr. Wise. No. If we are going to raise those wages, before we 
 will ever get to the point where we will be able to give them $10 a day, 
 there will not be any sugar plantations out there. 
 
 Mr. Cable. What would you have to do about your sugar ? 
 
 Mr. Wise. We would have to import it, if we are going to pay 
 wages as high as $10 a day. 
 
 The Chairman. Is there anything further you desire to present, 
 Mr. Dillingham ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. There are certain points which have been raised 
 by Mr. Wallace in regard to which I would like to introduce further 
 evidence. Then Mr. Horner, the territorial agricultural expert, has 
 some facts which I would like very much to have placed before the 
 committee. There are certain points, too, in regard to organized 
 labor in the islands, which I would like to have Mr. Wise put before 
 the committee. 
 
 The Chairman. If there is no objection, we will continue the hear- 
 ing to-morrow morning at 10 o'clock. 
 
 (Thereupon, the committee adjourned to meet Wednesday, June 29, 
 1921, at 10 o'clock a. m.) 
 
 Committee on Immigration and Naturalization, 
 
 House of Representatives, 
 
 Wednesday, June 29, 1921. 
 
 The committee met at 10.30 o'clock a. m., Hon. Albert Johnson 
 (chairman) presiding. 
 
 The Chairman. A request was made the other day that information 
 be procured from the Department of Labor with regard to the publi- 
 cation of the reports on labor conditions in the Hawaiian Islands, 
 issued by the Government every five years. I have this letter in 
 regard to the matter: 
 
 Department of Labor, 
 
 Office of the Secretary, 
 
 Washington, June 27, 1921. 
 Hon. Albert Johnson, 
 
 Chairman Committee on Immigration and Naturalization, 
 
 House of Representatives, Washington, D. C. 
 My Dear Mr. Congressman: Replying to your letter of June 25 to Secretary Davis 
 concerning the next report on labor conditions to be made in Hawaii, which has been 
 
398 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 received in his absence, I have taken this matter up with the Commissioner of Labor 
 Statistics, who gives me the following information: 
 
 The time for investigation of Hawaiian labor conditions fell due last year, but owing 
 to a reduction in the appropriation and personnel of the Bureau of Labor Statistics, 
 arrangements for doing the .work had not been made at the time of the resignation of 
 the former Commissioner of Labor Statistics. The present commissioner found that 
 funds were not availal)le to undertake that work, and an estimate of $13,500 was placed 
 before the Appropriation Com-mittee under two different deiiciency bills. The facts 
 were briefly stated in the hearings before the committee, but the amount was denied. 
 
 As it was not possible to make the study during the year in which it should have 
 been made, and in view of the present very limited appropriation of the Bureau of 
 Labor Statistics, no plans are being made to conduct this investigation until the end 
 of the five year period, 1925. 
 
 Sincerely, Arthur E. Cook, Private Secretary. 
 
 Upon inquiry, I found that the pay roll of the Bureau of Labor 
 Statistics was $172,960, and that their lump-sum appropriation for the 
 general work, including that which Congress calls for, was $69,000, 
 out of which sum this inquiry should have been made last year. 
 However, the money was spent in other directions. 
 
 Mr. Raker. And it was not made. 
 
 The Chairman. No; and this letter says it will not be made until 
 1925; so we are without that information. 
 
 Except for the following exchange of cablegrams, I have been 
 unable to secure information concerning the methods of placing 
 Chinese on the plantations in Cuba, which was called for. 
 
 (The cablegrams referred to are as follows:) 
 
 Washington, D. C, July 20, 1921. 
 Editor Nevv^s, 
 
 Hahana, Cuba. 
 
 Wire number Chinese employed Cuban sugar plantations. 
 
 Johnson, 
 Chairman Immigration Committee. 
 
 Ha'bana, July 22, 1921. 
 Johnson, 
 
 Choinnan Immigration Committee, Washington: 
 
 Authentic information difficult obtain. Estimated thousand Chinese brought to 
 Cuba each month, 1920. Perhaps two-thirds sent. Sugar mills under contract, 
 approximating total 8,000. Few brought 1921. Number being repatriated. 
 
 ROBERDS, 
 
 Editor Evening News. 
 
 The request was also made that we ascertain the number of orien- 
 tals in the Army and Navy, and on inquiry I found that we had 
 received in previous hearings some statements from the Secretary 
 of War concerning that matter, and I will ask the clerk to insert that 
 information in this record. 
 
 (The matter referred to is as follows :) 
 
 War Department, 
 The Adjutant General's Office, 
 
 Washington, May 5, 1921. 
 Hon. Albert Johnson, 
 
 House of Representatives. 
 Dear Sir: In response to your letter of the 29th ultimo, in which you desire informa- 
 tion showing the number of Chinese, Japanese, Koreans, Hindus, and other East 
 Indians who served in the United States Armies during the World War, I am directed 
 by the Secretary of War to advise you as follows: ^ 
 
 No compilation has been made by this office of men, according to nationality, who 
 were in the military service of the United States during the World War, and to make 
 such a compilation, which would require an examination of the individual record of 
 each of the more than 4,000,000 men who served in the United States Army within 
 the period of that war would involve an amount of time and labor so great as to render 
 
LABOE PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 399 
 
 even an attempt at such a classification out of the question, because of the serious 
 interference with important current work that would otherwise inevitably result. 
 
 The only available statistics pertaining to this subject are those relating to the 
 registration and classification of aliens under the provisions of the selective service 
 law. These have been published on pages 398 to 400 of, the second report of the 
 Provost Marshal General, a copy of which has been mailed to you under separate cover. 
 According to these figures, a total of 8,794 Chinese and 14,582 Japanese were registered 
 for the draft from June 5, 1917, to September 11, 1918, of whom 1,313 Chinese and 983 
 Japanese were classified in Class I, which means that they were found liable for military 
 service. How many of these men were actually inducted into the service is not known 
 at the present time, and no statistics whatsoever are yet available on the number of 
 Koreans, Hindus, or other East Indians who were affected by the selective service 
 law or touching on the number of men of any of the nationalities mentioned who 
 may have entered the military service of the United States by volunteer enlistment. 
 Very respectfully, 
 
 P. C. Harris, 
 The Adjutant General. 
 
 July J 3^ 1921 
 Hon. John W. Weeks, 
 
 Secretary of War. 
 
 Dear Mr. Secretary: For the information of this committee, permit me to make 
 request for a statement showing the number of persons of oriental birth employed by 
 the Army of the United States in civilian capacities. 
 
 H accurate figures are not available, approximations \\A\\ be satisfactory. 
 It is particularly desired to know the number of orientals employed by the Arm\^ in 
 the Territory of Hawaii. 
 
 Thanking you in advance, I am 
 Yours, sincerely, 
 
 Albert Johnson, Chairman. 
 
 War Department, 
 Washington, July 18, 1921. 
 Hon. Albert Johnson, 
 
 Chairman Committee on Immigration and Naturalization. 
 My Dear Congressman: I am just in receipt of your letter of the 13th instant in 
 which you request a statement showing the number of persons of oriental birth em- 
 ployed as civilians with the Army. 
 
 I shall proceed to obtain the information, but to do so it will be necessary to obtain 
 reports from the Philippine Islands, Germany, and China, which will probably require 
 nearly two months, and I am wondering whether the information will be desired by 
 you in view of the fact that it can not be immediately furnished. If not, will you 
 please advise me, in order that I may withdraw the order that the reports be obtained? 
 I would also be glad to be informed whether or not you wish to have Filipinos or the 
 natives of any other insular possessions included in the figures to be furnished. 
 Sincerely, yours, 
 
 John W. Weeks, Secretary of War 
 
 July 20, 1921 
 Hon. John W. Weeks, Secretary of War. 
 
 Dear Mr. Secretary: Acknowledging receipt of your letter of July 18, which was 
 in response to my letter of the 13th, with request of this committee for information 
 as to number of orientals employed with the Army, permit me to say that I shall 
 place your letter before the House Committee on Immigration and Naturalization 
 Friday, the 22d. 
 
 The information, if secured two months from now, will not be of value in the present 
 hearings, which have to do with the proposal to admit Chinese temporarily to the 
 Hawaiian Islands. 
 
 But, as the question of orientals employed in the Army and Navy has come up 
 two or three times before this committee, I believe that it would be advisable for 
 the War Department to secure the statements requested, if same can be done without 
 too much trouble. 
 
 With personal regards, I am, 
 Yours, cordially, 
 
 Albert Johnson. 
 
400 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 The Chairman. I have here a letter dated June 20, addressed to 
 Senator Poindexter and signed by V. S. McClatchy, of Sacramento, 
 in which he incloses a letter from Hon. Edwin Denby, Secretary of 
 the Navy, discussing the 96 Japanese who were in the Navy in June, 
 1920. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Does it show the number employed in the Hawaiian 
 Islands on Government work ? 
 
 The Chairman. No; I did not get that. I will try to get that 
 information. This is a very interesting letter, and, without objec- 
 tion, it will be placed in the record. 
 
 (The letter referred to is as follows :) 
 
 June 20, 1921. 
 Hon. Miles Poindexter, 
 
 United States Senate, Washington, D. C. 
 
 My Dear Senator: I have your letter of June 11, with which is inclosed letter 
 from the Secretary of the Navy, Hon. Edwin Denby, June 7, in the matter of Japanese 
 enlisted in the American Navy, which letter is herewith returned . 
 
 The Secretary of the Navy does not answer the questions which were propounded. 
 He does not say that he has not the information, and does not say that he does 
 not wish to answer the questions. I call attention to the conditions, subject of my 
 inquiry, and what it seems to me ought to be made plain to the Naval Committee of 
 the Senate, and also possibly to the Naturalization Committee of the House. 
 
 The Secretary points out that there were in June, 1920, 96 Japanese serving as 
 enlisted men in the Navy: that the act of 1918 permits naturalization of aliens who had 
 served in the Navy under certain conditions; that no men except citizens of the 
 United States have been enlisted in the Navy since January 5, 1907; and that there- 
 fore ''it can be taken for granted that all Japanese in the naval service at this time 
 are citizens of the United States." 
 
 The premises do not justify the conclusion drawn by the honorable Secretary. In 
 the first place, of the 96 Japanese who, it is conceded, were in the Navy in June, 1920 
 (I think you were previously advised that conditions at this time are approximately 
 the same), it is not impossible, but highly improbable, that any were American citi- 
 zens by birth; it is also unlikely that many, if any, of them became citizens by 
 naturalization prior to the operation of the act of May 9, 1918. If there are, therefore, 
 in the Navy included in these 96 any who enlisted prior to May, 1918, and who have 
 not reenlisted since, it is highly improbable that many, if any, of them are American 
 citizens. 
 
 If it be true that few, if any, of these enlisted men were citizens of the United 
 States prior to 1918, it is unlikely that the greater part of the 96 could have become 
 citizens since that time, and under the law then enacted, for the reason that official 
 figures received from the Department of Justice March 12, 1921, stated that only 
 218 Japanese had been admitted to citizenship under the act of 1918; of such number 
 104 were naturalized in cases coming before the Federal courts in Hawaii (nearly all 
 Army cases) and the balance, 114, covered Army and Navy enlistments in various 
 States of continental United States. It is unlikely that 96 of the 114 were Navy cases. 
 
 In addition, the question was asked, How many of the Japanese now enlisted in 
 the Navy claiming American citizenship claim such citizenship by birth, and how 
 many by naturalization under the act of 1918, or otherwise? This question is asked 
 because the courts have decided — and the Supreme Court will probably uphold that 
 decision — that naturalization of Japanese under the act of 1918, or prior thereto and 
 subsequent to the enactment of section 2169, is in violation of the Federal Statutes 
 (sec. 2169), which declares, in effect, that members of the yellow and brown races 
 are ineligible to citizenship. 
 
 In any event, it would appear that the secretary's assumption, that "all Japanese 
 in the naval service at this time are citizens of the United States" is either in error, 
 or else that, if citizens, they are such by naturalization under the act of 1918, which, 
 I understand, has been declared in each decision thus far rendered, not to legalize 
 naturalization of Japanese. 
 
 If, in your judgment, the information which I am seeking to have obtained, as to 
 the conditions in this matter is not of moment to your committee, kindly advise me 
 and I will offer no further suggestion to you in connection with the subject. 
 Sincerely, yours, 
 
 V. S. McClatchy. 
 
 The Chairman. The Hawaiian commission desires to present this 
 morning Mr. Albert Horner. 
 
 > 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 401 
 
 STATEMENT OF MR. ALBERT HORFER, MEMBER OF THE 
 HAWAIIIAlSr LABOR COMMISSION. 
 
 Mr. Horner. Mr. Chairman, there have been a good many state- 
 ments made here by those opposing our commission, and I do not 
 beUeve them to be true. I have prepared what I have to say, and 
 will read it, if you desire me to do so. 
 
 The Chairman. We will be glad to hear it. 
 
 Mr. Horner. Statements have been made during the course of 
 this hearing which charge this commission with willful misrepre- 
 sentation of facts. We did not come here to misrepresent conditions 
 and misstate facts. We are here, not as private citizens representing 
 any private interests, but as public officials of the Territory of 
 Hawaii. Apart from the fact that we are men of honor and in- 
 tegrity, common sense alone would prevent our making statements 
 which could be disproven by evidence taken on the ground. A 
 review of the presentation made by this commission will show that 
 our statements are absolutely corroborated by officials reports. 
 
 I have lived in Hawaii for 42 years; and during 32 years of that/ 
 period I have been connected with the sugar and ranching industries 
 in an executive capacity. For eight years I have been connected 
 with the growing and canning of pineapples. I am now and for 
 the past three years have been the president of the Hawaiian pine-/ 
 apple Packers' Association. For the past two years I have been 
 devoting a .portion of my time in the service of the Territorial gov-*^ 
 ernment in an advisory capacity to homesteaders and small farmers 
 in Hawaii; my principal duty in this connection, in addition to 
 improving methods of cultivation, being to establish better con- 
 tractual relations between the homesteaders and small farmers and 
 the milling companies to which they sell their produce. During 
 recent visits to the homesteading sections, I found many of these 
 small holdings overgrown with weeds and the crops badly injured 
 The universal request made upon me was in some way to secure for 
 them laborers to help care for their fields. 
 
 I also found thousands of acres of the most fertile and productive 
 sugar and rice lands in the Territory abandoned. Pineapple areas 
 were likewise being reduced. There is not a plantation in the Terri- 
 tory that has this year been able to work its mill to capacity; and a 
 large amount of sugar, amounting at the very lowest estimate to 
 50,000 tons, will be lost this year because it can not be harvested in 
 time. It is a well-established fact that when the harvesting of sugar 
 carie is delayed beyond a certain period deterioration and loss in the 
 sucrose content takes place rapidly. 
 
 In the sugar industry practically all field laborers are now employed 
 in harvesting the 1921 crop. Fields of the 1922 crop are being 
 neglected, and the loss of sugar in that crop will exceed 200,000 tons. 
 Little or no preparation for the planting of the 1923 crop has been 
 made. How much this crop will be reduced under present labor 
 conditions no one can foresee. 
 
 Statements have been made before this committee that there is in 
 fact no labor shortage in Hawaii. These statements have been made 
 by men who are not conversent with conditions in the Territory and are 
 absolutely and directly denied by the members of this commission, 
 who do know the facts. Is it possible to imagine that the sugar 
 
 56754— 21— SER 7, pt 1 13 
 
402 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 planters of Hawaii are delaying the harvest of sugar cane this year, 
 involving a loss to the 1921 and 1922 crops of $30,000,000, nierely for 
 the purpose of presenting a fictitious case before this committee and 
 the Congress of the United States ? 
 
 I personally know that a very severe and acute shortage of labor 
 does exist. In the early part of this year the Hawaiian Canneries Co. 
 of Kauai, of which company I am president, employed a Filipino and a 
 Japanese to go to Honolulu for the purpose of obtaining laborers. We 
 ofiered to pay for transportation of all laborers, from and to Honolulu, 
 and $3.25 per day in addition to all usual perquisites. These men 
 spent about two weeks in Honolulu, but were unable to get us a single 
 laborer and finally returned to Kauai, entirely unsuccessful in their 
 efforts. 
 
 The Chairman. They returned where ? 
 
 Mr. Horner. They returned home to Kauai. They were sent to 
 Honolulu to try to get some laborers, either Filipinos or Japanese,, 
 or both. [ 
 
 The Chairman. They came from the island of Kauai ? 
 
 Mr. Horner. From the island of Kauai to Honolulu to find Japanese 
 and Filipino laborers. 
 
 The Chairman. And there were offered $3.25 per day? 
 
 Mr. Horner. Yes, sir; and we agreed to pay their transportation 
 to Kauai. We agreed to pay their transportation from Honolulu 
 and return, and while there we agreed to furnish them with medical 
 attention, water, wood, and all the rest of it, but they did not get, 
 the men. 
 
 The Federal Government, in developing Schofield Barracks, has. 
 tried diligently to obtain enough labor to carry on construction, 
 using even Japanese. The Government was anxious to have half 
 a mile of track built into Schofield Barracks to facilitate the extension 
 of their plans, and negotiations were carried on for several weeks to 
 secure 21 men to work on building this railroad track at the pre- 
 vailing wage of $3.25 per day, but without any success whatever. 
 
 Aside from these particular experiences, my official position as, 
 agricultural adviser and expert for the Territory has thrown me in 
 close contact with all phases of the situation; and I speak from posi- 
 tive and personal knowledge when I say, as I do say positively, that, 
 labor in anything like sufficient numbers is not obtainable. 
 
 It has been stated that the wages paid to the laborers in the cane 
 fields of Hawaii are too low. It must always be remembered that 
 the wages paid in any industry must correspond with the general 
 conditions of that industry and the competition which it has to meet. 
 We are satisfied to rest our case upon the evidence given by a previous 
 witness, Mr. Mead, who has shown conclusively that the wages paid 
 in the cane fields of Hawaii compare favorably with those paid in 
 the continental United States for much less arduous labor. In Hawaii, 
 how^ever, the wage scale has nothing whatever to do with the labor 
 supply, for the reason that the labor is not there. All the field laborers . 
 in Hawaii are now employed, and the offer of an additional wage 
 would add nothing whatever to the labor supply. 
 
 The remark has also been made that we should pay a higher wage 
 and charge it to the consumer. How this can be done, when we have 
 nothing to say about fixing the price at which our commodities are 
 sold remains unexplained. Hawaii is not even a factor in establishing 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 403 
 
 sugar prices. We can do nothing but accept the workl's market price. 
 The sugar producers ofHawaii and of the mainland of the United States 
 do not compete with each other or even with Cuba; they simply sell 
 their sugar at the price established by Cuba without regard or con- 
 sideration for each other. 
 
 Records in Hawaii show that tremendous sums of money saved by 
 laborers are each year sent out of the Territory, these amounts 
 reaching their peak in 1920, when $17,000,000 saved out of the wages 
 paid to laborers were sent to Japan alone. 
 
 Mr. Nolan says that the same arguments were used and the same 
 disaster was predicted in 1904, when we asked Congress for relief, as 
 are now used and predicted, but that notwithstanding the fact that 
 the relief was not granted in 1904, the Territory has continued to 
 increase its production and maintain its prosperity. 
 
 The official records show that from 1904 to 1907, inclusive, 48,849 
 Japanese came into the Territory of Hawaii. This explains how it 
 was that we were able to keep our industries going. If our request 
 had been granted at that time, however, and if Chinese laborers had 
 then been allowed to come into the Territory, we would not now be 
 confronted with a situation which makes it possible for the Japanese 
 to control the economic and industrial life of the Territory. It is 
 also even possible for them to control the political situation, although 
 thev have not yet exercised that power. 
 
 We do not now have this or any other adequate source of labor 
 supply; and the very thing which was predicted in 1904 has actually 
 come to pass. 
 
 It was then predicted that unless the relief asked for from Congress 
 was forthcoming, the rice industry would be destroyed, and that 
 prediction has been fulfilled. There is practically no such thing as a 
 rice industry in Hawaii to-day. I now say, with all sincerity, that 
 unless the relief asked for is granted, our entire agricultural industries 
 will pass directly into the control of the Japanese. I make this state- 
 ment because I agree absolutely with Mr. Raker that there has been 
 too much pussy-footing. 
 
 I can not understand the attitude of the representatives of organ- 
 ized labor in their opposition to the resolution. There can be no 
 doubt but that there will be a great lessening in production throughout 
 all lines of agricultural activity unless some relief be granted and that 
 decreased production is certain to have an immediate and serious 
 efi'ect on the demand for all skilled labor in the Territory. Even now 
 the Honolulu Iron Works and Catton, Neil & Co., the largest employ- 
 ers of skilled labor in Hawaii, are decreasing their forces, due to the 
 serious condition which now threatens the sugar industry. De- 
 creased production must, of necessity, lessen the tonnage of exports 
 and imports. This means a decrease in the number of citizens em- 
 ployed in the handling of these products. 
 
 Without going into further details the same results must follow in 
 all lines of industrial activity where citizen labor is employed, because 
 every other line of industrial activity in ITawaii is absolutely de- 
 pendent on her agricultural industries. 
 
 Under the terms of the resolution alien labor brought into the 
 Territory could not and would not compete with citizen labor. On 
 the contrary, the introduction of such alien labor would have the 
 
404 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 result of directly providing constant emplo3^ment for citizen laborers 
 at all times. 
 
 It has already been made clear to the committee by previous wit- 
 nesses that the white man can not and will not work in the cane fields 
 of the Tropics. Even Mr. Nolan, who has lived in the islands, 
 indorsed this statement of fact. In view of all these circumstances 
 I can not understand how labor brought into the Territory under the 
 proposed plan could do other than materially advance the interests 
 of citizen labor, both organized and unorganized. 
 
 As evidence of the fact that mechanics throughout the islands 
 realize these conditions and indorse the proposition now before the 
 committee, I desire to read the following short letters from men 
 conversant with the facts as they are in the Tropics: 
 
 Honolulu, Hawaii, June 7, 1921, 
 Walter F. Dillingham, Esq., 
 
 Washington y D. C. 
 
 Dear Sir: The question of bringing Chinese laborers into Hawaii is now l^eing 
 agitated ; and I want to tell you that I am in favor of it. Let them come ; we need them. 
 Sincerely, yours, 
 
 John Anderson, Well Driller. 
 James Armstrong, Carpenter. 
 
 Waipahu, Oahu, Hawaii, June 10, 1921. 
 The Director Bureau op Labor and Statistics, 
 
 Honolulu, Hawaii. 
 
 Dear Sir: I think the idea of importing Chinese to work in the cane fields an 
 excellent one. 
 
 How serious the present shortage of labor is can be easily seen by those of us who 
 work on a sugar plantation. It threatens slow strangulation of the sugar industry in 
 these islands. 
 
 The Chinese have a capacity for steady hard work and a habit of contentment, 
 which make them ideal laborers. 
 
 I hope, therefore, that the commission now in Washington naay be successful. 
 Very truly yours, 
 
 E. A. BOXALL. 
 
 Honolulu, Hawaii, June 13, 1921 . 
 W. F. Dillingham, 
 
 Chairman Labor Commission, Washington, D. C. 
 Dear Mr. Dillingham: As a mechanic employed by one of the local fertilise? 
 manufacturers, which business is dependent upon the sugar industry in Hawaii, I 
 am very much interested in the importation of laborers for work in the cane fields, ae 
 the need for sufficient labor has been keenly felt on the plantations and this unfavor 
 able situation is reflected in all industries in the islands. 
 
 As soon as hard times hit the plantations, it affects all local concerns and I therefore 
 hope that you will be able to secure laborers before it is necessary to shut down thej 
 concern I am working for, as I have a family dependent upon me and do not want to 
 lose mv job. 
 
 Yoiirs, very truly, 
 
 Chas. D. Arstad. 
 
 Honolulu, June 7, 1921. 
 Mr. W. F. Dillingham, 
 
 Chairman iMbor Commission, Washington, D. C. 
 Dear Sir; I have lived in the Hawaiian Islands for 50 years, and have been em- 
 ployed as a skilled mechanic for many years. I understand the labor conditions on 
 the islands, and realize that in order to keep industry going on these islands, it if 
 necessary that laborers be brought here to work in the fields only, and to be returned 
 after working a certain number of years. As it is too hot in the open fields, where 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAW AD. 405 
 
 hard labor is performed, the AmericanLS can not work, and I am in favor of tl:e bill 
 passed by the leo:islatiire of the Territory asking Congress to allow laborers to be 
 brought for plantation work only. 
 
 A. G. CUNHA, 
 
 Foreman, Puilernmaher. 
 
 Honolulu, Hawaii, May 3, 1921. 
 Mr. W. F. Dillingham. 
 
 Dear Sir: As you know, I have been on the islands since 1900, starting in as a 
 launchman, and have been steady at it until now. 
 
 At present I am manager and control Young Bros. (Ltd.), who have a fleet of 14 
 boats, doing all the towboat and launch business of this port. 
 
 I have always worked with Hawaiian natives who make wonderful boatm.en. 
 
 My company has grown with the shipping. At first sailing vessels with coal in and 
 sugar out, later steamers cargoes in and sugar out. Without sugar our business would 
 be dead. 
 
 The islands need laborers; the Hawaiian and whites can not work in the fields, so 
 our salvation is in orientals. No laborers, no sugar; no sugar, no ships; no ships, no 
 business. 
 
 Yours, truly, 
 
 John A. Young. 
 
 In addition to the letters I have just read, I have here other letters 
 from more than 100 construction engineers, plant superintendents, 
 building inspectors, well drillers, carpenters, machinists, blacksmiths, 
 pattern makers, electricians, sugar boilers, clerks and bookkeepers, 
 tailors, linotype operators, draftsmen, marine engineers, pump 
 engineers, welfare workers, plantation physicians and nurses, over- 
 seers and lunas, and general plantation employees and mechanics. 
 
 The Chairman. The commission has already been authorized to 
 introduce those letters or anything else it may care to introduce, in 
 the body of the record or as appendixes. 
 
 Mr. Horner. Aside from the thing of major importance, which is 
 the control of these islands by Americans, the success of the agricul- 
 tural industries of Hawaii is of considerable concern to the Federal 
 Government. Since annexation we have contributed to the internal 
 revenue of the Federal Government approximately $30,000,000 and 
 to its customs revenue approximately $26,000,000. No argument is 
 needed to prove that these revenues will not be available to the Fed- 
 eral Government if the agricultural activities of the Territory are 
 allowed to be destroyed through inaction on the part of this committee 
 or of Congress. 
 
 It must be remembered that the stock of all of the agricultural 
 companies in Hawaii is widely held by the citizens of our Territory. 
 For example, the stock of the fifty-odd Hawaiian sugar companies 
 alone is held by 14,500 individual stockholders. In other words, one 
 out of every 17 men, women, and children in the Territory holds a 
 share of stock in our sugar industry. It is manifest, therefore, that 
 the preservation of these industries is a question of great importance, 
 not only to the companies themselves, but also to the citizens of the 
 United States resident in Hawaii. 
 
 Take from us a few hotels and curio shops, essential to the growing 
 tourist traffic, and what are we industrially? We are a Common- 
 wealth depending wholly upon the products of our soil. 
 
 Every other pursuit in Hawaii (steamship companies, railway com- 
 panies, manufacturing concerns, mercantile pursuits of all kinds) , lean 
 on what may be produced from our soil. We have no manufacturing 
 industry in the sense that the term is generally used, and sugar, rice, 
 
406 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 and pineapples are to the people of Hawaii what textiles are to the j 
 New Englandcrs and cattle are to the Texans. 
 
 People on the maninland do not realize or understand that condi- 
 tions in Hawaii are wholly different from those prevailing with them. 
 On the mainland a shortage of laborers in one part of the country can 
 be quickly supplied from some other locality, while in Hawaii all 
 laborers have remunerative employment all the year round. Con- 
 sequently there is no source from which to recruit additional laborers 
 except outside the Territory. 
 
 Europe and America under present laws and proven conditions are 
 impossible as a field for recruiting laborers for Hawaii. 
 
 The remedy is simple, yet apparently difficult. It means a mere 
 breaking down of barriers of political sentiment and political preju- 
 dice. Our oriental (Chinese, now starving) neighbors are willing, I 
 believe, to supply us the field men power required upon any terms 
 that Congress may dictate, and considering all of the circumstances, 
 it should not take this committee long, after the full deatils of the 
 situation are before it, to suggest a safe method. 
 
 With about one-half of the total population of the Territory Japa- 
 nese, with already a firm grip on labor conditions as well as other 
 business activities, it can plainly be seen that as time passes they will 
 get a firmer hold and will finally (unless measures are taken to check 
 it) control the major part of all business enterprises. For the future 
 welfare of the Territory this control must be broken. 
 
 During the course of these hearings the members of this committee 
 have appeared to admit that a labor crisis now exists in the Territory 
 of Hawaii. Several members of the committee, however, have ob- 
 jected to the form of relief proposed by this commission, although 
 no suggestions have been made by these objecting members to remedy 
 the situation in any other practical way. 
 
 In concluding my statement I now earnestly and sincerely warn 
 the members of this committee and of Congress that, if this territorial 
 commission shall be sent home without relief of any kind, the results 
 to American interests and control will be absolutely fatal. If we go 
 home without the support of our National Government, this fact will 
 become quickly known to the Japanese, their influence will be 
 strengthened, and the ultimate economic, industrial, and political 
 control of our island Territory by that nationality assured. 
 
 The Chairman. Mr. Horner, you frankly make the statement that 
 the danger is from the Japanese getting control of the islands ? 
 
 Mr. Horner. Unless we are permitted to get additional labor. 
 
 Mr. Kleczka. Those additional laborers would be almost ex- 
 clusively Chinese ? 
 
 Mr. Horner. To tide us over this emergency; yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Kleczka. Would it be possible to get unskilled laborers for 
 your industry from other races or from other nationalities than 
 orientals 1 
 
 Mr. Horner. We have tried very diligently and earnestly to bring 
 in other nationalities. If you do not mind, I will read a brief account 
 of what has been done along those lines. 
 
 Mr. Kleczka. Just state the result of your endeavors. 
 
 Mr. Horner. We have tried for years to bring in all kinds of 
 Europeans, as well as Americans, including Negroes. Some of the 
 Europeans that have been introduced into the Territory of Hawaii 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 407 
 
 have cost tlie Territory as mucli as $285 per head. In most cases 
 they have remamed on the islands only long enough to get sufficient 
 money to carry them to California. 
 
 Mr. Kleczka. That would be virtually the same situation with 
 the Chinese, would it not^ 
 
 Mr. Horner. No, sir; they would be prohibited from coming to 
 the mainland. 
 
 Mr. Kleczka. They would be permitted to come to Hawaii, and, 
 that being true, why should we discriminate against the Chinese 
 in coming to the mainland ? Both are under the dominion and con- 
 trol of the Federal Government. 
 
 Mr. Horner. That is a question for the Government to decide. 
 
 The Chairman. You have stated that your interests are largely 
 or mostly agricultural ? 
 
 Mr. Horner. They are entirely dependent upon the agricultural 
 interests, and there is nothing else except a few hotels and curio 
 -shops. 
 
 The Chairman. That is, in addition to the Government's activi- 
 ties in the barracks and naval establishments. 
 
 Mr. Horner. Yes, sir. 
 
 The Chairman. Some of the population consists of people who 
 either make up the Army there or who serve the Army, and people 
 who make up the Navy or people who are engaged in building and 
 mechanical work for the Navy. 
 
 Mr. Horner. Yes, sir. 
 
 The Chairman. Have you a list of the organized labor unions in 
 -Honolulu ? 
 
 Mr. Horner. I have not. 
 
 The Chairman. You could procure such a list? 
 
 Mr. Horner. I think there are other members of the commission 
 who are better informed in regard to that than I am. 
 
 The Chairman. I have received copies of labor papers from 
 Hawaii containing lists of those labor unions; and, without objec- 
 tion, I will insert the list in the record. 
 
 (The matter referred to is as folllows:) 
 
 DIRECTORY OF LOCAL TRADE UNIONS OF HONOLULU, HAWAII, AFFILIATED WITH THE 
 
 AMERICAN FEDERATION OF LABOR. 
 
 Central Labor Council: G. W. Wright, president. 1320 Middle Street; C. A. Vicery, 
 recording secretary, 556D Queen Street; W. R. Chilton, treasurer, 1269 Miller Street; 
 meets second and fourth Fridays at Kamehameha Alumni Hall, Fort Street.. 
 
 Boilermakers: E. B. Griffith, secretary, box 1437; Carpenter Hall; second and fourth 
 Tuesdays. 
 
 Barbers: A. C. Anderson, secretary, care of Silent Barber Shop; Carpenter Hall, 
 third Wednesday. 
 
 Carmen: F. J. Figurelo, secretary, care H. R. T. & L. Co.; Kamehameha Alumni 
 Hall, second and fourth Thursdays, 
 
 Carpenters: John Irwine, secretary, box 611; Kamehameha Alumni Hall, first and 
 third Mondays. 
 
 Electrical Workers: Earl McDaniel, The Bachelor, corner Pauahi Street and 
 Nuuanu; Carpenter Hall, first and third Mondays. 
 
 Machinists: T. J. Foley, secretary, 1250 lisbon Street; Kamehameha Alumni Hall, 
 first and third Fridays. 
 
 Painters: E. W. Stone, 1869 North King Street; Kamehameha Alumni Hall, second 
 and last Tuesdays. 
 
 Plasterers: J, Mucha, secretary, 1911 West Queen Street; Lusitania Hall, first and 
 third Thursdays. 
 
408 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 Plumbers: Albert Harris, secretary, 341 Pauahi Street; Kamehameha Alumni Hall^ 
 first and third Wednesdays. 
 
 Sailors: J. Faltus, secretary, box 314; Sailors Union Hall, Mondays. 
 
 Teachers: Mrs. E. Baker, secretary; St. Elmo Hotel, Punchbowl Street. 
 
 Teamsters: M. Kaai, Baniwai and Cooke Streets; Carpenter Hall; first and third 
 Saturdays. 
 
 Hod Carriers, Builders' Common Laborers: John Frias, secretary, 436 Magellan 
 Street; Carpenter Hall, first and third Tuesdays. 
 
 Typographical Union: George H. Moore, box 556. 
 
 Federal Employees: Fred Smith, care 'of E. Farmer, United States Immigration 
 Station, Honolulu. 
 
 Moulders: Tommay Farrel, Catton Neil Co. 
 
 Patternmakers: J. '^P. Honan, 1523 Lewis Street; Carpenter Hall; first and third 
 Fridays. 
 
 The Chairman. Are you able to make any calculation as to the 
 number of members of labor unions in Honolulu ? 
 
 Mr. Horner. I understand that there are about 1,450 members 
 associated with or members of the associations which this central 
 labor council represents, and of that number 250 are white. There 
 are about 1,450 members of the labor unions, and 250 of them are 
 white. 
 
 The Chairman. Representing skilled trades ? 
 
 Mr. Horner. Yes, sir; that is one union, and then there is the 
 stevedores' union, the teamsters' union 
 
 The Chairman (interposing). Let us see just what that union is: 
 You say there are 1,450 members represented by the central labor 
 council. 
 
 Mr. Horner. Yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Kleczka. What success have you had with Italians and 
 Sicilians ? 
 
 Mr. Horner. I do not remember that there have been any Italians 
 brought there. There may have been, but I have no recollection of it. 
 
 Mr. Mead. Some Italians were brought there and taken down to 
 the James Place. 
 
 Mr. Horner. There were very few. 
 
 The Chairman. You were living in Hawaii at the time of the 
 annexation ? 
 
 Mr. Horner. Yes, sir. 
 
 The Chairman. Did Hawaii, when it was a republic, take any 
 action by law to suspend Japanese immigration ? 
 
 Mr. Horner. I think it was Chinese immigration. 
 
 The Chairman. It did that as a republic ? 
 
 Mr.. Horner. No, sir; it was in 1887 or 1886 when there was some 
 action taken debarring Chinese. It might have been later than that, 
 but I know there was some action taken there to keep Chinese out 
 along in the late eighties or early nineties. 
 
 The Chairman. The islands were annexed to the United States in 
 1898. 
 
 Mr. Horner. Yes, sir. 
 
 The Chairman. So that prior to joining forces with the United 
 States, or before coming with the United States, you cut out the 
 Chinese ? 
 
 Mr. Horner. Yes, sir. 
 
 The Chairman. Did not the Hawaiian Republic suspend or limit 
 the admission of Japanese in some way into the Republic ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. Yes, sir; we did. 
 
LABOK PROBLEMS IN HAAVAII. 409 
 
 The Chairman. Do you remember what that act was ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham, In 1897 the Territorial government, or the Re- 
 public of Hawaii, endeavored to exclude Japanese from coming in, 
 feeling that they should balance up the races and realizing that the 
 Japanese wei*e increasing more rapidly than any of the other races. 
 Then there arose some complications with Japan. Finally, a ship- 
 load of Japanese was sent over there and were denied admission, 
 and the Japanese Government sent over a warship and demanded 
 that the Republic of Hawaii pay $75,000 damages for refusal to allow 
 the Japanese to land, and, further, that they be allowed to land. 
 The matter was under negotiation up to the time of the annexation 
 of the islands by the United States, the Republic of Hawaii refusing 
 up to that time to pay the damages or to allow the Japanese to land. 
 The matter was taken up with the United States Government and a 
 request was made by the United States Governm.ent that we not 
 hold out against Japan, but to submit to the damages, and that was 
 done. 
 
 The Chacrman. vSo the money was paid to Japan from the Ter- 
 ritory's funds ? 
 
 Mr. DiLLENGHAM. That is my understanding. 
 
 Mr. Box. Was the other part of the demand granted, or were the 
 Japanese permitted to land ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. I think the Japanese were allowed to land. My 
 recollection is that they were allowed to land. 
 
 Mr. Irwin. That is correct, Mr. Chairman; the money was paid 
 out of the revenues of the RepubHc and not by the United States 
 Government. 
 
 The Chx\irman. The Hawaiian Republic took this action against 
 Japan and undertook to exclude the Japanese before annexation to 
 the United States ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. Yes, sir; and the Japanese Government protested 
 against the annexation of the islands by the United States, and that 
 protest has never been withdrawn. Directly following annexation 
 the Japanese began coming to the islands in very large numbers, and 
 that continued up until 1907, when the '^ gentlemen's agreement '^ 
 went into effect. Since that time a very considerable number of 
 Japanese have come into the islands. As shown by the statistics, 
 Japanese brides, or picture brides, to the number of 10,600 were 
 brought in between the years 1910 and 1920. 
 
 The Chairman. Mr. Dillingham, let me ask you this question: As 
 1 matter of fact, is not the Japanese situation, or the danger of it, 
 iiscussed everywhere in the islands, at public meetings, in the legis- 
 lature, in the newspapers, and elsewhere ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. Up to two years ago there was more discussion 
 in California than in Hawaii about the Japanese situation or menace, 
 as I think it is called, in California. In Hawaii we had no open 
 demonstration on the part of the Japanese to suggest that there 
 was a failure on the part of the Japanese to assimilate with the 
 (American interests of the islands until during the year 1920. As 
 a result of the strike, which has been referred to in this hearing, it 
 was clearly demonstrated that there was a line of cleavage between 
 Japanese interests in the islands and other interests or American 
 interests. 
 
410 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 The Chairman. I did not mean to cut Mr. Horner off from answer- 
 ing any questions if anybody desires to ask them. He has made a 
 very direct and interesting statement. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. Mr. Horner, according to your statement, although 
 I did not hear all of it, your position is that you hav6 made out a 
 strong case here as to the labor shortage; as to the danger of Japanese 
 domination under present conditions, and as to the proposition that 
 the only safe competitor of the Japanse is the Chinaman, and that 
 China is the only available source of supply to meet the situation. 
 You have also argued that the passage of this resolution is about 
 the only measure of relief you can suggest ? 
 
 Mr. Horner. It is the only practical plan, we believe, that will 
 tide us over the emergency. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. Now, in view of the attitude of the United States, 
 both on the part of the Government and the people, toward Asiatics, 
 do you believe that we could safely take the course of adopting this 
 resolution and giving it the force that you desire ? 
 
 Mr. Horner. I hope that will be the final decision. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. That does not answer my question. Do you think 
 that we can safely do that from the standpoint of the United States, 
 in view of our attitude toward Asiatics, both on the part of our 
 Government and the people ? 
 
 Mr. Horner. I think so. 
 
 The Chairman. Let me ask this question: In your opinion, would 
 it be advisable for the United States to adopt legislation for the 
 admission of laborers from China for a limited period of time, and 
 at the same time continue the ''gentlemen's agreement" with Japan 
 under which that Government declines to issue passports to laborers 
 to come to the United States ? 
 
 Mr. Horner. I believe that any country has the right to settle 
 its domestic and internal problems, by itself, for itself, without 
 concern for the efi^ect of such settlement on other nations. I feel 
 that the United States, in^ disposing of the very real crisis that now 
 confronts it and demands settlement in Hawaii, has the right and 
 would be justified to relieve that crisis in the manner best adapted 
 to subserve the interests of this Nation, regardless of the opinions of | 
 any other nation. 
 
 The Chairman. I mean whether, as a cold practical proposition, 
 we would be justified in going on with the ''gentlemen's agreement," 
 under which they can not send laborers to the United States or to 
 Hawaii and, at the same time, enact legislation that will authorize 
 the admission of Chinese laborers to the islands. | 
 
 Mr. Horner. I think that is the only attitude to take^ if thej 
 Islands are to be saved for America. j 
 
 The Chairman. I am putting it up to you as a cold practical ques-j 
 tion. You challenge this committee with the proposition that wej 
 are not offering any relief legislation, and you have offered thisj 
 resolution here as the commission's solution of this question. Now,! 
 if we assume that everything presented here by the commission in! 
 regard to the labor shortage, the inability of European populations! 
 to work in the tropical cane fields, in regard to the danger of Japan-j 
 ese soldarity, and the advancement of a movement to control the! 
 Islands by Japan, is true, and I think there are many of us on the 
 West Coast have seen evidences of that — granting all of that to be 
 
LABOE PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 411 
 
 true, would we be authorized in going beyond the ^'gentlemen's agree- 
 ment" with Japan in the way of affording relief, or should we attempt 
 to secure relief by bringing in laborers from another oriental country, 
 when by agreement we have shut out such laborers from Japan ? 
 
 Mr. Horner. I reiterate that I believe this Nation is justified in 
 settling its own internal problems in the man best calculated to 
 subserve its own interests first, last, and always. 
 
 Mr. Sabath. This resolution does not exclude Japanese. 
 
 Mr. Horner. No, sir. 
 
 Mr. Sabath. Surley not. It only provides for 20 per cent of a 
 nationality. 
 
 Mr. Horner. It would automatically exclude the Japanese. 
 
 Mr. Sabath. But it does not do it directly. 
 
 Mr. Horner. No, sir. 
 
 Mr. Sabath. You have more than 20 per cent of Japanese down 
 there, and this would permit them to come up to 20 per cent. You 
 would permit even the Japanese to come up to 20 per cent. 
 
 Mr. Horner. It is 43 per cent of the total population. 
 
 Mr. Sabath. I am speaking about the 20 per cent, and I said that 
 up to 20 per cent, you have no objection to any nationality? 
 
 Mr. Horner. No, sir. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. I think the Chairman has gone to the crux of this 
 proposition. I am prepared to admit that the commission has 
 made a very strong case, but it is a question of national policy. Do 
 you feel that we could afford, in view of the attitude of the country 
 toward this whole matter, to make an exception of that portion of 
 the United States ? 
 
 Mr. Horner. My reply to that is that we hope such a thing will be 
 done. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. I appreciate that fact, but put yourself in the position 
 of the committee. You say that the committee has offered no 
 alternative proposition as against the very strong case developed by 
 the commission here; but, putting yourself in the position of the 
 committee, could you rightly say that this kind of policy should be 
 adopted toward any part of the national territory, in view of our 
 attitude toward Japan and toward Asiatics in general ? 
 
 Mr. Horner. I understand your question. I understand it ex- 
 actly, and I think it is a question for the poeple of the United States 
 to decide. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. We will have to decide it for the people of the United 
 States, or this committee and Congress must do so. Of course it is 
 very easy to say that this is a strong presentation, and you do make 
 out a strong case as to the conditions in the Hawaiian Islands. 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. Let me answer that for the commission. That 
 matter has been discussed among the members of the commission 
 many times, and we feel this way about it: If the situation is as we 
 believe it to be, and if there is any question as to whether or not the 
 United States interests will control the islands, we feel that we have 
 the right in the United States to dictate the methods by which we 
 shall control the interests of our Territory. If it is a question of 
 whether or not Japan shall dictate the policy of the Hawaiian Islands, 
 then we have nothing to say, but if we have shown — and I feel that 
 we have shown to this committee — that we are in a very critical 
 position to-day, and that if relief does not come, time will turn all 
 
412 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 of the interests of the country over to Japanese domination, we feel 
 that this country has the right to say that we shall admit more 
 Chinese or admit people of any other nationality for the purpose of 
 protecting the interests of those islands for the United States. I 
 think that is the opinion of the commission, and if it is not the com- 
 missioners who are here can contradict that statement. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. Your position is this, that in order for the United 
 States to show its authority over the islands it should pass this 
 resolution to keep it under American control ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. My feeling is that it is the duty of the United 
 States, in time of peace as well as of war, to protect the interests of 
 the United States by such means as seem to be necessary to produce 
 that result. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. Do you think that this is the only means that could 
 be adopted ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. It is the only one we have been able to devise, 
 and the history of our immigration to the islands tends to show that 
 there is no other remedy. If there is any other remedy, we will 
 welcome it. 
 
 Mr. Kleczka. How many Japanese voters are there in the islands ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. There are 5,000 registered voters there among 
 the Japanese, or Hawaiian-born Japanese citizens. There are 2,000 
 more eligible to register. 
 
 Mr. Kleczka. How many Chinese citizens are there in the Ha- 
 waiian Islands ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. There are 10,000 Chinese-American citizens. 
 
 Mr. Kleczkj^. That makes about 17,000. How does that compare 
 with the total number of Hawaiian citizens eligible to vote ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. I believe the last vote cast was 17,000 for the 
 Territory. 
 
 Mr. Kleczka. Seventeen thousand was the total ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. That was the total vote cast, or there were 
 about 17,000 votes cast for Delegate. We have 49,000 Hawaiian- 
 born Japanese out of the 109,000 Japanese in the Territory. 
 
 The Chairman. You do not include in that calculation the picture- 
 brides who have married American-born Japanese ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. I do not think they have been included in that 
 figure. 
 
 The Chairman. They would figure, however, in elections in the 
 course of time ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. Yes, sir; they would. 
 
 Mr. Kleczka. On the subject of the excludion of orientals from 
 the island, would the Japanese and Chinese stand as a unit ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. If they did, it would be the first time they ever 
 stood together on any proposition. 
 
 Mr. Kleczka. I know they do not stand together on commercial 
 propositions. 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. They do not stand together on any proposition.. 
 
 Mr. Kleczka. But where their interests are identical, would they 
 stand together ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. I can not conceive of their standing together on; 
 any proposition, social, business, economic, or political. ^ 
 
 Mr. Mead. During the strike of the Japanese, Chinese would take?^ 
 their places right along. 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 413 
 
 Mr. Taylor. This proposition is simply an economic proposition, 
 is it not ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. The proposition as presented by the commission 
 is not simply an economic one. It is a national political problem 
 rather than merely a local economic one. The problem you are 
 called upon to solve is simply this: Shall the Territory of Hawaii 
 remain an American community — ^the western outpost of the Ameri- 
 can Nation? If your answer is '^yes," as it must be ''yes," then you 
 must just as surely give us the relief we seek. 
 
 Mr. Taylor. As I understand it, the Japanese laborers in the 
 Hawaiian Islands will not work for the American interests. 
 
 Mr. Dillingil^lM. They do work for the American interests, but 
 there are not sufficient laborers in the country to carry on our inter- 
 ests. 
 
 Mr. Taylor. But they will not work for the American interests ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. They are working for the American interests to- 
 day, but there is a shortage in the number required to carry on the 
 industries, and it is through that shortage that the Japanese field 
 labor controls the situation. 
 
 Mr. Taylor. As I understood it, they are trying to control the 
 islands for themselves as against American interests ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. We have very definite reasons to believe that 
 this is a slow process to bring about that result. 
 
 Mr. Taylor. Just as they are trying to control the truck gardens 
 in California. 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. There seems to be an agreement between those 
 in California and in Hawaii, and the policy which has been worked 
 out in California will be worked out in Hawaii. 
 
 Mr. Taylor. How many hours constitute an ordinary day's labor 
 in the cane fields ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. That depends upon the character of the work. 
 In the heavy work of loading cane, the day's labor is limited to six 
 hours, but field labor works nine hours per day. 
 
 Mr. Taylor. What is your average summer temperature over 
 there ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. The average summer temperature, I can not give 
 you. Of course there is a variation between different plantations 
 situated in different parts of the islands and at different elevations. 
 A singular thing about the tropical heat is that it does not register 
 as high as the thermometer registers on hot days here, but the char- 
 acter of the heat is such that it has been demonstrated by experience 
 extending over many years that the climate is not suited to white 
 labor. 
 
 The Chairman. Let me ask you one question with regard to 
 Chinese exclusion in Hawaii as a monarchy: Was that exclusion 
 action taken ahead of the United States exclusion act or after it ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. I think a few years afterwards. I think your 
 exclusion act was passed in 1879, and ours was enacted seven or eight 
 years after that. I might say that the people of Hawaii for a great 
 many years have endeavored to conduct the affairs of their country 
 in conformity with the laws of the United vStates, and that was the 
 condition existing for many years before annexation. 
 
414 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 The Chairman. Are the people of Hawaii able to trace any con- 
 nection between the Japanese strikes of last year and agencies in 
 Japan ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. I think, Mr. Chairman, that there is published 
 data on that subject. The Japanese press in Hawaii, I think, has 
 shown evidence of a connection between the Japanese in Hawaii and 
 home interests. 
 
 The Chairman. I know it is hard to prove it, because I know that 
 Judge Raker and myself have suspected and even charged a sort of 
 underground connection between interests in Japan and the Japanese 
 in this country, even to the point of having organizations to assist in 
 surreptitious entry into the iJnited States. 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. Officials of the United States Government who 
 are in a position to get definite information in regard to this from 
 different branches of the Government, and who have made it their 
 business to investigate those matters, and who have information 
 which is not available for use by citizens of this country at large, but 
 which is available, I am sure, for any official use by the Government, 
 can answer your question, I think, conclusively. 
 
 Mr. Kleczka. Has the Territorial immigration commission ob- 
 tained any such information, that you know of ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. I do not know how much information they have^ 
 but in years past they have made studies of all angles of immigration. 
 I think, however, that the commission has not been active for a num- 
 ber of years, and you could get that information up to date from 
 nearer sources. 
 
 Mr. Kleczka. What do you mean by saying that the commission 
 has not been active for the last few years ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. I would like to have Judge Irwin, the attorney 
 general of Hawaii, make a statement in regard to that commission 
 and its activities. 
 
 Mr. Irwin. The board of immigration of the Territory of Hawaii 
 was organized a great many years ago. I am sorry I did not bring up 
 a copy of the revised laws of the Territory so that I could speak more 
 to the point. It was a commission created for the purpose of assist- 
 ing in introducing into the Territory of Hawaii certain kinds of labor, 
 and it has certain powers in the expenditure of money in bringing in 
 labor or in assisting in the bringing in of labor. They have certain 
 powers in regulating the supply of labor going into the Territory. It 
 was an active bureau of the government until about three or four 
 years ago. I am not exactly positive about it, because that was 
 before I was a member of the government. While the law is in force, 
 the conditions in regard to obtaining labor have rendered the subse- 
 quent activity of the board unnecessary, and that is the reason why 
 the board is not now actively engaged. Its principal duty was in 
 assisting in getting labor into the country. 
 
 Mr. Kleczka. During the time it was active, did it succeed in 
 obtaining labor in any quantity ? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. It assisted in obtaining a considerable amount of labor 
 from southern Europe, Russia, and other white countries, but, as has 
 already been stated, as soon as they could make enough money to 
 leave, they would go over to the mamland. Those figures are in the 
 record. 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IIST HAWAII. 415 
 
 Mr. Sabath. Is it not a fact that the literacy test has made it 
 impossible for you people to secure any labor from Europe, because 
 most of the Portuguese and others that you could secure for that 
 kind of work would not be permitted to enter because they could 
 not stand the literacy test ? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. That is true. 
 
 Mr. Kleczka. Because of the distressful conditions in Europe^ 
 which, in all probability, will remain for some time, do you not think 
 that you could succeed in getting European immigrants to Hawaii ? 
 
 Mr .^Sabath. But the kind of laborers they need would be excluded 
 by the literacy test. 
 
 Mr. Horner. They could not come in at all. 
 
 The Chairman. Do you think it would be proper for the United 
 States to adopt a legislative act for the admission of Chinese laborers 
 to relieve the labor shortage on the sugar plantations of Hawaii and 
 at the same time refuse to admit illiterate laborers from Mexico ? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. If this committee should be sure, as I think it ought 
 to be at the present time, that the continued existence of the present 
 conditions in Hawaii will constitute a menace to the western coast 
 of the United States and to the remainder of the United States, 
 then I think it is the duty of this committee to give us that kind of 
 relief. I do not see how you can get away from it. If this condition 
 continues to exist and to grow in the Territory of Hawaii, the Terri- 
 tory of Hawaii will be a menace to the western coast of the United 
 States instead of a protection, and that is where the excuse comes in. 
 
 Mr. Raker. The war in Europe broke out in 1914, did it not? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. Yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Raker. There was practically no immigration from that time 
 up until 1920. 
 
 Mr. Irwin. That is true. 
 
 Mr. Raker. And the literacy test law did not take effect until 
 some time in 1917. 
 
 Mr. Irwin. That is true. 
 
 Mr. Raker. So that, as a matter of fact, you have not had an 
 opportunity to determine whether or not the literacy test or law 
 has had any effect upon Hawaii or upon immigration to Hawaii ? 
 
 Mr. Irw^n. I do not quite understand your question. 
 
 Mr. Raker. The literacy test did not take eft'ect until 1917. 
 
 Mr. Irwin. No, sir. 
 
 Mr. Raker. There was no immigration in 1917, 1918, and 1919. 
 There was no immigration until the beginning of 1920. 
 
 Mr. Irwin. That is right. 
 
 Mr. Raker. So that, during 1920 and up to the present time, you 
 have not made any effort to bring in any immigration from Italy 
 or from other European countries where the illiterates would come 
 from, have you ? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. No, sir. 
 
 Mr. Raker. So that, as a matter of fact, you could have stated 
 in your answer to Judge Sabath that the literacy test, so far as your 
 efforts were concerned, has not effected the Hawaiian Islands j 
 
 Mr. Irwin. It has affected them in this way, that the people 
 who could be induced to come to Hawaii and engage in plantation 
 work are necessarily of the illiterate type. Of course, that is known 
 to the men who are engaged in the sugar business in Hawaii. The men 
 
416 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 who have made a study of these conditions know them to be illiterates, 
 and since 1917 there has been no possibility of bringing them in, or 
 since the beginning of the war there has been no possibility of bringing 
 them in, but they brought them in practically up to the beginning of 
 the war. 
 
 Mr. Raker. How many Italians did they bring in from 1910 up 
 to 1917? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. I can not give you those figures. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Did they bring in any Bohemians and Russians ? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. Yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Raker. How many did they bring in ? 
 
 Mr. Iryn^in. The figures are in the record. 
 
 Mr. Raker. How many Russians were brought in ? 
 
 Mr. Weeber. One thousand six hundred and fifty is the net gain 
 in the alien Russian immigration, as shown by the records of tl^e 
 immigration service at Honolulu. 
 
 Mr. Rawlins. There were over 3,000 Russians brought into Hawaii 
 from Manchuria or Siberia through the commission, but on May 3, 
 1920, the actual statistics showed that out of that total number 
 there were only 17 of them employed as skilled and unskilled laborers 
 on the plantations. There were 8,000 Spanish immigrants brought in, 
 and on the same date there was a total of only 287 skilled and 
 unskilled, employed there, because just as soon as they could make 
 enough money to do so, they went to California. 
 
 Mr. Raker. So that, as a final result of your efforts, those that you 
 did bring in you did not retain, but they all left ? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. Practically all; yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Can you submit for the record a copy of the act of 
 the Hawaiian Republic or monarchy excluding Chinese ? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. I can secure that for you. 
 
 Mr. Raker. And also the act excluding the Japanese ? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. We will furnish that. 
 
 (The acts referred to are as follows :) 
 
 [The penal laws of the Hawaiian Islands (1897), chap. 93, p. 504. Immigration, Part VI, Chinese.] 
 
 Sec. 1571. No Chinese, except women who have relatives by marriage or blood 
 residing in this Republic, children under ten years of age who have parents or guardians 
 residing in this Republic, clergymen, teachers, and merchants heretofore residing 
 and doing business in this Republic, except as hereinafter provided, shall be allowed 
 to enter this Republic unless upon condition that while here he will engage in no trad- 
 ing or mechanical occupation other than domestic service or agricultural labor in the 
 field or in sugar or rice mills, and that he will, whenever he shall cease to follow his 
 vocation as agricultural laborer in the field or in sugar or rice mills, or as domestic 
 servant, leave this Republic, and that for every breach of such condition he shall 
 upon conviction by any district magistrate be liable to a fine of one hundred dollars. 
 
 [The penal laws of the Hawaiian Islands (1897), chap. 93, p. 498. Immigration, Part III, Aliens. 
 
 Sec. 1554. It shall be unlawful for aliens of the following classes to land in the 
 Hawaiian Islands, to wit: Idiots, insane persons, paupers, vagabonds, criminals, 
 fugitives from justice, persons suffering from a loathsome or dangerous contagious 
 disease, stowaways, vagrants and persons without visible means of support, which 
 means of support may be shown by the bona fide possession of not less than fifty 
 dollars in money or a bona fide written contract of employment with a reliable and 
 responsible resident of the Hawaiian Islands, binding such alien to work as an agri- 
 cultural laborer for a term of not less than two years. 
 
 Note. — It was under the provision of the foregoing act that the Japanese were 
 excluded from the Territory. 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 417 
 
 Mr. Raker. Let me ask Mr. Dillingham a question. Mr. Dilling- 
 ham, the question has been asked several times, but no direct answer 
 has been given, as to what became of the Japanese who were refused 
 landing by the Hawaiian government before the annexation of Hawaii. 
 Did they finally land ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. I would like to find out whether anyone con- 
 nected with the commission knows whether these men were actually 
 permitted to land. I want to know whether or not the Japanese w^ho 
 were denied landing were eventually permitted to land. 
 
 Mr. Irwin. My present impression is that they were landed. I can 
 get you that definite information. 
 
 Mr. Box. Mr. Chairman, can it be arranged so that we will cer- 
 tainly get that information in the record? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. We will furnish that. 
 
 Mr. Raker. How many Japanese are of voting age in Hawaii? 
 
 Mr. Weeber. Seven thousand two hundred and sixty-seven. That 
 includes women and men of voting age or citizens of voting age. 
 
 Mr. Raker. What became of those 10,000 Japanese brides? Are 
 they there in Hawaii ? 
 
 Mr. Weeber. I presume so. They not only married citizens, but 
 they married aliens. 
 
 Mr. Sabath. They have not all married citizens. 
 
 Mr. Rawlins. There is another disqualification or disqualifying 
 provision, and that is that he must understand and be able to read and 
 write the English or Hawaiian language before he can register as a 
 voter. 
 
 The Chairman. They maintain schools for the purpose of teaching 
 them the English language ? 
 
 Mr. Rawlins. Yes, sir; but they can get instruction in the public 
 schools only until they are 16 or 17 years of age. Those brides have 
 married plantation laborers, aliens as well as citizens. Before they 
 can vote they must be able to read, write, and speak the English or 
 Hav/aiian language. If they can not meet that qualification, they 
 can not register. 
 
 The Chairman. Have you ever heard any statement regarding 
 the fact that Japanese serving in the United States Army in Hawaii 
 brought in picture brides, and that, in order to conform to the 
 Japanese Government's regulations concerning the brides, those 
 Japanese soldiers in our Army had to step down to the Japanese 
 consulate and reafl[irm their allegiance to the Japanese Govern- 
 ment, in order to get the brides ? 
 
 Mr. Rawlins. I am familiar with the Japanese system of keeping 
 records. I have been in Japan, and spent three and a half months 
 there a couple of years ago. Every Japanese that comes to Hawaii 
 has to have a passport from his home Government, and he has to 
 register with the Japanese consul. Then, in the home town of 
 that Japanese in Japan they have an office where they keep a regis- 
 ter of every Japanese family, or what is known as a family register. 
 That register is very accurately kept. The business on which I 
 went to Japan was business connected with the estate of a Japanese 
 who had married a Hawaiian woman and had had three children 
 by her. He went back to Japan and died, and I was appointed by 
 the court to go to Japan to protect the interests of those minor 
 children, or American-born minors. I found in the town of Kurume 
 56754— 21— SEE 7, pt 1 14 
 
418 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 Fukuoka, on the island of Kyshu, in the town records, a family 
 record of this Japanese who had gone to Hawaii. 
 
 There was a record of his birth, of his marriage to this Hawaiian 
 woman, and a record of the birth of his children, giving all the dates. 
 It was all accurately kept, giving the exact dates of the birth of 
 those children in Hawaii. There is a family record of every Jap- 
 anese, and that information goes through the Japanese consul's 
 office. When the wife dies, her name is stricken from the record. 
 Then, if he brings a wife from Japan, or a picture bride, that is added 
 to the family record, and every child born is added to the family 
 record. That is the system they have in Japan. They bring the 
 picture bride to Hawaii if they can pass the immigration authorities,, 
 and most of them are married there in the immigration station. 
 
 Mr. Sabath. You have not answered the chairman's question as 
 to the Japanese soldiers. 
 
 The Chairman. I have been informed that Japanese soldiers in, 
 the United States Army who had taken the oath of allegiance to 
 the United States in order to do military service have brought 
 picture brides in, and that in order to receive the brides they are 
 obliged to make a new oath of allegiance to the Japanese Govern- 
 ment. 
 
 Mr. Eawlins. I have never heard of that. The only Japanese 
 soldiers I have known of in the United States Army were those 
 taken in at the time of the draft during the war, but I have never 
 heard of the proposition that they had to reaffirm their allegiance to 
 the Japanese Government in order to get their picture brides. 
 
 Mr. Sabath. Would they, as American citizens, be permitted to 
 bring in picture brides ? 
 
 Mr. Rawlins. I do not see any objection to it under the present 
 system so long as there is no disqualification, so far as the man is con- 
 cerned, and so long as the woman meets the test required by the 
 immigration laws, such as the requirement that she shall not be 
 suffering from trachoma or any kindred disease when she is admitted 
 as an immigrant. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Will you state over again the number of Japanese in 
 Hawaii 21 years of age? 
 
 Mr. Weeber. I can not segregate it as between men and women. 
 
 Mr. Raker. How many Japanese men and women are 21 years of. 
 age? 
 J, Mr. Weeber. There are 7,267 that are citizens. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Citizens? 
 
 Mr. Weeber. Seven thousand two hundred and sixty-seven. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Did you get my question ? 
 
 Mr. Weeber. Yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Now, I did not ask those that could vote; I am asking 
 the number of those of that age. 
 
 Mr. W^EEBER. Yes, sir; 7,267. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Then, there are none over 21 years of age who are 
 citizens, Japanese, that can not vote ? 
 
 Mr. Weeber. Some of that 7,267 may be disqualified for educa- 
 tional or other reasons. I have nothing, of course, to show that. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Will you insert in this connection that statute relative 
 to the qualifications to vote ? 
 
 Mr. Weeber. Yes, sir. 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 419 
 
 (The statute referred to is as follows:) 
 
 [Revised laws of Hawaii (1915), organic act, an act to provide a government for the Territory of Hawaii, 
 
 p. 42.1 
 
 Sec. 60. Qualifications of voters for representatives. — That in order to bo 
 qualified to vote for representatives a person Shall — 
 
 First. Be a male citizen of the United States. 
 
 Second. Have resided in the Territory not less than one year preceding and in the 
 representative district in which he offers to register not less than three months imme- 
 diately preceding the time at which he offers to register. 
 
 Third. Have attained the age of twenty -one years. 
 
 Fourth. Prior to each regular election, during the time prescribed by law for regis- 
 tration, have caused his name to be entered on the register of voters for representatives 
 for his district. 
 
 Fifth. Be able to speak, read, and write the English or Hawaiian language. 
 
 This s. applied to the first Territorial election, to the exclusion of R. S. s. 1859 (13 
 H. 17); residence in the Territory for a year means in the Hawaiian Islands and is not 
 limited to the time subsequent to the establishm.ent of Territorial government (13 H. 
 17); a person who lives on a steamer engaged in interisland trade is not a resident of a 
 particular precinct, though the steamer docks at such precinct when at Honolulu and 
 that is her home port (13 H. 22). This s. and s. 62 control as to qualifications of voters 
 in city and county elections (19 H. 178). This s. is referred to also in 14 H. 146; 
 15 H. 266; 19 H. 227. On qualifications of voters, see also ss. 18, 62, 63; on citizen- 
 ship, see also ss. 4 and 100; on registration, see s. 64 of this act, and R. L. ss. 61-77. 
 
 [Revised laws of Hawaa (1915), organic act, an act to provide a government for the Territory of Hawaii, 
 
 p. 42.] 
 
 Sec. 62. Qualifications of voters for senators and in all other elections. — 
 That in order to be qualified to vote for senators and for voting in all other elections in 
 the Territory of Hawaii a person must possess all the qualifications and be subject to 
 all the conditions required by this act of voters for representatives. 
 
 An election under a county act is one of the "other elections" referred to in this 
 section; in such case the registration list for the last previous general election should 
 be used (]5 H. 265); but now see R. L. ss. 61-77, providing for permanent registration. 
 Referred to in 19 H. 227. See also 19 H. 178, referred to in note to s. 60. 
 
 Mr. Sabath. What is the total Japanese population ? 
 
 Mr. Weeber. One hundred and nine thousand two hundred and 
 seventy-four. 
 
 Mr. Sabath. And the jChinese ? 
 
 Mr. Weeber. Twenty-three thousand five hundred and seven. 
 
 Mr. Sabath. That includes even those who are citizens ? 
 
 Mr. Weeber. It includes citizens and aliens of -Chinese birth or 
 ancestry. 
 
 Mr. Sabath. And the hundred and odd thousand also includes 
 aliens ? 
 
 Mr. Weeber. It does. 
 
 Mr. Sabath. The Japanese ? 
 
 Mr. Weeber. Yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Sabath. What is the total population of the islands ? 
 
 Mr. Weeber. Two hundred and fifty-five thousand nine hundred 
 and twelve, according to the last census. 
 
 Mr. Kleczi^a.. Then, the Chinese and Japanese are in the majority 
 right now ? 
 
 Mr. Weeber. The Japanese alone constitute 42.7 per cent of the 
 population of the Hawaiian Islands and the Chinese constitute about 
 9 per cent. 
 
 Mr. Sabath. Can you give us the information in regard to the 
 Japanese immigration to the islands ? 
 
420 LABOR PROBLEMS 11^ HAWAII. 
 
 Mr. Weeber. Yes, sir; we can give it ■ 
 
 Mr. Sabath. By years ? 
 
 Mr. Weeber. By years since 1910. 
 
 Mr. Sabath. Before that; we will say, from 1900. You do not 
 have that ? 
 
 Mr. Weeber. I do not have it here, but I can get it. 
 
 Mr. Sabath. What was it from 1910 ? 
 
 Mr. Weeber. The total net increase in Japanese aliens by immi- 
 gration was 25,409. Understand, please, that is the difference 
 between the immigrants arriving and the emigrants departing. 
 
 Mr. Sabath. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Weeber. An increase of 25,409 Japanese aliens in the last 11 
 years. 
 
 Mr. Sabath. In the last 11 years, notwithstanding the war? 
 
 Mr. Weeber. Notwithstanding the war and all other conditions. 
 The Japanese immigration for the last three years, for instance, has 
 averaged 2,400; the departures averaged 200 or less. 
 
 Mr. Cable. In the last three years more than 600 have left the 
 islands ? 
 
 Mr. Weeber. Yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Sabath. Can you inform us how that is possible in view of 
 the '^ gentleman's agreement?'' 
 
 Mr. Weeber. Of course, Japanese residents are permitted to leave 
 the Territory and to reenter the Territory, provided they do so 
 within the prescribed limit of time. 
 
 Mr. Sabath. But there must have been a large number of new 
 Japanese that entered ? 
 
 Mr. Weeber. There was a large number of new Japanese that en- 
 tered, some of them being the so-called picture brides. The number 
 of picture brides admitted during the last decade alone was 10,617. 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. Mr. Sabath, members of the Japanese family are 
 eligible to come in, and that will account for a good many of the 
 new Japanese coming to the islands; that is, families of the men 
 who are in the islands. 
 
 Mr. Kleczka. How about the Chinese ? * 
 
 Mr. Weeber. The Chinese have steadily decreased during the last 
 10 years. The emigration from the islands has exceeded the immi- 
 gration to the islands by 1,489. 
 
 Mr. Sabath. In the last 10 years ? 
 
 Mr. Weeber. In the last 10 years. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Mr. Horner, did you raise any sugar cane, or was 
 there any sugar-cane industry in the Hawaiian Islands before their 
 annexation to the United States in 1889 ? 
 
 Mr. Horner. Yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Who worked in it, then? Did the Hawaiians work 
 in it? 
 
 Mr. Horner. The Hawaiians, Chinese, Portuguese, and about that 
 time the Japanese began to come. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Well, before they came in, did the Hawaiians engage in 
 the production of sugar cane — the raising of sugar cane ? 
 
 Mr. Horner. Yes; they always have to an extent. 
 
 Mr; Raker. Then your statement this morning is very disconcert- 
 ing to me, in that you stated the Hawaiians could not work in the 
 sugar-cane fields. What did you mean by that ? 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 421 
 
 Mr. Horner. Well, the work the Hawaians do, mostly, is acting as 
 teamsters, lunas, and things of that kind. 
 
 Mr. Sabath. They do the higher grade of work ? 
 
 Mr. Horner. Engineers and carpenters. Very rarely do you see 
 them out in the cane field cutting cane and loading cane. During the 
 strike last year, some Hawaiians did cut and load cane, but not for 
 very long. 
 
 Mr. Raker. But my question has reference to your early acquaint- 
 ance with Hawaii and the Hawaiian people. They raised sugar and 
 raised their native products there, and my question is whether or not 
 they did the work themselves. 
 
 Mr. Horner. Not in my time. I say the Hawaiians have always 
 been employed, more or less, on the plantations, but very rarel}^ in the 
 cutting and loading of the cane. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Then I understand further, from your statement, that 
 some action should or must be taken by the Congress of the United 
 States to show that the commission has the backing of Congress, for 
 if you returned to the Hawaiian Islands without legislation that will 
 authorize you to bring in Chinese in sufficient number to do your work, 
 the Japanese will feel that they practically have control of the situa- 
 tion and you will be in a very critical condition ? 
 
 Mr. Horner. Yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Raker. What will that effect be, now ? 
 
 Mr. Horner. Well, I think they will at once demand higher wages, 
 and if they are not paid, they will not work. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Well, what will be the result then ? 
 
 Mr. Horner. Either we will have to concede their demand or let 
 our fields go uncultivated. 
 
 Mr. Raker. What about their being taken over and cultivated by 
 the Japanese ? 
 
 Mr. Horner. I think they have that in mind now. If the relief 
 asked for is granted, there will be very little danger of the Japanese 
 getting control of the industry down there; if it is not granted, there 
 will be great danger of it. In fact, I feel sure it will come about. 
 
 Mr. Raker. What about the other industries outside of the sugar 
 industry ? Can they now, in a general way, practically control them ? 
 
 Mr. Horner. Yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Raker. And if the Japanese cease to work in the sugar indus- 
 try, there will be just that many more to w^ork in all the other indus- 
 tries of the islands, which they practically control at the present 
 time ; is that right ? 
 
 Mr. Horner. Yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Raker. And it will be, in effect, the domination by the Japa- 
 nese of the Hawaiian Islands ? 
 
 Mr. Horner. Yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Raker. That is practically the condition now in all of the 
 industries, saving and except the sugar industry; is that true? 
 
 Mr. Horner. I think they are in the majority in the pineanple 
 fields. They do not cultivate rice to any extent, if at all. They 
 dominate the vegetable gardens, and I think the coffee industry, also. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Well, if the Japanese Government was successful in 
 sending a warship to Hawaii and getting damages because it did not 
 land their nationals, and they ffnaliy landed their nationals, and since 
 
422 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 have been able, through a communication of the Government of the 
 United States, to continue to land them, and Congress now brings 
 in an oriental race to take their place, avowedly to do the work ■ 
 
 Mr. Horner. It is not to take their place. 
 
 Mr. Raker. All right, I will put it another way — to do the work 
 for the sugar industry and others, then we must expect the Japanese 
 Government and her nationals to continue to press their demands 
 that they be permitted to have carte blanche rights in the Hawaiian 
 Islands in regard to their nationals. Is not that about it ? 
 
 Mr. Horner. I should say so. 
 
 Mr. Raker. That is all, Mr. Chairman. 
 
 The Chairman. Does anyone else desire to ask any questions ? 
 
 Mr. Wilson. I want to ask Mr. Irwin one question. You under- 
 stand what Mr. Mead's proposition was as a solution for this, Mr. 
 Irwin ? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. That is, that we remove the literacy test and permit 
 practically unlimited immigration from Europe to Hawaii, but with 
 the requirement that the passports should be so arranged that they 
 would not be allowed to come to the United States until they became 
 American citizens ? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. What do you think of that proposition ? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. I think that would offer something like a permanent 
 solution of the problem which would give us a class of people who 
 could eventually become citizens and who would, if we could induce 
 them to remain on the soil there for a long enough period, get attached 
 to the country, and it would make them feel as though that country 
 was their home. Under the present conditions they do not stay there 
 long enough to get a feeling of permanence or attachment to the 
 country. We believe if we could keep them there for a period of five 
 or seven years, or whatever period may be required, they would get 
 that feeling if they would stay there that long, and we would get a 
 permanent population. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. Would that, in your judgment, be preferable to the 
 resolution that has been offered ? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. There is not any doubt about it in my mind, as far as 
 a permanent immigration policy for the Territory of Hawaii is con- 
 cerned, if we could get that class of people in there and keep them 
 there. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. Is it your judgment, from your knowledge of the 
 situation, if this exception was made and relaxation as to the immi- 
 gration requirements, that the Europeans would come ? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. Oh, I think so. I do not think there is any doubt about 
 that. 
 
 Mr. Kleczka. Do you concur in that judgment, Mr. Dillingham, 
 because that is virtually what I had in mind ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. I think you will find in the record I have made 
 a statement similar to this: We have two definite problems. One 
 is an emergency proposition, and the other is a question of perma- 
 nent immigration policy. We are facing an emergency to-day; and 
 we can not wait two or three years for a remedy and have money 
 enough to assist immigration. And I doubt if we would be able to 
 hold our industry together, because the amount of money that will 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 423 
 
 be lost to the Territory and to the industries in the next three years 
 will cramp and temporarily cr'ipple, if not permanently cripple, the 
 industries of that country. 
 
 Mr. Kleczka. Right there: With this suspension of immigration 
 to the mainland, with tens of thousands of eligible immigrants 
 clamoring to be admitted, should word go out that there are oppor- 
 tunities in Hawaii, would not that immigration be diverted to the 
 'islands, and would not that immigration be far preferable to this 
 oriental temporary immigration ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. I wish very much that the Secretary of Labor 
 could be put in a position to make an immediate study of the situa- 
 tion there and meet the requirements or, rather, meet the necessities 
 of the situation in Hawaii. This bill, if you go back to the text of it, 
 does not request that this country permit Chinese to come to the 
 "islands; it puts the power in the hands of the Secretary for a limited 
 number of years to meet a very serious emergency. We are very 
 anxious to have your permanent immigration bill make provision 
 for Hawaii which will permit of doing just what Judge Irwin has 
 suggested. 
 
 Mr. Kleczka. And if any relief measure is offered and excludes 
 "the admission of Chinese, so as not to break our Chinese exclusion 
 law, would not that solve the situation ? Would it not be beneficial 
 to Hawaii and yet not tear down the barriers w^e have already put up 
 against orientals ? 
 
 Mr. Cable. You have not anything to offer to the Europeans, 
 have you, except a couple of dollars a day to work ? Are you willing 
 to sell them land as an inducement to them to come ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. The record will show inducements of that sort 
 have been made; we gave them homes and gave them lands, and at 
 the end of the year we did not have one on the land. If the bill 
 provided that they had to remain in the islands, I assure you that 
 would be a great help to the situation. We have to get somebody, 
 and that is the best proposition, surely, as a matter of permanent 
 policy, although it will certainly not relieve the present grave 
 emergency. 
 
 Mr. Kleczka. But are not the conditions in Europe to-day such 
 that you can not go back to your experience of a few years ago ? 
 Are not the conditions in Europe to-day such that if those people 
 would come to Hawaii they would better their condition over the 
 places where they came from, and they would stay there permanently, 
 perhaps ? There is no work and no opportunity in some of the 
 European countries and they are coming in the steerage to our ports, 
 penniless. Now, when they come here they can not engage in any 
 gainful occupations, with the unemployment here to-day, and if they 
 had that knowledge that they could go to Hawaii and engage in these 
 pursuits and earn a living, notwithstanding the hardships of the tem- 
 perature, would not they be likely to remain and would not that be 
 far better than to admit these Chinese temporarily? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. I think there is no question at all but that, if we 
 could build in an immigrant base there which would permit of pro- 
 ducing American citizens, with the ideals of American citizens we 
 have here in the mainland, it would be far preferable to any transient 
 or rotating scheme such as has been discussed. If we could get the 
 j)eople there in the numbers qualified to do the work, able to do it, so 
 
424 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 that from an economic standpoint we can hold our own in the produc- 
 tion of tropical products, I would he very much in favor of it. 
 
 Mr. Kleczka. Much of the emigration from central Europe is farm 
 emigration. They have tilled the soil; they have worked, in the 
 sugar-beet fields; and they have raised potatoes and corn, and they 
 have worked out in the open; and, with the exception of the tempera- 
 ture, perhaps, the conditions are the same in southern and eastern 
 Europe as they are in your Territory. 
 
 Mr." Dillingham. The exception you put in is the meat of the 
 coconut. 
 
 Mr. Kleczka. Of course, I have never been in Hawaii, but I do not 
 think the temperature is so great that that one thing would drive 
 them out. 
 
 The Chairman. You said, in answer to Mr. Kleczka's question, 
 that this was to meet an emergency and did not apply to a particular 
 people at all; and yet you start right off — 
 
 For a period of five years from the passage of this joint resolution the Secretary of 
 Labor be, and he is hereby, empowered, under such conditions and regulations as he 
 shall prescribe, to admit to the Territory of Hawaii such aliens otherwise inadmissible 
 as he may deem necessary to meet the emergency existing in the shortage of agricul- 
 tural labor. 
 
 Do you take that to read that he could bring in Europeans ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. I do. 
 
 Mr. Sabath. Who were illiterate ? 
 
 The Chairman. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. And if a subsequent bill provided that men not 
 able tt> pass the literacy test could come in, it would be a very simple 
 matter to admit those until^ 
 
 The Chairman. Let us drop the subsequent bill for a minute.. 
 You say this does permit the Secretary to admit European people. 
 Then we will assume he might admit some, that this is not entirely 
 for the purpose of admitting Chinese. Then you provide: 
 
 That such aliens shall be admitted only for limited periods of time, for the purpose- 
 of engaging only in agricultural labor or domestic service. 
 
 Would that be all right to apply to the European people ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. If they are in the situation over there that has 
 been suggested, I should think they would be very glad indeed of this 
 opportunity to take up the work we have to offer them. 
 
 The Chairman. All right. Then you say: 
 
 * * * that the regulations shall provide for and secure the return of such laborers 
 to their respective countries upon the expiration of the time limited. 
 
 Do you think that would be all right ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. I think it would be extremely unfortunate for 
 it to find its way into subsequent legislation. 
 
 The Chairman. So that if the Secretary did read this that in addi- 
 tion to the Chinese you could get people from central Europe, it 
 would be understood they had to go back? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. That would be the requirement under this reso- 
 lution. 
 
 The Chairman. And if we did pass this, admitting the Chinese 
 primarity but admitting the Europeans also, would we not be called 
 upon before the five years were up to lift the ban as to sending the 
 Europeans back and not to lift it as to sending the Chinese back?: 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 425 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. I do not see why that would be any more 
 severe on the Chhiese than the present Laws. 
 
 The Chairman. Yes; but we are supposed to work with some sort 
 of order here. And don't you imagine this would be availed of by 
 the Europeans to get in this way and stay, and when the time came for 
 the Chinese to go back that you would propose again to us that the 
 Chinese be permitted to stay for another five years ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. I am not prepared to say what we would do, 
 now. 
 
 Mr. Raker. If that resolution provided that at the end of it the 
 Chinese exclusion act was to remain in full force and effect, notwith- 
 standing this resolution, would you be in favor of that resolution 
 then ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. No; I would not be in favor of it, Mr. Raker, 
 because I have not the confidence that some of our committeemen 
 here seem to have that we can make that scheme work. We have 
 made an honest effort to do the very things suggested here now; 
 and due to the fact that the conditions in Europe are somewhat 
 changed and the immigration laws of America are changed, whether 
 or not we would be able to hold those men on the land to do the 
 work successfully and satisfactorily for us, I am not prepared to say. 
 
 Mr. Sabath. What would you think about this amendment, that 
 all those who were eligible to become American citizens could remain 
 at the expiration of the five years if they placed themselves by that 
 time in a position to become citizens ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. I think that might be a very helpful amendment. 
 
 Mr. Sabath. Except those who can become American citizens 
 from deportation at the end of the five years, if they can within that 
 time qualify under the law to become American citizens. 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. I think that would be a wise provision. 
 
 The Chairman. Now, then, who is going to pay for this deporta- 
 tion ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. That would have to be arranged through the 
 Territorial immigration board or by some similar agency provided 
 for the purpose. 
 
 The Chairman. You understand in ordinary cases of deportation ^ 
 when the United States Government is about to deport a person it 
 has to arrange with the country to which he is to be deported that 
 the country will receive him ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. Under the agreement which will have to be 
 known to the Government from which the immigrant comes, their 
 consent to receive him would be a part of the arrangement. 
 
 The Chairman. That would be all right as regards China, I assume, 
 but I have not gone into that yet with the State Department. There 
 is one other question. I understood you to say a day or two ago, 
 as a result of that strike, that wages were increased about 50 per cent ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. The base wage was increased from 70 cents to 
 $1.15 a day. As that is part of a system of wage, it is not proper to 
 consider one feature of it alone. 
 
 The Chairman. I do not want to consider one feature of it, but I 
 am going to make a suggestion here. It has been challenged by 
 Mr. Horner, that we offer no suggestion for relief, and I think I can 
 make a little suggestion that will help along pending a solution of the 
 emergency. You have already given in on the base wage; you have 
 
426 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 increased the base wage and lowered the percentage of the bonus — the 
 bonus is less ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. Yes, sir. 
 
 The Chairman. How long would it take you to get rid of the bonus 
 entirely ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. With the present price of sugar it would not take 
 very long. With sugar at 4 cents there is no bonus. 
 
 The Chairman. What is sugar now ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. Practically 4 cents. 
 
 The Chairman. I noticed in the dispatches it dropped this morning. 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. Again. 
 
 Mr. Irwin. That was for refined, I think^5.40. 
 
 The Chairman. Does that affect the price of the sugar you export ? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. The price of the refined is based upon the price of the 
 raw. 
 
 The Chairman. Your base wage has been raised from what? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. From 70 cents to $1.15. 
 
 The Chairman. $1.15 is the base wage? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. Yes, sir. 
 
 The Chairman. A month's work is 26 days ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. Twenty-six days. 
 
 The Chairman. In addition to the $1.15, you give them housing: 
 Is there any charge whatever for housing on any of the plantations ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. No charge whatever that I know of on any of 
 the plantations. 
 
 The Chairman. Do you have plantation stores ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. We have. 
 
 The Chairman. Are the employees given credit at those stores? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. They are. 
 
 The Chairman. Are the stores run for profit ? ♦ 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. They are not. 
 
 The Chairman. Do you have plantation meat markets ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. We have. 
 
 The Chairman. And the employees are given credit there ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. They are. 
 
 The Chairman. Are they operated for profit? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. They are not. 
 
 The Chairman. Are they different from the old company coal- 
 mining store that used to exist in Illinois and elsewhere ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. I do not know anything about those. 
 
 The Chairman. Between the saloon, the store, and the meat 
 market, the employee never had anything left. 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. The Japanese would not have been able to 
 send $17,000,000 home last year, Mr. Chairman, if the Illinois system 
 had been applied in Hawaii. 
 
 Mr. Sabath. Oh, I take exception to the chairman's statements as 
 to Illinois. 
 
 The Chairman. Well, it was perhaps before you were born. 
 
 Mr. Sabath. I can remember some of those things did exist, but 
 we put a stop to it. 
 
 The Chairman. It took public opinion and a general upheaval and 
 legislation to do away with that situation. 
 
 Mr. Raker. It is not altogether done away with yet. 
 
 The Chairman. Do you furnish ice to any of these employees ? 
 
LABOK PEOBLEMS IN HAWAII, 427 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. On a number of the plantations they have an 
 ice pLant which furnishes them with ice practically at cost. I would 
 like to say this in regard to the store proposition, that there is hardly 
 a plantation on the islands where there are not independent stores 
 on the plantation, and there is no obligation upon the employee to 
 buy from the company store. 
 
 The Chairman. Let us see about that; let us see how it works: 
 The employee gets a wage and he also gets a bonus, payable monthly ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. The bonus is paid 75 per cent monthly, and the 
 balance of the bonus, 25 per cent, is paid at the end of the year. 
 
 The Chairman. As a practical proposition, isn't there a tempta- 
 tion on the part of the employee to trade at the store and charge it 
 against his bonus ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. The accounts are settled monthly with the 
 employee. 
 
 The Chairman. Does he know in advance what his bonus is going 
 to be ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. The bonus is figured at the end of the month on 
 the New York price. 
 
 The Chairman. Don't you think it would be better to get rid of 
 the bonus and pay a wage of whatever should be paid ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. We all regret exceedingly that the bonus system 
 w^as not done away with some time ago; and a large part of our labor 
 shortage is due to the abnormal returns given to the laborers last 
 year. 
 
 The Chairman. In other words, you got caught in a trap there? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. We did. 
 
 The Chairman. Now, then, part of this strike and part of this 
 protest is from the fact that the man who had small pay and a big 
 bonus is now being forced to drop back to small pay and not much 
 bonus ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. To drop back to more pay than he received and 
 not much bonus. 
 
 Mr. Raker. You say they ascertain the bonus and pay it at the 
 end of each month. How can they do that? Suppose at the last 
 month the sugar would rise in price 50 per cent or 25 per cent; would 
 not his bonus apply only to sugar disposed of on the New York 
 market each month ? Will you explain that ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. I will ask to call on Mr. Horner, who has ad- 
 justed these bonuses with the field laborers many, many times. 
 
 The Chairman. Still, until war prices began to affect sugar, the 
 bonus was never a big item to labor in the field, was it ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. It was quite a substantial item and was made so 
 that he could make a bonus out of it. The proposition of hanging up 
 a reward out of reach is not one that works successfully for any period 
 of time. This bonus was made on a basis which was believed to be 
 a fair profit-sharing arrangement with labor, to make them happy 
 and contented, to make them interested to hold on and stay with us 
 and to share in the average results of the enterprise. 
 
 Mr. McClellan. You have not mentioned one of the main pur- 
 poses, to induce them to give continuous work by requiring 20 days. 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. Of course, the foundation idea of the arrangement 
 is to induce the labor to turn out at l^ast 20 days out of the month, 
 so that there will be a continuity of service and, in that way, a 
 
428 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 guaranty of our ability to get around to the work necessary to be done 
 during the year. 
 
 Mr. Horner. That bonus system is about as follows: The laborers 
 are paid on the 15th day generally of the month following the month 
 when the work is performed, and they are paid a regular wage plus 
 the 75 per cent of the bonus, based on the average price of sugar in 
 New York, no matter what it sold for — on the average quoted price. 
 The other 25 per cent is paid at the end of the year; a.nd that, together 
 with the first bonus, is based on the average price for the sugar during 
 the entire year. 
 
 The Chairman. Is any bonus paid in the pineapple field? 
 
 Mr. Horner. Yes. We have been paying a wage bonus. 
 
 The Chairman. How is that? 
 
 Mr. Horner. We paid so much if they worked 20 days; and, if 
 they worked less than 20 days, we paid less money. I think on our 
 place we paid a wage of $1.70 if they worked less than 20 days; if they 
 worked more than 20 days, I think the rate last year was $3.25. 
 
 The Chairman. That is just exactly what I v/anted to get at, that 
 the bonus paid on the sugar plantation interfered with the wage 
 scale on the pineapple plantation ? 
 
 Mr. Horner. It surely did. 
 
 The Chairman. It does and will ? 
 
 Mr. Horner. And will, and in every other industry. I am against 
 the bonus system myself. 
 
 The Chairman. So that you think it would help relieve the labor 
 situation there if the bonus system were done away with entirely ? 
 
 Mr. Horner. Well, that is my impression. 
 
 Mr. Sabath. Mr. Horner, wouldn't it be to the interest of the 
 islands to increase the wage of these laborers ? 
 
 Mr. Horner. That would be a very good thing, but you must not 
 forget that our products there have to meet the competition of the 
 products grown in other tropical parts of the world, where they pay 
 no more than we pay and their freight rates to market are less. 
 
 Mr. Sabath. What are the wages paid by the sugar growers to the 
 laborers in Cuba ? 
 
 Mr. Horner. I understand their wage there is practically the same 
 as ours. I was in Cuba a few years ago and at that time the wages 
 were practically the same. 
 
 Mr. Sabath. Do you know about the wages in Louisiana, where 
 they grow a great deal of sugar cane ? 
 
 Mr. Horner. I do not; no. 
 
 Mr. Sabath. And if the]^ are obliged to pay 50 or 100 per cent more 
 in Louisiana for the same labor, would not Louisiana suffer and could 
 not compete with you people in growing and producing sugar ? 
 
 Mr. Horner. I do not think they are paying very much more than 
 we are, although I have not the figures. 
 
 Mr. Sabath. It seems to me $*1.15 a day is a very, very, low wage. 
 
 The Chairman. You see, that is the trouble. It is so hard to dis- 
 cuss what the actual wage is, because there is at once added to that 
 wage a bonus and certain perquisites. 
 
 Mr. Sabath. Yes, such as rents and other advantages. It should 
 be taken into consideration, but — • — 
 
 Mr. Horner. I think that those perquisites amount to somewhere- 
 near $10 a month. 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 429 
 
 Mr. Weeber. They represent $25 a month to the laborers them- 
 selves. 
 
 Mr. Horner. Yes, if they had to provide it for themselves, but it 
 costs the plantation about $10 a month. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Did I understand you to say, in answer to a question 
 propounded by the chairman and Mr. Sabath, that the laborer in 
 Cuba receives about the same wage as the laborer in Hawaii on the 
 same character of work in the sugar fields ? 
 
 Mr. Horner. When I was in Cuba that was the situation. What 
 it is now, I do not know. 
 
 Mr. Raker. And the sugar imported from Cuba to the United 
 States has to pay a duty ? 
 
 Mr. Horner. One and six-tenths was what it used to pay; I do 
 not know what it is now. 
 
 Mr. Raker. And they pay no duty from Hawaii. 
 
 Mr. Horner. And they pay no duty from Hawaii. And let me 
 explain right there that that tariff or duty which the Cubans pay is 
 all absorbed because of their lower cost to them to get their sugar 
 to the market. They do not fertilize and they do not irrigate like 
 we do. When I was there, they did not fertilize at all; whether they 
 do now or not, I do not know. But those two items alone almost 
 equalize the tariff to get the sugar in. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Then the theory does not work out that a differential 
 Tate should go to the laborer, and in this instance, as explained by 
 you, it goes to the sugar producer in building up his crop, etc., and not 
 to the laborer ? 
 
 Mr. Horner. I do not think I understand you. 
 
 Mr. Raker. There is a differential in the amount you stated 
 between bringing the Cuban sugar to the United States and the 
 Hawaiian sugar, and the Cuban sugar has to pay a duty and the 
 Hawaiian sugar does not ? 
 
 Mr. Horner. That is right. 
 
 Mr. Rx\KER. And you say the wages in Cuba and the wages in 
 Hawaii are practically the same for the same character of work ? 
 
 Mr. Horner. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Raker. And instead of absorbing this amount and paying a 
 higher wage in Cuba, they use it for some other purpose, so that the 
 laboring man does not get the benefit of the difierential. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. They can produce sugar cheaper than we can in 
 Louisiana or they can in Hawaii ? 
 
 Mr. Horner. I should say so. 
 
 Mr. Irwin. In answer to a question, Mr. Horner, you said that 
 doing away with the bonus would eliminate our' labor difficulties ? 
 
 Mr. Horner. No. 
 
 Mr. Irwin. That is what you said; I do not know whether you 
 meant to say that or not. What did you mean when you made that 
 statement, or a statement similar to that ? 
 
 Mr. Horner. It would help greatly in stabilizing the work in other 
 industries. 
 
 Mr. Irwin. It would add nothing to our labor supply ? 
 
 Mr. Horner. No, not at all. 
 
 The Chairman. The point I was trying to make was, a straight 
 wage in lieu of a bonus would enable a more fair presentation of the 
 labor situation in Hawaii. 
 
430 LABOR PEOBLEMS 11^ HAWAII. 
 
 Mr. Sabath. As to their earnings ? 
 
 The Chairman. As to their earnings. 
 
 Mr. Raker. What I was trying to have appear in the record was 
 that this tariff thpy put on for the benefit of labor turns out now, 
 so far as the Hawaiian labor is concerned and the Louisiana cane- 
 sugar labor and the beet-sugar labor, the labor in Cuba does not get 
 the benefit of the differential. 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. I say this, it is for the benefit of labor, because 
 if this extra cost were not met there would be no work for labor in 
 Hawaii. 
 
 Mr. Box. I desire to have the followidg abstract of the Japanese 
 expatriation law inserted in the record: 
 
 AN ABSTRACT OP EXPATRIATION LAW OP JAPAN. 
 
 Article XVIII. When a Japanese, by becoming the wife of a foreigner, has ac- 
 quired the husband's nationality, then such Japanese loees her Japanese nationality.. 
 
 Article XX. A person who voluntarily acquires a foreign nationality loses Japanese 
 nationalitv. In case a Japanese subject who has acquired foreign nationality by 
 reason of his or her birth in a foreign country has domiciled in that country, he or she- 
 may be expatriated vdih the permission of the minister of state for home affairs. 
 The application for the permission referred to in the preceding paragraph shall be- 
 made by the legal representative in case the person to be expatriated is younger than 
 15 years of age. If the person in question is a minor above 15 years of age or a person 
 adjudged incompentent, the application can be made with the consent of his or her 
 legal representative or guardian. A stepfather, a stepmother, a legal mother, or a. 
 guardian maA^ not make the application or give the consent prescribed in the preceding, 
 paragraph without the consent of the family council. A person who has been ex- 
 patriated loses Japanese nationality. 
 
 Article XXIV. Notwithstanding the provisions of the preceding six articles a. 
 male of full 17 years or upwards does not lose Japanese nationality unless he has com- 
 pleted active ser\dce in the Army or Navy or he is under no obligation to enter into it. 
 A person who actually occupies an official post, civil or military, does not lose Japanese 
 nationality notwithstanding the provisions of the foregoing seven articles. 
 
 Article XXVI. A person who has lost Japanese nationality in accordance with 
 Article XX may recover Japanese nationality provided that he or she possesses a 
 domicile in Japan, but this does not applv when the person mentioned in Article XVI 
 has lost Japanese nationality. In case the person who has lost Japanese nationality 
 in accordance with the provision of Article XX is younger than 15 years of age, the 
 application for the permission prescribed in the preceding paragraph shall be made 
 by the father who is the member of the family to which such person belonged at the 
 time of his expatriation; should the father be unable to do so, the applicetion shall 
 be made by the mother; if the mother is unable to do so, by the grandfather; and if; 
 the grandfather is unable to do so, then by the grandmother. 
 
 (The committee thereupon went into executive session.) 
 
 Committee on Immigration and Naturalization, 
 
 House of Representatives, 
 
 Thursday, June 30, 1921. 
 
 The committee this day met, Hon. Albert Johnson (chairman)' 
 presiding. 
 
 The Chairman. The committee will come to order. Mr. Chil- 
 lingWorth, of the commission, is present, and we will hear him briefly. 
 
 STATEMENT OF ME. CHARLES F. CHILLINGWOETH. 
 
 Mr. Chillingworth. My name is Charles F. Chillingworth. I am 
 a member of the commission from Hawaii to Congress on this emer- 
 gency labor measure. Aside from the other points brought out by 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 431 
 
 the gentlemen who have previously made statements before this 
 committee, I would like to call the attention of this committee to 
 another feature of our economic conditions in the islands which 
 requires careful consideration. 
 
 The destruction of our industrial business in the islands, due 
 to our labor shortage, is going to have this result, that the income of 
 the Territory, which last year was barely enough to cover our ex- 
 penses in maintaining and carrying on our Government institutions, 
 will be so badly crippled by the losses which are being sustained by the 
 different plantations and other industrial business in the islands, 
 that the income of the Territory, in my judgment, will be approxi- 
 mately cut in half, if not more. We appropriated approximately 
 $1,500,000 at the last session of the legislature, which adjourned 
 sine die about the 27th of April, for our schools alone. The total 
 amount appropriated, as I remember it for the Territory, was about 
 $6,000,000. The legislature, in making appropriations for the 
 different departments, has endeavored to economize, in so far as it 
 was possible to do so, realizing the labor conditions in the islands and 
 fully appreciative of the lack of income to be expected in years to 
 come. 
 
 We have come on this mission believing in the cause for which 
 we have come and are sincere in our representations to this com- 
 mittee. The situation has become even worse since we left the 
 islands. Pioneer stock, which was selling around 30, is now down 
 to 16; Olaa stock, which was selling at between 8 and 9 when we 
 left the islands, is now selling at 4, and all the other plantations 
 are affected along the same lines. This is due not only to the low 
 price of sugar but to the fact that the plantations this year are unable 
 to harvest their sugar. 
 
 I do not own any sugar stock nor have I any direct interest in any 
 sugar plantation. I am an attorney by profession; I was born in 
 the islands, am part Hawaiian, and have been in the Senate of our 
 Territory for 17 years continuously. In asking this committee to 
 give us relief I do so taking into consideration the people who will 
 be affected by the financial crisis which we are now facing — teachers, 
 machinists, carpenters, contractors, automobile drivers, in fact, men 
 in every walk of life. Nearly every profession is directly affected by 
 the conditions which now exist at home. The loss sustained by the 
 plantations is not sustained only by a few but it is general and covers 
 nearly everyone in the islands. Without sugar no other industry 
 can live. This I say taking into consideration the fact that I own 
 no sugar stocks and am directly interested in no sugar plantation. 
 I know that, before I left the islands, groups of machinists and pat- 
 tern makers in the iron works were laid off because of the lack of 
 work. This is due to the fact that the plantations were unable to 
 see their way clear to make any improvements in their plants, so 
 that these industries are without sufficient work to keep their men 
 employed. 
 
 We have come here expecting relief. We are not making any 
 complaints; we are not trying to find fault; but we are something 
 like the little child from the tenement who was invited to a public 
 Christmas tree and then was passed by. We have held up our end 
 out in Hawaii; we came over the top in the war savings stamps, 
 the Red Cross, Liberty bonds, and everything that has been asked 
 
432 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 of our little country. Without wishing to offend I would like to 
 call the committee's attention to the fact that Hawaii has been 
 forgotten in the Smith-Towner Bill; in the physical vocational 
 training bill, I find Hawaii missing; and, in your good roads bill, 
 Hawaii is also forgotten. This, as I say, is not made as a com- 
 plaint, but simply for the purpose of putting before you the propo- 
 sition as it appears to us who have to contend with the legislative 
 duties of our little country. 
 
 The situation that the plantations now face is practically the same 
 as the rice plantations faced in about 1904. I think it was in 1904 
 that we had about 9,000 acres of rice under cultivation. At a meet- 
 ing which was held on about May 2, there were found to be only 
 about 2,800 acres under cultivation. On one plantation of 175 acres, 
 when the year's output was sold, we found a deficit of $14,000. 
 These plantations are worked by Chinese labor, and what has hap- 
 pened to the rice industry will happen to the sugar industry. 
 
 Aside from the economic loss to the Territory and the people in the 
 Territory, I wish to call the attention of this committee to the fact 
 that, while the industries may go out of the control of American 
 citizens, they will still continue to be operated as industrial concerns 
 in the hands of aliens. That, I think is a condition which you can 
 not permit. If Chinese immigration to Hawaii as a relief measure 
 had been permitted, I would have been in favor of having a clause in 
 the resolution or regulation which would compel the employment of 
 citizens, say, on a 50 per cent basis, as machinists and other skilled 
 labor in the islands. The reason for that is that we might build up 
 a citizen population in the islands and maintain the mechanics and 
 others who are there now. 
 
 I speak especially for the longshoremen's association which, by 
 resolution, has indorsed the purposes of this mission, and which 
 association has authorized me to act personally for them, together 
 with the other members of the labor commission. I hope this 
 committee will see its way clear to give us some relief, whether it be 
 by the elimination of the literacy test and the right to assist immi- 
 grants into our country, or by other means. We feel we can come 
 to you and ask you to help us solve our problem. It is your problem 
 just as much as it is our problem. 
 
 In 1905, when we were permitted to assist immigrants into our 
 country, I introduced an act which is known as the conservation and 
 immigration act. Under that act, over and above the regular 2 
 per cent income tax, there was a tax of 1 per cent on all incomes 
 over $4,000, the proceeds of which went to conservation, and a 1 
 per cent tax on incomes of over $6,000, which was the fund from 
 which the immigrants were assisted into the Territory of Hawaii. 
 As a result of that act, a commission, consisting of three members, 
 was appointed, and the members of that com.mission were designated 
 as Territorial immigration commissioners, and the bringing in of 
 immigrants eligible to become citizens was carried on through that 
 commission. 
 
 The Chairman. Was that carried on with any considerable degree 
 of sucess ? 
 
 Mr. Chillingworth. You have heard the statements here, that 
 we got the labor into Hav/aii but it did not remain. 
 
 The Chairman. You brought Portuguese ? 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 433 
 
 Mr. Chilling WORTH. We brought Portuguese, we brought Spanish, 
 and we brought Russians. 
 
 The Chairman. Did not a good many of the Portuguese remain in 
 the islands ? 
 
 Mr. Chilling WORTH. They did not under that law, but prior to 
 that a number of Portuguese were brought in that became very good 
 laborers, and their sons and daughters are among the best types of 
 the citizens of the Territory. 
 
 Mr. Free. Lots of Portuguese came over to the islands and then 
 immediately, or as soon as they could get the finances, came into 
 California, and we have a very large Portuguese population. 
 
 The Chairman. How large a population ? 
 
 Mr. Free. And nearly all of them came through the Hawaiian 
 Islands. 
 
 The Chairman. How large a population ? 
 
 Mr. Free. I could not give you the figures, but in my own county I 
 suppose we have 15,000 or 20,000. 
 
 The Chairman. Are they desirable citizens of California ? 
 
 Mr. Free. They are pretty good. They are hard workers, and if 
 they get past the point of poverty where they have to steal they are 
 good citizens. 
 
 Mr. Chilling WORTH. I may add that during the last six, seven, or 
 eight months requests have come to Hawaii, from the Portuguese who 
 left the Territory and went to California, for assistance in having 
 them returned to Hawaii. The Portuguese societies in Hawaii sent 
 an agent or a representative to California to inquire into the matter 
 and do what he could in having these people returned to our country. 
 
 The Chairman. The Portuguese arriving in Hawaii came there 
 under the act of 1904? 
 
 Mr. Chilling WORTH. 1905. 
 
 The Chairman. Is that act still in existence ? 
 
 Mr. Chilling WORTH. I think that at the last session, or at the 
 session before the last, it was amended to a certain extent. 
 
 The Chairman. Is there still a tax raised for immigration pur- 
 poses in the islands ? 
 
 Mr. Chilling WORTH. We can do it. 
 
 The Chairman. And you do it now ? 
 
 Mr. Chillingworth. We can, right now. 
 
 The Chairman. Have the Portuguese continued to come during the 
 past year or so ? 
 
 Mr. Chillingworth. From where ? 
 
 The Chairman. From Portugal. 
 
 Mr. Chillingworth. No; we are barred. 
 
 The Chairman. Barred under the literacy test ? 
 
 Mr. Chillingworth. Yes; and on the question of assisted immigra- 
 tion. 
 
 The Chairman. And you were barred by war conditions also ? 
 
 Mr. Chillingworth. During the war it would -have been almost 
 impossible to obtain transportation facilities, and the literacy test 
 and your provision against assisting immigrants block us now. 
 
 The Chairman. Have these Portuguese been leaving Hawaii and 
 going to California up to the present time ? 
 
 Mr. Chillingworth. Some Portuguese came over on the steamer 
 with Mr. Dillingham and myself, and Mr. Weeber, and Mr. Horner 
 
 56754— 21— SER 7, PT 1 15 
 
434 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 The Chairman. Did they leave the islands on account of the 
 money gotten through the bonus ? 
 
 Mr. Chillingworth. They were traveling first class, these I 
 have reference to, and there were also a number of Filipinos who 
 were traveling first class. 
 
 Mr. Raker. How is that? Can they leave the Hawaiian Islands 
 and come to the mainland if they can not pass the literacy test ? 
 
 Mr. CiriLLiNGWORTH. Yes; there is nothing to stop them. There 
 is one point I would like to bring out in so far as the rice industry 
 is concerned. Under the provisions of the Japanese agreement, 
 where an industry requires the services of men specialized in that 
 particular line, they can bring in even Japanese, and during the 
 last seven months something like 37 Japanese were brought in by 
 the Tuna Packing Co., as fishermen. Now, that does not apply to 
 Chinese under your exclusion act. For instance, the rice industry 
 can not say, ^'The only men we can use in the rice industry are 
 Chinese," and then get them brought into the country in the same 
 way that Japanese can be brought in. 
 
 The Chairman. The Japanese fishermen were brought to Hawaii 
 or California. 
 
 Mr. Chillingworth. To Hawaii. 
 
 The Chairman. What was Mr. Raker's question about the Por- 
 tugese going from Hawaii to the United States ? 
 
 Mr. Chillingworth. I answered that. 
 
 The Chairman. I want to get his question again. 
 
 Mr. Chillingworth. The answer is that they can come to the 
 United States because they did not have to pass the literacy test 
 when they came to Hawaii. 
 
 Mr. Raker. But my question was whether they could come to 
 the United States without passing that test. 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. They can come out of Hawaii and go to the 
 United States because they did not have to pass the literacy test 
 when they came to Hawaii. 
 
 Mr. Mead. There was no literacy test when they were admitted 
 to Hawaii. 
 
 The Chairman. The idea being that once having been admitted 
 they can move to any other part of the United States. 
 
 Mr. Free. When they are once in Hawaii, where there is no 
 literacy test, then all they have to do is to continue over to the 
 mainland, and that is what they do. There are thousands of them 
 in California who could not pass any literacy test. 
 
 Mr. Raker. If they were admitted to Hawaii without complying 
 with the literacy test then, after being in Hawaii, they could come 
 to the mainland whether they were able to pass the literacy test or 
 not. 
 
 Mr. Free. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Sabath. But they can not get in now, can they 1 
 
 Mr. Chillingworth. My answer is that if you are going to have us 
 relieved — and I hope you are — that you pass some special legislation 
 which affects not only the islands of Hawaii but the other Territory, 
 Alaska; that the legislation cover the two Territories. 
 ^ Mr. Sabath. But as it now stands they were admitted to Hawaii 
 without passing the literacy test? In other words, they could not 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 435 
 
 pass the literacy test when they were admitted to Hawaii, but after 
 having come to Hawaii they can now come to the mainland? 
 
 Mr. Chilling WORTH. Not under the theory on which I am working. 
 
 Mr. Sabath. I say, as it stands now ? 
 
 Mr. Chilling WORTH. Yes. 
 
 The Chairman. You heard Mr. Raker's suggestion yesterday in 
 regard to a possible separate immigration act for Hawaii. 
 
 Mr. Chilling WORTH. That is my idea, exactly. 
 
 The Chairman. That would be a territorial act, and by the very 
 nature of things should include Alaska. Now, then, as a lawyer, 
 have you given any thought as to whether it would be within our 
 constitutional rights to grant that sort of legislation. 
 
 Mr. Chillingworth. I do not see why you would not be within 
 your rights as long as you are not discriminating against one Territory, 
 although I am not attem^pting to pass upon it. 
 
 The Chairman. The natural thought would be that inasmuch as 
 the United States proper, continental United States, has passed acts 
 which left Alaska out and Hawaii out, in regard to roads, and things 
 of that kind, that such legislation might be properly passed. 
 
 Mr. Chillingworth. That is my idea, exactly. We are building^ 
 our roads of reinforced concrete, according to military specifications, 
 at tremendous cost; we are spending millions down there in that work 
 and helping the military authorities by having good roads which they 
 may use in case of any trouble. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Let me get this clearly in my mind. At the present 
 time an immigrant can not come to Hawaii w^ho can not pass the 
 literacy test? 
 
 Mr. Chillingworth. No, sir. 
 
 Mr. Raker. But having once landed on the islands, those who are 
 there, whether they are illiterate or not, may come to the mainland 
 
 Mr. Chillingworth. Yes, sir; under the law as it now stands. 
 
 Mr. Raker. So that if the provision requiring a literacy test were 
 raised or an exception made as far as Hawaii is concerned, then there 
 would have to be a law which would in some way prohibit them from 
 coming to the mainland ? 
 
 Mr. Chillingworth. That is exactly my point. 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. That is the arrangement now in regard to the 
 Japanese. The Japanese in Hawaii are not permitted to come to the 
 mainland. 
 
 The Chairman. Is that the law, or is it a regulation ? 
 
 Mr. Weeber. It is a regulation made by the President under the 
 immigration law of 1907. 
 
 Mr. Free. Is that a part of the '^ gentleman's agreement" ? 
 ' Mr. Weeber. No. 
 
 Mr. Free. Or is that some other understanding the President has 
 with Japan ? 
 
 Mr. Weeber. No; I do not believe it is an understanding he has . 
 with Japan at all. The immigration law of 1907 contains a provision </ 
 that the President may, by regulation, prohibit the emigration of 
 Japanese laborers from Hawaii to the mainland, and he has used 
 that power and prohibited it. 
 
 Mr. Free. When did he promulgate that regulation ? '*" 
 
436 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII 
 
 Mr. Weeber. Do you remember the date of that proclamation, 
 Mr. Mead ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. I do not know the date, but it is based on that provision 
 of the law which says that whenever the President finds that people 
 of foreign countries are using their passports which entitle them to go 
 to the insular possessions for the purpose of going to continental 
 United States, that he may by proclamation prohibit such immigra- 
 tion, and he has done so by proclamation. 
 
 Mr. Free. May that proclamation be inserted in the record? 
 
 Mr. Weeber. It has been inserted in the record. 
 
 Mr. Sabath. How long ago was that ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. That proclamation, I think, was issued in 1913, if I am 
 not mistaken. 
 
 Mr. Raker. When a Japanese is in Hawaii and takes a boat to 
 the mainland, to San Francisco, for instance, and he did not require 
 any passport or anything to go to Hawaii, and he lands at Angel 
 Island, Calif., to be admitted, is he excluded ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. If his passport reads to Hawaii ? 
 
 Mr. Raker. I am not speaking of a passport. 
 
 Mr. Mead. Then he can not do it, that is all. 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. He has to show his passport. 
 
 Mr. Raker. He can not leave Hawaii without a passport ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. That is right. 
 
 Mr. Raker. No matter how long he has been there ? 
 
 Mr. Chilling WORTH. That is right. 
 
 The Chairman. Unless he were born there ? 
 
 Mr. CiiiLLiNGWORTH. I am speaking about aliens. If he were born 
 there he would not need a passport. 
 
 Mr. Raker. So that none of the Japanese who have landed in 
 Hawaii since. 1907 
 
 Mr. Chillingworth (interposing). 1913. 
 
 Mr. Raker (continuing). Have gone from Hawaii to the main- 
 land? 
 
 Mr. Chillingworth. Not that I know of; I do not believe any 
 have except, perhaps, students, who have come through to Hawaii 
 and who have finally gotten their papers there so that they could get 
 in; otherwise I do not know of any. 
 
 Mr. Rawlins. There was an exception during the war, when an 
 act was passed providing that any man, irrespective of his nationality, 
 who served under the colors of this country, should be entitled to 
 naturalization, and under that a lot of Japanese have come over 
 since they got their certificates of naturalization. They went into 
 California. They were extended the right to go to California and 
 they were not stopped or detained because they had these naturaliza- 
 tion certificates. 
 
 Mr. Raker. I understand that, but what law or regulation is in 
 force relative to the Japanese who have come to the islands since 
 1913 leaving Hawaii and going to the mainland? 
 
 Mr. Chillingworth. Before any alien can leave the Territory he 
 must first go to the immigration station in Honolulu and get a permit; 
 he must have his papers vised by his consul, and if he does not get 
 his permit they will not sell him a ticket; they will not allow him to 
 travel. I may say that, before this visit, 1 had not been in the 
 United States for 14 years, the last time I was in the United States 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 437 
 
 being in 1907 ; and when we arrived at San Francisco I was very much 
 surprised at the fact that we were required to fill out an immigration 
 blank before we could land, and were examined as to our citizenship. 
 
 Mr. Raker. So that if that has been in force by regulation your 
 view is that there would be no international difficulty and no diffi- 
 culty as far as the Constitution of this country is concerned in making 
 it apply generally to those who from now on immigrate to Hawaii ? 
 
 Mr. Chilling WORTH. I do not see any reason why it can not be 
 done through the passage of a relief measure which will permit us to 
 bring immigrants into Hawaii without reference to the literacy test 
 and which will permit us to assist them through our government or 
 through a board of commissioners. You have done it in the case of 
 the Japanese and others, and I do not see why you can not do it now. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Could you tell us approximately the number that 
 were assisted and brought to Hawaii within the last 15 years from 
 Porto Rico, Russia, Portugal, and Spain that were illiterate ? 
 
 Mr. Chillingworth. I could not answer that, and I do not know 
 whether Mr. Mead can. 
 
 Mr. Mead. There was no literacy test, and therefore there were no 
 records kept as to whether they were literate or illiterate. 
 
 Mr. Chillingworth. Mr. Rawlins just informs me that the last 
 shipment of Portuguese from Portugal showed that 87 per cent of 
 those who were brought in over 14 years of age were illiterate. 
 
 The Chairman. That was in the old days, prior to our immigra- 
 tion act, and under your assisting labor act. 
 
 Mr. Chillingworth. Yes. 
 
 The Chairman. You are inclined to believe that the protests of 
 organized labor in Honolulu are made either without a full compre- 
 hension of the situation in all the islands or that they are not the pro- 
 tests of all laborers? 
 
 Mr. Chillingworth. I know quite a number of those who are 
 directly taking an active part in the leadership of the different unions 
 in the islands, and I think the protests are made because of a lack of 
 information. Mr. Wright, who is the president of the federation or 
 council there, is a very intelligent man, but as far as I know the 
 statement he made to the commission on the Saturday night prior 
 to the Wednesday morning we left Hawaii was confined to Oahu. 
 
 For instance, he made the statement that while he admitted a 
 shortage on Oahu, and that the shortage there was due to the strike, 
 he did not admit that that was true on the other islands, but the fact 
 is that the other islands were in the same condition during the strike, 
 and that during the strike every other line of business was demor- 
 alized; it did not only apply to American institutions, but it extended 
 to Japanese growers; they were in as bad condition as we were, be- 
 cause the strikers would not even work for the Japanese, so as to 
 prevent those men from going to work on the plantations. 
 
 Mr. Raker. In that connection, suppose you commenced to bring 
 various people to the Hawaiian Islands to labor on the plantations — 
 the sugar plantations, the pineapple plantations, or otherwise — in 
 order to fill up what you present as the shortage, and that the Japanese 
 who are now working on the plantations should quit work, you would 
 then have to fill their places with more imported laborers ? 
 
 Mr. Chillingworth. That, of course, is not very desirable, and we 
 do not want them to come in one lump on account of the expense 
 
438 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAH. 
 
 attached to it, but I do not think there is any danger. If we go back 
 with some rehef , if we go back there and show the people, all the 
 people, that the Committee on Immigration and the Congress of the 
 United States have given us relief and have recognized our right to 
 some relief, I do not think we would have any trouble. 
 
 Mr. Raker. What do you mean by that ? What is the real thing 
 underneath that leads you to give us that idea ? 
 
 Mr. Chillingworth. As has been explained to you, and the other 
 members of this committee, we are short of labor; we depend for the 
 greater part of our labor on the Japanese population, and unless we 
 get relief we have to look to them absolutely for help in the carrying 
 on of our work. Now, it is a mere matter of psychology to figure out. 
 Put yourself in their place. 
 
 The Chairman. That is to say, they can strike whenever they 
 please ? 
 
 Mr. Chillingworth. They can dictate terms, and we do not want 
 to be put in that situation. I am giving them credit for the ordinary 
 intelligence that a man is supposed to be credited with, and if I were 
 in their place what would I do ? That is the situation and that is 
 what I am looking at. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Would not that apply to any people who might be 
 working there ? 
 
 Mr. Chillingworth. Of one nationality controlling ? 
 
 Mr. Raker. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Chillingworth. That is true, and that is just the point. 
 
 The Chairman. Except that here is a race of people who are not 
 admissible to citizenship. 
 
 Mr. Chillingworth. And do not assimilate. 
 
 The Chairman. Yes; and who do not assimilate. 
 
 Mr. Chillingworth. Perhaps it is particularly our fault that we 
 do not give them a chance to assimilate. 
 
 The Chairman. And they are easily controlled by influences from 
 their own home government. 
 
 Mr. Chillingworth. Yes. 
 jj^Mr. Raker. You said you did not give them a chance and you dc 
 • )T-opose to give them a chance, to assimilate so far as the inter- 
 their ini ^^ ^^^ races is concerned, do you ? You do not approve oi 
 
 Mr. Ci^?^r^yi°g • T ^ . .K . * T A 
 
 not take th ^^^^rth. I do not even mean that far; I mean we dc 
 
 Mr Rafe^ T^ ^^^ clubs. 
 
 * /. * ./^^9.n you are even going further. You do not pro- 
 Hf^™ ^^ ^'^ s^? ^merican population is concerned, to favor the 
 
 uTo^rf^" °^ ^^'^ ''^anese with white people ? i 
 
 marrying *^''™' '^^H' **^« ^"""^ ^^ t^^* *^^y ^""^ """^ i"*'''"- 
 
 =t„T!j^^^<.'^^'^*lt^' ^ ^\^^\ 'lat is all. The Committee has heard youi 
 statements with much mtei.^t, Mr. Chilhngworth. 
 
 ADDITIONS STATEMENT of ME. WALTEE F. DIILINGHAM. 
 
 c^^"";^^^"^^™"*-"? • i'^ould ^h to make a short statement and pu 
 ITJ }TTf^ '""^ tlie record, i^ the last two or three days I hav< 
 JhtT^ t\T'1^ telegrams, jablegrams, and radios from Hawaii 
 which I would like to have put i:^ the record. 
 
LABOK PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 439 
 
 (The telegrams, cablegrams, and radios referred to follow :) 
 
 Honolulu, 121 1/71, 
 Walter Dillingham, 
 
 New Willard Hotel, Washington, D» C: 
 
 Congressmen who disapprove of our present condition should remember that the 
 responsibility for it is shared by Congress, The original Hawaiian immigration policy 
 was dependent on maintaining balance of numbers. Accordingly we stopped the 
 immigration of Japanese in 1897. Annexation reopened it and Congress did nothing 
 until the gentlemen's agreement. It was during this period that the preponderance 
 of this nationality came to Hawaii. We ought now to send back every Japanese who 
 does not propose to make Hawaii his home and his children American citizens. Intro- 
 ducing Chinese will help accomplish this and insure our future. This project far 
 more important than rehabilitation, 
 
 George R. Carter, Former Governor. 
 
 Honolulu, June 25, 1921. 
 Retlaw, Willard, Washington, D. C: 
 
 Largely attended special meeting chamber unanimously indorse joint resolution 
 authorize Secretary of Labor permit importation alien labor for agricultural and 
 domestic work in Hawaii, , 
 
 Commerce, 
 
 Honolulu, June 29, 1921^ 
 Retlaw, Willard, Washington: 
 
 Maui Chamber of Commerce unanimously adopted following resolution on June 27: 
 "Besolved, That the Maui Chamber of Commerce, a nonpolitical organization having 
 at heart the continued American control of Hawaii's chief agricultural industries, 
 strongly urges upon Congress and indorses the passage of joint resolution introduced 
 in the United States Senate under date of June 20, 1921, permitting importation into 
 the Territory of Hawaii for limited periods of time sufficient agricultural labor to 
 relieve the present local labor shortage." 
 
 Case, Secretary. 
 
 Honolulu, June 25, 1921. 
 Retlaw, Willard, Washington, D. C. 
 
 Rotary Club unanimously indorses labor resolution. 
 
 Stuart Johnson, President. 
 
 Honolulu, June 24, 1921. 
 Retlaw, Willard, Washington, D. C. 
 
 Commercial Club of Honolulu indorses labor resolution. 
 
 L. H. Underwood, Vice President, 
 
 . Honolulu, /une ^5, i9^^. 
 Retlaw, Willard, Washington, D, C. 
 
 Honolulu Press Club unanimously indorses joint resolution vitally important. 
 
 Honolulu, June 25, 1921. 
 Retlaw, Willard, Washington. 
 
 Kaneohe Rice Mill Co, indorses joint resolution. 
 
 Haneberg. 
 
 Honolulu, June 25, 1921. 
 Retlaw, Willard, Washington, D. (?,; 
 
 Honolulu Automobile Club unanim^ously indorses resolution. 
 
 Warren, President. 
 
440 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. ' 
 
 Honolulu, June 25, 1921. 
 Retlaw, Willard, Washington, D. C: 
 
 Outdoor circle unanimously indorses labor resolution. 
 
 Campbell. 
 
 This is a civic organization composed of the women of Honolulu. 
 
 Honolulu, June 26, 1921. 
 Retlaw, Willard, Washington, I). C: 
 Housewives League of Hawaii heartily and unanimously indorse joint resolution. 
 
 Cecilie Knudsen, Secretary, 
 
 That is a society of women in Honolulu who are organized to 
 assist in bringing down the high cost of living. 
 
 Honolulu, June 30, 1921. 
 Retlaw, Willard, Washington, D. C: 
 
 Labor resolution heartily indorsed by Hawaiian Islands Hotel and Restaurant 
 Associations. 
 
 A. J. Pederson, President. 
 
 Honolulu, June 26, 1921, 
 Dillingham, • 
 
 New Willard, Washington, D. C. 
 
 Medical society, Hawaii, indorses labor resolution. 
 
 (Note. — "Retlaw" is a code word meaning ''Walter Dillingham," used as an 
 address to save cable tolls.) 
 
 Putnam. 
 
 Mr. Kleczka. Do I understand that these organizations would ' 
 not indorse any other legislative plan but this one ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. I do not think you would be justified in that con- 
 clusion. As far as the people in Hawaii go, they know of one resolu- 
 tion which is before Congress to-day, and approve of that resolution. 
 
 Mr. Kleczka. But any other resolution that solved the difficulties 
 would meet with their approval ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. The people there want the problem solved. 
 
 Mr. Kleczka. And they are not particularly bent on seeing the 
 adoption of this resolution permitting the admission of Chinese 
 solely — that is what I had in mind ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. I think the people of Hawaii have come to a 
 very definite conclusion about the matter and believe that the only 
 way to solve our problem is by admitting some Chinese into the 
 country, and that conclusion is formed from their knowledge of the 
 local conditions. Whether or not that is the only way to settle it, 
 I do not know. 
 
 The Chairman. I have wondered whether the people realized that 
 they are asking a good deal in coming to Congress with one short 
 resolution which, if enacted knocks down three big laws that have 
 been tried and made effective. 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. Mr. Johnson, when any individual or group of 
 individuals are in a death struggle they want relief, and whether it 
 requires the knocking down of three laws or three men or 300 laws 
 is not the point with them. It is a question of getting relief. 
 
 Mr. Kleczka. But they ought to take into consideration the fact 
 that they are doing that, ought they not ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. I think the people on the islands are fairly intelli- 
 gent; at least, they are so rated; and I think they realize that it is 
 going to require a very strong stand on the part of intelligent men to 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 441 
 
 bring about this relief, because for 23 years we have been denied relief 
 from a situation which has been pointed out in official and other 
 reports by various branches of the Federal Government and also by 
 the local government and local interests. So they are aware of the 
 fact that it is not an easy solution for which they are asking. 
 
 This commission believed that it would be possible to present to 
 this committee the labor situation in Hawaii without submitting cer- 
 tain facts relating to national issues. As a result of the telegram from 
 Mr. George W. Wright, president of the Honolulu Central Labor 
 Union, dated June 26, 1921, presented by Mr. Edgar C. Wallace, of 
 the American Federation of Labor, which raises a question as to 
 whether or not there is a national issue at the bottom of the trouble in 
 Hawaii, we feel in duty bound to submit evidence to refute the state- 
 ments made in that telegram. 
 
 We also feel obligated to show that not only have we not misstated 
 facts, but that we have conclusive evidence to prove that a national 
 issue does exist. Moreover, we wish particularly to emphasize to this 
 committee that that issue is of immediate and far-reaching importance 
 to the United States and not merely to the Territory of Hawaii. 
 
 The cablegram from Mr. Wright, presented to your committee on 
 June 27 by Mr. Wallace, contains seven separate misstatements of 
 fact, which we list as follows : 
 
 First. That Hawaii's Emergency Labor Commission is misrepre- 
 senting conditions. 
 
 Second. That there is no actual labor shortage in the Territory. 
 
 Third. That men were driven from the plantations by intolerable 
 conditions. 
 
 Fourth. That no labor organization has indorsed the plan under 
 consideration. 
 
 Fifth. That the planters are intentionally limiting production and 
 planning an artificial unemployment campaign. 
 
 Sixth. That the charge of a Japanese conspiracy to control the 
 industries of the Territory is a ridiculous falsehood. 
 
 Seventh. That the Japanese are striving for American ideals and 
 standards and that there are no national issues involved. 
 
 The truth of each and all of these seven statements is absolutely 
 denied by this commission. Of these seven statements, Mr. Horner 
 has already answered the misrepresentation of conditions, the exist- 
 ence of an actual labor shortage, and the conspiracy on the part of the 
 planters to develop an artificial shortage and to limit production. 
 
 The statement that this resolution has not been indorsed by any 
 labor organization has already been disproven by the two formal 
 indorsements introduced in testimony on June 24. To these indorse- 
 ments we now add a cablegram from the president of the Honolulu 
 Chamber of Commerce to the effect that the indorsement of the 
 Marine Engineers' Benefit Association, an organization affiliated with 
 the American Federation of Labor, was mailed to this commission on 
 June 22. That message reads as follows: 
 
 Honolulu, June 25, 1921. 
 Retlaw, Willard, Washington, D. C. 
 
 Indorsement Marine Engineers' Benefit Association mailed 22d. Membership 80. 
 
 Oral. 
 
442 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 It was this same organization, the Marine Engineers' Benefit Asso- 
 ciation, which protested against permitting the Japanese Federation 
 of Labor to become affiliated with the American Federation of Labor. 
 
 Labor conditions in Hawaii have continuously improved from 1915 
 as to quarters, wages, and welfare work. We have already cited 
 quotations from a report of the Department of Labor on ^' Labor 
 Conditions in Hawaii," made in 1915, showing that the general con- 
 ditions for agricultural labor in Hawaii were far in advance of those 
 in any other tropical country in the world and compared favorably 
 with conditions on the mainland of the United States. Plantations 
 have provided athletic fields, hospitals of the most modern type, 
 welfare workers on practically every plantation, and sanitary officers, 
 Territorial and private; and, while the conditions vary somewhat on 
 different plantations, there is no difference so far as the shortage of 
 labor goes which would indicate that the reason for the absence of 
 adequate labor is the lack of proper treatment and accommodations. 
 
 Concerning this statement we beg to quote from a report of the 
 director of the bureau of labor of the Philippine Islands to the presi- 
 dent of the National Labor Protective Association of the Philippine 
 Islands, dated September 10, 1920. After reciting the advanatges of 
 employment in Hawaii, as compared with those in the Philippines, 
 he says: 
 
 PeriodicaUy about 500 or more a year of Filipino laborers from Hawaii return to 
 these islands. This constitutes the best propaganda for the immigration to Hawaii, 
 as these laborers on leaving the Philippines were ill-dressed, but upon their return 
 they are decently dressed and have a standard of living much higher than the laborers 
 who stayed in this country. These of course attract their friends. But this is not 
 enough; the money orders which the Filipino laborers of Hawaii are sending periodi- 
 cally to their families here constitute a most effective propaganda of the recruiting 
 agents, because with that money earned in foreign land not only the condition of the 
 families of the immigrants is improved but they also become owners of parcels of land 
 and comfortable houses like those now existing in Siquijor, Cebu and the Ilocos 
 country. 
 
 The commissioner of labor also stated that — 
 
 the measures taken by this office (the Bureau of Labor at Manila) to counteract the 
 exodus of laborers to Hawaii is the same campaign of insular intermigration, but the 
 result is not as satisfactory as it should be in view of the good and material advan- 
 tages which Filipino agricultin-al laborers could get by working in the plantations of 
 Hawaii in comparison with the conditions he could secure in the Philippines. 
 
 This commsission has called attention to the racial solidarity of the 
 Japanese people in Hawaii, but no charge of conspiracy has been 
 made by us. We ask your committee, however, to decide, from the 
 evidence presented before it, whether or not there are nationalistic 
 issues involved and whether or not there is any idea or effort on the 
 part of the Japanese to control all activities in Hawaii. 
 
 Whether or not this country, with safety to itself, can permit a con- 
 dition to continue that is moving toward the Japanese domination 
 and possession of the Territory of Hawaii is for you to decide. We 
 have controlled the interests of Hawaii for America for 100 years. 
 Our hands are tied to-day by imimigration laws which prevent us 
 from going any further. We have done and are doing our utmost, 
 but we can not meet the situation that now confronts us without 
 your assistance. 
 
 Keference has been made in the hearings to the effort which the 
 people of Hawaii have made to control the publication of Japanese 
 
LABOR PBOBLEMS IN HAWAII. 443 
 
 newspapers. The reason for this was that articles from these Japa- 
 nese papers have been called to the attention of the authorities in 
 Hawaii and show conclusively that there is not only a failure to 
 back up the principles and ideals of America in Hawaii but that 
 there is a distinct effort to wean away and controvert the efforts 
 made to bring the children of the Japanese under the spirit and 
 influence and up to the ideals of American citizenship. With that 
 in view, the head of the American Legion in Hawaii, Major Butler, 
 introduced in the legislature a bill for the control of the alien language 
 press of the islands. After a good deal of discussion, a bill was 
 finally passed looking to the control of this very important educa- 
 tional feature. 
 
 The gentleman who signed the telegram to which I have just 
 referred; Mr. George W. Wright, is the editor of the Labor Review 
 of Hawaii. On the front page of the issue of this paper, dated 
 April 26, we have this comment on this attempt to control the Jap- 
 anese press of the islands, ^^ Press gag bill to become law." In the 
 editorial column, on page 3, of the same issue, is this editorial: 
 
 it is difficult to conceive of anything more reactionary and undemocratic than the 
 press gag bill which was brought into being by the senate of the Territory. The father 
 of this illegitimate m.onstrosity can be surmised from the striking family resemblance 
 which it bears to the other offspring of the Hawaiian Sugar Planters'. Association. 
 It is to be deplored for the sake of the honorable members of the American Legion 
 who were true to the traditions and the ideals of Americanism that certain of its 
 officer s should ha\e tried to involve the legion in this disgraceful proceeding. 
 
 Mr. Eaker. Have you a copy of that bill ? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. I have one downstairs. 
 
 Mr. Raker. May it go in the record ? 
 
 The Chairman. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Raker. You made a statement in regard to newspaper articles 
 .that demonstrated a certain condition. Have you copies of those 
 articles ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. No; I have not those copies. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Are they procurable ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. They are available. As stated the other day to 
 this committee, they are in the hands of Government officials who 
 will turn them over to this committee. 
 
 Mr. Kleczka. Y\fh.o issues this Labor Review? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. It says, ''Published weekly under the auspices 
 of the Honolulu Central Labor Council at the offices of the New 
 Freedom, 15-19 Pauahi Street, Honolulu." 
 
 Mr. Box. What is the New Freedom? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. The New Freedom is the only Democratic pub- 
 lication we have in Hawaii. 
 
 Mr. Box. Is that the name of a paper? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. Yes. On page 3, at the head of the editorial 
 column, is carried this expression: 
 
 The Labor Review of Hawaii. 
 
 Editorial committee: Wright, Baker, Wilson. 
 
 The Chairman. Are you able to determine from a reading of the 
 various issues of this newspaper whether the publisher of the paper 
 is pro-Japanese or anti-Japanese ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. Mr. Chairman, I do not wish to offer an opinion 
 on that, but I do offer the telegram from Mr. Wright, the editor of 
 
444 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAH. 
 
 this paper. There is one other editorial, which appeared in the issue 
 of May 3, which reads as follows: 
 
 On the second pao:e of this issue we print the roll call on the press bill, which, to 
 our minds, forms the test by which we will judge our friends and foes. The issue was 
 clean cut and unmistakable, and there is no excuse in the future for the ones who say 
 they "didn't know it was loaded." For ourselves we do not care a rap about such 
 laws as that; we will continue to sjjeak out in meetins; as the spirit moves us, and 
 whenever we have anything that needs to be said. But we are sorry for the poor 
 fish that voted for this bill, and for some of the archconspirators in whose distorted 
 and vindictive minds the thing was hatched. It will be blazoned across the face of 
 the earth as the "shame of Hawaii" and those who participated in the frameup will 
 find that their names will be kept fresh upon the tablets of memory, over against 
 the time when another election day rolls around. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Just what was the purpose of the bill to which he 
 was opposed ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. I will ask Mr. Irwin to explain the bill because 
 he is more familiar with it than I am. 
 
 The Chairman. It was a bill aimed at the foreign-language news- 
 papers. 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Irwin. It is a rather long and involved bill and I would 
 prefer to have the bill before attempting to explain it. It is not now 
 immediately available because it was borrowed by the Department 
 of the Interior a couple of days ago. In a few words, the first section 
 of the act prohibits publication of certain kinds of things, things 
 which tend to incite racial illfeeling, things which tend to incite 
 sabotage, and things of that kind. That is the first section. The 
 second section provides that every foreign-language newspaper 
 published in Hawaii shall file with the Attorney General a copy of 
 his paper upon publication. The next section provides that if the 
 newspaper publisher fails to do that he may be punished criminally. 
 The next section provides that books printed in a foreign language, 
 other than newspapers and periodicals of that kind, must be inter* 
 preted and filed with the Attorney General's Department. 
 
 Mr. Kleczka. What do you mean by 'interpreted" — translated? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. Yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Eleczka. And the same applies to newspapers ? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. No. But the duty is laid upon the Attorney General 
 to examine the newspapers, the editorial matter, and all that kind 
 of thing, in order to find out whether the first section of the act has 
 been violated by the publication of prohibited matter. The next 
 section provides that if any one of these newspapers is convicted of 
 publishing prohibited matter that thereafter the newspaper shall 
 then be compelled to file with the Attorney General a translated 
 copy of the paper. Those, in brief, are the terms of the act. I will 
 get a copy of the act and file it with the committee. 
 
 Mr. Kleczka. The purpose of it was to prevent the spread of 
 sedition, sabotage, and anarchy? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. Yes. 
 
 The Chairman. Particularly in the foreign-language newspapers ? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Does the bill describe sabotage and all the various 
 things that are prohibited ? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. Not in any great particularity. 
 
 Mr. Raker. That is left to the Attorney General ? 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 445 
 
 Mr. Irwin. To some extent, yes; and to the courts finally. 
 
 Mr. Raker. A man can print anything he wants to print without 
 filing a translation. If he is convicted, then he has to print the 
 paper and file a translation with the Attorney General ? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. Yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Raker. After he is convicted and files his translation, then 
 what do you do with him ? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. Punish him. The first offense is punishable by a term 
 of imprisonment of six months and a fine of $500, as I now recall it, 
 and the second offense, and all offenses thereafter, call for an im- 
 prisonment of one year and a fine of $1,000. I ain speaking from 
 memory now, but I think that is a fairly accurate statement. 
 
 The Chairman. I think that covers it, and we will have the bill 
 introduced in the record. 
 
 (The bill referred to is as follows :) 
 
 [Act 216 (S. B. No. ni).] |«-Vii 
 
 AN ACT To prohibit the publication, circulation, or distribution of articles or matter of a nature con- 
 trary to the public welfare, and to provide regulations and penalties. 
 
 Be it enacted by the Legislature of the Territory of Hawaii: Section 1. Any person 
 who shall print, publish, sell, distribute, or circulate, in the Territory of Hawaii any 
 written or printed article or matter, in any form or language, which shall advocate or 
 incite or be intended to advocate or incite the commission of any act of violence, such 
 as sabotage, incendiarism, sedition, anarchy, rioting, or breach of the peace, or which 
 shall directly or indirectly advocate or incite or be intended to advocate or incite the 
 use or exercise of force, fear, intimidation, threats, ostracism, or blackmail, for the 
 purpose of restraining or coercing or intimidating any person from freely engaging in 
 lawful business or employment or the enjoyment of rights of liberty or property, or 
 which by deliberate misrepresentation shall be designed and intended to create or 
 have the effect of creating distrust or dissension between peoples of different races or 
 between citizens and aliens, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor and upon the first 
 conviction shall be punished by a fine of not more than one thousand dollars 
 (11,000.00) or imprisoned not more than one year, and upon a second conviction for 
 again violating this section within five years of the first conviction shall be punished 
 by a fine of not more than five thousand dollars (15.000.00) or by imprisonment of 
 not more than one year, or by both such fine and imprisonment. 
 
 Sec, 2, Any person or persons who shall publish in a foreign language any news 
 paper, or prints of like nature for the dissemination of news or information, shall file 
 a full and true copy of each and every such newspaper or print in the office of the 
 attorney general of the Territory forthwith upon the publication thereof. 
 
 Sec 3. Whenever any person shall print, issue, or publish in a foreign languagein 
 the Territory of Hawaii any books, paper, pamphlet, bulletin, circular, hand bill, 
 dodger, or other form of written or printed matter or article not included in section 2 
 of this act, which shall relate or refer to the Government or any law of the United 
 States or of the Territory of Hawaii, or any political subdivision thereof, or to any 
 principle of government, or the administration of law, or rights of persons or property, 
 or to any racial, industrial, or class question or conditions, or to any of the matters 
 mentioned in section 1 of this act, such person shall in each case include therein a 
 statement of the name or names and places of residence or business of the author or 
 authors thereof, and of the publisher or publishers of the same, and shall also file a full 
 and true copy thereof in the office of the attorney general of the territory, a true and 
 correct English translation thereof, under the oath of its author or publisher. 
 
 Sec. 4. If any person shall be convicted of publishing or circulating any article or 
 matter of a nature contrary to any provisions of section 1 of this act, and such person 
 shall thereafter publish or circulate in the manner described in section 2 of this act, 
 any article or matter in any foreign language which shall relate or refer to the Govern- 
 ment or any law of the United States or of the Territory of Hawaii or any political 
 subdivision thereof, or to any prinqiple of government, or the administration of law, 
 or the rights of persons or property, or to any racial, industrial or class question or 
 conditions, or to any of the matters mentioned in section 1 of this act, he shall file 
 with each such article a true and correct English translation thereof, under oath. 
 
446 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 Sec. 5. Any person required under either section 3 or section 4 of this act to file a 
 true and sworn English translation of any article or matter published in a foreign 
 language, who shall knowingly file a false or incorrect translation of such article or 
 matter, or any person who knowing that the translation made by him of such article 
 or matter is to be so filed, shall knowingly make a false or incorrect translation of such 
 article or matter for the purpose of the same being so fded, shall be guilty of perjury 
 and be published as by law provided in the case of perjury. 
 
 Sec. 6. It shall be the duty of the attorney general of the territory to examine the 
 matter so required to be filed in his office to such extent as to him shall seem reason- 
 ably necessary or advisable to determine the nature or effect thereof, and to prosecute 
 all offenses under this act which shall come or be brought to his attenjiion, and any 
 such offenses may also be prosecuted by any county or city and county attorney. 
 
 Sec. 7, It shall not be necessary for matter filed in the office of the attorney general 
 under this act to be preserved for more than one year, and the attorney general may 
 thereafter at any time in his discretion destroy or otherwise dispose of the same. 
 
 Sec. 8. All matters filed in the office of the attorney general under either of sections 
 2, 3, or 4 of this act shall be open for public inspection. 
 
 Sec. 9. Any person (other than a corporation) v/ho shall be con\'icted of a viola- 
 tion of any provisions of this act for which a penalty is not otherwise provided in 
 this act shall be punished by a fine of not more than one thousand dollars ($1,000.00), 
 or by imprisomnent for not more than one year or by both such fine and imprison- 
 ment, in the discretion of the court. 
 
 If any provision of this act shall be violated by any corporation, such corporation 
 shall be punished by a fine in a sum not more than double the amount of the fine 
 which could be imposed under the preceding terms of this section upon an individual 
 for a like ^delation. 
 
 Sec. 10. Definitions. — The word "person" as used in this act shall also include any 
 persons, company, association, or corporation or the officers, agents, or employees of 
 such corporation, except where such meaning is expressly excluded. 
 
 Any language other than English and Hawaiian shall be deemed to be a foreign 
 language within the meaning of this act. 
 
 Sec. 11. If any section, sub-section, sentence, clause, or phrase of this act is for 
 any reason held to be invalid or unconstitutional, such decision shall not affect the 
 validity of the remaining portions of the act. 
 
 Sec. 12. This act shall take effect upon its approval. 
 
 Approved this 27th day of April, A. D. 1921. 
 
 C. J. McCarthy, 
 Governor of the Territory of Hawaii 
 
 Mr. Raker. Wliat became of the bill in the Hawaiian Legislature '^ 
 
 Mr. Irwin. It passed the legislature. 
 
 Mr. Raker. And it is now the law ? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Kleczka. But it has not been tested in the courts as yet ? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. No. There is one statement I want to make, if you 
 will allow me, in order to correct a misstatement made yesterday 
 with reference to the Japanese trouble that took place in 1897 or 
 1898. The bare statement was made that to the best of our recol- 
 lection the Japanese were allowed to come in, but they were not; 
 they were sent back. 
 
 The Chairman. That is, those on the ships 1 
 
 Mr. Irwin. Yes. That is found in "A brief history of the Hawaiian 
 people,^' by Alexander. It is a short paragraph, and if the committee 
 desires I will read it. 
 
 The Chairman. Yes; read it into the record. 
 
 Mr. Irwin (reading) : 
 
 During the years 1896 and 1897 certain Japanese emigration companies made strenu- 
 ous efforts to induce large numbers of their countrymen to emigrate to the Hawaiian 
 Islands. Having ascertained that extensive frauds were being practiced on these 
 people, and that the immigration laws were being evaded, the Hawaiian Government 
 caused a strict examination to be made and on the 23d of March, 1897, forbade the 
 landing of several hundred Japanese immigrants. In all about 1,100 immigrants on 
 different occasions were obliged to return to Japan, where this severe action incited 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 447 
 
 intense feelinp;. The Japanese Government sent the cniiser Nonvwa in May with a 
 special commissioner to investigate the matter. After a lengthy correspondence the 
 difiiculty was amicably compromised the next year by the payment of an indemnity 
 of $75,000 to Japan. This was done at the instance of the United States Government 
 to remove a possible hindrance to annexation. 
 
 Mr. Box. From what book are you reading ? 
 Mr. Irwin. From Alexander's History of the Hawaiian People. 
 Mr. Raker. And from what page ? 
 Mr. Irwin. Page 321. 
 
 (Thereupon the committee went into executive session, after which 
 it adjourned.) 
 
 Committee on Immigration and Naturalization, 
 
 House of Representatives, 
 
 Washington, July 7, 1921. 
 
 The committee met at 10.30 o'clock a. m., Hon. Albert Johnson 
 (chairman) presiding. 
 
 The Chairman. The committee would like the Delegate from 
 Hawaii, Mr. Kalanianaole, to make a statement concerning the 
 situation in the islands, in regard to labor. We have left you to 
 the last, and without objection we will call upon you this morning. 
 
 STATEMENT OF HOET. J. KUEIO KALAmAMAOLE, DELEGATE 
 
 m coNaRESs from the territory of ha wait. 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. I have not much to say, Mr. Chairman, 
 unless the committee wishes to ask me questions. The matter has 
 been gone over somewhat thoroughly by the commission. 
 
 The Chairman. You have realized for a long time the Japanese 
 situation in Hawaii; in fact, you were one of the first to see it com- 
 ing on and to predict what has actually happened in the islands, were 
 you not ? 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. That is true. About 10 or 11 years ago 
 I called the attention of the administration to the danger of the 
 political domination of Hawaii by the Japanese. I made my protest 
 to the administration and the administration sent the Secretary of 
 the Interior to investigate the matter. He visited the islands; but 
 was not there very long, and upon his return to Washington, did 
 not make a report. My protest is filed in the Interior Department, 
 a formal protest to the President of the United States. 
 
 Mr. Box. Is there a report made by the Secretary ? 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. No; he never made a report. 
 
 The Chairman. You filed a formal protest 11 years ago? 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. Yes; about 11 years ago, of the conditions 
 in the islands; that is, fear of the domination of the Japanese and, 
 because of that domination, that the citizens of that Territory would 
 in time lose political control of the islands. 
 
 The Chairman. Lose their control? 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. I mean political control. I was fighting 
 from a citizen's point of view. In fact, the statement I made at 
 that time was that, in 10 years, the Japanese who were then going 
 to school provided they exercised their rights as citizens and voted, 
 would control the electorate of the Hawaiian Islands. 
 
448 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 The Chairman. You made that prophecy pubHcly in the islands 
 from time to time ? 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. Yes. And I am glad to hear that those 
 people who criticized me at that time are now realizing that the fight 
 I made then was for their own good and the good of all the people 
 of Hawaii. As stated by the commission, not only are we now in 
 danger politically, but industrially and economically. 
 
 The Chairman. In your opinion, the prominent Japanese in the 
 islands know that this feeling exists not only among your people and 
 themselves, the voters in Hawaii, but among the people in the United 
 States in regard to Hawaii; that is, the Japanese people there must 
 know it ? 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. There is no question about it. 
 
 The Chairman. And it is discussed from time to time in their 
 newspapers ? 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. Whether it was discussed in their newspapers 
 or not I do not know, but the fact remains that not only the citizens 
 but the Japanese themselves were aware of that fact. 
 
 The Chairman. And discussed frequently in the English printed 
 newspapers in the islands ? 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. The danger of the domination by the Japanese 
 of our political, economic, and industrial situation as stated by the 
 commission is now more acute than at the time I made my protest. 
 In the protest I filed at that time I stated that the administration was 
 un-Americanizing that Territory instead of Americanizing it. By 
 legislation in Congress, I have sought to make that Territory Ameri- 
 can. I have never succeeded in doing that in the United States 
 Congress, and it is only in the last few months that we have had 
 legislation passed as the first step toward Americanizing that 
 Territory. That first step is that all Government work should be 
 done by American citizens, the same as has been carried on by the 
 Territory, county, and city governments. 
 
 The Chairman. That paragraph remained in the rehabilitation 
 bill? 
 
 Mr. KIalanianaole. That paragraph remained in the rehabilita- 
 tion bill. 
 
 Mr. Raker. I wonder why the Delegate did not think to put in that 
 bill a provision that land should not be owned by those who are not 
 eligible to become citizens ? 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. I have inserted a provision in the rehabilita- 
 tion bill prohibiting aliens from buying Government lands, but they 
 have been purchasing Government lands in the name of their minor 
 children and having themselves appointed guardians of such children, 
 thus acquiring the control of the land. The legality of these trans- 
 actions is now being tested in the supreme court of the Territory. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Don't they own some of this land in Hawaii? 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. I do not know. Perhaps the attornej^ 
 general may know of the amount of land they own. 
 
 The Chairman. As a matter of fact, the Navy Department pro- 
 tested the insertion of that clause in your rehabilitation bill ? 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. No; the representative of the War Depart- 
 ment in Hawaii protested, apparently believing in Japanizing the 
 country by employing Japanese aliens. 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 449 
 
 Mr. Raker. Why should the Navy Department and the War 
 Department control the civil part of the Government relative to the 
 ownership of the lands ? 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. They don't. The United States Congress is 
 responsible. 
 
 The Chairman. That is another matter; the rehabilitation bill 
 carried one paragraph to the effect that citizens or those eligible 
 to become citizens only should be employed on Federal works. 
 The big Federal works there are the Navy works and the Army works, 
 and both departments protested against the carrying of that para- 
 graph in the rehabilitation bill. 
 
 Mr. Raker. But you succeeded in getting it in ? 
 
 The Chairman. We kept it in. Now, the next step is what to do 
 to offset the Japanese domination of the islands, and I thought we 
 ought to hear the Prince and get his views. 
 
 Mr. Box. I notice the statement shows that the Hawaiian people 
 are diminishing in numbers and have been since the first settlement 
 of the islands. 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. The full-blooded Hawaiians; yes. 
 
 Mr. Box. Why is that so ? 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. Well, I suppose the change of life — civiliza- 
 tion. They could not withstand the changed conditions. 
 
 Mr. Box. In other words, civilization killed them ? 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. I suppose so. The undesirable part of civili- 
 zation is what killed them. 
 
 Mr. Box. They appropriated the bad part ? 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. They were a primitive people. Civilization 
 changed the nature of their habits; and, as civilization came on, 
 diseases followed and towns and cities grew. They left their country 
 homes and the life that their ancestors had lived for generations and 
 ceased to follow agricultural pursuits. They went into the cities 
 and into the tenements and into surroundings that were not fit or 
 good for a people who had spent their lives in the open. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Ask him what particular part of the civilization killed 
 these people off. 
 
 Mr. Box. Judge Raker asks, very pertinently, that we be particu- 
 lar and ascertain what particular things in civilization it was that 
 destroyed them. 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. Rum and disease. 
 
 Mr. Box. Venereal diseases for one thing, was it ? 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. Smallpox and measles, particularly. 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. Measles raised more havoc there than anything 
 else. 
 
 Mr. Box. Measles, smallpox, and drinking liquor ? 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. Well, liquor always does harm to any race 
 of people. 
 
 Mr. Box. Who are more or less primitive ? 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. Primitive or civilized. 
 
 Mr. Box. And you succeeded in wiping that out ? 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. Looking back over our history, you will find 
 that one of the greatest struggles we had in Hawaii was to keep 
 civilized countries from bringing liquor into the islands. Our Kings 
 prohibited liquor from being brought in, but the French and other 
 
 56754— 21— SER 7. pt 1 16 
 
450 LABOE PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 Governments seeking to build up their trade by force overrode our 
 laws and we were not able to keep liquor out. 
 
 Mr. Raker. That is the same old story. The fellow who has 
 trade wants to continue it. 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. It is the greed of trade and commerce. 
 
 The Chairman. If you have not heard of their legislation regu- 
 lating bathing costumes, they introduced in one branch of the 
 legislature over there a bill regulating the use of bathing suits. 
 Complaint was made that the bathers at this famous Waikiki Beach 
 were running around on the beach of Honolulu in these very limited 
 bathing suits, and a bill was introduced in their senate by Senator 
 Desha, a Hawaiian, and he made a very brief speech which carried 
 the bill, and his speech was about like this, that 100 years ago the 
 Americans came to the islands and put clothes on the natives there, 
 and now it becom.es necessary for the Hawaiians to put clothes on 
 the American women that came there. And his argument won. 
 
 Mr. Box. Now, Prince, as to the prospect for the future. What 
 about the outlook for the Hawaiian people ? 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. Well, I think our future is very bright. 
 Congress has just passed a bill to give the Hawaiian race an oppor- 
 tunity to try to save itself. The idea is to take them out of the 
 tenements of the cities and put them back on the land, with the aid 
 of the Government; that is, they are given financial aid with which 
 to develop these lands into agricultural lands. If Congress enacts a 
 law permitting Europeans to enter the Territory and at the same 
 time compel them to remain until they are naturalized, which would 
 give them an opportunity to become accustomed to our community 
 and be a part of our permanent population, I am positive that such 
 a condition would benefit the Hawaiian people. The standard of 
 living and citizenship would be raised. 
 
 Mr. Box. Your hope is, then, they will not go as the American 
 Indian finally went ? 
 
 Mr. E^ALANiANAOLE. We hope not. It has never been tried before 
 except in New Zealand. The British Government has tried this 
 scheme with the Maori people, and the Maori people are identically 
 the same race of people as the Hawaiians, and it has been proved that 
 after the experiment was begun the Maoris increased and to-day are 
 the only branch of the Polynesian race that is increasing in numbers. 
 
 Mr. Box. Have you considered any other source from which you 
 can get people ? You seem to be greatly in need of the right kind of 
 people. This resolution involves the bringing of Chinese into the 
 islands and you are familiar with the general sentiment in Congress. 
 I would like to know what you have thought along those lines, about 
 a solution of the confessedly acute problem that your people have. 
 
 Mr. Kj^lanianaole. In my protest to the administration 11 years 
 ago, my contention was that it was up to the administration, now 
 that we are an American Territory, to see to it that the right people 
 be brought in, so that they can assimilate with the American people 
 and thereby Americanize that Territory. My view has always been 
 that Europeans are the only solution to this problem. It is the 
 white people you should bring in there in order to make that countryi 
 what you think it ought to be. 
 
 Mr. Box. Whatever may be your appreciation of the present! 
 distress, you do realize that the bringing of Chinese there won't work| 
 out your problem permanently, don't you ? 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 451 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. It will work it out for the time being. 
 
 Mr. Box. I mean permanently; I put the accent on the word 
 ^'permanently." 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. Well, permanently, you must look to Europe. 
 But if our situation now, as has been laid before the committee by 
 the commission, is such, and if the needs of the Territory are such 
 that we ought to have Chinese labor, I do not see why you should 
 prohibit us from supplying our needs with that labor. At the same 
 time, of course, you should work out a permanent solution of the 
 problem of bringing in a class of labor which will in time build up a 
 citizen population of the right kind. But if you refuse us Chinese 
 labor in the emergency situation which exists now, and work out 
 the permanent solution at this time, it may take 10 or 20 years before 
 anything can be done. What will we do in the meantime ? 
 
 Mr. Box. Do you believe that the two will work togehter? For 
 instance, if it is known among those European people who furnish 
 desirable labor that the islands are to be filled with Chinese to supple- 
 ment the present Japanese, do you believe that that will be an induce- 
 ment to the people who will make your Territory a desirable place 
 for your own people ? 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. Not to that extent in that this is not a prop- 
 osition to supplement the Japanese, as I understand it, but to meet an 
 immediate emergency which can not be relieved by waiting for any 
 permanent immigration legislation for the islands. 
 
 The permanent legislation should have in it the fact that the 
 standard of labor must be raised, so as to permit the Americanizing 
 of the islands by the immigration of people who are eligible to become 
 citizens. 
 
 Mr. Box. Have you studied the history of California in dealing 
 with the Chinese question ? 
 
 Mr. KLA.LANIANAOLE. I havc studied it in a way; yes. 
 
 Mr. Box. You remember that in the beginning, about 1862, they 
 absolutely prohibited American vessels from even hauling Chinese 
 across — Congress did — at the demand of China and California; and 
 vou remember the riots they have had and the terrible feeling? 
 People from there tell me if you know where to look, you will find a 
 lot of bones of Chinese in California. 
 
 Mr. K^ALANIANAOLE. That was not the condition in Hawaii; that 
 is, there was no actual hostile feeling against the Chinese; but he was 
 the butt for the small boys and the people generall}^, 
 
 Mr. Box. Are the Chinese numerous now ? 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. We have a Chinese population; yes. We 
 have Chinese citizens there of whom we are proud. They make fine 
 citizens. 
 
 Mr. Box. Does a comparison with the Japanese citizen make you 
 proud of them, or is it a change in their character that makes you 
 proud of them ? 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. We are proud of our Chinese citizens in 
 Bawaii for the reason that they have adopted American ideals to a 
 ^ery much greater extent than the Japanese, and are American as 
 nearly as any foreign people can ever be. 
 
 Mr. Box. Do you hnd a strong tendency among the Chinese to 
 become Americans ? 
 
452 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAH. 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. The Chinese we have in Hawaii are just as 
 good Americans as anybody else. 
 
 Mr. Box. Let us see how far that goes. They do not intermarry? 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. They have intermarried with the Hawaiians 
 but to a Hmited extent only. 
 
 Mr. Box. What has been the result of their intermarriage with 
 Hawaiians ? 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. It has been a fine result to both races. 
 
 Mr. Box. They have made industrious citizens ? 
 
 Mr. E^alanianaole. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Box. Are they inclined to be moral and law abiding? 
 
 Mr. E^ALANiANAOLE. The Chinese are a moral and law-abiding 
 people. 
 
 Mr. Box. They do not intermarry with the Japanese ? 
 
 Mr. E^ALANiANAOLE. Not that I know of. 
 
 Mr. Box. Or with the few Americans there; I mean the Anglo- 
 Saxons ? 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. Where they are part-Chinese and part- 
 Hawaiian they have married, yes. 
 
 Mr. Box. Have you developed a race over there of mixtures be- 
 tween Chinese and Hawaiians and other races ? 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. We are not looking to making a race of that 
 kind; we are looking to making a race that you ought to be proud of. 
 
 Mr. Box. That is what we are thinking about and I am sure it is 
 what you are thinking about — the permanent character of it. Now 
 you have just stated that they do marry and of co'urse if they marry 
 they have offspring, and you have said that that offspring is good ? 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. The offspring of those Chinese citizens in 
 Hawaii, yes. 
 
 Mr. Box. And that offspring, of course — they are Americans in 
 every sense of the word and if you get any considerable number of 
 them, you of course understand they will have all the rights of other 
 Americans, including the right to live in the continental United 
 States. 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. You mean the ones we want to bring into the 
 country ? 
 
 Mr. Box. No, I mean their offspring. 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. Well, I suppose they have, if any are born 
 there. 
 
 Mr. Box. You will have to continue this system, if we adopt it, 
 for some years; you can not say for certain it will end in five years — 
 it will be going on almost indefinitely ? 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. And in the meantime we can work out another 
 method of improving our citizenship. The condition that stares us 
 in the face to-day makes immediate relief necessary. Now if Euro- 
 pean immigrants are a solution of it, well and good; let us have them: 
 but to my mind it is not the solution at the present moment. The 
 only solution at the present moment from my point of view is that 
 we have to have the Chinese. Then, within the five years during 
 which relief is thus provided, the Congress can enact legislation to 
 encourage Europeans to come to Hawaii, and within five years, ten 
 years, or twenty years we may have a population there of white 
 people. 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAIL 453 
 
 Mr. Box. Have you studied the industrial history of the South in 
 its demand for negro Labor ? 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. I have not. 
 
 Mr. Box. But^ you do know the tragedy that the South has gone 
 through as a result of that, do you not ? 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Box. Do you know whether or not the leading men of the 
 South, 75 years ago, stated over and over again — the records are 
 full of it — that if they did not have this slave labor the industries of 
 the South would be ruined ? Do you know whether they have said 
 that or not ? 
 
 Mr. KALANIANAOLE. Oh, yes. I think it was said at that time. 
 
 Mr. Box. Yes, I think it was said from the time they were first 
 carried there, and those of us who live there know what the results 
 are and have been, and that is a factor, I think, in the minds of 
 Congress and every member of the committee who has studied it. 
 I just suggest that you give that your attention in working out this 
 very acute problem for your own people, that you see what the race 
 problem of the South now is and what the South's history has been 
 resulting from its use of a subordinate and subservient people to 
 perform its labor. 
 
 Mr. KALANIANAOLE. But I do not think you can say that that con- 
 dition has existed or will exist in Hawaii. 
 
 Mr. Box. I just make that suggestion. 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. There is no such thing as a feeling of hatred 
 between any races in Hawaii — either the Japanese, Chinese, or Euro- 
 peans. It is not for the reason that we hate the Japanese that we 
 are coming to Congress in this emergency. We wish to keep our 
 Territory under American control and do not wish to allow it to pass 
 into the control of a race of people whose ideals are absolutely opposed 
 to ours. 
 
 Mr. Box. Did not your people ask for them as laborers ? 
 
 Mr. kalanianaole. Who ? 
 
 Mr. Box. The Japanese ? 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. We never asked the United States to give us 
 Japanese. 
 
 Mr. Box. I know you did not, but you asked them to come or per- 
 mitted them to come. 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. We tried to prohibit them from coming. 
 
 Mr. Box. Did not you say your protest was not favorably con- 
 sidered by your own people ? 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. By some of our own people and by the ad- 
 ministration in Washington. 
 
 Mr. Box. Yes, I understand that; but didn't you say here a while 
 ^go you were glad the warnings you gave them were confirmed here 
 and you are glad to see that those views are now appreciated by the 
 members of this commission? 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. And we are all in one and the same position 
 to-day. 
 
 Mr. Box. That indicates you have not always been so. 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. Some of our people, 10 or 12 years ago, did 
 not realize the situation as I did; but I am glad now that we are 
 unanimous in that feeling. 
 
 Mr. Box. I think you were wise as to that. 
 
454 LABOR PROBLEMS IIT HAWAII. 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. We all see the danger now because it is 
 staring us directly in the face and we can not get away from it. 
 
 Mr. Box. I am sure you realize this fact, in connection with all 
 these problems; For instance, California was greatly alarmed when 
 they saw the Chinese were present in great numbers and continuing 
 to come. When the acuteness of that danger passed and they de- 
 creased in numbers, then they forgot that they were afraid of them 
 before and killed them and asked that they be excluded, and later 
 they became alarmed by the Japanese and said, ^'If you do not keep 
 them out, we are ruined." Now, you seem at one time to have been 
 very hostile to the Chinese; later the facts made you very fearful of 
 the Japanese, and now you feel again a new attitude of friendliness 
 toward the Chinese; you think they can help you. 
 J Mr. Kalanianaole. We were never hostile to the Chinese to the 
 extent of a hatred toward them as a people. The feeling that we 
 had against the Chinese was that he was a person of no consequence; 
 he was buffeted about by all the children as a joke; but there was 
 no hostility against the Chinese as a race or as a man which made 
 him a danger to our industrial condition in Hawaii. There was no 
 such feeling as that. 
 
 Mr. Box. There is nothing masterful about his nature, and there 
 is with the Japanese \ 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. The Japanese control, political and industrial, 
 is a live issue in Hawaii. We have no feeling of hatred toward them 
 as a people. I don't know whether it is the Hawaiian atmosphere, 
 but the way the different races have lived harmoniously in Hawaii 
 should be a lesson to the people on the mainland as to how races can 
 live in one country in peace and harmony. Even now that we realize 
 danger of an alien control, we do not hate that alien race. We do 
 say, however, that Congress should relieve us from a danger which 
 has been brought about without fault on our part. 
 
 Mr. Box. I think you would discover, if you would visit California 
 and her coast and study the question there, that there is not much 
 personal bitterness toward the Japanese there, except that which 
 grows out of the very alarm that you mention. 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. Yes; which grows out of that alarm, but there 
 is that danger in Hawaii of being controlled by these aliens if no 
 solution is provided. 
 
 Mr. Box. I believe the committee appreciates that. I think I do. 
 I have no further questions, Mr. Chairman. 
 
 Mr. Raker. I want to ask the Delegate a few questions. Did you 
 ever read the report of the Committee on Foreign Affairs on the 
 adoption of the resolution to annex Hawaii % 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. I have read it. 
 
 Mr. Raker. I will call it to your attention and read it in the record 
 before I get through. That report then stated, when Hawaii was 
 annexed and the committee made its report to the House, that the 
 question then, the danger, was the domination of the Japanese in the 
 islands. Do you remember that as one of the questions of the danger 
 of annexation? That is in the report and I will read it. 
 
 The Chairman. How do you square that with the fact that the 
 Hawaiian Islands, as a republic, shut out the Japanese % 
 
 Mr. Raker. I have it here and I want to read it in the record, but 
 'first I want to ask a question right in that connection. That being 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWxVIL 455 
 
 the fact (and I will read it to you) , what has the Territory of Hawaii, 
 throup^h its officials, its legislature, and otherwise, done relative to 
 the exclusion of the Japanese since annexation? 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. Nothing. 
 
 Mr. Kleczka. What could it do ? 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. It could do nothing except by protesting to 
 the administration here, or Congress, or by seeking legislation of 
 Congress to do away with that evil, and the Territory has done that 
 since annexation through certain legislation, for which they have 
 asked and are now asking. 
 
 Mr. Raker. I want to put you in the same attitude, in the sense 
 that you are not an agitator nor a propagandist, but are here pre- 
 senting facts that really are a serious menace to the islands. That 
 is right, is it not, Mr. Kalanianaole ? 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. Yes; that is my view of it. If conditions 
 continue as at present the time vfill come when Congress or this 
 Government must make Hawaii a military/ government or a commis- 
 sion government, and that we do not want. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Now, in regard to civilization. Your answer sort of 
 astounded me a little while ago, that the advance of civilization in 
 the Hawaiian Islands has to a greater or lesser extent eliminated the 
 Hawaiian people. 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. I do not quite understand your question. 
 
 Mr. Raker. That the Hawaiian people have decreased in numbers 
 because of the advance of civilization. Is that what you mean ? 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. I meant to say that civilization is always a 
 detriment physicrJly to an aboriginal race. As time goes on they 
 become accustomed to the changed methods of living and will even- 
 tually be able to hold their own with other races. 
 
 The Chairman. As a matter of fact, Judge, it is very interesting to 
 note that of all the people that have ever taken on civilization, the 
 Hawaiian people have taken it on the fastest and best. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Yes ; but what I am getting at now is that that is true 
 to an extent, but there is a reason for it. Like the American Indian, 
 we kicked him and buffeted him around, we had our fights with him 
 and then we let him die by disease and provided rum and whisky 
 and everything for him so that he woidd be disposed of early, and I 
 suppose the same thing occurred in the Hawaiian Islands. 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. Not to the same extent, but all primitive 
 peoples are more or less subject to deterioration and decay wiien they 
 nrst come in contact with civilization. 
 
 Mr. Raker. I know, but there must be some reason for that. 
 Intoxication affected them very much indeed, didn't it? 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. I think it affects the Hawaiian no more than 
 it does the white man. 
 
 Mr. Raker. All right. But you have eliminated that now. 
 
 Mr. KALANIANAOLE. We tried to eliminate it long before you 
 eliminated it, as I told you a moment ago. Your civilized nation 
 insisted on bringing in liquor because of your commercial greediness ; 
 insisted that the Hav/aiian Government admit liquor into the 
 Hawaiian Islands. Our Kings had prohibited those things, but 
 right could not prevail against might. 
 
 Mr. Box. And if the American Government did insist on it, of 
 course you would take liquor over there and sell it? 
 
456 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 Mr. KIalanianaole. I presume so. 
 
 Mr. Raker. You had commerce in liquors in the Hawaiian Islands 
 between the States and also foreign countries? 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. You mean under the Territorial Government? 
 
 Mr. Raker. No; after annexation, liquor could be obtained in 
 Hawaii ? 
 
 Mr. KALANIANAOLE. Certainly. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Now, when has it ceased ? 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. Since the war. 
 
 Mr. Raker. You did not have it before that time? 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. Do you mean prohibition? 
 
 The Chairman. Oh, yes; you had prohibition back in the Mon- 
 archy. 
 
 Mr. Raker. I am talking about after we took their islands and 
 annexed them, the use of liquor was not prohibited in the Hawaiian 
 Islands ? 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. No. 
 
 Mr. Raker. From the time of annexation until prohibition; that 
 is right, isn't it? 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. That is right. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Now what other thing was conductive to retarding 
 the development of the Hawaiian people ? 
 
 Mr. Free. Mr. Chairman, I am terribly busy and want to attend 
 this hearing, and while I would like to hear the discussion I can not 
 see that it has anything to do with the question before the committee. 
 I do not want to be discourteous, but I want to be here to-day and I 
 was asked to be here, and I can not see where this rambling inquiry 
 takes us. 
 
 The Chairman. What do you think about it, Judge ? 
 
 Mr. Raker. Oh, it is leading up to the vital point of the question. 
 
 The Chairman. There has been presented to us a volume with a 
 concise history of the islands, and it is most interesting. I think that 
 their history, next to the history of France and Mexico, is the most 
 interesting history that we can find. 
 
 Mr. Raker. I am getting down now to the question of the races, 
 which are involved in this. 
 
 Nothing else, Mr. Delegate, has had an effect in retarding the 
 development of the Hawaiian people that you know of, has it? 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. What do you mean by development of the 
 people ? 
 
 Mr. Raker. They have been progressing right along? 
 
 Mr. ILalanianaole. Oh, yes. 
 
 Mr. Raker. And there is nothing in the way of their progress? 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. Absolutely nothing. 
 
 Mr. Raker. That the United States has done since annexation? 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. Nothing that I know of. 
 
 Mr. Raker. The development in the last 20 years has been phe- 
 nominal in the Hawaiian Islands ? 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. Yes, I think so. But, of course, you must 
 understand we were already a developed community before we 
 were annexed. 
 
 Mr. Raker. But it has developed marvelously in the last 20 
 years ? 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. Yes. 
 
I^ABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 457 
 
 Mr. Kaker. You would not be in favor of an intermingling of 
 the people of Hawaii in the way of intermarriage between them and 
 the Japanese ? 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. I do not quite understand you. 
 
 Mr. Raker. You are not in favor of intermarriage between the 
 Hawaiian people and the Japanese and Chinese ? 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. That is a personal matter with the indi- 
 vidual, whether he desires to marry a Japanese or not. 
 
 Mr. Raker. I am asking for your opinion. 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. I would not advocate such intermarriage. 
 
 Mr. Raker. I am asking has there been any intermarrying of the 
 people of Hawaii and the Chinese. 
 
 Mr. Kj^lanianaole. There has been some, yes. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Are you in favor of that intermarriage or against 
 it? 
 
 Mr. KIalanianaole. I have no opinion to give on that. 
 
 Mr. Raker. No personal opinion to give ? 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. No; no personal opinion. 
 
 Mr. Raker. If you brought the Chinese over to Hawaii, would 
 you be opposed to their marriage with Hawaiians ? 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. That is their business. 
 
 Mr. Free. What was your answer? 
 
 Mr. E^ALANIANAOLE. That is the business of the individual whether 
 he wants to marry a Japanese or Chinese or anybody else. * 
 
 Mr. Raker. You would bring them there 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. I do not believe in legislating against mar- 
 riage. 
 
 Mr. Raker. This is the point, Mr. Delegate, that you are asking 
 for these Chinese people to come to Hawaii ? 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. We are asking for them to come there to 
 solve the labor problem which exists to-day. 
 
 Mr. Raker. All right. Now, would you put any restrictions 
 upon their remaining there ? 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. I would. 
 
 Mr. Raker. What restrictions ? 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. The restriction of ^ve years, as called for 
 by this resolution. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Would you put any restrictions upon their mode 
 and method and manner of work? 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. Well, that is up to you. We are presenting 
 our case and if you, as legislators, decide that our case warrants 
 your consideration, then it is up to you to give us that legislation. 
 
 Mr. Raker. You are presenting the matter here and for the 
 benefit of the committee, so that they can understand what I am 
 getting at. My question is whether or not, after having brought 
 the Chinese people to Hawaii, you would be in favor of placing any 
 restrictions upon the kind and character of work that they should 
 follow after having once landed in Hawaii ? 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. Well, we want them in order to solve our 
 labor problem; that is, we want labor for our plantations and we 
 need it badly, and I would restrict it to that — yes. 
 
 The Chairman. Would it be all right to introduce at this point 
 the text of a proposed new resolution which would clear up the 
 situation ? 
 
458 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 Mr. Raker. It is very satisfactory to me. 
 
 The Chairman. The delegate will present to the House to-day 
 a resolution with a n w wording and I will call the attention of the 
 committee, before I read it, to the fact that the new wording permits 
 the President to make a proclamation as to an emergency, and there 
 is a slight change in the wording as to the occupations in which the 
 proposed immigrants may engage. This new resolution has been 
 talked over by myself and such other members as I could reach. 
 We have suggested some of the modifications, and the committee 
 might as well begin consideration of them. I will read: 
 
 Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America 
 in Congress assemhled, That for a period of five years from the passage of this joint 
 resolution, whenever the President shall find and by proclamation declare that an 
 emergency exists in the Territory of Hawaii by reason of a serious shortage of labor, 
 either general or of any particular class or classes, the Secretary of Labor shall be, 
 and he is hereby, empowered, under such conditions and regulations as he shall 
 prescribe, to admit to the Territory of Hawaii such aliens otherwise inadmissible as 
 he may deem necessary to meet the existing emergency: Provided, That such aliens 
 shall be admitted only for limited periods of time, for the purpose of engaging only 
 in the class or classes of labor as to which the emergency has been found to exist, 
 that such admission of aliens shall not operate to increase the number of persons of 
 any one alien nationality in the Territory of Hawaii so that their total numbers at 
 any one time shall exceed 20 per centum of the total population of the Territory 
 as determined by the last census; and that the regulations shall provide for and 
 secure the return of such laborers to their respective countries upon the expiratiori 
 of the time limited, without cost to the United States: Provided further , That nothing 
 herein contained shall be construed to allow any alien admitted under the terms 
 hereof to remove to any other place under the jurisdiction of the United States. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Now, would you be in favor of placing restrictions 
 upon the Chinese who were brought there, as to tlie mode and place 
 of work ? 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. I think there should be some kind of a 
 restriction. 
 
 Mr. Raker. If they failed to comply with the restrictions thus 
 placed upqn them, would you be in favor of apprehending them and 
 returning them to China ? 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. Certainly, I do not see how you can do it 
 otherwise. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Well, the Chinese thus brought, would you be in favor 
 of allowing them to build up homes and to marry in Hawaii, if they 
 desired ? 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. I believe that the Congress ought to do some- 
 thing to see to it that we improve our conditions there from an 
 American point of view and that is as to building up of our citizen- 
 ship. We want a white American citizenship in that country, or 
 aliens who will be eligible and who will assimilate. In the meantime, 
 however, we must have Chinese to stem the tide that is fast carrying 
 us toward Japanese control. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Then is it your idea that you should bring those 
 Chinese in in sufficient numbers to drive out the Japanese ? 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. Our labor problem is a serious one, and if you 
 do not legislate for Hawaii, you will find a condition that is so bad 
 for the Americans there that you will not know what may happen. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Now, on page 30, Report No. 1355, Fifty-fifth Con- 
 gress, second session, on the annexation of the Hawaiian Islands, 
 made by Mr. Hitt for the Committee on Foreign Affairs, of date May 
 17, 1898, I find the following: 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 459 
 
 I make no charge that the Japanese Government has hostile intentions against 
 Hawaii. But. regardless of the declarations or intentions of the Japanese Government 
 the fact is that IlaAvaii has, against the will and efforts of its government and people, 
 drifted Japan -wards during the past two years; and unless radical action is taken to 
 stay the process, there can be but one logical result, viz., the ultimate supremacy of 
 the Japanese, and thereby of Japan, in Hawaii. This has progressed and will be 
 accomplished, in the teeth of the American policy of exclusion of foreign control in 
 Hawaii, and with no tangible overt act on the part of the Japanese Government. 
 
 Mr. KJ^LANiANAOLE. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Now that has practically come true ? 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. Is that the resolution ? 
 
 Mr. Raker. That is the report. 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. Is that the report made by the commission? 
 
 Mr. Raker. That is the language of the report of the committee. 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. Wlio were the commissioners; were they three 
 from Congress and two from Hawaii ? 
 
 Mr. Raker. No; this is the report of Mr. Hitt, of the Committee 
 on Foreign Affairs, reporting the resolution annexing the Hawaiian 
 Islands to the United States. The report was made May 17, 1898. 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. That was made after an investigation ? 
 
 Mr. Raker. That was made when the resolution was submitted 
 and that is one of the statements found in the report referred to. 
 
 Mr. Irwin. And made after an investigation? 
 
 Mr. Raker. I suppose it was; yes. 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. And since annexation, nothing has been done 
 at all to remedy that situation. 
 
 Mr. Raker. That is what I was trying to get you to put fairly and 
 clearly in the record, that this matter was called to the attention of 
 Congress in 1898, May 17, and that nothing has been done since. 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. In 1911, if I do not mistake the date, that 
 same danger was called to the attention of the Administration in 
 Washington, and the President sent the Secretary of the Interior to 
 Hawaii to investigate, and he has not made a report to this day. 
 
 Mr. Box. That was in 1911 ? 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. I think it was about 1911; I have forgotten 
 the exact date. 
 
 Mr. Kleczka. Judge Raker, you do not maintain that the Ha- 
 waiians have the power to solve that danger themselves ? 
 
 Mr. Raker. Oh, no; Mr. Kleczka. But what I mean is that there 
 has been no effort by the Hawaiian government or its people to pre- 
 sent the situation to Congress in regard to the exclusion of the Japa- 
 nese from this Territory since its annexation. 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. The people of Hawaii could not tell Congress 
 to do that, but the people of Hawaii did call the attention of Congress 
 to the danger of the Japanese situation there and Congress has not 
 seen fit to do anytling. 
 
 Mr. Raker. I have been trying to get into the record — and I am 
 met on all sides with the statement there is a question whether we 
 should go into this and whether we should present the same facts that 
 were presented in 1898 and which have continued up to the present 
 time, and when we did find the Delegate before the committee, it is a 
 question of whether or not we should go into the real vital question 
 that involves your Territory. 
 
 The Chairman. We voted several days ago to go into it and we are 
 going into it as carefully as we can, with much pains and much detail. 
 
480 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 Now, as a matter of fact, the record shows the Hawaiian Repubhc 
 shut out the Japanese and immediately they became a Territory they 
 were forced, under the suggestion of the State Department, to pay a 
 fine for refusing to admit Japanese; and it is further of record that 
 from time to time bills have been introduced for the admission of 
 labor, and it is a matter of common knowledge that the Hawaiian 
 Legislature has from time to time appointed and paid the expenses 
 of commissions to come to Congress and state the conditions in the 
 Islands. 
 
 Mr. McClellan, And the Immigration Commission itself made a 
 special investigation and report. 
 
 Mr. Raker. But still, as a matter of fact, until the matter was 
 presented last week and to-day, it has never been presented to Con- 
 gress before. 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. It has been presented to Congress and pre- 
 sented to the President — a protest against the danger of the continua- 
 tion of such a condition. 
 
 Mr. Raker. When was that presented? 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. I can not give you the exact date, but that is 
 on record in the Interior Department. 
 
 The Chairman. And to my personal knowledge they protested 
 against the Japanese language schools that have gone there from 
 time to time. 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. May I interject this right here, that the feeling 
 of the people of Hawaii is so strong that there is an absolute deaf ear 
 in Congress to our needs and to our Japanese emergency, that they 
 felt that it was practically hopeless, even in an emergency, to get any 
 relief from Congress when this commission was appointed; but we 
 felt we had to do something to register this fact here. 
 
 Mr. Raker. I think the distinguished gentleman is going far afield 
 of the record that a deaf ear has been given it by the committees of 
 Congress, because they have not had the opportunity. It has not 
 been presented here before. 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. I will amend that and say the United States 
 Government. 
 
 The Chairman. I understood Mr. Dillingham to imply that the 
 people from Hawaii in the past had been to Congress and they felt 
 that Congress had a deaf ear, and they based that feeling on the fact 
 that Congress refused to let them participate in the good-roads 
 legislation or the school legislation, or matters of that kind. Now, 
 I have always joined the Prince in the eftort to put Hawaii into all 
 State legislation, but it has not been possible to do so. I think the 
 reason has been that we have the same form of government for 
 Hawaii that we have for Alaska, and Alaska is 98 per cent federally 
 owned, and you could not, for instance, put Federal aid for roads into 
 Alaska on a 50-50 plan, and Hawaii fell into the same basket, 
 
 Mr. Raker. I know the Prince understands the case, that I am 
 not critizing but commending him for his efforts, and I compliment 
 him, and am just bringing out the fact, if I can, in a few words, that 
 really, as a matter of fact, this is the first time that the Prince has 
 had the opportunity, really, in a public hearing before a committee, 
 to present the real crucial matter that affects the Hawaiian people; 
 is that true, Prince ? 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAIL 461 
 
 Mr. ELvLANiANAOLE. No; I have had this matter before Congress 
 many times. 
 
 Mr. Raker. When? 
 
 Mr. KalaniaNxVOLe. I have had it before Confess on three or 
 four different occasions, on the question of suspending our coastwise 
 laws so that Americans coukl be given an opportunity to go to the 
 Hawaiian Iskinds and see the situadon there, and be given an oppor- 
 tunity to travel on American boats and go to Hawaii and live there. 
 That has been presented before Congress, and I called attention to the 
 reason why we wanted Americans to come there, but you have pro- 
 hibited an American from traveling from one American port to 
 another American port. 
 
 Mr. Raker. But this is the first time you have really presented it 
 to a committee like you have to-day ? 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. The first time before the Committee on 
 Immigration, yes; but it is not the first time in Congress. I have 
 presented this matter to Congress on three or four different occasions 
 and called the attention of Congress to our situation. 
 
 Mr. Free. Mr. Chairman, it would not make any difference 
 whether it had been presented forty times or once. That is not the 
 matter we are interested in. I wish this thing could be hurried along. 
 
 The Chairman. You are satisfied that the new resolution which 
 I have read is an improvement over the one heretofore under con- 
 sideration ? 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. Yes; it is better. The suggestion that the 
 President declare the emergency by proclamation is certainly an 
 improvement. 
 
 The Chairman. I think we all agree on that. The substitute 
 might be offered by the committee, but it will be better, perhaps, 
 for the Delegate to present it, and we can then act on it. 
 
 The Chairman. Are there any further questions that you desire 
 to ask of the Delegate ? 
 
 Mr. Chillingworth. I would like to have the record clear on 
 some of the questions asked by Judge Raker as to the progress of 
 the Hawaiian people. He did not state whether he meant that as a 
 race or in an economic way. I just want to say to the committee 
 that the depopulation of the Hawaiian people in the islands was due 
 not so much to liquor, which of course had its bad results, but to 
 disease. Smallpox carried out 10,000 or 12,000 at a time. Measles 
 carried out thousands and thousands of them. Then they changed 
 their mode of living. They were used to the open air out in the 
 mountains and upon their little kuleanas, where they grew potatoes, 
 etc. What was the result? Conditions got so that they had to 
 move into the towns; they had to go into the tenements. They 
 could not afford, on the wages they received, to live in a bungalow 
 or in places where there was plenty of air. It is a race that has 
 been used to very little clothing. Their skin was exposed to the sun 
 all the time. They went into the tenements and put on the white 
 man's clothes, with the result that to-day 45 per cent of the cases 
 of tuberculosis in the Territory of Hawaii are among the Hawaiians. 
 
 By the rehabilitation bill, on which Judge Raker has questioned 
 the Delegate, the Delegate has in mind getting these people, our 
 people, back to the land away from the tenements, decreasing the 
 
462 LABOK PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 tendency to tuberculosis and building up the race. There" is no 
 question but that the Hawaiians have died and are dying out. Our 
 mortality records are full of it. There is no immediate prospect, or for 
 the next 10 years, for that matter, that the race will increase in any 
 large number. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Has this large loss in population occurred since it has 
 been a Territory of the United States ? 
 
 Mr. Chilling WORTH. No, sir. 
 
 Mr. Raker. That was before ? 
 
 Mr. Chilling WORTH. That was before, sir; but tuberculosis, how- 
 ever, is increasing. We have done everything to prevent it. Our 
 appropriation for the health department is very heavy; it is a bur- 
 den to the Territory, but we are carrying on because we feel the great 
 necessity for it. I just wanted to clear up the fact that while perhaps 
 in an economic way the Hawaiians have progressed in the last 20 
 years, sickness and living in tenements, living in the city, with a 
 change of food, eating the white man's food and wearing his clothes, 
 has not been conducive to the good health of the Hawaiians, and, in 
 my mind, has reduced their stamina and resisting powers. It was 
 only to clear up that point that I made the statement. 
 
 Mr. Kleczka. Mr. Delegate, if Hawaii were given unrestricted im- 
 migration, including certain Europeans but excluding orientals, would 
 that solve your present year's shortage of labor ? 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. Not so far as the labor situation at the present 
 time is concerned; no. 
 
 Mr. Kleczka. You do not believe the European would be adapted 
 to the work Hawaii affords in this particular line ? 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. Yes; I dare say they would be, but it would 
 take time to do that. 
 
 Mr. Kleczka. How much time do you think would be required to 
 get people to the island and have them acclimated and settled down ? 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. I could not say, but a man would have to 
 go to Europe, I suppose, to select immigrants and take them to 
 Hawaii. How long that v/ould take I do not know. Now, the ques- 
 tion is. Can you solve our present emergency by so doing? I do not 
 think so. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. You can not, if you work the way this committee works. 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. I am opposed to all Asiatic labor, as far as 
 that is concerned, but under the present conditions I think that you 
 must solve the emergency question first. Secondly, of course, you 
 must improve the citizenry of the Territor}^ by bringing in Europeans 
 later on. But to relieve the emergency at this time we must have 
 Chinese labor — there are no two wa^^s of looking at it. I am opposed 
 to this kind of labor, but at this time I am in favor of it, if this will 
 be the means of opening the doors of Hawaii to Europeans, but I am 
 opposed to it if you are only going to have Chinese and no Europeans 
 in the future. 
 
 The Chairman. Let me ask you a question. How long do you 
 think it would take, if this could be enacted within 60 days, to set 
 up agreements to bring the Chinese in ? 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole, The Chinese are next door to Hawaii. 
 
 The Chairman. Are they immediately needed; are they needed 
 for work this fall ? 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 4.63 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. They are needed immediately. If we can 
 get them in 30 days or 6 months, so much the better. We must 
 have them. 
 
 The Chairman. If the legislation was reduced in the period of 
 time from five years to, say, three years, would that afford you any 
 relief ? 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. I think so. but why change it when it is in 
 the power of the President under this resolution to stop it at any time 
 within the five-year period. 
 
 The Chairman. Would three years be a long enough time ? 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. I do not know whether it would be long enough 
 because I am not familiar with the time it would take to bring in a 
 permanent class of immigrants. 
 
 The Chairman. If this bill should be made three years, and the 
 Kleczka and Raker proposition added to it, would it not be a less 
 objectionable bill; that is to say, if the admission of Chinese for three 
 years carried a subsequent plan for the admission of nonadmissibles ? 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. I could not give an intelligent answer to that 
 question. I would rather have it answered by those men who have 
 made a study of the situation, and who have been sent here by the 
 Territorial government. They can answer these questions. The only 
 (question I can answer is this: That I, as delegate, the representative 
 in Congress of the people of Hawaii, feel that the Chinese should be 
 brought into the territory as soon as possible, for the Territorial 
 government and the people, as a whole, are in favor of this proposition. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Do you not believe that if conditions get really acute, 
 relative to the saving of the sugar and the pineapple crops, the 
 people of Hawaii would take the matter up and relieve themselves of 
 that situation, rather than to open the doors to oriental coolie labor, 
 under a system of peonage ? 
 
 Mr. KALANIANAOLE. If you leave this to the people of Hawaii, and 
 they had anything to do with this legislation, they would not wait 
 one minute ; they would solve the problem immediately by a restricted 
 immigration of Chinese. We know our troubles, and you do not. 
 
 Mr. Raker. How would you solve it ? 
 
 Mr. ELalanianaole. We would solve it by bringing in exactly 
 those people we are asking Congress now to bring in. We have 
 done it before annexation. The immigration question is not a new 
 one for Hawaii. Since 1850 we have brought many races into 
 Hawaii. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Under contract ? 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. Call it contract, or call it anything you like. 
 
 Mr. Raker. It was under contract, was it not ? 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. Yes; under contract. 
 
 Mr. Raker. But you do not want to do that again, do you? 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. We do. That is the only way to solve the 
 problem. 
 
 Mr. Raker. The delegate does not mean that he would bring in 
 these people under contract as they did before annexation, does he? 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. I do not understand what you mean by 
 contract or by peonage; I do not understand what you mean by that. 
 
 Mr. Raker. It means that these people are brought in there and 
 they have to work just where you tell them. 
 
464 LABOK PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. It is bringing them in in the way the resolu- 
 tion says. If you call that contract, call it contract; if you call it 
 peonage, call it peonage. 
 
 Mr. Raker. But bring them in ? 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. Bring them in. If Congress does not feel 
 they ought to be brought in, let it say so; but, if Congress does 
 think the conditions are such that Congress would be warranted in 
 passing such legislation, then do so. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. Mr. Chairman, would I be considered selfish if I asked 
 three or four questions ? 
 
 The Chairman. No; we would be glad to have you do so. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. I am sincere, and I do not want to interrupt the flow 
 of thoughts of any of the distinguished people who know all about 
 this proposition. I shall confess at the outset that I do not know 
 anything about it. After attending one or two meetings up here I 
 thought I had a pretty fair understanding of the situation, but I do 
 not go back any and I do not advance any; I am right where I was 
 after the first two or three meetings. If this condition has been 
 so serious over there for so many years, and there have been so 
 many hearings upon the matter, why is it that nothing has been 
 done? That is question No. 1. 
 
 The Chairman. Are you asking me, or the Delegate ? 
 
 Mr. Free. I might answer about some things that you do not 
 know. These people have tried, as I understand, in one way or 
 another to bring all classes in there. The Portuguese were brought 
 in from time to time, and the Portuguese took it simply as an op- 
 portunity to get a foothold on the island, and then make a hop 
 over to California. I have figured we got thousands and thousands 
 of these people. That is what has happened to them. They have 
 taken- a lot of labor into Hawaii, but it has all gotten away from 
 them because they have used it as a stepping stone to get on the 
 mainland. 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. They even sent vessels over from California 
 to take our laborers away, and we had to pass a law in the Territory 
 to prohibit it. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. Now, we are assuming that this is a serious problem 
 over there and needs some attention. 
 
 The Chairman. We all agree to that. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. Do we all agree that we are going to do something ? 
 
 The Chairman. Well, the bill is still under consideration. We are 
 trying our best to get as full a hearing as possible. The assumption, 
 Mr. Shaw, is this, that if this committee reports out this legislation, or 
 any substitute or any modification, we are then in duty bound to try to 
 pass the thing by all honorable methods. To do that we must be 
 prepared to answer every kind of a question. If the bill is sent out, 
 we want it in shape to secure the strongest possible support. Oppo- 
 sition will arise from various sources with a great array of data and 
 statistics and figures and charges. The weather has been very warm 
 and we have held half-day hearings every day that has been con- 
 venient to the visiting delegation sent by the Territorial legislature, 
 who are entitled to full hearings because they rank in importance 
 with the legislature of a State, and just below the House of Repre- 
 sentatives itself. This is the first time we have taken up this ques- 
 tion as coming from the constituted authorities of the Territory of 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 465 
 
 Hawaii. The resolutions for the admission of Chinese before this com- 
 mittee before have had, say, but two or three witnesses behind them, 
 and while Judge Raker and those of us from the Pacific coast have 
 known the seriousness of the Japanese danger, we have not made 
 any headway, even in regard to the danger on the Pacific coast, the 
 public generally looking at it lightly because of the smallness of 
 numbers. I expect the judge and myself have been called Japophobes 
 many thousands of times. Now we are getting along with this hear- 
 ing. We have had to go slowly and carefully, for the reason that it 
 is possible that some of this problem may run to the State Depart- 
 ment and to the Committee on Foreign Relations. 
 
 Personally, I am very anxious to see this legislation modified, 
 carrying with it some practical plan, enacted at the earliest possible 
 date, for I do realize that the United States Government, in an efi'ort 
 to handle immigration to its continental part, has passed the literacy 
 test which, in itself, cuts off the class of people who would go to work 
 on the sugar plantations, which is the hardest kind of labor, and on 
 top of that we have barred the people from oriental zones, except the 
 Japanese, and then on top of that, by agreement, we obliged the 
 Japanese to stop sending the picture brides, under the gentlemen's 
 agreement, and, finally, on top of that, we have adopted a 3 per cent 
 restriction. All of these things may be very good for continental 
 United States, and, in fact, we have always thought so, but you can 
 readily see that they do not fit a tropical country, and the statistics 
 brought here by these Territorial senators showing the whole popu- 
 lation of the islands, and how it is divided among the white people, 
 the Portuguese, the Filipinos, the Japanese, the Chinese, and other 
 people on the Pacific, are interesting and astonishing. They show 
 that we must find a lot of labor adaptable to tropical countries. 
 
 Now we are about to conclude the public hearings and I am ready 
 to get busy with you on this as fast as we can work, and see if we can 
 get anything out of it. We have produced a modified and improved 
 resolution. It is up to the committee whether the members desire 
 more evidence, more exhibits, or whether we shall proceed to discuss 
 the two resolutions with a view to coming to a vote. Or we can wait 
 and see if we can take care of Hawaii and Alaska in some way in the 
 permanent bill which we must soon produce. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. I am not criticizing the chairman nor the committee 
 for having a full hearing, but it seems to me there is too much of this 
 '^ ring-around- a-rosey" business. Is it possible that anybody on the 
 committee is pussy-footing and is not saying what he really thinks ? 
 I am not afraid to say what I think about the situation, and is not 
 that the way to get down to the principle of the thing and decide 
 what to do, and do it fearlessly? 
 
 Mr. Kleczka. What is your second question? 
 
 Mr. Shaw. The second question is: What is Judge Raker's pro- 
 vision that you referred to a moment ago? I would like to know 
 what that is. 
 
 The Chairman. The judge developed a plan here, or a suggestion 
 here — all legislation has to come up b;^ suggestion — the other day in 
 debate here which was at the conclusion of one of the public hear- 
 ings, or to be more accurate. Judge Raker and Mr. Kleczka rather 
 took the lead in discussing and developing a plan by which aliens 
 who were admissible to the United States but for the literacy test 
 
 56754— 21— SER 7, pt 1 17 
 
466 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 might be permitted to go to Hawaii or Alaska, there to remain until 
 they had acquired citizenship. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. That was the suggestion presented to the committee 
 by Mr. Mead. 
 
 The Chairman. Yes; it was presented originally by Mr. Mead. 
 
 Mr. Mead. Not as a substitute, but as a practical piece of legis- 
 lation. 
 
 The Chairman. Let me ask Mr. Dillingham, do you think that 
 anything could be accomplished by shortening the five-year period 
 mentioned in this resolution 158, or rather the new resolution, and 
 at the same time adding to it a permanent provision of the kind 
 suggested here by the Mead plan ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. You gentlemen know a great deal more about 
 the process of legislation here than we will ever know. This legis- 
 lation, as amended by the Delegate, I submit would put the power 
 in the President to decide the emergency. That is not a new form 
 of legislation. There is something similar to that plan in operation. 
 The President can carry that obligation, as I see it, and can decide 
 how long that emergency lasts. I am afraid of cumbering up this 
 legislation with suggestions which will tend to draw away the thought 
 from the great emergency which is presented. The Delegate this 
 morning has hit the nail on the head. We have got to do something, 
 and do it quickly, and we have been glad to go into the last corner 
 for information which would be of value to this committee, to show 
 exactly what the conditions are, as we see them, and put you in a 
 position to judge as to the seriousness of our condition. I feel that 
 we in Hawaii should be considered in your permanent immigration 
 legislation. That is where we belong for our permanent population. 
 I see nothing binding about this. I see no horrible bugbear in the 
 future, no development of the problem of race issues, and so on, in 
 this arrangement. It can be stopped practically at any time. It 
 can be tried, and if it does not work it can be stopped. I, of course, 
 take no stock at all in peonage and contract labor and so on, because 
 all of those points have been covered by lawyers in whom I have the 
 greatest confidence, who tell me there is nothing in it at all but a 
 talking point, so what we are asking is wholly consistent, as we see it, 
 with the policy of the United States Government, which must be the 
 protection of American interests in every part of the United States. 
 That is where Hawaii comes in. Your new resolution puts it up to 
 the President to initiate action by proclaiming that an emergency 
 exists if he so finds. 
 
 Mr. Kleczka. If the period was limited to, say, three years, or 
 two years, and if at the expiration of that time the emergency existed, 
 you could not have this act extended, it would remove a great deal 
 of the objection that is apparent at the present time to the passage 
 of this legislation. 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. Mr. Kleczka, we are not coming here again for 
 any extension or change in any legislation that is not necessary; we 
 are too busy at home. Congress as well as business men have to 
 have confidence in leaders, and Congress must look to the leader of 
 the Nation to decide certain matters, and it seems to me this matter 
 comes wholly within his prerogative. It does not seem to me that it 
 is stretching things to leave it in his hands. If he can dictate condi- 
 tions in time of war, it seems to me he can dictate conditions to 
 prevent war, and that is the object of this legislation. 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAIL 467 
 
 SUPPLEMENTARY STATEMENT OF MR. HARRY IRWIN, ATTOR- 
 NEY GENERAL OF THE TERRITORY OF HAWAII. 
 
 Mr. Irwin. It has been suggested, during the course of this hearing, 
 that the people of Hawaii have been negligent in failing to call the 
 attention of the United States Government to the condition confront- 
 ing the Territory with respect to the danger which now threatens 
 its economic and political life, through the preponderance in popu- 
 lation of one alien race. 
 
 We earnestly claim that we have done everything that we could do 
 in the past to keep the proper officials of the Federal Government 
 informed on these matters, but with no apparent results. It is only 
 when the danger has become so acute and threatening that the 
 governor and the Legislature of Hawaii became extremely alarmed 
 over the situation and thereupon created this commission and au- 
 thorized it to lay our case directly before Congress. 
 
 The danger of Japanese control has been recognized in Hawaii as 
 far back as the days of the monarchy. The Government of the King- 
 dom of Hawaii, recognizing the danger of an unbalanced population, 
 prohibited the immigration to Hawaii of aliens, except under certain 
 restricted conditions. In the enforcement of those immigration 
 laws, the government of the kingdom refused to allow several ship- 
 loads of Japanese immigrants to land and they were compelled to 
 return to their homes. 
 
 This incident and the controversy which grew out of it are 
 reviewed by Prof. \¥. D. Alexander on page 321 of his '^History of 
 the Hawaiian people," as follows: 
 
 Difficulty with Japan. — During the years 1896 and 1897 certain Japanese emigration 
 companies made strenuous efforts to induce large numbers of their countrymen to 
 emigrate to the Hawaiian Islands. Having ascertained that extensive frauds were 
 being practiced on these people, and that the immigration laws were being evaded, 
 the Hawaiian Government caused a strict examination to be made, and on the 23d 
 of March, 1897, forbade the landing of several hundred Japanese immigrants. In all, 
 about 1,100 immigrants on different occasions were obliged to return to Japan, where 
 this severe action excited intense feeling. The Japanese Government sent the 
 cruiser Naniwa in May, with a special commissioner, to investigate the matter. After 
 a lengthy correspondence, the difficulty was amicably compromised the next year by 
 the payment of an indemnity of $75,000 to Japan. This was done at the inst'ance of 
 the United States Government, to remove a possible hindrance to annexation 
 (p. 321). 
 
 It is thus seen that as early as 1896 the danger of this alien influence 
 was recognized by the Hawaiian Republic and an attempt made to 
 avert it, and that the attention of the United States Government was 
 then very directly called to it with the result that, acting on the advice 
 of the American Government, the little Republic was forced to pay a 
 considerable sum by way of damages for its attempt to protect itself 
 against this alien horde. 
 
 Coming down, now, to the year 1898, at about the time of annexa* 
 tion, Congressman Hitt, for the Committee on Foreign Affairs, sub- 
 mitted to the House of Representatives Report No. 1356, in which 
 he deals with the conditions in Hawaii, and as showing that the very 
 danger which now actually threatens us was then plainly predicted, 
 the following excerpts are taken from the report in question: 
 
 The Japanese are intensely Japanese, retaining their allegiance to their Empire 
 and responding to suggestions from the Japanese officials. Very many of them served 
 
468 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 in the recent war with China. The Japanese Government not long ago demanded 
 of the Hawaiian Government, under their construction of a treaty made in 1871, that 
 the Japanese in the Hawaiian Islands should have equal privileges with all other 
 persons, which would include voting and holding office. This claim was made when 
 a flood of Japanese subjects, under the supervision of the Government of that country, 
 of from 1,000 to 2.000 per month, were being poured into the Hawaiian Islands, threat- 
 ening a speedy change of the Government into Japanese hands, and ultimately to a 
 Japanese possession. The demand was resisted by the little Republic and a treaty 
 of annexation with the United States arrested it for a time. 
 
 Japan protested earnestly to our Government against that treaty, but our Secretary 
 of State refused to consider their protest; yet the Japanese Government has not with- 
 drawn its demand on the Hawaiian Government and is waiting to renew and press it 
 with more energy and success if annexation to the United States is rejected by this 
 Congress. It could then in a few months throw many thousands of Japanese sulDJects 
 into the Hawaiian Islands, completely overwhelming all other influences (pp. 3, 4). 
 
 Hawaii has attempted to stay this invasion by legislation against contract laborers 
 and paupers identical with that of the United States, and has thereby become involved 
 in its present controversy with Japan, the latter country refusing to recognize the 
 validity of such legislation and practically claiming the absolute right of emigration 
 by her people to Hawaii. 
 
 Even though the Hawaiian legislation referred to is sustained, immigrants who do 
 not come within its terms will soon give an overwhelming Japanese majority of the 
 inhabitants of the country. 
 
 Under the existing constitution of Hawaii the Japanese are not citizens and are 
 ineligible to citizenship; but an energetic, ambitious, warlike, and progressive people 
 like the Japanese can not indefinitely be prevented from participating in the govern- 
 ment of a country in which they become dominant in numbers and the ownership of 
 property. 
 
 Already they are restless under the restrictions imposed upon them, and with 
 their growing wealth, commerce, and numbers it will be impossible for any local 
 independent government to long withhold political privileges from them. 
 
 Even though political privileges may for some time be withheld from them, their 
 commercial men are active and progressive and are rapidly establishing themselves 
 in Hawaii. 
 
 Experience has shown that in Hawaii, as elsewhere, blood is thicker than water 
 (p. 30). 
 
 HAWAII DRIFTING JAPAN WARDS. 
 
 I make no charge that the Japanese Government has hostile intentions against 
 Hawaii. But, regardless of the declarations or intentions of the Japanese Govern- 
 ment, the fact is that Hawaii has, against the will and efforts of its government and 
 people, drifted Japanwards during the past two years; and unless radical action is 
 taken to stay the process there can be but one logical result, viz, the ultimate suprem- 
 acy of the Japanese, and thereby of Japan, in Hawaii. This has progressed and will 
 be accomplished in the teeth of the American policy of exclusion of foreign control 
 in Hawaii, and viith. no tangible overt act on the part of the Japanese Government 
 (pp. 30, 31). 
 
 The present Hawaiian-Japanese controversy is the preliminary skirmish in the 
 great coming struggle between the ci\T.lization and the awakening forces of the East 
 and the civilization of the West. 
 
 The issue is whether, in that inevitable struggle, Asia or America shaU have the 
 vantage ground of the control of the naval "key of the Pacific," the commercial 
 ' ' crossroads of the Pacific . " 
 
 All that has held, and is now holding, Hawaii for the United States is a handful of 
 resolute and determined men who, against heavy odds, are doing all that is within 
 the bounds of possibility to prevent Hawaii from retrograding into an Asiatic outpost 
 and to hold the country to that destiny which American statesmen have for 50 years, 
 regardless of party, outlined for it. But there is a limit to their strength, and if help 
 from the great Republic is to come in time, it must come soon (p. 31). 
 
 It would be difficult to imagine a more powerful and direct warn- 
 ing than is contained in this official report which, in the light of 
 present events, has now all the force of prophecy. 
 
 In the year 1904 Gov. George R. Carter, of the Territory of Hawaii, 
 in his annual report to the Secretary of the Interior, called the atten- 
 tion of that department of the United States Government to the 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 469 
 
 necessity of bringing in to the Territory other classes of immigrants 
 which would have the effect of bringing about a more balanced popu- 
 hition. In this connection, he said: 
 
 Under the existing laws of immigration it is impossible for Hawaii to get immigrant 
 classes from Europe or other occidental countries. Hawaii is 5,000 miles from the 
 point where the great numbers of immigrants land in the United States. Hawaiian 
 interests have tried the experiment of bringing immigrants from Atlantic ports of the 
 United States to Hawaii and have failed. We are therefore forced to take immigrants 
 from the Orient or go without, and to go without means the ruin of Hawaiian industries, 
 a condition that the Congress of the United States can not afford to permit, much 
 less to exist, as it certainly would be making a failure of the industrial situation in 
 Hawaii by the continued application of such a drastic measure. No class of American 
 citizens would be injured by the special legislation above referred to, permitting a 
 restricted immigration of field laborers from China; on the contrary, the interests of 
 all Hawaiian citizens and producers as well as of the planters themselves would be 
 furthered by such legislation. The population thus created would increase the Ha- 
 waiian market for American products and be for the direct interests of workmen on 
 the Pacific coast and in all industries supplying goods to the Territory, while it would 
 not be a competing element upon the mainland. 
 
 By the acquisition of distant territory in the Pacific Ocean the domain of the United 
 States is extended in such a degree that in making laws existing conditions should be 
 recognized. In matters of immigration the restrictions which are required for the 
 protection of the mainland may be very injurious for distant possessions, and a dis- 
 tinction should be made by special legislation, so that classes not desired on the 
 mainland can be excluded and the distant possessions provided for as their needs 
 may require (pp. 11, 12). 
 
 Again in the same year, 1904, Mr. Lucius E. Pinkham, who was 
 then the president of the Territorial board of health and later gov- 
 ernor of Hawaii, acting on the suggestion of Gov. Carter, organized a 
 joint committee of six, representing the labor council and the several 
 trade-unions in Hawaii. This committee was organized for the 
 express purpose of making a critical study of the labor situation 
 throughout the Territory, and, in making this study, the committee 
 covered practically every foot of ground in the islands. The report 
 which the committee made is on file in the public archives in Hono- 
 lulu, fills four portfolios, and was given the widest publicity at the 
 time it was prepared. The report of the investigation is well sum- 
 marized in a letter written to Mr. Samuel Gompers, pre'sident of the 
 American Federation of Labor, by the Labor Council of Honolulu, in 
 the year 1905. From this letter the following excerpts are quoted: 
 
 Said joint committee virtually covered every foot of the islands. * * * "We saw 
 everything and are in a position to speak on the matter. These islands can not be 
 classed with the mainland in any shape, form, or manner. The object of this com- 
 mittee was to advance the interests of white labor in this Territory and to endeavor 
 to secure for white mechanics positions now held by Asiatics. 
 
 After a full and thorough investigation, the majority of this committee concluded 
 that white men would not work in the cane fields and, if they would, they could not 
 be obtained. 
 
 We brought the matter of such a large number of Japanese holding mechanical 
 positions to the attention of the managers of the plantations, and, without exception, 
 they state that they would prefer white mechanics, but that if they were to let them 
 go, the Japanese as a whole would quit, and as they predominate in such large numbers, 
 it would simply cripple the sugar industry; that if they had some labor to counteract 
 the Japs, they would be in a position to fill these mechanical positions with whites. 
 
 In 1907, the governor of Hawaii, in his annual report to the 
 Secretary of the Interior, called the attention of that department to 
 the local attempts which were then being made to offset the pre- 
 ponderating Japanese population and said: 
 
470 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 The most significant effort made during the past year, as regards immigration, has 
 ■been the carrying out of a policy to offset the oriental population in Hawaii with 
 Europeans. 
 
 In the year 1912 the Delegate to Congress from Hawaii filed with 
 the President and with the Secretary of the Interior a formal protest 
 against the then existing conditions in the Terrritory with special 
 reference to the large and preponderating Asiatic influence and the 
 failure of the Government more completely to Americanize the 
 Territory. The Secretary of the Interior thereupon visited Hawaii 
 and made an extensive study of conditions on the ground. He held 
 many public hearings throughout the islands. What conclusions 
 were reached by him we do not know, for no report of those conclusions 
 or findings was ever published. 
 
 In the year 1913 the governor of Hawaii again called the attention 
 of the Secretary of the Interior to the Territory's need for special 
 legislation, to the end that it might obtain a more diversified popula- 
 tion. On page 9 of his report for that year, we find the following 
 statement: 
 
 Legislation by Congress, if any should be enacted, imposing a literacy test upon 
 immigrants, should except from the test Caucasian immigrants to Hawaii. The 
 reasons advanced for such a test in the case of European immigration to the mainland 
 do not apply to such immigration to Hawaii. The former is largely of self -selected 
 single men, while the latter is almost exclusively of Government-selected agricul- 
 turist families, whose children, as experience has shown, quickly become educated, 
 worthy American citizens. Local racial conditions also in Hawaii differ from those 
 on the mainland, and if only literates could be introduced the Americanizing of the 
 Territory would not be as rapid as would otherwise be the case. Legislation should 
 be enacted by Congress also to prevent Caucasian immigrants introduced into Hawaii 
 by the Territory from proceeding from the Territory to the mainland unless they con- 
 form to the immigration laws in respect of literacy and also unless they reimbiu*se the 
 Territory for the expense of bringing them to Hawaii. At present a large percentage 
 of the immigrants thus brought from Europe apparently take advantage of the assist- 
 ance offered by the Territory merely to go from Europe to the Pacific coast, using Hawaii 
 as a stepping-stone, thus taking an unfair advantage of the Territorial government and 
 evading the spirit of the Federal immigration laws. 
 
 In the year 1919, when the Hawaiian Legislative Commission 
 appeared before the House Committee on the Territories, the atten- 
 tion of that committee was very directly and positively called to the 
 danger which confronts the Territory in this regard. 
 
 During the past 10 years the Legislature of Hawaii has invited four 
 different parties, consisting of Members of both Houses of Congress, 
 to visit Hawaii at the expense of the Territory. It was felt that the 
 first-hand information thus gained by Members of Congress would be 
 of the greatest value to them in legislating for Hawaii. On the 
 occasion of each of these visits, the attention of Senators and Con- 
 gressmen was called to these conditions and to the danger of sub- 
 sequent Japanese control unless some method should be devised to 
 offset their growing influence. 
 
 Finally, driven desperate by the condition which now actually 
 confronts us and by the apparent lack of interest taken in our previous 
 appeals, we come here as an official commission, representing the 
 people of Hawaii, formally to present our case to Congress for relief. 
 
 Any statement that we have not previously warned the Federal 
 Government of the danger that has now grown acute is not correct. 
 We have repeatedly cried a warning and pointed to the danger, and 
 to-day we cite it again. The Territory of Hawaii is threatened with 
 
LABOK PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 471 
 
 total alienation from the American Nation. We beseech you to 
 prevent such a calamity by affording us the relief that we seek. 
 
 The Chairman. If there is no objection I think the public hearings 
 might be closed. Mr. Dillingham, all will agree with the statement 
 made by Mr. Wilson that you and the members of your commission 
 from the Hawaiian Legislature have made a strong case; that the 
 Americans in Hawaii are making a strong fight, and holding up under 
 odds is apparent. Whether this form of emergency, form of relief, is 
 the thing, I am not prepared just now to say, but to me it is clear 
 that something must be done. Whether such a resolution can pass 
 the House and Senate, I do not pretend to say, but I feel that you and 
 all members of your commission have shed much light .on the whole 
 situation, which, while it seems to be one thing as an immediate emer- 
 gency, is really another thing more subtle, more dangerous, and com- 
 pared to which the loss of a few sugar crops is nothing. If you lose 
 your crops and your business and your plantations, none of these 
 things will fall into the hands of Americans of either high or low 
 estate. For the committee, I thank the commission. 
 
 * (Whereupon the committee adjourned to meet in executive session, 
 to-morrow, July 8, at 10.30 o'clock.) 
 
 (Note. — Hearings were resumed July 22, and will be published as 
 part 2, serial 7.) 
 
 Appendix I. 
 
 INDORSEMENTS OF THE RESOLUTION UNDER CONSIDERATION AND OF THE METHOD 
 OP RELIEF PROPOSED THEREIN, FROM CIVIC AND COMMERCIAL ORGANIZATIONS AND 
 INDIVIDUALS. 
 
 Honolulu, June 25, 1921. 
 Retlaw, Willard, Washington, D. C: 
 
 A largely attended special meeting of the chamber unanimously indorse joint 
 resolution to authorize the Secretary of Labor to permit the importation of alien 
 labor for agricultural and domestic work in Hav/aii. 
 
 Commerce. 
 
 Honolulu, June 28, 1921. 
 Retlaw, Willard, Washington, D. C: 
 
 The Honolulu Press Club unanimously indorses joint resolution. Vitally important. 
 
 Honolulu, June 26, 1921. 
 Dillingham, New Willard, Washington, D. C: 
 
 The Medical Society of Hawaii indorses labor resolution. 
 
 Putnam. 
 
 Honolulu, June SO, 1921. 
 Retlaw, Willard, Washington, D. C: 
 
 Labor resolution is heartily indorsed by Hawaiian Islands Hotel and Restaurant 
 Associations. 
 
 A, J. Pederson, I'resident. 
 
 Honolulu, June 25, 1921. 
 Retlaw, Willard, Washington: 
 
 Kaneohe Rice Mill Co. indorses joint resolution. 
 
 Haneberg. 
 
 Honolulu, June 26, 1921. 
 Retlaw, Willard, Washington, D. C: 
 
 Housewife's I;eague of Hawaii heartily and unanimously indorse joint resolution. 
 
 Cecilie Knudsen, Secretary. 
 
472 LAB OK PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 Honolulu, June 25, 1921, 
 Retlaw, Willard, Washington, D. C: 
 
 Outdoor Circle unanimously indorses labor resolution. 
 
 Campbell. 
 
 Honolulu, June 25, 1921. 
 Retlaw, Willard, Washington, D. C: 
 
 Indorsement by Marine Engineers Benefit Association mailed 22d. Membership 80. 
 
 Oral. 
 
 Honolulu, June 25, 1921. 
 Retlaw, Willard, Washington, D. C: 
 
 Rotary Club unanimously indorses labor resolution. 
 
 Stuart Johnson, President. 
 
 Honolulu, June 25, 1921. 
 Retlaw, Willard, Washington, D. C: 
 
 Honolulu Automobile Club unanimously indorses resolution. 
 
 Warren, President. 
 
 Honolulu, June 24, 1921.^ 
 Retlaw, Willard, Washington, D. C: 
 
 The Commercial Club of Honolulu indorses labor resolution. 
 
 L. H. Underwood, Vice President. 
 
 Honolulu, June 29, 1921. 
 Retlaw, Willard, Washington: 
 
 Maui Chamber of Commerce unanimously adopted the following resolution on 
 June 27: 
 
 Resolved, That the Maui Chamber of Commerce, a nonpolitical organization having 
 at heart the continued American control of Hawaii's chief agricultural industries, 
 strongly urges upon Congress and indorses the passage of joint resolution introduced 
 in the United States Senate under date of June 20, 1921, permitting importation into 
 the Territory of Hawaii for limited periods of time sufficient agricultural labor to 
 relieve the present local labor shortage. 
 
 Case, Secretary. 
 
 (Note.— "Retlaw" is a code word meaning * Walter Dillingham," used as an 
 address to save cable tolls.) 
 
 [Telegram.] 
 
 Honolulu, 
 
 Walter Dillingham, 
 
 New Willard Hotel, Washington, D. C: 
 
 Congressmen who disapprove of our present condition should remember that the 
 responsibility for it is shared by Congress. The original Hawaiian immigration policy 
 was dependent on maintaining balance of numbers. Accordingly, we stopped the 
 immigration of Japanese in 1897, annexation reopened it and Congress did nothing 
 until the gentlemen's agreement. It was during this period that the preponderance 
 of this nationality came to Hawaii. We ought now to send back every Japanese who 
 does not propose to make Hawaii his home and his children American citizens. Intro- 
 ducing Cliinese will help accomplish this and insure our future. This project far 
 more important than rehabilitation. 
 
 Geo. R. Carter, Former Governor. 
 
 Honolulu, July 5, 1921. 
 Retlaw, Willard, Washington, D. C: 
 
 The following resolution was unanimously adopted by the Woman's Club of Maui: 
 
 " Resolved, That the Maui Woman's Club, a nonpolitical, nonsectarian organization, 
 
 composed of the women of Maui, with a membership of approximately 180, and whose 
 
 chief purpose is that of promoting the highest welfare of Maui, indorse and urge the 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAW AIL 473 
 
 passage of the joint resolution recently introduced in the United States Senate per- 
 mitting the importation into the Territor}- of Hawaii for limited periods of time of 
 sufficient agricultural labor to relieve the present acute labor shortage." 
 
 Mrs. W. 0. Aiken, Secretary. 
 
 B.oisiOLVLV, July S, 192J. 
 Retlaw, Willard, Washington, D. C: 
 
 The Kona Improvement Club strongh' favors the admission of alien labor to 
 Hawaii. 
 
 McKiLLOP, Secretary. 
 
 Honolulu, July 6, 1921. 
 Walter Dillingham, 
 
 Willard Hotel, Washington, D . C: 
 
 The Honolulu Welding & Machine Co. employ dozens of skilled mechanics, who 
 individually and collectively indorse and urge the importation of oriental labor as 
 requested by your commission. It is the only solution to save Hawaii's chief industry, 
 which will collapse under present conditions. 
 
 Frank Howes, President. 
 
 Hilo, Hawaii, July 14, 1921. 
 Retlaw, 
 
 Willard Hotel, Washington, D. C: 
 
 Board of trade Hilo approves labor resolution. 
 
 Marine Engineers' Beneficial Association, No. 100, 
 
 Affiliated to the American Federation of Labor, 
 
 Honolulu, June 18, 1921 . 
 Mr. Walter Dillingham, 
 
 Chairman Hawaii Labor Committee, Washington, D. C. 
 
 Dear Sir: The members of the Marine Engineers' Beneficial Association, No. 100, 
 of Honolulu, desire to express their full accord with the proposed measure to admit 
 Chinese agricultural laborers to the Hawaiian Islands. 
 
 Having from the nature of our occupation special opportunities to see conditions 
 on the various sugar plantations, and being for the greater part old residents of Hawaii 
 who have seen the several classes of labor tried out at this work, we feel competent 
 to express an opinion upon this subject and would say that of all the labor that has 
 been employed by the plantations the Chinese have been the best suited to the 
 climate and class of work. 
 
 With this conviction, and considering the handicap that the sugar and pineapple 
 industries labor under with the labor at present available and the distance that has to 
 be covered to place their products on the market. We feel that we should give our fullest 
 approbation to a measure that, if passed, will assure the prosperity of the Hawaiian 
 Islands; if rejected, will mean practically their ruin. 
 
 With the concurrence of our 80 members and ^vishing you the fullest success in your 
 efforts, we are, 
 
 Yours, very trulv, 
 
 M. E. B. A., No. 100, 
 
 Honolulu, T. H., 
 
 By C. B. Cottrell, 
 J. T. Boyd, 
 James H. Davis, 
 
 Committee . 
 
 Mokuleia, Waialua, June 15, 1921. 
 To the Hawaiian Labor Commission. 
 
 Gentlemen: I would like to bring to your attention the serious labor shortage now 
 existing on this section of the Waialua Agricultural Sugar Co. under my charge, an 
 acute one, which not only jeopardizes this plantation but every sugar plantation 
 and every agricultural industry of the Hawaiian Islands. 
 
474 LABOR PEOBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 I am the irrigation and cultivation overseer of the Mokuleia section, one of seven 
 sections which constitute the Waiahia Agricultural Sugar Co., and have under my 
 charge 1,600 acres of irrigation cane lands, requiring approximately, figuring (as we do) 
 at 9 acres per man, 178 men; instead I have at present the large sum of 49 men and 
 10 women; total of 59, or a shade over one-third of the required number necessary to 
 keep this section in shape. 
 
 This number is not necessarily required for irrigation and cultivation the whole 
 year round, it being the rule during winter rains (various fields having attained their 
 full growth) to draw on a portion of this force and put them to work m various tasks 
 such as cleaning and repairing storm ditches and waste ditches, road repairs, and 
 such like, but, most important of all , repairs to and concreting of some of my long 
 mainwater supply ditches, which run for a good many miles through this section. 
 
 This is all very necessary work, particularly the cementing of our supply ditches, 
 in order to conserve our irrigation water, which we are alv/ays very short of in the 
 dry summer _ months .^ This work has to be done in the winter, because even under 
 normal conditions it is impossible to spare men from the fields at any other time. 
 
 Now (as I said above), important as this work is, I liave been unable to do any of 
 it for the last two years, simply on account of the labor shortage, which is growing 
 yearly and daily worse. 
 
 The crop now being harvested (1921 1 will show great less not only due to strike of 
 last year, which reduced the tonnage of cane and sugar tremendously, but to the lack 
 of suflacient and efficient hands to terminate the grinding in the proper season, thereby 
 causing deterioration of juice by long standing. 
 
 Now, in regard to the growing crops (so far only dealing with 1922) again, oAving to 
 the late harvesting of this crop, are all undermanned, and all, I regret to say (with the 
 exception of one field of H109 late plant), disheartingly overgrown Avith weeds, and 
 although being under cultivation for the last three months, has only had one and one- 
 half rounds of water, where it should have had at least four. I might mention here 
 that 150 acres of the above-mentioned area are short ratoons, which were short ratoons 
 last year, and should have been harvested then; but owing to strike, had to stand over 
 till the early part of this year. 
 
 Another field of 74 acres, originally intended for short ratoons, has not had any 
 attention so far, and unless irrigated soon will die out completely. 
 
 About 600 acres of my 1923 crop "will be needing attention very shortly, and I have 
 to give thought to the p^roblem ahead, for I can not see where the labor is coming from 
 to handle it, and feel sure that if this situation (which I assure you is very acute) is 
 not relieved immediately, a great portion of this area will have to be abandoned. 
 
 In regard to the class of labor, I have here, at present, Japs and Koreans. 
 
 Japanese in the past have been very satisfactory and industrious and peaceable ; 
 but of late have grown discontented and dissatisfied, and hundreds of them are return- 
 ing to Japan. 
 
 My experience vdth Koreans is that they are inefiiicient, stupid, stubborn, and lazy, 
 and by comparison with the Jap are not to be considered; even these are very scarce, 
 and as agriculturists they are a failure. 
 
 Now, this shortage of labor threatens the life of the islands, every industry is suffer- 
 ing from it, and unless new labor is obtained the situation will be very serious. 
 
 The Chinese coolies seem to be our only salvation; they have proved themselves 
 efficient in the past, industrious, and peaceable. 
 ^ The;/ do not (like the Jap) engage in trades or professions; but are content to "be 
 tillers of the soil," and so make good field laborers. 
 
 We feel confident you fully realize the gravity of the situation and know you will 
 
 do your utmost to convince the "powers that be" in Congress to readjust lav/s in 
 
 order to obtain for these islands permission to admit Chinese labor in sufficient numbers 
 
 to save the life of our industries. 
 
 I remain, respectfully, 
 
 W. B. Greenfield, 
 Section Overseer, Mokuleia Waialua Agriculiural Co. {Ltd ^. 
 
 Waialua, Hawaii, June 14, 1921. 
 Hawaiian Labor Commission, 
 
 Washington, D. C. 
 
 Gentlemen: Being employed by the Waialua Agricultural Co. (Ltd.) as an over- 
 seer, taking care of approximately 1,500 acres of cane land, I am directly interested 
 in the labor situation in Hawaii. 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 475 
 
 Personal observation has convinced me that there is immediate need of an addi- 
 tional supply of labor for carrying on the field work on this and other plantations in 
 these islands. On this plantation the shortage of labor is so acnte that the fields 
 are being neglected and as a result — 
 
 (a) They are overgrown with weeds; 
 
 (6) Are not being properly irrigated ; 
 
 (c) Cane that should be harvested during the period when the sucrose content 
 is highest must be left standing on the fields; and 
 
 (d) No planting can be undertaken for the crops of 1922 and 1923. 
 
 This shortage obtains on all sections of this plantation. From information I have 
 received of intimate friends on other plantations in these islands, the scarcity of 
 labor is general, and it is the consensus of opinion that great losses will be entailed 
 if relief from some source is not forthcoming at an early date. 
 
 I have had occasion to supervise Chinese laborers and in all cases they have given 
 very satisfactory results. The Chinese as a rule are honest, industrious, law-abiding, 
 can adapt themselves readily to conditions existing on Hawaiian plantations, and 
 consequently their output is aliove the average of most of the other classes of labor 
 now available. 
 
 The activities of the military and naval establishments in Hawaii and the rapid 
 development of the pineapple industry, homesteading and other small farming 
 have seriously aiiected the supply of labor for field work, and it is urgently requested 
 that remedial action be taken as soon as possible. 
 Yours, very truly, 
 
 Fred A. Escolona, 
 Overseer Kemoo Section, 
 Waialua Agricultural Co. (Ltd.), Waialua, Hawaii. 
 
 Waialua, June 11, 1921. 
 Mr. W. F. Dillingham, 
 
 Chairman Hawaiian Labor Commission^ Washington, D. C. 
 
 Dear Sir: In reply to a request for an opinion on our labor shortage, will say that 
 conditions in Hawaii are in a mighty precarious state, and will be much worse in a few 
 months from now unless we can get more agricultural labor. 
 
 I am employed by the Waialua Agricultural Co. as section overseer over 2,600 acres; 
 have had over 20 years' experience in the sugar business, the most of which time has 
 been spent directly with field labor— chiefly unskilled. 
 
 Through shortage of labor on this section alone harvesting of crop 1921 has been 
 delayed 4 months. This not only means a loss of at least 3,000 tons of sugar, but it 
 will set back the 1923 crop to the extent of 4,000 to 5,000 tons of sugar unless we can 
 get labor right now to save it. The 1922 -crop has already suffered a reduction of 
 approximately 4,000 tons of sugar, and this through the shortage alone of labor. 
 
 Besides all crop losses, there is the maintenance of water-heads, reservoirs, wads, 
 and buildings, etc., which simply has had to be left alone. This means extra labor 
 and more cost in the future if we expect to get things in shape again. 
 
 Chinese labor of the agricultural class, beyond a doubt would fill the breach. My 
 experience with them is they have staj'-ed more with the agricultural work than any 
 other labor that has come to these islands. 
 
 Aside from importing Chinese for field labor the A*ery fact that we have them here 
 wrill be a fortification to the welfare of Hawaii. 
 
 Trusting that you and your honorable committee shall be successful in convincing 
 Congress how serious the situation is. 
 Yours, very truly, 
 
 Geo. M. Robertson. 
 
 Kawailoa, Waialua, Oahu, June 11, 1921. 
 Hawaiian Labor Commission, 
 
 Washington. 
 
 Dear Sirs: During all my 25 years' experience on plantations I have never wit- 
 nessed a shortage of labor such as exists to-day. On the Kawailoa section, where I 
 have been for the past 11 years, we are only able to take care of and cultivate about 
 one-third of the area that we did in former years. All the fields that has been harvested 
 since January, 1921, are still laying as the harvesters left them. And owing to the slow 
 harvesting of the crop there will be no labor available to do any necessary work on 
 them. Which means that all fields that should be growing the 1923 crop will have to 
 
476 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 be abandoned. Should we be unable to get a supply of labor from outside the Territory 
 there is no hope for the plantations but to close down. 
 
 According to my own experience and observation, the Chinese is by far the most 
 superior agricultmists to anything we have on the plantation to-day. 
 Yours, respectfully, 
 
 George Wilson. 
 
 Waialua Agricultural Co. (Ltd.), 
 
 Kawailoa, June 11, 1921. 
 Chairman Hawaiian Labor Commission, * 
 
 Washington, D. C. 
 
 Sir: The members of the sugar industry of these Islands are anxiously awaiting 
 the result of your activities in Washington. 
 
 We sincerely hope that you can convince Congress of the absolute necessity of 
 procuring Chinese labor for the production of sugar. 
 
 The labor situation on the plantations at the present is deplorable. 
 
 The harvesting on my section has been considerably delayed, with the result that 
 at least 25 per cent of the canes will be unfit to send to the mill, as they will be com- 
 pletely "dried" out. After same has been harvested, there will not be a laborer 
 available to get the fields in shape for the 1923 crop. The management have decided 
 to abandon 400 acres of excellent sugar cane lands— a loss of approximately 2,400 tons 
 sugar that is only on one section. 
 
 I have handled Chinese labor in various parts of the world and they have always 
 given entire satisfaction as agricultural laborers and are in my estimation 100 per cent 
 more efficient than the Filipino as a field laborer. 
 
 Trusting this data will be of use to you in your efforts to procure the labor that is 
 so vital to the sugar interests of these islands. 
 I am, yours, sincerely, 
 
 O. S. CONSIN, 
 
 Water Luna, Waimea. 
 
 Wmalua Agricultural Co. (Ltd.), 
 
 Oahu. 
 
 Honolulu, T. H., June 10, 1921. 
 Mr. W. F. Dillingham, 
 
 Chairman Labor Commission, Washington, D. C. 
 Dear Mr. Dillingham: The need for laborers for the cane fields is beginning to 
 show in the slack work in the two iron works of this city and both shops have laid off 
 a number of men because of lack of work.. 
 
 This is because the plantations are not prosperous and are suffering because they 
 do not have men to properly take care of the cane now growing and to plant more cane 
 or to harvest that which is ready for cutting. 
 
 I hope that you can soon get permission to bring laborers to Hawaii. I have been 
 a workingman in the islands for 23 years and know that the plantations must have 
 laborers that can work in the cane fields and that white men can not do this kind of 
 work. 
 
 Yours, truly, C. W. Kiesel, Coppersmith. 
 
 Oahu Railway & Land Co., 
 Honolulu, Hawaii, May 3, 1921. 
 The Hawaii Emergency Labor Commission, 
 
 Washington, D. C. 
 
 Gentlemen: The Oahu Railway & Land Co., in common with other employers of 
 labor throughout the Territory, has been decidedly handicapped in carrying out its 
 obligations to the traveling public and other customers, due to the shortage of labor in 
 the Territory. 
 
 We have been compelled to double track 15 miles of our main line in order to handle 
 the pineapple shipments during the canning season each 3^ear. This work, while it 
 will be completed in time for the coming season, has been delayed not less than two 
 months, due to our inability to secure enough laborers to carry out the work. This 
 delay has prevented the repairs to one of our branch lines which was seriously damaged 
 bv the heavv storms of last January. 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IK HAWAII. 477 
 
 We have also had [o j^xstpone the movint^ of a station and ronstriiction of additional 
 tracks at Scliofield Barracks, work which is urgently needed for the convenience of 
 the Government and the personnel at Schofield Barracks. 
 
 In order to accomplish as much as we have in this program it has been necessary to 
 take labor from regular section gangs and improvise or (construct devices for unloading 
 and spreading- material. We h.ave been paying a considerably higher rate of wages 
 for our labor than is reported to obtain on either sugar or pineapple plantations. If 
 our information is correct, we are now paying more than a dollar a day above the wages 
 paid similar classes of labor in these industries; this without securing additional 
 labor. 
 
 Several months ago we had printed in the Japanese papers advertisements for 
 laborers. These advertisements were not over the signature of the railway, but that 
 of one of its Japanese foremen. No results were noticeable from these advertisements. 
 
 In our judgment, an additional supply of labor is urgently needed. All of the 
 plantations served by this road are very much behind v/ith the present crop of sugar, 
 due to a shortage of labor to harvest the cane; the conditions will surely be worse in 
 July and August, when the pineapples have to be harvested, and unless some relief 
 is obtained a decided curtailment of output must result. 
 Yours, very truly, 
 
 Oahu Railway & Land Co. 
 Geo. p. Denison, General Manager. 
 
 Honolulu, Hawaii, Maij 3, 1921. 
 W. F. Dillingham, Esq., 
 
 Chairman of Labor Commission. 
 
 Dear Sir: As a workingman who has the interest of American workingmen at 
 heart and as a citizen who prizes his citizenship higher than St. Paul, I wish you 
 success in your mission to Washington to secure for the agricultural interests of this 
 Territory 25,000 Chinese laborers. 
 
 I have resided in this Territory 32 years, being engaged by the late B. F. Dillingham 
 in San Francisco to build cars for his railroad. I am still building cars for the same 
 railroad. During those years I haA'-e consistently worked for the Americanization of 
 the islands, helped to organize the Republican Party, was a member of its first execu- 
 tive committee, and served one term in the legislature. 
 
 I am in favor of bringing in Chinese labor for our sugar plantations and pineapple 
 canneries, because the very life of those industries depends on this labor, and the 
 commercial and business life of the Territory depends absolutely on these industries. 
 
 To say that white men can or will work on the torrid sugar plantations cutting and 
 loading cane is an absurdity. The time is past, if it ever was, when he would do it. 
 It is contrary to nature's laws for white men to toil at hard, laborious work under an 
 equatorial sun; even the Japanese quit at the earliest possible time. 
 
 I am in favor of bringing in Chinese labor, because from a national and business 
 point of view it is wrong to allow Japanese nationals to hold by the throat — and can 
 throttle at any moment— the business and commercial life of an American Territory. 
 
 I am in favor of bringing Chinese labor here because, in the world's chaotic state, 
 China is our loyal friend. Our Chinese business men are honest and progressive and 
 there is no more loyal and patriotic American than our Chinese- American. Thirty 
 thousand Chinese will help, not hinder, the Americanization of this Territory, because 
 they are honest and industrious workers and because they will squeeze out an un- 
 American and undesirable element. 
 
 There is no one longs more ardently for the day to come 7:'':.on over our great land 
 all will be good and loyal citizens, all shall live in peace and prosperity. To bring 
 about this condition Hawaii, if allowed, will surely do her part. She can not, how- 
 ever, do it if she is made a desert of, and a refusal of your request by Congress would 
 tend to that result. 
 
 Yours, very truly, 
 
 John A. Hughes. 
 
 Honolulu, H. T., May 3, 1921. 
 Mr. Walter F. Dillingham, 
 
 Chairman the Hawaiian Emergency Labor Commission, 
 
 Honolulu, H. T. 
 
 Dear Sir: As a mechanical engineer and a resident of Hawaii for nearly 40 years, I 
 
 am very much interested in the objects of your mission to Washington in an effort to 
 
 secure Chinese labor for agricultural purposes. I beg to state that my experience with 
 
 this class of labor while acting in an official capacity on sugar palntations 30 years age 
 
478 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 was eminently satisfactory for industry and reliability, and such few of them as have 
 remained on the plantations that I have knowledge of are still giving good service 
 there. 
 
 Since the introduction of Japanese labor in the islands, I have noted with regret 
 and alarm the steady decrease in the number of American mechanics which I believe 
 is largely due to the intense competition which they have to meet from semiskilled 
 mechanics who originally came to Hawaii for agricultural purposes and whose mode of 
 living makes it impossible for any white mechanic to compete with them; and, when 
 we had Chinese labor on the plantations, such conditions as these did not exist. 
 
 I have noted in the past few years that these semiskilled Japanese artisans have 
 been lea^dng the agricultural districts and taking up their residence in the towns to 
 such an extent that at the present time agricultural industries of Hawaii are suffering 
 from a shortage of labor. 
 
 As an American citizen and a permanent resident of Hawaii, I am vitally interested 
 in all that concerns the prosperity of the islands; and I view the present situation with 
 some alarm as the outlook seems to indicate that, owing to the foregoing mentioned 
 conditions, the situation will get worse instead of better, and I firmly believe that a 
 large majority of the reputable American citizen residents of Hawaii would gladly 
 welcome the reintroduction of Chinese labor for agricultural purposes which would 
 tend to alle^'iate our present industrial conditions and stabilize the prosperity of the 
 islands. In closing, I desire to say, without bias or prejudice, that many of us con- 
 sider that, owing to their intense nationalistic characteristics and dual citizenship, 
 the ever-increasing population of native-born Japanese are a distinct and serious 
 menace to the Americanization of the Hawaiian Islands. 
 
 Hoping that the special labor commission will be successful in their efforts, I am 
 Respectfully, yours, 
 
 H. G. WooTTteN, Engineer. 
 
 Honolulu, Hawaii, June 7, 1921. 
 Walter F. Dillingham, Esq., 
 Washington, D. C. 
 Dear Sir: The question of bringing Chinese laborers into Hawaii is now being 
 agitated, and I want to tell you that I am in favor of it; let them come, we need them. 
 Sincerely, yours, 
 
 John Anderson, Well Driller. 
 James Armstrong, Carpenter. 
 
 Waipahu, Oahu, Hawaii, June 10, 1921. 
 
 The Director Bureau op Labor and Statistics, 
 
 Honolulu, Hawaii. 
 
 Dear Sir: I think the idea of importing Chinese to work in the cane fields an 
 excellent one. 
 
 How serious the present shortage of labor is can be easily seen by those of us who 
 work on a sugar plantation. It threatens slow strangulation of the sugar industry Jn 
 these islands. 
 
 The Chinese have a capacity for steady, hard work and a habit of contentment, 
 which make them ideal laborers. 
 
 I hope therefore that the commission now in Washington may be successful. 
 Very truly, yours, 
 
 E. A. Boxall. 
 
 Honolulu, Hawaii, June 13, 1921. 
 W. F. Dillingham, 
 
 Chairman Labor Commission, Washington, D. C. 
 Dear Mr. Dillingham: As a mechanic employed by one of the local fertilizer 
 manufacturers, which business is dependent upon the sugar industry in Hawaii, I am 
 very much interested in the importation of laborers for work in the cane fields,, as the 
 need for sufficient labor has been keenly felt on the plantations and this unfavorable 
 situation is reflected in all industries in the islands. 
 
 As soon as hard iimes hit the plantations, it affects all local concerns and I therefore 
 hope that you will be able to secure la])orers before it is necessary to shut down the 
 concern I am working for, as I have a family dependent upon me and do not want to 
 lose m\' job. 
 
 Yours, very truly, 
 
 Chas. D. Akstad. 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAIL 479 
 
 Honolulu, T Taw ah, June 13, 19? 1. 
 W. F. Dillingham, 
 
 Chairman Labor Commission, Washington, T). C. 
 
 Deak Mr- r»TLT.TNGHAM: I am very much interested in your efl'orts to secure per- 
 mission to bring laborers to Hawaii, as the plantations are very badly in need of 
 laborers that can work in the fields. 
 
 Knomng that unless laborers are seciu'ed, most manufacturing concerns in Hawaii 
 will be compelled to shut down, I natiurally do not want to lose my job and hope that 
 your elforts will be successful. 
 Yours, ^•ery truly, 
 
 J. C. Brun.<^, Machinist: 
 
 Honolulu, June 7, 1921. 
 Mr. W. F. Dillingham, 
 
 Chairman Ijahor Commission, Washington, D. C: 
 
 I have lived in the Hawaiian Islands for 50 years, and have been employed as a 
 skilled mechanic for many years. I understand the labor conditions on the islands, 
 and realize that in order to keep industry agoing on these islands, it is necessary that 
 laborers be brought here to work in the fields only, and to be returned after working a 
 certain number of years. As it is too hot in the open fields where hard labor is pei- 
 formed the Americans can not work; and I am in favor of the bill passed by the legis- 
 lature of the Territory asking Congress to allow laborers to be brought for plantation 
 work only. 
 
 A. G. CUNHA, 
 
 Foreman Patternmaker. 
 
 Honolulu, Hawaii, May 3, 1921. 
 Mr. W. F. Dillingham. 
 
 Dear Sir: As you know, I have been on the islands since 1900, starting in as a 
 launchman, and have been steady at it until now. 
 
 At present I am manager and control Young Bros. (Ltd.), who have a fleet of 14 
 boats, doing all the towboat and launch business of this port. 
 
 I have always worked with Hawaiian natives, who make wonderful boatmen. 
 
 My company has grown with the shipping. At first sailing vessels, with coal in and 
 sugar out, later steamers, cargoes in and sugar out. Without sugar, our business would 
 be dead. 
 
 The islands need laborers, the Hawaiina and whites can not work in the fields, so our 
 salvation is in orientals. No laborers, no sugar; no sugar, no ships; no ships, no 
 business. 
 
 Yours, truly, 
 
 John A. Young. 
 
 San Francisco, May 10, 1921. 
 Mr. W. T. Dillingham, 
 
 Chairman Hawaii J^abor Commission, San Francisco. 
 
 Dear Mr. Dillingham: Understanding that you are going to Washington in con- 
 nection with labor matters in the Hawaiian Islands, and in order to relieve conditions 
 there by bringing in a certain number of Chinese laborers, I wish to state that I have 
 been in the general contractixig and building business in the Hawaiian Islands for 
 the past 44 years, ha\ing arrived there in 1S77, and have been and am now familiar 
 with labor conditions thi-ough all the islands. I am also familiar \vith labor con- 
 ditions on the Pacific coast. Xowhere is labor better treated than in the islands, 
 with good, free accommodations, firewood and lights, and good working conditions. 
 The best and most orderly and efiicient labor that we have had in the islands are 
 Chinese, a class of labor that can perform work, particularly in the rice fixelcls, that is 
 difficult, if not impossible, for any other class of labor to perform. Since Chinese 
 have stopped coming to Hawaii and those in Hawaii have left for China, the rice 
 industry has practically gone to ruin. This class of labor does not compete with the 
 white labor, and there is a great need for them in Hawaii now with the shortage of 
 labor there. They do not come in contact with the white mechanic. I am writing 
 this from the standpoint of a mechanic. 
 
 Yours, truly, • John F. Bowler. 
 
 I 
 
480 LABOR PROBLEMS IN" HAWAII. 
 
 Honolulu, T. H., June 6, 1921 . 
 Mr. Walter F. Dillingham, 
 
 Chairman Labor Commission, Washington, D. C. 
 
 Dear Sir: I sincerely hope that you will succeed in impressing on Congress the 
 pressing need of our plantations for labor and that your request for 25,000 Chinese 
 laborers for the islands be granted . I might say sugar is the principal, the only product 
 of our islands; without it the commercial life of the Territory would die; to raise it 
 we must have labor, which we have not at the present time. White men can not 
 cut and load cane under a tropical sun; it has been tried and failed. And again, 
 without any prejudice, alien nal^ionals that can not and will not assimilate or become 
 Americans should not control the industrial and agTicultural business of an American 
 territory. I am a blacksmith, have resided here for 40 years. I believe that in 
 bringing Chinese labor here it will help out every interest in the Territory. 
 Yours, truly, 
 
 J. Machado. 
 
 Honolulu, Hawaii, June 10, 1921. 
 W. F. Dillingham, 
 
 Chairman Labor Commission. 
 
 Dear Sir: Kegarding the bill passed by the last territorial legislature to allow im 
 portation of Oriental laborers, I desire to state my views on same. 
 
 I am in favor of such importation provided they are employed as agricultural and 
 plantation laborers and as household servants. 
 
 When they feel disposed to quit field and household work, they should be imme- 
 diately deported to their own country. 
 
 Believe they should not be allowed to own or hold land. I have been a resident 
 of the Territory for six years and have been employed as carpenter, carpenter foreman, 
 and at present superintendent of construction. 
 Yours, for a better Hawaii, 
 
 B. S. MacIntyre. 
 
 Honolulu, Hawaii, June 7, 1921, 
 W. F. Dillingham, 
 
 Chairman Labor Commission, Washington, D. C. 
 
 Dear Sir: Having been asked to forward my indorsement to your mission in Wash- 
 ington at the present time, I do so with pleasm'e. I feel that after 40 years' residence 
 in Hawaii, working as a blacksmith, gave me the opportunity to observe field work on 
 the plantations of these islands. 
 
 I am convinced that the field work of the sugar and pineapple estates can not be 
 worked successfully by American labor, and in view of the fact that our estates are 
 going back in their production for the want of Oriental labor, and as our fields are 
 the "heart-beat" of all other industries in these islands, I wish you success in your|| 
 mission to secure a modification of the Chinese exclusion act, that labor may be brought j 
 to Hawaii and the normal production of the Territory's industries may be kept going. 
 I am, faithfuliy, yours, 
 
 Charles Crozier. 
 
 Waipahu, June 10, 1921. 
 The Director Bureau of Labor and Statistics, 
 
 Hawaiian Sugar Planters' Association, 
 
 Honolulu, Hawaii. 
 
 Dear Sir: I take the pri^dlege of writing these few lines below, being one in full 
 sympathy with united action in the bringing of more laborers to these islands 
 
 There is no doubt to my mind, and I am sure to all here on these islands, that the 
 shortage of labor, which is a very serious fact, must be immediately remedied, and 
 do hope that all can see that the importing of more laborers is the only remedy. 
 
 The sugar industry must be kept going in full blast, or go under, which means success 
 or loss to all here in the islands. 
 Yours, very truly, 
 
 W. W. CocKBURN, Electric Engineer. 
 In sympathy with the above statements. 
 Julius Weber, Electrician. 
 K. Tokashe, Electrician Helper. 
 K. Shincomura, Electrician. 
 Ben Kaleiwahea, Electrician Helper. 
 Frank R. Auerbach, Electrician. 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 481 
 
 Waipahu, June 10, 1921. 
 The Director Bureau op Labor and Statistics, 
 
 Hawaiian Sugar Planters' Association, 
 
 Honolulu, Hawaii. 
 
 Dear Sir: I am glad to have this opportimity to express my approval of the pro- 
 posed importation of Chinese labor to the Hawaiian Islands. 
 
 On account of the shortage of labor I am to-day operating one of the largest boiling 
 houses in the islands at a little less than two-thirds its capacity. This should be 
 sufficient evidence to convince anyone that the need of additional labor for the success- 
 ful carrying of the industry is immediately required. 
 
 I would also like to add that I have been employed here in the islands a little 
 more than one year and prior to that time have been in the sugar industry on the 
 mainland for 20 years, and, therefore, feel that I am in a position to say that the laborer 
 on the mainland, especially the Caucasian is not adaptable to the climate and condi- 
 tions here. He has not the temperament or desire for the kind of work that is here 
 required. 
 
 On behalf of the Chinese, I can say that it is my observation that he is the most 
 reliable and trustworthy laborer here to-day. He is intelligent and his former em- 
 ployment makes him readily adapted to the work and his standard of living makes it 
 possible to secure his services at a more nearly equal basis to the same class of labor 
 in the other sugar-producing countries. He does not assimilate the business of the 
 country or create any social or political disturbance, and to my mind he represents 
 the laborer that is most desired. 
 
 Hoping that the above may in some way assist in securing the desired results, I am, 
 Sincerely, yours, 
 
 C, J. Fleener, 
 ^ Sugar Boiler, Oahu Sugar Co. (Ltd.). 
 
 Waipahu, Oahu, .Ju7ie 9, 1921. 
 Director Bureau of Labor and Statistics, 
 
 Hawaiian Sugar Planters' Association. 
 
 Dear Sir: I am very strongly in favor of importing Chinese labor to these islands. 
 If we do not have more lobor most, and in fact all, the plantations will have to curtail 
 their output of sugar. By doing so they v\ill cut down their forces of skilled and semi- 
 skilled labor who are not able to work in the fields. This "ut-II be felt by all the trades 
 in the islands and would tend to cripple all of the island industries. 
 Yours, truly, 
 
 Chas. Coman. 
 
 Waipahu, June 11, 1921. 
 The Director Bureau op Labor and Statistics, 
 
 Hawaiian Sugar Planters' Association, 
 
 Honolulu, T. H. 
 
 Dear Sir: It is evident to the most casual observer of labor conditions in the 
 Hawaiian Islands that the sugar industry is suffering from a very serious shortage of 
 unskilled labor. 
 
 This condition, coupled with the present price of sugar, is suiTiciently serious not 
 only to effect the general prosperity of the Territory, but to threaten a large number 
 of the plantations with financial ruin. 
 
 For these reasons, I am heartily in favor of the movement to import unskilled labor 
 into this Territory, as in my opinion it is the best step that can be taken to avert 
 serious consequences to our agricultural life caused by the present acute labor shortage . 
 Yours, very truly, 
 
 J. G. Walsh, 
 Cleric, Oahu Sugar Co. (Ltd.). 
 
 Waipahu, Oahu, June 9, 1921. 
 
 Director, the Bureau of Labor and Statistics, 
 
 Hawaiian Planters Association. 
 
 Gentlemen: I beg to put before you these few lines at this time when the days of 
 strikes and discontentment among the labor, and the labor being very much depre- 
 ciated in various ways on these islands at the present day, I consider that it's not 
 
 56754— 21— see 7, pt 1 18 
 
482 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 before time that something should be done in the direction of getting the cost of pro- 
 duction back to something like normal, or as near as possible, because the world at 
 the present day is in general suffering greatly from these causes when labor has got 
 to be paid at a higher rate, and at the same time the Japanese especially would like 
 to impress on you that he does not require to do an honest day's work, but he is very 
 keen in figuring out a percentage or what he thinks or what is probably being in- 
 structed him by his union. It is a pity that such a poor and destitute state as China 
 is in at the present that some substitute could not be temporarily got from there, and 
 by doing so would contribute toward helping the starving millions. This place I 
 understand is one of the largest plantations on the islands, and have always employed 
 a good number of Chinese, and which they have always been reckoned to be the best, 
 efficient, and most reliable labor there is for this class of work. 
 I am, gentlemen. 
 
 Your obedient servant, 
 
 Ernest H. Nisbet, 
 Clerk Oahu Sugar Co. {Ltd.y , 
 
 Honolulu, Hawaii, June 6, 1921. 
 Mr. W. F. Dillingham, 
 
 Chairman Labor Commission, Washington, D. C. 
 
 Dear Sir: I have lived in the Hawaiian Islands for 18 years and am a draftsman 
 by trade. I have worked at my trade in the islands and know something of the work 
 on the plantations. 
 
 I am sure that Americans will not work in the cane fields, and that it is work that 
 has always been done by Chinese, Japanese, Koreans, Filipinos, and some Portuguese, 
 who generally did the more skilled work in the fields. 
 
 It is necessary that laborers be brought to the islands, as the work for skilled me- 
 chanics in almost every line depends on the prosperity of the pineapple and sugar 
 plantations. 
 
 Laborers brought to the islands should not be allowed to work at any trade or to 
 own or be employed in any business except agricultural field work and as house 
 servants, and should be returned to their own country when they can no longer do the 
 work for which they were brought here. 
 
 I am in favor of the bill passed by the legislature of the Territory asking Congress 
 to allow laborers to be brought here for plantation work. 
 Yours, truly, 
 
 Clarence Hanyes. 
 
 Waipahu, Oahu, June 10, 1921. 
 Hawaiian Sugar Planters' Association, 
 
 Honolulu, Oahu. 
 
 Gentlemen: As an employee of one of the sugar planatations — Oahu Sugar Co. 
 (Ltd.) — ^in the Hawaiian Islands, I indorse every effort made by the Hawaiian Sugar 
 Planters' Association to help relieve the labor famine in the sugar plantations by 
 importing 30,000 Chinese laborers on a contract laasis of five years with an additional 
 option of five years on condition that the plantations needed them and also on con- 
 dition that they proved themselves to be good workers and good residents. 
 
 Too much can not be said on this subject. It has also been discussed so much 
 pro and con that it would be mere repetition if I dwelt into the advantages and dis- 
 advantages of this move. Moreover, I might not be considered an impartial judge 
 of the situation by my nationality. But, look east, west, north, south, and in the 
 direction of the cane fields. Recall the tasseling days of those matured fields. Re- 
 call the days when you passed them months ago and thought that the cane was ready 
 to be cut and shipped to the mill. You wonder even now that this very same cane 
 once so healthy, stalwart, and juicy, now so sickly, dry, and toward the stage of fermen- 
 tation, remain in the fields. Then look at the fields of young cane, now vast stretches 
 of Celehua, lantana, and wild grass. Could even an untrained observer help con- 
 cluding that one of the major reasons for this condition of affairs is that there is a 
 shortage of good, faithful farm laborers, laborers that are born agriculturists, used tO' 
 hardships and accustomed to climatic conditions similar to ours. 
 Yours, A'ery truly, 
 
 A. B. Lau, 
 Warehouse ClerJc, Oahu Sugar Co. (Ltd.). 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 483 
 
 Honolulu, T. H., June 6, 1921. 
 Mr. W. F. Dillingham, 
 
 Chairman Labor Commission, Washington, D. C. 
 
 Dear Sir: I have lived in the Hawaiian Islands for two years and am a draftsman 
 by trade. I have worked at my trade in the islands and know something of the 
 work on the plantations. 
 
 I am sure that Americans will not work in the cane fields and that it is work that 
 has always been done by Chinese, Japanese, Koreans, Filipinos, and some Portu- 
 guese, who generally did the more skilled work in the fields. 
 
 It is necessary that laborers be brought to the islands, as the work for skilled me- 
 chanics in almost every line depends on the prosperity of the pineapple and sugar 
 plantations. 
 
 Laborers brought to the islands should not be allowed to work at any trade or to 
 own, or be employed in, any business except agricultural fi.eld work and as house 
 servants, and should be returned to their own country when they can no longer do 
 the work for which they were brought here. 
 
 I am in favor of the bill passed by the Legislature of the Territory asking Congress 
 to allow laborers to be brought here for plantation work. 
 Yours , truly, 
 
 O. Hansen. 
 
 June 10, 1921. 
 The Director, Bureau of Labor and Statistics, 
 
 Hawaiian Sugar Planters' Association, 
 
 Honolulu, T. H. 
 Gentlemen: Owing to the fact that there is a great shortage of labor existing in 
 these Islands at the present time, I wish to go on record as one supporting the effort 
 being made to import laborers to the Hawaiian Islands. 
 
 If such labor shortage is to continue, it would mean that the plantations Avould 
 have to reduce the area now under cultivation, and to save an industry which we have 
 tried hard to keep up, I believe that the importation of such laborers would be of 
 great benefit to all concerned. 
 Yours, respectfully, 
 
 (Miss) R. H. Paulsen, R. N., 
 
 Nurse Oahu Sugar Co. (Ltd.) 
 
 Honolulu, T. H., June 6, 1921. 
 Mr. W. F. Dillingham, 
 
 Chairman Labor Commission, Washington, D. C. 
 
 Dear Sir: I have lived in the Hawaiian Islands for years and am a draftsman by 
 trade. I have worked at my trade in the Islands and know something of the work on 
 the plantations. 
 
 I am sure that Americans will not work in the cane fields, and that it is work that 
 has always been done by Chinese, Japanese, Koreans, Filipinos, and some Portuguese, 
 who generally did the more skilled work in the fields. 
 
 It is necessary that laborers be brought to the Islands as the work for skilled mechan- 
 ics in almost every line depends on the prosperity of the pineapple and sugar plan- 
 tations. 
 
 Laborers brought to the Islands should not be allowed to work at any trade or to 
 own, or be employed in, any business except agricultural field work and as house 
 servants and should be returned to their own country when they can no longer do 
 the work for which they were brought here. 
 
 I am in favor of the bill passed by the legislature of the Territory asking Congress 
 to allow laborers to be brought here for plantation work. 
 Yours, truly, * 
 
 H. J. Diem. 
 
 Waipahu, Oahu, June 9, 1921. 
 The Directors, Bureau of Labor and Statistics H. S. P. A. 
 
 Honolulu. 
 Gentlemen: As one of some years' experience on the sugar plantations of these 
 islands I have had an opportunity to study the labor problem. The present lack of 
 unskilled labor is undoubtedly a serious menace to the prosperity of the sugar industry 
 
484 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 and I am strongly of the opinion that unless immediate action is taken to relieve the 
 labor situation the prosperity of these islands will be greatly jeopardized. The cli- 
 matic conditions are apparently against the successful employment of Europeans and 
 I would strongly advise bringing in orientals, more especially Chinese . 
 Respectfully, yours, 
 
 David H. Kydd. 
 
 Honolulu, June 7, 1921. 
 Mr. W. F. Dillingham, 
 
 Chairman Labor Commission, Washington, D. C. 
 
 Dear Sir: I was born in the Hawaiian Islands and am a boilermaker by trade. I 
 have worked at my trade in the islands and know something of the work on the plan- 
 tations. 
 
 As Americans will not work in the cane fields, and as the work for skilled mechanics 
 and others depends on the prosperity of the j)ineapple and sugar plantations, it is 
 necessary that field laborers be brought to the islands. 
 
 I am in favor of the bill passed by the legislature of the Territory asking Congress 
 to allow laborers to be brought here for plantation work only. 
 Yours, very truly, 
 
 S. Hailele Makahili. 
 
 Waupahu, Oahu, June 9, 1921. 
 The DiR'ECTORS Bureau of Labor and Statistics, H. S. P. A., 
 
 Honolulu. 
 
 Gentlemen: I am a native of Portugal and have been a resident of the islands for 
 the last 39 years. During this time many of my countrymen have come to the islands 
 to work on the plantations, but they do not seem to care for the work after a year or 
 two at the job. 
 
 Most of them come to Honolulu after they have saved a little money and leave to 
 the coast. 
 
 The orientals appear to be the only class that stays with the work on the plantations, 
 and if the Hawaiian Islands are to keep up their productiveness then the only thing 
 is to have sufficient oriental labor to take care of its industry. 
 Respectfully, yours, 
 
 Frank Souva. 
 
 Honolulu, June!, 1921. 
 Mr. W. F. Dillingham, 
 
 Chairman Labor Commission, Washington ^ D. C. 
 
 Dear Sir: I was born in the Hawaiian Islands and am a boiler maker by trade. 
 I have worked at my trade in the islands and know something of the work on the 
 plantations. 
 
 As Americans will not work in the cane fields, and as the work for skilled mechanics 
 and others depends on the prosperity of the pineapple and sugar plantations, it is 
 necessary that field laborers be brought to the islands. 
 
 I am in favor of the bill passed by the legislature of the Territory asking Congress 
 to allow laborers to be brought here for plantation work only. 
 Yours, very truly, 
 
 John E. Botei ho. 
 
 Honolulu, Hawaii, June 7, 1921. 
 Mr. Walter F. Dillingham, 
 
 Washington, D. C. . 
 Dear Sir: I am in favor of the Chinese being brought in here as laborers, they will 
 be of great benefit to us. 
 Sincerely, yours, 
 
 James Card, Well Driller. 
 
 J. S. Martin, Tailor. 
 
 C. G. BocKus, Former Linotyper. 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAW AIL 485 
 
 Honolulu, June 7, 1921. 
 Mr. W. F. Dillingham, 
 
 Chairman Labor Commission^ Washington^ J). C. 
 
 Dear Sir: I was born in the Hawaiian Islands, and am a boilermaker by trade. 
 I know something of the conditions on the plantations. 
 
 Americans will not work in the cane fields, and as work for skilled mechanics and 
 others depends on the prosperity of the pineapple and sugar plantations, it is neces- 
 sary that field laborers be brought to the islands. 
 
 I am in favor of the bill passed by the legislature of the Territory asking Congress 
 to allow laborers to be brought here for plantation work only. 
 Yours, very truly, 
 
 David Keawepoo. 
 
 Opaeula Division, W. A. Co., 
 
 June 10, 1921. 
 To the honorable Labor Commission, 
 
 Washington, D. C. 
 
 Sirs: At the request of the Hawaiian Sugar Planters' Association I am writing to 
 you in regard to the labor conditions in Hawaii at present. 
 
 First. I will take up the acreage of sugar cane in my division in 1919. At that 
 time I had about 2,200 acres in my division and about 225 men to cultivate that 
 amount. At present I have about 1,600 acres in cultivation, 600 acres l^ang fallow 
 on account of the shortage of labor, and no prospects of being able to replant for years 
 on account of the shortage of labor. These lands are all under our irrigating system, 
 so they are our best uplands. 
 
 Second. I will take up the shortage of our sugar crops for the last year and the 
 next three years. In 1920 the W. A. Co. ground about 31,000 tons of sugar; in 1921 
 ■will grind about 29,000 tons; 1922 will be very fortunate if we get 27,000 tons. With 
 the labor that we now have we are not getting the results that we got five years back; 
 the Chinese are all very old ; the Japanese are leaving the plantations and going into 
 business for themselves as fast as possible. 
 
 Third. The Filipinos are very unreliable; 25 per cent work only 25 per cent of the 
 working days in the month; the other 75 per cent about 80 per cent of the time. A 
 good Chinese will cultivate about 10 acres, a Filipino about 6 acres per man. 
 
 Fourth. I will take up the system of our crops. We start our crops of cane in July 
 if we have the labor, as that is the proper time to start a cane crop. But this season 
 we will not get the old crop harvested until about the 1st of October or November, 
 so that our next crop will be about four months short in growing time, which will 
 reduce the number of tons of sugar per acre about 1§ or 2 tons per acre. 
 
 Fifth. I will take up the system of plowing and planting each year. Under the 
 old system we plan to plow at least 1,500 acres every year so as not to let our ratoons 
 remain too long, as that cuts down on the sugar tonnage. After so many years of 
 continuous ratooning all this work has stopped all on account of no labor. 
 
 Then there is other work that should be done at all times. Buildings for laborers, 
 railroad and reservoirs for water, tunnels, upkeep of farm implements, such as trucks, 
 locomotives, flanches for flanching cane, all of which require a large amount of labor, 
 but without that labor Hawaii is bound to get back instead of forward. With a good 
 supply of good labor Hawaii is bound to go forward, and my 16 years' experience on 
 a sugar plantation with all kinds of labor convinces me that the Chinese is the king 
 of them all. 
 
 Respectfully, yours, 
 
 James B. Conor, 
 Division Overseer, Waco {Ltd.). 
 
 Honolulu, June 7, 1921. 
 Mr. W. F. Dillingham, 
 
 Chairman Labor Commission, Washington, B.C. 
 
 Dear Sir: I was born in the Hawaiian Islands and an a boilermaker by trade. I 
 have worked at my trade in the islands and know something of the work on the 
 plantations. 
 
 As Americans will not work in the cane fields, and as the work for skilled mechanics 
 and others depends on the prosperity of the pineapple and sugar plantations, it is 
 necessary that field laborers be brought to the islands. 
 
 I am in favor of the bill passed by the legislature of the Territory asking Congress 
 to allow laborers to be brought here for plantation work only. 
 Yours, very truly, 
 
 Molena K. Kekawha, 
 
486 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 Honolulu, Hawaii, June 6, 1921. 
 Mr. W. F. Dillingham, 
 
 Chairman Labor Commission, Washington, D. C. 
 
 Dear Sir: I have lived in the Hawaiian Islands for 15 years and am a draftsman 
 by trade. I have worked at my trade in the islands and know something of the 
 work on the plantations. 
 
 I am sure that Americans will not work in the cane fields and that it is work that 
 has always been done by Chinese, Japanese, Koreans, Filipinos, and some Portuguese, 
 who generally did the more skilled work in the fields. 
 
 It is necessary that laborers be brought to the islands, as the work for skilled 
 mechanics in almost every line depends on the prosperity of the pineapple and sugar 
 plantations. 
 
 Laborers brought to the islands should not be allowed to work at any trade or to 
 own or be employed in any business except agricultural field work and as house 
 servants, and should be returned to their own country when they can no longer do 
 the work for which they were brought here. 
 
 I am in favor of the bill passed by the Legislature of the Territoiy asking Congress 
 to allow laborers to be brought here for plantation work. 
 Yours, truly, 
 
 C. G. Livingston. 
 
 Honolulu, June 7, 19^1, 
 Mr. W. F. Dillingham, 
 
 Chairman Labor Commission, Washington, D. C. 
 
 Dear Sir: I am a clerk by trade and have lived in the Hawaiian Islands for 12 
 years, and know something of the conditions on the plantations. 
 
 As Americans mil not work in the cane fields, and the work for skilled labor depends 
 on che prosperity of the sugar and pineapple plantations, it is necessary that field 
 laborers be brought to the islands, to be employed in that work only. 
 
 I am in favor of the bill passed by the Legislature of the Territory asking Congress 
 to allow laborers to be brought here for plantation work. 
 Yours, very truly, 
 
 Geo. McKinlay. 
 
 Honolulu, Oahu, T. H., June 7, 1921. 
 Mr. W. F. Dillingham, 
 
 Chairman Labor Commission, Washington, D. C. 
 
 I have lived here over 40 years, and I know that Americans can not work in field 
 here. I believe that laborers should be brought here, to save our main industry. 
 
 I am one of the strong supporters of the labor bill passed by the last legislature, and 
 
 I believe it is good for everyone concerned. I am a machinist by trade, and I know 
 
 the above statement to be so. 
 
 Yours, truly, 
 
 William Brede. 
 
 Honolulu, Hawaii, June 8, 1921. 
 Mr. W. F. Dillingham, 
 
 Chairman Labor Commission, Washington, 7). C. 
 
 Dear Mr. Dillingham: The need for laborers for the cane fields is beginning to 
 show in the slack work in the two iron works of this city, and both shops have laid off 
 a number of men because of lack of work. 
 
 This is because the plantations are not prosperous and are suffering because they do 
 not have men to properly take care of the cane now growing and to plant more cane 
 or to harvest that which is ready for cutting. 
 
 I hope that you can soon get permission to bring laborers to Hawaii. I have been 
 a working man in the islands for years and know that the plantations rnust have 
 laborers that can work in the cane fields and that white men can not do this kind of 
 work. 
 
 Yours, truly, 
 
 N. B. Ogilvie, Iron Holder. 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HA WAIL 487 
 
 Waipahu, T. ir., June 9, 19'21. 
 The Director Bureau of Labor and Statistics, 
 
 Hawaiian Sugar Planters' Association, 
 
 Honolulu, Hawaii. 
 
 Dear Sir: Being an employee of a sugar plantation, I feel that I am in a position 
 to understand the present labor situation and its effect on the production of sugar in 
 the Territory of Hawaii, and would like to go on record as being strongly in favor of 
 the effort now being made in Washington, D, 0., for the importation of oriental 
 labor to the Territor^^ of Hawaii. 
 
 In my opinion, this is the only action that can save, not only the most important 
 industry, but the very prosperity of the Territory of Hawaii. 
 
 With the present available labor it will be impossible to continue the cultivation of 
 the full area, thereby reducing the production of sugar and causing the dismissal of 
 a certain percentage of skilled and semiskilled employees. 
 
 Under present conditions, fields that are now under cultivation must be neglected 
 so that the matured fields can be harvested, thus reducing the qauntity and quality 
 of the coming crops, i. e., 1922 and 1923, and it is doubtful if the present crop (1921 ) 
 can be harvested in time. 
 
 Hoping that the efforts now being made to obtain said oriental labor will meet with 
 success. 
 
 Yours, very truly, 
 
 Adolph p. Linc. 
 
 • Honolulu, June 7, 1921. 
 
 Mr. W. F. Dillingham, 
 
 Chairman Labor Commission ^ Washington, D. C. 
 
 Dear Sir: I have lived in the Hawaiian Islands for 22 years, and am a blacksmith 
 by trade. I have worked at my trade in the islands and know something of the work 
 on the plantations. 
 
 Americans will not work in the cane fields. This work has always been done by 
 unskilled oriental labor. It is necessary that laborers (Chinese) be brought to the 
 islands, as the work for skilled mechanics almost entirely depends on the prosperity 
 of the sugar and pineapple plantations. 
 
 Laborers brought to the islands should be for agricultural field M^ork only and should 
 be returned to their own country when they can no longer do the work for which they 
 were brought. 
 
 I am in favor of the bill passed by the legislature of the Territory asking Congress to 
 allow laborers to be brought here for plantation work only. 
 Yours, very truly, 
 
 John Rem wick. 
 
 Waipahu, June 9, 1921. 
 
 The Director Bureau of Labor and Labor Statistics, 
 
 Hawaiian Sugar Planters' Association, 
 
 Honolulu, Hawaii. 
 
 Dear Sir: I observe from the newspapers that an effort is being made at Washington 
 for sanction to import plantation laborers to Hawaii, and I wish to go on record, 
 through the medium of this letter, as supporting the effort. 
 
 There is no doubt that field hands are very badly needed on the sugar plantations 
 in Hawaii. All the plantations, from reports received, are very far behind in harvest- 
 ing and milling of the 1921 crop, as well as planting and cultivating necessary for the 
 development of the 1922 and 1923 crops. The future crops are at the present time 
 suffering from a decided lack of labor in the fields. If this shortage is to continue, 
 there is no doubt but what the plantations wi^ll find it necessary to reduce the area 
 now under cultivation. This will mean the retarding of the progress of the main 
 industry of the Hawaiian Islands. If the plantations do fi.nd it necessary to curtail 
 production through the lack of field laborers, it would affect semiskilled and skilled 
 omployees in the irrigating plants, milling and boiling plants, construction and repair 
 shops, ofiices and general storehouses. These semiskilled and ski],led employees 
 could not be employed in the field as laborers, and it would mean that a large number 
 of such men would be dismissed. 
 
 The retarding of the progress of the main industry of the Hawaiian Islands would 
 also mean considerable loss in trade to all the allied trades in Honolulu, with conse- 
 quent dismissal of skilled and semiskilled employees in those trades. This would 
 mean that it wou^d be almost impossible for skilled and semiskilled employees now 
 on the plantations to obtain employment elsewhere in the islands. 
 
488 IxA.BOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 The cutting down of the output of any particular plantation would also mean that a 
 considerable portion of the plant would lie idle, with a consequent loss to its stock- 
 holders. 
 
 It is to be hoped that the efforts now being made to procure the required additional 
 labor for Hawaii will meet with success. 
 Yours, very truly, 
 
 Arthur Grounds. 
 
 Honolulu, June 7, 1921. 
 Mr. W. F. Dillingham, 
 
 Chairman Labor Commission, Washington, D. C. 
 Dear Sir: I have lived in the Hawaiian Islands for 35 years, and am a molder by 
 trade. I have worked at my trade in the islands and know something of the work on 
 the plantations. 
 
 Americans will not work in the cane fields. This work has always been done by 
 unskilled oriental labor. It is necessary that laborers be brought to the islands, as 
 the work for skilled mechanics almost entirely depends on the prosperity of the sugar 
 and pineapple plantations. 
 
 Laborers brought to the islands should be for agricultural field work only and should 
 be returned to their own country when they can no longer do the work for which they 
 were brought. 
 
 I am in favor of the bill passed by the Legislature of the Territory asking Congress 
 to allow laborers to be brought here for plantation work only. 
 Yours, very truly. 
 
 Stephen Smith. 
 
 June 9, 1921. 
 The Bureau of Labor and Statistics, 
 
 Hawaiian Sugar Planters' Association, 
 
 Honolulu, T. H. 
 
 Gentlemen: As a welfare worker on one of the largest sugar plantations in Hawaii, 
 I am writing to ask you to do your utmost to secure the passage of the bill which provides 
 for the importation of labor into Hawaii. Anyone who is as close to the labor problem 
 as I am, must realize that unless men can be brought into the Territory to cover the 
 labor deficit, an almost irreparable damage to Hawaiian industry will be done. 
 Respectfully, yours, 
 
 (Miss) Med A C. Lynn. 
 
 Honolulu, June 7, 1921. 
 Mr. W. F. Dillingham, 
 
 Chairman Labor Commission, Washington, D. C. 
 Dear Sir: I have lived in the Hawaiian Islands for 30 years, and am a shipwright 
 by trade. I have worked at my trade in the islands and know something of the work 
 on the plantations. 
 
 Americans will not work in the cane fields. This work has always been done by 
 unskilled oriental labor. It is necessary that laborers be brought to the islands, as 
 the work for skilled mechanics almost entirely depends on the prosperity of the sugar 
 and pineapple plantations. 
 
 Laborers brought to the islands should be for agricultural field work only and should 
 be returned to their own country when they can no longer do the work for which they 
 were brought. 
 
 I am in favor of the bill passed by the legislature of the Territory asking Congress 
 to allow laborers to be brought here for plantation work only. 
 Yours, very truly, 
 
 Wm. Lyle. 
 
 June 9, 1921. 
 The Director Bureau of Labor and Statistics, H. S. P. A., 
 
 Honolulu. 
 
 Sir: Having been employed on a sugar plantation for many years, during which 
 time I have made a special study of the effect of the labor situation on the production 
 of sugar, I feel the time has arrived for a change in the policy of the Government in 
 the importation of oriental labor. 
 
 Owing to the present shortage of labor in these isladns it is impossible to operate the 
 area under cultivation. This would mean the closing down of considerable acreage 
 necessitating the dismissal of many skilled and semiskilled employees and likewise 
 affecting all other allied trades and professions. 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAW AIL 489 
 
 Sugar being the chief product of this Territory, the shortage of labor would naturally 
 tend to cause a financial depression resulting in the crippling of our main industry. 
 
 This being so T would like my name to go on record as strongly favoring the present 
 action being taken by the Hawaiian Commission in Washington to gain the sanction 
 to import this labor. 
 
 I am, yours, faithfully, 
 
 E. F. Shackleton. 
 
 Honolulu, June 7, 1921. 
 Mr. W. F. Dillingham, 
 
 Chairman Labor Commission, Washington, D. C. 
 
 Dear Sir: I have lived in the Hawaiian Islands for life, and am an engineer and 
 gas man by trade. I have Worked at my trade in the islands and know something 
 of the work on the plantations. 
 
 Americans will not work in the cane fields. This work has always been done by 
 unskilled oriental labor. It is necessary that laborers be brought to the islands, as 
 the work for skilled mechanics almost entirely depends on the prosperity of the sugar 
 and pineapple plantations. 
 
 Laborers brought to the islands should be for agricultural field work only and should 
 be returned to their own country when they can no longer do the Work for which they 
 were brought. 
 
 I am in favor of the bill passed by the Legislature of the Territory asking Congress 
 to allow laborers to be brought here for plantation work only. 
 Yours, very truly, 
 
 Wm. Green. 
 
 Twenty-five years on sugar plantations as a luna and locomotive engineer. 
 
 June 9, 1921. 
 Bureau of Labor, H. S. P. A. « 
 
 Gentlemen: As an employee directly connected with the sugar industry of these 
 islands, I most heartily indorse the movement to bring a supply of unbilled laborers 
 to the Hawaiian Islands. 
 
 The necessity of this is of great importance, as the welfare of the Territory is being 
 retarded by lack of field laborers. 
 
 The sugar industry seems to be the hardest hit by the shortage, as valuable cane 
 land is lying idle, and land under cultivation is also suffering from shortage of labor. 
 
 The commission appointed by the last legislature has my heartiest support. 
 Yours, truly, 
 
 William Cormack. 
 
 Honolulu, June 7, 1921. 
 Mr. W. F. Dillingham, 
 
 Chairman Labor Commission, Washington, D. C. 
 
 Dear Sir: I have lived in the Hawaiian Islands for eight years, and am an engineer 
 by trade. I have worked at my trade in the islands and know something of the work 
 on the plantations. 
 
 Americans will not work in the cane fields. This work has always been done by 
 unskilled oriental labor. It is necessary that laborers be brought to the islands, as 
 the work for skilled mechanics almost entirely depends on the prosperity of the sugar 
 and pineapple plantations. 
 
 Laborers brought to the islands should be for agricultural field work only and should 
 be returned to their own country when they can no longer do the work for which they 
 were brought. » 
 
 I am in favor of the bill passed by the legislature of the Territory asking Congress to 
 allow laborers to be brought here for plantation work only. 
 Yours, very truly, 
 
 S. Gerry. 
 
 Waipahu, Oahu, Haw ah, June 9, 1921. 
 The Director, Bureau of Labor and Statistics, 
 
 Hawaiian Sugar Planters' Association, 
 
 Honolulu, Hawaii. 
 Sir: In view of the publicity that has been given Hawaii's request for the importa- 
 tion of Chinese labor, I would like to be permitted to express my opinion. 
 
 The large amount of land now under cultivation has been made possible by the use 
 of oriental labor in the fields, as the whites and native Hawaiians do not take to that 
 
490 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 kind of work and as a rule do not find it necessary to do so in order to earn a living. 
 As the old type of laborer returns to his own country or grows too old for hard labor 
 under a tropical sun, the younger generation, educated in American schools, will not 
 take their places in the fields as they are fitted for higher and better-paid work. 
 
 It would seem, therefore, from this, that there will have to be some means of getting 
 a fresh supply of labor every decade or allow a lot of valuable land to lie idle. This 
 naturally Avould cause all the agricultural concerns to cut down their overhead to a 
 minimum, throwing the m.ajority of the skilled and semiskilled out of employment, 
 and cutting down the wages of the remainder. A step of this kind would have the 
 effect of a financial panic in a community of this type, whose main products are agri- 
 cultural, and would react, not only on the employees thrown out of work, but on the 
 entire business life of the Territory. 
 
 A large percentage of the skilled employees on plantations, educated in their own 
 particular work and knowing nothing of any other business, while able to support their 
 families in comparative comfort now, would be forced to accept work that they were 
 unfamiliar with, and therefore would be unable to earn a decent living. 
 
 The large companies engaged in this work can cut down their capital, their over- 
 head and other expenses to conform with the decreased production, but the employees 
 and the community as a whole would be the real losers. For these reasons I am adding 
 my plea to the many others that Congress allow us to import oriental labor and keef) 
 our business and industrial life alive and thriving. 
 Yours, vey truly, 
 
 Walter M, Bridges. 
 
 Honolulu, Hawaii, JuTie 6, 1921. 
 Mr. W. F. Dillingham. 
 
 Chairman Labor Commission, Washington. D. C. 
 
 Dear Sir: I have lived in the Hawaiian Islands for 32 years and am a structural 
 worker by trade. I have worked %t my trade in the islands and know something of 
 the work on the plantations. 
 
 I am sure that Americans will not work in the cane fields and that it is work that 
 has always been done by Chinese. Japanese, Koreans, Filipinos, and some Portuguese, 
 who generally did the more skilled work in the fields. 
 
 It is necessary that laborers be brought to the islands, as the work for skilled me- 
 chanics in almost every line depends on the prosperity of the pineapple and sugar 
 plantations. 
 
 Laborers brought to the islands should not be allowed to work at any trade or to 
 own or be employed in any business except agricultural field work and as house 
 servants, and should be returned to their own country when they can not longer do the 
 work for which they were brought here. * 
 
 I am in favor of the bill passed by the legislature of the Territory asking Congress 
 to allow laborers to be brought here for plantation work. 
 Yours, truly, 
 
 Joe Rawlings. 
 
 Honolulu, June 7, 1921. 
 Mr. W. F. Dillingham, 
 
 Chairman Labor Comm^ission, Washington. D. C. 
 
 Dear Sir: I have lived in the Hawaiian Islands for 12 years and am a boiler maker 
 by trade. I have worked at my trade in the islands and know something of the work 
 on the plantations. 
 
 As Americans will not work in the cane fields, and as the work for skilled mechanics 
 and others depends on tl*[e prosperity of the pineapple and sugar plantations, it is 
 necessary that field laborers be brought to the islands. 
 
 I am in favor of the bill passed by the legislature of the Territory asking Congress 
 to allow laborers to be brought here for plantation work only. 
 Yours, very truly, 
 
 Peter A. Andrews. 
 
 Honolulu, June 7, 1921. 
 Mr. W. F. Dillingham, 
 
 Chairmen Labor Commission, Washington, D. C. 
 Dear Sir: I ha\e lived in the Hawaiian Islands for nine years, and am a 
 machinist by trade. I know something of the conditions on the plantations. 
 
 Arr.ericans will not work in the cane fields, and as work for skilled mechanics and 
 others depends on the prosperity of the pineapple and sugar plantations, it is necessary 
 that f'eld laborers be brought to the islands. 
 
\ LABOR PROBI.EMS IN HAWAU. 491 
 
 r am in faA or of tho bill pansed by the legislature of the Territory asking Congress 
 to allow laborers to be brought here for plantation work only. 
 Yonrs, very truly, 
 
 A. F. SiLEN, 
 
 Acting Assistant /Sujwrintendent, Honohilu Iron Works. 
 
 Honolulu, Hawaii, June 6, 1921. 
 Mr, W. F. Dillingham, 
 
 Chairman Labor Commission, Washington, D. C. 
 
 Dear Sir: I have lived in the Hawaiian Islands for 23 years and am a painter by 
 trade. I have worked at my trade in the islands and know something of the work on 
 the plantations. 
 
 I am sure that Americans will not work in the cane fields and that it is work that 
 has always been done by Chinese, Japanese, Koreans, Filipinos, and some Portuguese, 
 who generally did the more skilled work in the field. 
 
 It is necessary that laborers be brought to the islands as the work for skilled 
 mechanics in almost every line depends on the prosperity of the pineapple and sugar 
 plantations. 
 
 Laborers brought to the islands should not be allowed to work at any trade or to 
 own or be employed in any business except agricultural field work and as house 
 servants, and should be returned to their own country when they can no longer do the 
 work for which they were brought here. 
 
 I am in favor of the bill passed by the legislature of the Territory asking Congress 
 to allow laborers to be brought here for plantation work. 
 Yours, trulv, 
 
 A. D. Wise. 
 
 Honolulu, .Tune 7, 1921. 
 Mr. W. F. Dillingham, 
 
 Chairman Labor Commission^ Washington, D. C. 
 
 Dear Sir: I am in favor of the bill passed by the legislature of the Territory asking 
 Congress to allow laborers to be brought here for plant-ation work. 
 
 I am a foundry foreman by trade and have lived in the Hawaiian Islands for tw 
 years. I know something of the conditions on the plantations and that American^^ 
 mil not work in the fields. As work for skilled mechanics and others depends on thes 
 prosperity of the pineapple and sugar plantations, it is necessary that field laborers be 
 brought to the islands. 
 
 Yours, very truly, 
 
 Frank J. Clark, 
 Foundry Foreman, Honolulu Iron Works Co., Honolulu, Hawaii. 
 
 Honolulu, June 6, 1921. 
 Mr. W. -F. Dillingham, 
 
 Chairman Labor Commission, Washington, D. C. 
 
 Dear Sir: I have lived in the Hawaiian Islands for 21 years and am a plasterer by 
 trade. I have worked at my trade in the islands and know something of the work on 
 the plantations. 
 
 T am sure that Americans will not work in the cane fields and that it is Work that 
 has always been done by Chinese, Japanese, Koreans, Filipinos, and some Portuguese, 
 who generally did the more skilled work in the fields. 
 
 It is necessary that laborers be brought to the islands, as the work for skilled mechan- 
 ics in almost every line depends on the prosperity of the pineapple and sugar plan- 
 tations. 
 
 Laborers brought to the islands should not be allowed to work at any trade or to own , 
 or be employed in, any business except agricultural field Work and as house servants, 
 and should be returned to their own country when they can no longer do the work 
 for which they were brought here. 
 
 I am in faA^or of the bill passed by the legislature of the Territory asking Congress 
 to allow laborers to be brought here for plantation work. 
 Yours, truly, 
 
 Don Eadufer. 
 
492 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 Honolulu, Hawaii, June 8, 1921. 
 Mr. W. F. Dillingham, 
 
 Chairman Labor Commission^ Washington^ D. C. 
 
 Dear Mr. Dillingham: The need for laborers for the cane fields is beginning to 
 show in the slack work in the two ironworks of this city and both shops have laid off 
 a number of men because of lack of work. 
 
 This is because the plantations are not prosperous and are suffering because they 
 do not have men to properly take care of the cane now growing and to plant more 
 cane or to harvest that which is ready for cutting. 
 
 I hope that you can soon get permission to bring laborers to Hawaii. I have been 
 a workingman in the ^ islands for years and know that the plantations must have 
 laborers that can work in the cane fields, and that white men can not do this kind of 
 work. 
 
 Yours, truly, 
 
 A. K. Decker. 
 
 Honolulu, Hawaii, June 6, 1921. 
 Mr. W. F. Dillingham, 
 
 Chairman Labor Commission, Washington, D. C. 
 
 Dear Sir: I have lived in the Hawaiian Islands for five years and I am a brick- 
 layer by trade. I have worked at my trade in the islands and know something of the 
 work on the plantations. 
 
 I am sure that Americans will not work in the cane fields and that it is work that 
 has always been done by Chinese, Japanese, Koreans, Filipinos, and some Portuguese, 
 who generally did the more skilled labor in the fields. 
 
 It is necessary that laborers be brought to the islands as the work for skilled 
 mechanics in almost every line depends on the prosperity of the pineapple and sugar 
 plantations. 
 
 Laborers brought to the islands should not be allowed to work at any trade or to 
 own, or be employed in any business except agricultural field work and as house 
 servants, and should be returned to their own country when they can no longer do 
 the work for which they were brought here. 
 
 I am in favor of the bill passed by the legislature of the Territory asking Congress 
 to allow laborers to be brought here for plantation work. 
 Yours, truly, 
 
 B. Kenealy. 
 
 Honolulu, Hawaii, June 6, 1921. 
 Mr. W. F. Dillingham, 
 
 Chairman Labor Commission, 
 
 Washington, D. C. 
 
 Dear Sir: I have lived in the Hawaiian Islands for years and am a foundry super- 
 intendent by trade. I have worked at my trade in the islands for two years and know 
 something of the work on the plantations. 
 
 I am sure that Americans will not work in the cane fields and that it is work that has 
 always been done by Chinese, Japanese, Koreans, Filipinos, and some Portuguese, 
 who generally did the more skilled work in the fields. 
 
 It is necessary that laborers be brought to the islands, as the work for skilled me- 
 chanics in almost every line depends on the prosperity of the pineapple and sugar 
 plantations. 
 
 Laborers brought to the islands should not be allowed to work at any trade or to own, 
 or be employed in, any business except agricultural field work and as house servants, 
 and should be returned to their own country when they can no longer do the work 
 for which they were brought here. 
 
 I am in favor of the bill passed by the legislature of the Territory asking Congress 
 to allow laborers to be brought here for plantation work. 
 Yours, truly, 
 
 F. J. McGrail, 
 Foundry Superintendent Honolulu Iron Works Co. 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 493 
 
 Honolulu, Hawaii, June 6, 1921. 
 
 Mr. W. F. DiLLINOHAM, 
 
 Chairman Labor Commission, 
 
 Washington, B.C. 
 
 Dear Sir: I have lived in the Hawaiian Islands for 10 years and am a carpenter by 
 trade. I have worked at my trade in the islands and know something of the work on 
 the plantations. 
 
 I am sure that Americans will not work in the cahe fields, and that it is work that 
 has always been done by Chinese, Japanese, Filipinos, and some Portuguese, who 
 generally did the more skilled work in the field. 
 
 It is necessary that laborers be brought to the islands, as the work for skilled me- 
 chanics in almost every line depends on the prosperity of the pineapple and sugar 
 plantations. 
 
 Laborers brought to the islands should not be allowed to work at any trade or to own, 
 or be employed in, any business except agricultural field work and as house servants, 
 and should be returned to their own country when they can no longer do the work for 
 which .they were brought here. 
 
 I am in favor of the bill passed by the legislature of the Territory asking Congress to 
 allow laborers to be brought here for plantation work. 
 Yours, truly, 
 
 Wm. E. Hughes. 
 
 Honolulu, Hawaii, June 6, 1921 . 
 Mr. W. F. Dillingham, 
 
 Chairman Labor Commission, Washington, D. C. 
 
 Dear Sir: I have lived in the Hawaiian Islands for five years and I am a marble 
 letterer by trade. I have worked at my trade in the islands and know something of 
 the work on the plantations. 
 
 I am sure that Americans will not work in the cane fields and that it is work that has 
 a,lways been done by Chinese, Japanese, Koreans, Filipinos, and some Portuguese, 
 who generally did the more skilled work in the field. 
 
 It is necessary that laborers be brought to the islands as the work for skilled me- 
 chanics in almost every line depends on the prosperity of the pineapple and sugar 
 plantations. 
 
 Laborers brought to the islands should not be allowed to work at any trade or to own 
 or be employed in any business except agricultural field work and as house servants, 
 and should be returned to their own country when they no longer do the work for which 
 they were brought here. 
 
 I am in favor of the bill passed by the legislature of the Territory asking Congress 
 to allow laborers to be brought here for plantation work. 
 Yours, truly, 
 
 J. A. Reed. 
 
 Honolulu, Hawaii, June 6, 1921. 
 Mr. W. F. Dillingham, 
 
 Chairman I^abor Commission, Washington, D. C. 
 
 Dear Sir: I have lived in the Hawaiian Islands for 12 years and am a carpenter by 
 trade. I have worked at my trade in the islands and know something of the work on 
 the plantations. 
 
 I am sure that Americans will not work in the cane fields and that it is work that 
 has always been done by Chinese, Japanese, Koreans. Filipinos, and some Portuguese, 
 who generally did the more skilled work in the fields. 
 
 It is necessary that laborers be brought into the islands as the work for skilled 
 mechanics in almost every line depends on the prosperity of the pineapple and sugar 
 plantations. 
 
 Laborers brought to the islands should not be allowed to work at any trade or to own 
 or be employed in any business except agricultural field woric and as house servants, 
 and should be returned to their own country when they can no longer do the work 
 for which they were brought here. 
 
 I am in favor of the bill passed by the legislature of the Territory asking Congress to 
 allow laborers to be brought here for plantation work. 
 Yours, trulv, 
 
 P. O. N. Hughes. 
 
494 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 Honolulu, Hawaii, June 10, 19^1. 
 Mr. W. F. Dillingham, 
 
 Chairman Labor Commission, W^ashington, D. C. 
 
 Dear Mr. Dillingham: The need for laborers for the cane fields is beginning to 
 show in the slack work in the two iron works of this city and both shops have laid off 
 a number of men because of lack of work. 
 
 This is because the plantations are not prosperous and are suffering because they do 
 not have men to properly take care of the cane now growing and to plant more cane 
 or to harvest that which is ready for cutting. 
 
 I hope that you can soon get permission to bring laborers to Hawaii. I have been 
 a working man in the islands for 21 years and know that the plantations must have 
 laborers that can work in the cane fields and that white men can not do this kind of 
 work. 
 
 Yours, truly, 
 
 W. A. Welbourn, Carpenter. 
 
 Honolulu, Oahu, June 10, 1921. 
 Mr, W. F. Dillingham, 
 
 Chairman Labor Commission, Washington, D. C. 
 
 Dear Sir: I was born in Honolulu, Oahu, July 17, 1886. I've lived there ever 
 since. Never was away from the islands. I am a labor -foreman and a hoisting en- 
 gineer by trade. 
 
 My father was a descendant of Portugal and my mother a Hawaiian. 
 
 I am a citizen and a citizen since the annexation to the 'United States on July 7, 1898. 
 
 In agreement with the bill passed by the last legislature to allow the importation of 
 oriental laborers into Hawaii. I'm in favor of allowing such laborers to work only in 
 the cane fields and as household servants. When they no longer want to work in the 
 cane fields, I am in favor of deporting them to their mother country. 
 
 Experience has taught that only this class of labor can work efficiently in the planta- 
 tion fields. 
 
 I believe that they should not be allowed to own any real estate. I am convinced 
 that the prosperity of the Territory of Hawaii depends largely upon the success of the 
 plantations securing plenty of laborers, because the failure of the plantations would 
 undoubtedly result in hard times for all other business interests, as practically all 
 shipping would be at a standstill. 
 
 The foregoing views are those of one who has spent his lifetime in the islands and wha 
 looks to the future prosperity of the Territory of Hawaii. I am, 
 Yours, faithfully, 
 
 Richard Phillyss. 
 
 Honolulu, June. 7, 1921. 
 Mr. W. F. Dillingham, 
 
 Chairman Labor Commission, Washington, D. C. 
 
 Dear Sir: I have been in the Hawaiian Islands for years, and am a boiler maker 
 by trade. I have worked at my trade in the islands and know something of the 
 work on the plantations. 
 
 As Americans will not work in the cane fields, and as the work for skilled mechanics 
 and others depends on the prosperity of the pineapple and sugar plantations, it is 
 necessary that field laborers be brought to the islands. 
 
 I am in favor of the bill passed by the legislature of the Territory asking Congress 
 to allow laborers to be brought here for plantation work only. 
 Yours^ very truh-, 
 
 M. Louis, Jr. 
 
 Honolulu, T. H., June 8, 1921, 
 Mr. W. F. D-illingham, 
 
 Chairman Labor Commission, Washington, B.C. 
 
 Dear Mr. Dillingham: The need for laborers for the cane fields is beginning ta 
 show in the slack work in the two iron works of this city and both shops have lain 
 off a number of men because of lack of work. 
 
 This is because the plantations are not prosperous and are suffering because they 
 do not have men to properly take care of the cane now growing and to plant more 
 cane or to harvest that which is ready for cutting. 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 495 
 
 I hope that you can soon get permission to bring laborers to Hawaii. I have been 
 working in the islands for 37 years and know that the plantation must have laborers 
 that can work in the cane fields and that white men can not do this kind of work. 
 Yours, truly, 
 
 James McAndrews, Boiler Maker. 
 
 Honolulu, June 7, 1921. 
 Mr. W. F. Dillingham, 
 
 Chairman Labor Commission, Washington, B.C. 
 Dear Sir: I am in favor of the bill passed by the legislature asking Congress to 
 allow laborers to be brought here for plantation work. 
 
 I am an engineer by trade and have lived in the HaAvaiian Islands for 30 years. I 
 know something of the conditions on the plantations, and that Americans will not 
 work in the fields. As work for skilled mechanics and others depends on the pros- 
 perity of the pineapple and sugar plantations, it is necessary that field laborers be 
 brought to the islands. 
 
 Yours, very truly, 
 
 J. S. MUIRHEAD. 
 
 Waipahu, June 9, 1921. 
 The Director, Bureau op Labor and Statistics, 
 
 Hawaiian Sugar Planters' Association, 
 
 Honolulu, Hawaii. 
 
 Dear Sir: One of the most vital questions affecting practically every resident of 
 the Hawaiian Islands is how to remedy the serious labor shortage now existing and 
 which has reached the critical point. In m}^ opinion it is the duty of anyone living 
 here, whether he is deriving his livelihood direct from work on a plantation or from 
 other sources, to work for the best interests of the plantations, which here is identical 
 with the best interests of the whole communit5^ The planters see a steady exodus 
 of their experienced Japanese laborers back to their native country, and while it is 
 true that to a certain extent the labor force is recruited by Filipino laborers, I think 
 most will admit that the Filipinos do not now, if they ever will, replace the Japanese 
 in efficiency. They are, in the first place, not physically able to stand the work and 
 seem to lack the stamina for steady, organized labor. The only solution seems to be 
 to impress upon the United States Congress the necessity of coming to our aid by 
 repealing the Chinese exclusion act. 
 
 We are all familiar with the objections of such action, mostly coming from organized 
 labor in the States, but the objections do not apply to local conditions here. This 
 is preeminently an agricultural country, employing only a very limited proportion 
 of skilled labor and the danger of competition against such skilled labor would be 
 negligible for a good many" years to come. If Congress does not come to our aid, the 
 day will come, in fact is A^ery close, when the plantations will have to reduce their 
 acreage under cultivation for lack of labor to work the fields, with the result of throw- 
 ing a lot of skilled and semiskilled men out of employment, and the loss will not be 
 the loss of the few but will be shared by the community at large. 
 Yours, respectfully, 
 
 A. H alb ERG. 
 
 Waipahu, Oahu, Hawaii, 
 
 June 9, 1921. 
 Director, Bureau of Labor and Statistics, 
 
 Honolulu, Hawaii. 
 
 Dear Sir: I am very much in favor of the efforts being made by the labor com- 
 mission, now in Washington from these islands, to obtain the admission ,of Chinese 
 laborers for our plantations. 
 
 Being an employee on one of the sugar plantations I have an opportunity to see at 
 first hand what a slowing-down effect the present labor shortage is having on the 
 mill and agricultural operations. Unless some remedy is found for this condition it 
 will surely mean the curtailment of production and the operation of the factory on 
 part time, resulting in unemployment of skilled white labor. That would work a 
 hardship on those men here who have had a special training for the work they are 
 doing. 
 
 For the past eight years I have seen the Chinese at work on the plantations here, 
 and they are capable and willing workers. There is an urgent need for that class of 
 workers, and they should be allowed to come to these islands. 
 Very truly, yours, 
 
 H. W. Bobbins. 
 
496 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 Waipahu, Hawaii, June 9, 1921. 
 
 To the Director, Bureau of Labor and Statistics, 
 Hawaiian Sugar Planters' Association, 
 
 Honolulu, Hawaii. 
 
 Dear Sir: The labor shortage question in the Territory of Hawaii is becoming an 
 acute question. The quality of labor required here principally in the sugar plan- 
 tations is not available. This shortage is made up of a number of circumstances that 
 it is unnecessary to enumerate, except, on one point which is, the demand is far 
 greater than the supply. In this case the supply will have to be replenished to enable 
 the island to hold its own, and not fall under a financial crisis, which would mean 
 ruin to agricultural industries of the islands, which has taken a long number of years 
 to build up to the standard which it stands at the present. 
 
 I sincerely hope that some aid can be obtained to replenish the labor supply and not 
 endanger the welfare of skilled employees as well as the industry. 
 Yours, very respectfully, 
 
 Geo. W. McDougall. Section Overseer. 
 
 Waipahu, T. H., Jvne 9, 1921. 
 
 The Director, Hawaiian Sugar Planters' Association, 
 Bureau of Labor and Statistics, 
 
 Honolulu, T. H. 
 
 Dear Sir: As an employee on a sugar plantation I have become convinced that 
 unless the acute labor shortage, which has become the most serious problem affecting 
 the sugar industry of Hawaii, is alleviated in the near future, the most serious conse- 
 quences may ensue which may cripple the whole agricultural business and prosperity 
 of these islands. 
 
 The most available source of supply of e^fficient and suitable labor appears to be the 
 Orient, and this being so I wish to record my hearty indorsement of the action 
 attempting to gain permission to import oriental labor. 
 
 Trusting that these efforts may prove successful. 
 Yours, truly, 
 
 T. G. Walker. 
 
 Honolulu, June 7, 1921. 
 W. F. Dillingham, 
 
 Chairman, Labor Commission, Washington, D. C. 
 
 Dear Sir: I have been a resident of these islands for the past 13 years, and have 
 had considerable opportunity of observing the plantation and field work of these 
 islands. 
 
 I am convinced that the ordinary field work of the sugar plantations and pineapple 
 fields can not be, and never will be, done by white American labor. The mechanical 
 work of the sugar mills and pineapple canneries is, and always will be, performed by 
 them, but the purely agricultural work of the fields is impossible tor them. 
 
 Wholly dependent as we are on our sugar and pineapple industry I am convinced 
 that our only salvation from the present dire shortage of field labor is the importation 
 of oriental laborers (other than Japanese). 
 
 For our protection, and that they may be contented, I would suggest that provision 
 be made for the returning to their own country at the termination of their contract, 
 any orientals that may be brought here to work in the fields. 
 
 I am wholly in favor of the measure before Congress whereby such may be brought 
 
 to these islands, es'pecially the modification of the Chinese exclusion act. I consider 
 
 it the one thing needed to bring back a measure of prosperity to these islands, and that 
 
 without it we are, and shall continue to be, in dire straits with regard to our field labor. 
 
 I am yours, faithfully, 
 
 E. M. Bull. 
 
 Waipahu, Hawaii, June 10. 1921. 
 
 The Director Bureau of Labor and Statistics, 
 
 Hawaiian Sugar Planters' Association, 
 
 Honolulu, Hawaii. 
 
 Sir: I entirely indorse the action of the special committee sent to Washington, D. 
 C, for the purpose of trying to show Congress the entire necessity of bringing field 
 laborers to these islands. 
 
LABOK PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 497 
 
 With the present labor shortage, the fields will fall far short of former years and 
 ■will, in fact, have to leave valuable land lie idle altogether. 
 
 A white man will not and can not work in the fields. This is a proven fact, hence, 
 the importation of Chinese is the only solution. 
 
 Should Congress not grant the permission of the importation of laborers from the 
 Orient, the islands will receive a severe blow, for it is entirely afi agricultural coun- 
 try, and everything depends upon them, and with the present lack of labor it will 
 Ibe impossible'to make the plantations pay, and further more result in a general suffer- 
 ing, for, the plantations are owned by all. Practically every man and woman who 
 lias saved a few dollars, has it invested in sugar and pineapple stock. 
 
 If these two industries having made Hawaii what it is, should fail, through lack of 
 labor, a sad state of affairs will exist in Hawaii. 
 Yours, very truly, 
 
 RoBT. Fricke. 
 
 Honolulu, June 10, 1921. 
 Mr. Walter Dillingham, 
 
 Chairman Labor Commission from Hawaii, 
 
 Washington, D. C. 
 
 Dear Sir: As a resident of Hawaii for the past 35 years and a marine engineer on 
 the steamers plying between the islands, I have been in a position to observe the 
 labor conditions here and on this account desire to express my views to you. 
 
 White labor, as you know, has been tried on the sugar plantations at various times 
 without success, this labor being unable to withstand the climatic conditions here. 
 There is at present a very acute shortage of labor in the islands and it is absolutely 
 necessary that some relief be obtained. 
 
 The present financial depression here, due to the shortaje of unskilled labor causing 
 great loss to the sugar plantations through inability to take off crops, is reflected in 
 all other lines. This has affected me in my capacity of marine engineer by the fact 
 that several of the interisland steamers have been laid up through the inability of the 
 plantations to harvest crops owing to shortage of labor, thus causing the crews of the 
 vessels to be out of employment. 
 
 I trust that your commission will be able to secure some relief by procuring addi- 
 tional unskilied labor for our main industry, upon which everything in the islands 
 depends. 
 
 Yours, very truly, 
 
 J. M. Little, Marine Engineer. 
 
 Waipahu, June 9, 1921. 
 
 The Director, Bureau op Labor and Statistics, 
 
 Hawaiian Sugar Planters' Association, 
 
 Honolulu, Hawaii. 
 
 Dear Sir: I suppose you are aware of the fact that the sugar plantations in Hawaii 
 are in need of more labor; that the cane is burning up in the fields on account of not 
 enough help to irrigate; that the young cane is being choked and stunted in its growth 
 •with weeds, and that the sugar mills are only turning out about 50 per cent of their 
 capacity. Any person can see this by visiting the various plantations. 
 
 If these conditions are allowed to exist much longer, a number of the weaker plan- 
 tations will have to close down, thereby throwing a number of skilled men out of 
 employment. 
 
 It seems to be a pity that after all the years of struggle to build up an industry, it 
 will soon be destroyed and only on account of not having labor to carry it along. 
 I know the struggle and hardships the majority of the plantations had to endure to 
 l)uild up the industry, as I have followed plantation life in a mechanical way for 
 25 years. 
 
 Why not send an earnest official to the Congress of the United States to allow the 
 Territory to bring labor from somewhere to save the industry. Congress knows the 
 "isolated place we live in, and it also knows, or should know, that white men can not 
 be brought down here from United States and paid wages high enough so they can 
 live up to a white man's standard of living, in competition with Cuba, Porto Rico, 
 and the Philippines. 
 
 I feel that if it is gone about in the right way that Congrews will give us the desired 
 help so the industry can be carried on. 
 Yours, respectfully, 
 
 C. H. McNally. 
 
 56754— 21— ser 7, pt 1 19 
 
498 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 Oahu Sugar Planters Co., 
 
 Waipahu, Oahu, June 9, 1921. 
 
 The Bureau of Labor and Statistics, Hawaiian Sugar Planters. 
 
 Gentlemen: I beg the liberty on presenting before you this petition asking of you 
 if the present conditions of the labor question could not be improved by importing 
 some more oriental labor into the islands, as this is the most suitable class for field 
 work in the sugar industry. 
 
 The company with which I am employed is seriously crippled at the present time, 
 only being able to furnish some 1,500 employees as compared to 3,000, the required- 
 amount. 
 
 Very slow progress is being made on our harvesting crop, and conditions look poor 
 for the future on the forthcoming crops. 
 
 If aid is not given immediately the company will have to discard one-third of the 
 present cultivated land to meet the shortage of labor. 
 
 Trusting this petition may meet with your approval. 
 Respectfully, yours, 
 
 J. Tait, Field Overseer. 
 
 Waipahu, Oahu, Hawaii, June 9, 1921. 
 The Director op Bureau' of Labor, 
 
 Hawaiian Sugar Planters' Association, 
 
 Honolulu, Hawaii. 
 
 Dear Sir: It is with great interest I have read about your efforts to obtain per- 
 mission to import laborers for the cane fields in Hawaii, and I sincerely hope your 
 efforts ^vill meet with success. 
 
 I have for more than 12 years been working for various plantations in Hawaii, and 
 I can not see any objection to importing sufficient unskilled laborers to take care of 
 the cane fields. I do not believe that any skilled or semiskilled worker, who knows 
 the conditions in our isolated islands, would anything but welcome imported field 
 hands, essential for the progress and welfare of the islands and its residents. Hoping 
 your efforts will meet with success, I am, 
 Yours, very truly, 
 
 Hjalmar Olstad. 
 
 Waipahu, Hawaii, June 9, 1921. 
 
 Director op the Bureau op Labor Statistics, 
 
 Hawaiian Sugar Planters' Association, 
 
 Honolulu, Hawaii. 
 
 Dear Sir: Something should be done and done quickly in regard to the present 
 labor supply on the plantations. 
 
 As things stand now it is impossible to carry on the work properly. There are not 
 
 enough men to take the crops off in good season and oftentimes it requires taking men 
 
 from 1922 field contracts to aid in the cutting fields, thereby setting back the 1922 crop. 
 
 Any one here, of course, knows of this serious shortage, but some remedy should be- 
 
 brought into practice immediately. 
 
 Yours, very truly, 
 
 J. D. Pratt. 
 
 Oahu Sugar Co. (Ltd.), 
 
 Waipahu, June 10, 1921 . 
 
 The Director Hawaiian Sugar Planters' Association, 
 
 Bureau op Lauok and Statistics, 
 
 Honolulu, T. H. 
 Dear Sir: I hereby wish to express my opinion in regard to the labor situation as it is 
 in Hawaii at the present time, and the effect the shortage which exists has on the 
 sugar industry. 
 
 If this shortage can not be relieved by the immigration of labor from the Orient, or 
 elsewhere, it means cutting down the area under cultivation at the present time to a. 
 large extent, and reducing the export from these islands about 100,000 tons of sugar. 
 Yours, very truly, 
 
 Arthur C. Betts, Section Luna. 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 499 
 
 Waipahu, Oahu, T. II., 
 
 June 10, 19f:.l. 
 Co the Directors Bureau of Labor and Statistics: 
 
 I am in favor of importing Chinese laborers. If we don't have more laborers soon 
 it Mill mean a hard hit for the plantations. i\s a matter of fact the plantations have 
 to cut down their output, which will mean a reduction in the sldlled and semiskilled 
 abor, which \\\\\ effect most of the trades outside of plantation and cripple the island 
 ndustry, 
 
 r. J. Olsen, 
 Mechanic Oahu Sugar Co. (Ltd.). 
 
 Oahu Sugar Co. (Ltd.), 
 
 Waipahu, June 10, 1921. 
 The Director Bureau of Labor and Statistics, 
 
 Hawaiian Sugar Planters' Association, 
 
 Honolulu, T. H. 
 Dear Sir: I wish to say a few words in regard to labor shortage in the Territory of 
 Bawaii at the present time and the general condition amongst the sugar plantations 
 md other concerns in need of help. The only thing, in my opinion, is that this Terri- 
 tory to relieve itself from present conditions, is to import more labor suitable to the 
 climate and conditions in Hawaii. 
 Yours, very truly, 
 
 Andrew A. Buta, Shipping Clerh. 
 
 Waipahu, Oahu, June 10, 1921. 
 Honolulu Sugar Planters' Association, 
 
 Honolulu. 
 
 Gentlemen : Have noted your movement through a labor commission in Washington 
 to have Congress let down her immigration laws by allowing 30,000 Chinese to come 
 into Hawaii as agricultural laborers on the sugar plantations. I for one heartily indorse 
 this move, and think if it is put up to the powers that be in Washington in the proper 
 light they will let the plantations import these Chinese, It is the one thing that will 
 save the plantations from cutting down the size of their plantations, thereby allowing 
 much valuable land to remain idle. 
 
 I was born and have lived practically all my life on a plantation and have seen all 
 classes of labor tried out, including the Portuguese, Spaniards, Poles, Hindus, Porto 
 Rican Negroes, and the Filipinos, and they have all been found wanting. The Japa- 
 nese and Chinese have been the only ones that have proven a success when it comes 
 to production — the unskilled labor that is necessary on a sugar-cane plantation. 
 
 The importing of Japanese, I think, is out of the question as a result of the feeling 
 that has been growing against them during the last few years in continental LTnited 
 States, especially on the Pacific coast. Therefore it is the Chinese that will have to 
 be worked, for they are the only remaining source of unskilled plantation labor that 
 have proven a success. 
 
 The future of the country also can be taken into consideration, especially the 
 Americanization of the country. The Chinese children in Hawaii of the laboring 
 families have proven to be much better citizens as a whole than any of the other classes 
 of laborers that have been brought to this country. Therefore I think that no matter 
 which way anyone looks at the proposition, the Chinese are the people that will be 
 able to solve our labor shortage here in Hawaii, where the situation has become very 
 serious and the prosperity of the islands in grave danger of taking a long fall on account 
 of this labor shortage. Hoping you will be successful in mission to secure these Chinese 
 laborers, I remain, 
 
 Yours, very truly, 
 
 Henry B. Dyson, 
 Luna Construction Gang, Oahu Sugar Co. (Ltd.). 
 
500 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 June 10, 1921. 
 Hawaiian Sugar Planters' Association, 
 
 Bureau of Labor, Honolulu, Hawaii. 
 
 Gentlemen: I wish to place on record the plantation conditions of the last 12 
 months, due to the labor shortage. 
 
 All department heads are agreed that the existing shortage of unskilled labor is so 
 seriously affecting the sugar industry of Hawaii that an appeal to the Federal Govern- 
 ment at Washington to sanction the importation in sufficient numbers of unskilled 
 labor to work in the fields is the only protection for Hawaii's main industry. 
 
 The plantations are finding it increasingly more difficult to take care of the much 
 delayed 1921 crop. 
 
 Unfortunately, the 1922-23 crop has already felt the delayed planting and want of 
 attention so necessary to young cane. It is difficult to know just what will be the 
 results of the near succeeding-crops. 
 
 There is an opportunity here in Hawaii to give employment to great numbers of 
 unskilled laborers, semiskilled, and skilled men, which will help a situation not of 
 local but national importance. 
 Yours, very respectfully, 
 
 F. C. COWELL, 
 
 Pump Engineer, Oohu Sugar Co. (Ltd.). 
 
 Waipahu, Oahu, June 10, 1921. 
 Bureau or Labor and Statistics, 
 
 Honolulu Sugar Planters^ Association, Honolulu, Hawaii. 
 
 Gentlemen: Oriental labor is essential for the agricultural pursuits of the Hawaiian 
 Islands. 
 
 I have been a resident of the Hawaiian Islands for the past 15 years and have resided 
 on the four principal islands of the group, and it is very visible — the scarcity of labor- 
 as large tracts of land which were formerly produf^tive are now lying fallow. 
 
 Apparently Europeans do not take kindly to thfc labor required of them in the rice, 
 cane, and pineapple fields, and they gradually drift to Honolulu and the mainland. 
 Respectfully, 
 
 Wm. Lennox. 
 
 Oahu Sugar Co. (Ltd.), 
 
 Waipahu, June 10, 1921 . 
 The Director Bureau of Labor and Statistics, 
 
 Hawaiian Sugar Planters' Association, 
 
 Honolulu, Hawaii. 
 
 iJfiAR Sir: Having been connected with the sugar plantations for the last five 
 years, and noting the growing shortage of labor from year to year, I realize that tJie 
 only salvation for this industry in these islands is the importation of suitable labor 
 in such numbers as will keep the production of sugar up to the high standing it has 
 enjoyed in former years. 
 Respectfully, yours, 
 
 A. A. Whelan, 
 Warehouseman, Oahu Sugar Co. {Ltd.). 
 
 Waipahu, Oahu, Hawaii, June 10, 1921. 
 
 Hawaiian Sugar Planters' Association, 
 
 Bureau of Labor, Honolulu, Hawaii. 
 
 Gentlemen : We have long ago suffered in Hawaii by the shortage of labor. During 
 the last 10 months, however, the situation has grown worse — it is intolerable. Since 
 the strike we have at no time been able to fi.nd a sufficient number of men to take 
 care of the plantation's needs. 
 
 The Hawaiian main industry is unable to cope with the situation; cultures suffer 
 greatly. We are unable to take off the sugar crop of the year, and we find it impos- 
 sible to take care of the coming crops. There is work here, plenty. We could in 
 Hawaii accommodate thousands and thousands of laborers. We are badly in need 
 of these men. The prosperity of the country is at stake. Hawaii without its sugar 
 industry is unable to subsist. It is up to the Federal Government to see that we get 
 here the necessary number of men to accomplish the daily work. By amending a 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAW AIL 501 
 
 law interdicting the importation of ( hinefe laborers we could easily remedy this 
 intolerable situation. We are badly in need of men and the ( hinese themselves are 
 starving in their own land. 
 
 Not only in the fields have we been feeling the gravity of the shortage of labor. 
 
 In the mill and pump departments as well as in the hospital we have been con- 
 stantly short of men. It is high time that a solution to this problem be found. 
 
 The American citizens of Plawaii, knowing that Hawaii's future depends upon the 
 plantations, wish to see the Government of the United States, our country, solve this 
 problem for the best of the land. 
 
 R. J. Mermod, 
 Physician, Oahu Sugar Co. {Ltd.). 
 
 Honolulu, T. H., June IS, 1921. 
 Mr. W. F. Dillingham, 
 
 Chairman Labor Commission, Territory of Haivaii, 
 
 Washington, D. C. 
 
 Dear Sir: May I be allowed to express to you some of my views upon the labor 
 situation here, pertaining particularly to the resolution passed by the last legislature 
 in which they petitioned Congress for permission to bring into this Territory from the 
 Orient laborers for agricultural work and house servants? 
 
 I am an American citizen, born in the State of Washington in 1874. My father was 
 born in the State of Maine and was an officer in the Federal Army during the Civil 
 War, and my grandfather fought in the War of 1812. My mother was born in Glasgow, 
 Scotland, her ancestor, being Scotch and English. Up to 1897, when I came to the 
 Hawaiian Islands, I lived on the Pacific coast, was a member of the class of '91 of the 
 Oakland High School and of the class of '96, Stanford University. 
 
 Since my arrival in the islands in March, 1897, I have been constantly engaged in 
 the general contracting business, with the exception of about three and one-half 
 years, from 1912 to 1916, during which time I was engineer for the city and county of 
 Honolulu. During my first four years of contracting in the islands I was working with 
 partners; subsequently, in business for myself. About 90 per cent of the contracts I 
 ha^e undertaken and carried out have been for the construction of railroads and 
 public works. Up to and including 1904, available labor of any nationality could be 
 used upon public works, but from that date only citizen labor or those eligible to 
 become citizens could be employed on or about Territorial or municipal county 
 work. 
 
 During the period from 1897 to 1902 I was engaged extensively in railroad and wagon 
 road construction on Oahu and Hawaii, having constantly under my direct charge 
 during that time in the neighborhood of 500 laborers. Speaking approximately, I 
 should say that as to nationality these laborers were divided about as follows: 60 per 
 cent Japanese, 30 per cent Chinese, 5 per cent Hawaiians, and the balance a constantly 
 changing nondescript gang in which most any nationality could be found. During 
 1904, when the law regarding citizen labor went into effect, I tried gangs of various 
 nationalities on road work, including Italians, Russians, Porto Ricans, Portuguese, 
 and Americans, none of whom, however, took to pick and shovel work with any 
 degree of enthusiasm, and would only do this class of work when there was absolutely 
 nothing else in view. 
 
 From 1904 to date the trend in contracting work has been to use machinery as much 
 as possible in order to eliminate common labor on account of its scarcity and unreli- 
 ability, thus building an organization consisting of practically 100 per cent skilled 
 labor. 
 
 The location of most of the contracting work on which I have been engaged during 
 the past 20 years has been in the plantation districts, and I am as intimately acquainted 
 with labor problems in the agricultural districts as I am with those on my own work. 
 
 By using modern machinery wherever possible, the management of sugar and pine- 
 apple plantations has effected a considerable economic saving by greatly reducing 
 the number of men necessary to cultivate and take off their crops; but in conducting 
 their operations there will a!(ways be required a large number of common laborers to 
 do handwork that can not now be done hy machinery, nor is it probable that this 
 work ever will be done by machinery. The ideal laborer for this situation is one who 
 is thoroughly imbued with the idea tliat his mission on this earth is to wield a hoe and 
 a cane knife and cultivate the soil. Considering that his work is to be done in the 
 direct rays of a Tropic sun, this ideal laborer probably does not exist, but his closest 
 counterpart is to be found in the native of the agricultural districts of China. This 
 
502 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 is my emphatic opinion arrived at after years of handling and observing the labor on 
 these islands. The natives of Japan, Korea, Philippines, Straits Settlements, and 
 India can do the work, but none will do it in the satisfactory manner of the Chinese. 
 The Chinese are not strenuous nor erratic workers, but they are as reliable as a machine 
 inasmuch as they do exactly the same amount of work every day. 
 
 In my opinion the plantations have made a deplorable mistake in the past in try- 
 ing to make skilled labor out of common agricultural labor. They have taken a man 
 well versed in the use of the hoe and cane knife and have taught him enough to make 
 him a mediocre mechanic, to the detriment of the skilled labor and mechanics in the 
 community. The majority of the oriental mechanics now in the islands came here 
 as contract laborers for the plantations years ago. In the future, laborers who are 
 brought to the islands should be allowed to do nothing but labor or act as house- 
 servants; under no circumstances should they be allowed to act as even semiskilled 
 labor. At least 90 per cent of the wealth of this community is derived from the soil, 
 and outside of the activities of the Army and Navy Departments of the Federal Govern- 
 ment practically all the people — the merchants, the professional men, the skilled and 
 unskilled labor, and the mechanics — ^owe their incomes indirectly to the produce of the 
 soil. It is glaringly apparent to the most casual observer that should the soil fail to 
 produce its annual crops the total income of the community would shrink to near the 
 vanishing point and everybody would be forced to subsist upon what they would 
 receive for services rendered the Federal Government and the tourists. The only 
 manner in which such a calamity could befall this community would be by taking 
 away the labor from the fields. In other words, should we be unable to fill our require- 
 ments for agricultural labor the big majority of us would be unable to make a living 
 here and consequently would have to move to pastures new. It is the height of 
 absurdity to expect white men from the northern climes to labor in the fields of the 
 Tropics. This has been proven times without number. It is not because they can 
 not but because they will not; such a life offers no attractions to them but is abso- 
 lutely abhorrent. It naturally follows that our common agricultural labor must 
 come from the Tropics. That being the caoe, we should get the labor which will 
 give the most all-around satisfaction. That labor, a large majority of us consider, 
 should come from China. 
 
 I wish to reiterate that I am most heartily in favor of the resolution passed by the 
 last legislature calHng upon Congress to allow us to import oriental labor for house- 
 hold servants and agricultural pursuits only. Of course, provision should be made to 
 compel the return of these laborers from whence they came when for any reason they 
 failed to do the work for which they were engaged. 
 Yours, respectfully, 
 
 L. M. Whitehouse. 
 
 Mr. Walter F. Dillingham, 
 
 Honolulu, Hawaii, June 6, 1921 
 Chairman Labor Commission, Washington, D. C. 
 
 Dear Sir: I sincerely hope that you will succeed in impressing on Congress the 
 pressing need oi our plantations for labor and that your request for 25,000 Chinese 
 laborers for the island be granted. 
 
 I might say sugar is the principal — the only — product of our island. Without it 
 the commercial life of the Territory would die. To raise it we must have labor, 
 which we have not got at the present time. White men can not cut and load cane 
 under a tropical sun. It has been tried and failed. And again — without any preju- 
 dice — alien nationals that can not and will not assimilate or become Americans 
 shouid not control the industrial and agricultural business of an American Territory. 
 
 I am a working carpenter; have resided here for 39 years. I believe that in bring- 
 ing Chinese labor here it will help out every interest in the Territory. 
 Yoilrs, truly, 
 
 Jacintho Costa. 
 
 Mr. W. F. Dillingham, 
 
 Chairman Labor Commission, Washington, D. C. 
 
 Dear Sir: I have been a resident of the Territory of Hawaii for the past 50 years 
 and was born and raised on a sugar plantation of which my father was part owner 
 and manager, so therefore have a thorough knowledge of plantation life and work. 
 I am a mechanic by trade, and as such have mingled with all classes of skilled and 
 unskilled labor and during the past 20 years have had a great many under my control. 
 I know and am fully convinced that Americans will not work under any circum- 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 503 
 
 stances in the cane fields. It is work that has always been done principally by 
 Chinese, Japanese, and Koreans, and some Portuguese who generally did the 
 more skilled work in the fields. It is necessary, and I urgently request you to do 
 all in your power that laborers be brought to these islands, as the work for skilled 
 mechanics depends entirely on the prosperity of the sugar and pineajjple industries 
 of this country. 
 
 On the following condition I ara in favor of the bill passed by the last session of 
 our legislature asking Congress to allow the importation of labore s providing that 
 they be restricted solely to agricultural field work and domestic servants, and 
 should be deported when they (an no longer do the work for ^;hich they were 
 brought here. 
 
 Wishing the commission success in their undertaking, believe me to be 
 Very respectfully, yours. 
 
 Henry C. Vida. 
 
 Honolulu, June 13, 1921. 
 Mr. W. F. Dillingham, 
 
 Chairman Labor Commission, Washington, D. C: 
 
 I am a resident of Territory for 38 years. My occupation is plant superintendent 
 for the Hawaiian Dredging Co. Portuguese descent, citizen of United States. 
 
 In agreement with bill passed by last legislature to allow the importation of oriental 
 laborers. Experience has taught me that the oriental labor is one class of labor which 
 can stand up under the work required in plantation fields. Believe these laborers 
 should be employed only on plantation work and should not be allowed to own real 
 estate. They should be deported to their mother country when they refuse to work 
 in the field. General prosperity of the Territory depends upon the ability of the 
 plantation to secure sufficient labor. 
 Yours, respectfully, 
 
 Manuel Costa, 
 1933 South King Street, Honolulu. 
 
 Honolulu, Hawaii, June 10, 1921. 
 W. F. Dillingham, 
 
 Chairman Labor Commission, Washington, D. C. 
 
 Dear Sir: Being a citizen of the United States by birth, and constantly con- 
 nected with the supervision and construction of buildings for more than 20 years, 
 and as you know a resident of the Hawaiian Islands for the major portion of the time 
 during the past two years, a portion of which was in supervising the construction 
 of the largest pineapple cannery and plantation construction work in connection 
 therewith, on the island of Maui; and knowing the deplorable labor condition exist- 
 ing in the Hawaiian Islands at this time, not alone on the sugar and pineapple plan- 
 tations but in mechanical lines as well, I trust that my views and opinions may be 
 of|some assistance to the committee from Hawaii, now in Washington, D. C, con- 
 ferring on this subject. 
 
 It is a well-known fact that the sugar and pineapple is the principal industry here, 
 all others depending on the maintenance and advancement of these two industries. 
 The present situation in the cane fields (without apparent relief) is such that a shortage 
 of 30 per cent of labor to harvest the present sugar crop prevails, with e^'ery indication 
 of conditions becoming worse. 
 
 This means a loss of 30 per cent or more of the sugar crop this year if the present 
 condition is not reversed. 
 
 Since citizen or local oriental labor is not available in adequate numbers to meet 
 the required demand, unless it be made compulsory upon any or all of the present 
 population to work at a specific kind of work, and since the orientals having proved 
 the most adaptable of any for sugar plantation work, I concur in the resolution passed 
 by the Legislature of Hawaii, the senate concurring, relative to the importation of 
 laborers to work at cultivating and harvesting sugar cane. 
 
 Trusting that relief may be forthcoming at a very early date to relieve the present 
 condition and thereby preserve as large a percentage of the present sugar crop as 
 possible. 
 
 Very truly, yours, 
 
 John L. Cliff. 
 
504 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 Honolulu, Hawaii, June 13, 1921. 
 Walt*er F. Dillingham, 
 
 Honolulu, Hawaii. 
 
 Dear Sir: As to the itriportation of Chinese laborers would say that in my opinion' 
 it would be all right were they restricted to work on the different plantations and for 
 domestic purposes. 
 
 I am a resident of these islands for the last 28 years and in that time have been con- 
 nected, more less, with the labor interests of the islands as engineer and mechanic for 
 the last six years. 
 
 It is evident that it would work greatly to the advantage of skilled labor if there were- 
 more common laborers, for that would call for increased products of manufacturers. 
 The lack of the general improvement of the islands is due to the lack of sufficient 
 laborers, as on them, in a large measure, depends the prosperity of these islands and 
 the continued employment of skilled artisans. 
 
 Should g'uch contemplated action prove detrimental to the interests of the islands, 
 after having had these Chinese employed for a certain length of time, legislation could 
 be enacted wherewith they could be returned to their own country. 
 
 At the most, as I see it, it is but an untried Experiment with no great loss attending, 
 even shduld it prove a failure at the end ; at the least it certainjfy would be an advantage 
 at the present time, when there is such a dearth of unskilled labor to meet the require- 
 ments of the plantations, to import these Chinese laborers. 
 
 Respectfully, sublnitted. 
 
 Olando K. Auld. 
 
 Kawailoa, Waidlua, Oahu, Hawaiian Islands, 
 
 June 9, 1921, 
 Hawaiian Labor Commission, 
 
 Washington, D. C. 
 
 Gentlemen: With reference to the labor situation on the Kawailoa division of the 
 plantation, I would say that the shortage of labor is the worst I have known during 
 my stay of 20 years on this plantation. 
 
 In the production of sugar we are three months behind Nounde; no plowing has been 
 done on this division (4,100 acres) for 14 months. Owing to shortage and inefficient 
 class of labor we have at present, large areas will have to be abandoned during the 
 next five months. 
 Yours, truly, 
 
 Wm. Harjoham, 
 
 Honolulu, Hawaii, June 27, 192U 
 Mr. W. F. Dillingham, 
 
 Chairman Labor Commission, Washington, D. C. 
 
 Dear Sir: We have lived in the Hawaiiaji Islands for over 30 years and are saddlers 
 by trade. We have worked at our trade in the islands and know something of the 
 work on the plantations. We are sure that Americans will not work in the cane 
 fields and that it is work that has always been done by Chinese, Japanese, Koreans, 
 and some Portuguese, who generally did the more skilled work in the fields. 
 
 It is necessary that labor be brought to the islands, for skilled mechanics in almost 
 every line depend on the prosperity of the pineapple and sugar plantations. 
 
 Laborers brought to the islands should not be allowed to work at any trade or to 
 own or be employed in any business except agricultural field work and as house 
 servants. They should be returned to their own country when they can no longer 
 do the work for which they were brought here. 
 
 We are in favor of the bill passed by the legislature of the Territory asking Con- 
 gress to allow laborers to be brought here for plantation work. 
 Ver\^ truly , 
 
 Fred Philp. 
 
 MORLEY PhII:P. 
 
 _ Honolulu, Hawaii, June 27, 1921. 
 
 Mr. W. F. Dillingham, 
 
 Chairman Labor Commission, Washington, D. C. 
 
 Dear Sir : I am a native of these islands and a seamstress by trade. I have worked at 
 my trade in the islands and know something of the work on the plantations. I am sure 
 that Americans will not work in the cane fields and that it is work that has always 
 been done by Chinese, Japanese, Koreans, and some Portuguese who generally did the 
 more skilled work in the fields. 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 505 
 
 It is necessary that labor be brought to the islands, for skilled mechanics in almost 
 every line depend on the' propsperity of the pineapple and sugar plantations. 
 
 Laborers brought to the islands should not be allowed to work at any trade or to own 
 or be employed in any business except agricultural field work and as house servants. 
 They should be retiu-ned to their own country when they can no longer do the work 
 for whicti they were brought here. 
 
 I am in favor of the bill passed by the legislature of the Territory asking Congress to 
 allow laborers to be brought here for plantation work. 
 Yours, truly,, 
 
 Mary Han an. 
 
 Honolulu, Hawaii, June 27, 1921. 
 IVIr. W. F. Dillingham, 
 
 Chairman Labor Commission, 
 
 Washington, D. C. 
 
 Dear Sir: I have lived in the Hawaiian Islands for 27 years and am a druggist 
 by trade. I have worked at my trade in the islands and know something of the work 
 on the plantations. I am sure that Americans will not work in the cane fields and 
 that it is work that has always been done by Chinese, Japanese, Koreans, and some 
 Portuguese, who generally did the more skilled work in the fields. 
 
 It is necessary that labor be brought to the islands, for skilled mechanics in almost 
 every line depend on the prosperity of the pineapple and sugar plantations. 
 
 Laborers brought to the islands should not be allowed to work at any trade or to 
 own or be employed in any business except agricultural field work and as house 
 servants. They should be returned to their own country when they can no longer 
 do the work for which they were brought here. 
 
 I am in favor of the bill passed by the legislatiu'e of the Territory asking Congress 
 to allow laborers to be brought here for plantation work. 
 Yours, truly, 
 
 H. L. Shaw, 
 Leonard Hold. 
 
 Honolulu, Hawaii, June 27, 1921. 
 Mr. W. F. Dillingham, 
 
 Chairman Labor Commission, Washington, D. C. 
 
 Dear Sir: I have lived in the Hawaiian Islands for 35 years and am a sailmaker 
 by trade. I have worked at my trade in the islands and know something of the work 
 on the plantations. I am sure that Americans will not work in the cane fields and 
 that it is work that has always been done by Chinese, Japanese, Koreans, and some 
 Portuguese who generally did the more skilled work in the fields. 
 
 It is necessary that labor be brought to the islands, for skilled mechanics in almost 
 every line depend on the prosperity of the pineapple and sugar plantations. 
 
 Laborers brought to the islands should not be allowed to work at any trade or to 
 own or be employed in any business except agricultural field work and as house 
 servants. They should be returned to their own country when they can no longer 
 do the work for which they were brought here. 
 
 I am in favor of the bill passed by the legislature of the Territory asking Congress 
 to allow laborers to be brought here for plantation work. 
 Very truly, 
 
 James Vieria, Sailmaker. 
 
 Honolulu, Hawaii, June 27, 1921. 
 Mr. W. F. Dillingham, 
 
 Chairman Labor Commission, Washington, D. C. 
 
 Dear Sir: I have lived in the Hawaiian Islands for 11 years and am a seamstress 
 by trade. I have worked at my trade in the islands and know something of the work 
 on the plantations. I am sure that white Americans will not work in the cane fields 
 and that it is work that has always been done by Chinese, Japanese, Koreans, and 
 some Portuguese, who generally did the more skilled work in the fields. ^ 
 
 It is necessary that labor be brought to the islands, for skilled mechanics in almost 
 every Hne depend on the prosperity of the pineapple and sugar plantations. 
 
 Laborers brought to the islands should not be allowed to" work at any trade or to 
 own or be employed in any business except agricultural field work and as house 
 
506 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 servants. They should be returned to their own country when they can no longer 
 do the work for which they were brought here. 
 
 I am in favor of the bill passed by the legislature of the Territory asking Congress 
 to allow laborers to be brought here for plantation work. 
 Very truly, 
 
 Mary Abrue. 
 
 Honolulu, Hawaii, June 10, 19''U. 
 Mr. W. F. Dillingham, 
 
 Chairman Labor Commission, Washington, B.C. 
 
 Dear Sir: I have lived in the Hawaiian Islands for 29 years and am a blacksmith 
 by trade. I have worked at my trade in the islands and know something of the work 
 on the plantations. I am sure that A^mericans will not ,vork in the cane fields and that 
 it is work that has always been done by Chinese, Japanese, Koreans, and some Portu- 
 guese who generally did the more skilled work in the fields. 
 
 It is necessary that labor be brought to the islands, for skilled mechanics in almost 
 every line depend on the prosperity of the pineapple and sugar plantations. 
 
 Laborers brought to the islands should not be allowed to work at any trade or to own 
 or be employed in any business except agricultural field work, and as house servants. 
 They should be returned to their own country when they can no longer do the work 
 for which they were brought here. 
 
 I am in favor of the bill passed by the legislature of the Territory asking Congress to 
 allow laborers to be brought here for plantation work. 
 Yours, truly, 
 
 Louis Kamaka. 
 
 Honolulu, Hawaii, June 10, 1921. 
 Mr. W. F. Dillingham, 
 
 Chairman Labor Commission, Washington, D. C. 
 
 Dear Sir: I have lived in the Hawaiian Islands for 44 years, and am a machinist 
 by trade. I have worked at my trade in the islands and know something of the work 
 on the plantations. I am sure that Americans will not work in the cane fields and 
 that it is work that has always been done by Chinese, Japanese, Koreans, and some 
 Portuguese, who generally did the more skilled work in the fields. 
 
 It is necessary that labor be brought to the islands, for skilled mechanics in almost 
 every line depend on the prosperity of the pineapple and sugar plantations. 
 
 Laborers brought to the islands should not be allowed to work at any trade or to 
 own or be employed in any business except agricultural field work and as house 
 servants. They should be returned to their own country when they can no longer 
 do the work for which they were brought here. 
 
 I am in favor of the bill passed by the legislature of the Territory asking Congress 
 to allow laborers to be brought here for plantation work. 
 Yours, truly, 
 
 Paul C. Brede. 
 
 Honolulu, Hawaii, June 6, 1921, 
 Mr. Walter F. Dillingham, 
 
 Chairman Labor Commission, Washington, D. C. 
 Dear Sir: I sincerely hoi)e that you will succeed in impressing on Congress the 
 pressing need of our plantations for labor and that your request for 25,000 Chinese 
 laborers for the islands be granted. 
 
 I might say sugar is the principal, the only product of our islands. Without it 
 the commercial life of the Territory would die. To raise it we must have labor, which 
 we have not got at the present time. White men can not cut and load cane under a 
 tropical sun; it has been tried and failed. 
 
 And, again, without any prejudice, alien nationals that can not and will not assimi- 
 late or become Americans should not control the industrial and agricultural business 
 of an American Territory. 
 
 I am a working mechanic; have resided here for 30 years. I believe that in bringing 
 Chinese labor here it will help out every interest in the Territory. 
 Yours, truly, 
 
 Harry J. Auld. 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 507 
 
 Honolulu, Hawaii, June 10, 1921. 
 Mr. W. F. Dillingham, 
 
 Chairman Labor Commission, Washington, D. C. 
 
 Dear Sir: I have lived in the Hawaiian Islands for 22 years and am a boilermaker 
 by trade. I have worked at my trade in the islands and know something of the work 
 •on the plantations. I am sure that Americans will not work in the cane fields and that 
 it is work that has always been done by Chinese, Japanese, Koreans, and some Portu- 
 guese, who generally did the more skilled work in the fields. 
 
 It is necessary that labor be brought to the islands for skilled mechanics in almost 
 every line depend on the prosperity of the pineapple and sugar plantations. 
 
 Laborers brought to the islands should not be allowed to work at any trade or to 
 own or be employed in any business except agricultural field work and as house ser- 
 vants. They should be returned to their own country when they can no longer do 
 the work for which they were brotight here. 
 
 I am in favor of the bill passed by the legislature of the Territory asking Congress to 
 allow laborers to be brought here for plantation work. 
 Yours, truly, 
 
 A. FlEGE, 
 
 Boilermakers Union. 
 
 Honolulu, Hawaii, June 27, 1921. 
 Mr. W. F. Dillingham, 
 
 Chairman Labor Commission, Washington, D. C. 
 
 Dear Sir: We were born in the Hawaiian Islands and are hatters by trade. We 
 have worked at our trade in the islands and know something of the work on the plan- 
 tations. I am sure that Americans will not work in the cane fields and that it is work 
 that has always been done by Chinese, Japanese, Koreans, and some Portuguese who 
 generally did the more skilled work in the fields. 
 
 It is necessary that labor be brought to the islands, for skilled mechanics in almost 
 every line depend on the prosperity of the pineapple and sugar plantations. 
 
 Laborers brought to the islands should not be allowed to work at any trade or to 
 •own or be employed in any business except agricultural field woYk and as house 
 servants. They should be returned to their own country when they can no longer 
 do the work for which they were brought here. 
 
 We are in favor of the bill passed by the legislature of the Territory asking Congress 
 to allow laborers to be brought here for plantation work. 
 Yours, truly, 
 
 Daniel Joseph, 
 
 124 Berttania Street. 
 M. Enos Medusos, Jr. 
 
 Honolulu, Hawaii, June 27, 1921. 
 Mr. John Nolan, 
 
 House of Representatives, Washington, D. C. 
 
 My Dear Nolan: I am sure you will remember me as a machinist toolmaker who 
 was in the employ of the Honolulu Iron Works when you were employed by the 
 same firm. I remember you well and pleasantly. 
 
 I have been located here for 25 years. 
 
 I am writing you because I saw in the local newspaper that you were opposing 
 an effort the people of Hawaii are making to import field labor. 
 
 I wish you were back here again to see conditions at first-hand and to see the nec- 
 essity for this labor and to note that it is by the field work of this class of labor that 
 we mechanics prosper. 
 
 It is a class of work that does not in any way conflict with the white man or mechanic 
 and which in this climate no white man can do. 
 
 You are quoted as referring to Mr. Tyson as your authority. I know Mr. Tyson 
 only by reputation and am disappointed to find that he can be so blind as to advise 
 you against supporting the assistance these islands need and are asking of you. 
 
 1 shall be pleased to have you ask me any questions or do you any service that 
 will guide you, but do not oppose this measure on the grounds of its hurting 
 skilled labor of any kind. 
 Very sincerely, 
 
 Fred B. West. 
 
508 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII, 
 
 Appendix II. 
 
 STATEMENTS OF PLANTATION OWNERS, OPERATORS, AND MANAGERS, WITH REFERENCE: 
 TO THE LABOR CONDITION AND SHORTAGE EXISTING IN THE TERRITORY OF HAWAir 
 AND WITH REFERENCE TO THE PROBABLE FINANCIAL LOSS AND OTHER RESULTS 
 LIKELY TO BE OCCASIONED BY THAT SHORTAGE. 
 
 Kealakekua, Kona, Hawaii, April 28, 1921, 
 Messrs. Hind, Rolph & Co., 
 
 Honolulu. 
 
 Dear Sirs: We beg to acknowlegde receipt of your letter of April 23, advising us 
 that a commission has been appointed by the present legislature to go to Washington 
 and endeavor to interest Congress in securing permission to import into Hawaiii 
 laborers to relieve the present situation. 
 
 We thank you for the advice, and are certainly most heartily in accord with the 
 action of the legislature* in thus bringing the matter so strongly before Congress; and 
 trust that this commission will be successful in so interesting Congress in this matter 
 so vital to all interests in the islands, be they large or small, that the necessary per- 
 mission will be secured. 
 
 We realize that in many of the other districts the numerical shortage of laborers is 
 greater than here in Kona, ut even here one of the most crying needs is for more 
 laborers, both to handle and save the present crops, which often sustain considerable 
 loss owning to this shortage (crops of coffee and sugar), as well as to cultivate the acre- 
 age at present available but not under cultivation owing to lack of laborers. The 
 cattle ranches in our districts are also handicapped in the same way, and the great cry 
 throughout the industries is for more laborers. 
 
 We trust that you will take the matter up with the commission, and advise them 
 that we here in these districts are so short of laborers that it has become an extremely 
 serious matter to us. Kindly give them the data as shown in this letter, which figures 
 are as nearly as we can approximate, for our districts of North and South Kona: 
 
 Acres under cultivation 4, 000 
 
 Acres wild coffee 1, 000 
 
 Acres uncultivated accoujnt lack of labor « 2, 000 
 
 Class of labor used, 80 per cent Japanese; 20 per cent others. 
 
 Number of laborers employed (not including owners of farms or leases) 500' 
 
 Shortage of laborers on present cultivated areas 500 
 
 How many more laborers needed for proper carrying on of the industry 1, 000 
 
 Territorial taxes paid by industry in 1919 and 1920 |35, 000-|40, 000 
 
 Wages paid laborers prior to war (coffee picking), 75 cents per bag. 
 
 Wages plaid laborers during war (coffee picking), $1.50 and $1.75 per bag. 
 
 The figures as above given only apply to the coffee industry and do not cover the' 
 sugar-cane growing or other industries. 
 
 During the greater part of the busy coffee harvesting season the growers or farmers^ 
 found it necessary, in order to save crops, to pay an increased price for labor. This 
 resulted in their getting a greater number of coffee pickers, drawing them away 
 temporarily from other industries, in many instances greatly crippling these other 
 industries, and still leaving a large number of laborers short to handle the crops, thus 
 bringing about a partial crop loss as well as the financial loss occasioned both by loss 
 of crop and exorbitant price for laborers to handle the part harvested. 
 
 The coffee-industry situation is at the present time at a very critical stage, owing 
 largely to this shortage of laborers, and the resultarit discouragement to the growers 
 or farmers in being unable to handle their crops without exorbitant expenditure, 
 this shortage alsb acting as a prohibition against the cultivation of new areas at present 
 available. 
 
 Again thanking you for the notice of the appointment of the commission and 
 trusting that they may be able to so place conditions before Congress that they may 
 see how serious the matter is to all interested in the islands, we are, 
 Very truly, yours, 
 
 Capt. Cook Coffee Co. (Ltd.) 
 Per Wm. D. McKillop, Bookkeeper. 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 509 
 
 HuEHUE, Kailua, Hawaii, April £9, 1921. 
 Mr. John K. Clarke, 
 
 Honolulu, Havmii. 
 
 My Deak Johv: T recewed your letter of the 23d instant and the following are a 
 few facts concerning the labor problem on the cattle ranches in this district: 
 
 During the coffee season, which lasts four or five months of the year, it is nearly 
 impossible to have anything done on the ranches in the way of fencing, clearing land, 
 or otherwise improving conditions whatever. 
 
 The ranchers are solely dependent on labor from men who own a few acres of coffee 
 trees, and the consequences are that when the coffee is ripe they naturally leave the 
 ranch to harvest their coffee. 
 
 ^ If more labor was available bigger crops of coffee could be obtained, as a considerable 
 amoimt of coffee falls to the ground and is lost, owing to the coffee growers being 
 unable to obtain labor when the crop is ripe. 
 
 During the off season of the coffee a considerable amount of the labor would be used 
 by the ranchers in clearing pasture land, which I regret to say is very much over- 
 grown with Ian tana, guava, etc., for no other reason than the want of labor. 
 
 The foregoing you can either condense or lengthen as you think fit, as I believe you 
 can gather fi'om it the necessary data you desire. 
 With kind regards, believe me, yours, aye, 
 
 John Lind. 
 
 INFORMATION WITH REGARD TO COFFEE INDUSTRY, 
 
 Acres under cultivation, approximately 4,000. 
 
 Acres wild coffee, approximately 1.000. 
 
 Acres uncultivated account lack of labor, approximately 2.000. 
 
 Class labor used, Japanese 80 per cent, all other nationahties, 20 per cent. 
 
 Number laborers employed, 500. 
 
 Shortage of laborers on present cultivated areas, 500. 
 
 How many more laborers needed for proper carrying on of industry, 1,000. 
 
 Federal taxes paid bv industrv, 1919-20, figures not available locally. 
 
 Territorial taxes paid by industry. 1919. $35,000: 1920, $40,000. 
 
 General conditions of the industry at the present time: 
 
 At the present time, the coffee industry throughout both Konas is not yielding the 
 returns it rightfully should. Lack of labor to properly maintain the industry is the 
 principal cause of this condition, and unless outside labor can be brought in, con- 
 ditions will not improve, but will become even worse. 
 
 As above stated, no expected improvement can be looked for unless outside labor is 
 supplied, and it may be said that areas now uncultivated, will, if not looked after in 
 the very near future, go back to their \'irgin state, and thereby all the time, effort, 
 and money expended in clearing, planting, and bringing the soil to a profitable state, 
 will have been for naught. 
 
 To anyone acquainted with soil conditions in Kona, it is easily understood, that 
 to bring the coffee industry from its inception up to its present state, cost much time, 
 energy, and money, in the way of advances, both cash and the necessities of Hfe, 
 to carry the planter along until such time as he had brought his acrage under culti- 
 vation, up to a state of profit }delding return, and to allow the industry to lapse for 
 want of sufficient help to properly look after the land seems unfair, both to the farmer 
 as well as to those maldng the industry possible. 
 
 It might be of interest to mention that from time to time a coffee tree is planted; 
 four years must elapse before the coffee produced will be sufiicient to yield a profit 
 to the farmer (under present price), and when this fact is understood the total amount 
 of money and foodstuffs advanced, may be well imagined. 
 
 From figures heretofore submitted it will be noted that approximately 2,000 acres 
 of coffee lands are at present uncultivated which, with a sufficient number of labor- 
 ers to take up this area, would produce considerable quantities of coffee Also addi- 
 tional acreage could be planted to coffee — 1,500 acres would be no exaggeration. 
 
 Figures gathered bv the writer indicate the following crops for the past three years, 
 viz, 1918-19, 46,037 bags; 1919-20, 46,680 bags; 1920-21, 47,419 bags 
 
 At first glance, it would appear that the coffee industry has enjoyed a steady 
 growth for the past three years, and while it is true that the total number of bags 
 harvested during the past year is slightly in excess of the year pre\'ious, yet this 
 increase is very small in comparison to what the total production would have been 
 had there been sufficient labor to properly pick, dry, and harvest the crop. Up to 
 the time of harvest, weather conditions had been ideal, and all indications were that 
 
510 
 
 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 the crop of coffee would be the largest in the history of the industry in Kona. Scar- 
 city of help held prices up, and the price of coffee in mainland markets did not jus- 
 tify the farmer in paying the prices asked by farm hands, so that he picked what he 
 could, allowing the surplusage to fall on the ground. As nearly as can be ascer- 
 tained no less than 20 per cent of the coffee which had reached maturity, ripe and 
 ready for picking, fell to the ground. 
 
 Like conditions with regard to the sugar industry, and tobacco interests in Kona 
 are prevailing at the present time. 
 
 Respectfully submitted. 
 
 L. C. Child, 
 Manager, American Factors {Ltd.), Kailua. 
 
 Experiment Station, 
 Honolulu, April 26, 1921. 
 Mr, J. K. Butler, 
 
 Secretary J. S. P. A., Honolulu, Hawaii. 
 
 Dear Sir: I hand you herewith a brief memorandum showing efforts made to carry 
 on the work of the plantations to the best advantage during the present acute labor 
 shortage. 
 
 Improved varieties of cane. — Other things being equal, it is to be expected that the 
 better the cane variety the cheaper will be the cost of production per acre and per 
 ton of sugar produced. A cane well suited to a locality grows better and closes in 
 sooner, thereby requiring less cultivation and less labor for weed control. At the 
 present time we are attempting to improve our cane varieties in two ways : 
 
 1. By means of seedlings, thereby creating new varieties better than the present 
 standard ones now in cultivation. 
 
 2. By improving the varieties now being grown by means of bud selection, by meth- 
 ods similar to those employed to improve corn, tobacco, and citrus fruits of the main- 
 land. 
 
 Bud selection is a new venture here, having been started last year. The results 
 so far obtained are promising. In this work we are endeavoring to obtain a cane 
 which will germinate better, grow faster, and stool better than the present canes. 
 Such a cane will require less labor to produce, as there will be less weeding and less 
 replanting to do and the yields will be better. 
 
 We have been doing seedling work for some years. During the 1920 season we 
 germinated from seed (commercially all cane are propagated from cuttings) and 
 planted in the field 42,000 new varieties of cane. 
 
 Up to the present time our best seedling is H 109. This cane is rapidly replacing 
 Lahaina. I quote as follows from "An Average Census of Cane Varieties for the Crops 
 1920, 1921, and 1922," by li. P. Agee: 
 
 "The area of H 109 has shown a definite increase during the year. This cane now 
 covers, for the 1921 and 1922 crops, 30,049 acres. The area of Lahaina is only slightly 
 greater, 31,396 acres. Considering the 1922 crop only, the H 109 variety covers 
 16,580 acres against but 13,975 acres in Lahaina. This fact is one of the great signifi- 
 cance in the development of improved varieties of sugar cane in Hawaii. It seems, 
 furthermore, to bear out early predictions as to the importance of seedling work, and 
 serves to support the contention that there are greater possibilities yet to be developed 
 along this line. 
 
 "A statement follows showing crop by crop how the Lahaina cane has given way 
 to the seedling H 109.." 
 
 Crop of: 
 1913 
 1914 
 1915 
 1916 
 1917 
 
 Acres of 
 
 Acres of 
 
 Lahaina. 
 
 H109. 
 
 41,208 
 
 
 
 39,697 
 
 26 
 
 37, 394 
 
 39 
 
 35,065 
 
 558 
 
 33, 110 
 
 1,160 
 
 Crop of: 
 1918 
 1919 
 1920 
 1921 
 1922 
 
 Acres of 
 Lahaina. 
 
 33,910 
 28,624 
 25,078 
 17,421 
 13,975 
 
 Acres of 
 H109. 
 
 2,847 
 
 5,414 
 
 7,147 
 
 13,469 
 
 16. 580 
 
 Were it not for H 109 taking the place of Lahaina we could not keep up our present 
 yields, and the man days per ton of sugar produced would be higher than it is at 
 present. 
 
 Methods of fertilization. — The production of sugar in Hawaii is based on intensive 
 fertilization. Hawaii uses more fertilizer per acre than any other sugar-producing 
 country in the world, and produces more sugar per unit area. Our fertilizer require- 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 511 
 
 ments are ,2:reater than those of the island of Cuba, producing 4,000,000 tons of sugar 
 to our 575,000 tons. This heavy fertilization not only reduces the labor costs per ton 
 of sugar but also reduces the "per acre" expenses as cultivation expenses actually 
 increase with a stunted crop, as the cane fails to close in and suppress the weeds. 
 
 Cane in Hawaii is a 2-year crop. Up to recent years it was customary to apply 
 fertilizer in from four to six applications during the growing period of the crop. 1 his 
 has been largely discontinued, and the fertilizer is now being applied in from two to 
 four applications only. That is, a crop of cane now receives its fertilizer in about 
 two applications less than formerly. 
 
 We have approximately 250,000 acres in cane. A man fertilizes not over 3 acres 
 a day. To fertilize 250,000 acres once, therefore, requires at least 83,333-man days of 
 work. By reducing the number of fertilizations by two we therefore save 1,666,666- 
 man days every two years. 
 
 We have experiments now under way to determine if it is possible to apply the 
 bulk of the fertilizer before planting the cane. If this is possible the fertilizer could 
 be applied by means of machinery at a great saving of labor. 
 
 One of the large plantations on this island has discontinued for the time being the 
 use of complete fertilizer. Nitrate of soda only will be used and it will be applied in 
 the irrigation water. This will require but little more labor than is used in normal 
 irrigation practice. In this way this plantation plans to save several thousand man 
 days of labor. This "saved" labor will be used in harvesting, which is far behind 
 normal. Such a procedure as the above can not be recommended as a regular practice. 
 Phosphoric acid and potash as well as nitrogen are needed, and unless the amounts 
 taken up by the cane are replaced by means of complete fertilizer, it is only a ques- 
 tion of time until the supply in the soil falls below the requirements of the plant, 
 and the yields suffer accorcUngly. Nitrate of soda contains nitrogen only and no 
 phosphoric acid or potash . 
 
 Cutting hack. — It is customary on irrigated plantations and some of the others to 
 cu,t back during July all cane harvested before that time. Cane harvested before 
 July and allowed to grow will be fairly big by November and quite a large amount of 
 this young cane will tassel at that time. After a stalk of cane tassels it, of course, 
 makes no further growth. When cane is "cut back' ' in July it is too small to tassel 
 in the following November, but grows instead until November of the next year before 
 tasseling. This gives it 12 months' extra growth. On account of labor shortage less 
 cutting back will be done this season. Should cane tassel heavily this year this 
 may mean a rather serious loss. 
 
 Mr. R. S. Thurston has just returned from Hawaii, where he looked into present 
 status of paper mulching as a means of weed control. I have therefore asked him to 
 prepare a short memorandum on the subject. The memorandum is attached herewith. 
 
 Respectfully submitted . 
 
 Agriculturist 
 J. A. Verret, 
 Per R. S. T. 
 
 Experiment Station, 
 
 Honolulu, April 26, 192 f. 
 Mr. J. A. Verret, 
 
 Agriculturist, H. S. P. A., Honolulu, Hawaii. 
 
 Dear Sir: Regarding the labor-saving effect of paper mulch as applied at Olaa 
 and the extent of its use, the following figures may be of value for your report. 
 
 The following comparison of labor expended for weeding on three fields for 1920 
 crop unmulched, and 1922 crop mulched, shows the economy of labor effected by 
 the use of paper: 
 
 
 Field. 
 
 Men required per acre. 
 
 Total. 
 
 Gain ove unmulched. 
 
 
 1920 crop. 
 
 1922 crop, mulched. 
 
 Man, per 
 acre. 
 
 
 
 Area. 
 
 Un- 
 mulched. 
 
 To Dec. 31, 
 1920. 
 
 Estimated 
 to finish. 
 
 Percent. 
 
 4-5 
 
 254. 75 
 
 254. 20 
 
 40.00 
 
 49. 70 
 39. 48 
 69.86 
 
 26.45 
 2.3. 10 
 18.07 
 
 5 
 5 
 5 
 
 31.45 
 28.10 
 23.07 
 
 18.25 
 11.38 
 46.79 
 
 36.72 
 
 G 
 
 28. 83 
 
 59 - 
 
 63. 98 
 
 
 Total 
 
 
 
 548. 95 
 
 159.04 1 67.62 
 
 1 
 
 15 
 
 82.62 
 
 76.42 
 
 48.05 
 
512 
 
 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 i 
 
 The plantation authorities made the statement that the labor expended on the 1922 
 crop to December 31, 1920, amounted to approximately 80,000 days less than was 
 expended on the 1920 crop up to December 31, 1918. Approximately the same areas 
 are involved in each crop. This saving in labor is due almost entirely to the use of 
 paper on the 1922 crop. 
 
 The total area of the 1922 crop under cultivation by the plantation is 3,482.81 acres, 
 of which 3,093.81 acres have been mulched. The 1923 crop will comprise about the 
 same acreage as the 1922, and practically the whole acreage will be mulched. 
 
 The Hilo Sugar Co. is buying enough paper to mulch 400 acres of the 1923 crop. 
 The plantation figures that by mulching this area of the early plant and ratoon cane 
 they will be able with the present labor supply to continue grinding to the end of 
 the crop without having to shut down the mill in June or July to clean up their early 
 harvested fields. 
 
 Another labor-saving practice in use at Olaa is the killing of weeds by spraying 
 them with arsenite of soda. Just what the saving is in days' labor per acre is difficult 
 to say, but there certainly is an economy over the practice of weeding with the hoe. 
 Yours, very truly, 
 
 R. S. Thurston. 
 
 Estimated loss on 1921 sugar crop due to delayed harvesting and consequent deteriorahon 
 
 of cane. 
 
 PLANTATIONS UNDER AMERICAN FACTORS' AGENCY. 
 
 Plantations. 
 
 Per cent 
 delay in 
 harvest- 
 ing to 
 Apr. 30. 
 
 Normal 
 
 finishing 
 
 date. 
 
 1921 esti- 
 mated 
 finishing 
 date. 
 
 Esti- 
 mated 
 1921 
 crop. 
 
 Esti- 
 mated 
 per cent 
 
 loss 
 aecouiit 
 of deteri- 
 oration 
 of cane. 
 
 Tonnage 
 loss. 
 
 Value at 
 
 $100 per 
 
 ton. 
 
 Oahu Sugar Co. (Ltd.) 
 
 Pioneer Mill Co. (Ltd.) 
 
 Lihue Plantation Co. (Ltd.) 
 
 Xipu Plantation 
 
 29.7 
 16.0 
 
 I 36.0 
 
 15.0 
 
 23.0 
 
 39.1 
 
 4.1 
 
 Aug. 30 
 July 15 
 
 Aug. 30 
 
 Aug. 15 
 Aug. 30 
 Aug. 15 
 Oct. 15 
 
 Nov. 30 
 Sept. 30 
 
 Nov. 1 
 
 ...do.... 
 Oct. 15 
 Nov. 15 
 Dec. 7 
 
 43,000 
 27,000 
 
 22, 750 
 
 9,900 
 16, 000 
 19,000 
 27, 500 
 
 5.58 
 1.85 
 
 2.55 
 
 3.84 
 2.63 
 4.53 
 
 1.82 
 
 2,400 
 500 
 
 580 
 
 380 
 420 
 860 
 500 
 
 $240,000 
 50, 000 
 
 58, 000 
 
 Grove Farm Plantation 
 
 Koloa Sugar Co 
 
 38, 000 
 
 Makee Sugar Co 
 
 42, 000 
 
 Kekaha Sugar Co. (Ltd.) 
 
 Olaa Sugar Co. (Ltd.) 
 
 86, 000 
 50,000 
 
 Total 
 
 
 
 
 5,640 
 
 564, 000 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 Production losses for 1922 sugar crop due to abandoned acreages, restricted plowing 
 and planting, and insufficient cultivation, are conservatively estimated at ]0 per cent. 
 Expressed in terms of tons of sugar these losses show as follows: 
 
 Crop of 1922. 
 
 Plantations. 
 
 Oahu Sugar Co. (Ltd.) 
 
 Pioneer Mill Co. (Ltd.) 
 
 Lihue Plantation Co. (Ltd.) 
 
 Keloa Sugar Co , 
 
 Makee Sugar Co , 
 
 Kekaha Sugar Co. (Ltd.) 
 
 Olaa Sugar Co. (Ltd.) 
 
 Normal. 
 
 Acres. 
 
 6,032 
 4,414 
 2,766 
 2,040 
 3,182 
 2,624 
 6,270 
 
 27,388 
 
 Produc- 
 tion, tons. 
 
 48,256 
 29, 265 
 13, 138 
 8,160 
 12, 091 
 18, 368 
 26, 647 
 
 155. 925 
 
 10 per cent estimated 
 loss. 
 
 Tons. 
 
 4,826 
 2,927 
 1,314 
 816 
 1,209 
 1,837 
 2,665 
 
 15, 594 
 
 Value at 
 
 $100 per 
 
 ton. 
 
 $842, 600 
 292, 700 
 131, 400 
 81, 600 
 120, 900 
 183, 700 
 266, 500 
 
 1, 559, 400 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 513 
 
 The 1928 sugar crop acreages will undoubtedly be reduced by at least 10 per cent, 
 and unless additional labor is secured, production from the acreage cultivated will 
 not exceed 90 per cent of normal, giving total losses on this crop, 
 
 Cro'pofl923. 
 
 Plantations. 
 
 Oahu Sugar Co. (Ltd.) 
 
 Pioneer Mill Co. (Ltd.) 
 
 Lihue Plantation Co. (Ltd.) 
 
 Koloa Sugar Co 
 
 Makee Sugar Co 
 
 Kekaha Sugar Co. (Ltd.).. . , 
 Olaa Sugar Co. (Ltd.) , 
 
 Total 
 
 Normal. 
 
 Acreage. 
 
 6,240 
 4,444 
 3,557 
 2,166 
 3,979 
 2,600 
 6,572 
 
 29, 558 
 
 Produc- 
 tion, 
 tons. 
 
 49,920 
 29, 463 
 16, 896 
 8,664 
 15, 120 
 18, 200 
 27,931 
 
 166, 194 
 
 Reduced area. 
 
 Acreage. 
 
 5,616 
 4,000 
 3,202 
 1,950 
 3,581 
 2,340 
 5,915 
 
 90 per 
 cent pro- 
 duction, 
 
 tons. 
 
 40, 435 
 23, 868 
 13, 688 
 7,020 
 12,247 
 14, 742 
 22,625 
 
 26,604 134,625 
 
 Loss from normal . 
 
 Tons. 
 
 9,485 
 5,595 
 3,208 
 1,644 
 2,873 
 3,458 
 5,306 
 
 31, 569 
 
 Value at 
 
 $100 per 
 
 ton. 
 
 $948, 500 
 559, 500 
 320, 800 
 164, 400 
 287, 300 
 345, 800 
 530,600 
 
 3, 156, 900 
 
 Recapitulation of estimated losses. 
 
 1921 crop... 
 
 1922 crop... 
 
 1923 crop... 
 
 Total 
 
 5,640 
 15, 594 
 31, 569 
 
 52, 803 
 
 Value at 
 
 $100 per 
 
 ton. 
 
 $564, 000 
 1, 559, 400 
 3, 156, 900 
 
 5,280,300 
 
 GENERAL CONTRACTORS ASSOCL^TION OF HAWAII, REPORT OF SPECIAL COMMITTEE 
 APPOINTED TO ANSWER LABOR QUESTIONNAIRE. 
 
 Honolulu, May 2, 1921. 
 
 At a special meeting of the association held on April 29, 1921, it was resolved that 
 the president of the association be authorized and directed to appoint a committee of 
 three to prepare and submit to the association a report on the labor questionnaire of 
 Mr. J. K. Butler, made on behalf of the labor commission now under appointment to 
 submit the labor needs of the Territor}^ to the Government at Washington. 
 
 Pursuant to this resolution, the president appointed H. P. Benson, R. E. Woolley, 
 and J. Lucas as the committee. 
 
 The committee reports as follows: 
 
 Question No. 1: What is the present general wage scale in Honolulu for common 
 laborers of all classes and nationalities? 
 
 Answer: Territorial, city, and county work and contracts, common labor, minimum 
 wage $3.60 per day of eight hours; half-day Saturdays; citizens labor only permitted. 
 Other work and contracts, common labor; wage from $3 to $3.50 per day of eight hours. 
 
 Question No. 2: What is the effect of the present labor shortage on the building and 
 construction trades and industries? 
 
 Answer: It has increased the cost and retarded the progress of all work at present 
 under construction and rendered the completion of the construction program impos- 
 sible both as to time and cost. It has prevented the inception of prospective neces- 
 sary projects. 
 
 Question No. 3: How are the building and construction interests affected by the 
 Japanese who leave plantations to enter competitive field against citizen labor, either 
 skilled or unsldlled? 
 
 Answer: The smaller frame construction is now entirely in the hands of the orien- 
 tals. There is work enough under which employment is limited to citizen labor to 
 take care of all citizen labor and still leave a shortage. 
 
 Question No . 4 : ¥/hat is the result of the present labor shortage on general busi- 
 ness conditions throughout the Territory? 
 
 56754— 21— SEE 7, pt 1- 
 
 -20 
 
514 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 Answer: The curtailment of construction necessarily reduces the vohime of busi- 
 ness. The high cost and shortage of labor results in the postponement of the construc- 
 tion of many facilities 'which make for the economical handling of business. 
 
 Question No. 5: What is the estimated building program for next year and what is 
 the outlook of labor supply from the contractor's standpoint? 
 
 Answer: The building program for next year we estimate as 113,000,000. The 
 outlook for labor to complete this program is hopeless. We estimate the shortage to 
 be between 1,000 and 1,500 men. 
 
 Question No. G: What effect has labor shortage had on work under construction 
 for the past year or two? 
 
 Answer: The labor cost has practically doubled, and the time required to complete 
 work has been increased by 50 per cent. 
 
 Question No. 7: What is the efficiency of present labor as compared with past 
 labor? 
 
 Answer: Present labor as compared with past labor is about 75 per cent efficient. 
 
 Question No. 8: What condition as to labor obtains in beginning any new project? 
 
 Answer: All the citizen labor of this Territory that wishes employment has employ- 
 nient ready and waiting. Wlien any new project is initiated, the labor has to be 
 either recruited from drifters or stolen from going construction. 
 
 For the j^urposes of this report your committee has assumed that past conditions, 
 referred to in the questionnaire refer to conditions as obtaining in 1916. 
 
 Respectfully submitted. 
 
 H. P, Benson, Chairman. 
 
 R. E. WOOLLEY. 
 
 J. Lucas. 
 
 The foregoing is a true copy of the report of the committee appointed by the presi- 
 dent of the association to report on the labor questionnaire. 
 
 Under date of May 2, 1921, in a special meeting of the association, the report was 
 accepted and the president directed to forward a copy thereof to Mr. J. K. Butler. 
 
 A. S. Cantin, 
 Secretary General Contractors^ Association of Hawaii. 
 
 Waialua Agricultural Co. (Ltd.), 
 
 April 30, 1921. 
 Mr. T. H. Petrie, 
 
 Secretary Waialua Agricultural Co., Honolulu. 
 
 Dear Sir: Referring to Mr. Budge's inquiries about the labor situation yesterday 
 
 The Waialua Agricultural Co.'s normal force is 2,200 the present force is 1,600, and 
 the shortage is 600. 
 
 We are not losing men now. They seem to be not moving around so much in the 
 last two months. We have been taking on men at the rate of five or six per month. 
 
 At the present rate of grinding we will not finish the crop until the last of December. 
 In normal times the average grinding season would finish about the 15th of August. 
 This would leave us with about 9,000 tons of sugar to make after the normal grinding 
 season. The loss of this amount would be anywhere from 500 to 1,000 tons of sugar. 
 
 There is no planting being done this year and we have not planned to do any. The 
 areas abandoned for the 1922 crop are: Kaumoko, Vallev 4, Anahula Gulch "A" — a 
 total of 240.40 acres. 
 
 Mr. Goodale has planned to abandon the following fields ^ter they have been 
 harvested: Waimea 6, 7, 8; Kawailoa 16 and 17; Helemano 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17; 
 Helemano Gulch, and Helemano 3-B. The total area of these fields is 1,276 acres 
 
 The shortage of labor will result in a larger loss on the 1923 than on the 1921 or 1922 
 crops. The fields we are harvesting now are not being looked after. There is no| 
 replanting, no irrigating, no clearing being done on the ratoons, and the fields are 
 becoming overgrown with weeds. If there is no relief from the labor shortage by the! 
 1st of July, the time we start the 1923 crop, there will be an enormous loss in 1923 to 
 the company. 
 
 For further information on this subject, I would refer to Mr. Goodale's letter to you 
 of March 14, 1921. 
 Yours, truly, 
 
 Geo. Cruickshank, 
 
 Assistant Manager, 
 
LABOR PECBLEMS IN HAVv'AII. 515 
 
 Hind, Rolph & Co., 
 Honolulu, Hawaii, May 3, 192K 
 Bureau of Labor and Statistics, 
 
 Hawaiian Sugar Planters^ Association, Hanolulu. 
 Dear Sirs: Replying to your request for information for the labor commission 
 from our plantation, we beg to advise as follows: 
 
 Territorial property tax paid for year 1920, $43,840; territorial income tax paid for 
 year 1920, $13,346. 
 
 In an endeavor to keep up with the field and other work, the factory is operating 
 at less than 50 per cent of its capacity, only grinding 20 tons per hour instead of 43. 
 No planting is being done, as this would be possible only by still further reducing, 
 the output of sugar. 
 Yours, truly. 
 
 Hind, Rolph & Co., 
 J, K. Clarke, Manager, 
 Agents for Hawaii Mill 6c Plantation Co. {Ltd.), 
 
 Honolulu Plantation Co., 
 Aiea, Oahu, Hawaii, May 2, 1921. 
 Messrs. C. Brewer & Co. (Ltd.), 
 
 Honolulu, Hawaii. 
 
 Dear Sirs: We are in receipt of your letter of the 29th ultima stating that you have 
 received a request from the bureau of labor and statistics of the Honolulu Sugar Plan- 
 ters' Association to furnish them with the area of land being abandoned; also what 
 restriction upon cultivation and operations are contemplated this year on account of 
 the labor shortage. 
 
 It is our intention to abandon, due to the present shortage of labor, 446 acres of 
 unirrigated land for the 1921 crop and 283 acres of unirrigated land for the 1922 crop. 
 This unirrigated land in the past has yielded an average of from 2.75 to 3 tons of sugar 
 per acre. It is our intention also to carry over approximately 250 acres of short ratoon 
 for the 1921 crop until the year 1922. 
 
 For lack of labor, all of our crops now on the ground, namely, 1921, 1922, and 1923, 
 are suffering very much. We estimate that on the 1921 crop we will lose 1,500 tons 
 of sugar; on the 1922, 5,000 tons; and on the 1923, also 5,000 tons. Our average crop 
 for the year as you know is approximately 20,000 tons refined sugar. Our estimated 
 loss in sugar, therefore, is 7^ per cent for 1921 and 25 per cent each for the years 1922 
 and 1923. 
 
 It may seem incredible to you that we are likely to sustain such a loss for want of 
 labor, but the writer believes he could convince you that such is the case if you will 
 appoint a commission of experienced sugar men to ride over the plantation and see 
 the conditions as they are to-day. 
 Yours, truly, 
 
 Honolulu Plantation Co., 
 Jas. Gibb, Manager. 
 
 Honolulu, Hawaii, April 30, 1921. 
 The Director Bureau of Labor and Statistics, 
 
 Hawaiian Sugar Planters' Association, 
 
 Honolulu. 
 
 Dear Sir: In reply to your letter of the 29th instant in re areas of cane land being 
 abandoned, cultivation of future crops restricted, and delay in the usual operations 
 of the plantation, I would state that at Waianae, owing to the present shortage of 
 labor, an area of 163 acres of cane land out of a total area of 2,027 acres in cultivation 
 has been already abandoned by the company, and unless improvement in present con 
 ditions takes place it is contemplated that a further area of 100 acres may have to be 
 abandoned. 
 
 For the same reason and to insure the harvesting of the 1921 crop in good season, 
 cultivation of the fields for future crops has had to be entirely neglected. 
 
 While the company has managed to harvest to date as much as usual of its 1921 crop, 
 everything has been sacrificed to this end, including the postponement of all planting 
 for the 1923 crop, thus entailing losses in the future now difficult to estimate or foretelL 
 
 No improvements are being made on the plantation, every man on the pay roll 
 being required for harve.'^sting the present crop. 
 Yours, very truly, 
 
 .1. M. Dowsett. Agent, Waianae Co. 
 
516 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAIL 
 
 KoHALA, May 2, 1921. 
 Mr. T. H. Petrie, 
 
 Secretary Kohala Sugar Co., Honolulu. 
 
 Dear Sir: Your letter of the 30th requesting a statement of our labor conditions 
 received this morning. 
 
 For the 12 months bonus period ending October 31, 1920, our average number of 
 employees on pay roll was 445; for the 5 months ending March 31, 1921, the average 
 number on the pay roll was 347. 
 
 We are losing men every week; the Japanese returning to Japan and the Filipinos re- 
 turning to the Philippine Islands. 
 
 We have manufactured to date 1,700 tons of sugar, whereas under normal labor con- 
 ditions we should have made at this time 2,400 tons. 
 
 We hope to complete the harvesting of our 1921 crop by the middle of September, 
 later than under a normal season. 
 
 We can not say at this time as to the probable loss in tonnage on this crop due to 
 deterioration in cane in field on account of delay in harvesting. 
 
 The present shortage of labor reflects in all ways inefficiency. 
 
 On account of present labor conditions our planting has to be restricted and held 
 back. We should have 150 acres planted by this time, but have not planted any. 
 
 We expect to plaat 500 acres, but the work will be considerably delayed. 
 
 In view of present labor conditions, it has not yet been determined whether any 
 areas will be entirely abandoned. 
 
 We are unable to keep our fields properly clear of weeds, the result of which will be 
 that our sugar production from the coming crops will be curtailed, the actual loss, 
 however, we are unable to estimate at this time. 
 Very truly, yours, 
 
 Geo. C. Watt, 
 Manager Kohala Sugar Co. 
 
 April 30, 1921. 
 Mr. John Waterhouse, 
 
 Manager Alexander & Baldwin (Ltd.), Honolulu, Hawaii. 
 
 Dear Sir: Information for territorial commission: Refers to your No. 212-P. 
 Replying to your letter of April 29 on this subject, would say that we now have 2,594 
 laborers on the pay roll, while last year at the same time we had 2,912 laborers, which 
 shows that we are 318 men short as compared with last year. 
 
 From the inclosed comparative statement of labor for the month of March, 1910, 
 1920, and 1921, you will note that we are particularly short as far as Japanese are 
 concerned, which means that we have lost some of our most efficient labor. As a 
 matter of fact, while we are only 318 men short compared with last year, we were very 
 short of labor last year, which is readily seen when it is remembered that 10 years ago 
 we had 3,426 on the pay roll. 
 
 Crop of 1921: In normal years we have finished our harvesting about the middle of 
 June, but this year it does not look as though we could possibly finish this work until 
 the end of September, and, as a matter of fact, under present conditions, it is impossible 
 to make an accurate estimate as to when the grinding will be finished, for it is reported 
 that the pineapple canneries on this island will require about 1,000 men more during 
 the summer and fall months when the canning begins, which means that they will 
 have tdraw on the plantations for a great deal of this labor. 
 
 Up to date we have only manufactured 24,000 tons of sugar, due to cane ground, 
 while last year at the same date we had manufactured 43,000 tons of sugar. 
 
 Crop of 1922: This crop is very much handicapped on account of lack of labor and 
 especially as we have to use men who are cultivating this crop for other work, such as 
 harvesting, which results in the neglecting of the 1922 fields. 
 
 Crop of 1923: It has always been our practice here to start planting early in March, 
 but under present circumstances it will be out of the question to start planting until 
 some time in June or July at the earliest, for the simple reason that we would have to 
 take labor from our harvesting gangs to do this work. With the harvesting so much 
 delayed it goes without saying that it would be out of the question now to take even a 
 single man from this work for the 1923 crop, and it is a problem as to just how we are 
 going to do any planting at all before the completion in September or October of the 
 harvesting of the 1921 crop. 
 
 Our young ratoons for the 1923 crop need attention, but we have no labor for this 
 work, and consequently some of the ratoons will die out and therefore, taking everything 
 into consideration, it would look as though we would have to reduce the area for this 
 crop by about 1,500 acres. For many years our normal acreage for each crop has been 
 about 6,500 acres, but we will be very fortunate to be able to carry on 5,000 acres for 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 517 
 
 the 1923 crop, which means that the tonnage will be reduced from the average of 
 55,000 tons of sugar to, say, 40,000 tons or less, for with late planting we can not expect 
 heavy A^delds. 
 
 As a matter of fact, labor conditions at this time of the year do not worry us generally, 
 but when the planting season starts and the pineapple canneries start operating we, 
 as a rule, feel the pinch. Under present conditions, therefore, it can readily be seen 
 that the situation is going to become critical within the next few months. 
 
 Yours, very truly, \ 
 
 F. F. Baldwin, 
 Manager Hawaiian Commercial & Sugar Co. 
 
 Hawaiian Commercial & Sugar Co., comparative labor statement for March. 
 
 Pauunene, Maui, Hawaii, April 30, 192 J. 
 
 Nationality. 
 
 Number of men. 
 
 Year 1910. 
 
 Year 1920. 
 
 YearlJiL 
 
 American 
 
 51 
 214 
 
 13 
 
 10 
 
 98 
 
 2,279 
 
 184 
 
 17 
 
 3 
 
 314 
 
 178 
 
 65 
 
 47 
 
 158 
 
 1 
 
 13 
 
 54 
 
 1,312 
 
 106 
 
 28 
 503 
 154 
 440 
 
 96 
 
 ■i 7 
 
 Portuguese 
 
 163 
 
 Russian 
 
 
 SDanish 
 
 
 Hawaiian 
 
 53 
 
 Japanese 
 
 1 04n 
 
 Korean 
 
 93 
 
 Porto Rican 
 
 29 
 
 Filipino 
 
 642 
 
 Chinese 
 
 121 
 
 Women 
 
 333 
 
 Minors 
 
 FtFi 
 
 Reserve 
 
 4 
 
 . 
 
 
 
 
 Total 
 
 3,426 
 
 2,912 
 
 2 594 
 
 
 
 Kahuku Plantation Co., 
 Kahuku, Hawaii, May 2, 1921. 
 John Waterhouse, Esq., 
 
 Manager Alexander & Baldwin (ltd.), Honolulu, Hawaii. 
 
 Dear Sir: You and I have discussed at several different times the effect of short- 
 age of labor on the growing crops and plantation activities. We have also had con- 
 siderable correspondence on the subject. 
 
 We are extremely short of labor. Our irrigation forces are 25 per cent less than 
 normal. We are just managing to get water into the fields but are not irrigating in 
 nearly as good form as we should. The men are now obliged to take more water than 
 usual and in fields of young cane we are practicing a sort of semiflooding the fields, 
 all of which is bad agricultural practice and a waste of water; but I see no other way 
 of getting water to the cane. 
 
 We should be weeding and hoeing more thoroughly and scientifically than we are 
 now doing. It is impossible to keep down the weeds that we should with the present 
 number of laborers. This is having a bad effect on the young growing cane, inasmuch 
 as the young stubble can not develop as it should. 
 
 We are almost exactly 33 per cent behind our normal production of sugar on April 
 30, having manufactured only 2,546 tons; whereas we should have manufactured 
 3,700 tons. This will prolong our harvesting season and will have a very disastrous 
 effect on cane and sugar ratio, since the latter part of the year the juices fall rapidly 
 in purit3^ This will also have a bad effect upon the 1923 crop, since the young ra- 
 toons harvested late will not get as good start as they should have under normal con- 
 ditions. 
 
 Of the area harvested this year we shall plow and plant 162 acres. There are fields 
 harvested this year which should be planted, in area amounting to 222.5 acres, which 
 we shall be unable to plant on account of our shortage of labor. This will have a 
 very disastrous effect upon our 1923 crop, as this area (222.5 acres) is now in pressing 
 need of planting and plowing. 
 
 I can not emphasize too strongly the imperative need we have of additional laborers 
 to carry on our ordinary cultivating operations. 
 Very truly, yours, 
 
 Andrew Adams, 
 Manager Kahuku Plantation Co. 
 
518 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 Waialua Agricultural Co. (Ltd.), 
 
 April 29, 1921. 
 
 ANSWERS TO MR. BUDGE's QUESTIONS. 
 
 What is the Waialua Agricultural Co. 's normal force in normal times? Two thousa i (\ 
 two hundred. 
 
 What is the Waialua Agriculutral Co.'s force at present? One thousand six hundred. 
 
 On the basis otthe above figures, what is the shortage? Six hundred. 
 
 Are you continuing to lose men? No. 
 
 Are you taking on new men, not including the new Filipinos arriving from the 
 Philippines? About five men per month. 
 
 On account of the shortage, to what extent is the crop short in tons of sugar? Sevei' 
 thousand seven hundred and forty tons behind schedule. 
 
 When will you finish at the present rate of grinding and, in connection with thai, 
 what is the estimated loss due to delayed grinding? Expect to finish in December . 
 loss estimated at approximately 500 tons. 
 
 Is planting being restricted? Yes. 
 
 How much? No planting has been done this year; none to be done. 
 
 What area is being abandoned? One thousand five hundred and sixteen and 
 seventy-four-hundredths acres. 
 
 EwA, Hawaii, April 30, 1921. 
 Mr. T. H. Petrie, 
 
 Secretary Ewa Plantation Co., Honolulu, Hawaii. 
 
 Dear Sir: In reply to your official communication of the 29th instant, with which 
 was inclosed a memorandum to guide me in furnishing you with a full statement of 
 labor conditions as it exists at Ewa plantation at the present time, beg to report as 
 follows: 
 
 Normal force would constitute a total pay roll of 2,066. Present force as shown on 
 payroll is 1,597, representing a shortage at the present time of 469. These figures 
 were arrived at as follows: Normal force equals average number of men on pay roll 
 from 1914 to 1919, inclusive, 1920 being an abnormal year, due to striking laborers. 
 
 In reply to the question, Are you continuing to lose men, and are new any men being 
 taken on, outside of new Filipinos assigned to you by the Bureau of Labor? I present 
 the following table: 
 
 Number of men on pay roll, including all Filipinos received from Hawaiian Sugar 
 
 Planters^ Association. 
 
 July, 1920 (labor strike ended) 2, 047 
 
 August, 1920 2, 269 
 
 September, 1920 2, 088 
 
 October, 1920 2, 050 
 
 November, 1920 1, 901 
 
 December, 1920 1, 679 
 
 January, 1921 1, 631 
 
 February, 1921 1, 581 
 
 March, 1921 1, 542 
 
 For the month of April, 72 new men have been taken on, including 15 Filipinos from 
 Hawaiian Sugar Planters' Association, and 72 men have departed. 
 
 "On account of present shortage," I will answer the questions in the order in which 
 they are asked : 
 
 1. To what extent, in tons of sugar, is harvesting of present crop delayed, compared 
 with normal labor conditions? 
 
 Tons of sugar manufactured up to and including ninety-third day of grinding for 
 
 following years; 
 
 Tons. 
 
 1914 16, 088 
 
 1915 12,451 
 
 1916 11,308 
 
 1917 13, 368 
 
 1918 12, 344 
 
 1919 16, 439 
 
 1920 (abnormal, strike) 
 
 1921 9, 614 
 
LABOK PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 519 
 
 (2) When do you expect to finish crop at present rate of harvesting? 
 If harvesting continues at the rate it has been during the past 10 days, the present 
 crop will be finished on December 7, 1921. 
 
 3. In \ie\v of delay and consequent deterioration of crop in field, how much loss in 
 tons of sugar do you estimate will result from the present crop? 
 
 Three thousand four hundred tons. Losses claimed by Ewa Plantation Co. and 
 allowed by the strike claims committee for crop of 1920, due to the crop being prolonged 
 by strike conditions to November 13, 1920, was 8.08 per cent of the crop. By prolong- 
 ing the present crop one month longer, that is to December 13, 1921, I estimate the 
 loss on the present crop at 10 per cent on 34,000 tons. 
 
 4. Does the present labor shortage reflect inefficiency in present force to any degree? 
 Yes. History is repeating itself. Whenever there is a scarcity of labor, pay in- 
 creases and inefficiency prevails. Inefficiency illustrated by the following table: 
 
 Average tons of cane cut (by contract) per man per day. 
 
 Month. 
 
 1918 
 
 1919 
 
 1920 
 
 1921 
 
 December 
 
 4.2 
 5.6 
 6.3 
 6.9 
 
 6.7 
 7.4 
 7.5 
 8.1 
 
 7.6 
 7.0 
 6.0 
 7.3 
 
 
 January 
 
 4.6 
 
 February 
 
 5.5 
 
 March 
 
 6. 1 
 
 
 
 5. Is planting being restricted and to what extent? 
 
 We would normally plant 900 acres and only expect to plant under present conditions 
 153 acres. 
 
 Area planted from 1914 to date. 
 
 Planted during — Acres. 
 
 1914, crop 1916 789. 55 
 
 1915, crop 1917 645. 81 
 
 1916, crop 1918 1, 373. 76 
 
 1917, crop 1919 1, 228. 51 
 
 1918, crop 1920 739. 57 
 
 19] 9, crop 1921 952. 96 
 
 1921, crop 1923 153. 05 
 
 (Crop 1920. omitted on account of strike conditions.) 
 
 6. Are any areas heretofore cultivated being actually abandoned altogether? 
 
 Not at the present time; but if our labor supply is not increased by July, 1921, 
 the Ewa Plantation Co. vd\\ be compelled to abandon some of its poorer fields. 
 
 7. To what extent are future crops suffering through the lack of labor to irrigate 
 and cultivate? 
 
 Loss to crop 1922 suffering through lack of labor to irrigate and cultivate, 3,650 tons. 
 
 Tons. 
 
 Normal crop 35, 000 
 
 Strike loss allowed 1, 350 
 
 33, 650 
 Present estimate, crop 1922 30, 000 
 
 Loss (estimated) 3, 650 
 
 Loss of crop 1923: Impossible to estimate at this time, but, unless shortage is re- 
 lieved, the loss will be enormous. 
 
 Present force is needed to harvest the 1921 crop, which will be completed on Decem- 
 ber 7, 1921, so that none of these men can be used for the 1923 crop. The factory will 
 be manufacturing sugar for the same period, so these men are not available, and during 
 the months of June, July, August, September, and October, the crop of 1922 will be 
 attaining its maximum growth, and as these months are very dry, it will be necessary 
 to irrigate this crop well or the cane will be stunted. This crop is not receiving the 
 attention it should at this time, and a small loss will result (see loss crop 1922 above), 
 90 men can not be taken from cultivating crop 1922 and transferred to crop 1923. 
 The only thing that can save the 1923 crop will be more laborers. 
 
 Below are a few other things which may be mentioned concerning the present labor 
 shortao'e. 
 
520 
 
 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 (a) The Ewa Plantation Co. has enough growing firewood on its lands to supply its 
 needs, but scarcity of men compels us to purchase firewood in the open market. 
 
 (b) Adjoining the present lands under cane cultivation are arable lands which could 
 and should be cleared and planted to sugar cane, thereby increasing the crops, of 
 this plantation at very little additional expense, but same can not be accomplished, 
 
 (c) No work is now being done in the upkeep of the roads and bridges and the rail- 
 road track is being properly kept up only on that portion between the factory and 
 harvesting fields. 
 
 Yours, truly, 
 
 Geo. F. Renton, Jr., 
 Manager, Ewa Plantation Co. 
 
 April 30, 1921. 
 Mr. T. H. Petrie, 
 
 Secretary Ewa Plantation Co., Honolulu, Hawaii. 
 
 Dear Sir: Supplementing my letter of even date, I desire to have the following 
 information embodied in said letter: 
 
 Inasmuch as the average crop of this plantation during normal times is completed by 
 the 31st of August of each year, and as the present indications show that the crop of 
 1921 will not be finished until December 7 of this year, it can readily be seen that the 
 harvesting of every field later than August 31, 1921, will result in low yields for these 
 fields and a late start of the 1923 crop. 
 Yours, truly, 
 
 Geo. F. Renton, Jr., 
 Manager Ewa Plantation Co. 
 
 April 29, 1921. 
 Messrs. F. A. Schaefer & Co. (Ltd.), 
 
 Honolulu, Hawaii. 
 
 Dear Sirs: We beg to submit herewith a report on the effects of the present labor 
 shortage. 
 
 As pointed out time and time again, the labor shortage is our greatest problem and 
 we are working under a tremendous disadvantage. Curtailment of production and 
 heavy losses to the plantation are bound to result unless the labor situation is speedily 
 relieved. 
 
 We submit herewith a comparison of the figures of labor turnout for this year as 
 against last year, and when you consider that we have to harvest approximately 60,000 
 tons cane this year, as against 51,000 tons cane last year, you will readily see how 
 seriously we are handicapped. 
 
 Total labor turnout average per month: 
 
 
 January. 
 
 February. 
 
 March. 
 
 1920 
 
 544. 31 
 433. 00 
 
 577. 10 
 443.77 
 
 565. 29 
 
 1921 
 
 479. 7? 
 
 
 
 Shortage 
 
 111.31 
 20.45 
 
 133. 77 
 23. 10 
 
 105. 52 
 
 Percentage 
 
 18.03 
 
 
 
 The above figures include skilled and unskilled men. The figures for unskilled 
 labor only are as follows: 
 
 
 January. 
 
 February. 
 
 March. 
 
 1920 
 
 482. 31 
 370. 00 
 
 514. 10 
 382. 77 
 
 526. 29 
 
 1921 
 
 418. 77 
 
 
 
 Shortage 
 
 112. 31 
 23.30 
 
 131. 33 
 
 25.55 
 
 107. 52 
 
 Percentage 
 
 20.43 
 
 
 
 The above figures show that we have to take off an approximately 12 per cent larger 
 crop with an average of 23 per cent less unskilled labor, as against last year. 
 
 On account of the labor shortage the starting of the harvesting was delayed by more 
 than a month. A start was made finally on January 6, 1921, but the amount of cane 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 521 
 
 coming into the mill is not sufficient to keep the mill ^roing steadily; therefore prac- 
 tically every day we have had to record delays of seA^eral hours. During part of March 
 and the largest part of April we have had to run the mill on day shift only, in order to 
 use pa,rt of our labor for the most urgent field operations, other than harvesting, and 
 this vrill have to be done again later on in the season. 
 
 With a sufficient labor supply and an earlier start we should have harvested to date 
 38,000 tons of cane, as against 25,500 tons actually milled. 
 
 These delays not only mean a large increase in the mill expenses but also a loss of 
 from 200 to 300 tons sugar, on account of the constant decrease of sugar contents in the 
 cane after the middle of the year. 
 
 As the harvesting of our present crop is the first consideration, we are obliged to 
 slow down on all other field operations. 
 
 The cultivation of a large percentage of the fields of the 1922 crop will have to be 
 neglected, as we have only sufficient labor to take care of the best fields. This we 
 estimate will result in a loss of from 8,000 to 10,000 tons cane for this crop. 
 
 Plowing and planting for the 1923 crop has to be reduced to a minimum, and a total 
 area of about 375 acres has to be abandoned, which with a normal labor supply would 
 have been plowed and planted for the 1923 crop. Losses arising from delayed plant- 
 ing, late start of ratoons — neglected replanting, cultivation, and fertilization — will 
 probably cause a loss of from 10,000 to 12,000 tons cane for this crop. 
 
 From the foregoing you will see how seriously not only this year's but also future 
 crops are affected by the labor shortage. 
 
 Respectfully submitted. 
 
 P. Bartels, 
 Assistant Manager Pacific Sugar Mill. 
 
 May 2, 1921. 
 J. Waterhouse, Esq., 
 
 Manager Alexander & Baldwin (Ltd.), Honolulu, Hawaii. 
 
 Labor — Information for territorial commission: 
 
 The number of laborers emplyed by this plantation in 1919 was 2,296; in 1920, 
 2,079; in 1921, 1,753; a reduction in the three years of 543. 
 
 For our 1920 crop we harvested 4,681 acres, and this was the customary acreage put 
 into each year's crop previous to that time, with the exception of the 1919 crop which 
 was harvested from 4,264 acres. On account of the shortage of labor during the latter 
 part of 1919 and during 1920 we were able only to cultivate for the 1921 crop 4,132 
 acres. For the 1922 crop we have been able to cultivate 3,847 acres only, a reduction 
 of 621 acres from the amount planned for when this crop was started. It is impossible 
 at this writing to say what acreage we will be able to carry for the 1923 crop. Unless 
 labor conditions improve we certainly can not put more than 3,000 acres into this crop, 
 which is from 1,500 to 2,000 acres less than what we would like to have if labor condi- 
 tions were normal. 
 
 To date this year we have bagged 5,838 tons of sugar as compared to 17,647 tons in 
 1920 and 16,621 tons in 1919. The very large reduction in the amount of sugar pro- 
 duced this year as compared to last year is due to shortage of labor during the latter 
 half of last year, which delayed our planting and resulted in much extra labor for 
 replanting, due to the poor germination on account of the late planting. Lhis meant 
 delay in harvesting operations. At the present time we are harvesting just 50 per 
 cent as much cane as we should if we had a sufficient supply of labor. If conditions 
 continue as they are it will take us until the end of the year to finish the crop and it 
 will be impossible for us to do but a very little planting for the 1923 crop, and in con- 
 sequence we will have to carry over a larger percentage of ratoons, which will give us 
 a much lower yield than would plant cane if we were able to plant. 
 Very truly, yours, 
 
 H. A. Baldwin, 
 Manager Maui Agricultural Co. 
 
 P. S. — Permit me to add to the above that on account of labor shortage we have 
 been obliged to give up practically all of our general farming activities in the ranch 
 department. This formerly supplied us with stock feed, which we now are obliged 
 to import; and considerable quantities of sweet potatoes formerly consumed by our 
 employees. 
 
 Two neighboring large ranches, viz: Haleakala Ranch and Mr. H. W. Rice's ranch, 
 formerly cultivated considerable areas in corn, which was consumed locally, but on 
 account of lack of labor they have been obliged to give this up entirely. 
 
 H. A. B. 
 
522 
 
 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 April 29, 1921. 
 Messrs, F. A. Schaefer & Co. (Ltd.), 
 
 Honolulu, Hawaii. 
 
 Dear Sirs: We beg to submit herewith a report on the effects of the present labor 
 shortage. 
 
 As pointed out time and time again, the labor shortage is our greatest problem, and 
 we are working under a tremendous disadvantage. Curtailment of production and 
 heavy losses to the plantation are bound to result unless the labor situation is speedily 
 relieved. 
 
 We submit herewith a comparison of the figures of labor turn-over for this year as 
 against last year, and when you consider that we have to harvest approximately 70,000 
 tons of cane this year as against 47,000 tons cane last year, you will readily see how 
 seriously we are handicapped. 
 
 Total labor turn-out average per month: 
 
 
 January, 
 
 February. 
 
 March. 
 
 1920 
 
 747. 73 
 548. 57 
 
 794. 87 
 603. 95 
 
 838. 56 
 
 1921 
 
 636. 13 
 
 
 
 Shortage 
 
 199. 16 
 26.63 
 
 190. 92 
 23. 93 
 
 202. 43 
 
 Percentage 
 
 24,20 
 
 
 
 The above figures include skilled and unskilled men. The figures for unskilled 
 labor only are as follows: 
 
 
 •January. 
 
 February. 
 
 March, 
 
 1920 
 
 646. 73 
 448. 57 
 
 695. 87 
 501. 95 
 
 737. 56 
 
 1921 
 
 527. 13 
 
 
 
 Shortage 
 
 198. 16 
 30.64 
 
 193. 92 
 
 27.87 
 
 210. 43 
 
 Percentage 
 
 28.53 
 
 
 
 
 
 The above figures show that we have to take off an approximately 50 per cent larger 
 crop with an average of 29 per cent less unskilled labor, as against last year. 
 
 On account of the labor shortage the starting of the harvesting was delayed by 
 more than a month. A start was made fi,nally on January 6, 1921, but the amount of 
 cane coming into the mill is not sufficient to keep the mill going steadily; therefore 
 practically every day we have had to record delays of several hours. During part 
 of March and the largest part of April we have had to run the mill on day shift only 
 in order to use part of our labor for the most urgent field operations other than harvest- 
 ing and this will have to be done again later on in the season. 
 
 With a sufficient labor supply and an earlier start we should have harvested to date 
 about 45,000 tons of cane as against 25,000 tons actually milled. 
 
 These delays not only mean a large increase in the mill expenses but also a loss of 
 from 300 to 400 tons sugar, on account of the constant decrease of sugar contents in 
 the cane after the middle of the year. 
 
 As the harvesting of our present crop is the first consideration, we are obliged to slow 
 down on all other field operations. 
 
 The cultivation of a large percentage of the fields of the 1922 crop will have to be 
 neglected as we have only sufficient labor to take care of the best fields. This we 
 estimate will result in a loss of from 10,000 to 12,000 tons cane for this crop. 
 
 Plowing and planting for the 1923 crop has to be reduced to a minimum and a total 
 area of about 450 acres has to be abandoned, which with a normal labor supply would 
 have been plowed and planted for the 1923 crop. Losses arising from delayed planting, 
 late start of ratoons — ^neglected replanting, cultivation, and fertilization — will prob 
 ably cause a loss of from 12,000 to 14,000 tons cane for this crop. 
 
 From the foregoing you will see how seriously not only this year 's but also f uturq 
 crops are affected by the labor shortage. 
 
 Respectfully submitted. 
 
 P. B artels, 
 Assistant Manager, Honolcaa Plantation, Honokaa Sugar Co. 
 
LABOPt PKOBj.EMS JN HAWAII. 523 
 
 Kauai Fruit & Land Co., 
 Kalaheo, Kauai, April 30, 1921. 
 Mr. A. H. Tarleton, 
 
 Executive Secretary Hawaiian Pineapple Packers^ Association, 
 
 Honolulu, Havjaii. 
 Dear Sir: I inclose herewith memorandum of answers to the various questions 
 asked of the pineapple planters and trust that they will be found to be about what is 
 required for the purposes mentioned. 
 Very respectfully, 
 
 W. D. McBryde, Manager. 
 
 answers to questions to pineapple packers and growers KAUAI fruit a 
 
 LAND CO. 
 
 (1) 1919. Income, Federal $17, 365. 25 
 
 1920. Income, Federal 10, 972. 07 
 
 (2) 1919. Income. Territorial 1, 167. 20 
 
 Real and personal 2, 724. 00 
 
 Capital stock 359. 00 
 
 4, 250. 20 
 
 1920. Income. Territorial 2, 290. 90 
 
 Real and personal 4, 850. 00 
 
 Capital stock 245. 00 
 
 7,385.90 
 Questions 3, 4, 5, and 6 not answered. 
 
 (7) Work in the pineapple fields was performed by all nationalities irrespective of 
 nationality; however, would say that driving of mule teams and caterpillars or tractors 
 was done principally by Hawaiians and Portuguese, the Japanese specializing more on 
 contract work, road building, etc., while the Chinese, being old and weak, were kept at 
 hoe work principally. The Filipinos worked mostly at the lighter jobs, such as fertil- 
 izing, spraying, etc. In the cannery the Japanese were found to be Al around ma- 
 chinery; in fact, good at almost any position, and the same could be practically said of 
 the Filipinos. No Hawaiians worked in the cannery. Few Chinese at light w^ork. 
 
 (8) All labor irrespective of nationality is not as efficient as formerly — that is, this 
 applies to the large majority, there always being exceptions. Labor will quit at the 
 slightest provocations and has to be handled most carefully '"with gloved hands," and 
 does not seem to care much as to improved living conditions that have been made for 
 his benefit. Tnere seems to be an unsettled disposition and disinclination to settle 
 and stick to a job permanently. 
 
 (9) Our experience is that the Japanese are the steadiest of the different nationalities 
 and with us do not quit their jobs. The Filipinos will work a few days and then pass 
 on to the next plantation. We wT.sh, however, to say that we have some few Filipinos 
 who have been with us for years, are steady, and there are no better workers than they. 
 Portuguese have become unsteady and resent the slightest speaking to as to quality 
 of their work. They have gotten the '"coast " microbe badly and disbelieve reports 
 of the lack of work to be had there. 
 
 (10) There is sure to be a shortage of labor during the packing season. We were 
 most woefully short last year and lost fruit by such shortage, not having sufficient 
 labor to put it into tins, and we expect the same comditions will prevail this year. 
 As shown under question 6, our average of employees in the rush months in 1920 were 
 as follows: Males, 186; females, 105; children, 96; total, 387. We believe that a 20 
 per cent shortage would be a conservative estimate. 
 
 (11) Decidedly so. We had figures on planting some 200 acres this year to pines 
 and ^vill consider ourselves fortunate if we get in a full 100 acres. As stated to ques- 
 tion No. 10, we anticipate a 20 per cent ahortage over last year and we will be indeed 
 fortunate if we get through the season without loss of fruit. 
 
 (12) Labor shortage with us shows its effect more in the ratoon fields than others, 
 for the reason that labor is kept at the new fields and the older or fields which are likely 
 to produce smaller fruit are allowed to go until work can be caught up ^vith and with 
 consequent loss of plants and fruit through the growth of weeds and vines. Shortage 
 of labor in one year has a most disastrous effect on the crops of the follomng year 
 and the crop of the next year. In other words, a ratoon crop allowed to go to weeds 
 
524 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAW AH. 
 
 affects the crop of the follov/ing year in that probably there will be no ratoon crop 
 at all, hence a total loss, and when a field is not planted, due to shortage of labor, 
 that field, which, had it been planted, would have fruited in two years, is thrown 
 over to the third year, and so on. 
 
 (13) We estimate that, due to the extreme shortage of field labor in 1920, we have 
 lost somewhere in the neighborhood of 1,000 tons of fresh pines this year, or ap- 
 proximately a shortage in pack of 25,000 cases. 
 
 (14) We believe that our salvation lies in the getting in of Chinese labor, they to 
 be brought in under strict rules and regulations, such, for instance, as their being 
 not allowed to go to the mainland, and perhaps compulsory return to China after a 
 certain period of time. 
 
 Kauai Fruit & Land Co. 
 W, D. McBryde, Manage! 
 
 Hawaiian Pineapple Packers* Association, 
 
 Honolulu, Hawaii, May 7, 1921. 
 
 Dear Sirs: We acknowledge receipt of your letter of April 22 asking for certain 
 information bearing on the labor situation. We reply to your paragraphs in sequence : 
 
 1. We understand that this information is being supplied to you by the Federal 
 tax collector. 
 
 2. We understand that this information is being supplied to you by the Territorial 
 tax assessor. 
 
 3. Answer: 
 
 Year. 
 
 1918 (maximum) . 
 
 1919 (maximum) . 
 
 1920 (maximum) . 
 
 1921 (April) 
 
 Male. 
 
 Female. 
 
 300 
 
 200 
 
 400 
 
 200 
 
 500 
 
 400 
 
 100 
 
 75 
 
 4. In 1918, 14 cents per hour for men; 1919, 15 cents per hour for men; 1920, 27^ 
 cents per hour for men; 1921 (April), 22 cents per hour for men. 
 
 Free dwellings, transportation, fuel, water, and medical attention are supplied to 
 all employees on our land. In 1920 a bonus of 10 cents per day was paid to male 
 employees for 20 or more days' work; to female employees 10 cents per day for over 
 15 days. 
 
 5. Roughly, we would say that food is the chief item registering an increase in the 
 cost of living of our plantation people. The increase may be estimated at from 75 
 per cent to 100 per cent as between 1914 and 1920. 
 
 6. About 100 laborers in the field and 500 in the canneries during July. Nation- 
 alities not segregated. 
 
 7. As nearly as possible, the work is spportioned to fit individuals who can best 
 do the respective jobs. 
 
 8. This question is broadl}- answered b}^ the affirmative, that without any open 
 sabotage or passive strike our labor was (in 1920) nevertheless markedly inferior in 
 its gross output of effort. 
 
 9. During the noncanning months our pay rolls show little turnover. During 
 June, July, August, and September we employ several hundred temporary field and 
 cannery laborers. 
 
 10. In place of mature and capable laborers we shall probably have to rely during 
 our summer packing season upon help that is much less efficient than that available 
 several years ago. The low individual output of the average worker available to us 
 in the summer under present conditions is a most serious factor in our manufacturing 
 costs. We could probably use at least 100 responsible men this coming packing 
 season in addition to those we now expect. 
 
 11. We are curtailing expansion on account of the labor situation and our labor 
 problem causes us serious worry over the approaching canning season. 
 
 12. Improper fertilization, cultivating, and spraying necessarily decrease our field 
 yield per acre. 
 
 Hoping this information, combined with other data, may assist in the relief of a 
 very pressing problem, we are, 
 Yours, faithfully, 
 
 Theo. H. Davies & Co. (Ltd.). 
 By J. P. Morgan. 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 525 
 
 California Packing Corporation, 
 
 Honolulu^ Jlaivaii, May 2, 1921. 
 Mr. A. H, Tarleton, 
 
 Executive Secretary Hawaiian Pineapple Packers^ Association, 
 
 Honolulu, Hawaii. 
 Dear Sir: Please be referred to Mr. Butler's letter of April 21 to Mr. Horner rela- 
 tive to the data desired by the special labor commission. The following is the informa- 
 tion required from the California Packing Corporation: 
 
 1. Taxes paid to the Federal Government, 1919 and 1920. 
 
 2. The figures on Territorial taxes we understand you will obtain from the tax 
 assessor. 
 
 3. We are unable to give you the information as to the numbers of the different 
 nationalities employed. The total figures are as follows: 1918, 506; 1919, 516; 1920, 
 491; and 1921, 625. 
 
 The number of women employed is approximately 10 per cent of the figures given 
 above in each case. The figures given are the average for the year, excluding months 
 which were especially low on account of weather conditions. The maximum number 
 used during the heavy season will be about 20 per cent more than this average figure. 
 
 4. The wages paid are as follows per 10-hour dav: 1918, $1.54; 1919, $1.63; 1920, 
 $2.33; and 1921, $2.07. 
 
 In addition to the above, we furnish houses, fuel, water, and medical attendance 
 for our labor. The figures given are the average wage for daywork and piecework 
 combined and include semiskilled help as well as common labor. 
 
 5. It is our estimate, based upon inquirj- among the better class of oriental em- 
 ployees, that living is approximately 15 per cent higher for them at the present time 
 than during the prewar period. 
 
 6. We employ approximately 3,000 people over and above the figures given in pre- 
 vious paragraphs in work in our factories during the active months of the season. We 
 are in this case also unable to give the percentages of the different nationalities, except 
 that probably 75 per cent are Japanese. 
 
 7. I believe we need give you no data on this paragraph, as you are thoroughly 
 familiar with the conditions of work. 
 
 8. We will state that we have had no indications of sabotage on the part of our labor. 
 We do find among all labor, however, that in some indefinite way the same number 
 of workers do not obtain the same quantity of work we obtained prior to 1920. In so far 
 as our old employees are concerned, there is no change. During the past year, how- 
 ever, quite a few new men have come into our organization, and they have created a 
 spirit which is dissimilar to that of our old employees and which has affected a con- 
 siderable portion of the common labor. The situation is one which is not causing us 
 difficulty at the present time but its development is one which we view with alarm. 
 
 9. Our laborers live on our plantations, and the turnover is not particularly heavy'. 
 In the past we have had rather a large percentage of our periodical summer employees 
 return from year to year. The FiUpino labor is the class which is more roving than 
 any other. 
 
 iO. It is impossible to answer this question. We do not estimate any particular 
 shortage during the packing season, because it is seasonal work and is very attractive 
 to labor on account of the large amount of overtime during this short period. It must 
 be remembered, however, that this will be a drain on the labor of other industries, 
 which are already short-handed. 
 
 11. During 1920 our labor shortage was such that it materially reduced our area 
 planted in that year. We need a surplus of labor to overcome this handicap and 
 catch up with our regular program. We can not do this with the quantity of labor 
 now available. From all indications we will be forced to somewhat restrict our area 
 again this year. We, however, anticipate packing our entire 1921 crop. 
 
 12. A labor shortage naturally restricts planting, which in turn restricts future crops. 
 What this restriction will be is indeterminable at present. 
 
 I hope the above gives you sufficient information to combine with that furnished 
 by other pineapple companies to give the labor commission the data they need. 
 Yours, truly, 
 
 California Packing Corporation. 
 H. A. White, 
 
 Manager Hawaiian Interests. 
 
526 
 
 LABOR PEOBLEMS IlN^ HAWAII. 
 
 Hawaiian Pineapple Co. (Ltd.), 
 Mr. A. H. Tarleton, Honolulu, Hawaii, May 2, 1921. 
 
 Executive Secretary Hawaiian Pineapple Paclcers^ Association, 
 
 Honoluul Hawaii. 
 Dear Sir: "We refer to Mr. Horner's letter of April 22 and Mr. Butler's letter of 
 April 21, asking general information in regard to the pineapple industry. 
 "We refer to questions as numbered in Mr. Butler's letter: 
 
 1 and 2. We understand that this information is going to be secured by your office 
 from the tax offices. 
 
 3. We show on the attached sheet the number of persons, nationality, and sex of 
 laborers employed on our plantation at Wahiawa and at our cannery in Honolulu 
 during the years specified. 
 
 4. The wages paid common, unskilled laborers during the years 1918, 1919, 1920, 
 and 1921 at our plantation were, for men 13 cents, 14 cents, 18 cents, and 18 cents per 
 hour for the respective years; for women during the same respective years 9 cents, 
 10 cents, llj cents, and 11 cents. During the years 1918 and 1919 no bonus was 
 paid, but during the year 1920 we paid a bonus of 30 per cent on these wages. At 
 the present time this bonus has been reduced to 12 per cent. In addition, these 
 laborers have been furnished with quarters, firewood, and medical attention, includ- 
 ing hospital expenses. 
 
 At the cannery in Honolulu wages for the common, unskilled laborers have, during 
 the respective years, been as follows: Men, 12 cents, 12|^ cents, 17^ cents, and 20 cents 
 per hour; women, 8 cents, 9 cents, 11^ cents, and 12 cents per hour. 
 
 During the year 1918 no bonus was paid. During the years 1919 and 1920 a service 
 bonus of 15 per cent of wages was paid during the busy season for those remaining in 
 the continuous employ of the company during the period. 
 
 We have no particular comments to make on the other questions in Mr. Butler's 
 letter and presume that Mr. Horner will supply the commission with the necessary 
 general information which may be desired in these respects. 
 
 Very truly, yours, 
 
 Hawaiian Pineapple Co. (Ltd.). 
 K. B. Barnes, Secretary. 
 
 Pauwela Pineapple Co., 
 Hawaiian Pineapple Packers' Association, ^«;;^^' ^«^^' Avril27, 1921. 
 
 Honolulu, Hawaii. 
 
 Gentlemen: We have for acknowledgment your circular No. 125, together with 
 copy of letter from the Hawaiian Sugar Planters' Association, asking certain data 
 about labor and conditions, and the same has our attention. 
 
 As we have not had a full season's run yet, being now in the game, we can not 
 furnish you with complete answers to all the questions asked but will do our best. 
 
 1. Our Federal taxes were paid by our office in San Francisco and we can not answer 
 this question. 
 
 2. Territorial taxes paid for 1920, $1,724.40. We would further estimate that taxes 
 paid by independent growers allied with us would amount to a further figure of about 
 12,000. 
 
 3. As we only began operations last summer, we can only furnish you with the 
 figures for 1920 and also for March of this year, and they would be as follows: 
 
 
 Boys. 
 
 Men. 
 
 Women. 
 
 Girls. 
 
 Year 1920: 
 
 Japanese 
 
 8 
 4 
 
 52 1 20 
 
 13 : 15 
 
 14 ! 2 
 7 1 
 
 7 
 
 Hawaiians 
 
 10 
 
 Chinese 
 
 2 
 
 Portuguese 
 
 1 
 
 
 Filipinos 1 
 
 10 
 1 
 
 
 
 Koreans 
 
 
 
 
 Others 
 
 5 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 18 
 
 97 39 
 
 19 
 
 March, 1921: 
 
 Japanese 
 
 6 
 1 
 
 28 
 3 
 2 
 3 
 6 
 3 
 
 15 
 
 4 
 1 
 2 
 
 3 
 
 Hawaiians 
 
 2 
 
 Chinese 
 
 
 Portuguese 
 
 5 
 
 2 
 
 Filipinos 
 
 
 Koreans 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 12 
 
 45 22 
 
 7 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IX HAWAII. 527 
 
 4. Wages paid common laborers during last year wnsre about as follows: Men, $2 to 
 $5 per day; women, ?1.75 per day: boys, average SI. 50 per day; pirls, $1.25 per day. 
 
 These wages being straight wages with no bonus, the average paid the men as 
 common laborers was about S3 per day. In addition to these wages they were fur- 
 nished with houses, wood, water, and medical attendance free. 
 
 5. We would estimate that the average cost of living of laborers in the pineapple 
 industry in this section to-day is at least double that which it was before the war. 
 
 6. During the active months of our canning season, which would be July, August, 
 and September, we will need for this year at least 250 employees, the nationalities 
 of which would be in about the same proportion as we have enumerated under ques- 
 tion 3. 
 
 Xext year, or 1922. without expected increase of pack, we will need during our 
 active season about 700 laborers and would need these for a period of about four months 
 during the summer and about half that many for two months during winter. 
 
 7. As we purchase all our fruit from outside growers, the only kind of work done 
 by our laborers is that in connection with the cannery. Quite a iiumber are employed 
 as engineers, mechanics, carpenters, and clerks, but the larger number are used for 
 handling the fresh fruit, which includes hauling and trucking, feeding the machines, 
 trimming the fruit, washing same, packing the fruit in cans, and stacking and piling 
 the filled tins as they come from the cookers. We require quite a force also for truck- 
 ing and hauling oui' goods and freight both to and from the railroad; this requires 
 experienced auto drivers. 
 
 8. We have found that the attitude and willingness of the laborers in general at 
 the present time is less ready and anxious to accomplish results than they were in 
 former years. It would appear that the high wages paid the common laborers through- 
 out this Territory the past several years has had an opposite effect upon them in the 
 matter of accomplishing results. It is very easy to show that in general they do very 
 much less than they were wont to do in former years when wages and li^dng expenses 
 were much lower. Our experience shows that the Japanese make the best pineapple 
 growers of any of the nationalities amongst us, and they are also efficient help in the 
 cannery work. Chinese have also proved most efficient cannery workers and are 
 very well adapted to this work in general. 
 
 9. The great majority of pineapple growers throughout this section are Japanese 
 and they stay quite steadily by their farms year by year. The high prices of pine- 
 apple last year caused a good deal of speculating amongst this community, but transfers 
 of farms were made in general amongst the Japanese community alone. " What Chinese 
 we have here are also very steady and reliable. 
 
 10. It is almost impossible for us to estimate at present what the probable shortage 
 migl;t be during this next packing season, but we anticipate that we will have to 
 operate on not more than two-thirds of the force we should have, and in this connec- 
 tion we would say that what labor we get will most likely be drawn largely from 
 the sugar plantations for the summer period, thus causing amongst them a greater 
 shortage of labor for the summer than usual. 
 
 11. There is no doubt but what a great deal more land in this district would be 
 cultivated to pineapples were it possible to secure the labor necessary for the purpose; 
 so far we do not anticipate any fruit contracted to us spoiling before we can ge,t it 
 packed. Should, however, many of our farmers become discouraged by the low price 
 of fruit this year and abandon their farms, it would mean that we would have to assume 
 charge of them to protect ourselves and the banks that have made advances to them. 
 Should such a condition arise, we can not see where the labor could be secured to 
 carry on the necessary- work, and we believe in any such case we would be very 
 seriously embarrassed. 
 
 12. If the present shortage of labor shall continue during next year, we are very 
 greatly concerned over the prospects of taking care of our next year's pack. If 
 some reinedy is not found, we feel that it must surely follow that the jpineapple repro- 
 duction in this district must decline considerably within the next few years, while 
 with an adequate supply of labor it can be made to yield a material increase. 
 
 Submitting the foregoing for ^-our consideration, we are, 
 Yours, very truly, 
 
 Pauwela Pineapple Co. 
 S. 0. Aiken, 
 
 Vice President and Manager. 
 
528 LABOK PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 May 2, 1921. 
 Alexander & Baldwin (Ltd.), 
 
 Honolulu, Hawaii. 
 
 Gentlemen: Replying to the various questions asked of the Hawaiian Pineapple 
 Packers' Association by the Hawaiian Sugar Planters' Association in connection with 
 the compilation of data to be used by the labor commission before Congress, would 
 give answers to the questions as enumerated in the letter addressed to Mr. Albert 
 Horner, president, under date of April 21, by J. K. Butler, secretary: 
 
 1. Figures unavailable, as all Federal taxes are paid direct by the several owners 
 of the estate of H. P. Baldwin. 
 
 2. Territorial taxes paid 1919, $15,436; 1920, $20,153.45. 
 
 3. See statement attached hereto. 
 
 4. Wages about as follows: 
 
 1918: Men, $1.20; women, 60 cents; children, 50 cents per day. Bonus, 12^ per cent 
 for 22 days worked in month; 25 per cent for 24 days worked in month. 
 
 1919: Men, $1.40; women, 65 cents; children, 50 cents per day. Bonus, 12^ per cent 
 for 22 days worked in month; 25 per cent for 24 days worked in month. 
 
 1920: Men, $2; women, 80 cents; children, 65 cents per day. Bonus, 25 per cent 
 for 22 days worked in month; 50 per cent for 24 days worked in month. 
 
 1921: Men, $1.75 per day; women, 75 cents per day; children, 60 cents per day. 
 Bonus, 12^ per cent for 22 days worked in month; 25 per cent for 24 days worked in 
 month. 
 
 To above good housing, fuel, water, and medical attendance is given free. 
 
 5. Others have more accurate data on this than we do. 
 
 6. Cannery emplovees in 1918, 1919, and 1920, as follows: 
 1918: Men, 30; women, 30; children, 18; total, 73. 
 
 1919: Men, 85; women, 40; children, 56; total, 179. 
 1920: Men, 145; women, 65; children, 145; total, 354. 
 
 7. Practically the same as done by every other pineapple concern. 
 
 8. Effectiveness and willingness of labor appears to vary indirectly with the price of 
 sugar, and a glance at the record of sugar prices in the last few years would answer this 
 question exactly. At present things are going very well with us. 
 
 9. Only Japanese and Chinese are to be depended upon, the latter being the more 
 dependable but harder to get. Koreans, Filipinos, and Porto Ricans are impossible, 
 and serve only in an emergency. 
 
 10. We may get through all right but only by working overtime (at rate and a half 
 per hour) and using school children. 
 
 11. There is a decided restriction of area in cultivation because of the labor shortage. 
 Last year we planted 75 per cent of what we should have planted, and at that allowed 
 the growing fields to get into bad shape. We hope that we will not lose any fruit this 
 coming summer through shortage of labor. 
 
 ] 2. If we are able to plant more than 75 per cent of what we should before November 
 1, 1921, we will be doing very well. 
 
 We would ask you to kindly pass on the above information to the Hawaiian Pine- 
 apple Packers' Association and oblige, 
 Yours, very truly, 
 
 Baldwin Packers, 
 By D. T. Fleming, Manager. 
 
 Honolulu, Hawaii, May 3, 1921. 
 Re labor situation. 
 Hawaiian Pineapple Packers' Association, 
 
 Honolulu, Hawaii. 
 Attention Mr. Tarleton. 
 
 Gentlemen: Referring to yours of the 28th ultimo, we beg to reply to inquiries of 
 Circular No. 125 as follows: 
 
 Items 1, 2, 3, 4, and 6 are covered by the three statements herewith inclosed (except 
 No. 1). _ ^ _ 
 
 Item 5: According to information we have, the cost of living of laborers was in- 
 creased during the war by approximately 64 per cent; however, recent reduction in 
 prices of food products will reduce this figure materially. For instance, rice — one of 
 the staple foods — has decreased over 50 per cent during the past year. 
 
 Item 7: Practically all the laborers of various nationalities in both the canneries 
 and the plantations can be classed as unskilled labor, as a very few hold such petitions 
 as foremen, engineers, or mechanics of any kind. 
 
LABOR PEOBI.EMS IN HAWAII. 529 
 
 Item 8: It would be conservative to say that at the present time we have been 
 getting only 75 per cent efficiency from our labor, as compared with past years. 
 
 Item 9: Our records since the first of the year show there has been a marked tend- 
 ency on the part of the Japanese laborer to work only part tira e; it is also the tendency 
 of this nationality to be continually changing employment. 
 
 Item 10: Twenty-five per cent. 
 
 Item 11: At the present time we have a very small per cent of the labor which wilF 
 be necessary for us to employ during the harvesting and canning season; therefore,, 
 to take of this season's pack it will be necessary to draw labor from outside places, 
 where they are now employed. 
 
 Item 12: As to shortage of labor materially affecting our future crops, would say it 
 would be difficult to estimate the decrease in our crops — if the fields were not properly 
 taken care of, cultivating, etc. Past records we have of fields which were not properly 
 cultivated and cared for showed a decrease in the crop of from 50 per cent to 60 per 
 cent. 
 
 Respectfully, 
 
 LiBBY, McNeill & Libby of Honolulu (Ltd.1, 
 By L. E. Arnold. 
 
 Haiku, Maui, Hawaii, April 21 , 1921, 
 The Hawaiian Pineapple Packers' Association, 
 
 Honolulu, Hawaii. 
 
 Gentlemen: In compliance with your request of the 22d, circular letter No. 125^ 
 we submit the following: 
 
 1. Federal taxes 1919, $37,267.31; 1920, $171,185.82. 
 
 2. Territorial taxes, 1919, $17,573.90; 1920, $56,0.30.98. 
 
 3. January 15, 1918, 215; males, 75 per cent; females, 25 per cent. July 15, 1918^ 
 548; males, 75 per cent; females, 25 per cent. January 15, 1919, 207; males, 87 per 
 cent; females, 13 per cent. July 15, 1919, 722; males, 87 per cent; females, 13 per- 
 cent. January 15, 1920, 319; males, 84 per cent; females, 16 per cent. July 15, 1920^ 
 820; males, 70 per cent: females. 30 per cent. 
 
 N. B.— The 1919 pack consisted of 398,603 cases, while 1920, 633,392 cases. 
 
 4. Men, 1918, 11 cents to 40 cents per hour, bonus 26 workdays, $7. 
 Women, 1918, 7J cents to 10 cents per hour, bonus 25 workdays, $6. 
 Boys, 14 to 16, 6| cents to 11 cents per hour, bonus 24 workdays, $5. 
 Girls, 14 to 16, 6^ cents to 7-| cents per hour, bonus 23 workdays, $4.25. 
 Men, 1919, 12^ cents to 35 cents per hour, bonus 21 workdays,' $3. 
 Women, 8^ cents to 12J cents per hour, bonus 20 workdays, $2.50. 
 Boys, 14 to 16, 6^ cents to 12^ cents per hour, bonus 19 workdays, $1.50. 
 Girls, 14 to 16, 6^ cents to 8^ cents per hour, 1919 bonus same as above. 
 
 Men, 1920, 22-|- cents to 45 cents per hour, 10 per cent bonus on 20 days or over. 
 Women, 12|^ cents to 15 cents per hour. 
 Boys, 14 to 16, 15 cents to 22^ cents per hour. 
 Girls, 14 to 16, 10^ cents to 15 cents per hour and perquisites. 
 Men, 1921, 18 cents to 40 cents per hour. 
 Women, 12J cents to 15 cents per hour. 
 
 N. B.; — Bonus applies to caiuiery labor only for the rush season, June to September,, 
 inclusive. 
 
 Time and a half for all overtime, Sundays, and holidays. 
 
 5. The estimated cost of living of laborers to-day is approximately 35 per cent more 
 than before the war, 
 
 6. 1918 average, 400; 1919, 700; and 1920, 864. NationaHties employed: Filipinos, 
 Chinese, Japanese, Americans, Hawaiians, Koreans, and Portuguese. 
 
 7. Field work is principally performed by Japanese and Filipinos, while the cannery 
 work is performed by all the various nationalities represented in Hawaii. 
 
 8. The willingness and aptitude of the laborers ior the work compare favorably with 
 former years. 
 
 9. Quarters, with the regular plantation perquisites — water, fuel, and medical 
 attention — are furnished our employees, with fairly steady employment the year round. 
 The Filipinos exhibit a tendency more than any other nationahty to shift. 
 
 10. From 20 per cent to 25 per cent. 
 
 11. Yes. every possible effort is made to enlist labor for our packing season, but 
 prospects are that we shall be shorthand ed and there may be spoilation of food. 
 
 12. Field employees will have to be transferred to cannery, and fields will conse- 
 quently suffer, aiid crops likely to be short. 
 
 Haiku Fruit & Packing Co. (Ltd.) 
 N. Omsted, Cashier. 
 
 56754— 21— SER 7, pt 1 21 
 
530 LABOK PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 Hawaii Fruit Packers (Ltd.), 
 
 Honolulu, Hawaii, May 2, 1921. 
 Reply to questionnaire, circular No. 125. 
 
 1. None. 
 
 2. One-hundred and eighteen dollars and forty cents. Company organized in 1920. 
 
 3. In 1921; 42 Japanese and 10 Chinese laborers employed in our fields growing 
 pineapples under contract; in cannery 4 Japanese, all males. 
 
 4. All field laborers growing pineapples under contract; men employed by them 
 $3.25 per diem. 
 
 5. Do not know. 
 
 6. Hawaiians: Male, 4; female, 6; total, 10. Japanese: Male, 18; female, 9; total, 
 27. Portuguese: Male, 3; female, 6; total 9. Chinese: Male, none; female, 4; total, 
 4. Total male, 25; total female, 25; grand total, 50. 
 
 7. In fields: Ordinary labor for cultivating and harvesting pines. In cannery: 
 Women at trimming and packing tables; men on all other operations. 
 
 8. All the different nationalities are less willing and less efficient as compared with 
 former years. 
 
 9. Field labor living on plantations; employment roll fairly steady. 
 
 10. Our harvest being small and all fields under contract, we do not anticipate any 
 shortage of labor during the packing season. 
 
 11. None. 
 
 12. If any shortage now, future crops will undoubtedly be materially affected. 
 
 Hawaiian Canneries Co., (Ltd.), 
 
 Kapaa, Kauai, April 30^ 1921. 
 Mr. A. H. Tarleton, 
 
 Executive Secretary Hawaiian Pineapple Packers ' Association, 
 
 Honolulu, T. H. 
 Dear Sir: Inclosed please find information desired by Mr. J. K. Butler as per 
 your circular file 215. The questions are answered by their number and in the order 
 they are asked. 
 
 1. Total Federa,l taxes, 1919, $1,153.22. Total Federal taxes, 1920, |98. 
 
 2. Total Territorial taxes, 1919, $3,604.50. Total Territorial taxes, 1920, |4,264.70. 
 ;3. Inclosed sheet has figures covering this question. 
 
 4. Common labor 1919 paid $1.50 per day and 50 cents per day monthly bonus for 
 ^20 days or more work. Same rate in 1920 until May 31. After May 31, $3.25 per day 
 and no bonus. In 1921 $2 per day for 20 days or more work, and $1.25 per day for 
 sunder 20 days. 
 
 5. As a gauge of the comparative cost of living of laborers before the United States 
 entered the war and at the present time, we give cost per month for the board of a 
 single laborer in one of our camp boarding houses operated by a Japanese. In 1917 
 it was $9, in 1921 it is $17.50. 
 
 6. Figures answering this question are on inclosed sheet. These figures are very 
 deceptive however. To illustrate tliis, we give data for the month of July, in the 
 rush part of the season when we are busiest and need a good turnout. On pay roll 
 307: Average number working per day, 200. Average laying off, 107, or over one- 
 third. Out of these 307 people on the pay roll, only 23 worked steadily, i. e., every 
 day the cannery put through fruit. From this an idea can be gained of the independ- 
 ence and irresponsibility of the present type of labor where there is a scarcity and 
 the finding of highly paid employment is easy. 
 
 7. Animal work, Japanese-Filipinos; tractors and trucks, Japanese Filipinos; 
 hoeing and hand work, Japanese-Filipinos; mechanics, Japanese-Filipinos; car- 
 penters, Japanese-Filipinos; operators of machines, Japanese; warehouse, Japanese 
 and Koreans; unskilled labor, Japanese and Hawaiians; canning, trucking, Por- 
 tuguese, Filipinos; piling cans, trimming, Koreans, Chinese. 
 
 8. At the present time the Japanese are doing the best work, with the Filipinos a 
 distant second. The older Japanese and married Japanese are the most reliable, the 
 younger generation being less reliable. The Filipinos are irresponsible and do not 
 work steadily, moving from place to place freely, and always sure of reemployment. 
 None of the labor is putting the will and energy into the work that was done in prewar 
 times. A man with a good sweat up is uncommon enough to be quickly noticeable. 
 
 9. The employment roll from month to month does not vary very much as to numbers. 
 The names on the roll do show a considerable change in this district, particularly with 
 the Filipinos. Our field laborers live for the most part in our camps. The cannery 
 labor comes from Kapaa \'illage. 
 
 10. We will probably be short 100 people during the canning spason. This will 
 mean that we will have to bring field labor into the cannery for this period and field 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 531 
 
 work will have to go undone. This is a source of much expense through field work 
 improperly done, done too late, and neglected. 
 
 11. There are no restrictions of area at present with this company. Our neighbors 
 have had to restrict considerably. 
 
 12. It appears to the writer that future plantings will be restricted unless a supply 
 of labor is found. At present we have planted only what we can take care of. Should 
 the number of our laborers decrease, a corresponding area must be uncared for. Future 
 plantings will be entirely controlled by the labor supply. As we wish to increase 
 our acreage by planting for future crops, a greater labor shortage will effectively 
 curtail this and cut down our output. 
 
 Very truly, yours, 
 
 Hawaiian Canneries Co. (Ltd.). 
 
 A. Horner, Jr., Superintendeni . 
 
 information for territorial commission. 
 
 Eleele, Kauai, May 3, 1921. 
 John Waterhouse, Esq., 
 
 Manager Alexander & Baldwin {Ltd.), Honolulu_ Hawaii. 
 
 Dear Sir: Crop of 1921 : We usually finish grinding the middle of July, but this year 
 we will not finish until the end of October. Many of our big cane fields will suffer, 
 and we will probably lose almost 1,000 tons of sugar. 
 
 Crop of 1922: We previously estimated this crop at 16,000 tons. We have now 
 cut it to 14,000 tons. We are throwing out fully 200 acres of ratoons in East Lawai, 
 which were hilled up and given the first application of fertilizer. The cane is now 
 up to your waist in height, but we have no men to cultivate these fields. In the 
 Test of the sections we are struggling along irrigating the growing cane. Many of the 
 fields we are only getting around once a month. Whereas we should irrigate them 
 twice a month. This will also cut down our crop for 1922. 
 
 Crop of 1923: We are at the present time harvesting Wahiawa gulch. This should 
 be started in the fall for the 1923 crop. Unless we get more labor we will throw out 
 Wahiawa gulch, which represents 40 acres of land. Undoubtedly we will have to 
 throw out a good deal of land in Koloa. Planting this year should be 700 acres, but 
 we are planning to plant only 300. These may be points that you can use in making 
 out your report. 
 
 Yours, very truly, 
 
 F. A. Alexander, 
 Manager McBryde Sugar Co. (Ltd.), 
 
 information for territorial commission. 
 
 May 5, 1921. 
 Mr. J. Waterhouse, 
 
 Manager Alexander & Baldwin, Honolulu, Oahu. 
 
 Dear Sir: As per your request I herewith submit a statement regarding the situa- 
 tion at Makaweli, due to a shortage of labor at the present time: 
 
 We are short 300 men at the present time of our requirements. We have had to 
 abandon 60 acres of ratoons, as we did not have men enough to carry it along for the 
 1922 crop. There is another field of 200 acres (1922 crop) of ratoons which is not being 
 properly cultivated, due to a shortage of men, and the yield of the last-mentioned 
 area will be very small due to improper cultivation. 
 
 We have been forced to reduce the area to be planted for the 1923 crop from 900 
 acres to 550 acres, and there is still a question whether we will be able to plant the last- 
 mentioned figure or not. It is possible that we will still have to reduce the area 
 to be planted for the 1923 crop to 300 acres. 
 
 The harvesting of the 1921 crop has now been delayed to such an extent that we 
 are short over 2,000 tons of sugar to date, which is due to a shortage of labor, and at 
 the rate we are grinding at the present time it will take us until the end of October 
 to finish the 1921 crop, instead of August 1, as we should under normal conditions. 
 Yours, very truly, 
 
 B. D. Baldwin, 
 Manager Hawaiian Sugar Co. 
 
532 LABOK PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 Honolulu, Hawaii, May 9, 192 L 
 Mr. J. K. Butler, 
 
 Secretary Hawaiian Sugar Planters^ Association, Honolulu, Hawaii. 
 
 Dear Sir: Further to our letter of May 3 in connection with date concerning" 
 labor and crops under present conditions, we now beg to inform you as follows: 
 
 Waiakea Mill Co.: The manager states that in order to keep the crop of the Waiakea 
 Mill Co. at normal, 500 acres of land should be planted each year, and 2,500 acres 
 of ratoons cultivated. It is hoped this year to plant from 30 to 40 acres and to culti- 
 vate 1,800 acres of ratoons. Under the present shortage of labor every employee 
 available is engaged in harvesting and milling, and the best they can do is 25 per 
 cent short in daily output, with no labor to carry on future crops. 
 
 The total force on the plantation to date, including men, women, boys and girls,, 
 to do any work is 357, being the best turnout of labor during the month of ApriL 
 In former years when working to the best advantage a daily turnout of 900 laborers 
 was the average. 
 
 Laupahoehoe Sugar Co.: The manager states, "We abandoned 300 acres of cane 
 land and will only be able to plant 500 or 600 acres this year, which is about 50 per 
 cent of our normal planting. We also estimate we are losing about a half ton of sugar 
 per acre on account of lack of labor when this crop was under cultivation." 
 
 Kaiwiki Sugar Co. (Ltd.): The manager states: "We intended to plant about 700 
 acres of land, but do not expect to be able to plant more than 400 acres. The grow- 
 ing crop for 1922 is suffering from the lack of proper cultivation, as it is not possible 
 to give it as much attention as we desire owing to the scarcity of labor." 
 
 Hamakua Mill Co.: The manager states that as the planting depends on the labor 
 they are able to command, they anticipate they will have to abandon 357 acres this 
 year, which will be neither planted nor cultivated for ratoons. The normal crop on 
 this plantation is taken off some 3,300 acres per annum. 
 
 Niulii Mill & Plantation: The manager writes as follows: "We are six weeks behind 
 with our general work, but just what acreage we will have to abandon on account 
 of labor shortage is hard to say at this time, but probably 120 acres of second ratoons. 
 We are 25 per cent short of our normal labor at present." 
 
 Halawa Plantation (Ltd.): The manager states that owing to shortage of labor 
 he has been unable to plant 125 acres of land for the 1923 crop, which he would have 
 done if the labor had been available. He also states that comparing March, 1921, 
 with March, 1919, he is 35 men short on a normal turnout of 275 men. On this plan 
 tation the manager has been compelled to stop grinding for a short time in order to 
 use his labor on preparing and planting and cultivating the following crops. 
 
 Union Mill Co.: The manager writes as follows: Owing to the existing shortage of 
 labor 10 acres of plant cane have been abandoned for the 1922 crop because it is 
 impossible to grind the 1921 crop and cultivate cane for the following crops simul 
 taneously. 
 
 Referring to crop of 1923, the manager states: "We will probably be unable to plan' 
 at least 100 acres of cane for this crop because the same could not be properly carec 
 for with the labor supply on the plantation." 
 
 Kaeleku Sugar Co. (Ltd.): The manager writes as follows: 
 
 "Crop of 1921: As a result of shortage of 250 men the harvesting will be delayed 
 about two months for this crop. 
 
 "Crop of 1922: At present 1,400 acres, 250 acres of which we are not able to culti 
 vate on account of the labor shortage, and this will result in the yield being decreased 
 by about one ton of sugar per acre for this crop. 
 
 "Crop of 1923: We contemplate planting 40 acres of cane for this crop, including 
 which we shall have approximately 1,380 acres, which should have been 1,680 acres 
 as 300 acres of cane have been abandoned on account of the shortage of labor." 
 
 We trust that the foregoing information will be of service, and remain. 
 Yours, faithfully, 
 
 Theo. H. Davies & Co. (Ltd.). 
 J. N. Williams. 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAW AIL 533 
 
 Appendix TIL 
 
 •STATEMENTS SHOWING EFFORTS MADE BY INDIVIDUAL INTERESTS AND BY OFFICIALS 
 OF THE GOVERNMENT OF HAWAII FOR THE IMMIGRATION OF FOREIGN LABORERS 
 WITH A VIEW TO FURNISHING AN ADEQUATE LABOR SUPPLY FOR THE AGRICULTURAL 
 INDUSTRIES OF THE COUNTRY. 
 
 {Compiled from official records and other sources, by Mr. R. C. Lydecker, Librarian of the Public Archives, 
 
 Territory of Hawaii.] 
 
 Previous to 1850 the few foreign residents in the Kingdom, especially those who had 
 plantations or were employers of labor began to ask themselves, with much concern, 
 in view of the steady decline of the native race, which had hitherto supplied the 
 necessary labor, where they should procure the needed help. 
 
 CHINESE. 
 
 The subject of cheap labor had for several years engaged the attention of the planters, 
 hut nothing had been done to promote immigration up to the beginning of 1851, when 
 an attempt was made to procure some coolies, but for some reason was a failure. The 
 Royal Hawaiian Agricultural Society, which was founded August 12, 1850, then took 
 matters into its own hands. No labor could be procured from California or Japan; 
 the South Sea Islands were undesirable on account of the expense, and Europe was 
 out of the question. Under these circumstances the only choice was China. In 
 August, 1851, the society engaged Capt. Cass, of the bark Thetis, to bring to the islands 
 some 180 coolies, or thereabouts, under special contract for their passage and advanced 
 wages. In fulfillment of this engagement Capt. Cass, on January 3, 1852, landed at 
 Honolulu 195 coolies, the first ever introduced into the country as laborers. These 
 coolies were engaged for five years at $3 per month, in addition to their passage, food, 
 clothing, and house. An advance of $6 each had been made to them in China, to be 
 ■refunded in small installments out of their wages. In addition to the contract labor- 
 ers, the Thetis brought 20 boys, who were readily engaged as house or other servants 
 ior five years at |2 a month, their passage and advance being paid by their employers. 
 The cost of importing this lot was $50 per man, and it was estimated by those who 
 employed them that their wages and support would amount to a trifle under |7 per 
 month. Until this time the few Chinese in the Kingdom were of the better class, 
 imostly merchants. There was considerable satisfaction at the arrival of these coolies, 
 and the Plon. William L. Lee, president of the agricultural society, in his annual 
 address said: "On the subject of labor, I am happy to say, there is less fear than 
 formerly. The enterprise set on foot by our society for procuring laborers from China 
 iias at last met with success. The Chinese brought here in the Thetis have proved 
 themselves quiet, able, and wilhng men, and I have little doubt, judging from our 
 .short experience, we shall find coolie labor to be far more certain, systematic, and 
 economical than that of the natives." 
 
 These first coolies meeting with such favor, Capt. Cass was sent back to China for a 
 further supply, and* returned here July 31, 1852, with 98 laborers. The Polynesian 
 •of August 7 of that year says: "From the short experience of those who have had to 
 •do with this sort of laborers, they have proved themselves a class highly desirable at 
 the present time in these islands." 
 
 PITCAIRN ISLANDERS. 
 
 But the importation of laborers was not the only important question. The native 
 Tace was gradually declining^ and anxiety for the future of the kingdom was felt. 
 Laborers imported for plantations could not be relied upon as persons likely to settle 
 and make the country their home; immigrants of a different stamp — settlers — should 
 by some means be induced to come here. The King, therefore, authorized Minister 
 of Foreign Affairs Wyllie to negotiate with the British consul general to obtain from 
 his Government its consent to remove to Hawaii all the inhabitants of Pitcairn Island — 
 they to settle on the King's own land as proprietors, or tenants, and under his own 
 care. This project failed, the British consul general alleging that his Government 
 would never consent unless the King should bind himself to admit them as subjects 
 of the British Crown. For obvious reasons, Mr. Wyllie could not consent to this. 
 
 The introduction of coolies did not altogether cease with the second cargo brought 
 here, but they came in very much smaller numbers either on their own account or as 
 they might be wanted by individuals who required their services. The demand for 
 labor had been so great that, on their first arrival the Chinese had received nothiag 
 
534 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 but praise, but as time went on there was found certain disadvantages in employing 
 them. Understanding their own rights, they did not always consider those of their 
 employers, and were often discontented, imagining more was demanded of them than 
 their contracts called for. In this connection Kamehameha IV, in his speech to the 
 legislature of 1855, says: "It is to be regretted that the Chinese coolie immigrants to 
 whom has been given a trial of sufficient length for testing their fitness to supply our 
 want of labor and population, have not realized the hopes of those who have incurred 
 the expense of their introduction. They are not so kind and tractable as it was 
 anticipated they would be, and they seem to have no affinities, attractions, or tend- 
 ency to blend with this or any other race. In view of this failure it becomes a ques- 
 tion of some moment whether a class of persons more nearly assimilated with the 
 Hawaiian race could not be induced to settle on our soil." The wishes of the Govern- 
 ment and the employers were not identical in this respect. The Government wanted 
 settlers who would infuse new blood in a declining race, the employers, workers 
 alone, who would be an immediate source of profit. Meantime the Chinese were 
 coming into the country in small numbers, so few, in fact, as to be unable to supply 
 the wants of the plantations, no special laws were made concerning them — they 
 coming as contract laborers under the "master and servant" law. Unfortunately, 
 on account of lack of funds the Government could do nothing in the way of bringing 
 immigrants here of a race allied by blood to the Hawaiians, Private individuals 
 were willing to import laborers, but did not care to burden themselves with families. 
 
 SOUTH SEA ISLANDERS. 
 
 The American schooner Wamp arrived at Koloa, Kauai, December. 31, 1859, bring- 
 ing 10 South Sea Islanders — four men and six women, who had hired themselves 
 out to the Koloa plantation. It was hoped that this was the beginning of a process, 
 for increasing the populations of the islands, but notwithstanding the growing demand 
 for labor, nothing was done until 1863, when arrangements were made with the mis- 
 sionary packet Morning Star to bring some 50 Micronesian Islanders to the country,, 
 but the vessel returned from her cruise without any, owing to a war that was then 
 raging between the two principal chiefs of the islands. It seeming then that laborers 
 could not, without great difficulty, be obtained from the islands of the Pacific, the 
 planters were once more obliged to resort to China. 
 
 At the opening of the legislature of 1864, the King in his speech said: "Our agricul- 
 tural enterprises have been urged forward with such energy as to render the im- 
 portation of laborers necessary. I am of the opinion that the Government is the proper 
 agent to carry out such a measure, and that means ought to be placed at its disposal to 
 undertake it promptly." This recommendation resulted in the passage of an act 
 establishing a bureau of immigration. This being the first official action on the sub- 
 ject, the law governing it is here given in full: 
 
 ''Be it enacted by the King and the Legislative Assembly of the Hawaiian Islands in the 
 legislature of the Kingdom, assembled: 
 
 " Section 1. There shall be and hereby is created a bureau in tjie department of the 
 interior, to be styled the bureau of immigration, for the purpose of superintending the 
 importation of foreign laborers, and the introduction of immigrants. 
 
 ' ' Sec. 2. That the said bureau shall be under the control of the minister of the interior, 
 assisted by a committee of five members of the privy council of State to be appointed 
 by His Majesty the King, for that purpose. 
 
 "Sec 3. That it shall be the duty of the minister of the interior, with the assistance- 
 of the committee of the privy council aforesaid, as soon as convenient after the passage 
 of this act, to devise and recommend for the adoption of His Majesty the King in privy 
 council, such measures as may be necessary to secure the importation of a sufficient 
 number of foreign laborers to supply the wants of the planters and others; and such 
 regulations as may be deemed expedient touching the contracts to be made with such 
 laborers, as well as the terms and conditions upon which they are to be assigned after 
 their arrival in the Kingdom. 
 
 "Sec. 4. It shall also be the duty of the minister of the interior, with the assistance 
 of the aforesaid committee, from time to time, to recommend for the adoption of His 
 Majesty the King in privy council, such measures and regulations as may be deemed 
 expedient to promote and encourage the introduction of free immigrants from abroad. 
 
 "Sec. 5. Monej^s appropriated by the legislature for the objects contemplated in 
 this act, shall be paid out of the public treasury upon the order of the minister of the 
 interior. 
 
 "Sec. 6. Such nieasures and regulations as shall from time to time be adopted by 
 Sis Majesty the King in privy council, under the provisions of this act, shall be em- 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 535 
 
 bodied in ordinancos of the King in council, and shall be published in a newspaper 
 published in Honolulu. 
 
 "Sec. 7. This act shall take effect and become a law from and after the date of its 
 passage. 
 
 "Approved this 30th day of December, A. D. 1864. 
 
 "Kamehameha, R." 
 
 There was also inserted in the appropriation bill of this session the following item: 
 "Encouragement of agriculture and immigration, $5,000." 
 
 Agreeably to section 2 of the act, the King appointed the following named gentlemen 
 as a board of immigration: C. G. Hopkins, minister of the interior, president; minister 
 of finance, C. De Varigny; attorney general, C. C. Harris; G. M. Robertson, and Dr. 
 William Hillebrand. The board held its first meeting February 13, 1865, and its 
 first action was the appointment of the Hon. David Kalakaua as secretary. 
 
 SOUTH SEA ISLANDERS. 
 
 At the second meeting of the board, February 14, a conference took place with 
 Capt. James, of the Morning Star, the result of which was that the board advised him 
 to encourage a voluntary emigration from the South Pacific islands, and agreed to 
 pay him .$30 passage money for each adult, $15 for each childs and $5 a head premium 
 to himself, it being well understood that these immigrants would not be bound by any 
 contract, and that their coming here would be a voluntary act on their part. It was 
 also suggested and agreed to bring here, if possible, one or two chiefs of said islands, 
 and return them to their country whenever they should so desire, as well as any 
 families coming with them that might so wish. 
 
 PORTUGUESE. 
 
 A committee was also appointed to negotiate with Hackfeld & Co. relative to charter- 
 ing the bark R. W. Wood and send it to China with an agent to secure a cargo of coolies, 
 male and female. A resolution was also adopted to take measures to encourage free 
 immigration from the Azores and Cape de Verde Islands. Mr. Spencer, chief clerk 
 of the interior department, who was going to make a ^dsit to his home, notifjang th^ 
 board that he would mllingly make a trip to the Cape de Verde Islands for the purpose 
 of obtaining an importation of laborers from these islans, ansking only that the ex- 
 penses of such a trip be refunded him. Such was the initial actions of the board to 
 procure immigrants, but the results amounted to little or nothing. There is no record 
 of the R. W. Wood being sent to China at this time; she is first reported as arriving 
 from there August 11, 1870, with 61 coolies. Mr. Spencer does not seem to have made 
 the trip to the Cape de Verde Islands, and there is a discrepancy between the statis- 
 tical table and the report of the president of the board of immigration as to the date 
 and the number of Marquesans brought here by the Morning Star. The former gives 
 that vessel as arri^^Jlg here April 19, 1865, with 14 immigrants, three children being 
 included in the number whereas the latter states: "In June. 1865, a small number 
 of Marquesans were brought here. Eight of them were under the auspices of the board 
 of immigration and seven under the Hawaiian Board of Foreign Missions." 
 
 The board at tliis same meeting (Feb. 14, 1865) appointed a committee consisting 
 of Messrs. Harris and Robertson to draw up a set of ordinances to be submitted to 
 the privy council. Ordinance No. 1 prohibited all persons from introducing bound 
 laborers into the Kingdom without express license of the board, under a penalty of 
 $100 for each laborer. Ordinance No. 2 authorized the board to adopt and pursue 
 such measures as may seem expedient to promote the introduction of free immigrants 
 into the islands, male and female, from the Azores, Canary and Cape de Verde Islands, 
 also from any of the islands of the Pacific Ocean. Ordinance No. 2 empowered the 
 board to charter the bark R. W. Wood, or any other suitable vessel, to proceed to China, 
 with an agent of the Hawaiian Government, for the purpose of procuring as many 
 Chinese laborers, male and female, as the vessel could conveniently carry, to he 
 hired upon such terms and conditions as the board should pro\T.de, and authorized 
 the board to expend such moneys as may be necessary to carry out the object of the 
 ordinance. 
 
 These ordinances were submitted to the privy council and approved February 17, 
 1865, after a lengthy discussion. Ordinance No. 1 gave great offense to some persons, 
 and at a meeting of the planters' society, April 1, 1865, was discussed by that body 
 in a not altogether friendly spirit. Minister of Finance de Varigny, in a lengthy 
 address defending the ordinance, stated that the principle asserted in it was nothing 
 new; nobody could deny the right of every Government to control and superintend 
 
536 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HA WAIL 
 
 the introduction of a large class of immigrants, destitute and relying on immediate 
 employment. Even without the ordinance, the Government, through the board of 
 health, or the minister of the interior, had the right to prevent the landing on these 
 shores of immigrants sick, destitute, or whose morality might effect the people. The 
 ordinance did not prevent private parties from importing laborers, it only prevented 
 them from so doing without the sanction of the board. 
 
 Shortly after the organization of the board, Mr. Walter M. Gibson brought to the 
 attention of that body the advisability of sending a commissioner abroad to study 
 the possibilities of immigration, and at a meeting held March 7, 1865, the board 
 decided to submit for the King's signature a commission for Dr. Hillebrand, as "Royal 
 Commissioner of Immigration in Foreign Countries," which commission was duly 
 signed by His Majesty, and at the board's next meeting, March 30, Dr. Hillebrand 
 was instructed to proceed to China and send from there a shipment of 500 coolies, 
 after doing which he was to proceed to the East Indies with a view of ascertaining 
 whether laborers could be procured from there. He was also to collect information 
 and report on the means adopted to arrest or cure leprosy, to collect information 
 -about tropical agriculture, plants, trees, etc. 
 
 CHINA. 
 
 Dr. Hillebrand sailed on his mission April 27, 1865, and in a letter to the board, 
 -dated Hongkong, June 14, announces his arrival at that place two days before. He 
 also states that everything looks very promising and calculated to make him hope 
 that he vvill be able to send about 500 coolies with from 25 to 30 per cent females in 
 a short time at considerably less expense than was at first anticipated. In a sub- 
 sequent letter, dated July 15, he announces the departure from Hongkong of the 
 Chilean bark Alberto with about 250 coolies, to be followed shortly by the Roscoe 
 with 260 or 270 more, 20 to 25 per cent of those by the latter vessel being women. 
 The doctor explains the chartering of two vessels instead of one on the ground of 
 avoiding possible sickness and mortality consequent upon sending 500 or 600 persons 
 in one vessel, in which case some are always put on the lower decks; and this being 
 improperly or not at all ventilated, could not but prove fatal to many. The Alberto 
 arrived here September 25, 1865, bringing 240 men, the first immigrants to arrive 
 under Government auspices. The Roscoe arrived shortly after, October 13, with 223 
 men, 52 women, and 3 children and completed the first lot, and from that time on 
 Chinese came in greater or less numbers, quite a number coming from California on 
 their own account. 
 
 POLYNESIANS. 
 
 Quite an effort was still being made to procure South Sea Islanders, The legisla- 
 ture of 1868 passed an act with this end in view, directing the board of immigration to 
 take prompt and efficient measures for the introduction of Ploynesians of both sexes, 
 but, as shown by the table of statistics, little was accomplished. This legislature also 
 passed an act extending the powers of the board and directed it to devise and recom- 
 mend, for adoption by the privy council, such rules and regulations as may be deemed 
 necessary, for the good government and control of the immigrants that had been 
 brought into the country. During these years much dissatisfaction was felt at the 
 number of Chinese flocking into the country. Letters were Vv^ritten, meetings were 
 held, and feeling ran rather high. By some the Chinese were regarded as unneces- 
 sary, if not positively injurious, while others predicted that without the introduction 
 of at least 2,000 more the country must inevitably suffer, while many desired South 
 Sea Islanders, some spoke of Portuguese and other Europeans, and not a fe^^derided 
 the idea of Europeans working in this climate. From this great diversity of opinion 
 it will be seen that Honolulu in 1868 was not much different from the Honolulu of 
 the present day. 
 
 JAPANESE. 
 
 During the year 1867-68, a lengthy correspondence was carried on between the 
 board and Mr. Van Reed, the Hawaiian consul, in Japan, touching the value of Japan- 
 ese as laborers likely to remain in the country. Mr. Van Reed having spoken in the 
 highest terms of the industry and docility of these people, their cleanliness, honesty, 
 and adaptibility to the ways of the country, a draft was forv/arded him in March, 1868, 
 for the purpose of sending immigrants here. The consul lost no time in getting to 
 work and soon had nearly 350 people to embark, but the captain of the ScAoto,^ the 
 vessel that had been chartered to bring them here, showed the greatest dilatoriness 
 in getting ready for sea, and a change of Government taking place meanwhile, the 
 
LABOII PKOBLEMS IN IIAWAII. 537 
 
 permission that had been gi^-cn allowing emigrants to depart was witlidrawn. Mr 
 Van Heed, however, finally succeeded in disT)atching the vessel with .148 persons, 
 6 of whom v/ere women, instead of tlie 350 wlio had been first engaged. The Scioto 
 arrived here on the folknving terms: Three years service at montldy wages of $4 per 
 man, the 3() months to be counted from the day they arrived in Honolulu; the laborers 
 •were to be divided into companies of 25 men each; each company to have two head 
 men, who were to receive $1 each month in addition to their pay. There v/as one head 
 man for all the laborers, who received $150 per year, including board. From the time 
 of their leaving Yc»kohama, they were to be supplied by the contractors with food, 
 lodging, and passage, as well as medical attedance. The wages were to be paid in 
 the following manner: On the first day of every month, counting from the day they 
 left Yokohama, one-half their wages was to be paid to them and the remaining half 
 paid by note; but if the laborer should desire to receive this remainder, he was to 
 make known his wish to his employers, through the head man, and the money should 
 ~be paid over to him in exchange for the note. Whatever was due them at the end of 
 their term was to be paid on tJieir arrival at Yokohama, by the Hawaiian consul gen- 
 eral, who was to receive and care for them until they Vv'-ere returned to their homes. 
 The cost of bringing these laborers here was $70 a head, payable by the employers. 
 
 After some time it was found that the laborers did not understand the method of 
 monthly payments, of one-half cash and one-half notes and a change was made whereby 
 they received the whole of their wages monthly in coin. A year or so after the arrival of 
 these immigrants evil reports were circulated in Yokohama, which had their untruthful 
 origin in Honolulu, in regard to the treatment they were receiving here. These reports 
 gave rise in Japan to all sorts of rumors and alarms, and the Government sent a com- 
 mission to Honolulu to investigate them. This commission made a rigid inspection 
 of the conditions of their countrymen and reported to the Japanese Government that 
 all the reports that had been circulated were outrageously false. 
 
 SWEDEN. 
 
 At a meeting of the board held June 8, 1868, a letter was read from a Swedish gentle- 
 man addressed to the Swedish consul in these islands, making inquiries about the 
 feasibility of introducing here some 500 peasants from the north of Sweden. After a 
 lengthy discussion of the board, they decided they were not exactly the immigrants 
 wanted here just then. At this same meeting the subject of the introduction of Por- 
 tuguese laborers from the Azores and the Cape de Verde Islands was again brought 
 up, but notwithstanding their undoubted value as immigrants, it was considered 
 that the bringing of them here was so costly as to make them altogether out of the 
 question. 
 
 On October 2, 1872, Mr. Walter M. Gibson, addressed a letter to the King, inclosing 
 an outline of a plan of an immigration company, to be called the Hawaiian Immigra- 
 tion Co., the object of which was to induce free immigration from China and Japan, 
 and from other countries, especially those of South Eastern Asia. Towards the end 
 of this same month of October, Mr. Gibson, at the invitation of the Chamber of Com- 
 merce of Honolulu, appeared before that body to exlplain his project of immigration, 
 going into the subject at great length, and a week later was again invited by the cham- 
 ber of commerce to give further information. As a result of these addresses, a meeting 
 was called for the purpose of forming an immigration society and Mr. W. L. Green, and 
 Mr. W. M. Gibson were respectively named chairman and secretary. After some debate 
 these gentlemen, with Mr. Charles R. Bishop, were appointed a committee to invite 
 membership. Thus began the Hawaiian Immigration Society, founded November 
 6, 1872, the officers being S. N. Castle, president; W. L. Green, vice president; and 
 W. M. Gibson, secretary. Mr. C. R. Bishop and J. C. Glade with the above-named 
 officers forming the executive committee. As far as bringing immigrants into the 
 country is concerned the society does not seem to have accomplished anything. A 
 report issued by the secretary in July, 1874, shows a membership of 60 individuals and 
 firms, in which number appear the names of the most prominent and influential men 
 in the Kingdom. It contains very valuable statistics as to population, labor, produce, 
 and general possibilities. A table is appended showing a list of plantations, the num- 
 ber, sex, and nationality of those employed, the acrea.ge in sugar cane, acreage of cane 
 land in the neighborhood of each and the race preferred as laborers by the different 
 owners. 
 
 PORTUGUESE. 
 
 In the early part of 1876 opinions seem to have undergone a change regarding the 
 feasibility of iDringing Portuguese laborers here, but no decided steps were taken until 
 a year later, when it was decided that serious steps should be taken regarding immi- 
 
538 LABOR PROBLEMS 11^ HAWAII. 
 
 gration from the Azores. Dr. Hillebrand, being at that time in Maderia, was written 
 to on the subject by J. Mott-Smith, then minister of the interior, and on February 24 a 
 royal commission was sent him appointing him commissioner of immigration, a position 
 he had filled in China in 1865. Mr. Mott-Smith informed him that the Hawaiian 
 minister dt Washington, the Hon. E. H. Allen, has had authority conferred upon him 
 to negotiate a treaty of amitv and commerce with Portugal by which it is hoped that 
 any hindrance which might be interposed to the emigration of the Portuguese subjects 
 to this country, by reason of nontreatv relations between the respective countries may 
 be removed, also the appointment of Mr. J. Perry as Portuguese consul, an appoint- 
 ment that had been made a short time previous placing all Portuguese subjects in 
 direct communication with their own country. Dr. Hillebrand is further informed 
 that the board of immigration will undertake to provide the immigrants with employ- 
 ment for the first year after arrival of at least |15 a month for the men. Mr. Mott- 
 Smith also points out that since the ratification of the reciprocity treaty with the United 
 States, in July of the previous year, the demand for labor by the planters already .»in 
 operation is greatly in excess of the supply, and immigrants, therefore, may count 
 pretty certainly upon immediate employment. Dr. Hillebrind's reply to the letter 
 was favorable as far as the possibilities of immigration was concerned, but he was rather 
 unwilling to take upon himself the duties of commissioner, giving as a pretext the 
 anxieties, labor, and annoyance of the position. 
 
 Mr. Mott-Smith, however, was determined not to give in and wrote once more to 
 the doctor. "It appears to me," he said, "that you are in a position to help us suffi- 
 ciently, and can do so by spreading information concerning our brilliant agricultural 
 prospects and by setting on foot at least one shipment of immigrants." According 
 to this letter, written July 15. 1877, there were then residents on these islands, some 
 500 Portuguese that had drifted here from time to time, and he held out the hope that 
 unmarried women arriving here would at once find husbands. Dr. Hillebrand was 
 authorized to pay toward the passage of any immigrants he might secure, $45 for men 
 and $50 for women and half those sums for children, but, says the minister of the 
 interior, "It is not the intention of the Govern,ment to continue these high premiums 
 or to guarantee $15 per month for the first year, the board being willing to assist 
 persons coming here, but not to guarantee the rate of wages, as iften will find employ- 
 ment at higher or lower wages according to their ability." The outcome of this 
 and subsequent correspondence was that Dr. Hillebrand' s first consignment from 
 Madeira consisted of 80 men, 40 women, and 60 children, who arrived here on the 
 Priscilla, September 30, 1878. 
 
 MICRONESIANS. 
 
 Meantime the South Sea Islands had not been lost sight of, and at a meeting of. the 
 board, July 13, 1877, it was decided to send Capt. Mist to the Southern Islands to 
 facilitate and promote emigration from there. The result of this venture was, that the 
 Storm Bird reached here May 29, 1878, with 86 Micronesians. The cost of bringing 
 these people was $52 per head, and their wages fixed at $5 per month for the men 
 and $4 per month for the women, for the first year of their service, and $6.50 for the men 
 and $5 for the women for the remainder of their term, with board and lodging. 
 
 EAST INDIANS. 
 
 When the Hon. H. A. P. Carter was sent to Europe in 1877, on a diplomatic mission , 
 he was instructed to use his best endeavors to facilitate the bringing of coolies from 
 India as laborers with the ultimate view of their remaining in the islands. Mr. Carter 
 while in England neglected no means to carry out the mshes of the board, but his way 
 was so beset with difficulties that his efforts were of no avail. In view of what is 
 known as Indian coolies, Mr. Carter's failure to obtain them at this time was doubtless 
 a blessing in disguise. 
 
 In June, 1880, Messrs. Castle and Cooke, as agents for several plantations, asked the 
 approval of the board to the sending of Mr. A. L 'Orange to Norway for the purpose of 
 procuring emigrants from that country, which the board agreed to, and on February 
 18, 1881, the Norwegian bark Beta, anchored in Maalaea Bay, Maui, having on board 327 
 adults and 65 children; of the adults 84 were women and each full passage cost $82.50. 
 On May 14 the Musca arrived at Honolulu with 223 more; how many of this lot were 
 women and children, if any, is not reported. 
 
 These immigrants had been here but a short time when they began to find fault 
 and forwarded to their consul a complaint relating to their food and lodging and he 
 in turn sent it to the board of immigration. The board appointed Messrs, Fornander 
 and Widemann to investigate. The report of these gentlemen showed that all the 
 
LABOK PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 539 
 
 alleged grievances were without foundation, and that the people had been wronged 
 in no single instance. The Government of Sweden and Norway also sent out as com- 
 missioner Mr. Grip to look into the matter. lie reached here in October, 1881, and 
 spent five weeks patiently listening to and sifting the many frivolous charges made. 
 Mr. Grip, reporting to his Government, also stated that he found the charges without 
 foundation. He says that among the immigrants there were a great many bad peo- 
 ple — "bummers, from the breweries of Christiana and Drammen. These persons 
 hated work of any kind, and instigated also the good people who otherwise would 
 have kept quiet." That the commissioner found no grievances based upon facts he 
 stated in these words: - 
 
 "I stated to them that it would have been my duty to obtain redress for them with 
 all the means that were at my disposal, in case they had actually suffered injustice. 
 However, not a single such case has come to my knowledge." 
 
 But the evil did not end here. On the statement of two men who had deserted 
 their contract, some European and American papers wrote up what they were pleased 
 to call "Modern slavery" in the Hawaiian Islands. This being reproduced in a 
 German paper caused great indignation among the German residents here, and through 
 a committee consisting of Messrs. Widemann, Glade, and Riemenschneider, presented 
 to Minister of Foreign Affairs Gibson a declaration bearing 106 signatures refuting the 
 misrepresentations contained in these articles, requesting that it be printed, with 
 such comments as the Hawaiian government may see fit to make, and to distribute 
 the same to the Hawaiian consuls abroad for further publication. 
 
 NEGRO LABOR. 
 
 The question of southern labor was discussed at some length by the board at a 
 meeting January 7, 1879, but no action was taken, and in August of that year the firm 
 of J. C. Merritt & Co., of San Francisco, wished the Government to contract with them 
 for the delivery at Honolulu of about 1,000 colored people — men and women — ^but 
 the board having already on its hands as much as it could well attend to with the 
 Portuguese and South Sea Islanders, did not care to extend its field. Nor was public 
 opinion altogether in -favor of these Negroes coming here. (Jan. 2, 1901, a batch of 
 Tennessee Negroes arrived mostly for Maui plantations, but they did not prove at all 
 satisfactory.) 
 
 GERMANS. 
 
 The German bark Cedar arrived here June 18, 1881, bringing the first lot of Germans- 
 to be imported into the islands. There weic 71 men, 19 women, and 34 children in 
 this party. They were brought here by the owners of Lihue plantation, and the 
 board, other than granting the necessary permission, had nothing to do with their 
 introduction. 
 
 GALATIANS. 
 
 October 6, 1898, the German ship H. F. Glade, arrived here with 365 Galacian 
 laborers— 227 men, 46 women, and 92 children — ^and on December 6, the bark J. C. 
 Fluger arrived with four men, one woman, and two children. 
 
 This immigration was not a success. No sooner had the men been shipped to the 
 plantations than they began to make trouble by trying to get out of their contracts. 
 Investigation showed that long before they arrived in the islands plans were formed 
 to avoid fulfilling their contracts. The expense to the Government of this immigra- 
 tion was $6,110. 
 
 AMERICANS. 
 
 During the same year, 1898, the Ewa Plantation Co. brought 14 American laborers 
 with their families to work on the plantation on the profit-sharing system. This 
 did not turji out a success, and, owing to sickness and other reasons, by the end of 
 1899 only nine were still there. 
 
 The foregoing outline of the introduction of labor into the islands is but a small 
 portion of its history. Many interesting incidents and details, as shown by the 
 reports and documents that are filed in the archives, have of necessity been omitted 
 in this condensed sketch. The immigration questions and troubles of the present 
 day bear a close resemblance to those of the past, and as each new lot came in here 
 there was more or less friction. 
 
 The annexation of the islands to the United States, which took place in 1900, put 
 an end to all assisted immigration and excluded all Chinese laborers. The bureau 
 of immigration went out of existence, and from that time until the legislature of 1905 
 passed an "Act to provide for a board of immigration and defining its duties," which 
 
540 LABOR PROBLEMS IX HAWAII. 
 
 act was approved April 24, 1905, the Territory was not a factor in immigration matters, 
 and during this interval there are no Territorial records in connection therewith. 
 Under the immigration laws of the United States it was unlawful for any person, 
 company, partnership, or corporation, to in any way assist and encourage the impor- 
 tation or migration of any alien into the United States in pursuance of any offer made 
 to such alien to perform labor in the United States. It was, however, permissible 
 for States or Territories to advertise the inducements they offer for immigration 
 thereto. 
 
 The primary purpose for which the board of immigration was created by the afore- 
 mentioned act was to promote a settlement of laboring classes in Hawaii, especially 
 from the Azores, Mederia Islands, and from southern Europe. The act creating the 
 board provided that "The board of immigration shall open books and solicit subscrip- 
 tions of money and other material aid from persons or corporations to be used by the 
 board in promoting immigration to this Territory. " 
 
 In accordance with this act the board, consisting at the time of E. D. Tenney, .1. P. 
 Cooke, A. L. C. Atkinson, John Garden, and J. C. Craig, met and organized, April 29, 
 1905. The board immediately undertook to ascertain from the sugar-planting inter- 
 ests their requirements for European labor, particularly Portuguese, and the induce- 
 ments they were prepared to hold for this class of immigrants. The responses to the 
 board's requests were prompt and the inducements offered generous in their terms. 
 Much preliminary work was necessary before active steps could be taken. Superin- 
 tendent of Immigration A. L. C. Atkinson went to Washington to ascertain definitely 
 of the Federal authorities the status and powers of the board. It had been the board's 
 intention that if its plans met with the approval of the Federal authorities for Mr. 
 Az6r?;§°^ to proceed to Europe and ascertain the possibilities of immigration from the 
 Gov. Car'u^ Maderia Islands, from Italy, and Spain. Unfortunately, the illness of 
 Europe "necessitated Mr. Atkinson's recall and delay in starting the work in 
 
 customs for the TerritorT'^^ secured the services of Mr. E. R. Stackable, collector of 
 Stackable obtained leave ^A ^r. E. A. Fraser was also employed to assist him. Mr. 
 Honoluluonhismissionand wafesence from the treasury department, and m May left 
 Washington, where letters and cre^^d m San 1^ rancisco by Mr. Fraser. After visiting 
 the Azores. So successful was this ^^lals were obtained they proceeded direct to 
 of emigrants were ready to embark. '^ ^^^^^ ^^^^^ ^^ October a large shipment 
 
 FURTHER POR'i 
 
 "JGUESE. 
 
 The steamer jSi^^mc was chartered and she an. , ^ tt i i -rx i -. -m/^/. 
 
 with 459 men, 283 women, and 472 children, being^®^^ at Honolulu December 1, 1906, 
 and 110 children under 1 year of age. It was the ope^ye^V ^ ^^^^ ^J ^,^.^^ ^? y®^^^' 
 that the Portuguese of this shipment were the best app^^^P ^\ the board of immigration 
 arrived in Hawaii. The board had solicited and recei™gJotof immigrants that ever i 
 Planters' Association from July 11, 1905, to January 3i;e_d.^™I^_^^^_I^^ 
 1795.80 was expended in connection with the shipment W' 183,088.26, and all but 
 item for transportation was 150,196.02. i^ o^e way or another, the| 
 
 SPANISH. 
 
 Favorable reports having been received concerning the succe • p r^ f o • r. 
 laborers as cane planters impelled the board to instruct its ager^^ ^^ Cuba oi bpanisn 
 possiblities in the district of Malaga, South Spain, where sugar-c^^ *^ investigate the 
 ducted, the result of which was that 608 men, 554 women, and l,t^^f ^-i^ ^^^ is con- 
 of 2,246, arrived on the steamship HeleopoUs April 26, 1907, the tor/^^^^^^^®^' ^ *°*^{ 
 purposes being $143,038.48, and the average cost of each male ii^^ ^"^^^".^^noK 99 
 Later the steamship Kumeric arrived with 333 men, 306 women, ^^^^'^^^ 1235.22. 
 1,114 in all, the total expense of which was $77,628.41, the average co^^^ V^ children, 
 $233.08. St per male being 
 
 In the meantime there had been brought here other than under L ... 
 
 the board during the year of 1905, 6,669 Japanese, 2,573 Koreans )f/^P^.^™i^^. . 
 nationality, as far as the ArchiA^es hai e any record) and during the^*^^® i onft^ +>!' 
 arrived 18,187 Japanese and under the heading "porto Ricans and ot.^®'^^,,-'^^^^ there 
 276 women, and 556 children. ^®^s, 510 m.en, 
 
 In the early part of 1908 the Department of Commerce and Lai 
 
 the board that it might be possible to recruit at the eastern ports of enl^^^ ^l^'^^jj -^ j 
 
 States, admitted aliens for agricultural purposes. Acting on this, the 'fj of the Unitea 
 
 Mr. John J. D. Trenor to represent it in New York. The superintencr*^ .^?P^i^^ 1 
 
 lent of the board 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 541 
 
 ill his report for the period ending February 28, 1909, states: "Mr. Trenor opened his 
 oliice in New York on October 1, 1908, and has since made monthly reports to the 
 board as to tlie progress of his work." 
 
 Mr. Trenor seems to have started out with a grand flourish of trumpets and wound 
 up by handling the Territory a lemon, no particular benefit having been derived 
 from his labors. All further importations of labor under which the board had here- 
 tofore been acting were prohibited by the general immigration act of 1907, which 
 prohibited the further introduction of European unmigrants by means of private 
 contributions made to State or Territorial boards of immigration by corporations. 
 This does not, however, prohibit immigration conducted by States or Territories 
 with funds derived from the general revenue; accordingly the legislature of 1909 
 passed an act (33) "To promote the conservation and development of the natural 
 resources of the Territory, through immigration and other natural means, by impos- 
 ing a tax on incomes and appropriating the proceeds for such purposes." This act 
 provided that in addition to the regular income tax there should be levied annually 
 on incomes over $4,000 an additional tax of 2 per cent._ Section 2 of this same act 
 provided that all corporations other than those of a charitable, religious, educational 
 or scientific nature, fraternal societies, or insurance companies taxed on premium, 
 under another law, should pay annually an additional tax of 2 per cent upon the net 
 profits or incomes above actual operating and business expenses derived during the 
 taxation period defined by the act. The balance of the act provides for the method 
 of payments and expenditures, and the provisions contained therein to expire Decem- 
 ber 31, 1911. Under this act the board of immigration now derives its funds. Imme- 
 diately after the passage of this act, which became a law March 22 of the same year, 
 the board of immigration which had been investigating the desirability and adapta- 
 bility of various European sources of supply proceeded to engage actively in the actual 
 work of introduction. Investigation and experience had proved that Portuguese 
 from Madeira and the Azores were best adapted to the climatic conditions of the 
 Territory and eventually developed into most desirable citizens, A very large number 
 of the Portuguese were already citizens of Hawaii, and upon representations by them 
 that many of their relatives and friends were willing to emigrate to the Territory 
 under the auspices of the board. Accordingly, at a meeting held in May of that year, 
 Mr. A. J. Campbell was selected as special agent of the board to proceed to the Azores 
 and Madeira and arrange at those places for the emigration of such families of desirable 
 agricultural laborers who mxight wish to come here. 
 
 Mr. Campbell left Honolulu June 1, and the result of his mission was the arrival 
 here on December 12, 1909, per steamship Swanley, of 337 men, 221 women, and 310 
 children, a total of 868, costing $80,000. This was only about half the carrying capacity 
 of the vessel, but no more of the class desired could be obtained owing to the attrac- 
 tions offered at that time in Brazil and to the prosperity in the Azores and Madeira, 
 and rather than accept those who were undesirable the vessel departed with this 
 comparative small number, thus greatly increasing the per capita cost. 
 
 Such is a brief history of the introduction of foreign laborers into Hawaii. A full 
 history would make very interesting reading, but it would be a work requiring much 
 more time than can be" given to it at present. Attached hereto is a table showing 
 the number of immigrants arriving in the country from the first lot of coolies in 1852 
 to 1900. FioTa the latter year the archives contains but very incomplete records; 
 none at all from the period of annexation in 1900 to the organization of the present 
 board of immigration in April, 1905; therefore the statistical table ends with the year 
 1899, The am^ounts of the legislative appropriations from tune to time as shown in 
 the table does not include salaries and office expenses but only that for the encourage- 
 ment of immigration. 
 
 R. C. L. 
 
 March 8, 1910. 
 
J 
 
 542 
 
 LABOE PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 Year. 
 
 Chi- 
 nese. 
 
 Japa- 
 nese. 
 
 Portu- 
 guese. 
 
 Ger- 
 mans. 
 
 South 
 Sea 
 
 Island- 
 ers. 
 
 Gali- 
 cians. 
 
 Ameri- 
 cans. 
 
 Norwe- 
 gians. 
 
 Legislative appropri- 
 ations for the en- 
 couragement of im- 
 migration. 
 
 
 Year. 
 
 Amount. 
 
 1852 
 
 293 
 
 64 
 
 12 
 
 61 
 
 23 
 
 14 
 
 13 
 
 171 
 
 21 
 
 2 
 
 13 
 
 8 
 
 9 
 
 613 
 
 117 
 
 210 
 
 51 
 
 78 
 
 305 
 
 223 
 
 61 
 
 48 
 
 62 
 
 151 
 
 1,283 
 
 557 
 
 2,464 
 
 3,652 
 
 2,422 
 
 -3, 898 
 
 1, 367 
 
 4,925 
 
 2,693 
 
 2,924 
 
 338 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1853 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1854 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1855 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 / 
 
 
 
 1856 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1857 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1858. . .. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1859 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1860 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1861 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1882 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1863 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1864 
 
 - 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1864-1866 
 
 $5, 000 
 
 1865 
 
 - 
 
 
 
 39 
 
 
 
 
 1888 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1866-1868 
 
 5,000 
 
 1867. 
 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 
 
 1888 
 
 148 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1868-1870 
 
 30, 000 
 
 1889 
 
 
 
 126 
 22 
 25 
 
 
 
 
 1870 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1870-1872 
 
 15, 000 
 
 1871 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1872 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1872-1874 
 
 
 1873 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1874 
 
 
 
 
 7 
 
 
 
 
 1874-1876 
 
 50, 000 
 
 1875 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1878 
 
 _.^ 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1876-1878 
 
 57, 000 
 
 1877 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1878 
 
 
 
 ■■i,'946" 
 
 979 
 
 1,429 
 
 4,211 
 
 2,035 
 
 3,764 
 
 5,793 
 
 3,129 
 
 4, 063 
 
 3,647 
 
 2,203 
 
 4,516 
 
 758 
 
 9,888 
 
 19, 908 
 
 180 
 
 419 
 
 332 
 
 840 
 
 2,356 
 
 3,812 
 
 1,532 
 
 278 
 
 467 
 
 """i24' 
 
 183 
 
 826 
 
 18 
 
 25 
 
 214 
 
 478 
 793 
 245 
 
 21 
 329 
 120 
 
 21 
 
 
 
 
 1878-1880 
 
 50, 000 
 
 1879 
 
 
 
 
 1880 
 
 
 
 
 1880-1882 
 
 100, 000 
 
 1881 
 
 
 
 615 
 
 1882 
 
 
 
 1882-1884 
 
 500, 000 
 
 1883 
 
 
 
 
 1884 
 
 
 
 
 1884-1886 
 
 390, 000 
 
 1885.^;' 
 
 
 
 
 1885 
 
 
 
 
 1886-1888 
 
 150, 666 
 
 1887 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1888 
 
 
 343 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1888-1890 
 
 30, 000 
 
 1889 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1899 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1890-1892 
 
 60, 000 
 
 1891 
 
 478 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1892 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1892-1994 
 
 10, 000 
 
 1893 
 
 95 
 1,414 
 1,067 
 4, 140 
 2,137 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1894 
 
 367 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1895 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1896 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1897 
 
 
 227 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1898 
 
 
 372 
 
 14 
 
 
 1898-1900 
 
 50, 000 
 
 1899 
 
 24 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Appendix, 1909 to 1913. 
 
 RUSSIANS. 
 
 The efforts to obtain Russian immigration were in the final results rather disastrous, 
 both in the object sought and financially. During the year 1908 the attention of the 
 board of immigration was called to Manchuria as a possible source of a future labor 
 supply. The Russian Government, in its efforts to colonize Manchuria, had offered 
 such inducements that people had flocked there in large numbers and the Government 
 found itself embarrassed in fulfilling its promises. Under these circumstances the 
 board of immigration was given to understand that the Russian Government would 
 not look with disfaA'^or upon an attempt to recruit from that quarter. At this time 
 the board did not seriously consider the idea of obtaining labor from this quarter, 
 but later a number of applications were filed with it for the introduction of a number 
 of families of Russian agricultural laborers, and at a meeting held in August, 1909, 
 to consider the proposition, it was decided to introduce approximately 50 families 
 as a trial lot, and Mr. A. L, C. Atkinson was chosen to proceed to Harbin, accompanied 
 by Mr. A. W. Perelstrons, who some time previous had represented himself to the 
 board as a Russian contractor, familiar with conditions in Manchuria. Mr. Atkinson 
 departed August 30, 1909, accompanied by Mr. Perselstrons, and returned October 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAIL 543 
 
 22, 1909, with 108 men, 67 women, and 79 children, a total of 255. The.^e people were 
 to all appearances, both physically and otherwise (so far as could be determined by 
 the board), the most desirable lot of immig:ra,nts ever introduced. They accepted 
 such employment as was offered them and so highly were they spoken of by their 
 employers that in November of the same year the board decided to introduce some 
 three or four hundred additional families of the same class. Mr. Atkinson was again 
 chosen by the board as its special agent and, again accompanied by Mr. Perel-^trons, 
 he departed for Harbin and its vicinitv November 15. 1909. 
 
 As a result of this second mission 815 men, 333 women, and 387 children, a total of 
 1,535 persons, were introduced into the Territory, 17 of whom were later returned 
 because of reasons which debarred their admission under the immigration act. While no 
 difficulties were experienced with the first lot, it was far different with the second, the 
 first of which arrived here on the steamship Mongolia February 17, 1910, and consisted 
 of 315 Russians. This lot, after having been passed by the Federal immigration 
 inspectors, refused to accept such employm.ent as was offered them, claiming that 
 conditions had been misrepresented and that the cost of living was higher within the 
 Territory and wages were less than they had been given to understand at Harbin. 
 Unquestionably, in the light of subsequent events, these charges were made solely 
 upon the advice of two agitators who seemed to have great influence with these people. 
 
 In the meantime, diphtheria broke out amongst them, and they were removed, at the 
 expense of the board, to quarantine and there cared for. The steamship Ten^/o Maru, 
 arriving February 25, brought a further consignment of 70, composed of men, women, and 
 children, and the steamship Korea, arriving March 7, brought a still further lot of 249 
 men, women, and children. The Tenyo Maru and Korea lots adopted precisely the 
 same attitude as that displayed by the people arriving on the Mongolia, and sickness 
 developed among them, and they were removed to Quarantine Island at the expense 
 of the board; so that from a period extending from February 22 to March 25 there 
 were maintained upon that island all the way from 300 to 600 of these people, while 
 upon Quarantine Island not only was every necessity in the way of medical attend- 
 ance, professional nursing, food, etc., furnished them, but in many instances actual 
 luxuries, especially to the women and children. The total cost of this quarantine 
 to the board amounted to 117,735.79. 
 
 While upon Quarantine Island there was absolutely no change in the attitude of 
 these immigrants; they still maintained that they would not accept plantation ern- 
 ploymeht because of the misrepresentations which had been made them. In this 
 dilemma, the board made a canvass of the city in an endeavor to secure for them as 
 many positions as possible outside of plantation work which could be offered them 
 upon their release from quarantine. 
 
 In the meantime they had employed an attorney to represent them, A great 
 many were under the impression that if they refused to accept employment the 
 Government would have to maintain them, and further would be compelled to pay 
 each adult the sum of 1500 and to repatriate them. It is unquestionably a fact that 
 none wished to be repatriated, but they were undoubtedly extremely anxious to 
 obtain the $500 if possible. Had it been possible for the board to repatriate a dozen 
 or so of the orators of this group, unquestionably no further claims would have been 
 advanced by them regarding misrepresentation, nor would they longer have refused 
 to accept such employment as offered. 
 
 In addition to the employment of counsel, they telegraphed their embassy at 
 Washington to the effect that they were in need of assistance, and Dr. Marques, 
 acting French consul, was requested by cable to investigate the charges made by 
 them in behalf of the Russian Government. A systematic investigation was con- 
 ducted by Dr. Marques which resulted in a vindication of the board and the estab- 
 lishment of the fact that no misrepresentation had been made and that every con- 
 sideration had been shown them. 
 
 After their release from quarantine an investigation was conducted by Gov. Frear. 
 the result of which conclusively proved that no misrepresentation had been made. 
 In the interests of harmony, however, the governor induced the plantation interests 
 to make some special concessions. These concessions were submitted to the immi- 
 grants, and their refusing to consider them or accept employment they were thrown 
 upon their own resources, even their attorney refused longer to deal with them, 
 so unreasonable was their attitude. 
 
 Subsequently, upon the conviction of tw^o or three ring leaders for rioting, the rest 
 of the members who were encamped upon the outskirts of the city gradually accepted 
 employment; many on the plantations and a large number throughout the city. 
 Subsequent lots of these laborers who arrived after the Korea, on March 7, amounting 
 to a total of about 900 people, accepted upon arrival such employment as offered, 
 
544 LABOE PROBLEMS IX HAWAII. 
 
 making no claims that any misrepresentations had been made to them by the repre- 
 sentations of the board in Manchuria. 
 
 The total number of Russians introduced into the Territory amounted to 1,799, at 
 a total cost of $139,021.59, exclusive of the quarantine expenses here of $17,735.79. 
 Of the number introduced, only a little more than 60 per cent accepted plantation 
 employment. 
 
 SPANISH AND PORTUGUESE. 
 
 In August, 1910, the necessity of continued acti\T.ty looking toward the introduc- 
 tion and settlement of agricultural laborers being still imminent, and reports appear- 
 ing to warrant it, the board again decided to send Mr. A. J. Campbell to the Azores 
 with a view of arranging for further shipments of desirable immigrants. Mr. Campbell 
 proceeded direct to Madeira, accompanied by Mr. A. Silva, and there commenced 
 an active campaign. He met with a great measure of success at first, but in the month 
 of October the unsettled condition of the political situation came to a crisis in the shape 
 of a revolution, which completely undid all plans and arrangements, and cholera 
 becoming epidemic in November he turned his attention to other available sources 
 of Portuguese and Spanish labor, and on January 12, 1911, ad%'ised the board that he 
 had chartered the steamship Orteric, which vessel arrived at Honolulu on April 13, 
 1911, v/ith 457 men, 373 women, and 531 children, a total of 1,451 persons. These 
 people appeared of good class and were mostly distributed among the various planta- 
 tions. 
 
 The prospects for being able to obtain another shipment at an early date not being 
 considered favorable, Mr. Campbell returned to Honolulu early in June. There 
 being, however, a steady demand for agricultural laborers, and a general sentiment 
 being in favor of the continued introduction of persons eligible and likely to become 
 citizens, the board continued negotiations in London, thi'ough reliable agents for the 
 chartering of another vessel to bring a further supply of people to the Territory, and 
 on the 18th of July the S. S. WiUesden was obtained for this purpose. Mr. Campbell 
 left Honolulu to resume his work in Europe on July 19th, and as a result of his activ- 
 ities the vessel arrived here on December 3 with 639 men, 480 women, 1,797 persons 
 in all. 
 
 A third shipment of Spanish and Portuguese arrived in Honolulu by the S. S. Har- 
 palion, also a specially chartered vessel, in the month of April, 1912, with 1,450 
 persons, 496 men, 328 women, and 626 children. 
 
 The cost of immigrants brought by the Orteric was $112,341.59, an average cost per 
 male of $205.37 and per capita of $77.42. The cost of those by the Willesden was 
 $109,307.97, an average cost of $171.06 per male and a per capita of $60.82, and those 
 by the Barpalwn, $117,926.13, an average cost per male of $237.75 and a per capita 
 of $81.32. The total cost of the immigrants brought by the three vessels was 
 $339,575.69, an average expense of $72.28 per individual, or $201.88 per adult male. 
 The three vessels brought 1,682 men, 1,101 women, and 1,915 children, 4,689 in all, 
 from which number, however, 20 must be deducted who were returned to their homes 
 by the board for various reasons. 
 
 FURTHER RUSSIAN IMMIGRATION. 
 
 After some preliminary correspondence touching upon Russian immigration to 
 Hawaii generally, the board of immigration during the month of July, 1911, entered 
 into an agreement with the International Immigration and Colonization Association 
 for the introduction of small parties of Russian immigrants. This agreement was in 
 existence up to April 19, 1912, when the board notified the association of its unwilling 
 ness to further continue its work in Manchuria. During the period in which the 
 agreement existed, 266 Russians were brought into the Territory at a cost to the 
 Government of $16,055.10, an average cost per male of $140.83 and a per capita of 
 $60.35. The total number of Russians introduced since the commencement of this! 
 work in 1909 was 2,056, comprised of 1,038 men, 457 women, and 561 children, at a 
 cost of $177,963.16, an average cost per male of $171.44 and a per capita of $86.55. It 
 was estimated that of the total number introduced there were remaining in the Terri 
 tory, June 30, 1912, some 1,085, most of whom, however, engaged upon general work 
 throughout the country other than that supplied or offered by the plantations, and a 
 considerable number oi these have since left. For the year ending June 30, 1917, the 
 Hawaiian Sugar Planters' Association reported but 49 Russians as being employed 
 on the plantations. 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 545 
 
 SPANISH AND PORTUGUESE. 
 
 It was earnestly desired by the board to continue its policy of steadily in(,Teasing 
 n Hawaii the number of persons of the Caucasian race accustomed to agricultural 
 Dursuits. Accordingly Mr. Raymond 0. Brown, who had succeeded Mr. Campbell 
 IS the board's agent in Europe, was instructed in the latter part of 1912 to make ar- 
 rangement for the chartering of one or more vessels to bring Spanish and Portuguese 
 immigrants to the Territory. As a result of his efforts the steamships Willcsden and 
 Ascot were obtained for the service. The Willesden arrived at Honolulu on March 30, 
 L913, and the Ascot on June 4, 1913, the former vessel landing 1,377 persons — 491 men, 
 377 women, and 509 children — and the latter landing 1,283 persons — 424 men, 327 
 women, and 532 children, those arriving by the Ascot being entirely of Spanish 
 descent. The cost of the immigrants brought by the Willesden was $177,061.81, an 
 average cost per male of 1360.61 and a per capita of $130.38. The cost of those brought 
 by the Ascot was $140,695.80, an average cost of $331.83 per male and a per capita of 
 1109.66. Of the total number of persons landed, amounting to 2,660, 24 children 
 died and 57 immigrants were returned. With the exception of a party of 17 Poles, 
 who arrived at Honolulu in November, 1913, nothing further has been done by the 
 board to bring immigrants into the Territory, lack of funds and the war in Europe 
 being the main factors in bringing about this result. 
 
 APPENDIX IV. 
 
 Statistics showing — 
 
 1. The population of the Territory of Hawaii by races, sex, and citizenship. (Com- 
 piled from records of the Bureau of the Census.) 
 
 2. The aliens admitted to and departing from the Territory of Hawaii between the 
 years of 1910 and 1921, inclusive, by races. (Compiled from records of the Bureau of 
 Immigration.) 
 
 3. Distribution, by age and race, of children in the Territory of Hawaii of or below 
 the age of 21 years on January 1, 1920. (Compiled from records of the Bureau of 
 the Census.") 
 
 The population of the Territory of Hawaii. 
 
 Race. 
 
 Hawaiian 
 
 Caucasian-Hawaiian 
 Asiatic-Hawaiian. . . 
 
 Portuguese 
 
 Porto Rican 
 
 Spanish , 
 
 Other Caucasian 
 
 Chinese 
 
 Japanese 
 
 Korean , 
 
 Filipino 
 
 Negro and all other. . 
 
 Total 
 
 Male. 
 
 11,990 
 
 5,528 
 
 3,524 
 
 13, 737 
 
 3,133 
 
 1,326 
 
 12,309 
 
 16, 197 
 
 62,644 
 
 3,498 
 
 16,851 
 
 409 
 
 151, 146 
 
 Female. 
 
 11,733 
 5,544 
 3,431 
 
 13, 265 
 2,469 
 1,104 
 7,399 
 7,310 
 
 46,630 
 
 1,452 
 
 4,180 
 
 249 
 
 104, 766 
 
 Total. 
 
 23,723 
 11,072 
 
 6,955 
 27,002 
 
 5,602 
 
 2, 430 
 
 19, 70S 
 
 23,507 
 
 109, 274 
 
 4,950 
 
 21,031 
 
 658 
 
 255,912 
 
 Citizen. 
 
 23,723 
 11, 072 
 
 6.955 
 22; 346 
 
 5,602 
 
 1,145 
 17,542 
 12, 728 
 49, 016 
 
 1,518 
 
 21,031 
 
 559 
 
 173, 237 
 
 Alien. 
 
 4,656 
 
 1,285 
 
 2,166 
 
 10, 779 
 
 60, 258 
 
 3,432 
 
 99 
 
 82, 675 
 
 56754 — 21 — SER 7, pt 1- 
 
 22. 
 
546 
 
 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 Aliens admitted to and departing from the Territory of Hawaii between the years 1910 and 
 
 1921, inclusive. 
 
 Race of people. 
 
 1910 
 
 1911 
 
 1912 
 
 1913 
 
 1914 
 
 1915 
 
 In. 
 
 Out. 
 
 In. 
 
 Out. 
 
 In. 
 
 Out. 
 
 In. 
 
 Out. 
 
 In. 
 
 Out. 
 
 In. 
 
 Out. 
 
 African (black). 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 6 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 
 1 
 
 Armenian 
 
 1 
 
 2 
 
 1 
 
 91 
 
 
 
 
 
 Bohemian 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Bulgarian 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Clunese 
 
 Croatian and 
 Slovenian 
 
 478 
 
 130 
 
 370 
 
 114 
 3 
 5 
 
 253 
 
 143 
 
 230 
 
 129 
 
 198 
 
 Ill 
 
 183 
 
 Dutch and 
 
 Flemish 
 
 East Indian 
 
 3 
 
 227 
 
 46 
 
 ""'19' 
 
 1 
 70 
 67 
 
 
 2 
 
 6 
 6 
 
 81 
 1 
 3 
 
 19 
 1 
 1 
 8 
 2 
 4,082 
 
 45 
 
 1 
 
 '""49' 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 68 
 
 1 
 
 ""iQ 
 
 4 
 
 1 
 
 46 
 
 i 
 
 English 
 
 Finnish 
 
 32 
 
 73 
 1 
 2 
 
 23 
 1 
 
 35 
 2 
 
 5" 
 
 1 
 
 41 
 
 French. . . 
 
 2 
 
 67 
 6 
 3 
 13 
 1 
 1,239 
 7 
 
 2 
 12 
 
 'i'632" 
 
 108 
 
 4 
 
 1 
 
 5 
 20 
 1 
 1 
 3 
 2 
 1,883 
 8 
 
 1 
 
 5 
 
 25 
 
 3 
 
 16 
 1 
 
 6' 
 
 1 
 
 216 
 
 32 
 
 ""21" 
 
 1 
 1 
 
 20 
 
 2 
 
 3,817 
 
 92 
 
 6 
 6 
 6 
 
 2 
 
 17 
 
 1 
 
 2 
 
 German 
 
 Greek 
 
 1 
 
 Hebrew 
 
 
 Irish 
 
 
 10 
 
 3 
 
 3 
 1 
 
 215 
 30 
 
 3 
 1 
 
 2,025 
 
 78 
 
 6 
 
 Italian 
 
 
 Japanese 
 
 Korean 
 
 Mexican 
 
 912 
 
 32 
 
 2,818 
 17 
 
 517 
 40 
 
 100 
 37 
 
 Pacificlslander 
 
 ""u 
 
 864 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 3 
 
 228 
 
 ....... 
 
 1 
 
 17 
 13 
 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 Polish 
 
 6 
 
 548 
 
 1 
 3 
 
 7 
 1,114 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 Portuguese 
 
 Rumanian 
 
 33 
 
 2 
 1 
 6 
 
 1 
 31 
 
 32 
 
 Russian 
 
 Scandinavian . . 
 Scotch 
 
 1,542 
 3 
 
 58 
 
 4 
 3 
 6 
 
 202 
 
 1 
 
 64 
 
 7 
 
 2 
 
 15 
 
 9 
 3 
 
 234 
 
 6 
 
 65 
 
 23 
 
 4 
 
 16 
 
 99 
 
 7 
 73 
 
 90 
 
 1 
 
 17 
 
 14 
 3 
 
 54 
 
 119 
 1 
 
 30 
 
 96 
 
 2 
 
 24 
 
 Slovak 
 
 
 Spanish 
 
 Turkish 
 
 1 
 5 
 1 
 1 
 
 
 868 
 
 2,156 
 
 2 
 
 1,043 
 
 3 
 
 1,362 
 
 49 
 
 3 
 
 31 
 
 Welsh 
 
 
 3 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 3 
 
 
 2 
 
 1 
 
 
 1 
 
 West Indian 
 
 
 Other peoples.. 
 
 
 1 
 
 4 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 • 1 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Grand total.. 
 
 4,186 
 
 2,267 
 
 3,886 
 
 1,421 
 
 6,654 
 
 907 
 
 5,87 
 
 682 
 
 5,622 
 
 747 
 
 2,934 
 
 561 
 
 Race or people. 
 
 1916 
 
 1917 
 
 1918 
 
 1919 
 
 1920 
 
 Net. 
 
 In. 
 
 Out. 
 
 In. 
 
 Out. 
 
 In. 
 
 Out. 
 
 In. 
 
 Out. 
 
 In. 
 
 Out. 
 
 Loss. 
 
 Net. 
 
 African (black). 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 Armenian 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 Bohemian 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 5 
 
 Bulgarian 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 Chinese 
 
 Croatian and 
 Siovenian 
 
 119 
 
 104 
 
 141 
 
 Ill 
 
 101 
 
 209 
 
 72 
 
 266 
 
 107 
 
 345 
 
 1,489 
 
 3 
 
 Cuban 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 2 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 Dutch and 
 
 Flemish..' 
 
 East Indian 
 
 2 
 1 
 
 76 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 3 
 
 1 
 23 
 
 
 5 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 29 
 
 307 
 
 English 
 
 Finnish 
 
 29 
 
 71 
 5 
 2 
 
 16 
 4 
 4 
 
 ,6 
 
 28 
 
 35 
 
 48 
 
 33 
 
 128 
 
 38 
 
 
 340 
 5 
 
 French 
 
 16 
 
 22 
 2 
 1 
 
 18 
 
 2 
 
 1 
 
 6" 
 
 
 1 
 2 
 
 
 3 
 
 2 
 
 3 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 '""'is' 
 
 20 
 
 German 
 
 151 
 
 Greek 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 Hebrew 
 
 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 14 
 
 2 
 
 2,138 
 
 45 
 
 
 13 
 
 Irish 
 
 5 
 
 8 
 
 2 
 
 5 
 
 5 
 
 2,384 
 
 66 
 
 1 
 14 
 
 3 
 
 
 73 
 
 Italian 
 
 13 
 
 Japanese 
 
 Korean 
 
 Mexican 
 
 2,797 
 80 
 
 58 
 24 
 
 3,178 
 116 
 
 84 
 34 
 
 2.856 
 
 ' 78 
 
 249 
 57 
 
 229 
 
 7 
 
 4' 
 
 25,409 
 219 
 
 Pacificlslander 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 1 
 1 
 1 
 
 
 2 
 
 Polish 
 
 4 
 2 
 
 
 1 
 39 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 46 
 
 Portuguese 
 
 81 
 
 6 
 
 
 i2 
 
 
 3 
 
 ;. :::i ■- " 
 
 2,558 
 
 Rumanian 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Russian 
 
 Scandinavian . . 
 
 12 
 
 8 
 29 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 22 
 
 9 
 
 8 
 
 30 
 
 65 
 ""12 
 
 6 
 
 6 
 
 13 
 
 61 
 
 2 
 
 25 
 
 5 
 
 2 
 
 22 
 
 8 
 ...... 
 
 10 
 
 5 
 
 114 
 
 14 
 
 
 1,650 
 33 
 
 Scotch 
 
 20 
 
 9" 
 
 356 
 
 Slovak 
 
 
 Spanish 
 
 
 63 
 
 4 
 
 25 
 
 1 
 
 18 
 
 
 
 
 
 5,243 
 
 Spanish-Ameri- 
 can 
 
 2 
 1 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 Syrian 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 Turkish 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 5 
 
 Welsh 
 
 1 
 
 
 2 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 i' 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 
 12 
 
 West Indian... 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Other peoples . . 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Grand total . . 
 
 3,194 
 
 394 
 
 3,607 
 
 405 
 
 3,100 
 
 674 
 
 2,619 
 
 511 
 
 2,578 
 
 659 
 
 
 34,989 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 547 
 
 Distribution, by age and race, on Jan. 1, 1920. 
 
 CHILDREN BELOW AGE OF 12 YEARS. 
 
 Age in years 
 on Jan. 1, 
 1920. 
 
 Eh 
 
 •a 
 
 w 
 
 8» 
 
 CO 
 <1 
 
 
 
 
 
 ft 
 
 Si 
 
 
 
 
 
 03 
 
 i 
 
 
 
 M 
 
 6 
 
 •ft 
 
 a 
 
 Negro and 
 all other. 
 
 1 
 
 7,980 
 7,961 
 7,409 
 6,641 
 6,765 
 6, 789 
 6,084 
 5,532 
 5,025 
 4,764 
 4,457 
 
 548 
 500 
 473 
 484 
 492 
 595 
 484 
 473 
 474 
 440 
 436 
 
 469 
 402 
 416 
 407 
 384 
 406 
 393 
 344 
 361 
 313 
 310 
 
 432 
 400 
 346 
 321 
 330 
 320 
 291 
 255 
 236 
 202 
 195 
 
 948 
 958 
 
 974 
 847 
 917 
 
 926 
 893 
 783 
 752 
 782 
 720 
 
 166 
 186 
 173 
 177 
 151 
 180 
 212 
 176 
 162 
 181 
 153 
 
 93 
 
 87 
 91 
 84 
 99 
 84 
 82 
 76 
 75 
 89 
 83 
 
 281 
 255 
 226 
 236 
 239 
 249 
 258 
 224 
 224 
 194 
 202 
 
 602 
 .565 
 604 
 544 
 566 
 573 
 443 
 506 
 432 
 444 
 362 
 
 3, 875 
 4,052 
 3,567 
 3,075 
 3,135 
 3,168 
 2,677 
 2,424 
 2,120 
 1, 906 
 1,827 
 
 175 
 
 168 
 
 130 
 
 106 
 
 110 
 
 83 
 
 78 
 
 65 
 
 56 
 
 65 
 
 48 
 
 353 
 366 
 391 
 347 
 326 
 280 
 250 
 191 
 119 
 133 
 107 
 
 18 
 
 2:::...:.... 
 
 22 
 
 3 
 
 18 
 
 4 
 
 13 
 
 5 
 
 16 
 
 6 
 
 15 
 
 7 
 
 23 
 
 8 
 
 15 
 
 9 
 
 14 
 
 10 
 
 15 
 
 11 
 
 14 
 
 
 
 Total-... 
 
 69, 387 
 
 5,309 
 
 4,205 
 
 3, 328 
 
 9,500 
 
 1,917 
 
 943 
 
 2,588 
 
 5,641 
 
 31, 826 
 
 1,084 
 
 2,883 
 
 183 
 
 CHILDREN BETWEEN AGES OF 12 AND 18 YEARS, INCLUSIVE. 
 
 12 
 
 4,526 
 4,256 
 4,057 
 3,936 
 3,927 
 3,891 
 4,189 
 
 484 
 488 
 481 
 435 
 435 
 426 
 392 
 
 317 
 312 
 300 
 
 283 
 248 
 245 
 
 228 
 
 202 
 179 
 182 
 126 
 138 
 132 
 133 
 
 744 
 668 
 640 
 672 
 627 
 592 
 555 
 
 177 
 149 
 155 
 143 
 150 
 107 
 80 
 
 75 
 68 
 63 
 65 
 48 
 43 
 55 
 
 198 
 206 
 195 
 175 
 
 188 
 187 
 499 
 
 398 
 363 
 409 
 398 
 379 
 400 
 387 
 
 1,753 
 1,657 
 1,481 
 1,492 
 1,595 
 1, 633 
 1,556 
 
 53 
 45 
 35 
 43 
 32 
 23 
 28 
 
 110 
 
 110 
 
 101 
 
 93 
 
 75 
 
 90 
 
 263 
 
 16 
 
 13 
 
 11 
 
 U 
 
 15 
 
 15 
 
 11 
 
 16 
 
 12 
 
 17 
 
 13 
 
 18 
 
 13 
 
 
 
 Total.. 
 
 28,782 
 
 3,141 
 
 1,933 
 
 1,092 
 
 4,498 
 
 961 
 
 417 
 
 1,648 
 
 2,734 
 
 11, 167 
 
 259 
 
 842 
 
 90 
 
 CHILDREN BETWEEN AGES OF 19 AND 21 YEARS, INCLUSIVE. 
 
 19 
 
 4,702 
 4,762 
 4,681 
 
 503 
 449 
 392 
 
 228 
 220 
 194 
 
 147 
 90 
 
 106 
 
 540 
 
 458 
 428 
 
 47 
 60 
 59 
 
 30 
 35 
 33 
 
 846 
 533 
 659 
 
 336 
 353 
 309 
 
 1,579 
 1,537 
 1,423 
 
 36 
 40 
 
 58 
 
 397 
 986 
 990 
 
 13 
 
 a) 
 
 1 
 
 21 
 
 10 
 
 
 
 Total.. 
 
 14, 125 
 
 1,344 
 
 642 
 
 343 
 
 1,426 
 
 166 
 
 98 
 
 2,038 
 
 998 
 
 4,539 
 
 134 
 
 2,373 
 
 24 
 
 RECAPITULATION. 
 
 1-11 
 
 69,387 
 28, 782 
 14, 125 
 
 5,309 
 3,141 
 1,344 
 
 4,205 
 
 1,933 
 
 642 
 
 3,328 
 
 1,092 
 
 343 
 
 9,500 
 4,49S 
 1,426 
 
 1,917 
 
 951 
 166 
 
 943 
 417 
 
 98 
 
 2,588 
 1,648 
 2,038 
 
 5,641 
 
 2, 734 
 
 998 
 
 31, 826 
 
 11, 167 
 
 4,539 
 
 1,084 
 259 
 134 
 
 2,863 
 
 842 
 
 2,373 
 
 183 
 
 12-18 
 
 90 
 
 19-21 
 
 24 
 
 
 
 Total.. 
 
 112, 294 
 
 9,794 
 
 6,780 
 
 4,763 
 
 15,424 
 
 3,044 
 
 1,458 
 
 6,274 
 
 9,373 
 
 47, 532 
 
 1,477 
 
 6,078 
 
 297 
 
 X 
 

 r^ 
 
 '^^VtC^A-C^ 
 
 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAW A 
 
 w^ 
 
 HEARINGS 
 
 BEFORE 
 
 THE COMMITTEE ON 
 IMMIGRATION AND NATURALIZATION 
 
 HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES 
 
 y. : 
 
 SIXTY-SEVENTH CONGRESS 
 
 FIRST SESSION 
 
 ON 
 
 A JOINT RESOLUTION PROVIPING AN EMERGENCY 
 
 REMEDY FOR THE ACUTE LABOR 
 
 SHORTAGE IN HAWAII 
 
 AND ON 
 
 • «l o 
 
 . 171 
 
 JOINT RESOLUTION PROVIDING FOR IMMIGRATION TO MEET THE 
 EMERGENCY CAUSED BY AN ACUTE LABOR SHORTAGE 
 IN THE TERRITORY OF HAWAII 
 
 Serial 7— Part 2 
 
 JULY 22, 27, AND 29; AUGUST 1, 2, 3, 4, 10, and 12, 1921 
 
 STATEMENTS OF 
 
 V. S. McClatchy, 
 J. V. A. MacMurray, 
 Henry T. Oxnard, 
 John M. Rogers, 
 George W. Wright, / 
 C. C. Hamlin, 
 Samuel Gompers, 
 
 Walter F. Dillingham, , 
 
 J. K. Kalanianaole, 
 
 Royal D. Mead, 
 
 Wilmot R. Chilton, 
 
 Harry Irwin, 
 
 Charles F. Chillingworth. 
 
 9 
 
 •56754 
 
 WASHINGTON 
 
 GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 
 
 1921 
 
COMMITTEE ON IMMIGRATION AND NATURALIZATION. 
 
 House of Representatives. 
 
 sixty-seventh congress. 
 
 ALBERT JOHNSON, WasMngton, Chairman. 
 ISAAC SIEGEL, New York. ADOLPH J. SABATH, Illinois. 
 
 J. WILL TAYLOR, Tennessee. JOHN E. RAKER, California. 
 
 JOHN C. KLECZKA, Wisconsin. RILEY J. WILSON, Louisiana. 
 
 WILLIAM N. VAILE, Colorado. JOHN C. BOX, Texas. 
 
 HAYS B. WHITE, Kansas. L. B. RAINEY, Alabama. 
 
 GUY L. SHAW, Illinois. 
 ROBERT S. MALONEY, Massachusetts. 
 ARTHUR M. FREE, California. 
 JOHN L. CABLE, Ohio. 
 
 P. F. Snyder, Clerk. 
 II 
 
INDEX. 
 
 Page, 
 American Association of Engineers, Honolulu Chapter, communication 
 
 from 86S 
 
 American Federationist, quotation from i_ 673 
 
 American P'ederation of Labor, com.munications from organizations of 
 
 (Appendix III) 93S 
 
 American Legion, Department of Hawaii, comnumication from com- 
 mander of 863 
 
 American Legion, Department of Hawaii, communications to and from_ 620, 621 
 Atlantic Monthly, quotation from, with reference to tlie Japanese in 
 
 Hawaii 795 
 
 Board of Trade, Hilo, communication from 863 
 
 Cable, Hon. John L., statement by 788 
 
 Cane-sugar industry. Department of Commerce Report on, quoted by 
 
 Witness Oxnard 614 
 
 Cheatliam, Elmer M., homesteader, comnumication from 864 
 
 Chilton, Wilmot R., statement by : 759 
 
 Cliina, Republic of, quotation from emigrant labor laws of (Appendix II )_ 930 
 
 ^'olorado Springs P^venlng Telegrapli, quotation from 670 
 
 polumbus Welfare Club. Honolidu. connntmication from 863 
 
 ommissioner General of Innnigration, commtmication from, read by 
 
 Mr. Raker 587 
 
 Constittitionality of resolution disctissed : 
 
 Chairman Albert Jolinson . 626 
 
 (Jommittee at large 780 
 
 Representative John L. Cable 788 
 
 Harry Irwin, attorney general of the Territory of Hawaii 869 
 
 Contract made by sugar plantation laborers, sample of . 723 
 
 Cuba, quantity and valtie of stignr imported from 589 
 
 Huba, number of Chinese employed in 585 
 
 Daughters and Sons of Hawaiian Warriors, communication from 864 
 
 I>epartment of Commerce, report pitblished by, with reference to sugar 
 
 crops 792 
 
 Dillingham. Walter F., statements by 862,917 
 
 Farr, John, conuuunication from 720 
 
 Filipino Laborers' Association, resoltitions by 734 
 
 Foreign language press control bill, enacted by the Legislature of the 
 Territory of Hawaii : 
 
 Quoted by Representative Free 737 
 
 Opposed by American Federation of Labor 740 
 
 Fuller, W. P., »S: Co., connnunication from : 867 
 
 (Gentlemen's agreement, quoted by Witness MacMurray 552 
 
 Cxompers, Sanmel, int.<r'rview of .lulv 11, 1921, statements bv 621, 625, 653 
 
 695, 717, 797. 842 
 
 Hamlin. (\ C, statement by 663. 
 
 Hawaii p]mergency Laboi- Connnission, statement by 918: 
 
 Hawaii Laborers' Association (of Japanese), statement by, with refer- 
 ence to strike of 1920 " -. N2T 
 
 Hawaii, quantity and value of sugar imported from 589 
 
 Hawaii, resume of industrial and connuercial development, presented bv 
 
 Mr. Box 616 
 
 Hawaii, occupation statistics, 1920^ -* 571 
 
 Hawaiian Civic Club, commtmication from 863 
 
 Hindie, W. W., comnumication from 866. 
 
 Ill 
 
 1) 
 
IV - INDEX. 
 
 Page. 
 
 Hilt, ('oii.^rcssiiiaii. (jaoteHl })y WitDess ('liirii!i.'4W()rL)i 570 
 
 Hoiuthilu Advertiser, quotations from 656,680,734 
 
 Honolulu St:ir-Buneti!i. quotations from 692 
 
 Horst, E. C. connnunication from 865 
 
 Howes, Frank, president of Honolulu Welding & Macliine ('o., eomnumi- 
 
 eation from 86::^ 
 
 Irish, John P., communications from 602 
 
 Irwin. Harry, statement by 869 
 
 Japanese associations of KaJiuku and Oahu, expulsion of members of, re- 
 ferred to by Cliairmaji Johnson * 559 
 
 Japanese contributions to expenses of delegates from American Federa- 
 tion of Labor organizations in Hawaii : 
 
 Denied by Mr. George W. Wright 7-13 
 
 Admitted by Mr. George W. Wright 745-748 
 
 Statement by Mr. WTimot R. Chilton 746-759 
 
 Japanese Exclusion League of California, communication from 550 
 
 Japanese Federation of Laboi-. statement bv, with reference to strike of 
 
 1920 1 827 
 
 Japanese in Hawaii, quotation from Atlantic jNIonthly 795 
 
 Japanese Laborers' Federation of Hawaii, by-laws of, quoted l)y Cliair- 
 
 man Johnson 558 
 
 Jaj)anese picture brides, number of admitted to Hawaii 560 
 
 Japanese plantation laborers, strike of. during 1920: 
 
 Discussed by Mr. George W. Wright 705 
 
 Statement by Hawaii Lal)orers' Association (of Japanese), with ref- 
 erence to 827 
 
 Kaaliumanu Society, oonnnuni^'ation from 863 
 
 Kalanianaole, Hon. J. K., statements by 676,926 
 
 Kinney, W. A., communicaticm from 864 
 
 Lal)oi' lieview of Hawaii, quotations from 646, 790 
 
 liOuisiana. quantity of sugar produced in 589 
 
 Louisiana Plantei- and Sugar Manufacturer, article from, quoted by Wit- 
 ness Rogers 613 
 
 MaclNIurra.v, J. Y. A., statement of 552 
 
 Manlapit, Pablo, communication from 734 
 
 McClatchy, Y. S., connnunications from 549, 619 
 
 Mead. Royal D., statement by 899 
 
 Mexican labor, orders of Department of Labor concerning 587 
 
 North Hilo Civic Club, comnumication from 864 
 
 Oxnard, Henry T., statement of 575 
 
 Philippines, quantity and value of sugar imported from 589 
 
 Porto Rico, quantity and value of .sugar produced in 592 
 
 Rogers. John M,, statement of 602 
 
 Secretary of Labor, communication from 624 
 
 Secretary of State, conniumlcation from 928 
 
 Sugar producti(m of Cuba, Llawaii, Louisiana. Phillippines, and United 
 
 States - 58S 
 
 Uchida, Y., quoted by Chairman Johnson 551 
 
 LTniversity of Illinois Alumni, of Hawaii, communication from 865 
 
 Waiakea Homesteaders' Association, communication from 86.^ 
 
 Wall Street Journal, quotations from 66-] 
 
 Waller, Gilbert J., jr., communication from 86( 
 
 Welch, Charles J., communication from 72( 
 
 Withington, Leonard, communications from 61J 
 
 Wright, George W. : 
 
 Statements by 631,679.701 
 
 Statements by, with reference to Japanese contributions to his ex- 
 penses 743, 745. 7-4<^ 
 
 Supplementary statement by 75^ 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 . Committee on Immigration and IN'aturalization, 
 
 House of Representatives, 
 
 Friday, July 22^ 1921. 
 
 The committee met at 10 o'clock a. m., Hon. Albert Johnson 
 (chairman) presiding. 
 
 The Chairman. I am informed by the Public Printer, Mr. Carter, 
 that a misprint, in the omission of the word " not " after the w^ord 
 ''shall," in line 1, page 2, in House joint resolution 171 has been 
 corrected and that a star print has been made, w^hich permits the 
 resolution to retain the same number. It is before us in corrected 
 form, and without objection this statement will be sufficient notice. 
 The clerk w^ill so note in the minutes. 
 
 The Chair took the liber t}^ of wiring Mr. V. S. McClatchy, of 
 Sacramento, wdio has appeared before this committee several times 
 with information concerning the Japanese question not only in the 
 Ignited States but in Hawaii, asking him for a statement. This 
 morning I have received from him a telegraphic statement of about 
 600 w^ords, wdiich I Avill read to the committee [reading] : 
 
 111 response to your request for telegraphic statement on Hawa ian s tuat:oii, 
 this statement represents personal views only. I do not speak in this case for 
 Japanese Exclusion League of California, whose executive committee has uni- 
 formly declined to take part in any controversy not clearly w.thin its declared 
 purpose. Comprehensive advices and data from Hawaii' and personal inter- 
 course with prominent people from there assure me that hest informed intelli- 
 gence in the Territory anjong Americans an;] white and native Hawaians is 
 now pi-actically a unit in recogniz'ng the impending certainty of economic and 
 political and rjicial control of the Territory by Japanese unless Congress acts 
 promptly and effectively. That sentiment is remarkable because it is exactly 
 contrary to that held by the same people up to, say, one year ago. They then 
 critic zed and derided my statement of facts and warnings; they now indorse 
 them, though not ;dl will clo so publicly. I assume facts are before you in 
 statem.ents of two commiss ons sent by territorial legislators. 
 
 The change in sentiment was brought about partly by the determined fight 
 of the Japanese to maintain separate Japanese schools, which a survey by 
 commissions of the United States Department of Education, after investiga- 
 tion, declared should be abolished as un-American if not anti-American, but 
 principally through facts brought to liglit in the sugar-plantation strike of 
 last year. Whites and native Hawaiians were oismjiyed by the almost per- 
 fect solidarity shown by Japanese, even Hawaiian-born Japanese, in carrying 
 out a strike Vv-hich evidently had for its ultimate object d'spossess on of whites 
 on the sugar plantatiorss and securing control and ownership of all valuable 
 lands by the Japanese. 
 
 Their objective was precsely the same as that exposed in California, where 
 they have already secured one-eighth of all the State's rich irrigated lands 
 and are determined by holding through American-born children and by the 
 presentation of diplomatic demands at Washington to secure control of un- 
 limited acreage. With a few solitary and notable exceptions, all Hawaiian- 
 born Japanese enjoying American citizenship and generally claimed to have 
 been assimilated through contact with American institutions aided actively or 
 
 549 
 
550 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 tacitly, and either willingly or under duress, llii!-^ monster conspiracy to estab- 
 lish Japanese supremacy in Hawaii . 
 
 We have known for the past tw^o years Hawaii could not receive statehood 
 because of conditions clearly pointed out in my several statements before your 
 committee. Recently it has been conceded the Territorial form of government 
 must be replaced in time by a Federal commission. Now it appears radical 
 action must be taken immediately by Congress if Hawaii is to be anything 
 but a Japanese colony. 
 
 What makes the situation more serious is that Hawaii is our protective out- 
 post in the Pacific. Hawaii, which has at last awakened to the danger, claims 
 that legislation aslved by her from Congress in the special rehabilitation and 
 immigration acts furnishes the best practical remedy. 
 
 I do not pretend to say and do not appear as proponent of either measure. 
 I deem it a duty to say that facts which I assume are also before your com- 
 mittee justify the conclusion herein expressed, to wit, that if Hawaii is to be 
 saved, prompt action by Congress is necessary ; that if the plan suggested by 
 Hawaii is ^lefective or objectionable, Congress should substitute another which 
 will accomplish the result ; that the American public, when it learns the facts, 
 will not be satisfied with side-stepping or negative action ; that conditons being 
 radically different in Hawaii and the situation critical, it may be not only 
 proper but necessary to adopt policies there which are neither desirable nor 
 necessary in continental United States ; and that neither class prejudice or 
 class interest should be permitted to block the adoption of policies or measures 
 if it be demonstrated beyond reasonable question they are necessary to main- 
 tain American white control permanently in Hawaii. 
 
 The Chairman. Mr. McClatchy sends another telegram, which 
 carries a statement with reference to the riots and the driving out 
 of Japanese from the town of Tiirlok, Calif., signed by the Japa- 
 nese Exclusion League of California, by J. M. Inman, president, and 
 J. S. Chambers, chairman executive committee. 
 
 Mr. McClatchy calls attention to the fact that in his statement 
 of July, 1920, page 206 of hearings, he told the House Committee on 
 Immigration and Naturalization that continuance of existing con- 
 ditions must change present economic problem due to presence of 
 Japanese into racial conflict, since whites would not quietly submit to 
 displacement by an alien unassimilable race under lower wage scale 
 and with lower living standards. This committee was at Turlock 
 last year and is familiar with the situation. Mr. McClatchy says 
 the present incident illustrates the absolute necessity for prompt 
 Federal action in the matter of exclusion. 
 
 He sent the following statement, issued by the Japanese Ex- 
 clusion League of California, yesterday: 
 
 STATEMENT OP JAPANESE EXCLUSION LEAGUE OF CALIFORNIA. 
 
 San Feancisco, July 21, 1921. 
 The Japanese Exclusion Lea.uue of California deprecates and condemns the 
 violation of law and tieaty right by mob at Turlock in expelling, withoiiv 
 violence, however, Japanese who were working in cantaloupe fields of that 
 district. The exclusion league is obligated publicly to a preservation of the 
 treaty and other rights of Japanese who are legally in this State. In this 
 policy it represents a practically unanimous sentiment of the State up to this 
 time.^ It has been the boast of California, and the facts are conceded by 
 Japanese authorities, that notwithstanding most trying conditions in the 
 determined efforts of the Japanese to evade the intent of State laws there 
 has been neither by organization nor by individuals any overt act or invasion 
 of the personal or legal rights of any Japanese in this State. The Turlock 
 incident, offering an instance of violation of rights of this kind, is deeply 
 deprecated, not only as injustice to the Japanese but because it is an injury 
 to the cause of exclusion. A campaign of education is being conducted through- 
 out the East by the exclusion league, and any acts of violence against the per- 
 sons or property of Japanese -in this State will inevitably prejudice our cause 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 551 
 
 and destroy some effect of that educational work. The exclusion leaf2;ne pledges 
 itself to exert its power and inllnence to prevent any recurrence of the Turlock 
 incident and calls upon its members and all friends of the cause to act 
 accordingly. 
 
 It is to be remembered, however, that in California a very serious economic 
 problem is developing into a racial conflict, which may involve international 
 complications through the determined and concerted action of tlie Japanese, 
 and that the Turlock incident is an indication of that development. One year 
 ago in Turlock, when the House Connnittee on Immigration personally investi- 
 gated conditions there, while laborers' organizations established to handle 
 transient labor and move it from point to point in the State as the crop matured 
 was receiving 35 cents a crate for handling cantaloupe the Japanese came in 
 something less than 1,000 strong and through their organization offered to and 
 did do the work for 26 cents per crate. The whites in consequence were driven 
 out. This year the whites were crating cantaloupe at the lowered price of 26 
 cents per crate when the Japanese again stepped in and took contracts to 
 move the crop at 16 cents per crate. Last year the whites did nothing; this 
 year they acted, and. as pointed out to the Immigration Committee in its 
 hearings in California, constant occurrences of this kind, in which an alien 
 unassimilable race is determinedly supplanting white people by underbidding 
 and organized effort, will inevitably lead to racial conflict. In Japan similar 
 conditions would have undoubtedly provoked action on the part of Japanese 
 very much more drastic than taken at Turlock. This statement of facts is in 
 no way intended as an excuse for mob action, but it points out the inevitable 
 results unless through congressional action the necessary remedy is provided 
 and protection given to white citizens against the steadily increasing encroach- 
 ments of the Japanese. 
 
 The Chairman. I have asked Mr. MacMurray, of the State De- 
 partment, to be present to-day, and with the permission of the 
 committee we will hear him now. I will say to the committee that 
 we asked him to come here in order that we might ask him a few 
 questions about the gentlemen's agreement, or Japan's agreement 
 with the United States, in regard to the admission of common 
 laborers. 
 
 Let us finst refresh our memories as to what has been printed as 
 the gentlemen's agreement. As has been stated in hearings before 
 this committee from time to time, and which have been printed, a 
 printed statement was made in the report of the Commissioner Gen- 
 eral of Immigration for the year 1908. Then, in the hearings of this 
 committee from June 12 to June 20, 1919, is carried the Japanese 
 statement concerning that agreement and a declaration as fol- 
 lows 
 
 Mr. Box (interposing). Did Senator Phelan introduce that? 
 
 The Chairman. Yes. This appears in his statement at the hear- 
 ings upon the percentage plans for the restriction of immigration: 
 
 February 24, 1911. 
 
 In proceeding this day to the signatui'e to the treaty of commerce and navi- 
 gation between Japan and the United States the undersigned, Japanese ambas- 
 sador in Washington, duly authorized by his Government, has the honor to 
 declare that the Imperial Japanese Government are fully prepared to maintain 
 with equal effectiveness the limitation and control which they have for the 
 past three years exercised in regulation of the emigration of laborers to the 
 United States. 
 
 Y. UCHIDA. 
 
 Now, reverting to the statement given out by the Labor Depart- 
 ment, we find that they invariably speak of continental United 
 States, and clearly Hawaii is left out of it. I want to ask Mr. 
 MacMurray what the understanding of the State Department is 
 with regard to Hawaii and the gentlemen's agreement. 
 
552 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAIL 
 
 STATEMENT OF ME. J. V. A. MacMUEEAY, CHIEF, DIVISION OF 
 
 FAE EASTEEE^ AEFAIES, STATE BEPASTMENT. 
 
 Mr. MacMurray. I will read from the report of the Commis- 
 sioner General of Immigration, that has been referred to by the 
 chairman, for 1908, page 125 : 
 
 To section 1 of the Immigration act, approved February 20, 1907, a pro- 
 vision was attaclied reading as follows : 
 
 " That whenever the President shall be satisfied that passports issued by 
 anj^ foreign Government to its citizens to go to any other country than the | 
 United States or to any insular possession of the United States or to the 
 Canal Zone are being used for the purpose of enabling the holders to come to 
 the continental territory of the United States to the detriment of labor condi- 
 tions therein, the President may refuse to permit certain citizens of the 
 country issuing such passports to enter the continental territory of the United 
 States from such other country or from such insular possessions, or from the 
 Canal Zone." 
 
 This legislation was the result of a growing alarm, particularly on the 
 Pacific coast and in States adjacent to Canada and Mexico, that labor con- 
 ditions would be seriously affected by a continuation of the then existing rate 
 of increase in admissions to this country of Japanese of the laboring classes. 
 The .Japanese Government had always maintained a policy opposed to the 
 emigration to continental United States of its subjects belonging to such 
 classes, but it has been found that passports granted by said Government to 
 such subjects entitling them to proceed to Hawaii or to Canada or to Mexico 
 were being used to evade the said policy and gain entry to continental United 
 States. On the basis of the above quoted provision, the President, on March 
 14, 1907, issued a proclamation excluding from continental United States " .Jap- 
 anese or Korean laborers skilled or unskilled, who had received passports to go 
 to Mexico, Canada, or Hawaii, and come therefrom." 
 
 Department circular No. 147, dated March 26, 1907, which has been con- 
 tinued in force as rule 21 of the immigration regulations of July 1, 1907, out- 
 lined the policy and procedure to be followed by the immigration officials in 
 giving effect to the law and proclamation. 
 
 Mr. Kaker. Can you insert a co])}^ of that circular in the record? 
 Mr. MagMurray. I am afraid I can not, as that is an order of the 
 Department of Labor. This statement continues : 
 
 In order that the best results might follow from an enforcement of the 
 regulations, an understanding was reached with Japan that the existing policy 
 of discouraging emigration of its subjects of the laboring classes to conti- 
 nental United States should be continued, and should, by cooperation of the 
 Governments, be made as effective as possible. This understanding contem- 
 plates that the Japanese Government shall issue passports to continental United 
 States only to such of its subjects as are nonlaborers, or are laborers wdio, in 
 coming to the continent, seek to resume a formerly acquired domicile, to join 
 a parent, wife, or children residing there, or to assume active control of an 
 already possessed interest in a farming enterprise in this country ; so that the 
 three classes of laborers entitled to receive passports have come to be desig- 
 nated " former residents," " parents, wives, or children of residents," and 
 " settled agriculturalists." 
 
 With respect to Hawaii, the Japanese Government of its own volition stated 
 that, experimentally at least, the issuance of passports to members of the labor- 
 ing classes proceeding thence would be limited to " former residents " and 
 "parents, wives, or children of residents." The said Government has also been 
 exercising a careful supervision over the subject of emigration of its laboring 
 class to foreign contiguous territory. 
 
 The Chairman. That purports to be a paraphrase of the gentle- 
 man's agreement. That is in accordance with tlie view of the Com- 
 missioner General of Immigration, and it states that, experimentally 
 at least, the agreement will be observed as to Hawaii. Is that the 
 meaning of it? 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAIJ. 553 
 
 Mr. MacMurray. No, sir; it is stated that the same rule, or practi- 
 cally the same rule, will be voluntarily applied to Hawaii. The 
 agTeement does not apply to Hawaii, but the agreement concerns con- 
 tinental United States. 
 
 The Chairman. Did the State Department let it iro by as if 
 Hawaii were not a part of the United States? 
 
 Mr. MacMurray. No, sir; it was a part of the United States, but 
 it was an insular rather than a continental posess'on, and the con- 
 ditions in the two were admittedly different. 
 
 The Chairiman. Did Japan make a stand upon the proposition of 
 having- Hawaii left out of the gentleman's agreement ? 
 
 Mr. MacMurray. In answering that question. I should confe -s my 
 own ignorance as to whether it was a suggestion that came from 
 our ov\m side or a suggestion from the Japanese side, that a distinc- 
 tion be made in that respect, or a distinction that was obviously nec- 
 essar}^ in view of the labor conditions at that time in Hawaii, which 
 was very anxious to get Asiatic labor at that time, whereas conti- 
 nental United- States was not. 
 
 The Chairman. As a matter of fact, was not this gentleman's 
 agreement built up as the result of exchanges of correS|:»ondence be- 
 tween diplomatic officials of the United States and diplomatic officials 
 of Japan? 
 
 Mr. MacMurray. Yes, sir ; it is not embodied in a single text, but 
 it appears in the course of some long and argumentative corre- 
 spondence between onr embassy at Tokyo and the Japanese foreign 
 office. 
 
 The Chairman. It w^as the result of a series of di])lomatic ex- 
 changes ? 
 
 Mr. MacMurray. Yes, sir. 
 
 The Chairman. Do you know whether Japan in those letters, 
 wdiich, to all intents and purposes constitute a part of the gentleman's 
 agreement, reserved the right, whenever it thought there was a labor 
 shortage in Hawaii, to send coolies over there? 
 
 Mr. MacMurray. It reserved freedom of action, and it made only 
 a voluntary undertaking in regard to Hawaii. 
 
 The Chairman. So that at any time that Japan has information ^ 
 that there is a shortage of common labor in Hawaii, she can, without 
 violating the gentleman's agreement, supply that demand? Is that 
 j^our understanding? 
 
 Mr. MacMurray. Yes, sir; it is my understanding that they are 
 not excluded b}^ the terms of the agreement. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. At whose request was Hawaii not included ? 
 
 Mr. MacMurray. There again I must confess my ignorance. I do 
 not know whether it was at our own request or Japan's. 
 
 The Chairman. I think the records and correspondence of the 
 State Department in regard to the matter will disclose that Japan 
 insisted on leaving Hawaii out of it, and that the United States in- 
 sisted that it would have to be included in the agreement, because 
 Haw^aii was a part of the United States. My understanding is that 
 Japan then undertook to reserve the right to send common labor into 
 Haw^aii whenever it learned in an official way from the United States 
 that Hawaii was short of such labor. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. Did we consent or acquiesce in that ? 
 
554 LABOR PEOBI.EMS TJs^ HAWAII. 
 
 The Chairman. Apparently we acquiesced. Is the gentleman's 
 agreement a little memorandum laid on top of a pile of letters? 
 
 Mr. MacMurray. No, sir ; it is not a memorandum or document in 
 itself, but the gentleman's agreement is embodied in statements pass- 
 ing back and forth between them in the course of the correspondence. 
 
 The Chairman. We have never had the text of the agreement. 
 
 Mr. MacMurray. This is the statement of the Commissioner Gen- 
 eral of Immigration. 
 
 The Chairman. But that is not a State Department publication. 
 
 Mr. MacMurray. No, sir. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. It is more properly a gentleman's understanding than 
 a gentleman's agreement. 
 
 The Chairman. I call attention to the note put out by the Jaj:)anese 
 ambassador in 1911. a statement signed by him and attached to a 
 trade treaty. 
 
 Mr. Free. I have somewhere in my files a copy of a statement 
 issued by some Secretary of State on the subject of the gentleman's 
 agreement, in which, or in a letter, he embodies what the State De- 
 partment construed it to be. Whether that is an official statement 
 I do not know, but it is outlined in that letter. 
 
 The Chairman. There is in the hearing a letter addressed to Sen- 
 ator Phelan, dated August 28, 1919, and signed by William Phillips, 
 Acting Secretary of State; but if that is the letter you refer to, it 
 does not fully convey it. What I want to get at, Mr. MacMurray, 
 is this : If a resolution of the kind that is pending; before this com- 
 mittee — resolution 171 — permitting the President to proclaim that a 
 labor emergency exists in Hawaii is sent out from this committee 
 with a report confirming that, showing that there is a labor shortage 
 in Hawaii, and if such a resolution should be enacted into law, would 
 not that be all that Japan would need to induce her to send her 
 coolies into Hawaii in any desired number, or in any number that 
 suited her? 
 
 Mr. MacMurray. That is a matter of conclusion from the discus- 
 sion, and as to that I woidd venture only my personal opinion; but 
 as I read the documents, Japan would be at liberty to do that. 
 
 The Chairman. In other words, so far as Hawaii is concerned, 
 Japan evidently foresaw what was coming and made careful pro- 
 A^sion for it. 
 
 Mr. MacMurray. I would rather put it this way ; At that time 
 Hawaii was exceedingly anxious to get Japanese laborers, and the 
 Japanese Government undertx^ok to restrict the emigration of laborers 
 from Japan to the Hawaiian Islands until such time as they were 
 required, or she undertook to restrict it in the absence of any urgently 
 pressing need; but that was entirely apart from the gentleman's 
 agreement, which left Japan free in the matter. We must assume 
 that when the Hawaiian Islands are in need of Asiatic labor, as this 
 resolution assumes, Japan could properly claim that the situation is 
 one in which they are absolved from any attempt to keep their 
 labor out. 
 
 Mr. Raker. In other words, we assume the burden of proof for 
 Japan, from the testimony before this committee, that there is a 
 shortage of labor in the Hawaiian Islands. If we present a resolu- 
 tion based upon that, and authorize the President to make an investi- 
 
LABOFv PROBLEMS IN HAW ATT. 555 
 
 gation to determine from the evidence whether tiiere i- such a short- 
 age, having passed such a resohition, we woukl be in a very poor 
 position then to chaim that there was not such a shortage. 
 
 Mr. MacMukray. Yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. We would, in fact, prochiini a shortage of hibor in 
 the Hawaiian Islands, and under Mr. MacMurra^^'s construction of 
 the correspondence which practically constitutes the gentleman's 
 agreement, we would be estopped from complaining if Japan in- 
 sisted upon supply that shortage. 
 
 Mr. Rakejr. Yes. In other words, we would be building up a case 
 for them to sa}^ that there was a shortage. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. If that is true, then what becomes of the declared 
 purpose of the resolution, as stated by its proponents, to bring in 
 Chinese labor? 
 
 The Chairman. As I read the resolution, it seeks to regulate im- 
 migration of various kinds to Hawaii on a percentage basis, and it 
 would supersede anything that might be in the gentleman's agree- 
 ment, so that additional Japanese laborers could not come in after 
 the enactment of the resolution because of the percentage limitation. 
 But if Congress starts with the resolution. Congress has got to pass 
 it; otherwise the door is open. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. I see. You would be in the position of opening up 
 a situation whereby Japan would have the right under the gentle- 
 man's agreement to send the men, and then of savino* bv the same 
 resolution that they could not bring them in. 
 
 The Chairman. Japan might take advantage of her reservations 
 to the gentleman's agreement before such a resolution could be finally 
 enacted into law 
 
 Mr. Eaker (interposing). In other words, w^e have been striving 
 for 10 or 12 years to have a restrictive law placed upon the statute 
 books excluding Asiatic coolie labor, which includes Chinese and 
 Japanese. We have been trying to do that by direct legislative act. 
 Now, if you take the view that is presented by the gentleman, that 
 this resolution w^ould restrict Japanese immigration, notwithstand- 
 ing the gentleman's agreement to the effect that they can bring them 
 in under a certain state of facts, or when they believe that there is a 
 shortage of common labor in the Hawaiian Islands, we will be doing 
 indirectly what we have been attempting to do directly in excluding 
 the Japanese. Is that about the situation ? 
 
 Mr. MaoMurray. It seems to me that that interpretation of it 
 would constitute an exclusion act against the Japanese in Hawaii. 
 Does that answer your question ? 
 
 Mr. Haker. Yes. At the same time, by the resolution we declare 
 that there is a shortage of labor, which, under the gentleman's agree- 
 ment, if it does exist, authorizes the Japanese Government to permit 
 their nationals to come in, and it would permit other nationals that 
 we have excluded from other lands to come in because of that short- 
 age. 
 
 Mr. MacMlh^ray. By that you mean Chinese? 
 
 Mr. Eaker. Yes; Chinese; and, in addition to that, we would 
 permit to come in under this resolution other classes, namely, the 
 diseased, the criminal, the bolsheviki, the prostitutes, and other un- 
 desirable classes to do hotel work, including pimps and all others. 
 
556 LABOR PROBLEMS ]N HAWAII. 
 
 That would be done by virtue of this resolution, because it perm its: 
 the otherwise ineligible to come in. 
 
 Mr. MacMueray. I do not know as to that; that is a phase of 
 the matter that does not seem to come within the competence of the 
 State Department. 
 
 Mr. Raker. In regard to the gentleman's agreement, how could 
 the Department of Commerce and Labor, as it ^vas called at that 
 time, obtain this agreement if it was not in writing? How could 
 the Secretary of Commerce and Labor ^et that document or write 
 that language that you have read in here? 
 
 Mr. MacMurrat. It was in writings 
 
 Mr. Raker. There is a letter on file in these hearings, introihiced 
 by myself, from the Secretary of Labor, and one from the Secretary 
 of State, both stating there is nothing in writing upon this matter. 
 
 Mr. Free. Does that mean 
 
 Mr. Raker (interposing). I want his explanation of that. 
 
 Mr. MacMurray. Does it not state rather that there is no agreed 
 form of statement in writing? 
 
 Mr. Raker. Perhaps it is stated that way. 
 
 Mr. MacMfrray. I suggest that, because that is the fact. It 
 might properly be designated as simply what appears from a rather 
 long course of correspondence, in which various matters were de- 
 bated and discussed, and in the course of that correspondence, from 
 time to time, there would appear to be a meetifig of minds on ques- 
 tions a. b, and c, we will say. 
 
 Mr. Raker. In other words, instead of putting that considerable 
 correspondence, and possibly interviews, discussions, and confer- 
 ences, covering a long period of time, into the form of an agreement 
 drawn up and signed by the ambassadors of the two countries and 
 approved by the Senate, they took their correspondence and finally 
 drew up a document, or, rather, not a document, but a letter, which 
 expressed and brought together all of their understandings upoi? 
 those subjects? 
 
 Mr. MacMurray. No, sir; there was no letter gathering the sub- 
 ject up. There was nothing in the form either of an agreed state- 
 ment or of a final letter from one side to the other. There was 
 nothing which could be said to be a summing up of the matter in a 
 single document or agreement. As for what I quoted here from the 
 statement of the Commissioner General of Immigration, it is what 
 we might call a summary of the points of agreement in an extended 
 correspondence. 
 
 The Chairmaist. The presumption is that he had access to the cor- 
 respondence ? 
 
 Mr. MacMurray. Yes, sir. 
 
 The Chairman. That was supplied to him by the State Depart- 
 ment, and he made that paraphrase of it? 
 
 Mr. MacMurray. So far as I know ; yes, sir. Mr. Strauss was the 
 Secretary of Commerce and Labor at that time, and I think this was 
 his owfi statement. 
 
 The Chairman. Would you be able to get for this committee a 
 copy of the exchanges that took place with regard to the gentleman's 
 agreement and Hawaii? 
 
 Mr. MacMurray. I should have to consult the department. 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAV/ATT. 657 
 
 The Chairman. They mi<^ht Avrite off a (*o[)y of what was said 
 regarding that subject in the various letters, so that we could see 
 whetlier the United States really undertook to protect Haw^aii or 
 whether Japan undertook to make sure that she could fill Hawaii 
 whenever she wanted to. 
 
 Mr. MacMurray. I could not promise you that. 
 The Chairman. It would be better, perhaps, for the committee to 
 make a formal request of the Secretary in writing. 
 Mr. MacMurray. Yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Raker, In aiTiving at what we call the gentleman's agreement, 
 the Jajxmese Government contended that there should be no restric- 
 tions \iY)on the admission of Japanese laborers into' Hawaii when 
 there was a shortage of labor, and our Government contended that 
 the same rule should apply there as applied to continental United 
 States. Then, as I understand it, our Government finally yielded to 
 the Japanese Government, permitting them to issue passports for 
 their nationals to go to Hawaii when the labor situation was some- 
 what short there. 
 
 Mr. MAcMuRiiAY. I think the situation was more properly this, 
 that we made our original proposal without distinction as between 
 the two kinds of American territory, continental and insular, where- 
 upon Japan pointed out the existence of a different set of facts, as 
 was known to us ^s w^ell as to them ; that is, that the Hawaiian 
 Islands were actually seeking Asiatic labor; that tliere was an ar- 
 rangement in effect at tliat time — of course, it was an entirely infor- 
 mal arrangement out there in the islands — by which the planters' 
 association would actually notify the Japanese consul each year- of 
 the number of laborers that they thought could be profitably em- 
 ployed, whereupon the Japanese consul would advise his Govern- 
 ment, and the Japanese Government would issue passports for the 
 laborers, or a portion of the laborers, indicated as necessary to go to 
 the islands. That being the fact, the distinction Avas not one as 
 between American territory and something that Avas a little bit less 
 than American territory, but as between American territory where 
 we Avere endeavoring to protect Avhite labor and x\merican territory 
 in Avhich white labor Avas not demanding protection, and in AAdiich 
 there Avas, in fact, no opportunity for Avhite labor, Avith the result 
 that the industries of the islands were actively seeking to get 
 Asiatic labor. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Would it be impertinent, or beyond the scope in seek- 
 ing for information, if there should be conveyed to the committee 
 information as to through Avhat source the HaAvaiian government, or 
 the Hawaiian people, at that time Avere seeking and requesting the 
 admission of Japanese laborers into HaAvaii? 
 
 Mr. MacMurray. I do not think there was anything official about 
 it, but it Avas simply the result of a condition that existed there in 
 their industries which required labor, and in order to ascertain the 
 extent to which labor was required the Japanese consul Avould ask 
 the planters' association, that being probably the largest employer 
 of labor, what the requirements were. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Is there anything in the records, letters, or corre- 
 spondence that Avould indicate the desire of the planters' association 
 and of the various industries of Hawaii to permit Japanese laborers 
 to come into Hawaii ? 
 
558 LABOR PROBLEMS IX HAWAII. 
 
 Mr. MacMureay. Frankly, I do not know of anything- on record 
 in regard to that, except the statement, which does appear in tlie 
 course of the correspondence, that this arrangement was aheady in 
 effect and had been for a number of years. 
 
 The Chairman. I believe the correspondence on the Japanese 
 side indicates that the Japanese consul would usually suppl}^ a fewer 
 number of laborers than were requested. 
 
 Mr. MacMurray. That is the fact. 
 
 The Chairman. There is another question I want to ask you : 
 Does the State Department have any information about the exist- 
 ence of the organization known as the Japanese Laborers' Federa- 
 tion in Hawaii and its activities this last year ? 
 
 Mr. MacMurray. So far as my knowledge goes, we have nothing 
 of record. Of course. Ave have letters from individuals. 
 
 The Chairman. The United States does not have diplomatic 
 agents in her Territorial possessions? 
 
 Mr. MacMurray. No, sir; of course not, in our own territory. 
 
 The Chairman. So such information would come to the United 
 States Government through reports to the Department of the In- 
 terior, or to Congress through the Committee on Territories, or the 
 1^'oreign Affairs Committee, or this committee, or perhaps to the 
 Military Intelligence Office of the War Department. 
 
 Mr. MacMurray. Or possibly it might come ty the State Depart- 
 ment through the governor. I think I am correct in sa^dng, although 
 I say it not altogether positively, that we have nothing official on 
 the subject from the governor or from any branch of the Terri- 
 torial government. 
 
 The Chairman. Then you Avould not know anything regarding 
 article 6, section 14, of the by-laws of the Japanese Laborers' Federa- 
 tion of the Island of Hawaii. Paragraph 3 of that section and arti- 
 cle reads as follows : 
 
 Should a member be found ,u;Milry <>f any act coutraveiiing .tlie interests of 
 this federation he shall ])e expelled from its meml)ership and his certificate of 
 UAembersliii) canceled: I'iorUlcd fnrttt(i\ That the matter shall be reported to 
 the several affiliated branciies, the Federated Union of the Japanese Labor 
 Or.uani/.ations of Hawaii, and the ])urgomaster (mayor) of the offending niem- 
 iK^r's permanent domicile in Japan. 
 
 In other words, one of the punishments for nonconformity with 
 the rules of the Japanese Laborers' Federation in the Territory of 
 Hawaii, which is a portion of the United States, is that of publicity 
 and scorn in Japan. That is likely to be a matter that the State De- 
 partment would look into, is it not? 
 
 Mr. MacMurray. I am frank to tell jou that I do not know what 
 the attitude of our Government would be on that. 
 
 The Chairman. I think the department should know about it, and 
 Congress, too, for that matter. 
 
 Now, I will insert in the record some of these advertisements ap- 
 pearing in Japanese papers in Hawaii, with the photographs of cer- 
 tain Japanese. The}^ are entitled " Expulsion advertisements.' 
 Here is one containing the photographs of four Japanese, who are 
 named, followed by this statement : 
 
 The above persons have broken the pledge of this federation and have taken 
 independent action. Therefore, the federation hereby expels them and will 
 not recognize them hereafter as members of any social organization, and pro- 
 hibits any member to have any relationship whatever with them. 
 
LABOK PnOBl.KMS IN HAWAII. 559 
 
 That is signed '' Kaliuku eJapanese Association. Approved: Oaliu 
 Labor Federation, Labor Federation of Hawaii." 
 
 The second one promulgates the same information concerning six 
 Japanese, expelling them and carr^/ing this statement : 
 
 The above persons have disgraced the name of this federation, have violated 
 the rules, have broken the strike, and have independently returned to work. 
 We have granted them a period of days to come back to themselves, but they 
 have positively refused to confess. Therefore they are hereby expelled from 
 the federation. The federation prohibits its members to have any relationship 
 with them and will not recognize them as qualified members of any public 
 organization. 
 
 This advertisement will be printed in all Hawaiian-Japanese papers as well 
 as: papers in the home towns in Japan. 
 
 That advertisement is signed, '' Waiphu Japanese Federation of 
 Labor. Approved the action of Waiphu Federation, Oahii Federation 
 of Labor ; approved the action of Oahu Federation, Japanese Federa- 
 tion of Hawaii." 
 
 Another advertisement relating to two Japanese reads as follows : 
 
 The above persons, after having taken a pledge to abide with us until the 
 objective of our wage increase movement has been attained, and received the 
 means of livelihood from this association, have treacherously broken the pledge 
 and returned to work. The association can not see any reason for mercy and 
 hereby it declares they are expelled. 
 
 Kahuku Japanese Association. 
 
 This association approves the action of Kahuku Japanese Association. 
 
 Oahu Fedekation of Laboe, 
 Hawaiian Federation of Japanese Ladoi- Headquarters. 
 
 I take it that these labor associations in the islands of Hawaii are 
 similar to the associations in the States of California and Washing- 
 ton, where the associations are coextensive with the Japanese consuls 
 as regards territory. 
 
 Mr. Eaker. I am interested in trying to get at this gentleman's 
 agreement as it relates to Hawaii. Referring to the evidence that 
 has been presented to the committee and discussed generally, that 
 even when the Hawaiian Government was a monarchy and before it 
 became a Territory, they had excluded the Japanese, and the fact 
 that we have been intent on excluding them all the time, I want to 
 ask you just how that appears in the gentleman's agreement? You 
 referred to the fact that passports could be issued by the Japanese 
 Government to laborers to go to Hawaii if there was a shortage of 
 common labor. Could you amplif}^ that statement a little bit more ? 
 It may be that the rest of the committee fully understand it, but I 
 must confess that I do not. 
 
 Mr. MacMurray. The substance of it is this, that in accepting the 
 suggestion that the gentleman's agreement should be made appli- 
 cable, or that there should be adopted a gentleman's agreement under 
 which the Japanese Government would itself impose upon its labor- 
 ing classes restrictions preventing them from emigrating from 
 Japan, or, in other words that Japan should control the emigration 
 rather than that we should control the immigration — thej^ asked in 
 view of the wholly different situation with regard to labor in HaAvaii, 
 that Hawaii should not be included, but that the agreement should 
 in its terms refer to continental United States ; but at the same time, 
 they announced that as a matter of policy, but independent of the 
 
560 LABOR PEOBLKMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 arrangement reoardino- continental United States, they would them- 
 selves voluntaril}^ restrict emigration of Japanese labor to the 
 Hawaiian Islands, though reserving the right to withdraw from 
 that voluntarily assumed position in case it should appear that there 
 was no longer a need for it, and that there w^as, in fact a need for 
 oriental labor. Does that make it clear? 
 
 Mr. Eaker. Yes. 
 
 The Chairman. I would like to ask you another question : When 
 the Japanese Government agreed to suspend sending picture brides 
 to continental United States did they make a similar agreement 
 with regard to Hawaii? First, did they notify the State Depart- 
 ment that they would suspend sending picture ])rides to the United 
 States ? 
 
 Mr. MAcMrKRAY. The}^ did notify the State Department. That 
 was in January, 1919 ; they notified us that before the end of Febru- 
 ary they would discontinue the issuance of passports to what are 
 commonly called picture brides. I think February 28, 1920. Avas 
 the date. At the same time, they notified us that each of those pass- 
 ports was available for six months, and that it would be the end of 
 August before they would cease to come. 
 
 Mr. Eaker. It was in December, 1919. that they issued that 
 notice ? 
 
 Mr. MacMurrat. They notified us December 15, 1919, that be- 
 ginning, as I recall, on February 28, they would discontinue issuing 
 passports. 
 
 The Chairman. They notified you tliat the last Japanese picture 
 brides would come along in August or September. 
 
 Mr. MacMi RRAY. In August. 
 
 The Chairman. I find that they are still sending picture brides to 
 Hawaii this year. I cabled to the commissioner of imimigration at 
 Honolulu, Hawaii, asking him to wire me the number of picture 
 brides admitted by months since January 1, and he Avired me as 
 follows : 
 
 Picture brides admitted Honolulu: Taniiary, 39: February, 20; March, 26; 
 April, 52 ; May, 23 ; and June, 51. 
 
 That makes 211 for the six months. That number, this distance 
 from Hawaii, would not seem ver^^ many, but by adding that number 
 of women or young brides to the Japanese population of the Hawaiian 
 Islands, in addition to the facts which were pointed out in the tele- 
 gram from Mr. McClatchy that was read this morning and the con- 
 ditions pointed out in the hearings held last year by Chester H. 
 Rowell, the Fresno editor, and stated time and time again with ref- 
 erence to Hawaii particularly, it would indicate the possibility that 
 peaceful penetration is proceeding nicely in HaAvaii. 
 
 Mr. Free. Mr. Chairman, I think Mr. MacMurray Avas interrupted 
 in his statement, and possibly it does not appear clearly in the record. 
 There was a little conversation between Judge Raker and Mr. Mac- 
 Murray, and I would lilve to have him restate what he then said, so 
 that it will appear definitely in the record. I refer to his state- 
 ment in regard to picture brides. 
 
 Mr. MacMurrat. I stated that beginning February 28, 1920, they 
 would cease issuing passports for so-called picture brides of the 
 laboring class to emigrate from Japan to the United States. Those 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS 11^ HAWAII. 561 
 
 passports, lioAvevcr, as pointed out, being oood for six months, they 
 notified ns that the last picture brides might be expected to leave 
 Japan in August, 1920. There \Yas an omission there, and I shoidd 
 have stated that that was applicable to continental United States. 
 It was an application of the gentleman's agreement, which refers to 
 continental United States. 
 
 Mr. Fkee. Is there any imderstanding with Japan with regard to 
 the admission of picture brides into Hawaii? 
 
 Mr. MacMhrray. There is none. 
 
 ]\rr. Box. Under the interpretation that Japan makes of the 
 gentlemen's agreement, they have the right to send those women as 
 wives of those Japanese coming to their husbands here ? 
 
 Mr. MacMurray. Yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Box. And that application of it still continues as to Hawaii? 
 
 Mr. MacMurray. Yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Free. Can you answer this question : Under the gentlemen's 
 agreement they have contended that they have the right in this coun- 
 try to adopt children in Japan and even to adopt grown men; now, 
 after such a man is adopted, permitting him to come to the United 
 States proper, after he gets here, he can bring in his parents and chil- 
 dren, can he not ? 
 
 Mr. MacMurray. No, sir ; not his parents. It is to be understood, 
 of course, on this whole question of Japanese adoption, that it is an 
 immemorial custom among the Japanese which is very severely regu- 
 lated. After a person is adopted, he foregoes his own family com- 
 pletely. Therefore, he could not be. brought in as the adopted son 
 of a Japanese in this country and be permitted to bring in his natural 
 parents 
 
 Mr. Free. But he could bring in his wife and children ? 
 
 Mr. MacMurray. Yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Free. That is a matter applying to continental United States? 
 
 Mr. MacMurray. Yes. I believe that there are not enough to 
 make any considerable number. 
 
 Mr. Free. I know that an investigation was made by the State 
 board of control of California, and out of a certain number investi- 
 gated they found 171 in one lot of a few hundred. Now, has that 
 b)een practiced in Hawaii, too ? 
 
 Mr. MacMurray. I assume that the practice would be identical in 
 Hawaii. With regard to Hawaii, it is still possible for the parents 
 and wives and children of residents to come in. 
 
 Mr. Free. I have been requested to ask you a couple of questions : 
 Did the State Department ever take any steps to ascertain from the 
 Hawaiian Planters' Association, or from government officials in 
 Hawaii, whether any arrangement between the association and the 
 Japanese consul, by which they requested him to furnish labor, 
 which you testified about, really did exist? 
 
 Mr. MacMurray. I will have to answer that from inference. I 
 have never seen any correspondence about it- That was long before 
 I was in the State Department myself, and I have never seen any- 
 thing about it in any of the records that I have examined. I 
 should perhaps add, however, that the situation Avith regard to 
 Hawaii was pretty well known to our Government at that time, be- 
 cause Mr. Strauss, who, I think, at the moment of the agreement, 
 
 56Tr)4--21— SER 7, PT 2 2 
 
562 LABOR PROBLEMS IE" HAWAII. 
 
 was the Secretary of Commerce and Labor, went himself to Hawaii 
 and looked into the matter. 
 
 Mr. Free. Under what administration did Mr. Strauss serve as 
 Secretary of Commerce and Labor? 
 
 Mr. MacMueray. Under President Roosevelt's administration in 
 1907 and 1908. 
 
 Mr. Free- Was your information regarding the arrangement Ije- 
 tween the Hawaiian Planters' Association and the Japanese consul 
 obtained entirel}^ from Japanese sources? 
 
 Mr. MacMttrray. That is the same question in another form, 
 
 Mr. Free. Yes. 
 
 Mr. MacMurray. I can give only the same answer, that I know 
 nothing personally about it, and have not seen anything in the rec- 
 ords about it, but I have assumed that there was no occasion to 
 question it in view of Mr. Strauss's investigation out there. 
 
 The Chairman. Was not the situation about like this: Japan in 
 insisting upon its right to supply labor to Hawaii, claimed that they 
 had from time to time supplied labor on the report of the consul; 
 that the consul made inquiries of the planters as to the probable 
 amount of labor required, and that the Japanese Government in 
 helping them out, invariably sent short of the number reported by 
 the consul as necessary, in an effort, undoubtedl3^ to save the Japa- 
 nese laborers from being caught in a wage cut. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. In connection with the gentlemen's agreement, it 
 appears to be well understood that there was a difference when it 
 was applied to continental LTnited States from the way it was ap- 
 plied to Hawaii in respect to laborers, and it appears that it was left 
 in such a way that the Japanese Government could claim the right, 
 or rather, privilege in case of a shortage of labor in Hawaii to supply 
 that labor. 
 
 Mr. MacMurray. Yes, sir; the gentlemen's agreement, covering 
 only continental United States, left Japan with respect to Hawaii, 
 bound only so long as she wished to be bound by her voluntary under- 
 taking that, for the time being — experimentally, as the statement of 
 the Commissioner General of Immigration reads — the issuance of 
 passports to members of the laboring class would be limited. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. That was left very largely to the discretion of Japan? 
 . Mr. MacMurray. Yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. It appears from the testimony that when the planters' 
 association desired to secure laborers, they made their representations 
 to the representative of the Japanese Government in Hawaii, and 
 then, upon the recommendation of that representative the laborers 
 were brought from Japan. 
 
 Mr. MacMurray. The passports were issued enabling the laborers 
 to go from Japan. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. On the representation of the Japanese consul in 
 Hawaii, who secured his information from the planters' association 
 and not from the Hawaiian Government? 
 
 Mr. MacMurray. No; as I understand it, it was only unofficial. 
 That ceased upon the making of the gentlemen's agreement — ^the 
 arrangement by which the planters gave an indication of the labor 
 situation. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. I did not know that. 
 
LABOIl niOBl.EMS IN HAWAII. 563 
 
 Mr. MacMurray. Tliat was the situation with which they were 
 confronted when they made the j^^entlemen's agreement. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. Noav, since the o-entlemen's agreement, what steps 
 are taken in order to bring Japanese kxbor to Hawaii? 
 
 Mr. MacMurray. The Japanese Government has voluntarily 
 waived any right to issue passports for this labor. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. AVell, is that understood by the gentlemen's agree- 
 ment, that they are no longer in a position to claim that right? 
 
 Mr. MacMurray. No. The Hawaiian arrangement is separate 
 from the gentlemen's agreement, but simultaneously Avith it they said, 
 "Experimentally, and in effect at our own will, and so long as we 
 deem the conditions justify it. we will altogether stop passports for 
 Hawaii." 
 
 Mr. Wilson. Now, if that is at the will of the Japanese Govern- 
 ment, is it left open for them to resume that i^ractice and say under 
 the gentlemen's agreement that they have the right to supply labor 
 for Hawaii? 
 
 Mr. MacMurray. Yes ; I think that under the treaty of 1911 they 
 have that right; and under earlier treaties, too. 
 
 The Chairman. Then does it not say in so many words that when 
 the Japanese Government receives notice — straight, official notice — 
 that the Hawaiian Islands are short of labor, the Japanese GoA^ern- 
 ment reserA^es the right to send labor there? 
 
 Mr. MacMurray. I did not quite understand the question. 
 
 The Chairman. Does any of the correspondence that led up to this 
 gentlemen's agreement carry any phraseology to the effect that Japan, 
 upon learning officially from the United States that there is a short- 
 age of labor in Hawaii, shall have the right to send labor into HaAvaii ? 
 
 Mr. MacMurray. No ; there is no positive grant like that. 
 
 The Chairman. What does it say ? 
 
 Mr. MacMurray. The correspondence contemplates that the Jap- 
 anese Government, upon ascertaining in consultation Avith the Ameri- 
 can authorities that there is a shortage, Avould be at liberty to resume 
 its freedom of action. That is not the precise Avording, but that is 
 the sense of it, as I recall it. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Mr. MacMurray, has the United States an agreement 
 or arrangement with any other country, except the one that you haA^e 
 designated with the Japanese GoA^ermnent known as the " gentlemen's 
 agreement," relatiA^e to the entry into the United States of their 
 nationals ? 
 
 Mr. MacMurray. No. In the case of the Chinese, of course, the 
 matter is gOA^erned by our own legislation. 
 
 Mr. Raker. By treaty and by laAV ? 
 
 Mr. MacMurray. No; not by treatj^ — according to the Chinese 
 claim, at least — but by law. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Well, it is the laAv, and then Ave have a treaty as to 
 commerce; but the laAV as to exclusion is known as the Chinese ex- 
 clusion act ? 
 
 Mr. MacMurray. Yes ; and that is a domestic act. In the case of 
 other Asiatics of the barred zone, there is also, of course, exclusion 
 by domestic act of our oAvn. But with the Japanese the matter is 
 regulated Avholly by this understanding that we will leaA^e it to the 
 Japanese to stop it at the source, instead of our building a dam 
 against it here. 
 
564 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAlL 
 
 Mr. Rakee. Then to make it as clear as we can, there are two gen- 
 tlemen's agreements : One relating to continental United States, and 
 one to the Hawaiian Islands ? 
 
 Mr, MacMurray. Frankly, I think the Japanese would object to 
 calling the other one a " gentlemen's agreement" That was a volun- 
 tary undertaking in its entirety. 
 
 Mr. Raker. I do not get jour distinction. 
 
 The Chairman. They object to calling which one a "gentlemen's 
 agreement? " 
 
 Mr. MacMurray. The Hawaiian one. 
 
 The Chairman, The Japanese originated the name " gentlemen's 
 agreement," did they not? 
 
 Mr. MacMurray. I think so. 
 
 The Chairman. That was their fancy name for their end of the 
 bargain ? 
 
 Mr. MacMurray. I am not sure. 
 
 Mr. Sabath. That was the first agreement ; and this Hawaiian 
 situation came up later, did it not? 
 
 Mr. MacMurray. No ; it was simultaneous. 
 
 Mr, Sabath. Was it? 
 
 Mr. MacMurray. It appears in the same correspondence; but in 
 that correspondence they asked that this question be treated on a 
 wholly different basis, in view of the ascertained difference of labor 
 conditions. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Then, as I was asking, irresx^ective of what they would 
 call it, there is a gentlemen's agreement as to continental United 
 States ? 
 
 Mr. MacMurray. Yes. 
 
 Mr, Raker. And then there is this other agre^^ment or under- 
 standing ?.s to the Hawaiian Islands. We made there two separate 
 and distinct gentlemen's agreements relative to immigration of the 
 Japanese, and botji at the will of the Japanese Governm_ent and 
 not at the will of the American Government ? 
 
 Mr. MacMurray. May I put it this way, with regard to the state- 
 ment that both of these agreements are entirely at the will of the 
 Japanese Government, that in a note accompanj^ing the treaty of 
 1911 with Japan — the new commercial treaty— reference was made 
 to that arrangement in terms which perhaps I had better read. 
 
 Mr. Raker, Is that signed at the bottom ? 
 
 Mr. MacMurray. Yes; this was a note attached to the treaty and 
 ratified with the treaty. The Japanese ambassador who signed that 
 treaty with Mr. Knox recorded that — 
 
 In proceeding this day to the signature of the treaty of commerce and navi- 
 gation between Japan and the United StatevS, the iindersi^rned Japanese am- 
 bassador in Washington, dnly authorized by his Governmeiit, has thio honor 
 to declare that the Imperial Japanese Govemment are fnily prepared to main- 
 tain with equal effectiveness the limitation and control which, they have for the 
 past three years exercised in regulation of the emigration of laborers to the 
 United States. 
 
 The Chahiman. That is-s'gned by whom? 
 Mr. MacMurray. By Uchida, the Japanese am]ia--'sador. 
 Mr. Raker, Just state where is that found. 
 
 Mr. MacMurray. On page 245 of 3^our hearings, Sixty-sixth Con- 
 S'ress. 
 
LABOE PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 565 
 
 » 
 
 Mr. Raker. That is in the treaty of commerce between Japan and 
 the United States of 1911? 
 
 Mr. .MAcMuiaiAY. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Eaker. And it is not part of the treaty signed by our ambas- 
 sador, but is a note at the end of the treaty, simply signed by the 
 ambassador of Japan '^ 
 
 The Chairman. In which he " has the honor to dechire that 
 the Imperial Japanese Government are fully prepared to maintain 
 with equal effectiveness the limitation and control which they have 
 for the past three years exercised with respect to the immigration of 
 laborers to the United States." 
 
 Now, if they had any separate and detailed agreement in regard 
 to Hawaii that was not covered by that signed note. It is now about 
 time to declare that the Territory of Hawaii is part of the United 
 States. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Very well. Now, what I was asking Mr. MacMurra}^ — 
 and I have read it over and called attention to it a number of times — 
 was that that provision as to Hawaii was simply a statement made by 
 the ambassador of Japan, attached to the treaty of commerce and navi- 
 gation of 1911, and not signed by our ambassador. Nor does it in- 
 clude the kind or character of gentlemen's agreement that vvas made 
 as to continental United States and apply it to the Territory. Of' 
 course, it speaks for itself; but there is nothing else in writing on the 
 subject except the notes that you have been describing this morning. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. This protocol was supposed to have been written b;^ 
 the Japanese ambassador before he signed this treaty. Do 3^011 un- 
 derstand that to be just a reaffirmation of their position in relation to 
 what had already been agreed on three years before ? 
 
 Mr. MacMurray. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. In other words, it was his intention to indicate that 
 that was undisturbed? 
 
 Mr. MacMurray. Yes, 
 
 Mr. Wilson. Well, Mr. Chairman, do you infer that that applies 
 to Hawaii? 
 
 The Chairman. Uchidi writes the words " United States " in his 
 note of 1911. Now, I know the State Department will not sit by and 
 consider that the Territory of Hawaii is outside of the United States,, 
 and I hope that this committee will not. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. But his position was that everything in respect to- 
 that immigration of laborers was to remain in its former position; 
 it was not to be disturbed b}^ the treatj. That is what he is intend- 
 ing to declare in there. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Namely, that the gentlemen's agreement as to the 
 United States would stand and that the gentlemen's agreement as 
 to Hawaii would stand? 
 
 Mr. MacMurray. Yes; but the agreement with respect to Hawaii 
 is in terms designated as a separate agreement, which they are under 
 no obligations to maintain. 
 
 Mr. Klsczka. Who is under no obligations to maintain it? 
 
 Mr. MacMurray. The Japanese. 
 
 Mr. Sabath. They reserve to themselves the right to act when they 
 feel inclined. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. Well, so far as Hawaii is concerned, the whole ques- 
 tion of determination is left to Japan. 
 
566 LABOR PROBLEMS IIST HAWAII. 
 
 « 
 
 Mr. Eaker. That is what I was trying to bring out. 
 
 Mr. Kleczka. You said that in some correspondence subsequent to 
 the agreement Japan waived the right to send her nationals to this 
 country. Is that true? 
 
 Mr. Box. No. 
 
 Mr. MacMurray. No. Perhaps you came in when we were speak- 
 ing of the picture brides? 
 
 Mr. Kleczka. No; I came in subsequently to that, but I under- 
 stood you to say that she waived some right to send her nationals 
 here ? 
 
 Mr. MacMurr^^y. Of the laboring classes? That is the original 
 gentlemen's agreement of 1908, by which she agreed not to issue 
 passports to Japanese laborers enaJDling them to come to the United 
 States. 
 
 Mr. Kleczka. Then this agreement of 1011 abroiT'^tes her willino-- 
 ness or waiver of 1908, does it not ? 
 
 Mr. MacMurray. No; it confirms it. 
 
 Mr. Kleczka. It confirms it? 
 
 The Chairman. Are there any further questions? 
 
 Mr. Cable. I would like to ask this : Has the State Department 
 approved this joint resolution 171? 
 
 Mr. MacMurray. Has it approved it? 
 
 Mr. Cable. Yes; that is, the one under consideration. 
 
 Mr. MacMurray. I am afraid that I am not in a position to speak 
 for the State Department as to that. 
 
 The Chairman. I will say this, that it has not been sent to the 
 State Department with a request for an opinion in writing. 
 
 Mr. Eaker. Under what administration was this supplemental 
 protocol of 1911 signed? 
 
 Mr. MacMurray. Under President Taft's administration. 
 
 Mr. Eaker. And the original gentlemen's agreement was under 
 Eoosevelt's administration ? 
 
 Mr. MacMurray. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Eaker. Now, let nie ask you this question : Has the United 
 States, through its duly constituted officials, agreed to the gentle- 
 men's agreement as it relates to the continental United States? 
 
 Mr. MacMurray. I wonder if I understand you. We are, of 
 course, a part}^ to the correspondence which resulted in that under- 
 standing. 
 
 Mr. Eaker. Well, then, is it your view, and do you convey to the 
 committee the idea or the fact, that through that correspondence the 
 United States, through its dul}^ constituted official having jurisdiction 
 over that matter, entered into and became a party to that gentle- 
 men's agreement? 
 
 Mr. MacMurray. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Eaker. Well, now, second, did the duly constituted authorities 
 of the United States agree with the Japanese Government through 
 this gentlemen's agreement and the correspondence to the experi- 
 mental gentlemen's agreement as to the Hawaiian Islands? 
 
 Mr. MacMurray. Yes; I think that follows from the correspond- 
 ence. 
 
 Mr. Eaker. Then v^e stand bound to-day b}^ this experimental gen- 
 tlemen's agreement as to the Hawaiian Islands ? 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 567 
 
 Ml'. MacMi lUJAY. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Kleczka. Well, now, that is a very important legal proposi- 
 tion. How were we bound, to this Hawaiian agreement? Was it 
 through correspondence between the Japanese (lovernment and our 
 Statc^ Department or was it through correspondence between our 
 State Department and the authorities in Hawaii? 
 
 Mr. MacMitrray. Through correspondence between the Japanese 
 foreign office and the American Embassy at Tokyo. 
 
 Mr. Kleczka. Well, then, there was no delegation of authority by 
 our State Department to Hawaii in any form to enter separately into 
 this experimental agreement of 1908? 
 
 ]Mr. MacMurray. I am not quite sure I catch the drift of 3^our 
 question. 
 
 Mr. Kleczka. Our State Department did not waive its authority 
 to control or approve the experimental agreement between Japan 
 and Hawaii? 
 
 Mr. MacMurkay. But that was not the result of negotiations be- 
 tAveen Japan and Hawaii as a separate territory or entity. 
 
 Mr. Kleczka. It was not? 
 
 Mr. MacMurray. No. Both of what we may loosely call the two 
 agreements — the original gentlemen's agreement relating to conti- 
 nental United States and then the experimental understanding with 
 res]:»ect to Japanese Avith regard to Hawaii — were embodied in the 
 same correspondence. 
 
 ]SIr. Eaker. Mr. Chairman, so that we may have the matter fully 
 before the committee for legislation Avhen this matter is disposed of, 
 I moA'e that the chairman of tliis committee request of the State De- 
 ])artment all the correspondence on the gentlemen's agreement if 
 not incompatible with the public interest. 
 
 (The motion w^as unanimously adopted.) 
 
 Mr. Sabath. Mr. Chairman, t am obliged to leave the city to-day 
 and go home; and I would like to know what, if anything, is to be 
 done in this matter. The committee has reported out the resolution ; 
 and I wish to know if the committee is going to take any further 
 action in the matter, whether there will be any action taken before 
 further hearings are held ? 
 
 The Chairman. Let me state what is here. I am sure the members 
 of the committee are all anxious to get at the bottom of this thing. 
 Resolution No. 171 was authorized to be reported out. The chairman, 
 in the course of the hearings, offered to secure and furnish certain 
 evidence, and it has taken more time than was expected. Now, we 
 are proceeding to add those statements to the record of the hearings, 
 including statements with regard to Chinese working on plantations 
 in Cuba, and protests from various labor organizations. Mr. Samuel 
 Gompers, president of the American Federation of Labor, desired to 
 be heard, and we thought he would be here to-day; but he is not. 
 Various information has been called for. I have in front of me in a 
 bulletin just issued the census figures of those employed in Hawaii in 
 these various capacities 
 
 Mr. Kaker (interposing). Mr. Chairman, before we proceed any 
 further. Judge Sabath has raised a very important question. I do 
 not propose to make any objection. Of course, we have nothing 
 before the committee now upon which we are hearing this testimony — 
 nothing on earth. The committee has disposed of this joint resolu- 
 
568 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 tion 171 and ordered it reported out. It was introduced on the 7th of 
 July, and on the morning of July 8, at half past 10 o'clock, the com- 
 mittee met, and in 20 minutes it was reported out. 
 
 And upon that resolution the following members were present — I 
 want to insert this in the record at this time; I do not propose to 
 make any objection; but we ought to be in a position, since Judge 
 Sabath has raised the question 
 
 Mr. Sabath (interposing). Well, I was not present at that meet- 
 ing. 
 
 Mr. Cable. And Judge Raker was absent. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Yes; I was in the hospital that morning. And this 
 resolution was introduced on the afternoon of July 7. The committee 
 was called for 10.30, July 8. I called up the committee at 10 minutes 
 before 11, and the committee had ajourned. 
 
 The Chairman. On the morning of the 8th ? 
 
 Mr. Raker. On the morning of July 8. 
 
 The Chairman. You are misinformed. 
 
 Mr. Raker. No ; I am not. 
 
 Mr. Free. We had hearings for weeks on it. 
 
 Mr. Raker. No. And at that meeting there were present Albert 
 Johnson, chairman; J. Will Taylor; John C. Kleczka, Hays B. 
 White; Guy L. Shaw; Riley J. Wilson, and John C. Box. Absent 
 at that meeting were, Isaac Siegel; William N. Vaile; Robert S. 
 Maloney ; Arthur M. Free 
 
 The Chairman (interposing). I think you are violating the rules 
 in attempting to read a vote of the committee ; I do not care a thing 
 about it, however. Your list is incorrect. The minutes of the com- 
 mittee are available. H. J. Res. 171 was by vote substituted for the 
 earlier resolution, which was H. J. Res. 158. All that was done in 
 open hearings. 
 
 Mr. Sabath. Well, the only thing I am interested in is, whether 
 we will have further hearings and further action in the matter. 
 
 Mr. Cable. Mr. Chairman, is it necessary to make a motion to 
 reconsider in order to have further evidence here ? 
 
 The Chairman. No ; not at all. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Let me finish my statement—and I think I am entitled 
 to it. At that meeting there were also absent Adolph J. Sabath, 
 John E. Raker, and L. B. Raine}'. 
 
 The Chairman. The minutes of this committee, which are open 
 to the members of the committee, and which are the property of the 
 House of Representatives, disclose the matters which you are now 
 reading into the record, which have nothin^g to do with the matter. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Mr. Chairman, I do not want to be on record as having 
 voted for that resolution, and I want to be on record showing that 
 I was not present. I would have voted against it if I had been 
 present. 
 
 The Chairman. You may make that statement if you desire. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Now, I am perfectly willing to have the committee 
 take all the testimony necessary. 
 
 The Chairman. Now, that you have made that statement, we will 
 proceed. 
 
 Does Mr. Mead desire to ask questions of Mr. MacMurray ? 
 
 Mr. R. D. Mead. Yes, Mr. Chairman. 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAW AH. 569 
 
 Mr. Sabath. Well, in vieAV of the fact that further hearin<rs will 
 be had, may I be excused ? 
 
 The Chairman. Yes ; all members will be notified in plenty of time 
 if further action is taken. 
 
 Mr. Sabath. Can you give two days' notice, as I will be in Chi- 
 cago ? 
 
 Mr. Kaker. Mr. Chairman, just a moment; let us be orderly, if 
 nothing else. Will there be a motion made to reconsider this matter? 
 
 The Chairman. We will see what the testimony develops. That 
 depends on those who voted for the resolution. 
 
 Mr. Raker. All right ; that is perfectly satisfactory. 
 
 The Chairman. Proceed, Mr. Mead. 
 
 Mr. Mead. You made a statement, Mr. MacMurray, that at the 
 time of the gentlemen's agreement it Avas found that an informal 
 arrangement existed between the Hawaiian Sugar Planters' Associa- 
 tion and the Japanese Government, through its consul at Honolulu, 
 that if we were short of labor we would notify the Japanese Gov- 
 ernment, through its consul, of our requirements. That is the first 
 I ever heard of an^^ such arrangement, and I have been with the 
 Hawaiian Sugar Planters' Association since 1901. Such an arrange- 
 ment, to my knowledge, has never existed. As it is rather an impor- 
 tant matter, I would like to inquire further about it. You said that 
 Mr. Strauss had been to Hawaii and had reported upon conditions. 
 What did Mr. Strauss say when he came back from Hawaii, about 
 those conditions? 
 
 Mr. MacMurray. I do not know that he ever made a report on 
 the subject of the conditions ; but he was a participant in all the dis- 
 cussions, as Secretary of Commerce and Labor ; he was in conference 
 with the Secretary of State at that time. 
 
 Mr. Mead. Did he say he had been in conference with the Ha- 
 waiian Sugar Planters' Association on this matter, or anything like 
 that? 
 
 Mr. MacMurray. I do not know w^hat he said. 
 
 Mr. Mead. Because he never had been. I do not understand where 
 the information comes from that there was such an arrangement be- 
 tween the Japanese Government and the Hawaiian Sugar Planters' 
 Association. Did you get it from Japanese sources? 
 
 Mr. MacMurray. No. I explained that the correspondence showed 
 that the Japanese said that their consul would advise the planters' 
 association how many Japanese laborers there was room for. 
 
 Mr. Mead. The Japanese said that ? 
 
 Mr. MacMurray. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Mead. There was nothing said from our side that such an ar- 
 rangement existed ? 
 
 Mr. MacMurray. I have already answered that, that so far as 
 appears in the records that I have had occasion to examine, there 
 was no report — there was no statement of it at all, but the state- 
 ment of the Japanese, unchallenged and acquiesced in, in spite of 
 the fact that Mr. Straus had been out there and presumably had seen 
 the same thing. 
 
 Mr. Mead. Acquiesced in by the State Department, without con- 
 sulting the Hawaiian officials or the Hawaiian planters? 
 
 Mr. MacMurray. Yes; so far as I know there was no such con- 
 sultation. 
 
570 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 Mr. Mead. That is what I wanted to get into the record — that the 
 Hawaiian government or the Hawaiian planters had not been con- 
 sulted in regard to such an arrangement; and I wish to deny that 
 any such arrangement ever existed. 
 
 The Chairman. Well, if we can secure this correspondence that 
 lies under the gentlemen's agreement I think we will find out all 
 about these matters. 
 
 Mr. C. F. CiiiLLiNGSWORTH. Mr. Chairman, ma}' I ask Mr. Mac- 
 Murray a' few questions ? 
 
 The Chairman. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Chillingsworth. You stated, Mr. MacMurray, that it was 
 your impression that Hawaii joined in the arrangement, to a certain 
 extent, for the admission of Japanese laborers into Hawaii under 
 the second so-called gentlemen's agreement. That is your impres- 
 sion ? 
 
 Mr. MacMurray. I am afraid that that method of putting it re- 
 veals, perhaps, some negligence of statement on my part. Hawaii as 
 a Territorial entity was not, so far as I know, a party to the nego- 
 tiations. Is that what joiiv question is directed toward? 
 
 Mr. Chillingsworth. Yes. 
 
 Mr. MacMurray. What I meant to convey was that reports were 
 made when the conditions in Hawaii were such that there Avas a 
 need for labor, and a general desire for labor there. 
 
 Mr. Chillingsworth. Is it not a fact. Mr.. MacMurra3\ that the 
 evidence in the possession of the United States Government was just 
 to the contrary, as far as Hawaii's position is concerned? 
 
 Mr. MacMurray. What evidence? 
 
 Mr. Chillingsworth. For instance, in. 1896-97, 1,100 Japanese 
 were deported from Hawaii, for which the Republic of Hawaii, at 
 the time of annexation had to pay $75,000 to Japan, in order that 
 there might be no hindrance to its annexation to the United States. 
 Were you aware of that? 
 
 Mr. MacMurray. I knew that in a general sense. 
 
 Mr. Chillingsworth. Did you know of an investigation that was 
 made in 1898 by a committee headed by Congressman Hitt, in which 
 he makes this very significant statement : 
 
 The issue is wiietlier, in tliat inevitable strnggle, Asia or America shall have 
 the vantage ground of the control of the njival key of tlie Pacific, the conunercial 
 crossroads of the Pacific. All that has held and is now liolding Hawaii for the 
 United States is a handful of resolute and deternnned men, who, against tre- 
 mendous odds, are doing all within the bounds of possibility to prevent Hawaii 
 from becoming an Asiatic outpost, and to hold this country to its true destiny, 
 which statesmen for 50 years have regarded as imperative. And there is still 
 hope ; but if there is help to come from this great Republic, it must come now. 
 
 Were you aware of that report, Mr. MacMurray ? 
 
 Mr. MacMurray. No. What did you say that was ? 
 
 Mr. Chillii^gsworth. A report by Congressman Hitt in 1898 — 
 House report 1856. 
 
 Mr. MacMurray. I never heard of it. 
 
 Mr. Chillingsworth. And later on, were you aware of the protest 
 of the governor of Hawaii, in 1917? 
 
 Mr. MacMurray. In 1917 ? 
 
 Mr. Chillingsworth. Yes. 
 
 Mr. MacMurray. To whom was that protest made? 
 
LAHOK PMOIMJCMS IS HAWXU. 571 
 
 Mr. Chilling SAVOKTIT. Made to the Interior De])ar'tni<>3it, and to 
 the President, b^^ the governor of Hawaii. 
 
 Mr. MacMurray. I am personally ignorant of that. 1 do not know 
 whether it is on file in the department or not. 
 
 Mr. Chillings WORTH. Are you aware that in 1912 the delegate to 
 Congresj=^ from Hawaii, J. Kalanianaole, also protested as to condi- 
 tions in Hawaii, and asked for relief? 
 
 I will ask you whether or not there is a report on fde, dated 
 in 1904, from the governor, or a report of an investigation made in 
 Plawaii by Mr. Pinkham, who afterwards became governor of Ha- 
 waii? Pie was at that tim_e appointed as commissionei' to look into 
 the question that was then worrying the people of Hawcvii. 
 
 Mr. MacMurray. It might be ; I do not know. 
 
 Mr. Chillingsworth. All this is already a part of the official 
 records of this committee, Mr. Chairman, and I ju^-t wanted to call 
 the attention of Mr. MacMurray to it. 
 
 The Chairman. All right. We are much obliged to you, Mr. ]Mac- 
 Murray, and we are sorrv to have taken so much of vour time. 
 
 Mr. MacMurray. That is all right. 
 
 The Chairman. If there is no objection, I will place in the record 
 a report of the Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, 
 showing the occupation statistics of Hawaii in the census of 1920. 
 
 (The report referred to is as follows:) 
 
 0('( '1 ■ PAT ! ON Statistics — Hawaii. 1920. 
 
 DePAKTMENT of Co^vtlMEKCE, 
 
 BUEEAU OF THE CENSUS, 
 
 WasJiington, July 1J{, 1921. 
 
 The Bureau of the Census, Department of Commerce, to-day issued g'eneral 
 occupation statistics for Hawaii. These figures are preliminary nnd subject to 
 correction. 
 
 The detailed statistics covering- the number of persons engaged in each occu- 
 pation will be given in the occupation bulletin for Hnwaii, to be issued al)out 
 the first of September. 
 
 in gainfi'l 0{'ci;pations. 4n.7 pek cent. 
 
 According to the returns of the Fourteenth Census, taken as of January 1, 
 1920, there were 111,882 persons 10 years of age and over in Hawaii engaged in 
 gainful occupations, constitutiing 43.7 per cent of the total population of the 
 Territory (255.912), and 59.8 per cent of the population 10 years of age and 
 over (187,167). 
 
 At the census of 1910, tlie 101,194 gainful vrorkers constituted 52.7 per cent 
 of the total population of the Territory, and 68 per cent of the population 10 
 years of age and over. 
 
 twenty PEU cent of WOKKEKS FEArAI.ES. 
 
 Of the gainful v.'orkers of Hawaii in 1920, 97,619, or 87.3 per cent, were males 
 and 14,263, or 12.7 per cent, were females. The male gainful workers con- 
 stituted 84 per cent of all males 10 years of age and over in 1920, as against 
 88.8 per cent in 1910, while the female gainful wo]-kers constituted 20.1 per 
 cent of all females 10 vears of age and over in 1920. as against 23.7 per cent in' 
 1910. 
 
 ONE-HALF ON PLANTATIONS. 
 
 Of the gainful workers of Hawaii in 1920, 56.244, of 50.3 per cent, were en- 
 gaged in agriculture, forestry, and animal husbandry; 169, or two-tenths of 1 
 per cent, in extraction of minerals; 18.194, or 16.3 per cent, in manufacturing 
 and mechanical industries; 7,781, or 7 per cent, in transportation; 7.343, or 6.6 
 
572 LABOR PROBLEMS HSJ" HAWAII. 
 
 per cent, in trade; 6,282, or 5.G per cent, in public service; 4,117, or 3.7 per 
 cent, in professional service; 8,466, or 7.6 per cent, in domestic and personal 
 service ; and 3,286, or 2.9 per cent, in clerical occupations. 
 
 JAPANESE WOEKEES, 43. G PEE CENT, 
 
 Distributed by race. Hawaiians constituted 8,203, or 7.3 per cent of the 
 gainful workers in 1920; part Hawaiians, 3,899. or 3.5 per cent; CaTicasians, 
 21,325, or 19.1 per cent ; Chinese, 11,603. or 10.4 per cent ; Japanese, 48,815, or 
 43.6 per cent ; and all other races, 18,037, or 16.1 per cent. 
 
 In 1910 the distribution of the gainful workers by race was as follows: 
 Hawaiians, 8,654, or 8.6 per cent; part Hawa ians, 2,760, or 2.7 per cent; 
 Caucasians. 17,957, or 17.7 per cent ; Chinese. 14.094, or 13.9 per cent ; Japanese, 
 51,478, or 50.9 per cent ; and all other races, 6,251, or 6.2 per cent. 
 
 The marked increase in " all other " races, from 6,251. or 6.2 per cent, of all 
 gainful workers in 1910, to 18,037, or 16.1 per cent, in 1920 was due, principally, 
 to the great increase in the number of Filipino workers. 
 
 Of the 18,037 workers in the " all other " group in 1920, 15,048 were Fili- 
 pinos, 2,712 were Koreans, 180 w^ere Negroes, and 97 belonged to other races. 
 
 DISTEIBUTION BY AGE. 
 
 Tlio 111.882 gainful workers of Hav/aii in 1920 were distributed by age periods 
 as follows: 10 to 13 years, 269, or two-tenths of 1 per cent; 14 to 15 years^ 
 1,333, or 1.2 per cent; 16 to 17 years, 3,508, or 3.1 per cent; 18 to 19 years, 
 5,631, or 5 per cent ; 20 to 24 years. 16,880, or 15.1 per cent ; 25 to 44 years, 
 54,682, or 48.9 per cent ; 45 to 64 years, 27,231, or 24.3 per cent ; 65 years and 
 over, 2,270, or 2 per cent ; and age unknown, 78, or one-tenth of 1 per cent. 
 
 Of married persons 15 years of age and over in Hawaii in 1920, 60.9 per cent 
 were gainfully occupied. The percentages gainfully occupied for married males 
 and females 15 years of age and over were 97 and 18.8, respectively, 
 
 PEINCIPAL OCCUPATIONS, 
 
 The principal occupations reported for males and females, respectively, in 
 Hawaii in 1920 were as follow^s : 
 
 Males. 
 
 Barbers, hairdressers, and manicurists 406 
 
 Blacksmiths, forgemen, and hammermen 438 
 
 Bookkeepers and cashiers . 907 
 
 Building, general and not specified, laborers^. 1, 974 
 
 Carpenters 2, 890 
 
 Chauffeurs 1, 784 
 
 Clerks (except in stores) . 1, 32l 
 
 Draymen, teamsters, and expressmen 466 
 
 Engineers (stationary), cranemen, hoistmen, etc 926 
 
 Farm foremen, sugar farms 1, 034 
 
 Farm laborers : 
 
 Coffee farms 524 
 
 General farms 1, 931 
 
 Pineapple farms 2,388 
 
 Rice farms 1, 661 
 
 Sugar farms 34, 106 
 
 Farmers : 
 
 Coffee farms 624 
 
 Sugar farms 1, 218 
 
 Fishermen and oystermen 1, 280 
 
 Garden laborers 1, 181 
 
 Gardeners 468 
 
 Laborers : 
 
 Fruit and vegetable canning 826 
 
 Public service 563 
 
 Road and street 1, 355 
 
 Steam railroad 583 
 
 Sugar factories 2, 022 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS TIST PIAWAII. 578 
 
 Longshoremen and stevedores 1^ 572 
 
 Machinists ' 812 
 
 Painters, glaziers, and varnishers . G27 
 
 Retail dealers 2, 584 
 
 Sailors and deck hands (merchant service) 425 
 
 Salesmen-. 2, 555 
 
 Semiskilled operatives, sugar factories 407 
 
 Servants 2, 812 
 
 Soldiers, sailors, and marines (United States) 4,366 
 
 Stock herders, drovers, and feeders 808 
 
 Tailors 582 
 
 Teachers 441 
 
 Females. 
 
 Barbers, hairdressers, and manicurists 131 
 
 Bookkeepers and cashiers 110 
 
 Clerks (except in stores) 108 
 
 Dressmakers and seamstresses (not in factory) 274 
 
 Farm laborers : 
 
 Coffee farms 424 
 
 General farms 180 
 
 Pineapple farms 529 
 
 Sugar farms . 4, 651 
 
 Farmers, eugar farms 140 
 
 Garden laborers 124 
 
 Housekeepers and stewardesses 155 
 
 Laborers, fruit and vegetable canning 180 
 
 Laundresses (not in laundries) 502 
 
 Nurses (not trained) 139 
 
 Retail dealers 223 
 
 Saleswomen 433 
 
 Servants '. 2, 159 
 
 Stenographers and typewriters 331 
 
 Tailoresses 102 
 
 Teachers 1, 447 
 
 Telephone operators : 123 
 
 Trained nurses 233 
 
 Waitresses 107 
 
 Mr. Box. Mr. Chairman, there is some reference to the general 
 subject of immigration in Alexander's History of the Hawaiian 
 -People, several paragraphs of which I wish to insert in our hearings. 
 
 The Chairman. The committee will be very glad to have you do so. 
 
 I wish to state to the committee that Mr. Henry T. Oxnarcl, presi- 
 dent of the American Beet Sugar Co., Oxnard, Calif., with offices 
 at 32 Nassau Street, New York, was here yesterda}^, and desires to 
 be heard; he could not be here to-day. If there is no objection, I 
 will arrange a date at which Mr. Oxnard can be heard. 
 
 Mr. Haker. Mr. Chairman, in this connection, may I insert in the 
 i-eeord the foIloT^dng : There is a question as to the Hawaiian sugar 
 people, the amount of sugar produced, the benefits they are getting, 
 and what the3^ are seeking now to get from cheap labor. I wrote to 
 the Tariff Commission to find out the amount of beet sugar produced 
 in the Ignited States, and the amount of cane suo-ar produced in the 
 L^nited States: the amount produced in Porto Rico, with no tariff 
 on it ; the amount ]:>roduced in HaAvaii, with no tariff on it ; the 
 amount of suear imported from Cuba ; and the amount of sugar im- 
 ported from the entire world. 
 
 And then the amount of revenue that the Hawaiian people would 
 receive for their sugar; in other words, the amount of duty they 
 
574 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 would have paid had there been a tariff on the Hawaiian sugar^ as 
 compared ^^rith. Cuba and the United States. And also the same with 
 reference to Porto Eico,. 
 
 And the Tariff Commission sets out a full and complete state- 
 ment of the matter, and I therefore ask to have it go in the record. 
 In other words, here is an illustration 
 
 The Chairman (interposing). I do not see just what you are driv- 
 ing at. Do you want Hawaiian sugar to pay a tariff ? 
 
 Mr. Baker. No, sir; this has not anything to do with tariff; but 
 it shows that these people are trying to get cheap coolie labor; they 
 are getting a benefit on their sugar of $19,000,000, as to sugar im- 
 ported; and now they are asking for cheap labor from other coun- 
 tries. 
 
 The Chairman. W^ithout objection, the matter referred to will 
 be inserted in the record. 
 
 Mr. Free. I think it ought to be read. 
 
 The Chairman. All right ; the gentleman may read it. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. It is just a matter of statistics. 
 
 Mr. Kaker. Here is a letter from the chairman of the Tariff Com- 
 mission, Thomas Walker Page, shoAving the conditions; it* is just a 
 matter of statistics. 
 
 Mr. Free. We do not know what is in it. , 
 
 Mr. Raker. I shall be delighted to read it. 
 
 Mr. Free. If the Judge is offering himself as a witness 
 
 Mr. Eaker (interposing). I am not offering myself as a witness, 
 and do not intend to ; but I want this to go in the record to show 
 the benefit they are alreacly receiving, and that the}^ are now trying 
 to get the benefit of cheap labor as compared with the United States: 
 and we will have other witnesses hereafter to show that the American 
 sugar people are trying to do the same thing, in order to get cheap 
 labor if the Hawaiians get it. 
 
 Mr. Free. I object to it going in without reading it. 
 
 The Chairman. Well, let the matter go over to another meeting. 
 
 Mr. IvAKER. I understand the gentleman from California objects 
 to its going in to show the conditions as to the cost of sugar there and 
 the condition of labor there. 
 
 The Chair]\lax. He has tlie right to require it to be read. 
 
 Mr. Kaker. I will ask to have these papers marked for identifi- 
 cation. 
 
 (Thereupon, at 11.50 a. m., the committee adjourned, subject to 
 the call of the chair.) 
 
 Committee on Immic^ration and Naturalization, 
 
 House or Representatives, 
 
 Wednesday, July 27, 1921. 
 
 The committee met at 10.30 o'clock a. m., Hon. Albert Johnson 
 (chairman) presidino-. 
 
 The Chairman. There art two witnesses to appear before the 
 committee this morning, Mr. Henry T. Oxnard. of Oxnard, Calif.. 
 and 32 Nassau Street, New York City, representing, I understand, 
 the beet-sugar growers of the United States, and Mr. John M. 
 Rogers, of New Orleans and 810 Union Trust Building, Washing- 
 
LABOIl PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 575 
 
 ton, D.^ C, representing the American Cane Growers' Association, 
 Avliich is an association of the Louisiana sugar growers. Without 
 objection, we will hear Mr. Oxnard first. 
 
 STATEMENT OE ME. HENEY T. OXNAKI), VICE PRESIDENT AND 
 CHAIRMAN OF THE BOARD OE DIRECTORS OF THE AMERICAN 
 BEET SUGAR CO. 
 
 Mr. Oxnard. Mr. Chairman and gentlemen, I w^ant to apologize 
 for not appearing before you when this matter was up some six 
 weeks ago, but at the time I had no idea that anything serious was 
 pending affecting the beet growers, because something like 10 years 
 ago a similar proposition was offered by the same people, the Hawaii 
 planters, which was promptly put aside. So that we did not realize 
 there was any very great danger of anything of this sort becoming a 
 law or being taken up seriousl}^ 
 
 As soon as I did realize that I immediately asked for hearings, 
 because we are opposed, on economic grounds, to the admission of 
 Chinese to the Hawaiian Islands. 
 
 The Chairman. Before you go any further, so that we will under- 
 stand what you mean when you say " we " 
 
 Mr. Oxnard (interposing). I am speaking of the American Beet 
 Sugar Co. 
 
 The Chairman. What is your office or position in tlie association? 
 
 Mr. Oxnard. I am chairman of the board of directors of the 
 American Beet Sugar Co. and vice president of the company, which 
 has factories in Nebraska, Colorado, and California^— beet-sugar 
 factories. 
 
 The Chairman. I am not conversant with the beet-sugar indus- 
 try. Is there only one company ? 
 
 Mr. Oxnard. Oh, no. There are, I should say, 25 different com- 
 panies. 
 
 The Chairman. There is an association of all of them, then? 
 
 Mr. Oxnard. No; there is no real association. There is what is 
 called the United States Sugar Industry, and nearly all of them 
 belong to that association. But I do not represent that association. 
 I am representing the American Beet Sugar Co. here, with factories 
 in operation in three States — California, Nebraska, and Colorado. 
 
 The Chairman. And you are an officer ? 
 
 Mr. Oxnard. I am vice president and chairman of the board. 
 
 Mr. White, Let me ask a question right there, Mr. Chairman : 
 You are rej^resenting the manufacturers — - — 
 
 Mr. Oxnard. Of sugar. 
 
 Mr. White (continuing). Or the growers, or both? 
 
 Mr. Oxnard. The manufacturers. 
 
 Mr. White. But not the growers? 
 
 Mr. Oxnard. Not the growers, except indirectly, as they are affected 
 by the prices which we pay them for their raw material. 
 
 The Chairman. How many factories are there all told in your 
 organization ? 
 
 Mr. Oxnard. There are seven factories operated in Nebraska, Colo- 
 rado, and California. 
 
 The Chairman. You represent those? 
 
576 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. Yes ; I represent those. 
 
 The Chairman. Will you name them ? 
 
 Mr. OxNARD, There is one at Grand Island, one at Chino, one at 
 Oxnard 
 
 The Chairman. Name them by States. 
 
 Mr. Oxnard. There is one at Grand Island, Nebr., at Norfolk — we 
 have since demolished that plant — one at Grand Island, Nebr., one 
 at Lamar, one at Rocky Ford, one at Las Animas, Colo., one at Chino, 
 and one at Oxnard, Calif. 
 
 Mr. Cable. What percentage of all the beet-sugar factories do 
 you represent? 
 
 Mr. Oxnard, I think there are something like 60 factories. 
 
 Mr. Cable. You represent about 10 per cent? 
 
 Mr. Oxnard. About 10 per cent produced; a little more than that 
 when you consider our capacity — about 12 to 15 per cent. 
 
 Mr. Cable. What per cent of the entire sugar output in the United 
 States do the beet-sugar manufacturers represent? 
 
 Mr. Oxnard. We produce about a inillion tons a j^ear. 
 
 Mr. Cable. I do not know anything about the sugar business, but 
 what I want to find out is what proportion of the entire sugar output 
 in the country the beet-sugar manufacturers represent? 
 
 Mr, Oxnard. I am going to tell you, if I can. I ought to know it 
 if I do not, because I have been at it long enough. I was practically 
 one of the founders of the American beet industries in this country. 
 There were a few factories started many, many years ago, but they 
 failed. Clans Spreckels started in 1888. 
 
 Mr. Cable. I want to know what per cent of the sugar output is 
 represented by the beet-sugar manufacturers. 
 
 Mr. Oxnard. Supposing the beet-sugar manufacturers produced 
 a million tons, the Louisia.na people produced, say, from 200,000 to 
 250,000 tons, the Hawaiian people something like 500,000 or 600,000 — 
 lam not posted* as to the exact figures, but they are in that neigh- 
 borhood. These gentlemen who are here from Hawaii will tell you 
 if I am wrong. 
 
 Mr. Raker. I have the figures from the Tariff Commission show- 
 ing the exact amount produced. 
 
 Mr. White. About 25 per cent of the sugar consumed in the 
 United States is produced in the LTnited States, and that includes 
 the beet sugar ancl the cane sugar, I believe. 
 
 Mr. Oxnard. It is a great deal more than that. We consume about 
 four and one-half million tons of sugar in the United States, or 
 something like that, and we produce about 50 per cent of it in the 
 United States. 
 
 Mr. White. Perhaps I have forgotten, but I went over those fig- 
 ures very carefully in the abstract a short time ago, and if I am 
 wrong, I stand corrected. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. You say about 50 per cent of the sugar consumed in 
 the United States is produced here? 
 
 Mr. Oxnard. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. Where does the other 50 per cent come from? 
 
 Mr. Oxnard. From Cuba, almost entirely. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. What is the argument; is it a question of competition 
 in the sugar business, or is it the labor side of the question ? 
 
LABOE PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 577 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. Here is the situation, roughly speaking. Cuba, 
 during this past 3^ear, could produce sugar for 4 cents, Hawaii could 
 produce it for 5 cents — I am giving j^ou the rough figures; these 
 figures come from Mr. Wright, the secretary of the Tariff Com- 
 mission, and they are official figures — Porto Rico could produce 
 sugar during the past year for 6 cents, the beet sugar people could 
 produce it for 7 cents, and the Louisiana people for 9 cents. Those 
 are the official figures, and that is about the cost of producing the 
 sugar. 
 
 Bo you can see that the Hawaiian sugars are produced, you might 
 say, in competition with Louisiana and with the beet-sugar people, 
 principally with the beet sugar people. They manufacture their 
 sugar over there in Hawaii and send it to the Pacific coast, where it 
 is refined by a company which is owned, as I understand it, mostly 
 by the Hawaiian planters, and it is distributed in competition with 
 the beet sugar that I produce, we will say, in California. 
 
 Mr. Cable. Are you here because you are a competitor of these 
 other people, or are you here to help us out in regard to this labor 
 situation. 
 
 Mr. OxNAED. I am here to tell you I think we ought to have a 
 square deal, and what is fish for one should be fish for the other. 
 
 The Chairman. You have been telling Congress that for upward 
 of 25 years, have you not ? 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. For 30 years, Mr. Chairman; it was that long ago, I 
 think, when I first appeared here. 
 
 The Chairman. You opposed the annexation of Hawaii for the 
 same reason ? 
 
 Mr. Oxnard. I did, for that very reason. I am looking at it now 
 from an economic standpoint. I do not think the Hawaiian planters 
 are asking for Chinamen to help the Government. They asked for 
 them 10 years ago, and they have always asked for what they be- 
 lieved would get the cheapest and best labor. They have made at- 
 tempts to get other labor. I think the natural labor for them is the 
 Filipinos, and I see they have been doing quite well with the Fili- 
 pino; he has been coming in — let us see; the Filipinos were — well, 
 there are something like 8,000 or 9,000 that have come in, and the 
 number of Filipinos employed increased from 7,490 in 1910 to 8,695 
 on 1915, an increase of 19.4 per cent. This is taken from the statistics 
 of the Department of Commerce, at page 63. The situation was in- 
 vestigated b}^ that department. Why not take in some more Fili- 
 pinos? That is a question that these gentlemen can answer better 
 than I can, but it seems to me that is a very natural proposition. 
 
 Take the Mexicans. We have Mexicans employed in the beet fields. 
 There is a law that allows us to take in Mexicans under certain condi- 
 tions, if thy go back to Mexico, and pay them the same wages, that 
 is, the current wages. 
 
 In order to be posted in regard to this matter, I sent a telegram 
 to the general manager of my Denver office, and he says in reply : 
 
 Daily wages paid to Mexicans and Filipinos we employ — 
 
 We employ Filipinos also — 
 
 is $2.25 at Chino and south of Los Angeles; $2.50 in the Oxnard district; in 
 some cases higher in both districts, but that is the general wage. On the gen- 
 eral basis w^e will run from $2.80 to $3.25, respectively. 
 
 E. C. Howe, General Manager. 
 56754— 21— SEE 7, pt 2 3 
 
578 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 The Chairman. You have mentioned just the point we want to 
 know about. You employ Mexicans ? 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. Yes. 
 
 The Chairman. How many? 
 
 Mr. OxNAPj). The exact number I can not tell you. 
 
 The Chairman. Well, roughly. 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. I suppose we have about 25 per cent of Mexicans. 
 
 The Chairman. Twenty-five per cent of what ? 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. Of the total amount of field labor. 
 
 The Chairman. Which is about what? 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. We must employ, I should say, 5,000, or something 
 like that. 
 
 The Chairman. You have only, then, about 1,000 or 1,200 Mexi- 
 cans? 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. Something like that. 
 
 Mr. Box. Will you tell us what is the relationship between the 
 factories and the employment of field labor ? 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. The beet-sugar people, as a rule, produce very little 
 of their own sugar beets, only about 10 per cent. The sugar beets are 
 produced by the farmers, and these wages I referred to are paid 
 mostly by the farmers who employ this labor in the field. That is 
 different from the cane plantations which employ the labor directly, 
 instead of its being employed by the small growers. We have thou- 
 sands of growers that supply the factories with the sugar beets 
 produced by this labor. We do not pay these men; it is the farmer 
 who pays these men, except about 10 per cent of them, or the number 
 of men who are required in producing about 10 per cent of the sugar 
 beets which are used by the factories. 
 
 Mr. Box. You help the farmers get their labor ? 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. Yes; we do. 
 
 Mr. Box. How? 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. That I can not tell you exactly, but probably by 
 making advances, and things of that sort. 
 
 Mr. Box. Have not your representatives come before this com- 
 mittee and urged the admission of Mexicans for these purposes, and 
 things of that sort ? 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. I expect they have. I talked with the Secretary of 
 Labor about them — I did not appear before the committee in reference 
 to them. 
 
 The Chairman. You say you have a law 
 
 Mr. OxNARD (interposing). Not a law, but just a regulation, Mr. 
 Chairman, that allows these men to come in. 
 
 The Chairman. You talked to the Secretary of Labor and you 
 appealed to him for the admission of illiterate Mexicans, free of the 
 head tax. 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. We did, but we agreed to pay them the current 
 wages. 
 
 The Chairman. What do you give them besides their wages? 
 Do you give them houses? 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. Yes ; we do give them houses. 
 
 The Chairman. Do you give them fuel? 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. I do not think they need any fuel in California. 
 
 The Chairman. Do you give them ice ? 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 579 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. I do not know about that, but we give them certain 
 things. 
 
 The Chairman. What kind of houses do you give them? 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. The kind they like — the adobe houses — not very sub- 
 stantial houses. 
 
 The Chairman. That is in California ? 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. Yes. 
 
 The Chairman. Do you give them hot and cold baths? 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. I could not answer that question. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Your first statement was that you people are simply 
 manufacturers, but you raise some beets yourselves? 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. About 10 per cent. 
 
 Mr. Raker. The other 90 per cent is raised 
 
 Mr. OxNARD (interposing). By the farmers. 
 
 Mr. Raker. By the farmers themselves? 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Raker. And then your second statement was as to how you 
 get your own labor — that is, for the beet-sugar industry in this 
 country ? 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. Yes; we get it through this regulation of the De- 
 partment of Labor, and that takes care of us. 
 
 The Chairman. You have argued to Congress for a good many 
 years — a good many times — as to whether or not the cane industry 
 in Louisiana and the beet-fugar industry in various States was a 
 hothouse proposition. 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. I never argued that the beet end of it was a hot- 
 house proposition. I have made it the effort of my life, for 35 
 years, to develop the beet-sugar industry of the United States, and 
 that is why I have fought at every step any movement that will 
 tend to knock it out. I remember that 30 years ago the sugar men 
 of Hawaii claimed that they had reached their maximum of sugar 
 production when they were producing 200,000 tons, but gradually 
 each year when they have said, " We can not produce any more 
 sugar," they have gone on producing, and I am told, whether reli- 
 ably or not, that there are thin lands now in the island of Maui 
 and other places that can be developed; that with farm machinery 
 coming in and the use of heavy fertilizers that land can be devel- 
 oped, replacing' the cattle that used to do the plowing; and that the 
 grazing land which was used for that purpose is still available and 
 will be put to use for sugar plantations. 
 
 The Chairman. And that hurts you? 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. That makes too much sugar. There is too much sugar 
 produced in the world now. It is an unprofitable business; it is a. 
 money-losing proposition. 
 
 Mr. Cable. You have made a good deal of money out of it? 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. We may have made some money out of it heretofore,, 
 but we are losing it now. 
 
 Mr. Cable. You made it up during the war, did you not? 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. I do not think we have come out more than even all 
 during the years of the war; we are losing to-day; on every pound 
 of sugar we make to-day we are losing money. We lost last year 
 2 cents a pound; it cost us 8 cents a pound to make sugar, and we 
 sold it as low as 5 cents. 
 
580 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 The Chairman. And for that reason you do not want the com- 
 petition of Hawaiian sugar? 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. We do not want them to increase their output and 
 make sugar still cheaper. They would make sugar, roughly speak- 
 ing, so cheap — they have always taken the market away from us; 
 they came right into our territory. 
 
 The Chairman. Then there is some truth in the statement credited 
 to you to the effect that you would be better off if the entire Hawaiian 
 sugar business went out of existence? 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. I think we would; yes. 
 
 The Chairman. Would you approve of that? 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. No; I will not say that. But I would like to limit 
 them. 
 
 The Chairman. You oppose the use of oriental labor for the 
 Hawaiian sugar plantations, but you want Mexican labor for the 
 beet-sugar plantations ? 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. I want Mexican labor for the beet growers, and I 
 am willing that the Hawaiian sugar people shall get the same labor. 
 As I said before, all I want is a square deal for American citizens 
 who have put their money into the manufacture of sugar. I want 
 to tell you gentlemen that 30 years ago there was a meeting in Wash- 
 ington which I attended, and Claus Spreckles was there, and he 
 told these Hawaiian planters in my presence, " If you get annexation 
 to the United States, you have got to take the bitter with the sweet. 
 The sweet is the tariff and the bitter is the labor laws of the United 
 States." And they said, " Yes ; we understand that, and we will 
 accept those conditions." But they never have; they have always 
 been trying to get labor laws for Hawaii different from the labor 
 laws that affect the sugar producers of the United States. I do not 
 object to their getting Mexican labor ; what I ask is a square deal, as 
 Teddy Roosevelt said. 
 
 The Chairman. Would that include the admission of illiterate 
 Mexicans into j^our sugar beet States? 
 
 Mr. OxnardI! Just the same as into the Hawaiian Islands. 
 
 The Chairman. That is the point. 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. We want to be put on all fours with them. That is 
 what I want done, Mr. Chairman. 
 
 The Chairman. Would you want Chinese labor in the United 
 States? 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. Yes, I would; in California I would like to have 
 some. 
 
 The Chairman. You would be in a position where you would like 
 that labor? 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. I would like to have it. 
 
 Mr. Cable. For the sole purpose of your company making more 
 money ? 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. For the sole purpose 
 
 Mr. Cable. That is your idea concerning it, is it not? 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. I will not answer that directly. 
 
 Mr. Cable. Are you afraid of it ? 
 
 Mr. OxNARD, I will say no. 
 
 Mr. Cable. What is your sole purpose, then ? 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. My sole purpose is to develop the beet-sugar indus- 
 try of the United States. 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. .581 
 
 Mr. Cable. For the benefit of the people in your company ? 
 Mr. OxNARD. I have a pride in the thing ; I am, you might say, the 
 one who started it in this country, and I want to see it go on. 
 Mr. Cable. It has grown pretty big, has it not ? 
 Mr. OxNARD. It has done fairly well, but it looks as though it 
 might be knocked out. 
 
 Mr. Cable. If you got cheaper labor, would you keep the price 
 of sugar down or raise it? I want you to go on record on that propo- 
 sition. 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. I can not say w^hat I would do! 
 Mr. Cable. What is your idea of what you would do ? 
 Mr. OxNARD. My idea is that I would be able to compete with the 
 Hawaiian people if I have the same kind of labor they have. 
 Mr. Cable. I w^ould like to have you answer my question. 
 Mr. OxNARD. What is your question ? 
 
 Mr. Cable. Why do you want Chinese labor in the United States? 
 Mr. OxNARD. Because I consider the Chinaman the best laborer I 
 have ever run across. He is docile and frugal, and attends to his 
 business, and works harder. 
 
 Mr. Cable. Vv^ould you get him any cheaper? 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. That is the question; I do not know how cheap I 
 can get the Chinaman. It is a question of getting the labor, rather 
 than the price of it. 
 
 Mr. Cable. Are you not getting plenty of labor now ? 
 Mr, OxNAliD. No ; vv^e always have trouble. 
 
 Mr. Cable. The Hawaiian people are getting enough labor, are 
 they not? 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. That is a question you will have to ask them. It 
 does not seem that they are, when they are asking for more. 
 Mr. Cable. What do j^ou think about it ? 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. So far as that is concerned, I do think that with 
 more labor they want to increase their production of sugar. With 
 all the laborers they have had there, the planters kept asking for 
 more and more. I do not blame them ; I would have done the same 
 thing. 
 
 Mr. Cable. Is not the sole purpose of your coming before the com- 
 mittee to-day to protect your own sugar interests against some com- 
 petitor ? 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. I said it is an economic proposition; just put us on 
 the same basis as the Hawaiian people. If they are under the same 
 tariff, I want to have them under the same labor laws. 
 
 Mr. Cable. You are willing to have Mexican labor come in here, 
 
 and yet you want them to pay the added expense 
 
 Mr. OxNARD (interposing). I will take the risk of tlie extra ex- 
 pense of the Chinese labor in California. 
 
 Mr. Cable. You are willing to have Chinese labor, if they do? 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Cable. But you do not want them to have it unless you get it ? 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. No ; because they sell in competition with us. 
 
 Mr. Cable. That is the whole question — competition ? 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. Yes. 
 
 The Chairman. You are losing money, you say? 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. Yes ; we are. 
 
582 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 The Chairman. It costs you about how much ? 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. Last year I think it cost us — I have no absolute fig- 
 ures, but I think it cost us about 8 cents a pound to produce sugar. 
 
 The Chairman. And it costs the Hawaiians 5 cents? 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. It costs the Hawaiians about 5 cents. 
 
 Mr. White. I would like to ask you this question: In the broad 
 sense, do you want to be understood as favoring unrestricted oriental 
 immigration into this country? 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. Absoljitely not. Oh, no. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. You say you are not in favor of unrestricted oriental 
 immigration into this countr}^ Are you in favor, now, of the ad- 
 mission of Chinese labor into the United States? 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. No; I would rather not have them; but I will say 
 that if the Hawaiians have them, then I want them. That is the 
 whole thing. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. Then you are opposed, as far as continental United 
 States is concerned, to the admission of Chinese coolie labor, are 
 you? 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. I have always been opposed to it, but if some China- 
 men could be brought in under certain restrictions, and sent back 
 again to China, as they do in the case of the Mexicans, I do not 
 know but what I would modify my views on that subject. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. What about the Japanese ? Are you in favor of the 
 Japanese laborers coming to continental United States?^ 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. Well, I do not know that I am. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. Are you opposed to it? 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. Those are all political questions. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. No ; that is an American question. The proposition 
 is this : You are coming here before this committee, which is a legis- 
 lative committee. Of course, the people who appear on this par- 
 ticular phase of the proposition appear as those interested in the 
 business for which this labor would be used if it is brought into 
 continental United States. You are also a citizen of the United 
 States, and the question is, "Are you opposed to legislation that 
 would admit Chinese coolie labor or Japanese laborers to the con- 
 tinental United States? 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. I will not answer that question, except to say that I 
 change it to the United States, leaving out the word " continental." 
 I am opposed to the admission to the United States. 
 
 The Chairman. Meaning 
 
 Mr. OxNARD (interposing). Meaning Hawaii. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. When I speak of continental United States I do not 
 mean Hawaii. 
 
 The Chairman. Now, we have come to the vital question. Do you 
 think there is any possibility of the Japanese acquiring the mastery 
 of Hawaii by process of peaceful penetration? 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. No; I have not the slightest fear, as an American 
 citizen, that Japan in any way, shape, or form will accomplish that 
 result. We could blow them'^off of the earth in five minutes if we 
 decided to do it. I have been to Hawaii, and I have been to Japan, 
 and I have not the slightest fear about Japan ever getting any 
 mastery over the United States. 
 
 Mr. Eaker. What do you mean by blowing them off the earth? 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 583 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. We could bortib them, and our Navy could bottle 
 them up. 
 
 The Chairman. Sugar would sell for 15 cents a pound, then, 
 would it not ? 
 
 Mr. Cable. No ; it would sell for 40 cents a pound. 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. Gentlemen, I heard Mr. Hoover make a statement 
 two or three years ago, which was a great gratification to me, that 
 if it had not been for the beet-sugar industry the people of the 
 United States would have been paying 15 or 20 cents a pound for 
 sugar, and that was when they were paying 5 cents a pound for it in 
 1918. In other words, the development of the beet-sugar industry 
 and the fact that we were producing a million tons of sugar here at 
 home saved the American people millions and millions of dollars in 
 their suo^ar bill. 
 
 The Chairman. Does beet sugar sell for less than cane sugar ? 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. It is sold for a fraction less, generally 10 cents or 
 20 cents a hundred pounds less. 
 
 The Chairman. That is another little handicap your industry has 
 to endure ? ^ 
 
 Mr. OxNAPj>. Eeally, Mr. Chairman, we should not endure that 
 handicap because there is absolutely no difference between cane and 
 beet sugar when it is purified; it does not make any difference 
 whether you make sugar from beets or cane, or almost any. product 
 you could think of, provided it is pure sugar. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. With conditions as they are. supposing we do not 
 legislate upon the question at all and leave matters as they are in 
 Hawaii, and as they are in continental United States, what then 
 will be the situation as to the beet-sugar industry and as to the cane- 
 sugar industry ? 
 
 Mr. OxNAPJD. They would go on just as the}^ have in the past, in 
 my opinion. They would go on making sugar, both of cane and of 
 beets. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. The difference will be- 
 
 Mr. OxNARD (interposing). But they will not go on making more 
 sugar in the Hawaiian Islands if you hold them to where they are ; 
 we do not want them to, if we can help it. I want to be perfectly 
 frank about it. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. If they can, under any laws, consistent with the best 
 interests of the United States, I do not see why anyone should oppose 
 that. 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. Making sugar consistently in that way would be 
 making it with semislave labor. You would then be taking away 
 the ability to grow a similar product made by the farmers of the 
 United States. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. I am talking about the conditions as they are now, 
 without changing the law, either for the admission of Chinese labor 
 or any other kind of labor into Hawaii, without changing the laws 
 in relation to the admission of Mexican labor into continental United 
 States. In that case can these various industries go ahead ? 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. I think they can. 
 
 The Chairman. You said the cost of the Cuban sugar was about 
 what? 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. I am going to tell you roughly, on the authority of 
 Judge Wright, of the Tariff Commission. 
 
584 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 The Chairman. That is pretty good authority. 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. Four cents for Cuban sugar, 5 cents for Hawaiian 
 sugar — eliminating the fractions of a cent — 6 cents for Porto Eican 
 sugar, 7 cents for beet sugar, and 9 cents for Louisiana sugar. 
 
 The Chairman. Now, then, a large part of the cost is the labor 
 cost, is it not? 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. Nearly all of it ; I think about two-thirds of the cost 
 of the manufacture of beet sugar is in the beets themselves, and the 
 cost of producing the beet is nearly all labor. We pay the farmers 
 $12 a ton for our beets. 
 
 Mr. White. Is there not a very heavy overhead expense in the 
 investment in land and machinery of the farmers, outside of the 
 labor ? That land is very valuable, is it not ? 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. The rental for the land comes in, but outside of 
 that — for instance, if a man rents land and puts in a crop — that is, 
 the farmer^ — and pays the rental 
 
 Mr. White (interposing). Is not the land owned by the people 
 who produce the beets ? 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. If he works the land 
 
 ► Mr. White (interposing). The land is owned by the producer 
 usually, is it not ? 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. I said before that I think other farmers are on the 
 same footing with our own companies, that grow 10 per cent of the 
 beets — that is, the 90 per cent that are grown by the small farmers. 
 
 Mr. White. The small farmers own the land, do they not? 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. Most of them do. 
 
 Mr. White. Where they do not, who does own it— not the manu- 
 facturers ? 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. If a man has good beet land, he will rent it to any- 
 body who will come along and raise beets. 
 
 Mr. White. If the owner should improve the land or increase the 
 amount of his investment, it is very valuable, as I understand it, 
 for sugar land ? 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. Yes. We will say he rents his land for $5, that he 
 grows 10 tons of beets on it, and gets $5 
 
 Mr. White (interposing). Does he actually get $5? 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. They pay all kinds of prices. 
 
 Mr. White. Take a typical illustration. 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. I have known them to pay all kinds of prices. 
 
 The Chairman. I want to get at this labor situation, on his own 
 statement that he is here for economic motives, and taking into con- 
 sideration the fact that he states the cost of production in sugar in 
 Hawaii and Porto Eico, and in certain Western States. I want to 
 ask you, Mr. Oxnard, if the use of Chinese laborers in Cuba would 
 affect 3^our beet-sugar situation? 
 
 Mr. 'OxNAiiD. I am very m.uch opposed to letting Cuba have Chi- 
 nese labor; but we have nothing to do with Cuba. 
 
 The CHAiR?.rAN. But it will affect your situation? 
 
 Mr. OxNAED. I understand they have 40,000 Chinese working 
 there, making sugar in Ciiba, and if you let them do that it will 
 affect the situation, because they can make it that much cheaper. 
 
 The Chairman. You think they have 40,000 there now ? 
 
 Mr. Oxnard. Yes. 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 585 
 
 The Chairman. I made an effort to ascertain some facts in regard 
 to that, and I cabled to the editor of one of the newspapers there, 
 and I have this reply from him: 
 
 Habana, July 22, 1921. 
 Johnson, 
 
 Chairman Immigration Committee, Washington: 
 
 Authentic information difficult obtain. Estimated 1,000 Chinese brought to 
 Cuba each month during 1920, perhaps two-thirds sent sugar mills under con- 
 tract, approximating a total for the year 8,000. A few of those brought in 1921 
 are being repatriated. 
 
 ROBERDS, 
 
 Editor Evefiing Netvs. 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. Where is that, in Cuba? 
 
 The Chairman. That is from Habana. 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. I am told about 40,000 Chinese are there now ; I am 
 told that on very good authority. 
 
 The Chairman. Well, you have always been fighting the sugar 
 industry in Hawaii because it was in competition with the sugar- 
 beet proposition. 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. I am always fighting them when they want to get an 
 advantage. They came before Congress years ago with the same 
 sort of proposition. 
 
 The Chairman. And six years ago, and four years ago; I do not 
 know that the sugar people did, but we have had hearings from time 
 to time. But in the meantime, the Chinese are being put into Cuba, 
 and that is where the price for sugar in the United States is set, is 
 it not? 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. We have a tariff against them. 
 
 The Chairman. You have a little tariff. 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. We expect to have more. 
 
 The Chairman. You want a big tariff? 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. We can stand it very well. 
 
 The Chairman. You have been around Congress for years on that 
 subject, have you not? 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. Thirty years, starting in 1889. When I first came 
 before committees of Congress, there was hardly one Congressman 
 who believed it was possible to make sugar from beets. They told 
 me so. 
 
 The Chairman. You will not admit, now, that it is a hothouse 
 proposition ? 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. It is not a hothouse proposition. 
 
 The Chairman. Will it not have an increasingly hard time in 
 competition with the Chinese who produce sugar in Cuba ? 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. Certainly ; it is being assailed in all directions. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Mr. Oxnard, the chairman just asked you a moment 
 ago a question which is unusual for him to ask, and he said that you 
 came here solely and entirely for selfish motives. 
 
 Mr. Oxnard. I do not believe I did say that, I had a patriotic 
 motive when I started this. 
 
 I said I did this from economic reasons. I started out to say it 
 was not selfish, that the beet industry was my pet, my baby ; I did not 
 have to go into it when I did, but I did go into it. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. The record will show that when we first started on this 
 examination you said you were here for selfish purposes. 
 
586 LABOK PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. I meant to prevent them from making more sugar, 
 if you want to put it that way. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. You are not here in the interests of the consumers ? 
 
 Mr. OxNAKD. I started to say I went into this thing to show that 
 the United States could produce its own sugar, when there was hardly 
 anybody who thought it could be done. 
 
 Mr. Eaker. In addition to your special interest in this " baby " of 
 yours, have you any interest in the proper care and treatment, and 
 the condition of labor in this country ? 
 
 Mr. OxNAED. Of course, we try to make our labor as comfortable 
 as possible, for, I will say, selfish reasons, if you want, gentlemen. 
 We try to make it so they will appreciate their surroundings, and 
 stay with us, and do it under comfortable conditions. 
 
 Mr. Raker. We have no control over the mode or manner of han- 
 dling labor in Cuba, do we? 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. None whatever. 
 
 Mr. Raker. They can have slave and peonage labor in Cuba, as 
 they have under the Chinese contract, over which we have no control ? 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. Absolutely. 
 
 Mr. Raker. We levy a duty on the importation of Cuban sugar 
 into this country ? 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Raker. But on the Hawaiian sugar there is no duty; is that 
 right ? 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. That is absolutely right. 
 
 Mr. Raker. And on the Philippine sugar there is no duty ? 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. No. 
 
 Mr. Raker. And on the Porto Rican sugar there is no duty ? 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. No. 
 
 Mr. Raker. And, of course, upon sugar raised in the United States 
 there is no duty ? 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. No. 
 
 Mr. Raker. You have read over those contracts relative to the im- 
 portation of the Mexicans, in 1917, 1918, and 1919 ? 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. I have read parts of them ; yes. 
 
 Mr. Raker. You understood how the contract was commonly per- 
 formed, that when these men violated their entry into the United 
 States, they were arrested and deported to Mexico ? 
 
 Mr. OxNARD, Yes. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Have any of those cases, to your knowledge been taken 
 to the Supreme Court of the United States in order to have that court 
 determine whether or not that was involuntary servitude, or slavery? 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. No. 
 
 Mr. Raker. In that connection, so that the record may be complete, 
 I want to offer a letter from the Commissioner General of Immigra- 
 tion, Mr. W. W. Plusband, dated July 16, 1921, which includes two 
 orders, one dated March 1, 1921, and one dated March 14, 1921. 
 
 The Chairman. I think you might as well read them. 
 
 Mr. Raker. In addition to the contracts placed in the hearings here- 
 tofore, I want to put into the record all of the orders in reference to 
 Mexican labor. 
 
 I will read this letter from the Commissioner General of Immigra- 
 tion, dated July 16, 1921, and I want to consider in connection with 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN" HAWAII. 587 
 
 this, the hearings before the Committee on Immigration and Naturali- 
 zation of the House in January and July, 1920, on the subject of 
 "Temporary Admissions of Illiterate Mexican Laborers," page 358 
 •et seq. This follows that, and gives the whole record. 
 The letter of July 16, 1921, reads as follows : 
 
 United States Department of Labor, 
 
 Bureau of Immigration, 
 WasMigton, July 16, 1921. 
 Hon. John E. Raker, M. C, 
 
 House of Representatives, Washington, D. C. 
 Sir: Referring to request received over the telephone from your secretary a 
 few clays ago, I beg to advise you that the bureau is unable at this time to 
 assemble a complete list of the so-called Mexican labor circulars for the pur- 
 pose of supplying you with the same. However, it is my understanding that a 
 full set of these circulars was furnished to the chairman of the House Com- 
 mittee on Immigration and Naturalization something like a year ago, and they 
 w^ere published in pamphlet form during the course of a hearing which was 
 held by that committee in connection with a resolution which was introduced 
 for the purpose of delegating authority to the Secretary of Labor to admit, 
 temporarily and conditionally, laborers from Mexico and other countries when 
 conditions here satisfied him that such laborers were urgently needed. If the 
 bureau was supplied with a copy of this pamphlet, it appears to have been 
 misplaced, so that I am unable to furnish you with its number. However, you 
 will doubtless be able to secure a copy of it from the clerk to the committee. 
 
 The Chairman-. Those were all printed at the date and in the 
 order of the hearings designated. 
 
 Mr. Eaker. The letter goes on to say : 
 
 The concluding orders which the department issued in connection with the 
 subject matter of temporarily admitted Mexican laborers are dated March 1 
 and March 14, 1921, respectively. I am inclosing herewith several copies of 
 these orders; and if you are able to secure a copy of the brochure above 
 referred to, I believe that the list will be practically complete, if not entirely so. 
 Respectfully, 
 
 W. W. Husband, 
 Com7nissioner General. 
 
 (The orders referred to are as follows:) 
 
 Department of Labor, 
 Office of the Secretary, 
 Washington, March 1, 1921. 
 All further importations and engagements, respectively, through or at immi- 
 gration stations of aliens for employment in the United. States under the 
 department's exceptions to the contract-labor, head-tax, and illiteracy provi- 
 sions of the immigration act are hereby ordered discontinued, effective at the 
 close of the 2d instant, and all orders heretofore issued in conflict herewith are 
 hereby rescinded. The Commissioner General of Immigration will imme- 
 diately by telegraph make all district heads concerned acquainted with this 
 order and at the same time direct that those officers in charge, either directly 
 or in a supervisory way, of ports through which such importations have been 
 made or at which such aliens have been engaged call upon the present employ- 
 ers of such aliens to return such aliens charged to them under existing contracts 
 with the Government as appear of record to be now in their employ. 
 
 W. B. Wilson, Secretary. 
 
 Department of Labor, 
 Office of the Assistant Secretary, 
 
 Washington, March IJf, 1921. 
 The Secretary of Labor having issued an order on March 1, 1921, effective at 
 the close of March 2, 1921, rescinding all previous orders of the department per- 
 mitting the importation of aliens under the so-called exceptions to the contract 
 labor, head tax, and illiteracy provisions of the immigration act and, having by 
 
588 LABOR PEOBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 said order directed the return of all aliens theretofore so imported, of record 
 shown to be in the employ of the importers or others under contract with the 
 Government, and numerous protests against such recision having come to the 
 department together with many requests for permission to extend the period 
 of employment of such laborers already here, the subject was discussed in con- 
 ference on the 10th instant, at which were present the Commissioner General of 
 Immigration, the Assistant Commissioner General of Immigration, the chief 
 law officer of the bureau, and the assistant supervising inspector of the 
 Mexican border district. A report from the latter, transmitted by the Com- 
 missioner General of Immigration, w^ith certain recommendations, was re- 
 ceived and considered. At the conclusion of the conference it was my judg- 
 ment so stated and here affirmed, that in view of the cessation of active 
 hostilities, the repeal generally of war-time legislation and considering post- 
 war economic conditions, the order of March 1, 1921, hereinabove referred to 
 must and will remain undisturbed : Provided, however, That consideration will 
 be given by the department, upon satisfactory showing of necessity, to applica- 
 tions from employers who, prior to March 3, 1921, entered into contracts with 
 the Government and in good faith discharged their obligations thereunder, for 
 permission to retain in their employ for a limited period and for agricultural 
 work exclusively aliens so imported or engaged under said exceptions: Pro- 
 vided further. That transfers of such aliens for agricultural work for hmited 
 neriods will be permitted under the terms and conditions obtaining previous 
 to March 3, 1921, if and when the department so directs in individual cases 
 upon satisfactory showing made to it of the necessity of such action : Provided 
 further, hotcever, That such transfers shall be limited to employers who prior 
 to March 3 1921, executed a contract with the Government and thereafter in 
 good faith discharged their obligations thereunder : Provided, That all apphca- 
 tions of the character herein provided for shall be addressed to the Secretary of 
 Labor and filed in triplicate with the inspector in charge at the port at or 
 through which the aliens involved were engaged or imported, as the case may De. 
 The Commissioner General of Immigration is hereby instructed to be gov- 
 erned in accordance with the foregoing whenever applications for special 
 indulgence of the character hereinabove referred to are received. Meanwhile- 
 that part of said order directing the return of said ahens is suspended for to- 
 days from date hereof. ^ ^ Henning, Assistant Secretary. 
 
 Mr Raker. I put those orders in so that Ave will have all of the' 
 orders in relation to this matter Avhich the former chairman ot this 
 committee and the present chairman, I thmk, and practically ail the 
 members of the committee then held and determined was involun- 
 tary servitude and slavery, and tried to amend the law, but the bill 
 
 was never put through, . ^ ^ ^ -, ^i i i 
 
 J\Tow, I would like to further examine Mr. Oxnard on the labor 
 
 The Chairman. The chairman did not undertake to amend the law 
 
 Mr. Raker. Yes ; he introduced a bill. 
 
 The Chairman. To do what? 
 
 Mr. Raker, To prohibit the Secretary from making that order. 
 
 The Chairman. You mean Judge Burnett did that? 
 
 Mr. Raker. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Cable. Who gave an opinion with reference to the importation^ 
 
 of Mexican labor ? 
 
 Mr. Raker. It was never taken to the courts. 
 
 Mr. Cable. Did any official ever give an opinion? 
 
 Mr. Raker. No ; we got no opinion on that. 
 
 Mr. Cable. Have you asked for an opinion? 
 
 Mr. Raker. No ; because it is past and gone, but I am convinced,, 
 from all the decisions upon the matter, that it is involuntary servi- 
 tude and slavery. 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 589 
 
 The Chairman. Before we go into that 
 
 Mr. Eaker (interposing). This is what I want to examine him on. 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. I am very sure you will not get much out of me on 
 that, because I do not know about it. 
 
 Mr. Eaker. Yes; I will. On July 13, 1921, I wrote a letter to the 
 United States Tariff Commission in order to get some information in 
 regard to cane sugar, and I have a reply from the chairman of the 
 United States Tariff Commission, dated July 15, 1921, containing a 
 number of tables, one showing the sugar imports from Cuba, with 
 the rate and the amount, showing in 1920 over 5,000,000 pounds, with 
 a duty paid amounting to $57,132,909. 
 
 Mr. "White. You do not mean 5,000,000 pounds, do you? 
 
 Mr. Raker. Yes. 
 
 Mr. White. Do you not mean 5,000,000,000 pounds? 
 
 Mr. Eaker. That is correct, the amount is 5,740,933,486 pounds. 
 Table No. 2 shows the imports of the dutiable sugar from all coun- 
 tries except Cuba ; Table No. 3 shows the sugar imported free of duty 
 from all countries, chiefly the Philippine Islands ; Table No. 4 shows 
 the cane sugar production in Louisiana and the revenue had this 
 sugar been subject to duty, and the amount is 241,998,400 pounds 
 in 1920, and the duty would have been $3,039,499. Table No. 5 shows 
 the cane sugar production in Hawaii and the revenue had this sugar 
 been subject to duty. In 1920 the production was 1,056,023,998 
 pounds, and if it had paid duty, the amount of the duty would have 
 been $13,263,661. 
 
 Table No. 6 shows the beet sugar production in continental United 
 States and the revenue had this sugar been subject to duty. The 
 amount of beet sugar produced in 1920 was 1,452,902,000 pounds, and 
 the duty would have been $19,759,467. 
 
 (The letters and tables referred to are as follows:) 
 
 .luLY 13, 1921. 
 United States Tariff Commission, 
 
 Washington, D. C. 
 
 Gentlemen : I would like to have the following information in regard to 
 cane sugar : 
 
 1. The total amount, in pounds, and the value of cane sugar imported from 
 Cuba for 1913 to 1920, both inclusive, stated separately. 
 
 2. The duties collected on the above importations for each year and the rate. 
 
 3. The total amount of cane sugar from all other countries, in pounds, and 
 value of, imported during the years 1913 to 1920, inclusive, stated separately. 
 
 4. The amount of duties collected for each year and the rate. 
 
 5. The total amount of cane sugar produced in Louisiana during the years 
 1913 to 1920, both inclusive. 
 
 ■ 6. What w^ould have been the duty collected on this sugar thus produced in 
 Louisiana had it been imported. 
 
 7. What was the quantity of sugar, in pounds, produced in the Hawaiian 
 Islands, stated separately, for the years 1913 to 1920. both inclusive. 
 
 8. What would have been the duty, in dollars, had this same sugar been im- 
 ported from a foreign territory for each year, and the total amount for the 
 years named. 
 
 I would appreciate very much if you can furnish me with this information 
 so that I might have it by to-morrow evening. Send same to my address, 
 room 292, House Office Building. 
 Thanking you in advance for the same, I am 
 Yours, most truly, 
 
 John E. Rakee, M. C. 
 
590 
 
 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 United States Taeiff Commission, 
 
 Washington, July 15, 1921. 
 Dear Sir: We are mailing you herewith the data requested in your letter 
 of the 13th instant. Table I shows the importation of sugar from Cuba in 
 quantity and value, the duty collected, and average ad valorem rate. Table II 
 shows the same data for importations of all dutiable sugar from all other coun- 
 tries. Table III shows the importation in quantity and value of free sugar, 
 chiefly from the Philippines. Tables IV, V, and VI show, respectively, the 
 production of cane sugar in Louisiana and Haw^aii and of beet sugar in the 
 continental United States, together with the duty which would have been col- 
 lected had these sugars been foreign and imported at full-duty rate. Had they 
 been imported from Cuba the duty would have been 20 per cent less than the 
 figures shown. The duties are computed on the basis of 96° sugar for Louisiana 
 and Hawaii and on the basis of refined sugar for the beet. Sugar imported in 
 1913 would have been assessed for duty under the act of 1909. Part of the 
 importation for 1914 would have been under the act of 1909 and part under 
 the act of 1913 ; all subsequent importations would have been under the act of 
 1913. The actual duty collected in 1914 would therefore have been somewhere 
 between the two figures shown. 
 
 We would call your attention to the fact that sugar from Porto Rico is on the 
 same basis as sugar from Hawaii. Figures were not given because not asked 
 for. 
 
 We hope that these figures will meet your requirements and will not arrive 
 too late to be of service. 
 Very truly, yours, 
 
 Thomas Walker Page, 
 
 Clmirman. 
 Hon. John E. Raker, 
 
 House of Representatwes, Washington, D. C. 
 
 Table I. — (?ugar imports from Cuba. 
 
 Fiscal year. 
 
 Pounds. 
 
 Value. 
 
 Duty. 
 
 Rate. 
 
 1913 
 
 3, 746, 985, 521 
 5, 270, 888, 194 
 4, 672, 014, 681 
 5, 170, 626, 754 
 4, 790, 946, 051 
 
 4, 522, 112, 593 
 6, 672, 643, 624 
 
 5, 740, 933, 486 
 
 $84, 456, 408 
 105,628,001 
 146, 495, 034 
 190, 406, 710 
 209, 165, 594 
 218, 491, 905 
 373, Oil, 812 
 667, 918, 562 
 
 $49, 443, 045 
 61, 169, 453 
 46, 061, 049 
 51, 816, 121 
 47, 682, 364 
 44, 956, 501 
 66, 400, 299 
 57, 132, 909 
 
 Per eent. 
 58.54 
 
 1914 
 
 57.91 
 
 1915 
 
 31.44 
 
 1916 
 
 27.21 
 
 1917 
 
 22.80 
 
 191S 
 
 20. 58 
 
 1919 1 
 
 17.80 
 
 1920 
 
 8.55 
 
 
 
 1 Calendar year. 
 
 Table II. — Imports of dutiable sugar from all countries except Cuba. 
 
 Fiscal year. 
 
 Pounds. 
 
 Value. 
 
 Duty. 
 
 Rate. 
 
 1913 
 
 42,401,887 
 17,370,244 
 260,661,096 
 312, 245, 717 
 506,610,949 
 225,572,757 
 120,713,415 
 1,643,690,091 
 
 $1,101,277 
 
 400, 535 
 
 8, 581, 453 
 
 10, 558, 507 
 
 22,300,669 
 
 11,231,957 
 
 8,336,758 
 
 244,651,877 
 
 $701,316 
 
 248,569 
 
 3, 176, 121 
 
 3,458,054 
 
 6,288,881 
 
 2,824,885 
 
 1,508,508 
 
 21,037,421 
 
 Per cent. 
 63.68 
 
 1914 
 
 62.06 
 
 1915 
 
 37.01 
 
 1916 
 
 32.75 
 
 1917. 
 
 22.79 
 
 1918 
 
 25.15 
 
 1919 1. 
 
 18.09 
 
 1920 
 
 8.60 
 
 
 
 i Calendar year. 
 
 
 
 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAIL 
 
 591 
 
 Table III. — Su(/ar imported free of duty from all countries, chiefly the 
 
 Philippine Islands. 
 
 Fiscal year. 
 
 Pounds. 
 
 Value. 
 
 $4, 593, 199 
 2, 555. 822 
 7,511,645 
 6,389,017 
 
 Fiscal year. 
 
 Pounds. 
 
 Value. 
 
 1913 
 
 203, 161, 765 
 113,466,554 
 326,885,495 
 217, 222, 804 
 
 1917 
 
 270, 008, 416 
 197,523,182 
 196,319,609 
 318, 156, 663 
 
 $8,479,362 
 9 337 705 
 
 1914 
 
 1918 
 
 1915 
 
 1919 I 
 
 9^ 328] 574 
 4, 636, 117 
 
 1916 
 
 1920 
 
 
 
 1 Calendar years. 
 
 Table IV. — Cane sugar production in Louisiana, and revenue, had this sugar 
 
 been subject to duty. 
 
 Fiscal year. 
 
 Under act 
 
 Pounds ^^ 1909, 
 Jr-ounas. 1.685 cents 
 
 per pound. 
 
 Under act 
 
 of 1913, 
 1.256 cents 
 per pound. 
 
 1913 
 
 325,147,200 
 601, 074, 880 
 493, 239, 040 
 277, 240, 320 
 621, 799, 360 
 487, 197, 760 
 561,796,480 
 241, 998, 400 
 
 $5, 478, 730 
 10, 128, 112 
 
 
 1914 
 
 $7, 549, 50O 
 6 195 082 
 
 1915 
 
 1916 
 
 
 3, 482', 13S 
 7, 809, 800 
 6 119 204 
 
 1917 
 
 
 1918 
 
 
 1919 
 
 
 7 056 164 
 
 1920 
 
 
 3, 039, 499 
 
 
 
 Table V. — Cane sugar production in Hawaii and revenue had this sugar been 
 
 subject to duty. 
 
 Fiscal year. 
 
 Pounds. 
 
 Under act 
 of 1909. 
 
 Under act 
 of 1913. 
 
 1913 
 
 1,085,362,344 
 1,114,750,702 
 1,280,863,812 
 1,137,159,828 
 1,162,605,056 
 1,080,908,797 
 1,215,594,766 
 1,056,023,998 
 
 $18,288,355 
 18,783,549 
 
 
 1914 
 
 $14,001,269 
 16,087,649 
 14 282 727 
 
 1915 
 
 1916 
 
 
 1917 
 
 
 14 602 319 
 
 1918 
 
 
 13 576 214 
 
 1919 
 
 
 15, 267, 870' 
 13 263 661 
 
 1920 
 
 
 
 
 
 Table VI. — Beet sugar production in continental United States and revenue had 
 
 this sugar been subject to duty. 
 
 Year. 
 
 Pounds. 
 
 Under act 
 
 of 1909, 
 
 1.90 cents 
 
 per pound. 
 
 Under act 
 
 of 1913, 
 
 1.36 cents 
 
 per pound. 
 
 1913 
 
 1, 385, 112, 000 
 1, 466, 802, 000 
 1, 444, 108, 000 
 1, 748, 440, 000 
 1,641,314,000 
 1, 530, 414, 000 
 1,521,900,000 
 1,452,902,000 
 
 $26, 317, 128 
 27, 869, 238 
 
 
 1914 
 
 $19,948,507 
 19 639 869 
 
 1915 
 
 1916 
 
 
 23' 778] 784 
 22 321 870 
 
 1917 
 
 
 1918 
 
 
 20 813 630 
 
 1919 
 
 
 20 697 840 
 
 1920 
 
 
 19 759 467 
 
 
 
 
 Mr. White. I would like to put in the record again the state- 
 ment I made awhile ago that was questioned. I stated that we pro- 
 duce in the United States to-day 25 per cent of all the sugar con- 
 
592 
 
 LABOE PROBLEMS IN HAWAII, 
 
 sumed in the United States. I still maintain, Mr. Chairman and 
 gentlemen, that I am confident I am correct in that statement, be 
 cause we produced 2,500,000,000 pounds in the United States, and 
 the statement that was read from that table is agreeable with my 
 statement. 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. That would be 50 per cent, would it not? 
 
 Mr. White. No, sir; we consumed 9,000,000,000 pounds of sugar 
 in the United States. 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. About 4,500,000 tons, I think. 
 
 Mr. White. Your statement, reduced to pounds, Mr. Oxnard, is 
 9,000,000,000 pounds, if you will pardon me, which agrees with the 
 statement of Mr. Raker. 
 
 Mr. Raker. The letter of the Tariff Commission dated July 15, 
 1921, says : 
 
 We would call your attention to the fact that sugar from Porto Rico is 
 on the same basis as sugar from Hawaii. Figures were not given because not 
 asked for. 
 
 So I wrote the following letter to the commission: 
 
 July 13, 1921. 
 United States Tariff Commission, 
 
 Washington, D. C. 
 
 Gentleaien : Would you kindly give me, from your reports and from the 
 reports of the Federal Trade Commission, the relative cost of production of 
 sugar, per ton, for, first, Hawaii ; second, Porto Rico ; third, Louisiana ; fourth, 
 Cuba; fifth, the United States generally? 
 Thanking you for this information, I am 
 Yours, most truly, 
 
 John E. Raker, 
 
 Member of Congress. 
 
 Mr. Raker. I will insert in the record the reply of the Tarilff 
 Commission, dated July 19, 1921, and also the table that accompa- 
 nied that letter. 
 
 (The letter and table referred to are as follows:) 
 
 United States Tariff Commission, 
 
 Washington, July 19, 1921. 
 
 Dear Sir : We are mailing you herewith the table showing the Porto Rico 
 situation, as requested in your letter of the 16th instant. 
 Very truly, yours, 
 
 Thomas Walker Page, Chairman. 
 Hon. John E. Raker, 
 
 House of Representatives, Washington, D. C. 
 
 Table VII. — Cane sugar receipt from Porto Rico, in pounds, together with the 
 revenue which would have been received had this sugar been subject to duty. 
 
 Year. 
 
 1913 
 1914 
 1915 
 1916 
 1917 
 1918 
 1919 
 1920 
 
 Pounds. 
 
 765,420,310 
 641,252,527 
 538,922,493 
 849, 763, 491 
 977,377,996 
 672,937,334 
 703,286,023 
 837,735,200 
 
 Potential revenue. 
 
 Act of 1909.1 Act of 1913.2 
 
 $12,897,330 
 10,805,105 
 
 $8,054,131 
 7,396,866 
 
 10,673,029 
 
 12,275,867 
 8,452,092 
 8,833,272 
 
 10,521,954 
 
 1 Rate of duty, 
 
 2 Rate of duty, 
 
 3.01685 per pound. 
 ).01256 per pound. 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 593 
 
 Mr. Shaw. How many years does that cover ? 
 
 Mr. Raker. From 1913 to 1920, inclusive. 
 
 Now, Mr. Oxnard, if the Hawaiian people were not a part of the 
 United States and they had to pay the same duty as is paid on sugar 
 that comes in from Cuba, they would have an additional payment 
 to make of something over $14,000,000? 
 
 Mr. Oxnard. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Raker. And if it applied to sugar outside of Cuba, it would 
 be more? 
 
 Mr. Oxnard. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Raker. So if they got their cheap labor, you would put them 
 in competition with those raising sugar in continental United States ? 
 
 Mr. Oxnard. Absolutely. 
 
 Mr. Raker. You would be giving them an advantage, although 
 they are a part of the United States, that you do not give the pro- 
 ducer of either cane or beet sugar in the continental United States ; 
 is that right? 
 
 Mr. Oxnard. Absolutely ; that is what I contend. 
 
 Mr. Raker. These figures show the amount? 
 
 Mr. Oxnard. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Let me ask you this question: Have you discussed 
 this matter in any way, shape, or form with the Hawaiian sugar 
 producers, as to bringing in the cheap labor, or have you discussed 
 it with any one of their representatives or agents? 
 
 Mr. Oxnard. I do not know with whom, but with some member, 
 with some Hawaiian or other, I did discuss it, and they asked me if 
 I did not want them myself, and I said yes. " Then why are you 
 fighting us ? " 
 
 Mr. Cable. Want what; what do you mean by that? 
 
 Mr. Oxnard. Chinese. 
 
 Mr. Raker. What was said or done, if anything, in the conversa- 
 tions or arrangements, to the effect that if you would " lay off " of 
 this proposition and let them have cheap labor for Hawaii, it would 
 eventually come to the United States ? 
 
 Mr. Oxnard. I can not say that in particular ; I can not remember 
 whom I talked with, or anything particularly said on those lines, 
 except that the inference I got was that if the Hawaiian Islands 
 got their Chinese labor, in time we would probably get ours. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Now, I understand from j^ou that you are opposed to 
 contract labor ; is that right ? 
 
 The Chairman. I did not understand that ; ask him the question 
 directly. 
 
 Mr. Oxnard. I am opposed. I am not asking for Chinamen to 
 come into the United States. 
 
 The Chairman. He did not say he was opposed ; he said there was 
 a provision in the law that would let him bring contract laborers 
 from Mexico. 
 
 Mr. Raker. No ; I do not think he put it that way. 
 
 Mr. Oxnard. I could not think of anything but what is the fact ; 
 there is no law about that, but the regulations do let us bring them in. 
 
 The Chairman. Under contract? 
 
 Mr. Oxnard. Under contract — I do not know whether it is under 
 contract, but under conditions, certain conditions, and stipulations 
 that the}^ go back, or something of that sort. 
 56754— 21— SEE 7, pt 2 4 
 
594 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 The Chairman. You undertake to keep them at certain places, 
 and so on? 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. Something on those lines. I do not want you to think 
 for a moment that I am evading any questions at all. 
 
 The Chairman. We do not want you to evade any. 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. I will say this, that I am the vice president of this 
 company in a great many ways, but I do not know all the details. 
 Those are turned over to our manager. The man who sent me the 
 telegram I read to you a while ago is the man Avho makes these 
 arrangements. 
 
 The Chairman. You have made a great study of this subject, and 
 before the Senate lobby committee you were a Avitness in regard to the 
 conditions of sugar labor. 
 
 Mr. OxNARD, Lots of times. 
 
 The Chairman. You have testified heretofore that you burned the 
 books of the beet-sugar industry. 
 
 Mr. Cable. What occasioned that ? 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. I do not know that I testified to that. 
 
 The Chairman. What did you testify to ? 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. That I burned the books ? 
 
 The Chairman. You say you do not think you did. I find, on 
 page 1214 of the hearings of the Senate Lobby Committee, this col- 
 loquy : 
 
 Senator Reed. Yon burned your books two years ago. When d'd you burn 
 them last prior to that time? 
 
 Mr. OxNAED. I do not know. 
 
 Senator Reed. Have you burned tliem since that time? 
 
 Mr. OxNAKD. We liave not been keeping books since tliat time. 
 
 Senator Reed. You do not make any records now? 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. No, sir. 
 
 Senator Reed. How did you arrange it when you came to the conclusion that 
 it was best not to liave any boolvs at all and save the trouble of burning them? 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. No understanding has ever occurred in that way. 
 
 Senator Reed. It is a fact that happened. How did that fact come to happen 
 unless there was an understanding or an agreement, express or implied, to 
 bring it about? 
 
 Mr. Oxnard. I know nothing of that. I can not answer that question. 
 
 Then we read that Mr. C. P. Hamlin, of Colorado Springs, was at 
 one time chairman of the board of directors. His books were burnedy 
 were they not? 
 
 Mr. Oxnard. I do not know whether they were or not. 
 
 The Chairman. You can not find them ? 
 
 Mr. Oxnard. I do not know what books you are referring to. 
 
 Mr. Box. Did you read from the Senate hearings on the subject? 
 
 The Chairman. Yes; I have the Senate hearings here. Mr. Par- 
 donner seems to have been a factor in the matter. 
 
 Mr. Oxnard. Yes. 
 
 The Chairman. The whole crux of the thing. 
 
 Mr. Oxnard. What is the crux of it? 
 
 The Chairman. From your attitude 
 
 Mr. Oxnard. What about my attitude ? 
 
 The Chairman. From your attitude, there seems to be no chance 
 or possibility of the consumers ever getting any cheap sugar, if you 
 can prevent it. You say you are selling at a loss now. 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 595 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. They are g-ettincy it cheap enough now. They are 
 getting- it at a loss of about $2 a bag, and if we make a million and a 
 half bag-s, that is $3,000,000. 
 
 The Chairman. What would you have to sell it at now to come out 
 even ? 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. On this new crop we estimate it will cost us about 6^- 
 cents to produce, and if we do not get that — and we are not getting 
 it now, we are going to lose money again this year. 
 
 The Chairman. Who is getting the benefit ? 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. The American public is getting the benefit of all this ; 
 everybody is being ruined in the sugar business. 
 
 The Chairman. You are no worse off than Hawaiian planters. 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. We are worse off, because it costs us more to make it. 
 
 The Chairman. Do they not have to pay the transportation ; does 
 not the matter of transportation come into the proposition for the 
 Hawaiian people to a heavier extent than it does with you? 
 
 Mr. OxNARD, No; they may have some transportation, although 
 they get a mill and transit rate, as I understand it. 
 
 The Chairman. Did you attend a meeting in New York of the 
 sugar growers to discuss this matter? 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. Yes. 
 
 The Chairman. What was the discussion? 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. That the Hawaiian people wanted to get this Chinese 
 labor. 
 
 The Chairman. What was the result ? 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. I opposed it, and the Louisiana people opposed it, 
 and the Porto Rico people opposed it. 
 
 The Chairman. All for the protection of that particular industry ? 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. Why, gentlemen, if you want to say I am selfish, I 
 will let you say it, if 3'Ou w^ill say that the Hawaiian planters are 
 selfish, too ; but if you will say that they are patriotic, then put me 
 in the patriotic list. 
 
 The Chairman. The main thing you are trying to do is to get out 
 whole with the beet-sugar business ? 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. I am trying to protect the beet-sugar business, and 
 have been doing it for 30 years or more. 
 
 Mr. Raker. This is a question of labor. Are 5^011 in favor of con- 
 tract labor as it existed before we passed the law that was passed in 
 1889? 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. No — I will say no. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Are you in favor of peon labor, where a man goes to 
 work until he pays off his debt, and he is kept in control of his em- 
 ployer ? 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. No. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Are you in favor of involuntaiy servitude of any kind ? 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. No. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Should any industry be permitted to exist if it requires 
 peon, contract, or involuntary servitude labor to do the work in the 
 United States? 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. It does not look that way from the way they acted 
 during the Civil W^ar, does it ? 
 
 Mr. Raker. No, sir. 
 
596 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. By the way, I do not understand- 
 
 Mr. Raker (interposing). Just a moment. Have you read this 
 
 resolution ? 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. No ; I have not. 
 
 Mr. Raker. This resolution imposes contract labor as it existed in 
 the case of Mexican and Chinese contract labor, in its most virile 
 form. Do you think any part of the United States should sanction 
 such labor for any industry ? 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. No ; I do not. They are protected by a tariff. 
 Mr. Raker. Whether they are protected by a tariff or not ; you said 
 you would like to get Chinese labor in California. 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. I would, if my competitors would have it. 
 
 Mr. Raker. You say you would be willing to have Chinese laborers 
 in California? 
 
 Mr. Oxnard. If they come into Hawaii. 
 
 Mr. Raker. As an American citizen, do you stand for contract, 
 in voluntary servitude work in any part of California ? 
 
 Mr. Oxnard. No ; I do not. 
 
 Mr. Raker. You do not want to participate in anything that will 
 bring about such a kind of labor? 
 
 Mr. Oxnard. No ; I have never tried to. I think I have taken up 
 too much of your time already. 
 
 Mr. Cable. There is one point Judge Raker brought out that I 
 would like to ask Mr. Oxnard two or three questions about. 
 
 The Chairman. Very well. 
 
 Mr. Cable, Mr. Oxnard stated he had a conversation with a 
 member of this Hawaiian commission. 
 
 Mr. Oxnard. No commission ; some Hawaiian man ; I do not know 
 which one it was. 
 
 Mr. Cable. ¥/hen did this conversation take place? 
 
 Mr. Oxnard. In New York. 
 
 Mr. Cable. When? 
 
 Mr. Oxnard. In June ; in the first part of June. 
 
 Mr. Cable, What year ? . 
 
 Mr. Oxnard. This jev.x. 
 
 Mr. Cable. Who was the man ? 
 
 Mr. Oxnard, I do not know. 
 
 Mr. Cable. How long had you talked to him? 
 
 Mr, Oxnard. Not three minutes. 
 
 Mr. Cable. Who introduced you to him ? 
 
 Mr. Oxnard. I do not believe anybody did. 
 
 Mr. Cable, Have 3- ou seen him since ? 
 
 Mr. Oxnard. I would not know him if I saw liim. 
 
 Mr. Cable. Was he a member of the commission who are here 
 to-day? 
 
 Mr. Oxnard. I would not know. 
 
 Mr. Cable. You know Mr, Kalanianaole, the gentleman over there, 
 do you not [indicating] ? 
 
 Mr. Oxnard. I have seen the gentleman. 
 
 Mr. Cable. Is that the gentleman j^ou refer to ? 
 
 Mr. Oxnard. I do not know whether I have been introduced to him 
 or not. 
 
 Mr. Cable. Was that the gentleman ? 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 597 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. No. 
 
 Mr. Cable. I would like to have the members of the commission 
 stand up here. Who are on the commission ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. Senator Ghillings worth, Mr. Horner, and myself. 
 
 (The members of the commission referred to thereupon arose in 
 their places in the committee room.) 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. I will not say it was any of these gentlemen. 
 
 Mr. Cable. That is a serious inference, and I think the committee 
 ought to find out whether or not it was made. 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. It could not be, because I would not know the man 
 myself, but what I have said is true. 
 
 Mr. Cable. You talked to him only two or three minutes ? 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. That is all. 
 
 The Chairman. How does it happen that the beet sugar growers 
 have an association, the Louisiana cane planters have an association, 
 the Hawaiian sugar growers have an association, and they all seem 
 to get together and have a general understanding and that they es- 
 cape the antitrust laws ? How do you escape ? That is a serious ques- 
 tion, as it comes before us here. 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. I do not know whether we all get together or not in 
 any way that is against the law. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. Is there any evidence before the committee to show 
 that they have all gotten together? 
 
 The Chairman. They seem to meet. 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. We have conferences; we meet periodically for dis- 
 cussions, in the last year or so. 
 
 Mr. Cable. Do you fix the prices of sugar at these meetings? 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. Oh, no. 
 
 Mr. Cable. You do not talk about the prices at all ? 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. We all talk about prices, but we do not fix any prices. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. Where is the price fixed ? 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. Every man fixes his own price, as I understand it. 
 There is absolutely no meeting to fix the price of beet sugar, and I am 
 conversant with that. I do not know about cane sugar. If we did 
 fix it, we would not have fixed it at the price it is to-day. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. You say you have been interested in the beet-sugar 
 business for 30 years? 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. Yes, sir ; since 1889. I started to build factories and 
 went to Europe and studied the proposition. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. You ought to know considerable about it. 
 
 Mr. Oxnard. I know something about it. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. This is a serious question. Do you think there is any 
 possibility of extending the beet-sugar business to the point of pro- 
 ducing all of our own sugar without securing sugar from Cuba, Porto 
 Rico, and Hawaii? 
 
 Mr. Oxnard. There is no doubt about it. I am going to tell you 
 a few things about this proposition. The bottom of the whole mat- 
 ter in Hawaii has alw^ays been sugar, and they became annexed to 
 the United States because of the tariff laws of the United States. 
 If they could have had a tariff without any labor laws, they would 
 have elected to have come in under those conditions ; but they could 
 not have it that way. Sugar has been at the bottom of a lot of 
 this trouble in Cuba we have had in past years, and everything else. 
 
598 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 I 
 
 I am familiar with the situation in Cuba, and the whole thing is j 
 that the people in the sugar business in Cuba would like to be an- j 
 nexed peacefully to the United States, just as Hawaii was, and it I 
 would not greatl}^ surprise me — greatly, I say — if that may come ' 
 about in some years to come. They want to get this market; it is j 
 a splendid market. The Porto Ricans when they came in here i 
 said they could not make more than 50,000 tons at the outside, and 
 they gradually increased it and it reached 150,000 and more, and 
 they are producing 450,000 now. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. That is an aid to the consumer of this country, is it not?) 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. I suppose it is. • 
 
 Mr. Shaw. They are a part of this country, just the same as any 
 State. 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. It does aid. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. A¥e produce a little wool in Illinois, but it costs us a 
 good deal more than it does in the Northwest to produce wool. Should 
 we be protected over the northwestern woolgrower? 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. You should all be in the same boat, under the same 
 flag, on the same footing, with the same tariff laws and the same 
 labor laws. 
 
 The Chairman. You are not in the same boat, with your labor 
 getting $2.50 a day and a hut to live in. 
 
 Mr. Raker. He* said $3. 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. $2.70, $2.80, $3.15 ; $2.25 is_ the lowest. 
 
 The Chairman. $2.50 is the average, is it not? 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. Call it $2.50. 
 
 The Chairman. You have to pay that price as against 40 cents 
 paid in Porto Rico, do you not? 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. I do not know what they pay. I want to get in the 
 record the fact that Hawaii paid, in 1902, 99 cents; and in 1905, 83 
 cents; in 1910, 91 cents; and in 1916, $1.23 a day to their laborers. 
 Those are the official figures. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Per day? 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. Yes. Those are the average daily earnings. 
 
 Mr. Cable. Then they give a bonus ? 
 
 Mr. Raker. Nobody has offered, by producing his books, or any 
 other records, to show how much this bonus amounted to, which was 
 paid to any of these laborers. 
 
 Mr. Box. Mr. Oxnard, in connection with the price you paid to 
 the growers for their beets, to what extent is that price paid to them 
 regulated by the price received by you ? Is it not controlled by it ? 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. Not entirely. 
 
 Mr. Box. How f ar ? 
 
 Mr. Oxnard. Not entirely ; we give them a certain percentage and 
 a bonus when we sell our sugar for so much more. We have the 
 different contracts. For instance, in California is one price, in Colo- 
 rado another, and in Nebraska still another. In Colorado and Ne- 
 braska 90 per cent of the contracts are at a fixed price, which was 
 $10 a ton for the beets last year. It is $6 this year. But in California 
 it is a scaled price. The growers get somethin^g like an average of 
 $12 and $15 a ton for their sugar beets. 
 
 Mr. Box. Is that not controlled very largely, if not entirely, by 
 the price you receive ? 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 599 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. Not entirely, because most of our contracts are made 
 without any price being fixed. 
 
 Mr. Box. Did you read the testimony of those farmers which was 
 oiven before the Ways and Means Committee in connection with the 
 tariff ? Did you read that testimony ? 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. I was not here when the testimony was given. 
 
 Mr. Box. You say the price you pay for beets is not controlled en- 
 tirely by the price you get for sugar ? 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. I say that because it is so. 
 
 Mr. Box. I understand; I am going to have you define it a little 
 further, if you can. It is so, is it not ? 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. I have just told you that in Colorado and Nebraska 
 90 per cent — we give them both contracts, a straight fixed- price con- 
 tract, based on what we get for the sugar, or an upset price — 90 per 
 cent of them are taking the upset price ; that is, the fixed price, not 
 based at all on what we get for our sugar. 
 
 Mr. Box. That is in California ? 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. That is in Colorado and Nebraska. In California it 
 is based entirely on the price we get for the sugar. There is a fixed 
 minimum of $10, and so much more, 25 cents for every degree above, 
 and so much more if we get 9 cents or 10 cents, and we had it run 
 up last year when we thought we would get 20 cents, but we aver- 
 aged about 7 or 8 cents. 
 
 Mr. Box. Let us find, if we.can, how much of your beets are bought 
 on the basis of the price being fixed by the price you get for sugar. 
 Is not a far greater part of it fixed in that way? 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. No ; not a far greater part of it ; I should say about 
 50 per cent. 
 
 Mr. Box. About 50 per cent ? 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Box. Then if the farmers testified that they are getting a 
 price which was entirely controlled by the price you got for sugar 
 they misstated the facts ? 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. As far as our company is concerned. It might have 
 been true of a Michigan factory. 
 
 Mr. Box. There is a provision in those contracts, when you con- 
 tract for the planting of beets by which the purchasers of the beets 
 agree to help furnish the labor ; in those contracts you stipulate as to 
 the price and you base it on the market price for sugar, do you not ? 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. I said about 50 per cent is done in that way. 
 
 Mr. Box. About 50 per cent of your product is bought on those 
 terms ? 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. I am speaking of our product entirely. 
 
 Mr. Box. Now, in reference to the Mexican labor contract proposi- 
 tion, you know that those men are brought in under the contract sys- 
 tem, do you not? 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. I do not believe they are ; I think it is under the regu- 
 lations promulgated by the Secretary of Labor. 
 
 Mr. Box. Have you ever read those regulations? 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. No. 
 
 Mr. Box. You do not know then whether or not those regula- 
 tions provide for the abrogation of the contract features of the labor 
 law ; do you know whether they do ? 
 
600 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. No. As I said, I have not read them. I am leaving 
 that to our manager. 
 
 The Chairman. Your own agent? 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. He is the general agent for all our beet-sugar com- 
 panies. 
 
 The Chairman. That accounts for this statement that you are not 
 in agreement or combination, but you have a general agent, and he 
 made it a business to travel up and down the Mexican border pick- 
 ing up this labor? 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. He did it for all the companies and charged them so 
 much for his services. 
 
 The Chairman. Anyway, he agrees to get them ? 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. You can not prove anything by me on that, because 
 I do not know the details in reference to it. 
 
 Mr. Box. Do you know whether or not those regulations provided 
 for the arrest and deportation of a .man who left the service of a 
 particular employer or group of employers? 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. No; I do not know anything about that. If I had 
 known you wanted information in reference to all these questions, I 
 would have had some one here to answer them all for you. 
 
 Mr. White. I would like to ask this question and make it a part 
 of the record: Just how seasonal is this labor; what is the length 
 of time that these men are employed ; about what is the length of the 
 employment furnished to this labor, imported or otherwise — any 
 class of this labor — in a year? 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. They start in as soon, as the ground can be tilled, 
 which in California is along very early in the spring, or winter, and 
 go right along. In Colorado, Nebraska, Utah, and all those other 
 places they go right along in the spring of the year and then stay 
 there until the crop is harvested. 
 
 Mr. White. What period of the year? 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. In California they start harvesting next Monday. 
 In Nebraska and Colorado we will start about the 1st of October. 
 We will have all the beets out by the 1st of November in California, 
 and by the 1st of December in the other places. 
 
 Mr. White. Would you say you have six months' steady employ- 
 ment in a year? 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. Oh, yes. 
 
 Mr. White. More than that ? 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. No. 
 
 The Chairman. That labor is moving from State to State, in order 
 to get steady employment? 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. They have to care for the crop, weed it, and do 
 things of that kind ; and they thin, it, and then about that time it is 
 pretty nearly time to get ready for harvesting. 
 
 The Chairman. They are employed at one place six months during 
 the year? 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. Something like that. 
 
 The Chairman. What do they do the rest of the time? 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. I think some of them go back and some of them do 
 not. I do not know what they do. 
 
 The Chairman. Does not that pretty nearly equalize your wage 
 with the Hawaiian wage? 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 601 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. Oh, no ; I should not think so. 
 
 The Chairman. You have about six months' employment, and they 
 try to have yearly employment? 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. We do not employ them at all ; it is the farmer who 
 employs them. 
 
 Mr. Raio:r. Do 3^ou ever have to hide the shoes and clothes of the 
 laborers at night to keep them from going off in the morning? 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. Not to my knowledge, but I think it might have 
 happened. 
 
 The Chairman. Would it be much of an effort for you to ascertain 
 how many Mexicans you have employed ? 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. No. 
 
 The Chairman. As against those Mexicans properly in the United 
 States, having come up from Texas, where they have been resident, 
 you have those coming in under this peculiar arrangement 
 
 Mr. OxNARD (interposing). With the Department of Labor; I 
 will be glad to do that, so far as my company is concerned. 
 
 The Chairman. I want to ask you one more question, then I am 
 through. You think at any time we want to we can shoot the Japa- 
 nese out of the water, if that occasion should arise ? 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. I feel that way about it. 
 
 The Chairman. I do, too. 
 
 Would we use our military preparations that we have on the 
 Hawaiian Islands for that purpose? 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. I do not know. 
 
 The Chairman. We have made an outpost out there, have we not? 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. Yes. 
 
 The Chairman. Do you think the United States Government was 
 right, or that Congress was right when it recently enacted the law 
 prohibiting orientals from working on the Federal work in the 
 Hawaiian Islands? 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. I would not want to go on record in regard to that. 
 I have not thought of those things at all. 
 
 The Chairman. Y"ou, having studied the gentleman's agree- 
 ment 
 
 Mr. OxNARD (interposing). No, sir. 
 
 The Chairman. You would agree with me that the gentleman's 
 agreement is so worked as to the continental United States and 
 otherwise that any time the governor or the territorial legislature, 
 or other official persons will proclaim a shortage of labor in that 
 island, Japan could open up and send in all the Japanese they want 
 to, without violating the gentleman's agreement? 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. Of course, that is not a question for me to pass upon. 
 
 The Chairman. If there is such a question and Japan chooses to 
 take advantage of it, the sugar people will be more handicapped than 
 before ? 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. I suppose that would follow, undoubtedly. 
 
 The Chairman. At this point, without objection, I will insert in 
 the record telegrams received from Mr. John P. Irish, of Oakland, 
 Calif., in which he makes statements in opposition to statements tele- 
 graphed to this committee by Mr. Y. S. McClatchy. 
 
602 X.ABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 (The telegrams referred to are as folloAvs:) 
 
 Oakland, Calif., July 23, 1921. 
 Hon. Albert Johnson, 
 
 Chair man 1 mhiigratlon Committee, 
 
 House of BeliresentaHves, WasJrinr/ton, D. C: 
 Report of State board of control shows Japanese have secured here 74,769 I 
 acres, and that our irrigated area is 3,893,500 acres. McClatchy's telegram i 
 says that the Japanese have secured one-eightth of the irrigated area, v^hich 
 would make our irrigated area only 598,152 acres. This sort of misrepresenta- 
 tion is intended to deceive Congress and poison eastern public opinion. The 
 Japanese by hard work have reclaimed to productive fertility more barren land 
 than they have secured. I long ago warned McClatchy and his conspirators 
 against international peace that their false and vituperative attacks on the 
 Japanese would lead to mob violence. This result has come in the incendiary 
 burning of five houses of Japanese in Fresno and the kidnapping of Japanese 
 and threats against their lives. It might interest the committee to know who is 
 interested in the depression of stock in Hawaiian sugar plantations, which will j 
 be the effect of extending the California conspiracy to that Territory. Publish ^ 
 this letter as his (McClatchy's) was. 
 
 John P. Irish. 
 
 Oakland, Calif., July 23, 1921. 
 Hon. Albert Johnson, 
 
 Chairman Imnvigration Committee, Washingto7i, D. C: 
 Like Hawaii is California, also part of the United States. To persecute the i 
 Japanese four laws have been passed here which nullify the Constitution and 
 laws of the United States. They are being enforced by mobs as at Turlock. 
 Nine of that mob under arrest say they were promised the support of the 
 American Legion and anti-Japanese committee in committing a State's prison 
 offense, but they only followed the example of the governor and legislature. 
 
 John P. Irish, 
 
 Mr. Wilson. Mr. Chairman, Mr. Rogers is here. 
 
 The Chairman. We will be glad to hear Mr. Rogers now. 
 
 STATEMENT OF MR. JOHN M. ROGERS, REPRESENTING THE 
 AMERICAN CANE GROWERS' ASSOCIATION. 
 
 Mr. Rogers. Mr. Chairman, I represent the American Cane 
 Growers' Association, which is made up of cane growers, I think 
 now exclusively, of Louisiana. 
 
 Unlike Mr. Oxnard, I do not want to apologize for having been 
 here so many times, this being the first time I was ever before any 
 congressional committee. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. Can you state, or place in the record, the compara- 
 tive cost of production of sugar in Louisiana, Hawaii, Cuba, Porto 
 Rico, and the Philippines? 
 
 Mr. Rogers. To do that I would quote Price Bulletin No. 13, pre- 
 pared by the War Industries Board, issued by them, entitled " Prices 
 of Sugar and Related Products." 
 
 Mr. Wilson. What year are you going to cover? 
 
 Mr. Rogers. This is the prewar cost. They do not give the in- 
 dividual years. It says : 
 
 Prewar cost at factory of Cuban sugar was 1.45 cents per pound, while for 
 Hawaii, Porto Rico, and Louisiana sugar the average was 2.23, 2.61, and 3.98, 
 respectively. From the above it will be seen that Louisiana sugar at a normal 
 period cost 3.98, Cuban sugar 1.45, making a difference against Louisiana sugar 
 of 2.53; Louisiana sugar cost 3.98, while Hawaiian sugar cost 2.23, making a 
 difference against Louisiana sugar of 1.75 ; Louisiana sugar cost 3.98, while 
 Porto Rico sugar cost 2.61, making a difference against Louisiana sugar of 
 1.37 cents. 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 603 
 
 Dr. Philip G. Wright, on January 18, 1921, testifying before the 
 ( onimittee on Ways and Means of the House of Eejn'esentatives, at 
 pages 1252 and 1253, stated that the Louisiana cost at that time, from 
 records he had, was 4.101 cents, Cuban sugar 1.7 cents, a difference 
 of 2.40 cents against Louisiana; the Louisiana cost being 4.101 and 
 the Hawaiian cost 2.896, there was a difference at that time against 
 Louisiana sugar of 1.203 ; the Porto Rico cost being 2.828, there was 
 a difference of 1.273 against Louisiana; and for the years 1916-17, 
 1917-18, and 1918-19, that being the war period, the average cost 
 was for Cuba, 4.104; beet sugar, 7.306 — and right there let me say 
 in reference to that, that beet sugar being all refined, he has reduced 
 this to a raw basis, so that the figures represent beet sugar as if it 
 were raw sugar — Hawaiian sugar 5.196, Louisiana sugar 9.304, and 
 Porto Rico sugar 5.802. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. Louisiana sugar is produced by those operating 
 factories, and also by the independent growers? 
 
 Mr. Rogers. It is. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. Small farmers or hired labor? 
 
 Mr. Rogers. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. Can you give us the proportion of cane produced in 
 Louisiana, beginning with those who operate factories ? 
 
 Mr. Rogers. The latest data I have compiled — I have that for 
 1920 now in hand — but using the year, 1919, which would be a fairly 
 typical year, the data show that the factories in Louisiana pro- 
 duced 44.82 per cent; the small grower or tenant, 54.66 per cent; 
 ground on toll, 0.0052 per cent. That makes less than 45 per cent 
 grown by the factories and a little more than 55 per cent grown by 
 the landowner or tenant. 
 
 The CHAiRMi^N. By whom was the small fraction of a per cent pro- 
 duced ? 
 
 Mr. Rogers. That was sugar ground on toll. This amount is so 
 small it is immaterial. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. Then about 45 per cent of the cane produced in 
 Louisiana is grown by the people who have factories ? 
 
 Mr. Rogers. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. And practically all the other is grown by the inde- 
 pendent owners, the small farmers, or tenants ? 
 
 Mr. Rogers. Yes. May I say there that there are 178 of those 
 factories in Louisiana and there are more than 4,000 — I have not 
 the exact figures; about 4,500 — of the independents, who employ 
 more than 10,000 people in the production of that sugar on the small 
 farms. 
 
 The Chairman. What kind of labor do you have? 
 
 Mr. Rogers. We have the farmer and his family and the Negro. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. The small grower is, as a general thing, just an inde- 
 pendent home owner, a settler, and a citizen of Louisiana ? 
 
 Mr. Rogers. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. There is no imported labor, no imported people, in 
 the cane industry in Louisiana ? 
 
 Mr. Rogers. No; they are all American citizens. 
 
 Mr. White. As a general rule does the small independent pro- 
 ducer — the farmer — employ any labor? 
 
 Mr. Rogers. Yes; in many instances he must employ labor at 
 times. 
 
604 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 Mr. White. That depends upon the acreage that he cultivates? 
 
 Mr. RoGEKS. Yes, sir. In Louisiana it takes about 80 laborers per 
 thousand acres. Therefore, an ordinary family of five, you can 
 readily understand, could only cultivate the amount limited by that 
 number; and of course he would have to go outside for more than 
 that. 
 
 The Chairman. What is your average wage to labor ? 
 
 Mr. Rogers. I am sorry that I can not answer that, sir, to-day. 
 
 The Chairman. Will you get those figures and place them in the 
 record ? 
 
 Mr. Rogers. Yes. I will send to New Orleans for them. 
 
 The Chairman. Do that, or instruct the clerk to wire for them. 
 Did you get any of this Mexican labor that was coming in ? 
 
 Mr. Rogers. Not under the contract. 
 
 The Chairman. Did you make an effort to get any of them ? 
 
 Mr. Rogers. No ; I didn't. I may explain to you that I personally 
 went to the Commissioner of Immigration and the Labor Depart- 
 ment late in 1920 when labor was very short and succeeded in having 
 Louisiana added to those border States having that permit. They 
 had not had it before. 
 
 The Chairman. What year was that ? 
 
 Mr. Rogers. That was 1920. 
 
 The Chairman. About a year ago, or a little over a year ago? 
 
 Mr. Rogers. About a year ago now. They were so desperate that 
 I went up to Ellis Island and spent a week there with our people 
 trying to see if I could get some labor. 
 
 The Chairman. Does your European white labor work with those 
 people ? 
 
 Mr. Rogers. Yes. Just for an example, I will give you a case. A 
 number of those small farmers are Italians that came in a number of 
 years ago, and we paid a little penalty for that. 
 
 The ChairMx\n. What was that ? 
 
 Mr. Rogers. Having the Mafia. In one instance some Italians 
 were killed in New Orleans, not as a result of bringing them to the 
 sugar plantations. Those fellows became citizens. I know one that 
 worked on a farm. He worked as a laborer, was brought to Louisiana 
 for that purpose. He came here and was engaged on a sugar planta- 
 tion. To-day he has one son in a bank and two daughters teachers 
 in the public schools, and he raises this cane and sells it in that way. 
 
 The Chairman. You say that you paid a penalty ? 
 
 Mr. Rogers. I mean in that way, referring to the Mafia. 
 
 The Chairman. If these Mexican laborers brought in under this 
 sort of agreement or contract are killed or injured, who pays the bill? 
 
 Mr. Rogers. I would think that the United States Government 
 would. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. Modify that, Mr. Chairman. You mean if they were 
 killed in an uprising of our citizens? You do not mean in just an 
 ordinary difficulty? 
 
 The Chairman. I want to ask Mr. Oxnard what he thinks about 
 that. If any of these Mexican laborers brought in by the Secretary 
 of Labor, and who are working on a sugar plantation, are killed in 
 an uprising or riot or trouble, who pays the bill upon complaint of 
 the Mexican Government? 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN" HAWAII. 605 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. I suppose the public would. 
 
 The Chairman. So that if these little outbreaks that occurred, as 
 at Turloc'k and Fresno, Calif., become sufficient to cause the United 
 States to have to pay a bill the United States would have to pay 
 that bill. 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. I suppose so. 
 
 The Chairman. It seems that there are two bills pending in Con- 
 gress now, having been reported out by committees, where the United 
 States Government would pay to Japan certain sums, one of them 
 being for the case of Torahachi Uratake, a Japanese subject killed 
 at Schofield. Barracks, Hawaii, on November 25, 1915. This man 
 was shot and killed by a soldier of the United States. The other 
 bill is for the death of Tatsuji Saito, a Japanese subject, who was 
 shot and killed by a soldier of the United. States in Mexico, where 
 this Japanese was bootlegging. That is what happened, and we have 
 to pay the bill. It is reported out by the committee and indorsed 
 by the Secretary of War. These are bills pending in the present 
 Congress. This latter case happened outside of the United States; 
 that is the trouble. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. Before you get through with Mr. Rogers I want to 
 ask him one question. 
 
 The Chairman. Go ahead. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. You are familiar with the resolution relative to ad- 
 mission of labor into Hawaii — I mean Chinese labor? 
 
 Mr. Rogers. I have read it. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. Mr. Rogers, what effect would the admission of 
 Chinese coolie labor to Hawaii, as contemplated by this resolution, 
 have upon the sugar industry in Louisiana as it stands at the present 
 and upon the independent cane producers in Louisiana? 
 
 Mr. Rogers. If I may preface that with another remark, I should 
 like to do so. As an American citizen and representing the Louisiana 
 cane producers I am and they are opposed to the bringing into the 
 United States of those men who can not become or who will not 
 become citizens of value to the United States. That is a broad 
 American principle that we all stand on. As a Louisiana producer, 
 from a purely selfish motive and for the immediate present, if 
 Hawaii or any other section has labor that is cheap, or potentially 
 cheap, then naturally I want them, because we must compete with 
 that labor, and the effect of bringing in labor for Hawaii would 
 inevitably be to reduce the cost of the sugar which comes in com- 
 petition with ours and against which we have no tariff or protection. 
 
 I want to say that we are perfectly willing to take our place in 
 competitive market on an equal basis with any country now under 
 the American flag. We are willing to take our place under equal 
 legal conditions. 
 
 The Chairman. That is a very fine sentiment, and I want to ask 
 you now. Do want the Mexican illiterate labor? 
 
 Mr. Rogers. We have not got them now. 
 
 The Chairman. Have you asked for them? 
 
 Mr. Rogers. Yes ; we have, and I will tell you why. Our cane crop 
 acreage was reduced from 1909, when we had 305,399 acres to 213,136 
 acres in 1919. That is, acres used for the production of this cane 
 which was cut and made into sugar. 
 
606 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 Mr. White. That is in the State of Louisiana. 
 
 Mr. Rogers. That is the State of Louisiana, 22 parishes. The 
 lands that Avere not in sugar, the difference between 305,399 and 
 213,136, lay idle—a great deal of it — solely because we could not get 
 labor. Then we reached the point during the war when our Negroes 
 w^ent to the Army, and when many of them came back and had been 
 trained in industries, particularly in the motor industry, driving 
 automobiles, the young Negro wanted to go to the city and get a job 
 driving an automobile ; and our labor was so short that w^e applied to 
 the Government during the Avar and got them to permit a detail of 
 soldiers from Camp Beauregard, at Alexandria, La., to go in there 
 and save the cane. It was a dire necessity after it was made. Later, 
 in 1919 and 1920, it was apparent we could not harvest our cane. 
 We use 50 per cent more labor about harvest time than w^e do during 
 cultural time, and it was apparent that we could not get it, and so 1 
 went to Ellis Island to look over that bunch brought in up there, and 
 I arrived at some very strong convictions of Avhat I would do if I 
 were a Congressman or United States Senator — if I had anything to 
 do with the United States Government about the labor that came to 
 America. 
 
 Mr. Eaker What is that? Tell us right now. 
 
 Mr. Rogers. In a word, it is this : I would provide that the Depart- 
 ment of Labor and the Immigration Bureau have sent into them 
 requisitions for labor, shoAving the need of it in A^arious industries, 
 the amount required, the Avage paid that Avould yield a fair profit vo 
 them on their business, the wages they could afford to pay, and I 
 w^ould haA'e that data transmitted to our Consular Service abroad, 
 and every man Avho came in Avould come not under contract but he 
 would come to do that kind of labor that was needed where it w^as 
 needed, and he Avould haA^e to be a potential American citizen before 
 he left the other side. 
 
 The Chairman. You assume that he would stay there and do that 
 work ? 
 
 Mr. Rogers. Yes, sir. Right here let me say, in parentheses, that 
 if this committee could present a bill to Congres sand have it passed 
 preventing the carrying of Chinese in bond through the United States 
 to go to Cuba, or any other place, it would be a splendid service ren- 
 dered. It has just been put into the record that about 8,000 Chinese 
 entered Cuba last year. I heard it unofficially stated that there is 
 about an aA^erage of 40,000 Chinese employed in Cuba at all times. 
 A large part of these Chinamen land in San Francisco and are car- 
 ried in bond by the Southern Pacific Raihvay through the cane fields 
 of Louisiana to NeAv Orleans and there placed aboard ship for their 
 intermediate destination, Cuba. I say intermediate because in con- 
 A^ersation Avith a former official of the Department of Labor it was 
 stated to me that in his opinion the major portion of these Chinamen 
 reached the United States from Cuba ; that this Avas the carrying out 
 of their intention when they left China. This statement is giA-en 
 additional weight by press reports Avithin the past few days that a 
 ship Avrecked near the American coast disclosed the fact that it had 
 on board contraband Chinamen from Cuba and that some 20 or more 
 of them were found on American soil after the wreck. 
 
 It seems unfair that our Government should permit the use of its 
 territory for the transportation of this labor to be used in competi- 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 607 
 
 tion with the products of our American hibor, Avliik' nt the same time 
 prohibitino-^ and I think properly so, the use of the same kind of 
 labor on American soil. Aside from this issue, it is at least worthy 
 of investigation as to whether or not Cuba is but a halfway station 
 for these undesirable aliens. It seems pertinent that if it is a fact 
 that Cuba is beinf]: used as a halfway station, then why erect another 
 halfway station in Hawaii and make it still easier for them to come 
 to continental United States? 
 
 Mr. White. What is the labor situation at this time, in 1921, as 
 compared to a year ago ? 
 
 Mr. Rogers. V ery satisfactory. 
 
 Mr. White. So that when in war conditions were abnormal you 
 were subjected to the difficulties of which you speak, but in ordinary 
 times you would not think there was any necessity for that, would 
 you ? 
 
 Mr. EoGERs. Well, I say there is always a demand for about 50 
 per cent additional labor during harvest time, and we handle that 
 in this way 
 
 Mr. White. Let me interrupt you. You could not bring in this 
 imported labor for that season, for that short period of time? 
 
 Mr. Rogers. Just the Mexican labor, but this is not our normal 
 procedure. It is our usual custom to secure farm labor from the cot- 
 ton section. 
 
 The Chairman. In Hawaii you can not do that. Hawaii is a 
 couple of thousand miles from any mainland, either European or 
 American. 
 
 Mr. Rogers. I said from a purely selfish standpoint we would be 
 glad to have the Chinamen. I do not believe it would pay Europeans 
 or Hawaiians or any other place to bring in that kind of labor in the 
 long run. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. You are aware of the fact that the new constitution 
 of Louisiana going into effect July 1 has a provision in it preventing 
 any person incapable of American citizenship owning or leasing 
 property in Louisiana. 
 
 Mr. Rogers. Yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. Do you approve of that. 
 
 Mr. Rogers. I do. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. Then, as a general proposition, you would be opposed 
 to bringing them to Louisiana ? 
 
 Mr. Rogers. First, last, and always. 
 
 The Chairman. Are any Japanese coming into Louisiana? 
 
 Mr. Rogers. Not at all. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. This Mexican labor has not been coming into Louisi- 
 ana. ' 
 
 Mr. Rogers. It has not. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. Is there any effort or any demand for it to be brought 
 in there now ? 
 
 Mr. Rogers. No ; not now. We were desperate and wanted it, and 
 one of our fellows did bring in some Mexican labor. I think he told 
 me the Southern Pacific was paid by him, $1,100 freight on them. He 
 said afterwards the Southern Pacific had them, he did not. We have 
 to compete with the railway labor wage and the sawmill wage and 
 for that reason our labor wage is not so low, and if we brought in 
 Chinamen or anybody else they would go the way the Mexicans did. 
 
608 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. Do you not think, Mr. Rogers, it is the best policy 
 for Louisiana to do as you have done about the Italian whom you 
 spoke about, bringing him in and selling the land to him and making 
 a citizen of him ? 
 
 Mr. Rogers. If we could sell every acre of our Louisiana property 
 to the small farmer and let him produce the cane and sell it to the 
 factory, we prefer to do it and would not have one single acre of 
 factory-grown cane. We must have factory-grown cane to be certain 
 that cane will be grown that we know we will get a reasonably steady 
 supply for normal factory operations. 
 
 The Chairman. When you say factory-grown cane, you mean when 
 you go out and make a contract ? 
 
 Mr. Rogers. No; I mean where the factory has a plantation and 
 grows it themselves. 
 
 The Chairman. I want to interrupt you right now to ask a ques- 
 tion. Did you attend this meeting of sugar growers in New York ? 
 
 Mr. Rogers. I did on the 14th of June. 
 
 The Chairman. Did you discuss the Hawaiian proposition? 
 
 Mr. Rogers. It was discussed only, so far as I know, in that the 
 gentlemen of Hawaii read their memorial that was to be presented 
 to Congress; and I stated just what I stated to you, as an American 
 proposition I would be against it, and if Hawaii had it then it must 
 extend to all America; we must have the same privileges. That is 
 what I stated. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Who was present at that meeting? What interests 
 were represented? 
 ■ Mr. Rogers. I believe the beet interests, Porto Rico 
 
 Mr. CiiBLE. Who represented them ? 
 
 Mr. Rogers. Mr. Oxnard was there representing the beet interests ; 
 CoL Edgar 
 
 Mr. Raker (interposing). Who represented Louisiana? 
 
 Mr. Rogers. I represented Louisiana. I may say I was not the 
 authorized representative ; I was detailed to represent them. The 
 others who were there I do not know — Mr. Dillingham and Mr. 
 Coombs I am sure — the representative of the Philippine Islands was 
 there. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Who represented the Michigan people? 
 
 Mr. Rogers. Col. Edgar was there. He represented Michigan, did 
 he not? 
 
 Mr. Oxnard. Yes, 
 
 Mr. Raider. Who represented the Utah sugar people? 
 
 Mr. Rogers. I do not remember any beet people except Mr. Oxnard 
 and Col. Edgar. 
 
 The Chairman. Were the Spreckles inferests represented? 
 
 Mr. Oxnard. Not directly. 
 
 Mr. Cable. Were they represented indirectly? 
 
 Mr. Oxnard. I suppose the}^ were represented indirectly. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Where was this meeting held? 
 
 Mr. Rogers. At 82 Wall Street. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Who represented or who presented this petition of 
 American sugar interests, consisting of the United States and Porto 
 Rico — who represented the Hawaiian side? 
 
 Mr. Rogers. Mr. Dillingham and Mr. Coombs. 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 609 
 
 Mr. Eaker. That is not this Mr. Dillingham who is present to-day? 
 
 Mr. lioGERs. No. 
 
 The Chairman. And Mr. Coombs? 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. Mr. Coombs. 
 
 Mr. Eaker. What did they do ? 
 
 Mr. Rogers. They wanted us to approve the memorial they read. 
 
 Mr. Raker. What was the substance of it? 
 
 Mr. Rogers. You have it. 
 
 Mr. Raker. I didn't know that was it. That is new to me. That 
 is not this Mr. Dillingham who is here ? 
 
 Mr. Rogers. No. 
 
 Mr. Raker. I remember fully about that. There is no connection 
 between the meeting up in New York and this commission here — 
 this Mr. Dillingham. 
 
 Mr. Rogers. I understood this memorial they read was to be pre- 
 sented to Congress. 
 
 Mr. Raker. What was the result of the conference ? 
 
 Mr. Rogers. The result of it was that I stated if Hawaii was to 
 have that privilege it was to extend where the American flag floated. 
 I think Mr. Oxnard stated about the same thing. I do not know 
 that anybody else stated anything. It was referred to a committee 
 of the Producers' Association for action. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. Where is Mr. Dillingham from ? 
 
 Mr. Raker. I do not know where he is from. 
 
 Mr. Oxnard. Mr. Dillingham is from Porto Rico, and is a lawyer. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. Where is Mr. Coombs from ? 
 
 Mr. Oxnard. He is a New York sugar man, and he is president of 
 two or three large plantations in Porto Rico. 
 
 Mr. Cable. Who has offices at 82 Wall Street? 
 
 Mr. Rogers. A publication known as " Facts about Sugar." W^e 
 had an office in their room. 
 
 Mr. Cable. A publication or newspaper? 
 
 Mr. Rogers. It used to be a newspaper. 
 
 Mr. Cable. Do you subscribe to it ? 
 
 Mr. Rogers. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Cable. Do they send out a price list every week on sugar ? 
 
 Mr. Rogers. I believe they publish it, just as they do in newspapers. 
 They publish a quotation. 
 
 The Chairman. How do they get away from the inquiry of the 
 Federal Trade Commission? 
 
 Mr. Rogers. They just publish the prices as the trade journals do, 
 the price at which sugar was sold the previous day or week. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Who had the memorial of the Hawaiian Legislature 
 before you ? 
 
 Mr. Rogers. I do not know where it was from. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Who from Hawaii presented it to you ? 
 
 Mr. Rogers. I do not know who — I do not know those gentlemen. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Was there anybody there representing the Hawaiian 
 sugar people ? 
 
 Mr. Rogers. My thought was that they were representing the 
 FJawaiian sugar people ? 
 
 Mr. Raker. Dillingham and Coombs ? 
 
 Mr. Rogers. Yes ; because, as I say, my attendance was delegated — 
 I was not a regular representative. 
 56754— 21— SEE 7, pt 2 5 
 
610 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 \ 
 
 The Chairman. Was this an open meeting ? 
 
 Mr. Rogers. Yes, sir. 
 
 The Chairman. Did they have a secretary ? 
 
 Mr. Rogers. Yes, sir. 
 
 The Chairman. Who was he ? 
 
 Mr. Rogers. Mr. E. W. Mayo. 
 
 The Chairman. What is his address. 
 
 Mr. Rogers. Eighty-two Wall Street. 
 
 The Chairman. How many delegates were there ? 
 
 Mr. Rogers. I could not answer you. About 10, were there not, 
 Mr. Oxnard. 
 
 Mr. Oxnard. I should say 12 or 15. 
 
 Mr. Rogers. About that. 
 
 Mr. Raker. What was the object of your meeting relative to the 
 Hawaiian labor question ? 
 
 Mr. Rogers. Had no purpose whatever, because, so far as I know, 
 nobody knew that question was coming up until it was presented at 
 that meeting. 
 
 Mr. Raker. And you do not know who presented it ? 
 
 Mr. Rogers. No ; I do not. 
 
 Mr. Cable. Do you have regular meetings? 
 
 Mr. Rogers. Not so far as I know ; no. There are no fixed dates 
 for it. 
 
 Mr. Cable. What was stated as the reason for the call for this 
 meeting? 
 
 Mr. Rogers. There was never any that I know of. I have never 
 seen^ one. Ail I know is that it stated the sugar producers will meet 
 such and such a date. 
 
 Mr. Rx\KER. The memorial was then referred to the Louisiana 
 producers to see if they woud be opposed to this? 
 
 Mr. Rogers. No ; it was referred to the committee on immigration 
 so far as I know. 
 
 The Chairman. Have they ever made any report ? 
 
 Mr. Rogers. No; I have never heard of them making smj report. 
 Judge R. Milling, of Louisiana, is our member. 
 
 The Chairman. They Avill make a report, will they not ? 
 
 Mr. Rogers. I judge so. 
 
 The Chairman. Was the question of illiteracy discussed at that 
 meeting ? 
 
 Mr. Rogers. No, sir. 
 
 The Chairman. At the last meeting? 
 
 Mr. Rogers. No, sir; I never have heard it discussed there. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Have you heard the real history as to Hawaii — the 
 question of labor, the attitude of Hawaii with reference to bringing 
 in Japanese as contract laborers — with reference to bringing in the 
 Chinese as contract laborers, and then their quitting them and going 
 to other labor fields? There was an illuminating article on the his- 
 tory of contract labor in the Hawaiian Islands. 
 
 Mr. Rogers. I have not. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Your committee never went into that? 
 
 Mr. Rogers. No, sir; may I say that committee up there never 
 transacts any direct business. It was simply as if we were all to 
 meet, not to pass any direct resolution or an\i:hiiig that I know of. 
 We just meet and discuss thino-Q 
 
LABOil PKOBLI'^.Mrt IN I i AWAIT. Gil 
 
 The Chairman. Come to a " gentlemtin's " agreement ? 
 
 Mr. KoGEKs. No; they never come to any agreements that I know 
 of; it is just a conference. 
 
 The Chairman. I do not think of anything more I wish to ask 
 Mr. Rogers. 
 
 Mr. Rogers. I want to give you some figures as to labor conditions 
 in Hawaii. These are taken from the statistical abstract for 1920, 
 but the point I want to call your attention to is this, the report of 
 the acreage and yields of Hawaii for a period of years. In 191(5 
 they produced 592,763 short tons of sugar; for 1917 they produced 
 644,663 short tons, in round figures; in 1918 they produced 576,700 
 tons; for 1919 they produced 600,312 short tons; in 1920 they pro- 
 duced 556,727 short tons. 
 
 Now, the point I wish to make is that in 1920 they produced 555,727 
 short tons. In 1916 they produced 592,763, and in 1919 they produced 
 600,312. Now, then, if it be true that they are suffering from labor, 
 then that labor that they have has grown lots more efficient. In com- 
 parison, Porto Rico produced in 1916, 849,763,491 pounds; in 1917.5 
 977,377,996 pounds; 1918, 672,937,334 pounds; 1919, 703,286,024 
 pounds; and in 1920, 837,735,200 pounds; wdiich shows that they ran 
 along just about holding their own, just as Hawaii. There is no ma- 
 terial difference in production. They had in 1916, 115,400 acres in 
 cultivation; in 1917 they had 123,900 'acres ; in 1918, 119,800 acres; in 
 1919, 119,700 acres in cultivation ; and we in Louisiana had to reduce 
 our acreage, so we are worse off than before the war. They have en- 
 joyed some advantages relative to labor that we have not had. We 
 are perfectly willing to take our chances with them. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Leaving all that aside, you would not be in favor of 
 having conditions of slavery or peonage in the labor situation as they 
 existed in Hawaii before the Avar? You would not be in favor of 
 going back to that ? 
 
 Mr. Rogers. Judg^e Raker, my father was a slaveholder, and if we 
 had to go back to that I would rather go out of business. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Have you read this resolution over ? 
 
 Mr. Rogers. No ; I have not. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Is there anything you know of that has any more in- 
 iquity in it than the old Chinese slave labor? 
 
 Mr. Rogers. I have not even read that. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Because in this it does not even permit the Govern- 
 ment to pay the expenses. It requires the expenses to be paid by the 
 producer, which in substance goes right back as is fully delineated in 
 this bill, as they used to do in Hawaii — that was, bring them over 
 and keep them until they paid their passage back, which was so ab- 
 horrent that they themselves prohibited the entrance of Chinese and 
 Japanese into the islands. 
 
 Mr. Rogers. I agree with you that it is abhorrent. 
 
 If I might philosophize just a little bit, I object to this because, I 
 might term it, the law of diminishing returns. Just as certain as we 
 pay labor too much in the cane fields — and Hawaii is suffering from 
 it to-day — just as certainly will that labor decrease to a point where 
 it becomes a burden either in competition or in inefficiency. Just as 
 certain as we pay too low prices for labor and furnish the inadequate 
 support of that labor, just that certain do we as American citizens 
 
612 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 pay the penalty. We know in Louisiana to-day that we have got to 
 furnish the Negro a fair house, a garden, a cow — in many instances 
 we have a dairy that they may have milk to drink — and we do not do 
 that because we love him so well but because we know that that is the 
 best way to get a day's work. And I want to say that in terms of 
 cane produced per acre the labor value in Louisiana compares with 
 Hawaii as 15 is to 39. Louisiana produces an average of 15 tons per 
 acre, while Hawaii averages 39 tons. In terms of sugar per ton of 
 cane, labor value in Louisiana compares to Llawaii as 136 is to 248, 
 the Louisiana average production of sugar being 136 pounds per ton 
 of cane; Hawaii, 248 pounds. (Authority: Statistical Abstract 1920 
 for Hawaii; Department of Agriculture Crop Reports for Lou- 
 isiana. ) 
 
 Mr. Eaker. Repeat that again. 
 
 Mr. Rogers. Labor in Louisiana in terms of sugar is as 136 to 248 
 compared with Hawaii, because out of a ton of cane in Louisiana 
 we make an average of 136 pounds of sugar; in Hawaii they make 
 248, and they can grow an acre of cane at probably less expense than 
 we can grow it in Louisiana. 
 
 The Chairman. Do they use the same methods ? 
 
 Mr. Rogers. No. 
 
 Mr. Irwin. How long does it take you to grow a crop of cane down 
 there ? 
 
 Mr. Rogers. About nine months. 
 
 Mr. Irwin. How long does it take to produce a crop in Hawaii? 
 Assume it takes 9 months in Louisiana and 18 months in Hawaii, 
 does that not reduce your proportion to that extent ? 
 
 Mr. Rogers. Since you raised that question, I would like to give 
 this official figure, but I am not familiar with Hawaii; I have to 
 depend solely on these figures. Take the time of actual operation 
 in Hawaii, l80 and 190 days, in one island going up to 220 days, 
 and the average is 275 days actual operation. 
 
 The Chairman. How many people are employed in the cane in- 
 dustry in Louisiana? 
 
 Mr. Rogers. The report of the census for 1914 for the manufac- 
 tures gives something like 4,000 to 12,000 persons engaged in the 
 industry; 4,544 in 1914, and 1919 it was 5,000, and it runs from that 
 up to 12,000, and I want you to understand that this is the census 
 of manufactures and it takes into account only the 178 large planta- 
 tions. The small farmers, of whom there are more than 4,000 — I 
 think that is an error; the Agricultural Department says, in their 
 opinion, it is an error, it should be more — employ more than 10,000. 
 In fact, I think they would come nearer 20,000; but that would 
 include the supporting crops, feedstuff and all. In other words, 
 lake the 300,000 acres in effect— 299,000— 80 laborers to 1,000 acres 
 would give you something like 24,000 right there in culture. That 
 is what it takes in Louisiana — about 80 mules and about 80 hands 
 per 1,000 acres. 
 
 The Chairman. We have been very much interested in your testi- 
 mony, and I appreciate your sentiments, and I want to ask you if 
 you have given any study to the situation in which Hawaii — Caucasian 
 people in Hawaii, principally American citizens, find themselves 
 with regard to the other population? 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 613 
 
 Mr. EoGERS. Some. It is limited. The result of my study is-and 
 it is my own conclusion— that Hawaii is a part of the United States to- 
 day chiefly because American citizens invested their money in Hawaii 
 tor the production of sugar. Those American citizens,* to pr()(hice 
 sugar cheaply and to their best advantage and with as mucli advan- 
 tage over other American territories as possible, used every method 
 permissible and brought Japanese labor in there to produce that cane 
 and they are paying the penalty to-day for that. Now, their idea 
 is to go off on another tack and bring in another undesirable element, 
 and for which they will eventually pay a penalty. Therefore I con- 
 clude that Hawaii has simply made a' bad guess and has not looked 
 at it, as I see it, from a long, final result, taking into consideration 
 that inevitable law of diminishing returns; and they are paying a 
 penalty, and I do not see how it will help them in the end or help 
 us to pull them out of the hole temporarily. 
 
 I want to say that I just read a statement from a Filipino that 
 has been over to Hawaii, and he says he has fixed up the trouble, 
 and he thinks he can get Filipinos — tiiey are American citizens— that 
 might give them some help. 
 
 The Chairman. The hearings have disclosed there are some con- 
 siderable numbers of Filipino laborers. 
 
 Mr. EoctErs. From statements published in the Louisiana Planter, 
 without referring to this question, the sentiment is decidedly that 
 there has been a very wide difference of opinion between Filipinos 
 and Hawaiians as to the Filipinos' treatment in Hawaii. I have 
 that copy of that article and that is all I am basing it on. It is only 
 an inference from that. 
 
 It is an unbiased statement ; has no reference to this question. This 
 is an extract from the Louisiana Planter and Sugar Manufacturer 
 entitled " Hawaiian letter." It is dated Honolulu, Hawaii, July 5, 
 1921, and I will read it to you : 
 
 [Extract from the Louisiana Planter and Sugar Manufacturer.] 
 
 HAWAIIAN LETTER. 
 
 Honolulu, Hawaii, July 5, 1921. 
 
 An era of better understanding' has been reached in the industrial relations 
 between the Philippine Islands and the employers of labor in Hawaii and on 
 the mainland, in the opinion of Senor Francisco Yarona, Philippines labor com- 
 missioner, who departed recently for Manila after devoting several months to 
 an investigation of conditions in Hawaii and the Pacific Coast States. Senor 
 Varona asserted on the eve of his departure that he is returning home with the 
 conviction that his visit has paved the way for the elimination of all misunder- 
 standings which in the past have led to industrial strife. 
 
 mutual understanding BETV/EEN FILIPINO AND HIS EMPLOYER RESULT OF 
 
 VAEONA's VISIT. 
 
 " We understand you better and you understand us better," said Senor 
 Varona. *' In a phrase, that is the secret of the present situation. In the past 
 only a mutual failure to reach this happy condition has prevented complete 
 cooperation and accord. The Filipino has it in him to be a moral and an 
 industrial asset to any community in which he happens to be living. Hawaii is 
 no exception to this rule. There has been a tendency in the past to foTget that 
 the present generation of Filipinos who have left their own country to seek a 
 foothold elsewhere are barely getting a start. Better results can be accom- 
 plished by trying to help them up instead of keeping them down, I am glad 
 to say that as a result of the missionary work along this line that has been 
 done on the mainland and in Hawaii this fact is coming to be generally recog- 
 nized. 
 
614 LABOR PROBLEMS 11^ HAWAII. 
 
 " We feel that we can depend absolutely upon the sugar planters and other 
 employers of Hawaii to take a broad and generous view of the Filipino labor 
 problem from now on." 
 
 UNDEE EXISTING HARMONIOUS CONDITIONS INFLUX OF FILIPINO LABOE EXPECTED. 
 
 Sefior Varona believes that one result of his labors in Hawaii will be an 
 influx of Filipino labor into the Territory. When the results of his mission are 
 published in the Phillipines, he says, the misgivings of the Filipinos as to the 
 treatment which they can expect here will be dissipated and they will flock to 
 Hawaii in increasing numbers. In conclusion, Senor Varona declared that the 
 Filipinos desired freedom, and that the progress the islands have made since 
 the American occupation justly entitles the Filipinos to their independence. 
 
 Reading between tlie lines, that indicates that there has been some 
 trouble heretofore. That indicates that some sugar planters, some of 
 the larger ones, have not been in favor of Filipinos coming in at other 
 than the low-price labor. 
 
 Mr. Raker, Have you looked into the situation, going back 40 
 years and running up to the present time, of how the Peloponiiesian, 
 Portuguese, Japanese, Chinese, that the moment they quit working on 
 sugar plantations and Avent into other industries and tried to buy 
 and own land they then came into disagreement with them; that 
 that has been one of the main troubles from the very beginning ? 
 
 Mr. Rogers. I think that is indicated in that letter. It has been of 
 recent date, that same issue. Incidentally I would say the Portu- 
 guese we have had in Louisiana have been very excellent. 
 
 The Chairman. That same inference Judge Raker makes would 
 lead to. the purchase of these lands in Plawaii by Japanese — would 
 that not follow? 
 
 Mr. Rogers. I don't think so. 
 
 The CiiAiR3^rAN. To carry it out logically, it would put Japanese 
 in control of the sugar situation there, in furtherance of these mis- 
 takes you describe? 
 
 Mr/ Rogers. Yes; I think there is something in that. 
 
 Mr. Raker. They objected to the Peloponnesians getting the land, 
 they objected to the Japanese getting the land, and they objected to 
 the Chinese getting the land. 
 
 The Chairman. They objected for the same reason the people of 
 California object to them getting the land there or even leasing it. 
 
 Mr. Rogers. That carries me back to my first statement. I am 
 opposed to any man coming into ximerica unless he is capable of 
 becoming an American citizen, and I mean that man that has got 
 the uniform traits essential to full-fledged American citizenship. 
 I believe in a citizen that can amalgamate, and no other, and I do 
 not object for a minute to them eliminating the people that will 
 not amalgamate. We might not object to the Chinese and the Negro 
 down there. I do not know what result that would lead to. 
 
 Mr. OxNARD. I desire to submit this table as a part of the hearings. 
 
 The Chairman. Let it go in. 
 
 THE CANE-SUGAR INDUSTRY. 
 [Department of Commerce. Miscellaneous Series, No. 53,. 1917.] 
 
 Page 63 — Over 81 per cent of the field hands engaged in the production of 
 sugar cane in the Hawaiian Islands are of the Japanese, Chinese, Korean, and 
 Filipino races. Native Hawaiians furnish 2 per cent. 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS LN lIAWyVII. 615 
 
 Page 63— The daily average rate of wages of field han<ls was 97 (-(Mits. 
 Page 218— Tlie number of Filipinos employed increased from 1, 190 in 1910 to 
 8,695 in 1915, an increase of 19.4 per cent. 
 
 Page 229— Average daily earnings of adult male field employees on Ilavvniian 
 plantations : 
 
 1902, $0.99 (covering 9,286 workers only). 
 1905, $0.83 (covering 3,437 workers only). 
 1910, $0.91 (covering 6,867 workers only). 
 1915, $1.23 (covering 6,885 w^orkers only). 
 Note.— Reproduced from report of United States Bureau of Labor Statistics. 
 Page 48— Total cost of production f. o. b. factory, including depreciation : 
 
 Per ton. 
 
 Hawaii . $44. 59 
 
 Porto Rico 52.29 
 
 Louisiana . 79. 50 
 
 United States beet sugar j. 70.08 
 
 Cuba (Federal Trade Commission report on the beet-sugar in- 
 dustry, May 24, 1917) 28.70 
 
 Page 81 — The average net factory cost per 100 pounds of sugar in the entire 
 United States during the five years ending with the campaign of 1913-14, not 
 including depreciation, was $3.5041 per 100 pounds, or $70,082 per ton. 
 
 Page 68 — After investigation the commission based cost of depreciation at 5 
 per cent on machinery and buildings. 
 
 Denver, Colo., July 25, 1921. 
 
 Daily wages, Mexico and Philippines, basis 9 hours, $2.25 Chino and south 
 of Los Angeles, and $2.70 Oxnard district. 
 
 Some cases higher in both districts, but this is general wage. 
 
 Beet topping on tonnage basis will run about $2.80 and $3.15 per day, re- 
 spectively. 
 
 E. C. Howe, General Manager. 
 
 Average icages of male farm labor in the United States, 1910, 1916, 1917. 
 
 Per mon tli : 
 
 With board — 
 
 1917 $40. 67 
 
 1916 33. 27 
 
 1910 29. 28 
 
 Without board — 
 
 1917 - 57. 28 
 
 1916 46. 65 
 
 1910 - 4L 42 
 
 Per day at harvest : 
 
 With board — 
 
 1917 2. 73 
 
 1916 2. 23 
 
 1910 1 -r 1- ^8 
 
 Without board — 
 
 1917 3. 34 
 
 1916 2. 72 
 
 1910 2. 45 
 
 Per day other than harvest : 
 
 With board — 
 
 1917 2. 14 
 
 1916 1- ^2 
 
 1910 - 1- "^^ 
 
 "^"slthout board — 
 
 1917 
 1916 
 
 2.77 
 
 2. 22 
 
 1910 ___:::::"iiiiiiiiiii"iii~---------- i. 94 
 
 Mr. Box. Mr. Chairman, I have an intimation that some matters 
 are coming up on the floor of the House in which I am interested, 
 and I have previously obtained permission to insert some historical 
 data in the record. It winds up by referring to a treaty between 
 
616 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 the United States and Hawaii providing that Chinese shall not 
 hereafter be admitted except under certain regulations. 
 (The article is as follows:) 
 
 As bearing more or less directly upon several questions which havp arisen 
 during these hearings, I quote below passages from Alexander's History of 
 the Hawaiian People showing: 
 
 1. That Hawaii's industrial and commercial development has in large 
 measure resulted from profitable trade and favorable commercial treaties with 
 the United States and from Hawa i's annexation, so that the agricultural 
 and commercial interests of the islands are beneficiaries rather than victims 
 of their relations with us. 
 
 "Material progress in the forties: The progress of the country during 
 these years in wealth and resources was steady but slow, from the want of 
 convenient markets " (pp. 258-259). 
 
 "The discovery of gold in California: The discovery of gold in California 
 in 1848 formed an era in the history of the islands. * * * j^ opened a 
 new marlvet for the productions of the islands, which has been increasing in 
 importance ever since" (p. 260). 
 
 " The new treaty with the United States was finally concluded in Washing- 
 ton, December 26, 1849" (p. 270). 
 
 "A similar just and equitable treaty was concluded with Great Britain 
 July 10, 1851" (p. 270). 
 
 " Material progress : The rapid settlement of California opened a new mar- 
 ket for the productions of the islands and gave a great stimulus to agricul- 
 ture. For a short time sugar brought from 18 to 20 cents a pound in San 
 Francisco, and large profits were made by raising potatoes in Kula, Maui> 
 and elsewhere for the California market. Tlie culture of wheat also increased, 
 and in .June, 1854, a steam flouring mill was started in Honolulu. The next 
 year 463 barrels of Hawaiian flour were exported. A foundry was started at 
 Honolulu at the same time" (p. 273). 
 
 "Agriculture and trade: The production of sugar was greatly increased 
 during this reign, owing to the importation of laborers from abroad and the 
 hope of reciprocity with the United States, which, however, was not realized. 
 The whaling fleet steadily fell off to only 47 ships in 1871, and continued to 
 decrease after that date" (p. 297). 
 
 But the hope was not long deferred, as the following discloses : 
 
 " The reciprocity treaty : Negotiations were immediately reopened for a 
 treaty of commercial reciprocity V\^ith the United States, which was ratified 
 in June, 1875, and in spite of strenuous opposition in both countries the laws 
 necessary to carry it into operation were enacted in September, 1876. This 
 treaty was to remain in force for seven years and further, until 12 months- 
 after either Government should give notice to the other of its desire to termi- 
 nate the same. The conclusion of this treaty was the great event of thi» 
 reign, and perhaps the most important event in Hawaiian history since 1843. 
 It ushered in an era of unexamiJled prosperity and set in motion a series of 
 changes of which no man could foresee the end " (p. 303). 
 
 " Progress of the country to 1890 : The development of the resources of the 
 islands under the stimulus of reciprocity with the United States surpassed all 
 expectation. The production of the principal staples of the country — sugar and 
 rice— increased to eight times wdiat it was before the treaty. The total value 
 of the domestic exports of the country rose to more than six times and the 
 total revenues of the Government to more than three times what they were 
 before the treaty" (pp. 311-312). 
 
 " Proposed treaty of annexation : On the 19th of January the steamer 
 Claudine was dispatched to San Francisco with five commissioners, fully em- 
 powered to negotiate a treaty of union with the United States. They arrived 
 in Washington February 3 and were favorably received by President Harrison. 
 A treaty of annexation was then drawn up by the Secretary of State and the 
 Hawaiian commissioners, which was signed on the 14th. It was laid before 
 the Senate for its concurrence on the 17th, but was not acted upon before the 
 end of the session. One of the first acts of President Cleveland after his 
 inauguration was to withdraw the treaty from the consideration of the United 
 States Senate on the 9th of March" (p. 317). 
 
 " The establishment of the Republic : As all hope of early annexation was 
 now abandoned by the provisional government steps were immediately taken 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 617 
 
 to establish a republican form of govermnont. A constitution;! 1 r'onv(Mition 
 was called to meet May 30, 1894, for the purpose of framing a constitution for 
 the Republic of Hawaii. The convention linished its labors on the 3d of July 
 and on the following day the Republic of Hawaii was proclaimed, with Sanford 
 B. Cole as its first President. 
 
 "The new constitution was in the main modeled after that of the United 
 States" (pp. 318-319). 
 
 "Annexation to the United States: On the accession of Presklent McKinlcy 
 in March, 1897, negotiations for annexation to the United States were renewed, 
 and on the 16th of June, 1897, a new treaty providing for annexation was 
 signed at Washington. It was ratified by a unanimous vote of the Hawaiian 
 senate on the 8th of the following September, but was not pressed to a vote in 
 the United States Senate, as the support of two-thirds of the Members, re- 
 quired by the United States Constitution, could not be counted upon. At last 
 a joint resolution to the same effect, having passed the House of Representa- 
 tives by a vote of 209 to 91, and the Senate by a vote of 42 to 21, v/as signed 
 by President McKinley July 7, 1898. The news was received with great en- 
 thusiasm in Honolulu on the 13th of July, and on the 12th of August. 1898, the 
 formal transfer of sovereignty was made, and the flag of the United States was 
 raised over the executive building with appropriate and impressive cere- 
 monies" (p. 322). 
 
 What Alexander says about Hawaii's development and the causes of it is 
 supported by other authorities. 
 
 "The acreage of sugar cane in 1909 v,^as 186,230 and the number of farms 
 growing sugar cane was 1,028, compared with 184 in 1899. The production of 
 cane in 1909 was 4,240,000 tons, compared with 2.239,000 in 1899. The value of 
 the sugar crop was $26,306,000, compared with $18,763,000 in 1899. The pro- 
 duction and value of sugar since 1909 has been then as follows: 1910, 518,127 
 short tons; 1911, 566,821 short tons; 1912, 595,258 short tons; 1913, 543,220 
 short tons, and this was valued at about $37,000,000. The yield of cane' 
 sugar per acre is the greatest in the world. About half the acreage planted 
 to cane is irrigated. The development of the sugar industry on a large scale 
 dates from 1875, when the reciprocity treaty, passed in that year, established 
 praactically free trade between the islands and the United States." (Int. Ency., 
 vol. 11, p. 2.) 
 
 " Exclusive of sugar, the value of the manufactures increased from $4,099,000 
 in 1899 to $11,454,000 in 1909, or 179.4 per cent. Nearly all the sugar manu- 
 factured is exported to the United States." (Int. Ency., vol. 11, p. 4.) 
 
 2. That the group of foreign residents and investors who have, in the main, 
 controlled affairs in the islands since many years before their annexation, 
 consisting largely of people strongly attached to the United States, have for 
 many decades made strenuous efforts to introduce numbers of Japanese, Chinese, 
 and other Asiatics and aliens into the islands as laborers. 
 
 "Immigration: A bureau of immigration was formed, and in April, 1865, 
 Dr. Hildebrand was sent on a mission to China, India, and the Malay Archi- 
 pelago to make arrangements for the importation of laborers, to procure valu- 
 able plants and birds, and to collect information, especially in regard to leprosy. 
 In July he sent 500 laborers from China under contracts with the Government, 
 who were followed by many others" (p. 290). 
 
 " In 1884 the consent of the Japanese Government was obtained for the emi- 
 gration of its subjects to these islands under certain conditions. The first 
 company of 956 Japanese, sent under this agreement, arrived in the city of 
 Tokio, February 9, 1885. In six years over 10.000 immigrated to these islands, 
 of whom 1,260 returned to Japan. During 1878 and the next six years about 
 2,000 Polynesians, mainly ft-om the Gilbert Islands, w^ere introduced into this 
 country, 'These laborers, as a general rule, did not give satisfaction, and nearly 
 all of them have since been returned to their homes" (p. 304). 
 
 "Aftei- 1876 the Chinese came in great numbers until their immigration was 
 checked in 1886" (p. 304). 
 
 "The third smallpox epidemic: In the early part of the year 1881 five so- 
 called tramp steamers arrned from China in quick succession, bringing nearly 
 700 passen2:ers apiece. Every one of these steamers was infected with small- 
 pox, but the officers of one! the Quinta, succeeded in concealing the fact" 
 (p. 305). 
 
 By the terms of the act of union, the United States guarded against the 
 demand for the importation of the Chinese. Mr. Alexander so states (p. 323). 
 
618 LABOR PROBLEMS IIST HAWAII. 
 
 QUOTx\TIONS FEOM OTHER AUTHORITIES. 
 
 Tlie following is from the resolution of annexation : 
 
 "There shall be no further immigration of Chinese into the Hawaiian Is- 
 lands, except upon such conditions as are now or may hereafter be allowed 
 by the laws of the United States ; and no Chinese, by reason of anything herein 
 contained, shall be allowed to enter the United States from the Hawaiian Is- 
 lands." 
 
 " .Marriages between natives and Chinese are quite common, but the Japanese 
 have shown an aversion to mixed marriages. * * * 
 
 " The increase of the Japanese in the decade 1900-1910 was 18,564, or SOttt 
 per cent." (Int Ency., vol. 11, p. 6.) 
 
 " Of 4,320 farms in 1910, 2,138 v/ere operated by Japanese, 753 by whites, 876 
 by Chinese, 463 by Hawaiians, and the remaining 90 by other Asiatics and 
 Negroes." (Int. Ency., vol. 11, p. 2.) 
 
 3. That the Hawaiian people have perished rapidly in the presence of incom- 
 ing races from America and elsewhere. 
 
 " Tlie first census of the kingdom was taken in 1832 and gave 130,313 as the 
 total population of the islands at that time. 
 
 "Another census was taken in 1836, which gave only 108,579 as the total. 
 By all accounts the decrease of the native population at that period was alarm- 
 ing." (Alexander's History of the Hawaiian People, p. 214.) 
 
 " Decrease in population : No census of the kingdom was taken between 1836 
 and 1850, but it is certain that the decrease in population was rapid. * * * 
 During the year 1848 the measles was introduced from California and spread 
 through the group for the first time. The mortality was dreadful." (P. 260.) 
 
 " Census of 1896 : On tlie 24th of September, 1896, an official census of the 
 islands was taken under the superintendency of A. T. Atkinson, Esq. The 
 result showed a total population of 109,020, of whom 39,504 were Hawaiians 
 and Part Hawaiians by descent, and 13,733 were Hawaiian-born ' foreigners ' 
 (including 4,312 Asiatics, 6,959 Portuguese, and 2,240 other whites " (p. 321). 
 
 OTHER AUTHORITIES. 
 
 The Uiiited States census of 1910 showed the Hawaiian population to be 
 then 26,041. The 1920 census shows it to be 23,723. 
 
 " The native population has decreased rapidly from the time of the first 
 acquaintance of Europeans with the islands. While the cause of this decline 
 has never been fully understood, prominent among the reasons is the intro- 
 duction of foreign diseases to w^hich natives are peculiarly susceptible. The 
 birth rate of the islands is also small. These conditions indicate that the 
 practical extinction of the race is only a matter of time. While the Hawaii- 
 ans have been disposed to intermingle freely with other races, there is a small 
 number of 'Part Hawaiians.' " (Int. Ency., vol. 11, p. 6.) 
 
 (Thereupon, the committee adjourrxed until Friday morning, July 
 29, at 10.30 a. m.) 
 
 Committee on Immigration and Naturalization, 
 
 House of Representatives, 
 
 Friday, July 29, 1921. 
 The committee met at 10.30 o'clock a. m., Hon. Albert Johnson 
 (chairman) presiding. 
 
 The Chairman. There are some matters that might be placed in 
 the record before hearing any witnesses. The chairman has re- 
 ceived a telegram from Mr. V. S. McClatchy, representing the Japa- 
 nese Exclusion League of California, in which he combats state- 
 ments made by Col. Irish in certain telegrams that were presented 
 to the committee recently. Without objection the telegram will 
 be placed in the record. 
 
» LABOR PROBLEMS IN" HAWATL 619 
 
 (The telegram referred to is as follows:) 
 
 San Fkancisco, Calif., July 28, lOy.l. 
 Hon, Albert Johnson, 
 
 Chairman House Iviniuj ration Committee, 
 
 House Office Duilding, Washinf/ton, I). C: 
 
 Col. John P. Irish, in telegraphed statement your eomniittee, declares untrue 
 my statement that Japanese control one-eighth of irrigated lands of Cali- 
 fornia. Refer you to report State board of Control, June 19, 1920 pages 48 
 50, and 51. Irrigated lands in State total 3,890,000 acres. Land' controlled 
 by Japanese irrigated and nonirrigated total 458,000 acres. Japanese crops 
 demand almost exclusively irrigated lands and board says the 458,000 acres 
 may be considered for practical purposes all irrigated. Amount named is in 
 effect one-eighth total irrigated lands in State. 
 
 Col. Irish also claims Turlock deportation of Japanese by workers due to 
 agitation by Japanese Exclusion League of California and others. On con- 
 trary, the league and other influences have served to prevent overt acts on the 
 part of a justly exasperated community at the results of Japanese peaceful 
 penetration and evasion of State law. The Turlock incident arose as result 
 of systematic efforts of organized Japanese to drive out white labor by cut- 
 ting the established wage scale and the resentment of whites at being driven 
 out of work in their own country by alien race with lower standards of living, 
 against which whites can not and will not compete. As pointed out by me 
 to your committee in July last, racial conflict is certain to ensue if conditions 
 of this kind are permitted to continue and grow worse. Your committee saw 
 a large body of white labor, including ex-service men, displaced at Turlock 
 last year by 1,000 Japanese, who offered to handle the crop at 26 cents per 
 crate, while the whites were receiving 35. This year the whites commenced to 
 harvest at 26 cents and 1.500 Japanese came in and offered to take the work 
 at 16 cents. Last year the whites quietly submitted. This year they tried 
 to deport the Japanese, though not one was injured, and the authorities promptly 
 restored order, provided for return of Japanese, and arrested leaders of the 
 deportation movement. 
 
 V. S. McClatchy, 
 Representing the Japanese Exclusion League of California. 
 
 The Chairman. I have two telegrams here from Leonard Withing- 
 ton, national executive committeeman from Hawaii, for the Ameri- 
 can Legion, in one of which he says: 
 
 Department of Hawaii American Legion urges your committee to report and 
 Congress to pass legislation which shall bring about an immediate di- 
 versification of alien population of the Territory with view to military, social, 
 and economic safety. We stJiiKl as a unit behind resolution of national con- 
 vention of the American Legion on tliis subject, which I understand has already 
 l}een read into the records of yonr committee in its hearings on the resolution 
 to permit entrance of certain aliens as a measure to prevent Japanese control 
 of Hawaii and to relieve the serious situation there regarding agricultural 
 labor. I have just received ui'gent cable from department headquarters of 
 legion in Honolulu stating that legion has taken action reiterating its position 
 as favoring immediate steps for the diversification of alien labor and instruct- 
 ing me to do all possible to secure legislation that will bring about this result. 
 Hawaii is American outpost in the Pacific. Present overwhelming Japanese 
 population is menace to American institutions there and on the mainland. 
 
 As the agricultural production of Territory can not be maintained without 
 alien labor the only solution we can see is carefully restricted admission for 
 definite periods of aliens whose loyalty and lavs'-abiding character has been 
 proved and would stand with Amei'ica if a Japanese crisis should arise. Legion 
 in Hawaii stands squarely behind proposed legislation which will give Terri- 
 tory diversified alien population and by curbing threatened Japanese control 
 tend to encourage increase in distinctively American population. We believe 
 measure is in interest of .Americanism an.d American conti-ol of Llawaii. 
 
 The Chairman. That telegram is signed "J^eonard Withington, 
 national executive committeeman from Hawaii." 
 
 Mr. Eaker. This telegram comes from Fort Worth, Tex. 
 
620 LABOE PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 The Chairman. Yes. 
 
 I have another telegram signed by Leonard Withington. national 
 executive committeeman from Hawaii, date July 29, 1921, as follows : 
 
 Supplementing- my wire yesterday just received from adjutant department 
 Hawa.i American Legion, Maui Post No. 8 protests against declarations made 
 by president American Federation of Labor regarding importation of Chinese 
 labor for Hawaii. Request you introduce this in evidence ; also my wire yester- 
 day carrying official attitude Hawaii department. Believe if labor representa- 
 tives knew Hawaiian situation and characteristics various oriental races as 
 well as those who defended Hawaii and Nation and upon whom brunt of future- 
 war Pacific would fall they would realize that step we urge is only practicable 
 one to safeguard Americanism Hawaii immediately and is in interest safety 
 them and their families and in no regard inimical to interest American labor. 
 
 Mr. Raker. That telegram is also from Fort Worth, Tex. 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. Mr. Chairman, I w^ould like to say a word or two 
 with reference to Mr. Withington, in view of the fact that Mr. Raker 
 has seen fit to refer to his present address in such a way as to make 
 it apparent that he doubts the authenticity of the telegrams you have 
 just read. 
 
 Mr. Leonard Withington, to my certain and personal knowledge, 
 is at present and has for some time been the national executive com- 
 mitteeman representing the Department of Hawaii in the councils of 
 the American Legion. Mr. Withington left the Territory of Hawaii 
 some time before this commission did for the purpose of attending 
 to some personal business here on the mainland and is now a resident 
 of Fort Worth, Tex., where he has acquired an interest in the Fort 
 Worth Record, a newspaper published in that city, and of which, I 
 believe, Mr. Withington is now the editor. 
 
 Mr. Withington was here in Washington, also on personal business, 
 on July 23, on which date he conferred with me with reference to ^ 
 the attitude of the American Legion at large and in Hawaii, with 
 reference to the resolution before this committee. On the date in 
 question Mr. Withington furnished me with a copy of the following- 
 week-end letter cablegram sent by him to the commander of the De- 
 partment of Hawaii of the American Legion : 
 
 Washington, D. C, July 23, 1921. 
 
 BUTLEE, 
 
 Commander American Legion, Honolulu: 
 National organization of Legion backing Hawaii immigration program on 
 basis Americanism, resolution No. 3, on pages 53 and 54, summary of proceedings 
 Cleveland convention. So far I have received no word from Hawaiian depart- 
 ment. Why not get busy, as move is understood here to be one against Japa- 
 nese domination islands and in direction diversification alien population, as re- 
 ferred to in resoluton, page 54. Silence Hawaiian Legion costly in view 
 National Legion indorsement, which I understood was highly desired last fall. 
 
 Withington, 
 Hotel Willard. 
 
 Mr. Withington left Washington that same day, July 23, after 
 requesting me to repeat to him by wire, at his permanent address in 
 Fort Worth, Tex., any cablegrams that might thereafter be received 
 for him with reference to this matter. On July 26, I received the 
 following night-letter cablegram addressed to Mr. Withington : 
 
 Honolulu, July 25. 
 Withington. 
 
 Hotel Willard, Washington, D. C: 
 
 Expect you to support report of Americanism committee as adopted by second 
 national convention w^hich covered this department's instructions to its dele- j 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS ITST ITAWATT. 621 
 
 gates, especially that part Maiich calls for a diversification of alien population 
 with a view to military, social, and economic safety. l*resent tliis to National 
 Legion officials and urge theii- support to legislation now proposed to give 
 Hawaii this diversilied nlien population in the interest of Americfinisni and 
 American control here. Above is department executive committee action 
 to-day. 
 
 O' Sullivan. 
 
 I repeated this cablegram to Mr. Withington by telegraph on the 
 date of its receipt by me, July 26. 
 
 On July 28, I received the following additional night-letter cable- 
 gram addressed to Mr. Withington : 
 
 Honolulu, July 21. 
 Withington, 
 
 Willard Hotel Wasliiugton, D. C: 
 
 Maui Post, No. S, protests against declarations made by president American 
 Federation of Labor regarding importation of Chinese labor for Hawaii. 
 
 O' Sullivan. 
 
 This cablegram I also repeated to Mr. Withington by telegraph 
 on the date of its receipt by me, July 28. 
 
 I know both Mr. Withington and Mr. O'Sullivan personally. As 
 I have already stated, Mr. Withington is the national executive com- 
 mitteeman representing the department of Hawaii of the American 
 Legion. To my equally certain personal knowledge, Mr. O'Sullivan 
 is the* department adjutant of the American Legion in Hawaii. The 
 fact that Mr. Withington happens for personal reasons to be in Fort 
 Worth, Tex., no more affects his representation of American Legion 
 organizations in Hawaii than does my being here in Washington 
 affect the fact that I do represent the Territory of Hawaii. 
 
 The Chairman. I have here an interview dated July 11, given out 
 by President Samuel Gompers, of the American Federation of Labor, 
 in which he says that every contention made in support of the pro- 
 posed bill is insupportable, etc. Then he says : 
 
 Time after time the true situation in Hawaii, a situation where peonage, 
 poverty, and profiteering have been pictured in terms all but unbelievable, has 
 been presented in Government reports and these reports have been suppressed. 
 
 I have been able to obtain some of these suppressed reports made by honest 
 men who had the interests of their country at heart and who would not depart 
 from the truth. Men high in our Government have participated in these sup- 
 pressions. The reports were made under Government orders with the intention 
 that the facts should be made public. There undoubtedly is a reason for sup- 
 pression, but some one elese may discover what that reason was. It is my pur- 
 pose only to make known the truth. 
 
 As far back as April 3, 1913, Richard L. Halsey, inspector in charge of Hono- 
 lulu, reporting to the Commissioner General of Immigration, doubtless knowing 
 by experience the fate that awaited his report, closed the document with the 
 following despairing paragraph : 
 
 " I feel a certain loneliness in setting these facts and considerations before you, 
 and I know that I will be without local countenance; and any person in this 
 community who criticizes the sugar interests will meet with strong opposition 
 if he tells the truth ; nevertheless, there is no reason why I should suppress it, 
 and I trust that you will receive these remarks as set forth with deliberation 
 and with the spirit of impartiality." 
 
 Without objection, this interview will be placed in the record. 
 (The matter referred to is as follows:) 
 
 Interview by President Gompkes to the Peess July 11, 1921. 
 
 Every contention made in support of the proposed law is unsupportable ; the 
 charge that only Chinese labor can be used and that white labor can not be 
 obtained, and the charge that the industry will not support decent wages, are 
 
622 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 untrue, and tliose most active in trying to secure passage of tlie bill know they 
 are untrue. 
 
 Time after time the true situation in Hawaii, a siiuation where peonage, 
 poverty, and proiiteering have been pictured in terms all but unbelievable. 
 has been presented in Government reports, and these reports have been 
 suppressed. 
 
 I have been able to obtain some of these suppressed reports made by honest 
 men who had the interests of their country at heart and who would not depart 
 from the truth. Men high in our Government have participated in these sup- 
 pressions. The reports were made under Government orders with the inten- 
 tion that the facts should be made public. There undoubtedly is a reason for 
 suppression, but some one else may discover what that reason was. It is my 
 purpose only to make known the truth. 
 
 As far back as April 3, 1913, Richard L. Halsey, inspector in charge of 
 Honolulu, reporting to the Commissioner General of Immigration, doubtless 
 knowing by experience the fate that awaited his report, closed the document 
 with the following despairing paragraph : 
 
 " I feel a certain loneliness in setting these facts and considerations before you. 
 and I know that I will be Vvuthout local countenance, and any person in this 
 community who criticises the sugar interests will meet with strong opposition 
 if he tells the truth ; nevertheless, there is no reason w^hy I should suppress 
 it, and I trust that you will receive these remarks as set forth with deliberation 
 and with the spirit of impartiality." 
 
 In this report which he felt so sure would be suppressed, and which I regret to 
 say was essentially suppressed, Inspector Halsey described the manner in 
 which the most helpless and impoverished classes of Spanish, Portuguese, and 
 Filipinos were brought to Hawaii by the sugar planters and then said: "It is 
 certainly a fact that without them the plantations that have paid froiji 50 to 
 90 per cent on their original investment will not be able to continue to do so. 
 Most of those which do not pay large dividends were overcapitalized at the 
 start or else owing to the prospects of large prolits went so deeply in debt, 
 endeavoring to raise sugar in places Vv^liere an apology is due to Providence for 
 having made the attempt, that they have been unable to pay dividends." 
 
 In a report dated April 18, 1913, Daniel J. Keefe, then Commissioner General 
 of Immigration, complained of the undesirable character of Filipinos then being 
 imported and their unfitness to perform the manual labor required on the plan- 
 tations and in the mills, and continuing, he said : "As stated in my memorandum 
 of the 5th instant, I withdrew the portion of my report dealing with this class 
 of people upon the assurance of the Secretary of Commerce and Labor that, 
 after a conference with President Taft and Secretary of War Dickinson, he 
 was in position to say that few, if any, Filipinos would thereafter be permitted 
 to leave 'the Philippines for Havv^aii, and that snch as would be permitted to do 
 so would be of the highest type." Mr. Keefe continued that " Notwithstanding 
 the above-mentioned assurance, nearly 5,000 Filipinos during the last 15 months 
 had been imported," and also declared that they were " generally undesirable." 
 
 Mr. Keefe complained to the Secretary that had his report not been suppressed 
 " conditions would have been remedied or at least abated to a considerable 
 extent long before this time." 
 
 In the same document and in comnjent on the report of Inspector Halsey. 
 Commissioner Keefe had this to say : " It is common knowledge that many of 
 the plantations pay very large dividends on their stock. The contention that 
 they can not afford to pay ])etter wages and improve working conditions so as 
 to attract and hold a desirable and permanent laboring popultion I firmly be- 
 lieve is without foundation in fact." 
 
 Commissioner Keefe cited a description by Spanish Consul Arana as show- 
 ing why the sugar planters experienced so much difficulty in dealing with 
 plantation v/orkers. It was shown by the consul that the workers were dealt 
 with unfairly in the stores, which were owned by the companies, and that their 
 treatment at the hands of foremen and overseers was brutal and intolerable. 
 The same situation exists to-day. The planters do not want freedom. They 
 do not want workers who will resent cheating and brutality ; they want coolies, 
 who are chained on the job, and that is why they want the present joint resolu- 
 tion jammed through Congress. 
 
 At the same time Inspector Halsey reported to his superiors in Washington 
 that the planters were " making desperate efforts to keep down the wage rate 
 of all employees." It always has been the policy of the sugar planters to seek 
 those workers who could be most easily exploited. To-day they find that the 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS ]N HAWAII. (^^2'] 
 
 Cliinese coolie is most easily exnloiHvl innaf v«c.«,^4-^,.i r ... 
 brutality, and most easily kept in S^^^^^^ "'""""^ ''^ exploilation m.uI 
 
 Present reports nmde to the departmVnt and to Congress are mo'inimrlf^<,« 
 Investigators have thoroughly learned the lesson tangEt by experi 3 
 they include m their reports only a few mo'inino-ioc.<r fnUiL ^^^'' ^-' '^ "<^^ that 
 living and on wages. They make no^l^:;^ Z^^^'coJ^, Zall 'n^ f. 
 the great and important questions that affect employ men in m,;;^H "^ 
 
 i he methods ot suppression are varied. Some reports have I ee suppressed 
 entirely. Others have been so edited as to be harmless. In Xrcnsefi^^^ 
 ports have been edited out of their original meaning and therpubUshed in 
 such Imn ed quantities as to be deprived of circulation. The quotat ons th^^ 
 have used are from reports that were partially destroyed by ed tfn - .nrlfbnf 
 were then published in strictly limited quantities so t\at onlf h^ ^^rea \ ood 
 fortune could a copy be secured. I venture to say that not a ifalf d^zen co^nTes 
 have ever escaped from the original files. copies 
 
 Let me cite one more statement contained in this supnressed r^nnvf o 
 statement that shows clearly the meaning of the whole struggle^^^^^^^^ 
 '?Ji^'''hJ''^^^'^ ^^ ^^'^ ^"S"^^" planters in their inordinate |reed Tt is this • 
 
 The difference between what is required to content the American or European 
 and the Oriental, Porto Rican, or Filipino workman has of itself a st?on2 
 tendency to set so low a standard of wages and living as to Sumglthl 
 Americanization of the islands, so far as the introduction of white labtr is 
 an element of such Americanization. I do not see how it will be possible to 
 4rrnTd1sSXS?ar ^ ''^^'^'^''^ encouragement is offered^o Ameri- 
 J\}} ^,?^^ ^r^^ ,*^. i»e that if the planters would give their earnest cooperation 
 to the ierritorial immigration board in the effort it is putting forth to stimu- 
 late Luropean immigration. It would no doubt go a long way toward solving 
 the labor problem m the islands and at the same time gradually would brin.- the 
 standard of wages and living more nearly into equality with that existing on 
 the mainland. One of the chief elements of this cooperafon should consist 
 ot an increase m wages both on the plantations and in the mills " 
 
 Analys s of the parliamentary procedure in reference to the joint resolution 
 can hardly inspire one with sympathy for the measure, but rather with -i 
 feeling that some unusual methods are being employed to force it through 
 For instance, on June 20, 1921, Mr. Kalanianaole introduced House joint resolu- 
 tion lo8, which was first referred to the Committee on Territories and then 
 to the Committee on Immigration and Naturalization. This bill was based on 
 an alleged shortage of " agricultural labor." Last Thursday it was defeated 
 111 committee and in the afternoon of the same day a similar bill,, House 
 resolution 171, covering " shortage of labor, either general or by any particular 
 <'lass or classes," was prepared and introduced in the House, a hurried meeting 
 of the committee was called for its immediate consideration, and on Friday 
 morn- ng— the next day — it was favorably reported. 
 
 It is impossible not to resent the manner in which it was sought to jam 
 through this joint resolution, the results of which would be to break down a 
 principle maintained by our Government for 40 years. 
 
 The people of the Hawaiian Islands are nearly 5,000 miles from our Capital. 
 Surely it is the duty of some of the citizens of the United States here on the 
 ground to arouse the attention of our citizenship that a great wrong may not be 
 inflicted upon the people of the Hawaiian Islands, and that a great principle 
 may not be broken down. To bring Chinese coolies to Hawaii is but the fore- 
 runner to bringing Chinese coolies in hordes to the United States. 
 
 The Chairman. That interview led me to write to the present Ses- 
 retary of Labor, Hon. James J. Davis, making inquiry with regard 
 to the alleged suppressed reports and asking for full copies of them. 
 I was very much surprised to find a charge of that kind made in an 
 interview by the president of the American Federation of Labor, 
 and I wrote to Mr. Davis as follows : 
 
 The charge is made that certain reports of governmental officials concerning 
 labor conditions in Hawaii in years past have not been made public and that 
 these reports were made to the Department of Labor and are available. 
 
 Therefore, for the House Committee on Immigration and Naturalization, I 
 beg to request that you supply me v/ith copies of the originals of the report 
 
624 LABOR PROBLEMS IlsT HAWAII. 
 
 of Richard L. Halsey, inspector in charge at Honolulu, under date of April 
 3, 1913 ; 
 
 Also the report of Daniel J. Keefe, dated April 18, 1913, concerning the char- 
 acter of Filipinos being imported into Hawaii ; 
 
 Also copy of the memorandum of Mr. Keefe withdrawing a portion of that 
 report after conference with the then Secretary of Commerce and Labor ; and 
 
 Also any other reports in connection with the labor situation in Hawaii. 
 
 Secretary Davis wrote me as follows : 
 
 In conformity with your letter of the 28th instant, there is inclosed herewith 
 a copy of the so-called Keefe report on industrial conditions in the Hawaiian 
 Islands. 
 
 The letter of Richard L. Halsey, inspector in charge of the Immigration Service 
 at Honolulu, dated April 3, 1913, a copy of which you request, will be found 
 beginning at page 42 of the inclosed report. I have had this printed copy 
 compared with the original in the files of this department and find it in every 
 respect complete and correct. The letter of Daniel J. Keefe, Commissioner 
 General, under date of April 18, 1913, will be found on pages 40 and 41 of the 
 report. Here again I have had the published letter compared with the original 
 in the files and find it complete and correct. 
 
 There is no memorandum in this department, so far as I can ascertain, with- 
 drawing any portion of Mr. Keefe's report after a conference with the then 
 Secretary of Commerce and Labor. I do find, however, in the letter of trans- 
 mittal by ex-Commissioner Keefe to Hon. John E. Raker, House of Representa- 
 tives, which is printed on the inside cover of the report, this statement : 
 
 " I am therefore inclosing a complete copy of the report, including th"at por- 
 tion of it which was omitted at the request of the former Secretary of Commerce 
 and Labor, with the understanding that if this was done the report would be 
 published." 
 
 It seems, therefore, that, whatever grounds there may be for the statement 
 that " certain reports on labor conditions in Hawaii in years past have not 
 been made public," this has been remedied by the approval of the Secretary of 
 Labor of the publication of the entire Keefe report, which was done in May, 
 1913, Keefe's original report having been submitted apparently in 1911. 
 
 The letter to Judge Raker is on the inside page of this document, 
 No. 53, Sixty-third Congress, first session. I assume that the matter 
 which the then Secretary of Commerce and Labor desired to omit 
 from the report is a statement in regard to the class of Filipinos that 
 were then coming into the islands. (P. 5, par. 3, H. Doc. 53, 63d 
 Cong., 1st S8SS.) It is a rather fierce assault on the Filipinos when 
 3^ou consider that it is only one man's opinion. However, he did have 
 the right to make that report. It was not taken out of the report, 
 and it is printed in this document. I do not think it is necessary to 
 put the whole document into the record, but it is available and before 
 the committee for all who desire to see it. It was not suppressed. 
 
 I might say in this connection for the benefit of Mr. Gompers and 
 others, who call a matter of that kind the suppression of a report, 
 that to my certain knowledge during the entire time when Mr. Wil- 
 son was Secretary of Labor Commissioner Caminetti and others who 
 had reports to make to the- Secretary for submission to Congress 
 invariably had to write their reports to fit the views of the Secretary, 
 Mr. Wilson, and the Assistant Secretary, Mr. Post. There was no 
 such thing as the exchange of memoranda as to what should be in* 
 the reports, but the reports were sent back to be written to suit the 
 views of superior officers. I regret that any such condition of 
 affairs ever existed in any department. I regret also that the law 
 has not been complied with which would produce the report required 
 by law every five years on labor conditions in Hawaii, one of which 
 should have been forthcoming this year. 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAir. 625 
 
 Mr. Raker. I think that in justice to all the nienil)(>i\s of the de- 
 partment I should say that for about two years I tried to sec^ure 
 this report and other evidence in relation to it, but was unable to 
 do so. Finally, after takino- it up personally with the then Secnv 
 tary of Labor and the commissioner the matter Avas submitted as 
 here presented. It was then thought that it m\<rht create some inter- 
 national trouble, just as it has been all tlie time. There is always 
 some fear that we will do sometlring tliat will show the facts, when, 
 as a matter of fact, if they AA^ould come out in the open and present 
 the facts and present the truth, the thing could be adjusted. If that 
 had been done, the matter would have been adjusted 10 years ago. 
 
 The Chairman. The point I make is that here is an interview 
 given out by Mr. Gompers stating that these matters have been sup- 
 pressed. They were not suppressed. I am sure that the chairman 
 of this committee, Judge Raker, and other members of the committee 
 have made efforts to get authentic documents, and we will continue 
 to do so. If the American Federation of Labor wants our assistance 
 in that regard, we will endeavor to render it. 
 
 STATEMENT OF ME. SAMUEL GOMPSES, PEESIBENT AMEEICA2I 
 
 FEBEEATION OF LABOE. 
 
 Mr. Gompers. May I have an opportunity to speak for a moment 
 to submit some facts ? I Avill not occupy more than a moment. 
 
 The Chairman. Certainly. 
 
 Mr. Gompers. I would not ask permission to say anything at this 
 time except that as I entered the room you took cognizance of it, 
 and said that what you were about to say was for my benefit, and 
 the further fact that you made some reference to the suppression of 
 documents. I do not know^ upon what you base your statement, and 
 consequently, so far as I am concerned, I do not know, and have no 
 rejoinder or explanation to make. 
 
 The Chairman. My statement was based on an interview purport- 
 ing to have been given out by you in a statement following your 
 appearance " before Chairman Johnson," as stated in the interview, 
 in which you call attention to the Keefe and Halsey reports, stating 
 that they were suppressed. 
 
 Mr. Gompers. I have to observe this, when you make^ reference to 
 reports being suppressed, that the reports of Mr. Daniel J. Keefe, 
 Commissioner of Immigration of the United States Government, or 
 his reports made to the Secretary of Commerce and labor upon the 
 subject of Chinese coolies, was suppressed, and if you doubt that, 
 Mr. Daniel J. Keefe is in the city— he happens to be in the city 
 now — and you can call him and inquire Avhether that is the fact or 
 otherwise. 
 
 Mr. Raker. I think that would be a good plan. 
 
 The Chairman. I will do that. I have received a letter from the 
 department in response to my written request, all of which is set 
 out here, showing that the documents were not surpressed. Fur- 
 ther, let me say that the Department of Labor for eight years past 
 and at present 'is filled with spies of various kinds so that documents 
 €an not be safely intrusted to be carried from one place to another. 
 Further, Commissioner Caminetti's reports, including reports on 
 
 56754— 21— SKit 7, pt 2 6 
 
626 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 deportations and matters of that kind, could not be written honestly ^ 
 but had to be written to conform to the views of his chiefs. Condi- 
 tions doAvn there were foreign to securing information that Con- 
 gresss should know from that department. If any word that I could 
 say would help to straighten it out, I would be glad to assist. I 
 object to this interview being given out with regard to suppressed 
 reports. 
 
 Mr. GoMPERs. Suppressed reports? They were suppressed. T 
 assert that they were suppressed. 
 
 The Chairman. Why did you not come before this committee and 
 make that assertion? 
 
 Mr. GoMPERs. You did not give me a chance. 
 
 The Cpiairman. You were asked to come before this committee the 
 the other day. You did not come. You could have come any day if 
 you desired, but you did not come until this morning. 
 
 Mr. Cable. The chairman inquired one morning whether you 
 would be here, so he expected you. 
 
 The Chairman. Before proceeding to hear the witnesses called 
 for this morning I want to call attention to the fact that Represen- 
 tatives Cable, Raker, and others have suggested that the constitu- 
 tionality of some of the phrases of House joint resolution ITl 
 might be questioned, and therefore I think that the committee at an 
 early date should go fully into that phase of the matter. 
 
 To facilitate such an inquiry I have prepared a statement for 
 the record. I shall appreciate any effort on the part of members 
 to make further inquiry along the lines of the constitutionality of 
 the whole resolution. 
 
 Mr. Cable. I will cooperate with Judge Raker in writing a brief 
 on the points on which there is some question. 
 
 The Chairman. I have covered the enabling act of the Territory, 
 the thirteenth amendment, the peonage statutes and references 
 thereto, etc., and will ask the committee to note that the resolution 
 provides — 
 
 That such aliens shall be admitted only for limited periods of time, for the 
 purpose of engaging only in the class or classes of labor as to which the 
 emergency has been found to exist * * * and that the regulations shall j 
 provide for and secure the return of such laborers to their respective countries 
 upon the expiration of the time limited without cost to the United States. 
 
 The question now arising in my mind is whether or not the en- 
 gagements which the alien immigrants would probably be called 
 upon to enter into, in pursuance of the terms of the resolution and 
 the regulations to be promulgated under its authority, would amount 
 to such contracts of labor or service as are forbidden by the thir- 
 teenth amendment and the peonage statutes. 
 
 It should be noted that the pending resolution contemplates cer- 
 tain restrictions upon the liberty of action of the alien immigrants 
 after they shall have been admitted to the Territory of Hawaii. 
 That is to say, they shall be at liberty to engage only " in the class 
 or classes of labor as to which the emergency has been found to 
 exist," and they " shall be admitted only for limited periods of 
 time," upon the expiration of which " the regulations shall provide 
 for and secure " their return to their respective countries. 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAW AIL 02 T 
 
 Would it be essential or would it be found to bo practicabl(i in 
 pursuance of these provisions of the law, if enacted, to hold the 
 alien immigrant to a contract, express or implied, which woidd 
 amount to " involuntary servitude " ? 
 
 Would an alien, presenting himself for admission to the Terri- 
 tory of Hawaii under the terms of this resolution, thereby become a 
 party to an implied contract obliging himself to engage only " in 
 the class or classes of labor as to which the emergency has been 
 found to exist " ? Would he likewise impliedly contract to return 
 to his native soil after remaining in the Territory for a " limited 
 period " ? Or would he require an express contractual assurance re- 
 garding the terms of his employment in Hawaii before presenting 
 himself for admission? In either case would he thereby place him- 
 self in a state of personal servitude which would amount to " in- 
 voluntary servitude " ? 
 
 If an express contract be entered into under the terms of the 
 pending resolution, what means would be found for enforcing it ? 
 
 By the organic act (1900) providing a government for the Terri- 
 tory of Hawaii it was stipulated that — 
 
 No suit or proceedings shall be maintained for tlie specific performance of 
 any contract heretofore or hereafter entered into for personal labor or service, 
 nor shall any remedy exist or be enforced for breach of any such contract 
 except in a civil suit or proceeding instituted solely to recover damages for 
 such breach : Provided fnrtJier, That the provisions of this section shall not 
 modify or change the iavrs of the United States applicable to merchant seamen. 
 Contracts made since August 12, 1898, by which persons are held for service for a 
 definite term, are hereby declared null and void and terminated, and no law 
 shall be passed to enforce said contracts in any way ; and it shall be the duty 
 of the United States marshal to at once notify such persons so held of the 
 termination of their contracts. 
 
 The thirteenth amendment to the Constitution provides : 
 
 Neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, except as a punishment for crime^ 
 whereof the party shall have been duly convicted shall exist in the United 
 States or any place subject to their jurisdiction. 
 
 Watson, on the Constitution, says : 
 
 The amendment was adopted for the purpose of abolishing slavery in every 
 form in the United States, and in every place under their control; it did not 
 purport to do more than this, and this was accomplished, not only in the United 
 States proper, but among the Indians of Alaska and among those under the 
 direct supervision of the Government. Cases cited : In re Sah Quah, 31 Federal 
 Reporter. 327. 330: United States v. Choctaw Nation et al., 38 Court Claims, 
 558, 566. 
 
 Story, on the Constitution, says, with respect to the thirteenth 
 
 amendment : 
 
 Nothing by v,'ay of comment can make its provisions plainer ; the boast of 
 English lawyers and philanthropists after Sommersett's case that "a slave 
 can not breathe in Britain, but the moment he sets foot upon her soil he becomes 
 free," is equally or even more strictly true of America. It forbids not merely 
 the slavery heretofore known to our laws, but all kinds of involuntary servitude 
 not imposed in punishment for public offenses. 
 
 Watson, on the Constitution, quotes Attorney General Moody as 
 
 stating the rule to be — 
 
 Any person held to labor or service against his v>'ill, although he may have 
 voluntarily contracted to submit himself to such control, is in a condition of 
 involuntary servitude, within the meaning of the Constitution. 
 
628 LABOR PROBLEMS IIS^ HAWAII. 
 
 MEANING OF INVOLUNTARY SERVITUDE. 
 
 In the Slaughterhouse Cases (16 Wallace, 36, 69, 72), Mr. Justice 
 Miller, speaking for a majority of the court, said on this subject: 
 
 That a personal servitude wavs meant is proved by the use of the word " in- 
 voluntary " which can only apply to human beings. The exception of servitude 
 as a punishment for crime gives an idea of the class of servitude that is meant. 
 The word servitude is of larger meaning than slavery, as the latter is popularly 
 understood in this country, and the obvious purpose was to forbid all shades 
 and conditions of African slavery. (It was very well understood that in the 
 form of apprenticeship for long terms, as it had been practiced in the West 
 India Islands, on the abolition of slavery by the English Government, or by 
 reducing the slaves to the condition of serfs attached to the plantation, the 
 purpose of the article might have been evaded, if only the word slavery had 
 been used. * * * 
 
 We do not say that no one else but the Negro can share in this protection. 
 Both the language and spirit of these articles are to have their fair and just 
 weight in any question of construction. LTndoubtedly while Negro slavery alone 
 was in the mind of the Congress which proposed the thirteenth article, it for- 
 "bids any other kind of slavery, now or hereafter. If Mexican peonage or the 
 ■Chinese coolie labor system shall develop slavery of the Mexican or Chinese 
 race within our territory, this amendment may safely be trusted to make it 
 Toid. And so if other rights are assailed by the States which properly and 
 necessarily fall within the protection of these articles, that protection will apply, 
 though the party interes'ted may not be of African descent. 
 
 PEONAGE. 
 
 Revised Statutes of the United States: 
 
 Sec. 1990. The holding of any person to service or labor under the system 
 known as peonage is abolished and forever prohibited in the Territory of New 
 Mexico or in any other Territory oi' State of the United States, and all acts, 
 laws, resolutions, orders, regulations, or usages of the Territory of New Mexico, 
 or in any other Territory or State, which have heretofore established, main- 
 tained, or enforced, or by vrtue of which any attempt shall hereafter be made 
 to establish, maintain, or enforce, directly or indirectly, the voluntary or invol- 
 untary service or labor of any persons, as peons, in liquidation of any debt or 
 obligation, or otherwise, are declared null and void. 
 
 Sec. 5526. Every person who holds, arrests, returns, or causes to be held, 
 arrested, or returned, or in any manner aids in the arrest or return of any 
 person to a condition of peonage, shall be punished by a fine of not less than 
 $1,000 nor more than $5,000 or by imprisonment not less than one year nor more 
 than five years, or both. 
 
 In the Peonage cases (123 Fed. Rep., 673) Jones, district judge, 
 
 says : 
 
 What is meant by the phrase holding or returning a person to " a condition 
 of peonage," as used in the Revised Statutes? At the tiiue of the passage of the 
 act of Congress (Rev. Stats., 1990 and 5526) a system of service, popularly 
 called " peonage," existed in New Mexico, though not so termed in the laws of 
 the Territory, which spoke of the relation as that of master and servant. It 
 derived the institution from Mexico, which in turn inherited it from Spain. 
 Peonage was not slavery as it formerly existed in this countrj^ The peon was 
 not a slave. He was a freeman, with political as well as civil rights. He 
 entered into the relation from choice for a definite period as the result of 
 mutual contract. The relation w^as not confined to any race. The child of a 
 peon did not become a peon, and the father could not contract away the services 
 of his minor child, except in rare cases. The peon, male or female, agreed with 
 the master upon the nature of the service, the length of its duration, and com- 
 pensation. * * * r^YiQ courts of the Territory (New Mexico), after the pas- 
 sage of the thirteenth amendment, holding that it destroyed the right formerly 
 existing under the Territorial laws to hold to service, released peons from com- 
 pulsory service on writs of habeas corpus wherever applied to, * * * rpj^g 
 right, privilege, or immunity of a citizen of the United States to be free from 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN J LA WAN. 629 
 
 slavery, or involuntary servitude of any icind, except upon due convietion of 
 crime, being given or secured by the Constitution of t!ie United States to every 
 citizen of the United States, Congress, under the aulhority vested in it by tlie 
 thirteenth amendment, had power not only to strike down and annul laws which 
 supported the system of peonage in New Mexico, but by direct and primary 
 legislation of its own to punish criminally individuals who in any part of the 
 United States violate the rights of citizens of the United States in this regard 
 by lawlessly subjecting them to the results and evils, " the conditions," of the 
 forbidden system. 
 
 In Clyatt v. United States (197 U. S., 207, 218), in reviewing the 
 peonage statutes, Justice Brewer said : 
 
 It is not open to doubt that Congress may enforce the thirteenth amend- 
 ment by direct legislation, punishing the holding of a person in slavery or in 
 involuntary servitude, except as a punishment for crime. In the exercise of 
 that power Congress has enacted these sections denouncing peonage, and 
 punishing one who holds another in that condition of involuntary servitude. 
 This legislation is not limited to the Territories or other parts of the strictly 
 national domain, but is operative in the States and wherever the sovereignty- 
 of the United States extends. We entertain no doubt of the validity of this-, 
 legislation, or of its applicability to the case of any person holding another 
 in a state of peonage, and this whether there be municipal ordinance or State 
 law sanctioning such holding. It operates directly on every citizen of the- 
 Republic, wherever his residence may be. 
 
 A statute which punishes one who having made a written contract to work 
 for another for a fixed time afterwards and without the consent of the other 
 party to the contract, and without sufficient excuse abandons it and makes a 
 similar contract with another person without telling him of the first con- 
 tract, is contrary to the thirteenth amendment because it establishes a system 
 of peonage and involuntary servitude. (Quoted from Peonage Cases, 123 Fed- 
 eral Reporter, 691.) 
 
 Mr. Raker. The Library of Congress has been w^orking on this 
 subject for me for about three weeks. I had a letter from them 
 yesterday, and they have not yet been able to get all of the data I 
 want, particularly the treaty, or, rather, the attitude of the Chinese 
 Government relative to the exporting of their w^orkers to Cuba and 
 of those that were sent*here, as well as those that have been sent 
 to the Hawaiian Islands ; but I was advised that the Chinese Embassy 
 down here was very busy, and that they will turn over the entire 
 original matter to expert Chinese, whom the Library has employed 
 for this purpose, to translate it. That relates to the time when Cuba 
 was under Spain. 
 
 Mr. Cable. That applies to this country, too. 
 
 Mr. Eaker. Yes; because the original treaty between China and 
 the Government of Spain, when Cuba was under Spain, shows that 
 they abandoned all peonage. In other words, they gave free circu- 
 lation, or those are the words used in the treaty, but it was pro- 
 vided in that treaty that the Chinese who were then in Cuba should 
 remain in a state of peonage, which would have held until we took 
 it from Spain and rescued it from its horrible condition. 
 
 The Chairman. Further clearing up matters on the desk here, I 
 have a letter from Rev. U. G. Murphy, of Seattle, dated July 22, 
 1921. Mr. Murphy has appeared before the committee a number of 
 times. He says in his letter : 
 
 A note from Hawaii states that the rehabilitation bill has passed and that 
 under its terms only citizens may be emploj^ed on Government work, resulting 
 in the discharge of 5,000 Japanese or other alien workmen, much to the joy of 
 the plantation men who are having a hard time to secure the necessary num- 
 ber of laborers. I did not know that this bill had passed the Senate. I found 
 in Hawaii that there was much opposition to it by men not connected with the 
 plantations. 
 
630 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 That is the first information I have had as to the number. 
 
 Mr. Raker. In that connection, I wish to state that the chairman 
 of the Committee on Territories advised me about three days ago 
 that as soon as that bill has been passed it will relieve at least 10,000 
 from the Government employ. 
 
 Mr. Mead. What is the source of his information ? 
 
 Mr. Eaker. I do not know. 
 
 The Chairman, I have here the report of the legislative committee 
 of the American Federation of Labor, signed by W. C. Roberts, E. F. 
 McGrady, and Edgar Wallace, from which I read as follows : 
 
 On Thursday, June 20, Mr. Kalanianaole, Delegate from the Territory of 
 Hawaii, introduced House joint resolution 158, which would admit to the 
 Territory " such aliens otherwise inadmissible " as may be deemed necessary to 
 meet the " emergency existing in the shortage of agricultural labor." This 
 bill was defeated July 7 in the Committee on Immigration of the House. Late 
 the same day the Hawaiian Delegate presented House joint resolution 171. 
 Representative Albert Johnson, chairman of the Committee on Immigration, 
 hurriedly called a meeting of his committee, approved the bill, and it was 
 ordered reported to the House the following day with the recommendation that 
 it should pass. 
 
 But the new bill went much further than the defeated joint resolution. It 
 did not confine the occupation of Chinese coolies it is proposed to bring into 
 Hawaii to agriculture, but to add to the great wrong the new bill provides 
 that for a period of five years from its passage whenever an " emergency " 
 exists in the Territory of Hawaii by reason of a serious shortage of labor 
 " either general or by any particular class or classes," Chinese coolies can be ad- 
 mitted to the Territory. 
 
 The joint resolution as printed provides: 
 
 " That such admission of aliens shall operate to increase the number of 
 persons of any one alien nationality in the Territory of Hawaii so that their 
 total numbers at any one time shall exceed 20 per centum of the total popula- 
 tion of the Territory as determined by the last census." 
 
 To be just in our report, we are informed that there was an omission of 
 the word " not " between " shall " and *' exceed," and that it was a typographical 
 error which it was proposed to correct. But the joint resolution does provide 
 for 20 per cent. The census of 1920 gives the popi^lation of Hawaii as 255,912. 
 Twenty per cent of this would be 51,182. 
 
 Then, they say that House joint resolution 158 was defeated in the 
 Immigration Committee through the insistence of the representatives 
 of the American Federation of Labor. I would like to state for the 
 record, in correction of that statement, that, if I remember correctly — 
 and our records will show the facts — House joint resolution 158 was 
 not defeated, but House joint resolution 171 was substituted for it. 
 
 Mr. Raker. It should be stated in that connection, and we will try 
 to make that clear in the brief we will present,, that the real objections 
 to that resolution have never as yet been presented to the committee. 
 
 The Chairman. We want them. 
 
 Mr. Raker. One of the objections is the fact that we would make 
 'of the Hawaiian Islands a place for criminals. In other words, it 
 ■would be letting down the bars to every undesirable criminal class 
 of the world to come to Hawaii and remain. I v/ant to call the atten- 
 tion of the committee to this fact, that having once entered the islands 
 they are then on American soil, and without passports they could 
 come directly to the United States. 
 
 The Chairman. A number of amendments are ready to be offered, 
 and when we get through with the open hearings those amendments 
 will be presented and considered ; but until we have come to a con- 
 clusion, which will take some time probably upon the constitution- 
 ality of the matter, it will not be necessary to expend that labor. 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 631 
 
 Mr. G. W. Wright and Mr. W. R. Chilton are in Washington, hav- 
 ing arrived prior to July 27, and reported to the American Federation 
 of Labor. To-day they are before us to make a report on the 
 Hawaiian situation. Mr. George W. Wright is the president of the 
 Honolulu Central Labor Union, or was on June 26, and will be re- 
 membered as the man who sent the cablegram of that date to Mr. 
 Edgar C. Wallace, at the American Federation of Labor Building. 
 The cablegram he sent is' in the record on page 381, part of the 
 printed record of these hearings (Serial 7 — Labor Problems in 
 Hawaii.) 
 
 STATEMENT OF ME. GEOKGE W. WEIGHT, HONOLULTJ, PEESIBENT 
 OF THE CENTEAL LABOE UNION OF HONOLULU. 
 
 I The Chairman. What is your occupation? 
 
 Mr. Wright. I am a machinist employed at the Pearl Harbor Navy 
 Yard. 
 
 The Chairman. You are employed with the Government? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Yes, sir. 
 
 The Chairman. How long have you been over there? 
 
 Mr. Wright. For about three years. 
 
 The Chairman. Where did you go from over there, or from what 
 part of continental United States? 
 
 Mr. Wright. From California. 
 
 The Chairman. San Francisco? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Yes, sir; I have been in Hawaii about four years. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Get him to qualify, Mr. Chairman. How long did 
 you live in California before you went to Hawaii ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. For about four years in California. 
 
 Mr. Raker. From where did you go to California? 
 P Mr. Wright. I lived for about four years in California before I 
 went to Hawaii, and previous to my residence in California I lived 
 in Nevada for about three years. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Where? 
 
 Mr. Wright. In Tonopah, Goldfield, and Reno. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Before going to Nevada, where were you? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Before going to Nevada I ^as in California for 
 about two years. Prior to that my life was spent in the east. I 
 was born in Ohio. 
 
 Mr. Cable. What part of Ohio. 
 
 Mr. Wright. Chagrin Falls. 
 
 Mr. Cable. In what county is that? That is my State. 
 
 Mr. Wright. I think it is in Cuyahoga County, but I am not sure. 
 We removed from that State when I was a very little child to 
 Meadeville, Pa., where I spent most of my youthful days. I went 
 to school and college there. 
 
 Mr. Cable. To what college. 
 
 Mr. Wright. Allegheny College. 
 
 Mr. Raker. What organizations do you represent in Hawaii? 
 
 Mr. Wright. The Central Labor Union of Honolulu, and I am 
 also the president of the Machinists' Union, Lodge 1245, of Honolulu. 
 
 The Chairman. You work on the Pearl Harbor works? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Yes, sir. 
 
632 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 The Chairman. Where is Pearl Harbor. 
 
 Mr. Wright. Pearl Harbor is located about fiA^e or six miles from 
 Honolulu. 
 
 The Chairman. What is the membership of the machinists' union 
 out there? 
 
 Mr. Wright. The membership of the machinists' union at the 
 i^resent time is about 250 or 260. 
 
 The Chairman. Are they all American citizens? 
 
 Mr. Wright. All American citizens, so far as my knowledge goes. 
 They are not all white. There are Chinese or part Chinese and 
 ]3art Hawaiian and Portuguese. We have no Japanese. 
 
 The Chairman. Have you any Japanese applications for mem- 
 bership ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. We have not had any since I have been in the chair. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. Are there any Calif ornians .in the union ? 
 
 The Chairman. Would you take up Calif ornians separately ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. As a separate and distinct race? 
 
 Mr. Raker. There has been a telegram here 
 
 The Chairman (interposing). Wait a minute before going into 
 that. You are president of the Central Labor Union of Honolulu? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Yes, sir. 
 
 The Chairman. That comprises 20 or 30 locals, I believe? 
 
 Mr. Wright. I think there are at present 14 organizations affili- 
 ated with it. 
 
 The Chairman. Representing a membership of about what? 
 
 Mr. Wright. I do not know^ I am not at present in a position to 
 know the exact membership of the different organizations. 
 
 The Chairman. Can you make a guess as to the total represented 
 membership in the Central Labor Union ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Well, I would make a guess that it was in the neigh- 
 borhood of 1,200. 
 
 The Chairman. Are they all American citizens in those unions ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. So far as my knowledge goes, they are. 
 
 The Chairman. There are no Japanese ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. I do not know of any Japanese. 
 
 The Chairman. What I am trying to get at is this : Does any 
 union there take in nonassimilable races in its mem^bership ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. 1 think some of the different organizations would 
 if they had occasion to. 
 
 The Chairman. Which ones? 
 
 Mr. Wright. I do not believe there is anything in the charters 
 of some of the international organizations that absolutely forbids 
 the taking in of aliens. 
 
 The Chairisean. But the machinists' union does not do it. 
 
 Mr. Wright. We have no Japanese in our union. 
 
 Mr. Ali^as. May I interject an explanation there respecting the 
 machinists? 
 
 The Chairman. Certainly. 
 
 Mr. Alifas. The machinists' union is supposed not to take in any- 
 one but white, sober, industrious machinists. Those are the quali- 
 fications, and the yellow race is supposed to be of a different color, 
 and therefore they would not be eligible under our constitution, but 
 under our obligation 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IJST HAWAII. 633 
 
 Mr. Free. What is the fact? They must have known them at the 
 time they took them in. 
 
 Mr. xVi.iFAs. The facts are that, according to our constitution, we 
 have the right to take in anyone who is working at the machinists' 
 trade, but the obligation that our members take prevents them from 
 proposing for membership any other than a white, sober, and indus- 
 trious machinist. 
 
 Mr. Raker. First, the man must be white ? 
 
 Mr. Alifas. Yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Raker. And, second, he must be sober ? 
 
 Mr. Alifas. Yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Raker. That is one of the qualifications? 
 
 Mr. Alifas. Yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Raker. And the third is that he must be industrious ? 
 
 Mr. Alifas. Yes, sir; and those are three good qualifications, I 
 think. 
 
 The Chairman. Mr. Wright, are you familiar with the Japanese 
 Labor Federation in Hawaii? 
 
 Mr. Wright. I know there is such a federation ; yes, sir. 
 
 The Chairman. Has that federation made application to be taken 
 into the membership of the Central Labor Union ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Not since I have been in the chair as president of 
 the Central Labor Union. I believe that at the time of the strike 
 there was some application; but I do not know how far it went. 
 
 The Chairman. How long had you been in the chair? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Since about the 1st of April of this year. 
 
 The Chairman. You were a member of the Central Labor Union 
 prior to that? 
 
 Mr. Wright. I was chosen a delegate from the Machinists' Union 
 about the midde of 1920, or about August, I think, of 1920. 
 
 The Chairman. Since your membership as a delegate to the Cen- 
 tral Labor Union, has the Japanese Federation of Labor of Hawaii, 
 or of Honolulu, or of any particular island, applied for membership 
 or affiliation in the Central Labor Union ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. It has not. 
 
 The Chairman. Has the Filipino Federation of Labor made any 
 application for membership in the Central Labor Union? 
 
 Mr. Wright. The Filipino labor organization has, I believe, made 
 application. 
 
 The Chairman. Has it been acted on? 
 
 Mr. Wright, Not definitelj^ ; that is to say, it has been acted upon 
 locally, and the application has been approved. 
 
 The Chairman. The application has been approved by whom? 
 
 Mr. Wright. By the Central Labor Union of Honolulu. 
 
 The Chairman. Of which you are the president? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Of which I am the president. 
 
 The Chairman. What is the next step after that approval? 
 
 Mr. Wright. The next step is to refer the matter to the American 
 Federation of Labor. It has been so referred, and is in their hands 
 at the present time. ^ 
 
 The Chairman. With your indorsement ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. With our indorsement. 
 
 The Chairman. And your personal indorsement as well ? 
 
■634 LABOR PROBLEMS IjST HAWAII. 
 
 Mr. Wright. Not my personal indorsement ; no, sir. 
 
 The Chairman. What are your views on the matter? 
 
 Mr. Wright. What do you mean by " personal indorsement " ? 
 Do you mean my personal opinion? 
 
 The Chairman. You are the president of the Central Labor Union. 
 
 Mr. Wright. I am the president of the Central Labor Union, but 
 I was not president at the time this application was made. That was 
 just before I came into office.* Mr. Tyson was then the president. 
 
 The Chairman. What is your personal opinion? 
 
 Mr. Wright. So far as my personal opinion is concerned, I believe 
 that the Filipino labor organization should be affiliated. 
 
 The Chairman. What do you think about the Japanese federa- 
 tion ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. That is another question entirely. You must under- 
 stand that the Filipinos are a different class of people. The Fili- 
 pinos, while they are not full citizens, are what you might call semi- 
 citizens. That is to say, they are inhabitants of a possession of the 
 United States, and in that sense they are, I believe, to that extent 
 under the American Flag. 
 
 The Chairman. Now, you sent this telegram dated June 26 to Mr. 
 Edgar C. Wallace, American Federation Building, Washington, 
 D. C., reading as follows : 
 
 Hawaii's emergency commission misrepresenting conditions. Statistics our 
 possession indicate no actual labor shortage in Territor5\ Unemployed and 
 casuals in excess of plantation requirements. Men driven from plantations by 
 intolerable conditions ; mostly still available if paid living wage. Varone, 
 Philippine Commissioner, assured planters of influx of Philipinos. Cost of 
 living here still near peak. No labor organization has indorsed plan ; central 
 labor and affiliated unions all vigorously protest scheme direct blow American- 
 ism program. Condition sugar industry due previous overproduction, low price, 
 excessive capitalization, plantation strike and gross mismanagement. Labor 
 charges planters intentionally limiting production, planning artificial unem- 
 ployment in campaign lower wages. Employers exerting economic pressure on 
 men to force indorsement planters program. Charge of Japanese conspiracy 
 control industry ridiculous falsehood. Japanese here striving for American 
 ideals and standards. Strike purely economic. No nationalistic issues in- 
 volved. Additional information by mail. Furnish, copies this message Curry, 
 Nolan, Davis, Baker, and all internationals. If desired, organized labor send 
 committee assist in fight. Wire instructions. 
 
 Did you send that ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. I did. 
 
 The Chairman. Do you still stand by it? 
 
 Mr. Wright. With the exception of certain points that I have 
 mentioned in a message to Mr. Wallace, I do. 
 
 The Chairman. Have you that subsequent telegram, Mr. Wallace? 
 
 Mr. Wallace. I haven't it with me. 
 
 The Chairman. Are 3^011 now ready to present it to the committee ? 
 
 Mr. Wallace. He did send a subsequent telegram which, in effect, 
 does modify it to a certain degree. 
 
 The Chairman. But Mr. Wallace said to me the telegram was 
 falsely sent ; that if it was not falsely sent, that Mr. Wright had been 
 coerced into changing his view and sending it, and he thought it 
 better not to send it to the committee. We are now without the 
 second telegram, so we are depending on you to make your statement 
 correcting it. 
 
LABOR rilOBLEMS IN HAWAII. 635 
 
 Ml'. Eaker. I would sug<2:est, Mr. Wallace, that the best thing for 
 von to do would be to get the telegram and make the presentation. 
 
 Mr. Gompi:rs. Would it not be well to permit Mr. Wright to tell 
 his story? 
 
 Mr. Raker. He is going to do that. That is w^hat the chairman 
 is figuring on. 
 
 The Chairman. We are developing this question. Here is a tele- 
 gram that is short, with straight, clear-cut sentences. You are a 
 newspaper man, are you not? 
 
 Mr. Wright. No, sir. I have done a little bit of newspaper work 
 since the 1st of April, but I am not a newspaper man by profession. 
 
 The Chairman. If you will, just go ahead and give us your views. 
 The committee has taken that and placed it in the hearings and has 
 held extensive hearings on that, but were unable to obtain from Mr. 
 Wallace a cop}^, although they asked for it prior to the last hearing. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Mr. Chairman, in order to be perfectly straight, I 
 v^ould suggest that Mr. Wallace send down and get that telegram. 
 
 Mr. Wright. I have a co|)y of it here. 
 
 The Chairman. It would simplify things very much, if he has a 
 copy, to let us have it. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Let the second telegram go in and then he can ex- 
 plain it. 
 
 Mr, Wright. I will read the message that was sent on July 4, as I 
 have confirmed it in a letter to Mr. Wallace. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Well, now, that is the one following the one the chair- 
 man just read, is it? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Yes. 
 
 'Mr. Raker. And that is the one the chairman refers to? 
 
 Mr. Wright. No ; this is the second one following. 
 
 Mr. Raker. That is the second telegram the chairman refers to as 
 having been sent to Mr. Wallace from Hawaii to Washington? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Yes. It is as follows: 
 
 Letter held up pending conference between planters and union committee. 
 Temporary labor shortage ex'sts on plantations. Charge of intolerable condi- 
 tions and deliberate curtailment of present producfon not sustained by subse- 
 quent investigation. Former message conveyed sentiment of Central Labor 
 Union and stands as corrected. 
 
 The Chairman. Has it got your signature? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Signature " Wright." 
 
 The Chairman. Mr. Wallace, is that the one you thought was 
 fraudulently sent, or if it was not fraudulently sent that Mr. Wright 
 had been coerced and intimidated? 
 
 Mr. Wallace. Mr. Chairman, when I received that message and 
 further received the information that the chairman of the committee 
 not only had knowledge of the message being sent but was actually 
 aware of the contents 
 
 The Chairman. Which I was not. 
 
 Mr. Wallace. I formed the opinion that either the message was 
 sent without Mr. Wright's knowledge or that Mr. Wright had been 
 coerced. 
 
 Mr. Wright. Which I state was a very natural inference, in my 
 opinion. 
 
 The Chairman. You sent the telegram? 
 
 Mr. Wright. I sent the telegram. 
 
636 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 The Chairman. You made the modifications? 
 
 Mr. Wright. I made the modifications. 
 
 The Chairman. As a result of your observations? 
 
 Mr. Wright. As a result of my observation ; yes. 
 
 The Chairman. Were you coerced? 
 
 Mr. Wright. I was not coerced. 
 
 The Chairman. Were you misinformed in the first place ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Let me clarify the situation in regard to this original 
 telegram. You people probabl}^ think that telegram is an expression 
 of my individual opinion. Please understand that it was a telegram 
 instructed to be sent by the central labor union and comprises the 
 sentiment of the delegates as expressed in the meeting of the labor 
 conference. 
 
 The Chairman. Did they arrive at those sentiments by way of 
 resolutions ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. They arrived at those sentiments by a discussion 
 and followed that by a resolution. 
 
 The Chairman. And you undertook to sense in this telegram both 
 the resolution and the discussion. Did you follow the resolution? 
 
 Mr. Wright. I followed the resolution. 
 
 The Chairman. Have you the resolution? 
 
 Mr. Wright. I have not. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Was this telegram read to the council before you 
 sent it? 
 
 Mr. Wright. It was not read before it was sent. 
 
 Mr. Cable. Which one do you mean, Judge? 
 
 Mr. Raker. The first one. 
 
 Mr. Free, Was the second telegram authorized b}^ the labor con- 
 ference ? 
 
 Mr. Wright, The second telegram was my telegram to Mr. Wal- 
 lace. I believe I could outline the developments that led up to the 
 sending of this first telegram and the sending of the second cor- 
 rective telegram. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Refer to them as " first " and " second," and then we 
 will not get them confused. 
 
 Mr. Wright. I presume you gentlemen are aware of the develop- 
 ments that led up to the situation as you have been informed at this 
 end. But I would like to present the events as they occurred in 
 Honolulu, because I believe that certain points will be developed 
 which are not matters of knowdedge to you. 
 
 The Chairman. Before you go any further I want to say to you 
 that we are going to take a lot of time, with what you are 'about to 
 present and we wdll, somewhere along further in the hearings, want 
 the best views 3^ou have as to the labor situation over there, the 
 racial situation — the relations of the plantations, and the future con- 
 ditions of the islands unless some changes are had. I other words, 
 you are fresh from the ground, and we have all the time necessary, 
 so take j^our time. 
 
 Mr. Wright. I am glad to know that you have plenty of time, and 
 I do not like to feel that I am imposing upon you. 
 
 The Chairman. The weather is very hot and the legislative 
 program is such that there is no need for hurry, and the members of 
 this committee are of a class that do not want to run home. 
 
LABOR PT101UJ<:MS TN HAWAir. G37 
 
 Mr. Wright. About tbe middle of April of this ,yeai.' Mr. E. Faxon 
 Bishop, president of the Hawaiian Sugar Planters' Association, 
 approached Mr. McCarty, Governor of the Territory, and explained 
 to him the desire of the sugar planters to secure Chinese coolie labor 
 to work on the plantations. 
 
 Mr. Cabke. I do not w^ant to interrupt you, but what I do want 
 you to state is to indicate clearl}^ what parts of your statement are 
 matters of personal knowledge and what are not, and to state how 
 you obtained the information which is not a part of your personal 
 knowledge. 
 
 Mr. Wright. I will state this statement was made by Mr. Bishop 
 himself to a commission of which I was a member as an explanation 
 of how this originated. 
 
 Mr. Cable. Will 3^011 follow out that statement as to what you 
 know personally, and what you do not know personally, state how 
 you got your information. 
 
 Mr. Wright. Yes, sir ; I will attempt to do that. 
 
 Mr. Bishop said that he realized the difficulties that would arise 
 if this request were made direct by the planters themselves, as he 
 admitted to us, so he made use of the executive of the Territorial 
 government in an attempt to secure legislation that would make the 
 importation of Chinese coolies into Hawaii possible. I would say 
 probably as a result of Mr. Bishop's representations Gov. McCarthy 
 sent a special message 
 
 Mr. Free (interposing). Pardon me. I do not know who Mr. 
 Bishop is. 
 
 Mr. Wright. Mr. Bishop is president of the Hawaiian Sugar 
 Planters' Association. Gov. McCarthy sent a special message to the 
 Territorial legislature then in session urging the passage of a joint 
 resolution petitioning Congress to enact legislation allowing the im-' 
 portation of aliens, including orientals, for agricultural and domes- 
 tic work. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Is it your intent to convey to this committee that the 
 president of the Hawaiian Sugar Association went to the governor 
 to fi^et this matter started? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Absolutely. That is the explanation that Mr. Bishop 
 himself gave us in a conference at which I was present. 
 
 Mr. Raker. In other words, instead of taking it up themselves per- 
 sonally, they started through the governor to make it an official act ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. To make it official, because, as Mr. Bishop said, he 
 realized that it would be objectionable, there would be objections to 
 it if it w^as started by the sugar planters themselves on their own 
 initiative. 
 
 A bill was at once proposed, by a man of the name of Lyman, I 
 believe, which definitely specified either 25,000 or 30,000 Chinese. 
 The bill was at once withdrawn when it was found that the papers 
 had featured the fact that a definite number of coolies were desired, 
 placing the number at 25,000 or 30,000, for it was realized that such 
 a bald proposal would arouse a storm of opposition. 
 
 Now, I will state in explanation of that, that that is the explana- 
 tion that Mr. Bishop and Mr. Butler, of the Sugar Planters' Asso- 
 ciation, gave to us as to the origin of this popular opinion regarding 
 the number of Chinese that was required. 
 
638 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 Mr. Free. This bill was introduced in the legislature of Hawaii? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Yes. Whether it was acted upon or not I am not in 
 position to say, but it was proposed and it was placed on the press 
 table and the daily papers in Honolulu came out featuring the fact. 
 
 Mr. Free. Was that a request to the United States Congress to 
 do this, or what was the nature of the bill that was introduced into 
 the legislature? 
 
 Mr. Wright. My recollection is that it was something in the nature 
 of the bill that was finally passed. 
 
 Mr. Free. Passed in Hawaii? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Yes ; passed in Hawaii by the legislature. It also, if 
 I remember, made use of the humanitarian sentiments in regard to 
 the starving Chinese coolies ; introducing that element as bearing 
 on the situation; you understand? 
 
 Mr. Free. Have you a copy of the bill ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. I have no copy of it ; no. I was unable to iret a copv 
 of it. 
 
 Mr. Irwix. I understood you to say that bill was introduced by 
 the gentleman subsequent to a conference with the governor? 
 
 Mr. Wright. I suppose that it was subsequent. 
 
 Mr. Irwin. Is it not a fact that that bill by Mr. L^'man was pend- 
 ing m conference some two or three weeks before the question of 
 labor shortage came up? 
 
 Mr. Wright. The point you raise I do not know, because I do not 
 know the date of the conference of Mr. Bishop with Mr. McCarthy. 
 
 Mr. Irwin. You are referring to the conference Mr. Bishop had 
 NVith the President of the Senate, the Speaker of the House of Rep- 
 resentatives, and the governor? 
 
 Mr. Wright. He gave us no dates as to when that occurred. If 
 anyone here is in possession of that data, I would like to know. 
 
 Mr. Irwin. I will say for your information that that consultation 
 was held the day before the special message was sent. It wasn't a 
 consultation between Mr. Bishop and the governor. It was a consul- 
 tation between Mr. Bishop and the leading business men and the 
 heads of the Government departments in Hawaii. 
 
 The Chairman. Was this resolution Mr. Wright speaks about, 
 introduced by Mr. Lvman tv. admit 30,000 Chinese into Hawaii, 
 pending before this conference was had? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. Yes ; some week or 10 days. 
 
 Mr. Raker. There was a resolution to ask the Congress of the 
 United States to permit the entrance of 30,000 Chinese ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Then there was a conference between the governor and 
 the president of the senate, and a resolution was presented to the 
 legislature ? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. 'No. It went down with the governor's message. 
 
 Mr, Taylor. What was the explanation of the resolution? 
 
 Mr. Irw^in. It was entirely an act of Mr. Lyman, so far as I know. 
 
 Mr. Cable. Can you teU us who this Mr. Lyman is ? What is his 
 business ? Is he interested in sugar plantations ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. I do not know. 
 
 Mr. Irwin. Mr. Lyman is a lawyer. He is a member of the legis- 
 ture. He is from Hilo. 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 639 
 
 Mr. Cable. Does this Mr. Lyman represent Mr. Bishop ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. I do not know. I do not say that any one repre- 
 sented Mr. Bishop. They are supposed to represent the people of the 
 Territory. 
 
 ]Mr. Cable. I mean outside of the legislature. Do you know 
 whether he is the attorney of record, or anything like that? Are 
 they in the same city or the same island ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. They are not in the same city and not on the same 
 island. The island of Haw^aii is separated from Oahu where 
 Honolulu is situated. 
 
 Mr. Raker. As I understand you, Mr. Hindle introduced a resolu- 
 tion to permit 30,000 Chinese to come to Hawaii, and this Mr. 
 Lyman's resolution was carrying out that same idea. 
 
 Mr. Wright. I do not know. 
 
 Mr. Raker. In other words, the change of the resolution Avas one 
 asked directly for Chinese, and the other one after this consultation 
 with the governor resolved into a message by the governor and a 
 resolution by the Hawaiian Legislature that has been presented to 
 this committee asking that the immigration laws be changed so that 
 Hawaii might receive labor. 
 
 Mr. Wright. That has been the result. 
 
 The Chair]man. I might say the redrafting of the Hindle resolu- 
 tion was done in conformity with a letter by W. B. Wilson, then Sec- 
 retjiry of Labor, dated February 26, 1918 (?), follow^ing one of the 
 Hindle bills or resolutions introduced by request of the Delegate, 
 which called for 30,000 Chinese. 
 
 Mr. Wright. That is one of the resolutions introduced in the 
 Congress at Washington ? 
 
 The Chairman. Yes. That is the last one, I believe, we fussed 
 with. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Yes.; and it may be said that the committee was 
 unanimously adverse to it. 
 
 Mr. Wright. That resolution which 3^011 are all familiar with was 
 introduced and it was pushed through hurriedly without a hearing. 
 I will state in explanation of that, it has been customary always in 
 our legislature to give public hearings on all matters that are con- 
 sidered of general importance. We had just come through a rather 
 serious fight, as we considered it, against a press control bill, which 
 we believed was a menace to our interests, and we had public hear- 
 ings giving us every consideration 
 
 Mr. Cable (interposing). That was before a committee? 
 
 Mr. Wright. That was just before this coolie resolution came up, 
 but the coolie resolution was handled differently. It was pushed by, 
 and, as I say, it was pushed through without opportunity for public 
 hearings. The legislative committee of the central labor bodies, 
 of which I was chairman at the time — I was also president of the 
 council 
 
 Mr. Cable (interposing). Mr. Wright, how long was it between 
 the time the resolution was introduced until it was reported out by 
 the committee? 
 
 Mr. Wright. I think (Mr. Irwin can correct me if I am Avrong) it 
 was less than a week. 
 
 Mr. Cable. How long between the time it was introduced before 
 it was passed by both houses and signed by the governor ? 
 
640 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 Mr. Wright. It was all within a week, I think. 
 
 Mr. Irwin. I think that is true. It was all near the end of the 
 session, I think, and the bill was introduced the last week of the 
 session, and had to go through then or not at all. 
 
 The legislative committee of the central labor body, of which I 
 was chairman, prepared a memorial protesting against the passage 
 of the resolution, but the member of the house who was to have 
 presented it was denied the floor on a parliamentary point of order — 
 a motion for the previous question, I believe — and we were unable to 
 get our protest into the record. This protest I would like to submit 
 for a matter of record to the committee. 
 
 Mr. Kaker. Read it. That is the one the labor council presented 
 to the legislative committee, and they could not even get it in the 
 record or get a hearing on it. 
 
 Mr. Wright. I will read it : 
 
 Exhibit A. 
 
 To THE House of Representatives : 
 
 Referring to the concurrent resolution authorizing tlie appointment of a so- 
 called labor commission to go to Washington to urge the necessity of importing 
 Chinese coolie labor into the Territory, we beg to present the protest of or- 
 ganized labor in opposition to any such scheme. 
 
 Our opposition is based upon tlie following considerations : 
 
 We maintain that there is not at present any serious shortage in the avail- 
 able supply of labor in the Territory, and that the representations of the sugar 
 planters to that eifect are false and misleading, being based upon- data that 
 does not cover the ground, and that the efforts put forth in behalf of this 
 scheme are for the sinister purpose of creating an oversupply of labor with 
 the end in view of introducing a cheaper substitute for the present labor ele- 
 ment and thus inevitably lowering the present standards of living not only 
 among the Japanese and Filipinos but among those of the white race and of 
 American nationality. 
 
 The whole wage system of any community is based upon the lowest wages 
 paid to unskilled labor, and a material reduction of the standards of those 
 at the lowest subsistence level must affect the. entire structure of our social 
 and economic life. We can not endure to have a virtual system of peonage 
 with all its attendant evils introduced into an already complicated situation. 
 
 The present shortage in the sugar crop is not due to the lacl^: of labor, but 
 is a direct result of the strike of last year, which affected the growing crop 
 and reduced the production for the present year. 
 
 We call your attention to the fact that under the organic act it is required 
 that an industrial survey of the Territory be held every five years, and we 
 are advised that 1921 is the year in which this survey falls due. Any such 
 action as the legislature contemplates in this matter should be deferred until 
 after the report of a competent and impart 'al commission, such as would be 
 appointed under the Federal Department of Labor, If such report shows the 
 actual shortage of labor which is now claimed, then it will be time to think 
 of devising some adequate and satisfactory remedy. 
 
 To send this commission of labor, so-called, to Washington at this time as 
 the last act of the present session of the legislature would smell too strongly 
 of '* undue influence " and would bring into the present rather strained situa- 
 tion another element of suspicion and distrust. W^e state frankly that or- 
 ganized labor will resist to the last any such effort aimed at creating arti- 
 ficial unemployment in the Territory by flooding the plantations with a horde 
 of coolies, and the matter will be taken up through all our national and inter- 
 national affiliated organizations and an effort made to prevent the consumma- 
 tion of this evil design. 
 
 Legislative Committee of the Central Labor Council, 
 By Geo. W. Wright, Chairman. 
 
 Mr. Cable. Were you there at this meeting ? 
 Mr. Wright. At what meeting? 
 
I 
 
 LABOE PROBLEMS IJN^ HAWAII. 641 
 
 Mr. Cable. At the meeting that passed this resohition. 
 
 Mr. Wkight. Understand this was a resolution prepared by the 
 legislative committee which has the watching of the laws, just as 
 legislative committees of organizations here at Washington keep 
 watch of laws passed by Congress, and I happened to be chairman of 
 that committee. 
 
 Mr. Cable. How many were on the committee, Mr. Wright ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. There were three on the committee. 
 
 Mr. Cable. Two besides yourself? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Two besides myself. 
 
 Mr. Cable. And you drew that up and wanted to get it in the 
 record and were not able to do so ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. I handed it to Representative Uluihi. 
 
 Mr. Cable. Had you prior to that time had any meeting of the 
 Council to authorize you 
 
 Mr. Wright. We had no time. This matter was being pushed 
 through, so that when it came to our attention there was no time 
 to call a special meeting for the special purpose of considering it. 
 I will state that it had been discussed in the meeting of my own 
 organization, the machinists, which happened to have met just about 
 this time, but the meetings of the labor council of the Central Labor 
 Unions are two weeks apart, and during the period between meetings 
 various committees are empowered and authorized to handle such 
 emergency work as comes up. 
 
 Mr. Cable. Who were the other two men and whom did they repre- 
 sent ? Can you put that into the record, too ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. C. L. Wilson, of the Painters' Union, and Estelle 
 Baker, of the Teachers' Union. 
 
 Mr. Free. Are the school-teachers organized into a union in 
 Hawaii ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Yes ; the school-teachers have a little organization. 
 
 Mr. Free. Do all of the teachers belong, or just some of them? 
 
 Mr. Wright. No ; not all the teachers. 
 
 Mr. Irwin. Very few of the teachers, as a matter of fact, belong to 
 that union — that is, of the public-school teachers. I do not know 
 the number at all. 
 
 Mr. Cable. Is this man a teacher himself? 
 
 Mr. Wright. It is a woman. 
 
 Mr. Cable. Oh, pardon me. Is she a teacher? 
 
 Mr. Wright. She is a teacher, but she is a teacher mostly in kin- 
 dergarten and Y. M. C. A. and private tutelages. 
 
 Mr. Irwin. She is not employed in the public schools at the present 
 time? 
 
 Mr. Wright. She is not employed in the public schools at the 
 present time. 
 
 Mr. Irwin. How long before the legislature adjourned was this 
 resolution attempted to be presented to the legislature — I mean ap- 
 proximately ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. I think it was about five or six days before the legis- 
 lature adjourned. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Do you intend to convey to the committee that this 
 resolution which followed the conference of the governor and the 
 presiding officer of the Senate and the Speaker of the House, that 
 56754^21— SEE 7, pt 2—7 
 
642 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 3^011 people were not driven an opportunity to present any of these 
 facts to the committee at all 'i 
 
 Mr. "W RIGHT. We were not. 
 
 Ml". Kaker. You were not entitled to be hearer? 
 
 Mr. Wright. We figured we were entitled to be heard. 
 
 Mr. Raker. I mean you were not heard. 
 
 Mr. Wright. We w^ere not heard. 
 
 Mr. Eaker. You were not given an opportunity and they Avould 
 not even let you put it in the record ? Is that it ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. I will explain : The thing was out of the hands of the 
 committee practical)}^ before we had this prepared and an attempt 
 was made to introduce it on the floor but Mr. Uluihi, who was to 
 present it, was unable to get the floor — Avas denied the floor, as he 
 states to me, on motion of a previous question, and the report of the 
 committee was adopted without him having an opportunity to file 
 that protest. 
 
 Mr. Eaker. State whether or not it was clearly ])resented to that 
 legislature that this method would be virtual system of peonage if 
 it was carried out? 
 
 Mr. Wright. It was not. It was not presented to my knowledge. 
 If any one here has a record of the proceedings of the House and. 
 Senate — if that is on file in Washington, that point could be looked! 
 up. I was unable to get a copy of those before I came away because 
 they had not been completed. : 
 
 Mr. Cable. Mr. Wright, was this resolution published in the newsn 
 papers ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. This resolution was published in our own paper. 
 
 Mr. Cable. What do you mean b}^ your own paper? 
 
 Mr. Wright. That is a little weekly paper that the labor organiza- 
 tions get out. 
 
 Mr. Cable. Was that published before they voted on the question ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. I would not be positive as to that ; no. 
 
 Mr. Cable. Did you serve a copy on every member in the legis- 
 lature ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. No. The thing was finished right there. 
 
 Mr. Irwin. Mr. Wright, the legislation went through both housei 
 of the legislature in regular order — had to go through in regulai 
 order, did it not ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Irw^in. It was referred to a committee in the senate and in th^ 
 house ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. This was introduced in the senate. 
 
 Mr. Irwin. I say, it had to go through the senate and had to gc 
 through the house, and had to go before a committee of each body 
 and you had an opportunity to appear before each one of those com- 
 mittees, did 3^ou not ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. No. 
 
 Mr. Irwin. Why not? 
 
 Mr. Wright. We had no opportunit}^, because we had no notice. ,, 
 
 Mr. Irwin. The matter was published in the daily papers there 
 was it not, right along? 
 
 Mr. Wright. I do not believe it was two days after it was pub- 
 lished in the paper before that matter was 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 643 
 
 Mr. ImviN (interposing). Don't you know tluit that is impossible 
 under the law? Do you not know that it is impossible for a bill to go 
 through both houses in less than five days? 
 
 My. Wkight. 1 do not say less than five days that it Avent througli. 
 I say after it came to our attention. 
 
 Mr. Irwin. Do .you not know that the conference that was held in 
 the governor's office was given publicit}^ that ver}^ day ? 
 
 jMr. Wright. That conference and the governor's message were 
 given publicity : 3^es. 
 
 Mr. Iravin. On the very day the conference Avas held and the daily 
 neAvspapers published every step of that proceeding day after day, 
 did they not? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Iravin. So that if you Avere reading the neAvspapers, a^ou and 
 everybody else kneAV Avhat Avas going on, and you had your oppor- 
 tunity to appear before those committees if you had Avanted to do so, 
 did you not? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Well, it ma}^ be possible that Ave Avere in a sense in 
 error in not taking the matter up Avith those committees at once, but 
 I Avill state that Ave neA^er anticipated that the matter would be 
 rushed through so quick, and Avhen the thing finally came to a shoAV- 
 doAvn Ave had our protest ready, and then we Avere unable to get it 
 on the floor. 
 
 Mr. Iravin. Do you knoAv Avhether the man Avho Avas to ]>resent the 
 protest A^oted against the bill or not ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Yes ; he voted against it. 
 
 Mr. Irwin. Are 3^ou sure of that? You say that advisedly that he 
 A'Oted against it? 
 
 Mr. AYright. I haA^e not seen the official records as printed in the 
 Plouse Journal, but I knoAv the man, and I am personally positiA^e 
 that he voted against it. 
 
 Mr. Cable. Mr. Wright, Mr. Weeber has giA^en me tliese facts. I 
 Avant to ask you if 3^011 think they are correct according to your 
 record : That the governor sent the message to the legislature on 
 the 20th of April, 1921, and this bill accompanied the message — that 
 Avas on the 13th — and they went to the Senate first, and it Avas passed 
 by the Senate and then went to the House and was passed by the 
 House on the 26th of April, and Avas signed by the goA^ernor on the 
 29th of April? 
 
 Mr. Wright. That is a matter of record? 
 
 Mr. Cable. No ; that is Avhat Mr. Weeber here has just given me — • 
 these dates, and I want to know if you can confirm them or not? 
 
 Mr. Wright. I can not confirm them from any records, but if he 
 has the records, they are probablj^ correct. But I do not dispute 
 that. 
 
 The Chairman. What was the statement ; that the goA^ernor sent a 
 message to the legislature accompanied b}^ the form of bills ? 
 
 Mr. Cable. Yes. 
 
 The Chairman. What date? 
 
 Mr. Cable. Twentieth of April of this year. 
 
 Mr. Wright, when did 3^011 and your committee begin to take 
 action against this proposed legislation? Can you giA^e us the date 
 of that? 
 
644 LABOR PROBLEMS IX HAWAII. 
 
 Mr. Wright. I can not give you the date ; no, sir. 
 
 Mr. Cable. In other woras, I want to find out whether it had 
 passed the Senate before you asked for a hearing, or if it had passed 
 the House, or after it had gone before you asked to be heard on it? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Xo ; I can not answer that definitely ; no, sir. 
 
 Mr. Cable. Can you give us an idea? In other words, did you 
 apply to the Senate coininittee to be heard on the bill before it was 
 passed ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. !N'o ; we did not. 
 
 Mr. Cable. Did you apply to the House committee to be heard on 
 the bill before it was out of the committee? 
 
 Mr. Wright. We did not apply personally. We turned the mat- 
 ter over to this representative. iJluihi, of whom I speak. 
 
 Mr. Cable. Where did you begin on your personal actions? Was 
 it out of the committee or in the Housel 
 
 Mr. Wright. My own personal actions were taken just about the 
 time that it came out of the House committee. 
 
 Mr. Cable. You know this committee wants to find out whether 
 these two committees refused you the right to be heard on it. 
 
 Mr. Wright. No ; I do not want to carry that impression at all. 
 We were not refused a hearing. As I stated at first, we were so 
 busily engaged on this press bill matter that we perhaps were cul- 
 pable, as I stated a moment ago, in not taking more active and vigor- 
 ous measures to get our position before the committee, but we had no 
 idea so important legislation would go through so quickly. 
 
 Mr. Cable. Can you tell me the elate that the legislature ad- 
 journed? 
 
 Mr. Wright. You can get it from those figures there. 
 
 Mr. Cable. Mr. Weeber says that it adjourned on the 28th of 
 April. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Did the governor sign it after it adjourned? 
 
 Mr. Weeber. Yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Eaker. While you were out, Mr. Chairman, the witness read 
 this for the record, and may it be presented to the record? It is 
 a statement of resohitions addressed to the Hawaiian Legislature. 
 
 The Chairmax. Let it remain in. 
 
 Mr. Wright. I call attention to the fact that from the very first 
 we insisted upon the need of a Federal survey to determine actual 
 conditions. We took the matter up with the Department of Labor 
 and were informed by Mr. Davis that there was no appropriation 
 available for carrying out the intention of the organic act. 
 
 The Hawaiian Legislature, above referred to, created what was 
 known as an emergency labor commission, consisting of three mem- 
 bers appointed by the governor, and these men were appointed to 
 come to Washington for the purpose of urging upon Congress the 
 necessity of importing Chinese coolies into the Territory for work 
 on the plantations. I will state that was the way it was presented. 
 
 Mr. Raker. I asked that question of one witness here, if this reso- 
 lution was not intended to import Chinese it was covered up in a 
 maze of words and was criticized very severely by the committee 
 for intimating such a thing. Now, why do you say all the time this 
 was a resolution for the purpose of bringing over Chinese? 
 
 Mr. Wright. I say it because we had been warned last fall that the 
 attempt was to be made. 
 
p 
 
 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HA WAIL ' 645 
 
 Mr. Rakek. How were you warned? Who warned you? 
 
 ]Mr. Weight. That is something I do not know, but Mr. Tyson, 
 our business representative had some kind of "tip " to that effect, and 
 I believe communicated with the American Federation of Labor. 
 Has there been a letter on file from Mr. Tyson ? 
 
 The Chairman. If I remember correctly in the hearings that have 
 been held to date, Tyson's letter is used in the form of a letter to the 
 labor paper. 
 
 Mr. W^RiGHT. I know Mr. Tyson never wrote an}^ communication 
 to the labor paper in Hawaii. 
 
 Mr. Wallace. Do you refer to the communication to the American 
 Federationist? There also appeared one article in the American 
 Advertiser, and I think it failed to find publication. 
 
 Mr. Raker. This resolution does not say a word about the Chinese. 
 , .Where do you get the Chinese part of it ? 
 
 f Mr. Free. In justice to the Avitness, I suggest he Avould do better 
 to get in his statement in chronological order. He is getting in 
 about 2 Avords of his statement and 40 lines of cross-examination.. 
 
 The Chairman. Without objection, he will proceed. 
 
 Mr. Wright. Now, these men who were appointed had very little 
 personal knowledge of the situation, Avith the exception of Mr. 
 Horner, Avho was a sugar expert. I will state that that is the state- 
 ment they made to us before their departure for Washington, that 
 personally they realized their responsibility and depended for their 
 information on outside sources Avhich Avould be supplied to them. 
 
 Just prior to their departure for Washington they requested a con- 
 ference with representatives of labor. This meeting was arranged 
 for Saturday evening, April 30, 1921, and a general summary of 
 what took place was presented in the Labor Re^dew of May 10, and 
 Avhich I can submit as a matter of record if you Avish it. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Read it. That is Avhat Ave want. 
 
 Mr. Wright. It is an outline of the discussion that took place be- 
 tween delegates of the central labor council, who Avere asked to 
 meet Avith the emergency commissioners before their departure for 
 Washington. I Avill state that this Avas not printed until May 10. 
 It Avas withheld from publication because we felt that the commis- 
 sioners Avould consider it confidential, and we did not Avant to be the 
 first ones to make a public statement, but garbled accounts were 
 printed in the Honolulu Advertiser immediately after the gentle- 
 men's departure for Washington — I belicA^e it was on Monday morn- 
 ing — and as a result of that Ave printed what we considered an abso- 
 lutely impartial and correct statement of what took place at that 
 conference. 
 
 The Chairman. In other words, you printed the Honolulu Cen- 
 tral Labor Union's vicAvpoint of the conference — their opinion? 
 
 Mr. Wright. We printed the actual facts as 
 
 The Chairman. The actual facts, if they Avere in dispute. You 
 presented your side, and Ave haA'e no objection at all to it being placed 
 in the record ; it is understood it is your presentation. 
 
 Mr. Wright. That Avould be your natural inference that it was 
 our point of Adew. 
 
 The Chair]\[an. Mr. Wright, who Avrote this report ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. It Avas Avritten mostly bv me. 
 
646 , LABOR PROBLEMS IN HxVWAIL 
 
 The Chaii{:max. Certainly. (lO aliead and read it. The other side 
 Avill have an opportunity to present their views. The other side 
 fomes here as a commission^ and although their personal integrity 
 has been assailed, and their present relations, I think we might all 
 concede right now that the main industry of the Hawaiian Islands is 
 sugar. It is the basic industry* and we w^ill assume a commission 
 sent here b}^ the legislature will undertake to present the facts as 
 near as it can. Now, here comes a delegation from a labor council, 
 and the}^ have their viev/s, which they think is as near the actual 
 facts as can be stated. 
 
 Mr. Raker. It ought to l)e said in justification of the labor council 
 and labor men that they were not given an opportunity to be heard 
 on this resolution that y/as passed through the Legislature of Hawaii 
 in the interests of the sugar people. 
 
 The Chaieman. I do not think that the record taken here this 
 morning assails that. 
 
 Mr. RakePv. It intimates it. 
 
 Mr. WpvTght. I will read the article : 
 
 Exhibit B. 
 
 Inside Stoey of Labor Conference. 
 
 delegates from central labor council asked to meet with emergency com- 
 missioners before departure for washington. 
 
 Owing to the misleading- impression given by the articles and editorials 
 appearing in certain of the daily papers regarding the attitude of organized 
 labor toward the scheme proposed by the governor and legislature for importing 
 orientals into the Territory to relieve a supposed "labor shortage," it has been 
 decided to make public through the medium of the Labor Review the actual 
 facts in connection with the conference between the emergency labor commis- 
 sion and the committee of seven from the Central Labor Council held at the 
 Conunercial Club on Saturday evening, April 30, 1921. 
 
 DTLLTNGITA:.! seeks INTERVIEW. 
 
 On Saturday afternoon between 12 and 1 o'clock Mr. Dillingham called up 
 the president of the Centi-al Labor Council and requested a personal interview. 
 It was suggested that if the intention was to discuss the proposed action of 
 the commissioners more satisfactory results could be secured by meeting with 
 a representative committee from the comicil. This was agreed to and arrange- 
 ments made for a conference at 7.30 p. m. at the rooms of the Commercial Club, 
 on Bethel Street. 
 
 During the afternoon an emergency committee was called together by the 
 president of the council, consisting i)f INIessrs. Wright, Pascoe, Atkins. Muller, 
 McVeigh, Figuerelo, and Mrs. Estelle Baker. This committee met with the 
 commissioners appointed by the governor, jNIessrs. Dillingham, Chillingworth, 
 and Horner, and entered into a discussion of the labor situation. 
 
 HARMONY PREVAILS. 
 
 The general tone of the conference has been misrepresented in the daily press 
 of the city in such a way as to lead the public to believe that the representa- 
 tives of organized laboi' were in accord ^^■ith the scheme which the commission is 
 trying to put acr<iss. Such was not the case. The committee was unanimous 
 in condemning it, and although the discussion was courteous and conservative 
 in tone and lasted from 7.30 to 11 p. m. absolutely no points of agreement 
 were reached, except the generally understood desire to promote the best in- 
 terests of the Territory. The views of the commission and of the committee 
 from the council were ^^'idely divergent as to the actual situation itself, the 
 causes that underly the ju-esent conditions, and the remedies proposed. There 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAIL 647 
 
 was nj^rtHMiioiit as to llie <l('sii'M])ility oT inaiiilainin,^' iiiduslrial in-()si>crit:y nnd 
 Amoricaii standards of living, but liore asain it was ovi(1(4it tliat there existed 
 a dilference of oi)iiiioii as to what these terms really mcnn and as to the best 
 methods of bringinj;- tJieni about. 
 
 LACK OF DATA ADMITTED. 
 
 The coriiniission admitted their lack of data, except that furnislied to Mr. 
 Horner by the i)]antations, and this was brushed aside by the labor repre- 
 sentatives as prejudiced in favor of the sugar planters. The many sins of the 
 planters in the past were cited as affording- just grounds for the distrust and 
 suspicion with which the sugar interests were regarded by organized labor in 
 the Territory, and the good faith of the instigators of the present mo^•ement to 
 import laborers was seriously questioned. 
 
 The only statistical facts accepted by the committee were those offered by 
 Mr. Horner showing a sugar, shortage of from 20 per cent to 40 per cent on 
 the various plantations as compared with the output of previous years. Even 
 the members of the emergency commission disagreed among themselves as to 
 the actual cause of this shortage. Mr. Horner afhrming that it was due pri- 
 marily to an actual shortage of laborers, while the other members of the com- 
 mission were of the opinion that it was largely due to a lowered efhciency on 
 the part of the .Japanese laborers. Mr. Dillingham and Mr. Chillingworth were 
 [)bliged to admit their lack of personal knowledge on tliis matter. 
 
 APPEAL TO PvACE PREJUDICE. 
 
 At this point considerable time was wasted trying to develop a nationalistic 
 md racial sentiment to cloud the issue, but the committee from the council 
 insisted that inasmuch as the subject had been presented as an economic one 
 it must be discussed in that light. However, if the issue of " Americanization " 
 ivere to be injected into the conference, the committee declared that the mainte- 
 nance of the American standards, politically, socially, and industrially, pre- 
 cluded the possibility of importing starving coolies to work under a virtual 
 system of peonage. To do this, it was asserted, would be to still further 
 ' orientalize " the industry, for the Japanese and Filipinos w^ho are at present 
 employed in this kind of work are at least partly Americanized, a statement 
 kvhich was not denied. 
 
 Mr. Dillingham disclaimed any desire to bring in Chinese laborers, but stated 
 :hat he could see no other alternative. Mr. Chillingworth denied that the 
 governor's message and the concurrent resolution contemplated such a step, and 
 stated that the representations to that effect in the papers and the general 
 mpression prevailing in the community was due to a misunderstanding. 
 
 M'HO SPILLED THE BEANS? 
 
 This statement created some amusement among the members of the com- 
 nittee, and it was brought out that the report originated in the action of sonify 
 )ver-zealous senator in introducing a resolution which definitely specified 
 J5,000 Chinese laborers. The imprudent one was promptly subdued, according 
 ;o report, and the resolution discarded for the one which called for an indefinite 
 lumber of agricultural laborers, but the cat was out of the bag and the beans 
 spilled, so to speak, and the real intention of the .scheme became manifest to 
 he public. 
 
 W^HY NOT WHITE LABOR? 
 
 The commission was asked why, if it laid so much stress upon the Americaniza- 
 ;ion of the industry, it did not recommend the employment of some of the sur- 
 )lus labor from the States, where it is generally understood that in the neighbor- 
 lood of 5,000,000 men are at present unemployed. The general superiority and 
 ifhciency of white labor was admitted, but the commission claimed that since 
 ;he price of raw sugar is fixed by Cuba, it would be impossible to pay a wage 
 hat a white man could live on. One of the delegates from the labor council 
 )ointed out to the commission the unnecessarily high cost of living in Hawaii 
 md argued that if local profiteering were eliminated and some of the excess 
 )rofits sacrificed, the plantations could easily afford to pay a wage that would 
 conform to the American standards. Such a course would relieve the situation 
 ocally, it was pointed out, as well as afford relief to a number of our own 
 
648 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 unemployed and add a desirable element to the population. It >YOuld take time 
 and involve some sacrifices from the industry, but it would be an intelligent 
 attempt to solve the problem and would be justified from the point of view of 
 permanent economic progress. 
 
 The point raised by the commission that such a supply would not be perma- 
 nent and would last only until the new laborers could work up to better posi- 
 tions, and thus leave the fields again short, was answered by the committee, 
 which called attention to the fact that the same thing had happened with the 
 Japanese, Filipinos, Chinese, and Portuguese formerly imported for such w^ork, 
 and would necessarily be true of any class of labor brought under American con- 
 ditions of employment. The renewal of the supply of common laborers was said 
 by one of the delegates to be the fundamental problem of modern economics, and 
 one that could not be solved offhand by turning back the clock to the days of 
 chattel slavery. If a horde of Chinese coolies are imported now it will only be 
 a temporary relief, and the effects will be disastrous in the long run, for unless 
 they are held in bondage they Mdll work themselves up exactly as the others- 
 have done and eventually crowd out those at the top by the constant upward 
 pressure of the forces which they represent. 
 
 SLAVERY OR PEONAGE? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham claimed that the planters would give a guarantee that im- 
 ported laborers would be used only in the low^er grade of agricultural work^ 
 but he was sharply taken up on this point with the statement that the planters 
 were not able to give any kind of a guarantee which could be accepted by 
 labor or enforced after it was given. The legality of such contract was ques- 
 tioned and the whole proceeding characterized as an attempt to introduce 
 virtual slavery into Hawaii. The technical point was raised as to whether 
 it could be called slavery or peonage, but it was clearly shown that it would 
 be in absolute violation of the present immigration laws. This fact INIr. 
 Chillingworth admitted. 
 
 SENATE ACTION SCORED. 
 
 The discussion worked around in a circle to points previously touched upon,, 
 and when asked why the action of the legislature in the present emergency was 
 regarded with so much suspicion by the representatives of labor, the answer 
 was made by the committee that the supposition of ulterior motives was amply 
 justified by the manner in which the scheme was railroaded through, and this 
 view was supported by the previous attitude of the senate in regard to all the| 
 labor legislation that had been proposed. Caustic comment was freely made 
 by members of the committee on the action of the senate in killing every con- 
 structive measure which had the backing of the Central Labor Council. The 
 workmen's compensation law and the measure to require pure drinking water [ 
 were cited as examples of senate action which was regarded by the workers as 
 directly opposed to the best interests of the Territory, and the question was 
 asked in effect, " How can you expect us to regard your actions in any other 
 light when your conduct has been unfriendly and antagonistic from the start?! 
 You ask for our cooperation and talk about working together for the good of i 
 the Territory; you will have to show us first that you are sincere in your 
 protestations and do a little cooperating yourselves. So far, your actions have 
 spoken louder than words, and they have condemned you ! " 
 
 WOULD CREATE ARTIFICIAL UNEMPLOYMENT. 
 
 One of the chief objections of the labor delegates to the proposed scheme was 
 that it was seemingly a deliberate attempt on the part of the plantation inter- 
 ests to lower wages in the Territory before the cost of living had been reduced 
 to a point where the worker could live on less money. It was shown that the 
 imported orientals from China would be willing to work for practically nothing 
 if assured of food and shelter and would thus displace a large number of Japa- 
 nese and Filipinos from the plantations. Many of these men would be skilled 
 or semiskilled in some of the mechanical trades and would drift to the cities, 
 where they would be forced by necessity to compete with the men who are at 
 present holding these jobs. The result would be that each trade and craft 
 would find itself with an oversupply of available labor and in the end the highest 
 class of workers, lowering the standards and of wages to the point where exist- 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 649 
 
 ence "was impossible for an American under American standards of living. 
 This was characterized as the " orientalization of industry," and it was shown 
 that in the end the highest class of workers must be the ones to suffer. 
 
 CONCLUSION. 
 
 The conference was protracted by the discussion of immaterial points and 
 by returning again and again to certain arguments and lines of reasoning upon 
 wliich it early became evident that no possible agreement could be reached. 
 The discussion was absolutely free from personalities, heated arguments, or 
 radical statements, and was marked by earnestness and serious attention on 
 both sides. The sentiment of the committee from the labor council was that 
 the emergency commission was rather to be sympathized v/ith than censured, 
 for they appear to be up against a harder proposition than they realize. The 
 committee was surprised at the lack of convincing data in the hands of the 
 commission and at their inability to look at the problem from a purely eco- 
 nomic standpoint. It is to be regretted that the gentleman who was present 
 with the notebook failed to take any notes of the discussion, although the 
 committee expressed the desire that a full account of the conference might be 
 published. It was feit that such a report would have been intensely interest- 
 ing to the public, and the educational value of such a record would have been 
 very great, 
 
 Mr. Raker. May I ask the witness a question ? 
 
 The Chairman. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Raker. What was the date of that conference? 
 
 Mr. Wright. The date of that conference was April 30, 1921. 
 
 Mr. Raker. I just want to say that I was here in W^ashington on 
 April 30, and that might appear as though I was personally present. 
 But I wasn't. I was here. 
 
 The Chairman. Does it mention 3^our name? 
 
 Mr. Raker. No, no ; but the sentiment conveyed by the committee 
 spoke as though I had been present. 
 
 The Chairman. I think that is a fair statement, Mr. Wright. 
 Did they discuss at that meeting whether there was a shortage of 
 labor in Hawaii? 
 
 Mr. Wright. The discussion at that meeting was not whether there 
 was a shortage of labor, but a shortage of sugar crop. Mr. Horner 
 said in his opinion the shortage of sugar was due to actual labor 
 shortage on the plantations, whereas Mr. Dillingham and Mr. Chill- 
 ingworth said they believed it was due to decrease of efficienc}^ of 
 workers on the plantations. 
 
 The Chairman. In other words, there was no discussion as to 
 laborers leaving the islands in any number ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Not to my recollection. 
 
 The Chairman. In jour opinion, have they been leaving for the 
 last year? 
 
 Mr. Wright. 1 believe they have — not to a very great extent. 
 
 The Chairman. I w^ant to get your vieAV. You are there and you 
 are interested, and I want to get your view on this problem. Are 
 there many more laborers leaving than are coming in? 
 
 Mr. Wright. I think there are more leaving, or had been. I will 
 not say that is true at the present time, because I do not know-. Of 
 the number w^ho have left the plantations I understand they have not 
 all left the islands, and of the number who have left the islands they 
 are not all from the plantations. 
 
 The Chairman'. Was there any discussion as to Avhether white 
 labor w^ould do this plantation labor situation aii}^ good or not? 
 
650 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 Mr. Wright. There was this discussion : The matter Avas brought 
 up and it was the general opinion of all of us, including the com- 
 missioners themselves, that white labor, if it could be secured, would 
 be far more efficient than oriental. 
 
 The Chairman. Was there any opinion that it could be secured? 
 
 Mr. Wright. The commission, I believe, stated that they wei'e not 
 particular Avhat kind of labor was brouglit in; that it was only to 
 relieve the situation and bring in labor. 
 
 The Chairman. I am tr^dng to get the workingman's viewpoint. 
 You are president of the hibor conference, have traveled a great deal, 
 and you are a trained machinest. I want to get your view : Will 
 white labor work on the plantations there ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Not under present conditions. 
 
 The Chairman. Do they if wages are paid as the highest wages in 
 the beet-sugar industry? 
 
 Mr. Wright. What are those highest wages? 
 
 The Chairman. $3. 
 
 Mr. Wright. Do you mean is it possible ? 
 
 The Chairman. Let's get it straight. If you were here in the 
 United States with your present knowledge of Hawaii on the planta- 
 tions, would you advise white laborers to go to the islands to work 
 on the plantations for from $2.75 to $3, with houses furnished? 
 
 Mr. Wright. I would make this statement : If I were here in the 
 United States out of a job, and no possibility of securing a job in the 
 higher mechanical trades, and forced to work in the United States, 
 say, in the fields of the Middle West as a common laborer, I would 
 say I prefer to go to Hawaii and work on the plantations. 
 
 The Chairman. What is your reason for that ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. At a wage that would be practically the same as 
 the wage I would get here. 
 
 Mr. Cable. Is the work any harder out there in the cane planta- 
 tions than on the farms of the United States ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Is it any harder? 
 
 Mr. Cable. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Wright. I will tell you, I can not say that it is. Of course, 
 you understand that I have not actually been out and worked at 
 common laborer's work on the plantations, but I have seen them 
 doing all the classes of work, and ^ will touch on that later on, and 
 on the subject of labor-saving machinery. 
 
 I have stood and watched Japanese plantation labor loading 
 cane, picking it up in big bundles on their shoulders and walking 
 up a narrow plank, about that wide 
 
 Mr. Cable (interposing). How wide is that? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Six inches wide. It is beveled off on the sides so as 
 to make it as light as possible, and to make it springy. I have seen 
 them walk up that plank with bundles of cane on their shoulders, 
 dum.p the cane on the car, walk down again, take another bundle, 
 and take it and dump it in the car. Then I walked up the plank 
 myseli to see how it felt, and I confess that I would not want to do 
 it that way. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. Did you have a bundle of cane when you walked up 
 the plank? 
 
 Mr. Wrkjht. Xo, sir; I did not. If white people were doing 
 that kind of work, they would not do it that way. As stated in my 
 
LABOE PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 051 
 
 previous answer, inider tlie present condition of Ia!)or, and from the 
 way tliino's are done, the Avhite man woukl not do it, bnt a white 
 man won hi start immediately to improve the methods. 
 
 Mr. Carle. What I want to find ont is the weight of the bmidle 
 that they carr}^ when they Avalk up on this narroAV phmlv. 
 
 Mr. Wright. I think they carry, as the manager tohl me, 75, SO. 
 or possibly 100 pounds. 
 
 Mr. Cable. How long is the bundle ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. The plank is about 
 
 Mr. Cable (interposing). I mean the bundle. 
 
 Mr. Wright. It is a rather unwieldly bundle, perhaps about 4, 4^, 
 or 5 feet long. 
 
 Mr. Free. How big around? 
 
 Mr. Wright. The bundle is about a foot in diameter, I would say. 
 Those stalks of cane that lie on the ground are gathered up into the 
 l)undle, and then wrapped with cloth like a great big sash and swung 
 on the shoulders. They are heav}^ 
 
 Mr. Cable. I want to know how high they must walk? 
 
 Mr. Wright. The height is about 6 or 64^ feet. 
 
 The Chairman. Do they have a railroad-cane car or little sugar- 
 cane car? 
 
 Mr. Wright. It is a sugar car. 
 
 The Chairman. Is the first platform Ioav? As they load it or pile 
 it up, they start low on the platform of the sugar-cane car, do thev 
 not? 
 
 Mr. Wright. All of the cars that I have seen on the plantations 
 are cars that have high sides. 
 
 Mr. Raker. What is the lieii^ht fi'om the ground to the top of the 
 side at the highest point at which they pile the cane? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Do 3^011 mean the highest part where it is loaded on 
 the car ? 
 
 Mr. Eaker. Yes, 
 
 The Chairman. What is the heiirht upon the side? 
 
 Mr. Wright. On the side, I would say it is 6-^- feet. 
 
 Mr. Eaker. Is that the highest place at which they load the car? 
 
 Mr. Wright. When it is loaded it is perhaps 2 or 3 feet higher. 
 That depends upon the conditions. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Would it be 8 feet ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Is there any machinery by which that can be loaded, 
 or an automatic way of loading it? 
 
 Mr. Wright. I will develop that later on. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Are they doing that now ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Raker. It can all be done that way, can it not? 
 
 Mr. Wright Yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Making it good work and easy work? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Yes, sir; it is being done. I personally saw on a 
 plantation a cane-loading machine loading cane at the rate, as the 
 plantation manager told me personallv, of about a ton a minute. 
 
 Mr. Raker. That is easy work, and it is like a man feeding grain 
 from a stack into a thrashing machine ? 
 
652 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 Mr. Wright. It is work that young Filipinos who have just come 
 over can do and that Japanese women can do. The Japanese women 
 are somewhat more effective at that work than the Filipino men. 
 
 Mr. Mead. You state that Japanese women load cane that way in 
 bundles ? 
 
 Mr. Wrigpit. No, sir; I was answering this gentleman's question. 
 
 The Chairman. He asked j^ou if women bundled the cane up and 
 loaded the cane. 
 
 Mr. Wright. That cane was loaded b}^ machines, and it is only 
 bundled by the workers. It is loaded by the machine itself. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Are there any Japanese women, Chinese women, or 
 others, who, after the bundles are tied, take the bundles and walk up 
 that plank and put the bundles on the car ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. I have not seen that; no, sir. 
 
 Mr. Raker. What proportion of the cane is loaded, according to 
 the method you have described, rather than by machinery? 
 
 Mr. Wright. What proportion of the crop ? 
 
 Mr. Raker. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Wright. Practically the whole crop is being handled that 
 Avay. 
 
 Mr. Free. Qualify him by asking him how long a time he has 
 spent on the plantations. 
 
 Mr. Raker. How man^^ times have you been on plantations and 
 obser A^ed those conditions ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. I have passed the plantations on my way to and 
 from work. 
 
 Mr. Raker. How many times have you observed those condi- 
 tions — once or twice? 
 
 Mr. Wright. I was taken on a special ride over some plantations 
 by Mr. Butler, of the Sugar Planters' Association. I was taken on 
 a regular route of the plantations and shown those conditions that I 
 am trjdng to describe to you. At that time I saw this cane loading 
 machine in operation. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Is it your statement that the greater proportion of the 
 cane is still being loaded in the manner you have described? 
 
 Mr. Wright. By hand. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Wright. Yes, sir ; absolutel}^ 
 
 Mr. Box. How many plantations were visited b}?^ you, and how 
 long did you stay at each plantation ? 
 
 Mr. Raker. As I understand it, jou made one round of several 
 plantations. How many plantations did you visit? 
 
 Mr. Wright. We took in three plantations on that trip. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Going back and forth from your work and driving out 
 in the country, state to the committee how long you have observed 
 this condition that you have described in the matter of the loading 
 of cane. 
 
 Mr. Wright. I have observed for, perhaps, three years the general 
 field operations as they have come under my observation, both as to 
 irrigating and cutting cane, as well as loading it on the cars. 
 
 Mr. Raker. There is no occasion on earth to load cane by hand 
 in the Avay you have described, with the kind of machinery that they 
 have for loading, is there? 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWATL 653 
 
 INIr. Wright. Yes, sir; there is this excuse for it, that it costs a 
 little more to load it by machinery with the present development of 
 the machine. 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. Did you find out on your trip through the three 
 plantations that they hacl any machine that would do that work at 
 all, or was that an old arrangement or a new arrangement? 
 
 Mr. Wright. I think they said they got that machine last year, 
 or rather that they got three machines and they had one in opera- 
 tion. 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. Up to that time did they have any loading 
 machinery that you know of? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Not that I know of; no, sir. 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. They have tried many times to perfect a cane- 
 loading device, and are still working on that problem. Did you 
 gather that the reason for not using cane-loading machinery in the 
 l^ast was because it cost more to load with machinery, or because 
 they did not have any machine to load with, until this machine which 
 you have just described was invented? 
 
 Mr. Wright. I gathered that there had been a number of ma- 
 chines that had been tried out, but the objection always had been 
 that they cost more to operate, and that it cost more to load by 
 machinery than by the old-fashioned hand method, using this class of 
 workers. 
 
 Mr. Eaker. Back in the Middle Ages they did not drive men like 
 beasts in that way in this country. 
 
 The Chairman. They did not have this country civilized in the 
 Middle Ages. 
 
 Mr. Raker. They could drive up on a platform and put it do\rn 
 hill, instead of lifting it up a distance of 8 feet. Could thev not 
 provide a platform and drive or pull the cane down instead of raising- 
 it 8 feet? 
 
 Mr. Free. Have you ever seen them load cane in a field in Cali- 
 fornia ? 
 
 Mr. Eaker. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Wright. There are so many possible improved methods of 
 handling it that we felt that our charge of mismanagement on the 
 part of the plantations was justified by what we saw, although, per- 
 haps, not in the way it has been understood. 
 
 The Chairman. What other instances of mismanagement are con- 
 tained in your charges ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. I am not quite satisfied with that answer. Judge 
 Raker has interposed the suggestion there that we are doing busi- 
 ness in Hawaii according to the methods of the Middle Ages. That 
 is the first criticism of that kind that has been made here of the 
 methods emplo3^ed in handling sugar cane in Hawaii. Do you know 
 of any machine that would handle cane at any cost, so far as the 
 loading of it is concerned, that was invented prior to the present 
 one ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Not of my personal knowledge ; no, sir. 
 
 Mr. Gompers. May I be permitted to make an observation ? 
 
 The Chairman. Certainly. 
 
 Mr. Gompers. I have not been in Hawaii, but I have been on the 
 sugar-cane plantations of the United States and also of Porto Rico 
 
654 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 and Cuba. There tlie}^ have machmes in Avhich the cane is taken up 
 and headed on railroad cars built especialW for that purpose. Long 
 iron chains are placed around stacks of sugar cane weighing tons 
 and the sugar cane is loaded on those cars with those chains under 
 each bundle at each end holding the cane. These cars are drawn by 
 locomotives, and they are drawn into the grinding establishment. 
 These chains are just hooked together to another chain, and the 
 entire load of cane in those cars is taken out by draulic pressure or 
 steam pressure, I am not sure Avhich, and emptied into the sugar 
 hopper. I saw that done in Cuba a year after the close of the 
 Spanish-American War and I saw that in Porto Rico several times 
 upon my visit there in 1898. I was over there at that time, and I 
 saw them in the United States before that. 
 
 Mr. Meade. I have just come back from Porto Rico, and I know 
 that the method of loading cane there, so far as hand work is con- 
 cerned, is far worse than it is in Hawaii. They handle the cane by 
 hand twice, because they load it from the field on an ox cart and 
 carry it on the ox carts to the loading platform, where it is handled 
 again b}^ hand in loading it onto the platform at the mill. 
 
 Mr. GoMPERS. On small plantations? 
 
 Mr. Meade. No, sir ; large plantations. I have watched them load 
 cane over there, and I know what I am talking about. When I 
 asked them, " Why not load it by machinery, or why not load it in 
 one operation ? " they said, " We have so much labor that we do not 
 have to use machinery." Did you know that for 50 years the Hawaii 
 planters have spent thousands and thousands of dollars trying to 
 develop cane-loading machinery? They have advertised for ma- 
 chines, and have offered premiums, and have in every way sought 
 to develop a cane-loading device. They have had their own com- 
 mittees of experts, and they have employed engineers from the 
 United States, and they have had their own engineers trying to 
 develop a machine that would load cane economically or at all. 
 
 Mr. Wright. I did not know that. 
 
 Mr. Meade. It is a fact, and I am telling you that it is a fact. I 
 want to say that the production of sugar cane from the planting 
 on is the most advanced operation known in the United States or 
 anvAvhere in the world. . ■ . ^ 
 
 The Chairma^^ I presume that the large plantations will lead 
 the way in that respect or in adopting improved methods and im- 
 proved' machinery- The smaller plantations will either use the 
 same methods wherever possible or will be absorbed by the large 
 ones. I judge that from the development of logging operations. 
 There was a time when logs Avere handled over skid roads ox dragged 
 on the ground, but now they are almost invariably handled by aerial 
 tramAv^ys. There was a time when big timbers were carried around 
 wharves in horse-drawn carts, but noAV they are handled by means 
 of automobile trucks designed for the purpose. Those devices are 
 
 bound to come in time. , - ^ n -^ 
 
 Mr. Meade. If our sugar-cane fields were leA^el like this table, it 
 would be perfectly feasible, I believe, to invent a machine that could 
 load cane, but the sugar-cane fields out there are not like that. Down 
 Avhere you saw that machine at Avork the ground was level and even, 
 but nine-tenths of the sugar-cane fields of Hawaii are on the sides 
 
LABOR TROBLEMS IN HAWATT. 655 
 
 of hills, and you can not o-et a loadino- machine that will successfully 
 operate on the side of a hill. 
 
 The CiiAiRMAX. What other criticism does the labor union make 
 as to mismanagement? 
 
 Mr. Free. Suppose Ave let him proceed according to the regular- 
 order. 
 
 jSIr. Wright. I will state that during the months of May and 
 June, when this labor commission was in Washington, the local 
 papers in Honolulu were carrying on an active propaganda for the 
 purpose of impressing upon the people of the Territory that the future 
 welfare of Hawaii depended upon securing the admission of those 
 coolies. This campaign was largely in good faith, I Avill say, so far 
 as the majorit}^ of the people were concerned. The chamber of 
 commerce and the Housewives League indorsed the proposal at once. 
 
 I know attempts were made to have it indorsed by fraternal or- 
 ganizations and I do not know of any of the organizations that really 
 indorsed it. I know of some organizations in which it was turned 
 down. So far as the American Legion is concerned, I believe you 
 read to-day the indorsement by the American Legion. 
 
 The Chairman. I read a statement from the Territorial head who 
 seems to be present in the United States, and then Ave had something- 
 in the hearings a few days ago of attention being called to the 
 Japanese situation, at least by resolution in their national convention 
 in Minneapolis last year. 
 
 Mr. Wright. That was a general proposition. Any material legis- 
 lation that would tend to break up the tendency to continue to con- 
 centrate on nationality. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Have you any of the editorials that Avere published in 
 Hawaii during the last three months that were advocating the im- 
 portation of Chinese into Hawaii under this resolution? 
 
 Mr. Wright. I have a file — I used to keep a file of the ncAVspapers 
 at the hotel. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Will you look it up, and if you have any — if there is 
 a publication relating to the importation of Chinese — and that was 
 the purpose of this resolution — I wish you would look them up and 
 put them into the record. 
 
 Mr. W^RiGHT. Yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Cable. Noav, Mr. Chairman, 1 am going to ask that this man 
 be permitted to proceed without interruption. 
 
 The Chairman. It is moved that Mr. Wright be permitted to pro- 
 ceed Avithout interruption. Let us vote on it. All in favor of ihe 
 motion signify it by saying " aye." 
 
 (So the motion Avas unanimously adopted.) 
 
 Mr. Wright. Noav. from the reports appearing in the papers as 
 to Avhat Avas going on at Washington, the impression grew, in labor 
 circles especially, that this emergency commission in W^^^^^^^^^^ 
 Avas in effect misrepresenting conditions and was working rather 
 for one concrete thing — that is, the importation of coolies, than for 
 the general solution of the problems. 
 
 The Central Labor Union, consisting of 14 affiliated trade unions, 
 discussed the matter thoroughly and ordered the sending of a Avire- 
 less message to the legislatiA^e representatiA^e of the American Fed- 
 eration of Labor, Mr. Wallace, in which was embodied the collectiA^e 
 
656 LABOE PROBLEMS I^ HAWAII. 
 
 opinion of the labor unions. This was sent to Mr. Wallace by wire- 
 less. 
 
 Immediately upon the matter beino^ reported back to Honolulu the 
 dail}^ papers began a campaign of vilification and attack upon me 
 personally as the author of the message. This was done deliber- 
 ately with the intention of clouding the issue and making it appear 
 that there was no substantial element backing the protest. 
 
 I have here an editorial appearing in the Honolulu Advertiser 
 on that subject Avhich I would like to have introduced, because it 
 touches another very vital point which I believe has been raised be- 
 fore this committee, and that is the nationalistic character of the 
 Japanese strike of last year. 
 
 Mr. Feee. What is the date of that editorial ? 
 
 Mr. AVright. It appears in the Honolulu Advertiser of June 28 : 
 
 PLAY FAIR, PLAY FAIR. 
 
 The Advertiser admits it lias no idea wlio George W. Wriglit is, nor does it 
 very miicli care, so far as that is concerned. But it does iNinow, and everyone 
 in Hawaii who is interested in seeing the agricultural interests of the Terri- 
 tory protected, that his cablegram read to the House Committee on Immigra- 
 tion and Naturalization by Edgar Wallace, of the American Federation of ! 
 Labor, according to a special dispatch to the Star-Bulletin yesterday, is mis- t 
 leading and probably was intended to be. 
 
 The cablegram said that there is no actual labor shortage in Hawaii, that 
 the Japanese are striving for American ideals, and that the strike last year 
 was not nationalistic but economic. 
 
 Mr. Wright — whoever he may be— knows cis well as everyone else in this 
 Territory that there is a serious labor shortage in Hawaii, and that unless it 
 is relieved there is going to be a situation that will be more than serious. 
 The good Lord knows it is serious enough now. We know that with the 
 exception of a few Filipinos there has been no importation of labor for tiie 
 plantation since 1907. In the period that has elapsed since 1907 thousands 
 of Japanese and Filipinos have left Hawaii, and their places must be taken 
 by labor of some sort. 
 
 As to the strike of last year everyone knows that it was not nationalistic, as 
 Wright puts it. And his stating so in his cablegram was for no reason other 
 than to cause the members of the Immigration Committee to think they are 
 being misled by Walter Dillingham and the other members of the labor com- 
 mittee now in Washington. 
 
 As was stated in yesterdny's Advertiser, the members of organized labor 
 in Honolulu told the labor commissioners before they left for Washington that 
 they were in favor of any legislation that proposed to rejuvenate agriculture in 
 Hawaii, and we believed they were sincere, and still believe so. 
 
 What in the world this man Wright expects to gain by opposing a measure 
 that means an adequate supply of labor for Hawaii's agriculture we do not 
 know. But whatever his object may be, we believe it would be well for him to 
 tell^the facts as they are— in other words, play fair. 
 
 On June 29 I was called up on the phone and asked to meet one of 
 the prominent em]:)loyers of labor, a Mr. Hall, of the Honolulu Iron 
 Works, wdio said he desired a conversation with me on a matter of 
 importance. I consented to an interview that evening in the house 
 of a, friend, a member of the machinists' union, in whose presence 
 the interview took place. 
 
 Mr. Hall made a long argument supporting the position of the 
 sugar planters on the matter of coolie importation and asked if it 
 Avould be possible to arrange a meeting with a representative com- 
 mittee of the labor body at w^hich the planters would be given an op- 
 portunity to present their case. Mr. Hall stated that they realized 
 that their case would be much strengthened if the}^ could get the 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HxiWAlL 657 
 
 support of organized Itibor. I consented to call a committee and ar- 
 range a meeting that would be in the nature of a hearing and agreed 
 to see that every opportunity was given for the planters to submit 
 arguments and data which would be presented to the central body 
 for their judgment. I think I made it clear to everyone with whom 
 we had any subsequent dealings that we w^ere all actuated by the best 
 of motives and had only the welfare of the territory at heart, how- 
 ever widely our personal opinions might diverge. 
 
 The hearing took place on the evening of June 30 at Mr. Hall's 
 joffice between a committee of five from the central body, myself, Mr. 
 'Chilton, Mr. Ruh, Mr. Pascoe, and Mr. Andrews and three represent- 
 ing the planters, Mr. Bishop, president of the Hawaiian Sugar Plant- 
 ers' Association, Mr. Butler, its labor secretary, and Mr. Hall, who 
 had arranged the meeting. We had a stenographer present and have 
 a full transcript of the hearing. It Avas not a discussion, as we let 
 it be understood that we were present to hear what they had to say 
 and to ask questions. They reveiw^ed all the arguments that had 
 previously been advanced, emphasizing the points of Japanese na- 
 tionalism and of the economc dependence of all subordinate indus- 
 tries upon the basic one of sugar production. Frankly, in our opin- 
 ion, they failed to present any new arguments or develop any very 
 convincing facts. At our request they agreed to take us around on 
 some of the plantations on the following day, and we asked to see 
 the worst they had to show. 
 
 The next day we visited Oahu, Ewa, and Aiea plantations. We 
 found conditions apparently very much as they had described them, 
 but we asked a lot of questions and succeeded in developing several 
 important points. We failed, however, to find conditions as bad as 
 we had been led to expect so far as sanitation, housing, and living 
 conditions were concerned. Some of the camps or quarters which we 
 asked to see were not shown to us on account of lack of time. W^e 
 found no reason to believe they were not making a bona fide effort 
 to take off the present crop, and their books showed a numerical 
 shortage of labor, though we noticed a large number of men and 
 women not working. They claim that many of their field hands 
 work only ever}^ other day, or possibly less frequently, as there is 
 practically no bonus and no inducement to steady work. We saw 
 large acreages of abandoned cane, in wretched condition, especially 
 on the uplands. Much of this cane was the Lahina variety, which has 
 become affected with a mysterious disease due to soil exhaustion or 
 to some undetermined parasitic fungus. Other fields were of old 
 cane which had been neglected last year on account of the strike and 
 allowed to rattoon again. Still other abandoned acreages were in 
 locations which made it very expensive to irrigate or handle it, or on 
 areas otherwise unfitted for the production of sugar economically at 
 the present low price. 
 
 Another thing which we saw which has a direct bearing on the 
 labor situation was the successful operation of a mechanical cane 
 loader which was putting cane on the cars at the rate of a ton a 
 minute. It was operated by a gang of about 80 Filipino men and 
 Japanese women, and, though crude and capable of vast improve- 
 ment, it was nevertheless loading cane at a cost of $1.10 a ton, if I 
 recollect the figures given by the manager, which, I understood, in- 
 
 56754— 21— SER 7, pt 2 8 
 
658 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 eluded all overhead and the balancing off of the first cost of the 
 three machines, only one of which Avas working. And it was being 
 operated by a class of labor that is easily obtainable, a class of work 
 that even boys could do. The cost of $1.10 a ton was for cutting 
 and loading, as against 80 some cents by hand, but the individual 
 workers received an average of $1.52 a day. We who were me- 
 chanics were very much impressed with the possibilities for the im- 
 provement and further development of the machine, with a view tO' 
 greatly increasing its capacity and efficiency. Personally, I am con- 
 A'inced that with certain improvements the machine will be able to 
 handle cane more cheaply than it can be handled by the crude and 
 old-fashioned methods of a generation ago, which are the methods 
 used when the cane is handled by hand. 
 
 We were shown a gang of little boys 10 to 12 years old gleaning 
 cane after the Japanese workmen had cleared the field of the bulk 
 of the crop. Whether or not this exhibition was arranged for our 
 special benefit I can not sa}', but it was so impractical as to be almost 
 ridiculous. The little tots had no way of getting the cane into the 
 car except to throw it over the side, which is fully 6 feet high. I am 
 positive the 10 of them could not load a car in a day, and the man- 
 ager told us that he paid them 50 cents apiece a day. 
 
 Mr. Gibbs, of the Honolulu plantation at Aiea, whom we inter- 
 viewed on our way back, threAv an illuminating side light on the 
 situation when he explained that the Japanese who had left the 
 plantation had nearly all gone to Federal construction work, where 
 they were able to earn better pay than on the plantation. He told 
 us that he did not think a large number had left the Territory, and 
 of those who had left he expected many to return after they hadjj. 
 spent the bonus money they had accumulated when sugar was at 
 the high mark. He made the assertion that if only those who had 
 left for Federal construction work would return, he would be satisfied 
 and would not need any more. Mr. Butler's attention was called to 
 this aspect of the case, in view of the fact that it was reported in the 
 papers of that date that the Hawaiian rehabilitation bill had passed 
 Congress, carrying the proviso that no aliens Avould be employed on 
 Government work. Mr. Butler admitted that the release of these 
 men would help considerably, and it was roughly estimated in the 
 couA^ersation that of the 5,000 Avho would be released probably 2,000 
 Avould be aA^ailable for the plantations. 
 
 A special meeting of the delegates to the Central Labor Union 
 had been called for that cATuing and a full report of the iuA^estiga- 
 tion Avas made by each member of the committee and the transcript 
 of the hearing was read. Thereupon, after a thorough discussion, 
 the delegates unanimously voted to stand by the original message 
 sent on the 25th, but to authorize the committee to hold a second 
 conference Avith the planters and enter into a discussion of the situa- 
 tion Avith a view to offering a ncAv program, eliminating further con- 
 sideration of the plan for importing coolies. 
 
 Accordingly I called u]) Mr. Hall on Saturday, the following day, 
 and informed him of the action of the Central body. He asked us to 
 meet that CA^ening, and I so informed the rest of the committee. 
 
 At 8 o'clock the kibor representatives, six in number — Mr. Chilton, 
 Mr. Ruh, Mr. Pascoe. Mr. AndreAvs, Mr. Yickery, and myself — met 
 Avith fiA'e representatives of the sugar planters — Mr. Bishop, Mr. 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. ^ 659 
 
 Butler, Mr. Dowsett, Mr. Bottomley, and Mr. Hall. The con- 
 ference was opened by Mr. Hall, wlio intimated that we were there 
 to arrive at an understanding^ and effect a bargain by which labor 
 would indorse the planters' program of importin<^ coolie labor. He 
 was at once corrected from our side of the table with the statement 
 that we were not there in that sense at all. as we had nothing- to buy 
 or to sell, that the indorsement of coolie labor must be set aside as 
 impractical and un-American, and that we were there solely in the 
 interests of the welfare of the industr}^ in Avhich, as residents and 
 workers in the Territory, we had a vital concern ])roportionately as 
 great as that of any of the planters. 
 
 We Avere then asked if we had any other suggestions to make, any- 
 thing constructive to offer as a substitute, and we replied that we had 
 a very definite program which we believed would afford immediate 
 relief from the situation in which the planters found themselves — 
 a relief that would also be permanent. As a preliminary we asked 
 whether the planters would be willing to help us establish a perma- 
 nent point of contact for the purpose of cooperating in the future 
 for the solution of the difficulties that might arise between employers 
 and employees; in other Avords recognize organized labor and the 
 principle of collective bargaining in the future. 
 
 It Avas intimated that this arrangement might be effected if Ave 
 Avould recede from our original ])Osition on the coolie question. That 
 Avas again set* aside, and the planters returned by setting aside our 
 proposition for the recognition of organized labor. We told them 
 that Ave had not made the proposition in the spirit of bargaining, 
 but because our program Avas based on their Aviilingness to meet us 
 in the proper spirit of cooperation, and they replied that this Aviiling- 
 ness Avas already demonstrated by the fact that they Avere so meet- 
 ing Avith us noAV. 
 
 We told them tliat Ave had studied the situation from the point of 
 vicAv of the Avorkers and that Ave honestly believed we Avere able to 
 point out the cause of their trouble, which Avas an essential pre- 
 liminary to suggesting an intelligent remedy. We stated that Ave 
 belicATd that the flight in Avhich the sugar industry finds itselt 
 to-day is due primarily to a lack of understanding betAveen em- 
 ployers and employees. This results in the discouragement and 
 antagonism of the Avorkers and loAvers their efficiency to, sa}^, 50 
 per cent of normal, and causes dissatisfaction and the consequent 
 drifting aAvay from the plantations of the laborers Avhose services 
 are required to take off the crop. Extremely Ioav Avages and the 
 impossibility of earning a living except at the loAvest possible stand- 
 ards of subsistence preA^ents those liA^ng outside the plantations from 
 taking plantation jobs, though in our opinion there are enough un- 
 employed and casually employed Avho Avould be Avilling to fill the 
 jobs if the conditions Avere such that there Avas any inducement 
 offered. 
 
 We then outlined verbally our proposed remedy. 
 
 FolloAv the approved industrial methods and endeaA^or to increase 
 the efficiency of your employees by effecting a right understanding 
 with them. Recognize the principle of collective bargaining and 
 signify your Avillingness to meet with representatives of your em- 
 ployees in a conference Avhich Ave Aviil arrange and to Avhich Ave, as 
 
660 , LABOR PIIOBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 representatives of the central labor body will be present as the third 
 I)arty, acting as mediators. We will guarantee that if this is done in 
 the right spirit of cooperation on your part it will be met in the 
 same spirit by your employees and an agreement reached whereby 
 3^ou will gain the friendship of your men and increase their efficiency 
 to normal. As one of the chief matters to be considered at such a 
 conference we suggest the establishment of a new wage scale based 
 upon the cost of living, details as to flexibility and determining 
 factors to be worked out later. 
 
 If this increased efficiency does not then relieve your shortage, 
 and the return of workers drawn back to plantation life by the in- 
 centives offered still falls short of your requirements, we believe that 
 plenty of new labor can be recruited in the Philippines, with the 
 cooperation of the Filipino labor commission. 
 
 As an added source of supply we point out that a large number 
 of men will be discharged from Federal construction works upor 
 the signing of the rehabilitation bill or shortly thereafter, who wil 
 be forced back on the plantations, where they belong, provided yoi 
 make it a point to employ citizen labor in the skilled and semiskille 
 industries which your influence dominates. There is no question 
 in our minds but that you will thus be able to fill your shortage oi 
 labor and maintain 3^our industry at a normal pace without the im- 
 portation of any other oriental labor. 
 
 This proposal, which constituted labor's program', was turned 
 down as impractical, theoretical, and academic. 
 
 There was more scattering discussion, but the program Ave offeree 
 would not be entertained and the conference was closed. At the 
 last, in answer to a question regarding our message to Mr. Wallace 
 which had been printed in the evening paper as cabled back bj 
 Dillingham, I explained that the message was not in any sense ar 
 expression of personal opinion but an instructed statement of the 
 views of the delegates in the central body. I Avas then asked whether 
 in Adew of Avhat had been said and Avhat I had seen, I Avould stil 
 uphold the statements it contained. I ansAvered that I regretted the 
 use of the Avord " intolerable," as it Avas too strong, and I admittec 
 the error of judgment in its use, for I am usually particular in tha 
 respect. I also A^olunteered the statement that I was personally con- 
 Adnced that there Avas no deliberate curtailment of present production 
 though most of our people still insisted that there was. As to the 
 shortage of labor, I stated that I had seen enough to couAnnce me tha 
 it was actual as far as the plantations were concerned, and that ] 
 had ncA^er said otherAvise, haAdng been misquoted in that respect 
 Asked if I Avould wire Mr. Wallace to that effect, I replied that ] 
 Avould be glad to do so, which promise I carried out by night lettei 
 on July 4. 
 
 It Avas understood that these conferences were semiconfidential 
 that is, that they were not to be giA^en out for publication in the 
 papers, but Avere to be limited for use as between the parties con 
 cerned. Noav, this understanding, I believe, Avas kept locally so fai 
 as both parties Avere concerned, but the statement that was made 
 here to-day, and information Avhich I had received previously, lee 
 me to belieA^e that the other side to the conference considered thij 
 committee, or these members of this committee, as being in a sense 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAIL 661 
 
 parties included, and the fact tliat advanced information was given 
 in Washington as to the message Avhich I agreed to send to Mr. 
 Walhice led me to draw that conclusion. I would like that point to 
 be cleared up at the present time. 
 
 The Chairman. You are through with your statement now? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Yes, sir. 
 
 The Chairman. Of course, you wdll understand now that when 
 this commission arrives and begins to present their statements that 
 the inquiry does not end with just their statements. We have kept 
 you people here and it has been dragged out a great deal in order 
 to try to get as far as we could on our own angles. After the whole 
 statements were in for the first time and the hearing tentatively 
 closed, I heard (I do not know Avhether it came from the Hawaiian 
 newspapers or where) that Mr. Wallace had received a telegram 
 differing from the statements in your original telegi^am. I spoke 
 with him about it, and I gave him an opportunity to get it. As to 
 what w^as in your second telegram I have never known until this 
 da}'. Regardless of that I am glad to hear your statement to-day, 
 and I think that telegram and the report here make a ver}' fair 
 statement. The committee will probably want to ask 3'ou some ques- 
 tions as to labor problems over there and discuss in full with you 
 the Japanese Federation of Labor, stud}^ its by-laws, and what they 
 mean. You are in a position to heljD us on that a great deal. 
 
 Mr. Wright. Yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Wallace. Is it not a fact that you Avrote me two letters sub- 
 sequent to sending tliat cablegram ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. It is a fact that I wrote you two lettei^. 
 
 Mr. Wallace. When were those letters mailed? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Those letters Avere mailed in Honolulu. 
 
 Mr. Wallace. When? How early before the time of your leaving 
 Honolulu ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. One letter Avritten on June 28, the letter referred to 
 is being held up pending that conference : and that was mailed with- 
 out any additions, on July 2 or 3 ; and that note in the telegram was 
 :o explain why you had not received the letter earlier. The second 
 ■etter was written on July 5, and I believe mailed on the 6th or Tth. 
 
 Mr. Wallace. I wish to state that I have not received either one 
 )f those letters for some reason. You left yourself possibly a week 
 )r more afterwards, didn't you, after you sent the second letter and 
 irrived here and have been here for scA^eral days? Those letters 
 lave never yet reached me. Did you mail them ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. I did not mail those letters personally. I gave them. 
 :o my son to put them in the Honolulu post office rather than to put 
 ;hem in the box. 
 
 Mr. Wallace. At separate times? You did not give them both 
 ;o him at the same time? 
 
 ^ir. Wright. Oh, no ; not at the same time. 
 
 Mr. Wallace. Neither one of those letters has reached me. 
 
 The Chairman. Have you copies of those letters ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Yes, sir. I have copies of them. 
 
 The Chairman. Are they confidential letters? 
 
 Mr. AYright. They are confidential. 
 
 Mr. Cable. How old is vour son, Mr. Wright? 
 
662 LABOR PROBLEMS IX HAWAII. 
 
 I 
 
 Mr. A\ RIGHT. Sixteen or seventeen years of age. ■" 
 
 Mr. Cabi>e. iVnd has it been customar}^ for you to have him mail 
 letters for yon ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Yes ; it has been customary. I have been working 
 at Pearl Harbor, which makes it difficult for me to get down town 
 without making a special trip, and my son has been doing quite a 
 bit of work for me. 
 
 Mr. Box. How long after tliey Avere supposed to have been mailed 
 before you left Hawaii? 
 
 Mr. Wright. How long? 
 
 Mr. Box. When did you leave Hawaii? 
 
 Mr. Wright. I left Hawaii on the 12th. 
 
 Mr. Box. And they w^ere mailed about w^hen ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. They were mailed about the 5th or 6th, the last one. 
 
 Mr. Box. Have you inquired of 3^our son Avhether he mailed those 
 letters or not ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. I have not had the time. 
 
 Mr. Box. You did not know that they had not been received? 
 
 Mr. Wright. No ; not until I reached Washington. 
 
 The Chairmax. Did you write any other letters to Mr. Wallace? 
 
 Mr. Wright. No; I have written no other letters to Mr. Wallace. 
 
 The Chairman. And he has received none of 7/our letters? 
 
 Mr. Wright. My only communications with Mr. Wallace that he 
 received were the two messages. 
 
 Mr. Wallace. The two messages and the cablegrarh that you were 
 leaving. 
 
 The C'hairvIan. AVait a minute. One of these letters was a sort of 
 digest of the statement you were making? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Yes: the letters w^ere in a sense a summary of the 
 events. 
 
 The Chairiviax. You addressed those to Mr. Wallace? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Those were addressed to Mr. Wallace. 
 
 The Chairman. Were there any statements in those of the state- 
 ments he has received? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Those were the letters. 
 
 The Chairmax^. Did you send them to anyone else? 
 
 iSir. AVright. I did not. 
 
 The Chair^iax. How does it come that the American Federation 
 of Labor here liave a digest of this matter addressed to the president 
 rather of tlie Central Labor Conference at Llonolulu ? 
 
 Mr. Weight. I do not know anything about that. 
 
 Tlie Chairmaxl It is the information boiled down that you were 
 sending ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. The information is a matter of common knoAvledge 
 
 to IIS. 
 
 The Chairmax. So that digest on page 673 of the American Fed- 
 erationist reached the federation in another letter than in the letter 
 to Wallace? 
 
 Mr. GoiMPERS. Yes; that is a letter addressed to Frank Morrison, 
 secretary of the American Federation of Labor, at Denver, by Mr. 
 Wright.' 
 
 Mr. Wright. That is the letter to Mr. Morrison. 
 
 The Chairmax^. So, then, you did send some letters to other peoph 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 663 
 
 Mr. Win OUT. Oh, yes. 
 
 The CHAimiAX. You misunderstood my question. 
 
 Mr. Wright. Yes, sir. 
 
 The CHATR]\rAX. That is immaterial. 
 
 We will adjourn until Monday morning, Auo;iist 1, at 10 o'clock. 
 
 Committee on Immigration and Naturalization, 
 
 House of Representatives, 
 
 Monday, August 1, 1921. 
 
 The committee met at 10 o'clock a. m., Hon. Guy L. Shaw (acting 
 chairman) presiding. 
 
 STATEMENT OF MH. C. C. HAMim, COLOEADO SPRINGS, COLO. 
 
 Mr. Hamlin. Mr. Chairman, I represent the Garden City Co., 
 which has a heet-sugar factory at Garden City, Kans.; also the 
 Holly Sugar Co., which has factories in California, Wyoming, and 
 Colorado; and, for the purpose of this statement, and solely for the 
 purpose of this statement, I also represent the Great Western Sugar 
 Co., having factories in Nebraska, Colorado, Montana, and Wyoming. 
 The combined production of these beet factories is possibly, at least, 
 40 per cent of the entire beet output of the United States, and I 
 should say upward of 50 per cent of the sugar production west of the 
 Missouri River; more than 50 per cent. 
 
 I came here because of certain matters I have seen in the news- 
 papers regarding a statement purported to have been made by the 
 American Federation of Labor. I have not seen that statement. 
 I have seen a denial of it, and I have before me here the manner in 
 which it is carried by the Associated Press. The statement, if I 
 gather it correctly, is to the effect that the beet-sugar people of the 
 United States are cooperating with the Hawaiian planters in favor 
 of this bill, with the ultimate idea of getting Chinese into our beet 
 fields in the United States. 
 
 I want to say that I am confident there is absolutely no foundation 
 for that statement; and, for the interests I represent, I will say that 
 we have no desire to have coolie labor in the United States. It 
 would be a visionary dream to think of it. I will say, personally, 
 and I think I reflect the views of those whom I represent^ that we are 
 in full accord with the policy of the United States with reference to 
 the use of coolie labor in our country. So far as the pending legisla- 
 tion is concerned, we are taking no interest in it whatever so far as 
 our concerns are involved. 
 
 I will say that in some years, in connection with the beet-sugar 
 l)usiness, talking with various beet-sugar men, and in meetings we 
 have had from time to time, I have never even heard it suggested 
 that is was desirable to have or to seek to have Chinese labor in our 
 beet fields. Regardless of whether it might be good or bad, we are 
 American citizens, and we are in sympathy and in harmony with 
 the policy of the Government in that respect; and while I have not 
 seen the statement — ^I am speaking, Mr. Raker, of the statement 
 purported to have been given out by the American Federation of 
 
664 LABOK PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 Labor — while I have not seen the statement, I can say positively 
 there is nothing to it. 
 
 That is about all I have to present upon that phase of the question. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. There was a man who appeared before the committee 
 the other day by the name of Oxnard, whom, I think, represented the 
 sugar business. 
 
 Mr. Hamlin. Just as I do. I represent certain companies, and he 
 represented his own compan}^ I think neither of us represents the 
 industry as a whole. 
 
 Mr. Weeber, How much of the industry do you represent, as com- 
 pared with Mr. Oxnard ? 
 
 Mr. Hamlin. I believe that the American Beet Sugar Co. is perhaps 
 10 per cent, and the concerns I speak for on this particular question 
 represent, I should say, 40 per cent of the industry. Our labor 
 situation is a serious one 
 
 Mr. Shaw (interposing) . Where do you get your labor ? 
 
 Mr. Hamlin. We have three kinds of labor. During the war and 
 even prior to the war, we had a good deal of Mexican labor. We 
 have, especially in northern Colorado, a great deal of what is called 
 Russian labor. It is really a German labor. They are Germans who 
 went to Russia under Catherine and were afterwards compelled to 
 leave. They are experienced beet raisers. We have some little 
 Indian labor under contract — this is at Garden City — from the Indian 
 Department of the United States. That is the only contract labor 
 we have. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. How is that contract labor employed — through the 
 department ? 
 
 Mr. Hamlin. Through the Indian Department, as I understand it, 
 of the Interior Department. They are boys that come up there dur- 
 ing the beet season and work during the summer months while they 
 are out of school. 
 
 Mr. Weeber. And you made contracts for those Indians ? 
 
 Mr. Hamlin. As I understand it, and I think I am right in this,, 
 the contract is made with the Indian agent. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. You probably pay the Government, then. 
 
 Mr. Hamlin. Yes; but I think the money goes to the individual 
 worker. Our labor problem is a very serious one. 
 
 I do not know that it is germane to this question, but, in connection 
 with the labor situation, I might refer to a clipping from the Wall 
 Street Journal of July 15 in regard to the statement of the United 
 Fruit Co. for the first six months of this year. It may be of interest 
 to you. Of course, our great competitor is Cuba. That is particularly 
 true since her tremendous war expansion in the production of sugar. 
 We can not adjust ourselves as the}^ can. 
 
 In other words, we will commence manufacturing sugar in October 
 on beet contracts that we made in January of last year, and the 
 sugar is not sold, all of it, until 18 or 20 months after the contracts 
 are made. Neither can we adjust labor conditions as they can^ nor 
 do we want to. The condition in Cuba to-day is that they have 
 shut down their factories and are discharging their entire forces, with 
 the idea of rehiring them on a prewar basis. 
 
 This statement is very brief, and I think the information is prob- 
 ably reliable and it is illuminating. It goes on to say that the United 
 Fruit Co. made before taxes $12,218,000, the equivalent of $12.21 a 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 665 
 
 share on its 1,000,000 shares of capitalization, for the first six months 
 of this 3^ear, and then goes on to say that they would probably 
 return a balance of $16 a share on its stock for the year, and then 
 
 it says: 
 
 Satisfactory as are these earnings, the contrast with a ye?.r ago marks and ilhistrates- 
 the terrific force of the deflation which has liit the entire work!, for in the first six 
 months of 1920 United Fruit actnally earned three times as much as this year, or over 
 136,000,000. The explanation is that over 50 per cent of this, or some" 117,500,000,. 
 came from sugar which was then commanding 22-^- cents a pound . 
 
 I want to simply state in that connection that when Cuban raws 
 were selling at 22^ cents a pound, at that time our western beet 
 factories were confined to a price of 12 cents a pound for refined 
 sugar, and the Louisiana planters to 17 cents a pound. Indeed, I 
 think it is due to this condition, and to the fact that Cuba backed up 
 its sugar against the world supply and produced 800,000 tons of 
 duty-paid sugar which has produced a crisis in <the sugar business;: 
 not only the beet sugar business, but all sugar. 
 
 Then, the article goes on to say: 
 
 It is, of course, very doubtful if United Fruit can show any profit on sugar this 5^ ear,, 
 but it is improbable that a permanent investment of $50,000,000 in lands, modern 
 refineries, and working capital can long be profi.tless. Labor costs are coming down, 
 rapidly, dropping from $2.50 to 65 cents a day with supply exceeding demand. 
 
 Mr. Raker. That is in Cuba ? 
 
 Mr. Hamlin. That is in Cuba. I continue: 
 
 Every effort is being made to get back to the prewar basis which will insure a reason - 
 ible profit when sugar prices recover somewhat. 
 
 Now, while our labor situation is serious, we certainly do not want 
 to introduce into the United States a new labor element which the 
 definite policy of the Government is against. Personally, I do not 
 think we should introduce anyone into the United States and allow 
 them to come in here unless they have the potentiality of citizenship. 
 
 Mr. Weeber. By the United States, what do you mean? 
 
 Mr. Hamlin. Continental United States. I do not believe any- 
 body should be allowed to remain here longer than five years without 
 learning the language. 
 
 Mr. Raker. You do not make an}^ distinction between continental 
 United States and the Territories of the United States, do you ? 
 
 Mr. Hamlin. Yes; I am speaking of continental United States. 
 That is the only thing of which I am advised. 
 
 Mr. Raker. But you do not make any distinction between the 
 continental United States as to its laws and the policy that should be 
 carried out. 
 
 Mr. Hamlin. As I say, this legislation is a matter of indifference 
 to us, but I will say this 
 
 Mr. Raker. I said continental United States and its Territories. 
 
 Mr. Hamlin. Mj own personal opinion is that if we acquire tropical 
 territories we have got to legislate rather difi^erently than we would 
 for the mainland, perhaps. I am not prepared to say that would 
 not be justified. I am not advocating it, but I am not saying it 
 py^ould not be justified. From what I can learn, the conditions are 
 quite difi^erent from what they are in continental United States. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. You use a good deal of Russian labor in Montana, do 
 y^ou not ? 
 
666 LABOR PROBLEMS iX HAWAII. 
 
 Mr. Hamlin. I think so. It is very good labor. To a considerable 
 extent these Russians I speak of have settled in those countries. 
 First, they came in as laborers, and the next step was as tenant 
 farmers, and many of them now are acquiring their own farm^s. 
 Those people have large families and to a large extent supply their 
 own labor in their own families. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. And most of them have become naturalized ? 
 
 Mr. Hamlin. I do not know as to that; but a great many of them' 
 undoubtedly have. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Let me ask you a couple of questions about this 
 contract Indian labor. Do you know what the nature of those con- 
 tracts is ? 
 
 Mr. ILvMLiN. Just in a general way. At Garden City, for instance, 
 about which I am better acquainted than any place else, we will 
 probably in a season have 60. I can not designate the officer; but, 
 anyhow, an officer of the Indian Department comes there in due time 
 and makes the contracts. They are paid the same wage that we 
 would pay for like labor to anybody else. 
 
 Mr. Raker. They can quit when they want to ? 
 
 Mr. Hamlin. No: I understand not. They are under strict 
 Government control. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Let us see about that. That is a new phase I have not 
 found out about. I have found pretty nearly everything else. You 
 say the Indian can not quit when he wants to ? Suppose he does not 
 hke the labor, and says, '' I won't work any more," and just picks up 
 his blankets, if he has any, and leaves. 
 
 Mr. Hamlin. He might quit working, I imagine, but he could not 
 go away because, whether they are in the schools or in the field or 
 wherever they are, they have their own supervisor, or whatever you 
 call him, who is in charge of them. They are to be taken at a certain 
 time and returned at a certain time. 
 
 Mr. Raker. You can not arrest him and bring him back? 
 
 Mr. Hamlin. Oh, no; v/e have no control over him. 
 
 Mr. Raker. That is what I was trying to get at. 
 
 Mr. Hamlin. Oh, no; we have no control over him, but the super- 
 visor of the Government could take the whole bunch and move them 
 out, I suppose. We can not keep that labor there, for instance, for 
 the beet harvest, because the school commences then. 
 
 Mr. Raker. So far as you are concerned, you have no control over 
 his circulation? 
 
 Mr. Hamlin. No; our dealings are entirely with the supervisor. 
 
 Mr. Raker. You can not arrest him if he quits ? 
 
 Mr. Hamlin. Oh, no; we have nothing to do with the individual. 
 
 Mr. Weeber. All your dealings are with the Government agent 
 who comes there with the men and is sent there with the men 1 
 
 Mr. Hamlin. Entirely; we have no control over them at all. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Have you been to Cuba lately? 
 
 Mr. Hamlin. No; I have never been to Cuba, Mr. Raker. 
 
 Mr. Raker. You do not know anything about their labor condi- 
 tions, then? 
 
 Mr. Hamlin. Only by hearsay. I do know, as I stated — this, of 
 course, is hearsay, but I can state it as authentic, that what I stated 
 about their discharging their labor in their mills and going back to a 
 prewar basis immediately is true. 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 667 
 
 Mr. Raker. You said, " We have no interest in this legislation/' or 
 words to that effect. What do you mean by that '^ 
 
 Mr. Hamlin. I mean we are making no presentation for or against 
 it. I presume^ of course, I suppose it would be for the benefit of the 
 American industry, the continental industry, if there was no sugar 
 produced in Hawaii, but we do not take that narrow view. I do not. 
 They are under our flag, and it is for this committee to say whether 
 this is necessary for their welfare and prosperity or not. I do not 
 know. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Notwithstanding you are interested in the sugar 
 business, I suppose you have a keen interest as an American citizen 
 in the treatment of labor. 
 
 Mr. Hamlin. Absolutely. 
 
 Mr. Raker. In the United States. 
 
 Mr. Hamlin. Anywhere, United States or Russia. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Or in its Territories or wherever it is. 
 
 Mr. Hamlin. Yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Raker. And you would lament the day when we should 
 attempt to return to the old system that was in vogue in years gone 
 by in this country of slavery or peon labor, as well as serfdom, or the 
 old Mexican system, or the Chinese system. 
 
 Mr. Hamlin. Oh, yes. Of course, I do not favor that. I believe 
 in America for Americans. As I say, I do not believe anybody 
 should be admitted to this country unless they have the potential 
 qualities of citizenship, and I would go further and say they should 
 not be allowed to remain unless they learn the language. I think 
 we pay too little attention to the immigrant after he gets into this 
 country. 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. Mr. Chairman, may I ask a question? 
 
 Mr. Shaw. Yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. Mr. Hamlin, you say you believe in America for 
 Americans. If you were informed that the sugar industry in Hawaii 
 which has been under control of American capital and American 
 managem-cnt for 50 years, was in danger of passing out of their hands 
 within a comparatively few years and into the hands of an oriental 
 race, if something was not done to check such a turnover, and the 
 only method which is feasible to check that turnover is to bring in 
 some Chinese labor into the Territory of Hawaii, under restriction — 
 a rotating immigration plan, which would not produce another racial 
 problem within the United States — would you prefer that no such 
 arrangement be made for securing Chinese labor under restrictions 
 and permit the indsutry to pass over into the hands of alien control, 
 or would you prefer to see some such arrangement made as is suggested 
 by this resolution ? Are 3"ou familiar with this resolution ? 
 
 Mr. Hamlin. Yes; I have read the resolution. I would answer 
 that in this way, as between orientals, and I speak from some little 
 experience, because when I was a young man and came West, we had a 
 good deal of Chinese labor in the community in which I settled — as 
 between the orientals, I think the Chinese are the best. Pie is honest, 
 frugal, and so on, and a good citizen. He pays his debts; and if there 
 is a danger of the control of any industry passing into the hands of 
 orientals, if it were a country where the oriental performed the work, 
 I would say that legislation of this kind might be justified. That is 
 merely my personal opinion. 
 
668 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. In other words, you would prefer to see this 
 resolution passed and the relief provided in preference to seeing the 
 industries of the Territory of Hawaii pass into the hands of aliens ? 
 
 Mr. Hamlin. Yes. I certainly think it would be very unfortunate 
 if the industrial control of the Hawaiian Islands should pass to 
 Japan, for instance. I would much rather see a mixture of labor 
 than to have that eventuality happen. I do not know whether there 
 is danger of that, but I think it would be a great calamity. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Mr. Hamlin, did you get the full purport of Mr. Dilling- 
 ham's question and the full purport of your answer to it ? 
 
 Mr. Hamlin. I thought so, but perhaps not. It was rather long. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Yes; it was quite long, and I wondered whether you 
 fully understood it or not. 
 
 Mr. Hamlin. I thought I did when I answered the question, but you 
 put it in 3^our way. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Let me put it in this way: You say you have read this 
 resolution ? 
 
 Mr. Hamlin. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Have you studied it enough to realize and to know 
 that this resolution inaugurates in a Territory of the United States 
 peon and contract labor ? 
 
 Mr. Hamlin. I can not say that I got that impression of it. As I 
 understand the term ^^ contract labor, " as we had it in the old days, 
 the agents of various industries would go abroad and make a fixed 
 and binding contract for labor, and bring it here and place it, and 
 would be able to hold them to that contract. I am not in favor of 
 that anywhere or under any conditions. Of course, I have not 
 given the resolution as close study as you have, Mr. Raker, but, as I 
 understood the resolution, it simply provides the same, as the Mexicans 
 have been allowed in this country for temporary periods, and once 
 here he has a right to hire out to whomever he pleases. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Oh, no. 
 
 Mr. Hamlin. Then I do not understand the resolution. 
 
 Mr. Raker. This resolution provides that they can work at 
 certain kinds or classes of work, designated, upon their being admitted 
 into the Territory of Hawaii. They can not quit that work and go 
 to other work. 
 
 Mr. Hamlin. They could go to the same kind of work under 
 another employer 1 
 
 Mr. Raker. Well, that is a question. 
 
 Mr. Hamlin. I do not know. I am asking you. 
 
 Mr. Raker. I do not know about that. 
 
 Mr. Hamlin. I am not stating that, but just asking the question. 
 
 Mr. Raker. But if he came over for the cane fields, he could not 
 quit and go to the city and go into the restaurant business, or he 
 could not quit the pineapple or rice or sugar business and go intO' 
 the peanut business or into the potato business. He would be subject 
 to arrest and deportation. 
 
 Mr. Hamlin. You mean if he went from one form of agricultural 
 labor to another ? 
 
 Mr. Raker. Yes; he would have to stick to that one particular 
 class of work. Now, would you be in favor of bringing labor to 
 Hawaii or to any other place under conditions whereby you could 
 
LABOn PROBLExMS IN HAWAII. 669 
 
 arrest tliein and deport them if they did not follow that particular 
 kind of labor. 
 
 Mr. Haivilix. I am not strong on this arresting and deporting. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Now, that is a clean-cut proposition. That is just 
 what this resolution means and nothing else, and I want to know, 
 as a man interested in the sugar business, your answer to that ques- 
 tion; that is, whether you are in favor of that kind of labor in the 
 United States* 
 
 Mr. Hamlin. No; I am not. 
 
 Mr. Raker. You think it would be a sad day when we returned 
 to the old days of contract and peon labor, and slavery, and invol- 
 untary servitude ? 
 
 Mr. Hamlin. Yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Raker. It can not be done in this country. 
 
 Mr. Hamlin. We do not want it; but I do say, as I stated before, 
 not that I would favor it even there, but I think in your tropical 
 possessions, where you have a yellow man's country, or we will call 
 it that for the purpose of designating it 
 
 Mr. Raker. We have only two such places, and they are Hawaii 
 and Porto Rico. We have no others. 
 
 Mr. Hamlin. Well, there are the Philippines. 
 
 Mr. Raker. No; that is the reason I asked you the question a 
 while ago so you could make it clear. Hawaii is a Territory and a 
 part of the United States. The Philippines are an insular possession 
 and not a part of the United States. Porto Rico is a Territory and 
 a part of the United States. 
 
 Mr. Hamlin. I am not in favor of peonage. I am not in favor of 
 any of those laws where the employee is reduced to virtual slavery. 
 I would not say that a condition might not arise where he should be 
 confined if the necessity existed. 
 
 Mr. Raker. You have read the history of labor in this country — 
 slaver}", peon labor, and serfdom — and you have read the history of 
 Cuba with its revolting history of labor, and you have read over the 
 history of Mexico, which brings the blush of shame to any man who 
 ever participated in it, and also the history of some of the old coun- 
 tries. It has all been eliminated now, save and except the interior 
 of Africa,, and they are trying to eliminate it in Mexico. Do you 
 believe the people of this country would stand for one minute for a 
 return to any form of labor whereby the man would not have the 
 right of free circulation or where he could be held as a peon or as a 
 slave or held in serfdom ? 
 
 Mr. Hamlin. No; I do not. 
 
 Mr. Raker. And any law that ever intimated or permitted that 
 you would be against, would you not ? 
 
 Mr. Hamlin. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Then if any business in this country requires that 
 kind of labor we had better quit the business rather than to turn 
 back to the days of peonage and serfdom and slavery. 
 
 Mr. Hamlin ."^ I would say, so far as the business which I represent 
 is concerned, it would be better for us to go out of business, with our 
 investment and all that, if we had to have it. . 
 
 Mr. Wallace. Mr. Chairman, may I make a statement pertinent 
 to Mr. Hamlin's evidence ? Mr. Hamlin began his evidence by saying 
 that the American Federation of Labor had issued an interview to 
 
670 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAW AIL 
 
 the effect that we understood that the American sugar growers 
 favored the resolution on the ground that if this resolution passed it 
 would be possible for American sugar growers to get the same kind 
 of labor and under the same conditions. The American Federation 
 of Labor did not issue such an interview or circular. What has been 
 said by the officials of the American Federation of Labor, based upon 
 evidence presented here before this committee, is that the American 
 sugar growers were approached and it was signified to them that if 
 they favored this resolution there might be hope for them some day to 
 get the same kind of accommodation. We have that upon the evi- 
 dence and upon the personal statements to us of certain sugar growers 
 in the United States, that they have been so approached; but we did 
 not say that they consented and favored this resolution upon that 
 ground. We do not believe they do; in fact, what evidence has been 
 before the committee is to the contrary. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Now, Mr. Wallace, right there, will you just give the 
 names of those men, the sugar growers of the United States that in 
 substance talked with the American Federation of Labor and said 
 that this would result as you have stated? 
 
 Mr. Wallace. Mr. Oxnard, before this committee, made that 
 assertion. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Wallace. And Mr. Rogers made that assertion; and while 
 they were rather vague, inasmuch as they would not say which of the 
 commission or what agent of the commission approached them, yet 
 they made that assertion. 
 
 Mr. Hamlin. Mr. Wallace, Mr. Oxnard said he talked to the man 
 two minutes and did not know his name and would not know him if 
 he saw him. That just demonstrates how these statements that are 
 based on vague statements get into the press. I learned of this state- 
 ment. I did not see it here in Washington. I had supposed it was 
 in your records, probably. 
 
 I learned that this statement had been given out here in Washing- 
 ton, but I did not see the statement itself. I said that this appeared 
 in 3^our records, probably, but I could not find it here this morning; 
 but here is the way the statement was carried in a comparatively 
 small paper in my home town, the Colorado Springs Evening Tele- 
 graph, of July 26, 1921. It is a Washington dispatch and is evi- 
 dently an Associated Press dispatch, headed ^\Sugar interests sup- 
 port coolies." The article reads as follows: 
 
 The effort to pass legislation permitting the importation of Chinese coolies into 
 Hawaii is a "conspiracy" that has behind it their eventual admission into the United 
 States, the legislative committee of the American Federation of I>abor charge in a 
 report made public to-day. Representatives of the sugar interests of Hawaii, the 
 report said, have advised sugar men of this country not to interfere with the enact- 
 ment of a law permitting Chinese coolies to come into Hawaii. 
 
 Now, as I said, I did not know that that report had been made, 
 but that was a newspaper's deduction from the report that went 
 broadcast over the United States. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Is it not quite natural to draw the inference that if 
 the sugar interests of Hawaii are permitted to break down the law 
 and obtain contract coolie labor, which is peon or serf labor, it would 
 be only the entering wedge toward supplying the sugar interests on 
 the mainland with the same sort of labor ? 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 671 
 
 Mr. Hamlix. I think there are two answers to that. In the first 
 phice, I think there is no such (]isposition, and, further than that, 
 anyhody who has foUowed lahor legishition in this country, no mat- 
 ter how desirahle that situation might be, would reahze that under 
 the Law we have ah-eady adopted 
 
 Mr. Raker (interposing). Under the thirteenth amendment. 
 
 Mr. Hamlin. All right; under the thirteenth amendment, although 
 after the thirteenth amendment we did have contract labor in the 
 United States. 
 
 Mr. Raker. No; all of those laws have been held unconstitutional. 
 
 Mr. Hamlix. But we did have it. It was in vogue. It might not 
 have been presented to the courts. 
 
 Mr. Raker. ViHierever there has been a decision on the subject 
 such laws have been held unconstitutional. What I asked you is 
 this: If the Hawaiian sugar interests could induce or persuade Con- 
 gress to permit this kind of labor to come into Hawaii, would it not 
 be an easy step to assume that the sugar interests in the United 
 States vrould ask the same privilege ? 
 
 Mr. Hamlin. No, sir; I would not think so. I do not know any- 
 thing about Hawaiian conditions, but they are foreign to our con- 
 ditions. I think that the bringing of contract labor or peon labor 
 into the United States is so repugnant and foreign to all of our ideas 
 that it is — — 
 
 Mr. Raker (interposing). You overlook the fact that Hawaii is a 
 part of the United States. 
 
 Mr. Hamlin. I do not know their conditions. I hold no brief for 
 Hawaii. 
 
 Mr. Raker. ^Yhat difference does it make as to the conditions? 
 
 Mr. Hamlin. None whatever, so far as peonage is concerned. 
 
 Mr. Raker. So that, if they could by any means, in any part of the 
 United States, although it was only a possession or Territory, get this 
 sort of concession, it would be quite natural, or it would look quite 
 feasible, to get it at any other place in the United States, would it not ? 
 
 Mr. Hamlin. I do not think so, and I would have to answer no. 
 
 Mr. Wallace. I want to call attention to the fact that Mr. Oxnard 
 and Mr. Rogers have stated that they were opposed to having coolie 
 labor imported into the United States, but that if that accommoda- 
 tion was given to the Hawaiian Islands, they would also require that 
 same accommodation here, inasmuch as they were competitors. 
 
 Mr. Raker. How do you feel about that? 
 
 Mr. Hamlin. I have felt very strongly 
 
 Mr. Weeber. And you represent half of the beet sugar industry ? 
 
 Mr. Hamlin. Not half of it, but about 40 per cent of it. So far as 
 the Great Western interests were concerned, I wired out there. 
 
 Mr. Raker. It is quite natural for any American citizen to realize 
 that to-day, because in the event he was trying to get a benefit from 
 the Government, he could not stand up and ask for coolie contract 
 labor in this country 
 
 Mr. Hamlin. Speaking personally, I would not want it. I would 
 rather see the business go out than have it. 
 
 Mr. Raker. How do your associates feel about it ? 
 
 Mr. Hamlin. In the same way. I know that they do not want it. 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. This assuniption, which Judge Raker says is a 
 natural one from the evidence which has come before this committee, 
 
"672 LABOR PROBLEMS lis HAWAII. 
 
 namely, that the sugar interests in this country would be interested 
 in bringing Chinese in if the Hawaiians got Chinese, or if they got 
 permission to bring them into Hawaii, and that therefore there was a 
 conspiracy between the sugar interests of the mainland and of Hawaii 
 to bring Chinese into the United States 
 
 Mr. Eaker (interposing). No, sir; I made no such statement. 
 
 Mr. Hamlin. I did not so understand Judge Raker. 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. That is the statement put out here by the Amer- 
 ican Federation of Labor. 
 
 Mr. Hamlin. I tried to find the original, but I did not find it. 
 I saw it as it was reported by the Associated Press. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. The question has been asked as to whether you were 
 the attorney of these interests or represented them in some other 
 way? 
 
 Mr. Hamlin. I am both. That is to say, I am a lawyer and I 
 have been more or less active in tlie managerial sense. 
 
 Mr. GoMPERS. Mr. Dillingham referred to a statement of the 
 American Federation of Labor. What is that statement ? 
 
 Mr. Hamlin. I tried to get the statement, but all that I had of it 
 was what was carried in the Associated Press dispatch which I read 
 here, and which was to the effect that there was a conspiracy between 
 the beet-sugar growers of the United States and the Hawaii sugar 
 planters to ultimately introduce Chinese labor into the United States. 
 That is practically the way the Associated Press carried it as the 
 statement of the American Federation of Labor. I am not saying 
 that that is a correct or proper deduction from it, but I am simply 
 showing you how it got into the papers, and I have come here for the 
 purpose of denying it. 
 
 The Chairman. The entire statement purporting to be the state- 
 ment that Mr. Gompers offered the press is printed as a part of last 
 Friday's hearings. 
 
 • Mr. Dillingham. I wanted to get the statement here to see what 
 it was. We are trying to unravel a fact that is based on a statement 
 purporting to have come from the American Federation of Labor. 
 
 The Chairman. I will read the interview given by Mr. Gompers, 
 the president of the American Federation of Labor, as it appears in 
 our hearing of last Friday. 
 
 (At this point the chairman read the interview of Mr. Gompers 
 which appears in the record of Friday, July 29, 192L) 
 
 Mr. Hamlin. I presume that those two last lines would be the 
 ones referring to the matter carried by the Associated Press. 
 
 Mr. Weeber. That was not the interview. It was printed from 
 some advance pages of the American Federationist. 
 
 Mr. LCamlin. This is not the one, but it is a statement carried by 
 the legislative committee of the American Federation of Labor. 
 That was carried in the press. 
 
 The Chairman. What I have read was the interview given out. 
 The other matter was the advance sheets from the forthcoming number 
 of the American Federationist, containing a report of the legislative 
 committee. I think it is somewhat similar except that it has the 
 first telegram from Mr. Wright and not the second telegram which 
 made some modifications. 
 
 These advance sheets also contain wdiat we learned the other day 
 was part of a letter written to Mr. Morrison at Denver. In this report 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 673 
 
 P the legislative committee of the American Federation of Labor, 
 :)nsisting of the three gentlemen whose names were given the other 
 ay, this statement is made: 
 
 The conspiracy to admit more than 50,000 Chinese coolies into Hawaii for any pur- 
 Dse leaves no doubt that it has behind it the idea of their eventual admission into 
 le United States. Representatives of the su«:ar interests make no secret of this in 
 ,lking to those they believe friends of the bill. Their advice to the sugar men in 
 lis country who it can be said are opposed to the bill is: Do not interfere with the 
 lactment of a law permitting Chinese coolies to come into Hawaii. It is an entering 
 edge; if we get them, yoii will have no trouble to get them into the United States. 
 
 Mr. Hamlin. That is the portion. 
 
 Mr. GoMPERS. May I call attention to the fact that there is no 
 tatement there bearing out the alleged charge that there is a con- 
 piracy between the sugar planters of Hawaii and those of the United 
 tates ? It states there is a conspiracy, and of that fact there is no 
 oubt in the minds of those representing the American Federation of 
 iabor — -that is, that a conspiracy exists in Hawaii. 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. I deny that there is any such conspiracy. We 
 Topose to be open and above board in every particular. We have a 
 ommission here that was appointed by the governor of Hawaii under 
 
 concurrent resolution passed by the I^egislature of Hawaii, and the 
 harge of a conspiracy is entirely unwarranted and not supported by 
 ,ny of the facts. 
 
 The Chairman. I think the committee understands, and it is giving 
 , good deal of its time to these hearings because of the fact that the 
 ommission which is here comes from the Legislature of Hawaii. A 
 esolution was passed by the Legislature of Hawaii, and for that 
 eason we believe that we should go into it as fully as we can. Mr. 
 lamlin, the committee thanks you for your statements. 
 
 I meant to ask you, Mr. Gompers, when you were here the other 
 [ay, if we could get hold of Mr. Keefe. 
 
 Mr. Gompers. There is no doubt you can. 
 
 The Chairman. Where ? 
 
 Mr. Gompers. I saw him for a moment, and only for a moment, 
 in last Saturday. 
 
 The Chairman. In connection with suppressed or withheld reports 
 >r papers, I feel that a whole lot of our trouble in regard to oriental 
 )eople is due to the fact that we have never been able to secure the 
 )asis of the gentleman's agreement, and I feel that this committee is 
 Lcting largely in the dark on Japanese matters for want of those 
 )apers. 
 
 Mr. Gompers. My impression is that we were not discussing Jap- 
 inese, but Chinese. 
 
 The Chairman. The question in my mind is what to do with the 
 lawaiian Islands with 43 per cent Japanese population, a large part 
 )f that 43 per cent being American-born Japanese. 
 
 Mr. Gompers. I do not know, and I will not assert it, but if my 
 inemory serves me right, or, at least, I have somehow got the im- 
 )ression that last Friday you said that the most important thing 
 or Hawaii was sugar. If that statement was made by you, sir, as a 
 itizen and as president of the American Federation of Labor I 
 esent it. I regard as the most important thing in Hawaii man or 
 aanhood. 
 
 56754— 21— SEE 7. pt 2 9 
 
674 LABOK PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 The Chairman. That is merely sphtting hahs, and the record 
 will show what I said. Just what I said was that the basic industry 
 of the island is sugar, that the various business enterprises they 
 have out there rest largely upon sugar, and that without the sugar 
 business you would not have much prosperity in Hawaii. 
 
 Mr. GoMPERS. But there are different methods by which sugar can 
 be produced profitably without following the present method of 
 using peon labor, Japanese labor, or Chinese labor. 
 
 The Chairman. The committee has gone at considerable length 
 into the labor troubles of Hawaii since long before her acquisition by 
 the United States, and going back to the days of the monarchy. We 
 have made a study of the work of the Hawaiian Immigration Board. 
 We have seen the situation of Hawaii in that regard as a republic, 
 when she turned back some Japanese laborers, and then we have 
 seen her as a Territory of the United States forced to apologize for that 
 action and pay $75,000 in damages and admit the Japanese. Finally 
 we have run into the situation created by the ^'gentlemen's agree- 
 ment," and I am wondering if, as we have been in-formed, the ' 'gentle- 
 en's agreement" has a separate provision as to Hawaii, and, if so^ 
 where Hawaii gets off in the long run. 
 
 Mr. Kaker. Would it not be proper to say that while it was a 
 monarchy, they admitted Chinese, and that the residents of Hawaii 
 then arose and demanded the exclusion of the Chinese, while the 
 sugar planters were in favor of admitting the Chinese, and they 
 fought it out. The sugar planters said that they could not exist 
 without the Chinese, but, after a long struggle, the people of Hawaii: 
 excluded the Chinese through their legislature, and they had them 
 excluded when the islands became a part of the United States. My 
 recollection is quite clear on that, and the record will show that there 
 was a memorial by the sugar planters making it clear as to what the}^ 
 wanted. 
 
 In that connection, I hope that Mr. Keefe will come forward so 
 that he can make a statement with regard to the length of time it 
 took me to get the Keefe report. After I got the report, I obtained 
 permission from the House to have it published as it appears. 
 
 Mr. Box. Will you have inserted in the record the date of the act 
 by the Hawaiian government by which they excluded Chinese? 
 There has been some reference to such an act. That was prior to 
 annexation. 
 
 The Chairman. Yes; long before; following the Gary Act. The 
 Chinese comprised one-fourth of the population of Hawaii at that 
 time. The native population has always been declining since Capt. 
 Cook made the discovery of the islands, and they have always main- 
 tained their population by some form of immigration. The Chinese 
 were going into the small trades and businesses, and thereupon the 
 people became afraid that they would be orientalized through the 
 Chinese and excluded them. 
 
 Mr. Eaker. Have you read the memorial that was presented at 
 that time by the sugar planters ? It is not in exactly the same words 
 as this resolution, but it is very similar to the resolution that is pre- 
 sented by the governor of the Hawaiian Islands to-day. 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. Mr. Chairman, you are perfectly right in stating 
 that this committee has gone into the history of immigration into the 
 Hawaiian Islands. We have gone into it also, and one fact must 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 675 
 
 3ome to the fore, and that is that the people of Hawaii for 40 ^years 
 have reahzed that the only way to secure American control of that 
 country was to keep the races in balance. Pointing back to the 
 [Chinese problem, when we realized that the Chinese were getting a 
 numerical strength out of proportion to the other nationalities in the 
 country we put the clamps down. At the time of annexation and 
 prior to annexation we called attention to the fact that, unless some- 
 thing was done, by virtue of Japanese immigration to Hawaii the 
 Japanese would get out of balance with the other races and the 
 30untry w^ould get out of American hands. For 23 years that matter 
 las at different times been called to the attention of Congress. To- 
 iay Mr. Gompers and others are insisting that our problem can be 
 solved in some way other than that w^e have suggested. No such plan 
 las been put forward by them, but I want to say that there is sufficient 
 atitude in the resolution passed by the Hawaiian Legislature to give 
 IS the opportunity of meeting any constructive remedy which may 
 3e suggested here in Washington. The resolution which is before 
 3his committee to-day was prepared here in Washington. It is true 
 :hat we believe that Chinese, or a limited number of Chinese, ad- 
 nitted under certain restrictions would relieve this situation to-day. 
 [f there is a better way, we want to know it. We do not know of any 
 )ther way. We believe that this is the best way. If it is a question 
 )f whether or not Hawaii shall go over to the control of an alien 
 lationality and American control cease, we protest and urge that 
 something be done to make secure American control of Hawaii. 
 
 The Chairman. The problem now before the committee is this: 
 [t is admitted here that the Japanese are there in suflicient numbers 
 ;0 endanger the maintenance of the islands by this country as an 
 American territory. You have a considerable number of Filipinos, 
 rhe testimony of Mr. Keefe, when it comes, or as you will see from 
 .his report, will show that he assailed the Filipinos in very bitter 
 anguage. The present proposition is to bring in Chinese. All of 
 Iiese propositions are detrimental to the bringing in of any sort of 
 European labor, which probably would not come to Hawaii unless it 
 vere poverty stricken and illiterate. Where will you go to draw your 
 ine ? If you bring in Chinese for a period of five years, you will have 
 nade it that much more oriental and that much more unlikely to 
 ittract European immigration, e^en if we should relax the law so 
 is to admit the illiterate. Therefore, at the end of five years, your 
 )osition would still be oriental, with Japanese there and still coming 
 hrough the picture-bride method and otherwise. They will be cer- 
 ain, in my opinion, through peaceful penetration, in time to exercise 
 ;omplete control of the Hawaiian Islands. I think that is the 
 )roblem. 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. That is the problem. 
 
 The Chairman. Whether this resolution or some modification of 
 he same offers a temporary solution is the question. I think it will 
 )e a matter of comparatively few years before the sugar plantations 
 dll be in the actual control of the Japanese. 
 
 Mr. Raker. The peculiar thing is this — and I have given the 
 natter study and investigation for 16 years — that, so far as I can 
 ind, there has been no effort on the part of the Hawaiian people, 
 ►efore any committee of Congress, or otherw^ise, to restrict Japanese 
 tnmigration, but there have been two long and hotly contested mat- 
 
676 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 ters before this committee when they sought Chinese labor, and both 
 of them were defeated mianimously. This is the third time the matter 
 has been presented to this committee. 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. Did I understand Mr. Raker to say that the 
 Territory has previously asked Congress for legislation for the admis- 
 sion of Chinese ? 
 
 Mr. Raker. No; I did not say that. I said that there had been 
 two questions brought before Congress, one eight years ago and 
 another one three years ago 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole (interposing). Proposed by the Territory of 
 Hawaii ? 
 
 Mr. Raker. No; it was not by the Territory. 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. I want to make it clear that this is the first 
 time since I came here to Congress that the Territorial government 
 has asked Congress for relief of this kind. 
 
 The Chairman. As a matter of fact, was not one of the bills of 
 which Judge Raker speaks before the Committee on Territories ? 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. Not the Hindle bill; that was the United 
 Chinese Society's bill that they sent Mr. Hindle here to ask for. 
 The bill you refer to was the bill to prohibit the employment of aliens 
 on Federal public works. 
 
 The Chairman. And that was before the Committee on Terri- 
 tories. As a matter of fact, you started the plan to take oriental 
 labor or Asiatic labor off of Federal works in Hawaii ? 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. Right there I would like to ask Mr. Gompers 
 something. He said he wanted '^men" there. Now, at the last 
 election in Hawaii the labor unions in Hawaii opposed me at the 
 election on this same proposition of Americanization in the rehabili- 
 tation bill. That provides for Americanization of public works by 
 prohibiting the employment of aliens on Federal public works. That 
 was the first time that a representative from Hawaii had ever come 
 to Congress asking for such protection for American labor, and the 
 labor unions of Plawaii opposed me on that proposition at that elec- 
 tion. 
 
 Mr. McClellan. Is it not true that the beneficial results from 
 that part of the rehabilitation bill are greater than from any other 
 part of that bill ? ' . 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. Yes; at lea^t so far as the laboring man is 
 €oncerned. 
 
 Mr. Wright. On the point the Delegate has just raised, I wish 
 to make a correction. In the first place, the labor unions did not 
 oppose Mr. Kalanianaole at the last election — that is, did not go on 
 record as opposing him — although the sentiment of the organizations 
 was opposed to the rehabilitation bill, but it was absolutely not for 
 that reason at all; it was opposed to the rehabilitation bill that was 
 before the Congress at that time because it was the general sentiment 
 that that bill, if passed, would put an end to homesteading. That 
 was the sole ground upon which organized labor opposed the rehabili- 
 tation bill. 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. The labor men knew that this labor section) 
 for the Americanization of the islands was in that bill, and Mr.; 
 Tyson, president of the labor union at that time, notwithstanding: 
 that knowledge, came out with a statement opposing me generally 
 on that bill. They publicly opposed me on the whole bill without! 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAn. 677 
 
 any reservation wh<a,tsoever. The most important matter in that 
 bill so far as organized hibor is concerned was the Americanization 
 section and yet the labor unions opposed that, a matter that was of 
 vital interest to the Hawaiian laboring people. Why ? Because we 
 wanted our country to be run by Americans and not Asiatics, and 
 yet the labor unions opposed it. 
 
 Mr. GoMPERS. And that is the reason why you want to bring in 
 Chinese coolies ? 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. It is not the reason at all, but the reason is 
 that Hawaii and the Hawaiian people have been knocking at the 
 doors of Washington for relief for years but Washington has not 
 granted that relief. Ever since annexation I am on record for the 
 Americanization of those islands, and why do not those who stand 
 for Americanization here stand for something that will help the 
 Hawaiian people ? 
 
 Mr. GoMPERS. Let me answer that question by saying this: That 
 the relief you ask to Americanize Hawaii is to bring Chinese coolies 
 into Hawaii. That is 3^our system. 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. Before annexation we had our labor laws. 
 Hawaii is not a new country, and we solved the problem of our labor 
 through labor laws which permitted us to bring in laborers in such 
 a way as to maintain a balanced population and we had no such 
 racial issues as we have had since annexation. We had laws barring 
 the Japanese from Hawaii, but when annexation came, the American 
 laws allowed them to flood Hawaii, with the result that they are now 
 in numerical control. And now Hawaii is appealing to Congress for 
 relief from a situation which is a result of no act of our own. That is 
 our situation. You have allowed the Japanese to come into Hawaii, 
 and we ask you to solve the problem for us and make it an American 
 Territory. 
 
 Mr. GoMPERS. By permitting Chinese coolies to come into Hawaii? 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. Yes; to overcome the preponderance of 
 Japanese population that the laws of the United States have allowed 
 to come into Hawaii. We believe the Chinese are the only ones that 
 can overcome that preponderance; and, while we propose this as an 
 emergency relief measure, we want you to pass permanent immigra- 
 tion laws to allow white people from Europe to come into Hawaii 
 and make that a white man's country. 
 
 Mr. Wallace. Will they come and compete with the Chinese? 
 Will any white man compete with those you have there now, the 
 Filipinos, for instance ? 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. The Filipinos have as much right there as 
 anybody else. 
 
 Mr. W^allace. Absolutely, and more so than the Chinese. 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. The Chinese would not compete with any 
 white men at all under the terms of this resolution. 
 
 Mr. Wallace. They will. 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. But they can not do so under this resolu- 
 tion. It is all up to the committee here. If they see fit to pass such 
 a resolution as this, it is up to them to restrict it in such a way as to 
 protect citizen labor, but if they do not pass it we are delivered into 
 alien hands. 
 
 Mr. Box. I have read somewhere that your Government, prior to 
 annexation, sent a commission to Japan and finally succeeded in 
 
678 LABOR PROBLEMS lis^ HAWAII. 
 
 inducing Japan to consent to the importation of a lot of Japanese 
 laborers — is that correct ? 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. When was that? 
 
 Mr. Box. It must have been during the kingdom. 
 
 Mr. Kalanl\naole. Yes; that was done by the Government. 
 
 Mr. Box. And some thousands were brought in. 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. Oh, yes; but when we saw that we were going 
 to be dominated by a certain race we stopped them from coming in, 
 because we could not allow any one alien race to dominate. 
 
 Mr. Raker. In other words, you now have a large number of 
 Japanese in the islands. Their presence there has brought about 
 an acute economic and racial condition. 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Now, to remedy that condition 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. We are asking you to give us a remedy for it. 
 
 Mr. Raker. To remedy that condition you are seeking to have 
 brought in Chinese contract labor which will go out in the fields and 
 take the places of these Japanese — is that right ? 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. It is not. No Chinese would replace a single 
 Japanese. We are coming to you and advising you of the condition 
 in Hawaii, and we believe that the provision of a balanced popula- 
 tion is the only way to solve the racial problem we have there. If 
 you do not believe in the solution we are presenting to you, for God's 
 sake give us something else, but do not condemn us for coming over; 
 here and trying to save ourselves. It seems as though you think we 
 are a bunch of damned crooks and that we are trying to sneak some- 
 thing through Congress; while, as Mr. Dillingham has stated, this 
 commission ha.s been sent here ofRcially. We strongly resent any 
 such intimations. 
 
 Mr. Raker (interposing) . Let me ask you a question. 
 
 Mr. Free. I do not believe Mr. Kalanianaole understood your last 
 question. You asked him whether they were not trying to get in 
 Chinese convicts to do this. 
 
 Mr. Raker. No; I did not. I said Chinese contract laborers. 
 
 Mr. Chairman. You would be willing to accept the complete 
 exclusion of orientals from the islands and the United States, too ? 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. It is up to you to solve that. W^e have had 
 racial questions in Hawaii for many years and we have solved them, 
 but now it is a question for you gentlemen to solve; and, unless it is 
 solved, it is going to be the same question that arose in the South. 
 If you send this commission back to Honolulu without this problem 
 solved by Congress, you will find that the Japanese will feel, and so 
 state publicly, that the United States is afraid to exclude Japanese 
 and afraid to admit Chinese. ''The Americans are afraid of us 
 Japanese," they'll say, and they will act in accordance. That is the 
 situation. I tell you that you must solve our problem and not let 
 it continue until a condition arises in Hawaii similar to the condition 
 that arose in the South, and let lynch law solve it. Solve it now while 
 the situation is such as will enable you to solve it without international 
 difiSculty. 
 
 Mr. Raker. In other words, down in Fresno somebody took the 
 Japanese and put them on the train and sent them out of Fresno. 
 You want legislation whereby we can go to China and bring over 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole (interposing). The Fresno situation is not 
 similar. I do not want you to go anv further with that until I am 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAW AIL >679 
 
 through. You sent these shiploads of Japanese and put them in 
 the Territory of Hawaii. The people there had nothing to do with 
 the dumping of those Japanese into the islands, and we are coming 
 to 3"0u, who dumped them in there, to solve the problem that they 
 make to-dav for Hawaii. We did not bring them into Hawaii; you 
 did it. 
 
 The Chairman. We will suspend this line of debate. Mr. Wright 
 is here and we will proceed to hear him. Are you ready to go on with 
 your statement, Mr. Wright ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Yes; I guess so. 
 
 The Chairman. You said you have been in the islands about how 
 long? 
 
 Mr. Wright. I stated I had been in the islands about four years, 
 a little less than four years. 
 
 The Chairman. You visited how many of the islands ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. I visited on two of the islands; I have been on two 
 islands — the islands of Oahu and Hawaii. 
 
 The Chairman. You have made a study of the sugar-plantation 
 business ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. I have not made an exhaustive study of it; no. I 
 worked on a plantation in Hawaii for three months, and that is all 
 the plantation work I have done. 
 
 The Chairman. You are sent here as a delegate from the trade - 
 unions of Honolulu ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Yes, sir; I have credentials. 
 
 The Chairman. Are there trade-unions in other parts of the 
 islands ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Other than- — - 
 
 The Chairman (interposing). Honolulu. 
 
 Mr. Wright. There are members of our organizations in the other 
 islands, but no local branches. i 
 
 The Chairman. Just who sends you. 
 
 Mr. Wright. The Honolulu central labor body. 
 
 The Chairman. You come from the Honolulu organization and 
 not from any that may be at Hilo or Maui or anywhere else ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. As a matter of fact, there are no lodges on the other 
 islands; our members on the other islands are under the jurisdiction 
 of the Honolulu lodges. 
 
 The Chairman. About what did you say was the membership of the 
 labor unions in Honolulu ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. I said that at the present time the membership had 
 probably dropped to 1,200. 
 
 The Chairman. Is it dropping off? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Although I am not positive. 
 
 The Chairman. Has the membership come down a little ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. The membership has come down; yes. 
 
 The Cpiairman. What is the cause of that ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. It is pretty hard to tell, Mr. Chairman. 
 
 The Chairman. Has industry let down a little ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. A good many of our people who are from the States — 
 mechanics — have returned to the States. Then we had trouble with 
 the telephone company; the electrical workers were involved in a 
 quarrel with the telephone company, and as a result the membership 
 of the electrical workers fell oil considerably. 
 
680 LABOR PROBLEMS IIT HAWAII. 
 
 The Chairman. Are there many electrical workers on the Island of 
 Oahu? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Yes; in our organization there were at one time over 
 200 members. 
 
 The Chairman. You are employed in the navy yard at Pearl 
 Harbor — is that right ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Yes, sir. 
 
 The Chairman. And your work is that of a machinist ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Yes, sir. 
 
 The Chairman. You are paid directly by the Federal Government ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Yes; by the Federal Government. 
 
 The Chairman. Are all the employees paid in that way ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. All the employees in the navy yard ? 
 
 The Chairman. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Wright. Oh, yes. 
 
 The Chairman. Were there any orientals at work there? 
 
 Mr. Wright. There are no orientals working in the navy yard. 
 
 The Chairman. Were there any ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. There have been some, I understand, working on 
 contract works, and that is especially true of contract works under 
 the Army. 
 
 The Chairman. What I want to get at exactly is this: In Pearl 
 Harbor, as far as you know, up to the passage of this recent law, 
 which was a part of the rehabilitation bill, were there Japanese 
 laborers employed, or other orientals, or alien laborers ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Do you include Filipinos as alien laborers ? 
 
 The Chairman. No. 
 
 Mr. Wright. During the war I believe, Mr. Chairman, there were 
 quite a few aliens employed in the navy yard, but immediately after 
 the war an order was issued by the Navy Department, I understand, 
 which absolutely eliminated all aliens from employment in the navy 
 yard. 
 
 The Chairman. Can you make any estimate as to the number of 
 orientals that have been eliminated from Federal employment ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. From Federal employment ? 
 
 The Chairman. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Wright. Directly and on contract work under the Federal 
 Government ? 
 
 The Chairman. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Wright. It has been variously estimated at from 5,000 to 
 10,000, but up to the time I left, which, you understand, was only a 
 few days after this went into effect, there had been no authoritative 
 statement issued, aside from an article which appeared in the Hono- 
 lulu Advertiser on July 2, which I ask to have inserted in the record. 
 
 (The article is as follows :) 
 
 ■ i 
 
 MANY ALIENS TO BE THROWN OUT OF WORK HERE — PASSAGE OF REHABILITATION BILE 
 MEANS DISCHARGE OP 5,000 FROM FEDERAL WORK — -WILL AID PLANTERS. 
 
 Operation of the rehabilitation bill, which now has been passed by both Houses, 
 will release from Federal employment — and probably make available for employment 
 on sugar plantations^about 5,000 aliens now employed on Armv and Navy and other 
 Federal Government work in the islands. Thus, although the immediate effect may 
 be to paralvze construction work at Schofield Barracks and elsewhere, the plantations 
 will be enabled to speed up the grinding of the sugar crop, which is behind schedule. 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN" HAWATL 681 
 
 The Chairman. When that went into effect, were these orientals — 
 and I take it they were mostly Japanese — immediately dropped from 
 the works ? n 
 
 Mr. Wright. I think they were, immediately upon the signing of 
 that bill by President Harding. 
 
 The Chairman. Were there other people ready to take their places ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. To take the places of these men who were dropped 
 off? 
 
 The Chairman. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Wright. In some of the lines there probably were. 
 
 The Chairman. You do not know in detail ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. I do not know the thing in detail, because it all took 
 place so shortly before I left. 
 
 The Chairman. In your opinion, will the men who were dropped 
 off the Federal works go to the plantations ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. They were the men who had come originally from the 
 plantations, a large portion of them, and in our conversation with Mr. 
 Butler, the labor secretary of the Sugar Planters' Association, and 
 who, by the way, is also a member of the American Legion and very 
 proud of the fact that this was put over through the efforts of the 
 American Legion — in our conversation with him he developed the fact 
 that in his opinion about 2,000 of those men who were released would 
 be immediately available for plantation work, and he said that would 
 have an effect upon the problem. That is the way he put it to us. 
 
 The Chairman. When you left the islands you had come to the 
 conclusion that there was a shortage of labor on the plantations ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. On the plantations. 
 
 The Chairman. When you left the islands, you had come to the 
 conclusion that there was a shortage of labor? 
 
 Mr. Wright. I had realized for some time that there was a shortage 
 on the plantations; yes. 
 
 The Chairman. When you go away on business of this kind, do you 
 quit your Federal job or take a furlough? 
 
 Mr. Wright. I am on furlough; I have a leave of absence, part with 
 pay and part without pay, from the commandant at Pearl Harbor to 
 come to the mainland and present data and information that we have 
 collected on the conditions in Hawaii and on the cost of living es- 
 pecially before the Navy Wage Board, which is about to convene. 
 The fact that I was coming here on that proposition was one of the 
 reasons that I was chosen as delegate from the central labor body, 
 because it was felt that expense could be saved in that way, and that 
 two birds could be killed with one stone, you might say, by combining 
 the missions. 
 
 The Chairman. You are authorized by the commandant of the 
 navy yard to make these presentations on the cost of living and wage 
 adjustment. 
 
 Mr. Wright. Before the wage board; yes, sir. 
 
 The Chairman. You understand that you are authorized to do 
 that by the commandant ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. I am authorized; yes, sir. 
 
 The Chairman. Does he pay some of your traveling expenses ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Oh, no. 
 
 The Chairman. He is just interested in having you make that 
 presentation ? 
 
682 LABOR PROBLEMS IX HAWAII. 
 
 Mr. Wright. Yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. Mr. Chairman, as a new member of this committee I 
 have consumed very little time of this committee. I think one 
 morning I asked two questions; I started to ask three, but finished 
 with two. This committee has been sitting here for about a month. 
 We have been listening to statements made by members of a commis- 
 sion from Hawaii, representing the Government and appointed by the 
 governor of the Haweaian Islands, and those men seem to be the 
 authorized agents of those islands. Their statements have been 
 open and aboveboard and have been quite interesting. 
 
 At first I was inclined to sit back and listen to questions by some 
 of the older members of the committee, several of whom, I think, 
 know about as much as can be known about this question, but, since 
 Mr. Wright's first telegram came, I have been made to realize the 
 seriousness of some of the charges he has made. I have gone into 
 this thing a little bit individually and I would like the indulgence of 
 the committee for a little while to ask quite a number of questions, 
 if I may. 
 
 The Chairman. Go ahead. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. Mr. Wright, you testified on Friday that you went to 
 Hawaii in 1917, and that you had been employed as a machinist 
 since that time. Have you ever been on a sugar plantation, except 
 for the time of your visit on or about July 2 of this year, subsequent 
 to your conference with representatives of the sugar planters ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Have I been on a plantation ? 
 
 Mr. Shaw. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Wright. I have vforked on a plantation as a machinist. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. What kind of machinist work were you doing on the 
 plantation ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. General mill repair and overhaul work. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. That had nothing to do with field machinery ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Nothing to do with the field machinery; no. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. Did you have anything to do with the field management 
 of these various sugar plantations ? . 
 
 Mr. Wright. Personally, no. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. You do not have any first-hand knowledge of the 
 plantation work there; that is, gained from experience on the planta- 
 tions ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. No. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. Then, you have never done any so-called field work on 
 sugar plantations in Hawaii or any place else ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. No. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. Have you ever visited any plantation outside of the 
 island on which you live ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. Where? 
 
 Mr. Wright. On the island of Hawaii. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. How many days altogether have you spent on sugar 
 plantations ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. How many days altogether ? 
 
 Mr. Shaw. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Wright. I stated I had worked three months on this planta- 
 tion in Hawaii. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. On that one plantation ? 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 683 
 
 Mr. Wregiit. Yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. I did not understand that. But that work was wholly 
 with the machinery in the mill ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Yes; that was my work. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. Just ¥/liat do you know about sugar, as a matter of fact ? 
 Is that ail the experience you have had in the sugar business, just 
 your three months' work in this mill ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. That is all the personal experience I have had, yes. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. How long did you say it takes a sugar crop to mature ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. A sugar crop ? 
 
 Mr. Shaw. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Wright. It is supposed to take 18 months. 
 
 Mr. Sha-W. What kind of attention does it require in the ground 
 and while it is growing ? Can you describe the operations of pro- 
 ducing a crop of sugar? 
 
 Mr. ¥i^RiGHT. The entire operations ? 
 
 Mr. Shaw. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Wright. Why, I think I can, in a general way. Do you want 
 me to go into detail ? 
 
 Mr. Shaw. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Wright. You understand that the ground has to be prepared; 
 the old stools are plowed under and the ground is prepared, furrowed, 
 and the seed planted; then the seed is covered and given its first irri- 
 gation, and after that nature does its work, assisted b}^ the cultivators. 
 The cane is given irrigation at certain intervals, I do not know how 
 frequently, and when it requires it, it is cultivated, hoed by hand and 
 weeded. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. How many times do they cultivate it in a season ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. It differs on the different plantations, I believe. 
 I understand that the plantation of Olaa, on the Island of Hawaii, has 
 reduced the cultivation to a very marked extent by use of the paper 
 mulching system on this plantation. The seed cane, after it is first 
 irrigated, is covered with a peculiar kind of paper that is manufac- 
 tured from the waste products of the cane. It is something like 
 building paper in rolls; it is laid over the cane, and this paper kills 
 the growth of weeds ; it is easily broken by the sharp point of the cane 
 shoot as it comes up, and it also retains the natural moisture of the 
 soil, and is considered to be a very improved method. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. That is the pulp from the stock, left after the sugar is 
 squeezed out ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Yes; after the sugar is squeezed oilt this fiber is put 
 through a process which brings it to the form of paper, and it is then 
 used for that purpose. That, of course, reduces the necessity for 
 cultivation on that plantation, but I believe it has not been followed 
 to any extent on other plantations. Of course, after the cane is up 
 and closes the field over there is no more cultivation. Then the 
 problem is simply one of irrigation and fertilization. The fertilizer, 
 I believe, is applied through the irrigating water in solution, sacks of 
 nitrate being dumped into the ditches according to instructions 
 issued by the chemist.' That goes on and the cane grows until it is 
 ready for the harvest. I believe the cane blooms first, and then 
 immediately after blooming I think it is supposed to be ready. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. Is it supposed to be ready when the bloom falls ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. I think that is the case. 
 
684 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. At what season of the year is that ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. It is practically a rotating proposition; that is, you 
 understand, we have no seasons as we have here, and it depends on 
 when the ^ane was planted; so many months after it is planted it 
 reaches that stage of maturity. Then the problem is to get the field 
 cleared off as economincally as possible, and on most of the planta- 
 tions the fields are burned over, which burns up the dry leaves and 
 leaves the stalks of cane — blackened stalks of cane. Then after that 
 the cutting gang goes in and cuts the cane; it is stripped wherever 
 necessary and the tops cut off, trimmed up, and left in shape to be 
 loaded on the cars; then the loading gang loads it on the cars and it 
 is hauled to the mill. The cars are hauled to the mills on railroad s^ 
 the plantations running roads a certain distance apart, 150 feet, I 
 believe, or 300 feet, and it is taken to the mill and crushed. That is. 
 the cycle of the operation, so far as I understand it. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. Is this cane cut by hand or by machinery? 
 
 Mr. Wright. The cane is cut altogether by hand. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. Is it topped after it is cut or before ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. I think it is usually topped at the same time, but I 
 am not positive on that, because, as I say, I never went into the 
 fields. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. Mr. Wright, I would like to know just what facts you 
 based your first cablegram on. That is, on the date of that message^ 
 what information did you have and where did you get it, with refer- 
 ence to the statements by the Hawaiian commission before thi& 
 committee ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. In regard to the fact of their misrepresenting con- 
 ditions ? 
 
 Mr. Shaw. Yes; and all other facts mentioned in your telegram. 
 
 Mr. Wright. Well, I will say that largely our impression was gained 
 from the newspapers published in Honolulu. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. You say your impression was gained. Do you mean 
 to say that that statement was not based on facts ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. I say the statements that they made were misrepre- 
 senting conditions. Of course, we were not here present in Washing- 
 ton and had absolutely no way of knowing except through the reports 
 that were given out there as to what was being done here at Wash- 
 ington. 
 
 We believed, in the first place, that the labor situation had been 
 greatly exaggerated, at least the criticalness of the situation. We 
 admitted there was a certain labor shortage, but it seemed to us a 
 misrepresentation to attribute all the ills of the Territory to this one 
 factor, as we were led to believe was being done. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. You did not mean to be positive, then, that it was- 
 being misrepresented, but you thought from the facts you gathered 
 from the newspapers that that was probably the case. 
 
 Mr. Wright. Certainly. That is the only way in which we could 
 secure any information. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. When you were under the impression that they were 
 misrepresenting conditions, just what particular misrepresentation 
 did you have in mind ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Well, I will state, as I stated before, that the matter- 
 was discussed and different delegates from the central body expressed 
 their opinion. I will state that that was one of the points upoA which 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 685 
 
 WO bolievod thoy were misrepresenting conditions, attributing all 
 the ills of the Territory to the labor shortage; and another thing, we 
 believed from cross-examination of Mr. Dillingham, when Mr. Raker 
 tried to bring out a definite statement that coolies or Chinese under 
 bond were desired, the report carried the impression that this issue 
 was being evaded and the real intention concealed. Of course, that 
 might not come under the head of misrepresentation of conditions. 
 
 Mr, Raker. Where is that in the record ? I have been trying to 
 find that colloquy in the record. Do you know where that was ? I 
 have been looking for it for a couple of days. 
 
 The Chairman. That is in this record which has just been printed. 
 You have not seen that record ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. I had not seen the record until this morning. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. Mr. Wright, I want you to understand that I have not 
 any special interest in this matter except to get at the bottom of it. 
 
 Mr. Wright. That is ail any of us want. We were discussing 
 misrepresentation when Judge Raker interrupted a moment ago. 
 
 Mr. Dillingham's statement as to the setback to the pineapple 
 industry appealed to us as misrepresentation, for we knew that the 
 pines were coming off at least two weeks ahead of season and that 
 the fields and canneries had plenty of labor to handle an abnormally 
 large crop. No extensive advertising was necessary this year to 
 secure all the labor required, and offers of blocks of labor — in hundred 
 lots — was turned down, according to information given by the Fili- 
 pino labor agencies. There was a standing ad. in one of the papers 
 offering all kinds of Filipino labor. The propaganda carried on there 
 for the avowed purpose of backing up the commission's request gave 
 us the impression that the commission was not really striving for a 
 solution of a probtem but for the accomplishment of a very definite 
 objective, namely, the admission of Chinese coolie labor into the 
 Territory. We felt that to insist that such a program constituted 
 the only solution, or, in fact, constituted any actual solution to the 
 problems of the Territory was the rankest kind of misrepresentation. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. Now, since you have discussed the cablegram generally, 
 let us take it up point by point. You stated that statistics in your 
 possession indicated that there was no actual labor shortage in the 
 Territory. Have you those statistics with you ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. I will state in regard to the statistics in our posses- 
 sion that the commission, I believe, has claimed that 6,000 laborers 
 were required at present to fill the shortage. Mr. Butler stated to 
 us that 5,000 was all that could be absorbed within the next 18 
 months. Mr. Hall stated that 2,000 within the next two months 
 would probably be all they could handle. We figured that Mr. Hall 
 was very near the mark; in fact, a little under our mark. We had 
 assumed that about 3,000 would fill the present shortage. Conse- 
 quently, we felt that the amount of shortage was being overestimated. 
 
 We were positive from inquiries we had made that this shortage of 
 2,000 or 3,000 could easily be filled locally. All the other industries 
 except pineapples were slacking down, and men were being laid off, 
 and we find that there is a large class of casuals or men engaged on 
 occasional jobs, or temporarily employed, who ought to be figured 
 as available for steady work, and it was reported to us that there 
 were 1,000 idle Filipinos and 2,000 idle, or only occasionally employed, 
 laborers of other nationalities who would be available on short 
 
686 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. ( 
 
 notice for any kind of laborer's work, requiring groups or blocks of 
 men. The reports were made to us during the investigation that was 
 carried on through a committee of the central body. . 
 
 Mr. Free. Pardon me just a moment right there, Mr. Wright. 
 You say reports were made. Who was making those reports to you ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Our committee members who had been asked to 
 make these investigations. So far as signed statem^ents are con- 
 cerned, we can not give you any signed statements, because, I will 
 state to this committee, the people do not dare to put their names 
 to anything that might become public for fear it would result in their 
 being discharged or blacklisted. That is an absolute fear that our 
 people are working under. 
 
 Mr. vShaw. Who do you mean by ''our people," Mr. Wright? 
 
 Mr. Wright. I mean the working people, the people who are 
 dependent for their living upon jobs. Whether that theory is 
 justified or not, I am not in a position to say, but it is an absolute 
 fear, a fear of coming out publicly with any statement that might 
 be construed in that wa}^. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. Is there not some way in which you can determine 
 whether or not that theory is justifiable ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. I will say that in our opinion there has been a black- 
 list system eft'ective on the islands. Of course, it is denied absolutely 
 by the plantation interests and the employers of labor. 
 
 Mr. vShaw. And you do not have any positive proof ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. I will tell you, gentlemen, that we tried to get a bill 
 through the last legislature prohibiting blacklisting, and we failed 
 absolutely. They refused to pass that bill. It is perfectly evident 
 that we have no data of any kind that could be submitted to this 
 committee as statistics. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. Then your statement was based upon statistics 
 
 Mr. Wright (interposing). Statistics that had been given to us. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. Statistics described in this testimony by you as having 
 been prepared by yourselves ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. Then you did not secure any information from any 
 other source ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. The committeemen, you understand, made inquiries- 
 of the employment agencies, and also made inquiries of the heads of 
 the different labor organizations, and as a result of the reports that 
 were given to them, they reported to the central body wtat condi- 
 tions they found. You appreciate we were not in any position to 
 carry on a canvass of tiie territory or anytliing of that kind; but I 
 will state again what I stated before, that the thing we wanted, the 
 thing we want now more than anything else, is an absolute showdown 
 on this proposition; an authoritative investigation by some Federal 
 agency wnich will absolutely determine what we can not ourselves 
 determine. That, I believe, is the thing we asked for in the very 
 start. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. Mr. Wright, how many laborers are employed on the 
 sugar plantations and how many were there employed last month? 
 
 Mr. Wright. How many laborers are employed on all the sugar 
 plantations ? 
 
 Mr. Shaw. Yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Whight. I have not the information for last month; no. 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 687 
 
 Mr. vSHAA\^ Would a^ou recall it if you heard the number? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Of all nationalities? 
 
 Mr. Shaw. Yes; all laborers. 
 
 Mr. Wright. I would say that I presume there are about 37,000 
 or 38,000. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. Are there not about 38,600? Is not that about right? 
 
 Mr. Wright. I would not recognize those figures; no. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. Do you know how many there were employed in June, 
 1920, on the sugar plantations ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. In June, 1920 — I think I can give you May, 1920. 
 The only sources of information we have on those points are the pub- 
 lished statistics. All nationalities, 44,285 in June, 43,371 in May, 
 skilled and unskilled, including contractors, according to the gov- 
 ernor's report. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. 1920? 
 
 Mr. W^RiGHT. Yes; 1920. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. What was it in 1919 ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Forty-five thousand three hundred and eleven. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. Do voti think there is a real labor shorta2;e existing; in 
 the islands now ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. No, I do not; that is my personal opinion. I do not 
 think there is. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. That is your personal judgment. 
 
 Mr. Wright. Yes; just my personal opinion. I believe, if any- 
 thing, so far as plantation labor is concerned, there is an over-supply; 
 that is, so far as the ordinary lower level of labor is concerned, 
 because I believe this discharge of aliens from Federal construction 
 work has released enough men, together with those unemployed and 
 casually employed, to fill the plantation vacancies for the present; 
 that is, the present plantation requirements. Now, if it comes to the 
 problem of supphdng this deficiency that has been created in Federal 
 construction work, then that is another problem entirely. That is a 
 problem that should be solved by the taking over of unemployed 
 white citizens from the United States. You understand that; that 
 is where that shortage could be supplied by white labor, and I will 
 state further, we have contended all along, and our efforts have been 
 directed with this point in view, of keeping the Japanese on the plan- 
 tations as far as possible. Our fear, our menace, has been the upward 
 crowding of the Japanese, and we have believed that any means that 
 could be devised to keep the Japanese on the plantation where he was 
 originally brought to do his work, would be the solution of the 
 problem. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. Do you mean to say bringing in other laborers would 
 advance the Japanese and that that would furnish you competition ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Unquestionable it would. The Japanese would ^ 
 yield to the pressure from below of this lower grade of orientals that 
 are brought in underneath them, and absolutely, they would crowd 
 out those at \h.^. top, and we who consider ourselves on the top level 
 would be the ones crowded off" the islands. That is the way we look 
 at it. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. Mr. Wright, you said in your cablegram that men 
 were driven from the plantations by intolerable conditions. 
 
 Mr. Wright. Which I amended by dropping the word ^intoler- 
 able." 
 
 / 
 
•i 
 
 688 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. You amended that in the second cablegram to Mr. Wal- 
 lace, which was read on Friday. Now, I would like to know just why 
 you made such a serious charge, knowing it would be presented to a 
 committee of Congress, and then found reason within a week to 
 retract that charge. 
 
 Mr. Wright. Well, you are harping on the use of the word '^ intol- 
 erable." 
 
 Mr. Shaw. No; I am not harping on anything. I just want to 
 know what the conditions are there. I want to know why you made a 
 statement like that and then had to retract it. 
 
 Mr. Wright. I have confessed to the committee an error of 
 judgment in using the word "intolerable." That is all I can do so 
 far as that is concerned. Omitting that word, the statement would, 
 be that the ''men are driven from the plantations by conditions. 
 Men who are driven from the plantations by the conditions are still 
 available if paid a living wage. " 
 
 Mr. Shaav. Now, what are the conditions under which they have 
 been driven from the plantations 'I 
 
 Mr. Wright. The conditions could be classified in two ways. 
 First, there is the simple question of a living wage. That is included 
 in the conditions under which the men work. And the second is the 
 arbitrary, autocratic way in which they are treated and all their 
 requests for adjustments, wage adjustments, or wage changes are not 
 only denied but are refused consideration. That in itself has created 
 among all the plantation laborers — -I am not speaking of the Japa- 
 nese; I am speaking of all of them^ — a feeling of antagonism and dis- 
 content. The men, as far as I can find, have been, or consider that 
 they have been, illtreated in their efforts to get what they consider 
 adequate living conditions. 
 
 Mr. Free. May I interrupt right there, Mr. Weight? Is it not a 
 fact that they made tremendous salaries during the last year ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. No; they have not been paid any tremendous sala- 
 ries. They have been paid a bonus. 
 
 Mr. Free. I am referring to the bonus. 
 
 Mr. W^RiGHT. Yes; they have been given a bonus. 
 
 Mr. Free. And they made more than you did ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Some of them did, and some of them did not. 
 
 Mr. Free. Have they any complaints in the world on the wages 
 they have been paid in the last year in Hawaii on sugar plantations ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. What is that ? 
 
 Mr. Free. Have they any complaints on the wages that they have 
 been given for the work they have done during the last year ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. You mean up to the time sugar took this drop ? 
 
 Mr. Free. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Wright. I do not think they have any complaint as to the 
 amount. The only complaint they had was to the principle involved. 
 
 Mr. Free. What principle was involved ? If they got good wages 
 and good living quarters, what were they kicking about ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. The principle of a bonus in itself. 
 
 Mr. Free. They did not want the bonus ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. As near as I can understand it, they would have pre- 
 ferred a steady basic wage that would raise them to a permanent 
 higher economic level, rather than to be dependent upon a fluctuat- 
 
LABOR PEOBLEMS IN" HAWAII. 689 
 
 ing schedule of bonuses that was given to them as a gift and could 
 be taken away at any time. That was the idea, I believe. 
 
 Mr. Free. Then they were not fighting on account of the amount 
 of money they were getting or on account of the living quarters, but 
 were fighting because they wanted a higher basic wage instead of 
 getting a larger amount of money throuofh a bonus; is that right? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Are you speaking of conditions previously or condi- 
 tions existing at the present time. I am speaking of present condi- 
 tions. 
 
 Mr. Free. Present conditions have only come on in the last few 
 months. 
 
 Mr. Wright. Under the present conditions, you understand, the 
 bonus has practically been eliminated. 
 
 Mr. Free. But you were speaking of trouble that was created there 
 in the islands and complaints that were made by the workers and 
 that must have been a year ago, because there has not been any late 
 trouble, has there ? In other words, they were kicking while they 
 were getting this big money, were they not ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Last year ? 
 
 Mr. Free. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Wright. Yes; they had been kicking for some time because 
 they did not believe, as I understand it, that the system was a proper 
 system, but I do not know, and of course I am not sufficiently in 
 touch with those people to know just what it was that they demanded. 
 All I know is 
 
 Mr. Free (interposing) . All you know is that despite the fact they 
 were getting bigger wages than the mechanics in the islands and 
 despite the fact they were getting good living quarters, yet they had 
 it in for their employers ; that is the fact, is it not ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Well, I will tell you this 
 
 The Chairman. Suppose we let Mr. Shaw go ahead with his series 
 of questions. 
 
 Mr. Raker. He ought to answer the question first. 
 
 Mr, Wright. I believe what the gentleman was trying to arrive at 
 was in regard to the strike of last year. It is not a question of 
 whether or not they were justified; that is another matter; but the 
 fact remains that they were defeated in that strike and were beaten 
 down and crushed, and as a result of that these feelings were engen- 
 dered, which result in the present shortage of labor and in the present 
 lowering of efficiency. 
 
 The Chairman. A little later. Judge Raker and myself and some 
 others want to take up the matter of that strike at some length, but 
 for the present we will let Mr. Shaw continue. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. Mr. Wright, in connection with the question that Mr. 
 Free asked, when you said that enough laborers can be procured if 
 paid a living wage, what, in your opinion, is a living wage for planta- 
 tion workers, and do you still believe that such laborers are not paid 
 a living wage. 
 
 Mr. Wright. That is a rather involved question. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. You made the statement, did you not, that if the labor- 
 ers on the sugar plantations were paid a living wage there would be 
 a sufficient number of laborers in the islands ? 
 
 56754— 21— SER 7, pt 2 10 
 
690 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 Mr. Wright. I .think I stated ^hat they would be drawn back to 
 the plantations; that laborers wrT^ be turned back to the planta- 
 tions if paid a living wage. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Wright. It all comes down, of course, to the basis of a living 
 wage. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. Now, what do you consider a living wage ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. At present ? 
 
 Mr. Shaw. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Wright. In the neighborhood of $2.50 or $3 a day, I would 
 say; that is, for orientals, those at the lowest subsistence level, which 
 would not, of course, be according to American standards. 
 
 Mr, Shaw. What would it be according to American standards ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. According to American standards, a living wage 
 would amount to something in the neighborhood of $8 or $9 a day; 
 that is, for a person in a skilled mechanical trade. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. In a skilled mechanical trade ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. Would you advocate the planters paying that price for 
 their laborers, for these unskilled laborers on the plantations ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. For unskilled laborers I could not recommend that, no. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. Just what do you recommend ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. It seems to me that the problem of the adjustment 
 of wages ought to be based upon an investigation which would in- 
 volve the cost of living at the level and under the standards of the 
 class for which the adjustment is made. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. And that has not been gone into, and you are not pre- 
 pared to say now ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. No ; that is one of the things we ask. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. Mr. Wright, I am informed that there are about 50 of 
 these large sugar plantations down there. On how many of these 
 plantations have you ever made a personal investigation as to hous- 
 ing, sanitary conditions, and general living conditions ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. A personal investigation myself ? 
 
 Mr. Shaw. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Wright. Oh, I will state that I have only been on four different 
 plantations — three recently, and one a couple or three years ago. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. Have you inspected those thoroughly enough to say 
 you are familiar with the conditions on those plantations ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Not absolutely. This inspection was at the time 
 when Mr. Butler and Mr. Hall took our committee around on the 
 plantation to show us, and, as I stated before, I believe there were 
 certain things we asked to see which we did not have time to see ; but 
 so far as our observation went and things our attention was called to, 
 we do not have any particular kick against the sanitary systems at 
 present installed or against the living quarters. Of course, there are I 
 field camps that are not up to date, but the efforts of the plantations 
 have been, I will state frankly, in the past, in the past year or year 
 and a half, to improve the conditions wherever possible. There was 
 quite a bit of trouble at the time of the ''flu" epidemic and there 
 was considerable criticism at that time in regard to the handling 
 of the cases. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. Mr. Wright, did not that same criticism prevail through- 
 out the United States pretty generally at that time ? 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAW AIL 691 
 
 Mr. Wright. It may have; in fact, there are conditions here in the 
 United States that are worse than the conditions on the Hawaiian 
 sugar pLantations so far as housing and sanitary conditions are 
 concerned. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. That condition that you spoke of applied in my own 
 home, and I had a pretty good home at that time; that is, at the 
 time of the '^flu" epidemic. That is not quite an analogous case, 
 is it ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Oh, no. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. Now, Mr. Wright, I have understood that the earnings 
 of the laborers on the islands in 1920 were pretty high, and that the 
 Japanese alone were able to send $17,000,000 home to Japan; do you 
 know anything about that ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. I do not know anything about how much they sent 
 home. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. That would represent prosperity among the laborers if 
 that is true, would it not ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. They sent that much money out of the country? 
 
 Mr. Shaw. Yes; to Japan. 
 
 Mr. Wright. $17,000,000? 
 
 Mr. Shaw. That is what I understand. 
 
 Mr. Wright. And found no opportunity for investing it in our 
 country ? 
 
 Mr. Shaw. It is not the principle of the Jap, is it, to invest in our 
 country ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. No. That is what we wish to bring out, that it is not 
 the policy of the Japanese to invest. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. Do you know how much they sent home in that year ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. No; I do not know personally. You have given me 
 the figures, $17,000,000. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. It is hearsay on my part, because I have not looked it 
 up. Is it not true also that the Filipino laborers sent substantial 
 amounts of surplus earnings back to their country, and is it not true 
 that the director of the Philippine Bureau of Labor reported that the 
 conditions in Hawaii were so favorable that special and added induce- 
 ments had to be offered Filipinos in their own country in order to 
 keep them from going to Hawaii ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. I believe that is the substance of that Varona 
 report to which I made reference in the telegram. The conditions of 
 the Filipinos at the time of the strike, and immediately after, were 
 not very desirable, it is generally understood, and the Filipino 
 Government sent Mr. Varona as a labor commissioner to investigate 
 conditions. Mr. Varona made a tour of the plantations under the 
 auspices of the Hawaiian Sugar Planters' Association, and inspected 
 all the plantations, and made a complete report, which I believe so 
 far has been confidential and not accessible; but he recommended 
 certain things in addresses to the Hawaiian Sugar Planters' Asso- 
 ciation, and I believe that his recommendations have been put into 
 effect. Then he came on to the United States and on his return 
 stopped in Honolulu and there was a banquet there of the Hawaiian 
 sugar planters and Mr. Varona and the officials of the Filipino 
 laborers' organization. It was in the nature of a sort of love feast, 
 you might say, and everything had been fixed up, and as a result of 
 
692 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 that, Mr. Varona before his departure gave out an interview to the 
 paper, which is referred to in that letter, in which he said: 
 
 Mr. Varoua believes that one result of his labors in Hawaii mil be an influx of 
 Filipino labor into the islands. AVhen the results of his mission are published in the 
 Philippines, he asserts, the misgivings of the Filipinos as to the treatment that they 
 can expect here will be dissipated and they will tiock to Hawaii in increasing number^. 
 
 (The text of the article referred to is as follows:) 
 
 Varona Promises Loyalty on Part of Filipinos in Hawaii. 
 
 "I can assure the planters that there will be no more trouble from the Filipinos in 
 Hawaii, ' ' said Francisco Varona, special labor commissioner of the Philippine Govern- 
 ment,_ at an aloha dinner to him, given by the Filipino community at the Young Hotel 
 last night. 
 
 " I do not consider this dinner as an honor paid to me alone but to the entire Filipino 
 community, " said Senor Varona. ''It is the first time that the Filipinos and Ameri- 
 cans here have ever gotten together. The Filipinos are playing their part in the 
 cosmopolitan orchestra of Hawaii and we want to play without discord. We are a 
 peace-loving people, and we want to be better understood. We have been so often 
 mistreated in the past that we have mistrusted everybody." 
 
 Senor Varona has been in Hawaii since last October, with the exception of two 
 months on the coast studying conditions among the people of his race there. He will 
 leave by the Wolverine State for Manila to make his report to the insular government. 
 
 Rev. B. T. McKapagal acted as toastmaster at the dinner. Approximately 200 
 guests were present. 
 
 Gov. Charles J. McCarthy said that when Senor Varona arrived in Honolulu the 
 governor told him that he would be given every opportunity to investigate conditions 
 in the Territory. 
 
 "He has investigated, ' ' said the governor, "and has told us plainly what he thought 
 should be done and it is being done. I consider Hawaii a great agricultural uni- 
 versity for the Filipinos and I believe that those Filipinos who have taken a course of 
 study in this univeristy are grateful for what it has taught them. ' ' 
 
 J. M. Dowsett, speaking for the H. S. P. A., said that the planters would like to 
 welcome Senor Varona back to Hawaii as the permanent resident commissioner from 
 the Philippines. Mr. Dowsett said that he was sure Senor Varona 's report to his 
 government would be absolutely fair and impartial. 
 
 Other speakers were Pablo Manlapit, for the Filipino laborers; Miss Soledad Abary, 
 of the Filipino nurses in Hawaii; and Sam }3. Trissel, of the Advertiser. 
 
 [Star-Bulletin, Hawaii, Wednesday, June 22, 1921. J 
 Varona Will Praise Policy of Sugar Men. 
 
 PHILIPPINES commissioner DECLARES NEW UNDERSTANDING PROMOTES GOOD WILL — ■ 
 THINKS FAVORABLE REPORT MAY INDUCE LARGE NUMBERS TO COME HERE TO WORK. 
 
 An area of better understanding has been reached in the industrial relations between 
 the Philippine Islands and employers of Hawaii and the mainland, in the view of 
 Francisco Varona, Philippine labor commissioner, who departed for Manila on the 
 Wolverine State last night after devoting several months to an investigation of condi- 
 tions in Hawaii and the coast States. 
 
 Mr. Varona asserted on the eve of his departure that he is returning home with the 
 conviction that his visit has paved the way for the elimination of all misunderstandings 
 which have led to industrial strife in the past. 
 
 "We understand you better and you understand us better," said Mr. Varona. In 
 a phrase, that is the secret of the present situation. In the past only a mutual failure 
 to reich this happv condition has prevented complete cooperation and accord. 
 
 "The Filipino has it in him to be a moral and an industrial asset to any community 
 in which he happens to be living. Hawaii is no exception to this rule. There has 
 been a tendency in the past to forget that the present generation of Filipinos who 
 have left their own country to seek a foothold elsewhere are barely getting a start. 
 Better result: <^%n be accomplished by trying to help them up instead of keeping them 
 down. I am glad to say that as the result of the missionary work along this line that 
 has been done on the mainland and in Hawaii, this fact is coming to be generally 
 recognized. 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 693 
 
 "can depend on planters. 
 
 ''We feel that we can depend absolutely upon the sugar planters and other employers 
 of Hawaii to take a broad and generous view of the Filipino labor problem from now 
 on. Employers here have shown me every courtesy and consideration and have put 
 themselves to great pains to assist me in carrying out my mission. They met me, 
 perhaps, a little more than half way, and strengthened the conviction which I had 
 entertained from the first, that beneath the surface of all apparent disagreements and 
 misunderstandings was a mutual ignorance of motives and purposes." 
 
 Mr. Varona believes that one result of his labors in Hawaii Vill be an influx of 
 Filipino labor to the islands. AMien the results of his mission are published in the 
 Philippines, he asserted, the misgivings of the Filipinos as to the treatment which 
 they can expect here will be dissipated and they will flock to Hawaii in increasing 
 numbers. 
 
 Mr. Wright. I want to call attention to the fact that that implies 
 the previous discontent, previous misunderstanding, and previous 
 prejudice that existed and that will exist until the time when Yarona 
 shall return to the Philippine Islands and make his report. That will 
 set their minds at rest. When that is done there is no question but 
 what they will be anxious and glad to come to Hawaii. That in itself 
 is an added argument on this point that there is no necessity for 
 Chinese coolies if they can get all the Filipinos they want. If there 
 should prove to be a shortage of labor in the Territory — which we do 
 not believe, but if there should prove to be a shortage, upon a Federal 
 investi^^ation, then there is that source of labor in the Philippines, 
 which is always accessible, and which is under the American flag in a 
 certain sense, and they are not considered aliens, like the other 
 Asiatic races. 
 
 Mr. SiiAW. Does Mr. Gompers wish to submit something ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Mr. Gompers asked me whether Mr. Yarona had a 
 conference with representatives of labor in Hawaii, or representatives 
 of white labor, and I said that I was invited to meet Mr. Yarona at 
 this banquet. I was invited by a representative of the Filipino labor 
 organization, but I had a very important meeting on at that time 
 and I was unable to attend. Therefore, I did not have the pleasure 
 of meeting Mr. Yarona. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. Mr. Wright, you appear here as the representative of 
 organized labor in Hawaii, do you not ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. I represent the organizations affiliated with the 
 American Federation of Labor. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. Did I understand you correctly on Friday to say that 
 you did not know just how many men you represent, but that you 
 thought it was about 1,200? 
 
 Mr. Wright. In the neighborhood of 1,200. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. How many of those 1,200 men would j^ou^say are in 
 good standing with all their dues paid ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. That is a question I can not answer. In the first 
 place, I do not know; and if I did know, I do not know that I would 
 feel at liberty to say. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. How many of that number are Japanese? 
 
 Mr. Wright. None of them are Japanese. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. None of them are Japanese? 
 
 Mr. Wright. No, sir: not to my knowledge. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. How many members of the American Federation of 
 Labor in Hawaii are employed by the Federal Government ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. There are something like 200 members of the Federal 
 employees' organization, and then we have in the machinists' organi- 
 
694 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII, 
 
 zation, I should say, in the neighborhood of 75. That is just a rough 
 guess. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. In round numbers, 275 ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. Whatever that number is, are the Federal employees 
 dependent upon the prosperity of the Territory for their own liveli- 
 hood, or would they still have jobs even if all the rest of the Territory 
 were just an arid desert ? In other words, if the sugar and pineapple 
 business were not in existence, those people who are in the employ of 
 the Federal Government are the only ones who would have jobs, are 
 they not ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. I could not even say that they would have jobs, or 
 all of those connected with Government work. Of course, you 
 understand that a lot of the Federal employees are not organized— 
 that is, they are not affiliated. The post office employees, or the 
 volume of the post office business, would naturally depend upon the 
 prosperity of the community. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. I understood you to say that they were organized but 
 not affiliated. 
 
 Mr. Wright. Yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. Are there any unions in Hawaii, outside of the Japanese 
 and Filipinos, that are not affiliated with the American Federation 
 of Labor; and, if so, what are they? You have answered a part of 
 that question. 
 
 Mr. Wright. Do you mean not affiliated with the American Feder-j 
 ation of Labor 'I 
 
 Mr. Shaw. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Wright. There are none. The post office employees are] 
 affiliated with the American Federation of Labor. Now, do nol 
 misunderstand that point 
 
 Mr. Free. I did not get your last answer. 
 
 Mr. W^RiGHT. When I mention the post office employees, I do not^ 
 want to give the impression that they are not connected with the 
 American Federation of Labor, because I believe they are, but they 
 are not affiliated yet with our central body. 
 
 Mr. Free. Will you explain that situation for me? I thought 
 that the American Federation of Labor was the central body. What 
 is the difference ? There is a State central body, is there not ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. The central labor union of any locality is a voluntary 
 grouping together of the organizations that are qualified to be affiliated 
 together in this way by being directly or indirectly connected with the 
 American Federation of Labor. Some of them are connected directly 
 through direct membership, and some of them are connected through 
 international or trade unions. For instance, the machinists organiza- 
 tion, to which I belong, is a local branch of the international organiza- 
 tion of machinists, which is affiliated internationally with the Ameri- 
 can Federation of Labor. Now, these local organizations group 
 themselves together, and each union elects delegates to what we call 
 the central body, or the central labor union. It is all local. 
 
 Mr. Free. Is not the American Federation of Labor a body over 
 
 them all? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Yes, sir; that is the headquarters with which all of 
 those central bodies are affiliated, or those local central labor unions. 
 We have them in all the big cities. We have them here in the States, 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 695 
 
 and they also have another grouping together of local central labor 
 bodies forming State federations. It is a system of subdivisions within 
 the organization. 
 
 Mr. GoMPERS. The American Federation of Labor is based upon the 
 form of government of the United States of America — that is, the 
 international units and the national trade units are grouped as Mr. 
 Wright has stated. For instance, the machinists have their local 
 unions or local lodges, as they call them, in all parts of the American 
 jurisdiction. It is a form of the international union, because Canada 
 is a part of the labor union. There are local unions of each of these 
 national organizations of trade, such as bricklayers, carpenters, elec- 
 tricians, street railway men, etc. These locals form in each city and 
 town where there is a sufficient number of local union men, and they 
 form central labor unions to deal with the industrial, commercial, and 
 political conditions in the localities. I want to say that there are 
 about 1,060 of those local central labor unions in America, and in the 
 States they form State federations, consisting of delegates from all of 
 those local organizations within the State, and they deal with the 
 economic, industrial, political, and legislative subjects within the 
 jurisdiction of the State. The international unions, or the national 
 trade-unions form the American Federation of Labor, and, as its 
 name implies, it is a federation of all of those organizations or trade- 
 unions and central bodies and State federations. In Porto Rico we 
 have an insular federation of labor, with local unions and a central 
 body. 
 
 Mr. Free. Do the delegates to your American Federation of Labor 
 come from the State organizations or directly from the local unions ? 
 
 Mr. GoMPERS. In order that you may have the entire picture, let 
 me explain the situation to you. The American Federation of Labor, 
 realizing that there was only one way in which a body of that char- 
 acter and size could legislate; that is, either by a democratic form or 
 by an autocratic form, adopted that plan. It was for that reason 
 that we established a system such as this. The national and inter- 
 national trade unions elect at their national trade union conven- 
 tions the quota of delegates to which each organization is entitled to 
 ;send to the convention of the Federation, or when they do not elect 
 those delegates at their respective conventions, as they do usually or 
 as a general rule, they elect them by a referendum vote. For in- 
 stance, there was recently an election in the organization in which I 
 hold my primary membership, and throughout the jurisdiction of 
 that organization, including Porto Rico, Canada, and the United 
 States an election was held. It required a second election to deter- 
 mine the matter. I was the only delegate who was elected by the 
 referendum on the first ballot out of a total number of 20 aspirants. 
 There was a second ballot, and there v/ere three more to be elected. 
 The aspirants or nominees were those who received the six highest 
 number of votes. Those names were submitted for a second ballot, 
 and it is arranged in that way so that it will not take more than a 
 second ballot to determine an election. Those three additional 
 •delegates were elected. 
 
 The president of the organization was a delegate by virtue of his 
 office, and four other delegates were to be elected. They were 
 elected in the way I have stated. This goes on all through the year, 
 and sometimes simultaneously, for the purpose of having this a 
 
696 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 legislat/ive body rather than one that can be dominated by auto 
 cratic action or by dividing into groups of two, one in support of the 
 administration and one against the administration. If we had 
 delegates innumerable, we would have a convention probably as 
 large as either of the great national parties, the Republican and 
 Democratic. It could not be a legislative body. Therefore, we 
 devised this plan, providing that any national union with below' 
 4,000 members was entitled to one delegate; from 4,000 to 8,000 
 members, to two delegates; from 8,000 to 16,000 members, four 
 delegates; from 16,000 to 32,000 members, five delegates; from 32,000 
 to 64,000 members, six delegates; from 132,000 to 264,000 members, 
 seven delegates, and so on in geometrical order, but retaining thisi 
 democratic principle that the delegates from those organizations ar© 
 entitled to cast one vote only for every 100 members they represent.- 
 Therefore, we have a comparatively small number of delegates in 
 the convention, so as to make it a workable legislative body, wher 
 discussion may be had upon any question. I might say that at th 
 last convention, and at the convention before that, there was not on^ 
 delegate who was limited in the time that he desired to discuss an;y 
 subject before the convention. 
 
 Have I answered your question ? 
 
 Mr. Free. Yes. 
 
 Mr. GoMPERS. Now, the State federations and the city centra 
 bodies are entitled to send one delegate and each delegate is entitlec 
 to one vote. That is provided for the reason that those memben 
 of the central bodies and the members in the State federation are 
 already represented by delegates of their national or international 
 unions, and they cast the vote of those men. The right of repre- 
 sentation or the right to cast one vote is such that there is no dupli 
 cation in the representation, or in the voting powers of these men 
 and women in organized labor unions; so that they may participate 
 in the convention and have a marked influence upon the deliberation 
 and decisions of the convention, by the fact that they are there anc 
 have all the rights and privileges of any delegate from any national 
 or international union. I think I might safely say that their influence 
 in the conventions of the American Federation of Labor in determin- 
 ing policies is very marked and that they may know as well as convey 
 or that they may receive as well as convey, information from the 
 point of view of delegates representing the labor movement of the 
 entire continent. 
 
 Mr. Free. I thank you for your explanation. 
 
 Mr. GoMPERS. The American Federation of Labor has nothing to 
 hide. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. I think a good deal of this discussion was had because 
 of a misunderstanding of conditions, and it is m}^ purpose to try t 
 work this thing out. 
 
 Now, Mr. Wright, you stated in your cablegram, and repeated on 
 Friday, that no labor organization has indorsed this resolution. 
 How did you know that no labor organization had indorsed it ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Well, possibly the trend of that was misunderstood. 
 What v/e consider labor organizations are bona fide labor organiza 
 tions, and among ourselves or in communicating with each other, as 
 I do with Mr. Wallace, it would be perfectly understood by him that 
 I meant an}- labor organization within our ranks. Whether or not 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 697 
 
 Japanese have indorsed it or whether Fihpinos have indorsed it, I 
 do not know. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. Now, is it not a fact that your statement was incorrect, 
 and that thi^ee labor organizations actually had indorsed it before 
 the date of your first cablegram ? 
 
 Mr. Weight. I do not think so. I believe there was a subsequent 
 reference by Mr. Dillingham before the committee to the fact that the 
 teamsters had indorsed it. Mr. Dillingham's assertion of that fact 
 was reported in the Honolulu papers. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. If you did not know positively, wh}' did you make that 
 statement ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. I brought that point up prior to the sending of the 
 message and inquired of the delegate to the Central Labor Union 
 present from the teamster's labor union as to whether or not that 
 union had uidorsed it, and he said that they had not, and that they 
 had gone on record as opposed to it. Subsequently, however, after 
 the propaganda began to be pretty intense at that end for indorse- 
 ment, I was advised, and I think it was at the next meeting after- 
 wards, that some arrangements had been made by which a special 
 meeting of the teamsters had been called and an indorsement secured* 
 Now, just how that was worked I do not know, but to my mind it 
 shows economic pressure, because I know that the teamsters are 
 naturally opposed to it. 
 
 Mr. Free. Was this resolution made under the seal of the team- 
 sters' union, and did it go through the matter regularly ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. I do not know. I have not seen the indorsement. 
 Mr. Dillingham, says that it has been presented to the committee. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. It appears that on May 29 the president of the team- 
 ster's union, Mr. M. T. Robello, sent the following cablegram: 
 
 At a meeting of the directors of the teamsters' union it was agreed to indorse the 
 proposal to amend the immigration la.ws to allow Chinese to come to Hawaii as agri-^ 
 culturists to relieve the labor shortage. 
 
 Mr. Wright. At a meeting of the directors ? 
 
 Mr. Shaw. Yes. That does not, however, appear as the original 
 indorsement of the organization itself, but that was written for them. 
 
 Mr. Wright. All I loiow is the statement which was made to us- 
 by their delegate in Honolulu. 
 
 Mr. GoMPERs. The teamsters have no board of directors. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. I do not know whose testimony it was. 
 
 Mr. Wright. I did not know that they had any directors. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. This appears in Mr. Dillingham's testimony. 
 
 Mr. Wright. Possibly it is the personal opinion of Mr. Robello. 
 I do not know. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. Now, Mr. Wright, the indorsements of three labor 
 organizations have been presented to this committee. The steve- 
 dores' union, the teamsters' union, and the Marine Engineers' Bene- 
 ficial Association, all appear to have indorsed this proposition. 
 How many members have those unions ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Are all those organizations in Honolulu ? 
 
 Mr. Shaw. That is my impression. 
 
 Mr. Raker. In order that there might not be any misimder- 
 standing, I call your attention to the matter appearing on page 326 
 of the record. There is printed there a telegram from the stevedores, 
 but it does not indorse this resolution. 
 
698 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. This telegram reads: 
 
 At a meeting of the members of the Hawaiian Stevedores' Association a motion wa£ 
 unanimously passed favoring immigration. The members also voted that you repre- 
 sent them at such hearings as may be held. 
 
 That is signed ^^McGuire, president." 
 
 Mr. GoMPERS. The stevedores' association is an employers' associa- 
 tion. 
 
 Mr. Wright. The stevedores' association is not a union at all, hut 
 it is a sort of beneficial organization of employees of the companies 
 This association is run by some clerks of the company, and it is what 
 they call a company organization. It is a paternal organization, anc 
 the Hawaiian name for it is Hui Poola. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. What is the nationality of the members of those thre( 
 unions or organizations ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. The nationality of the Hui Poola is pretty nearly al 
 Hawaiian, I believe. So far as the teamsters' union is concerned^ 
 I believe they are mostly Portuguese. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. What about the others, the marine engineers? 
 
 Mr. Wright. I do not know. That is an organization that has no 
 substantial existence in Honolulu, except that it has a headquarters 
 and a charter there. They are constantly coming and going, anc 
 the membership is constantly changing. I will state that they ar( 
 not affiliated with the local central labor union. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. What is the membership ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. I do not know. I doubt, however, if there are 2C 
 members of the organization in Hawaii. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. My impression was that there were 80 or 90. Are th( 
 members of those three unions employed by the Federal Government 
 or are they altogether dependent upon the prosperity of the Territory 
 for their own living? 
 
 Mr. Wright. I should say that neither the teamsters nor the steve- 
 dores are employed by the Federal Government. However, there an 
 a number of marine engineers who are employed at Pearl Harbor 
 I would not make any statement as to the number, but so far as theii 
 depending upon the prosperity of the Territory is concerned, yes, sir 
 we feel that we all depend upon the prosperity of the Territory foi 
 our living — the stevedores and teamsters as well as the rest of us. 
 
 Mr. Spiaw. What is the principal industry of the islands ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. The raising of sugar. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. Are any of these three unions affiliated with the 
 American Federation of Labor? You may have stated that, but I 
 did not get it. 
 
 Mr. Wright. The teamsters' union is and the marine engineers are 
 I believe. Are they, Mr. Gompers ? 
 
 Mr. Gompers. Nationally, yes. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. Was it really true, as you stated in your first cablegrain, 
 that the central labor and affiliated unions all vigorously protest this 
 scheme as a direct blow at the Americanization program ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Absolutely true, so far as my knowledge is concerned. 
 If Mr. Kobelio, of the teamsters' union, had sent any personal informa- 
 tion to Mr. Dillingham that had not been reported to us, I do not con- 
 sider that that was our fault at all. We were speaking absolutely 
 from what we believed to be our personal knowledge. 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 699 
 
 Mr. Shaw. Drdes the indorsement of the marine engineers' union 
 change your answer any ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Not at all, no, sir; because that is not affiliated with 
 our local body and we were not in touch with them. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. You stated in your telegram and repeated it on Friday, 
 that the present condition of the sugar industry is due, among other 
 things, to excessive capitalization and gross mismanagement. Now, 
 I would like to know what you know about this subject. What is the 
 total capital stock of the sugar industry in Hawaii ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. I do not know. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. Is it not $85,105,000? 
 
 Mr. Wright. If you are inquiring for statistics upon that point and 
 are in possession oi' the figures, I would suggest that you submit the 
 statement. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. I have some figures and want to verify them. Do you 
 know what is the assessed value of those sugar plantations for tax 
 purposes ? My figures are $117,535,200. Is that valuation greater or 
 less than the capital stock valuation ? Is the assessed tax valuation 
 greater or less than the capital stock valuation ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. I do not know, because I do not know how your 
 figures are arrived at. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. It is not a question of my figures, but I am asking you 
 whether the assessed tax valuation is greater than the capital stock 
 valuation. 
 
 Mr. Wright. I do not know. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. You are not prepared to answer. 
 
 Mr. Wright. No, sir. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. Now, if the Government assessed those plantations at 
 $117,000,000 and the planters admit that value for tax purposes, do 
 you not think that is a pretty fair estimate of what the plantations 
 are worth; and do you not think that the plantations are not over- 
 capitalized when you know that the capital stock valuation is only 
 $85,000,000 'I 
 
 Mr. Wright. I can not answer that, because I do not know. 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. Mr. Wright has made the definite statement that 
 those plantations were overcapitalized, and I want to know upon what 
 he bases that statement. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. That is what I am trying to get at. 
 
 Mr. W^RiGHT. I based that statement and ail other statements upon 
 reports that were made to our central labor organization. As I said 
 the other day in the discussion of this question, the message was 
 never intended to do anything else than to embody the belief and 
 sentimants of the labor bodies. 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. But you made the statement that they were 
 overcapitalized, and that is not stated as a matter of opinion, but as 
 a matter of fact. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. The figures I have presented were submitted by the 
 governor of the Territory. 
 
 Mr. Wright. In the meeting, when this matter came up, the ques- 
 tion of the value of the plantations was discussed at some length 
 by old-timers there who were in a position to know much more than 
 I did, and it was in conformity to their opinion and not to mine at 
 all that this statement was made. If the figures were reported 
 correctly to us, the development of the plantations has been a series 
 
700 LABOK PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 and succession of stock dividends and stock watering processes, or 
 that is the way it appeared to us, in which the capital has increased 
 from the original figure, which was something like $800,000 in the 
 case of Ewa plantation, I believe, up to its present valuation of 
 several million dollars. 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. If the figures submitted by the governor show, 
 based on taxation figures and other responsible data, that the 
 plantations are worth a great deal more than the capitalized value 
 of them, would you accept that statement or would you prefer to 
 accept the statement of the men that you discussed this matter 
 with before you sent your wire 1 
 
 Mr. Wright. Well, as I stated, it is not quite clear to me upon 
 what those figures were based, whether that valuation figure is- 
 based upon total tax receipts, figured on income, or whether it is. 
 what you call a physical valuation of the property. 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. That is very plain. The territorial property 
 tax is assessed by the tax assessor on the value of the real and 
 personal property of the plantations. 
 
 Mr. GoMPERS. Since this discussion has gotten into this channel, 
 w^ould it not be well to ascertain the actual money invested in these 
 properties ? 
 
 Mr. Raker. We will determine that later, that is, whether we can 
 go into that. There have been statistics showing the value, and the 
 witness says that was their discussion and he does not have informa- 
 tion upon which to base an answer. 
 
 Mr. Mead. But he makes the direct statement that there has been 
 an overcapitalization of the Hawaiian sugar plantations. 
 
 Mr. GoMPERS. We would have to determine as to the amount of 
 money invested in the property. 
 
 Mr. Wright. That is the only way it could be actually determined. 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. I do not agree with you at all. 
 
 Mr. Free. Then, do I understand that the cablegram you sent was. 
 based upon questions of hearsay among yourselves and not after 
 mature deliberation and consideration of the facts? Is that true? 
 In other words, you had not given this any serious consideration ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. I think we had given it very serious consideration. 
 
 Mr. Free. Are you able to give us any figures? We want facts. 
 We do not care for what somebody thinks; we want facts. From 
 what you said the other day you apparently got together and made 
 some surmises and some guesses. I do not want to waste my time 
 on this kind of stuff, I want some facts. I want to base my judgment 
 on facts and not on surmises. A few of you got together and made 
 some guesses and surmises and then shot this cablegram through as 
 evidence. That is about what happened, is it not ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. There may have been a few points like the point that 
 had just been brought up, and it was impossible for us to secure the 
 actual data upon which to base an assumption. 
 
 Mr. Free. Even now^ you do not know whether there is a labor 
 shortage in the islands, do you ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Whether or not there is a labor shortage in the 
 islands ? 
 
 Mr. Free. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Wright. According to our statistics 
 
 Mr. Free (interposing). Your guesses. 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 701 
 
 Mr. Wright. No; statistics. 
 
 Mr. Free. Statistics of whom? 
 
 Mr. Wright. According to the statistics that had been gathered 
 and presented to our central body by our committee. 
 
 Mr. Free. Can we have those statistics ? They are what we want. 
 Have you them here ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. I have given them in the course of the testimony, 
 I will tabulate them if it is desired. 
 
 (Tabulated statement submitted for record :) 
 
 Labor statistics compiled from data collected by the Honolulu Central Labor Union from 
 individual investigators, official survey by labor organizations, and from authentic 
 documents to which reference is made. 
 
 
 May, 1920. 
 
 May, 1921. 
 
 Decrease. 
 
 Total Japanese laborers on plantations, skilled and unskilled, 
 planters and contractors, male and iemale 
 
 1 19, 396 
 1 12, 976 
 
 2 18, 950 
 3 11, 000 
 
 446 
 
 Total FiUpino laborers on plantations, skilled and unskilled, planters 
 and contractors 
 
 1,976 
 
 
 
 Japanese left plantations since December, 1919 
 
 4 5, 650 
 4 1, 130 
 
 
 
 Japanese left territory since December, 1919 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Balance remaining, who have left plantations since December, 
 1919, but are still in Territory. . . . 
 
 4 4, 520 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Filipinos on plantations in June. 1919. 
 
 » 10, 354 
 6 11,000 
 
 
 
 Tilipinos on plantations in May, 1921 ... 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Increa'^e, approximate only 
 
 646 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 From the report of the governor of Hawaii to the vSecretary of the Interior, 1920. 
 
 2 From the report of the secretary of the Hawaii Laborers' Association, 1921. 
 
 3 From report of Filipino Laborers' Union, verbally and by memorandum of Pablo Manlapit. Approxi- 
 mate. 
 
 < From Hawaii Laborers' Association. 
 * From Thrum's Annual. 
 6 From Manlapit, as above. 
 
 Present shortage on plantations as to unskilled oriental labor (approximate) 3, 000 
 
 Mr. Hall's statement at conference 2, 000 
 
 Mr. Dillingham's estimate 6, 000 
 
 Unemployed Filipinos 1, <X)0 
 
 Japanese who have left the plantations since 1919 but still in Territory 4, 520 
 
 Unemployed and casual other nationalities , 2, 000 
 
 Recruited as strikebreakers, 1920 6, 000 
 
 Released from Federal jobs bj^ provision of rehabilitation bill, noncitizens 5, 000 
 
 Mr, Free. I have been here every minute you have been talking, 
 and you have not given figures yet as to the shortage of labor. 
 
 Mr. Wright. They are figures— — - 
 
 Mr. Free (interposing). The other day you mentioned guesses, 
 but no figures. 
 
 Mr. Wright. What are statistics ? 
 
 Mr. Free. Facts that are gathered. 
 
 Mr. Wright. Gathered how ? 
 
 Mr. Free. Why, by survey. 
 
 Mr. Wright. By a survey ? That is what we want. 
 
 Mr. Free. That is what I want. I want facts; I do not care for 
 guesses. 
 
 Mr. GoMPERS. That cablegram was not shot in here before this 
 committee by Mr. Wright. 
 
 Mr. Wright. I will state for your information that that message 
 was sent to Mr. Wallace and not to this committee. 
 
 Mr. Free. But Mr. Wallace introduced it as a part of the opposi- 
 tion to this bill. As I understand it, your estimate of the labor 
 
702 LABOR PROBLEMS IX HAWAII. 
 
 shortage there is a guess; your estimate of the assessed valuation or 
 the capitaUzation of the plantations is a guess, and I think we are 
 wasting a lot of time; let us get some facts. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Mr. Shaw is asking the witness what he knows per- 
 sonally which, I think, is very proper, and the witness is trying to 
 explain. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. You say you have been in Hawaii for about four years, 
 and you think you have learned a little bit about the management 
 of sugar plantations. In what way do you consider these plantations 
 grossly mismanaged ^ 
 
 Mr. Wright. You mean personally — -my own personal opinion as 
 to the way in which the plantations are mismanaged ? 
 
 Mr. Shaw. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Wright. Well, I think the entire efforts of the sugar planters 
 for securing the class of labor they are trying to secure is in one 
 sense an indication of mismanagement; I believe the planters are 
 mismanaging in the direct conduct of their field operations in that 
 they are not using the best class of workmen in positions where they 
 might develop and improve labor-saving machinery; I believe they 
 are mismanaging in that they are not economizing in cultivation by 
 a more extensive use of the paper-mulching system; I believe they 
 mismanaged very seriously at the time of the plantation strike last 
 year, when they insisted on assuming an attitude which absolutely 
 antagonized their employees, and when they refused to consider the 
 offers of compromise and adjustment developed through the efforts 
 of Mr. Palmer, of the Central Union Church, and a group of repre- 
 sentative citizens. I believe that if that attitude had been changed 
 at that time the planters would not now be in the condition they find 
 themselves; that is, in their relations with their employees. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. You have stated what you believe and what you 
 actually know from your own personal knowledge ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. I know that these things occurred, certainly. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. You know they occurred, but you do not know what 
 effect they may have had or may not have had on the management 
 of the plantations ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. On the management of the plantations? 
 
 Mr. Shaw. Yes. 
 
 Mr. W^RiGHT. Certainly, I know the attitude of the managers of the 
 plantations and the management of the plantation industry. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. And you present these facts as showing that the plan- 
 tations are grossly mismanaged ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. I think that it is one of the fundamental evidences 
 of mismanagement on the part of any industry when it finds itself 
 confronted with a growing and spreading dissatisfaction or discontent 
 among its workers and takes no means to change that condition, 
 refuses offers of compromise and conciliation, and absolutely main- 
 tains an autocratic and feudalistic attitude. It is not a modern 
 attitude, not a modern industrial attitude. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. Do you mean it is not modern in reality or it is not 
 modern in theory ? 
 
 Mr. W^RiGHT. It is not modern in theory. Of course, in reality it 
 is taking place. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. Now, Mr. Wright, as bearing on that point, do you not 
 know that sugar producers all over the world think the Hawaiian 
 sugar industry is one of the best in the world ? 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 703 
 
 Mr. Wright. One of the best from what point of view? 
 
 Mr. Shaw. One of the most elficiently managed. 
 
 Mr. Wright. In certain lines, yes; in the line of extraction espe- 
 cially, but so far as the field work is concerned, I still maintain that 
 the plantations in Hawaii are not properly managed. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. And you have set out the ways in which they are not 
 properly managed ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. I do not say I have set them all out, no. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. Now, about this labor-saving machinery. Is there is 
 existence and in practical use labor-saving machinery that could be 
 used in these islands which is not used ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. What is it ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Well, I can not say it is not used because it is being 
 used on one plantation at the present time. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. Why is it not used on all of them ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. I do not know why it is not used. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. Do you not know it is impossible to use it? 
 
 Mr. Wright. No. 
 
 Mr. vShaw. Then you are willing to make the statement that these 
 machines could be used on all the plantations. 
 
 Mr. Wright. No; I could not make that statement, because I do 
 not know all the plantations. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. Then what is your thought in this matter? Is it 
 practicable to use this improved machinery that the^^ are not using ? 
 Is that your idea ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. No; that is not altogether my idea. My idea is that 
 they have been absolutely derelict in not previously developing 
 these machines until they have come to the point where they are 
 absolutely up against the proposition of a shortage of labor, as they 
 claim, whereas if these machines had been tried previously and 
 developed they would now be working in a modern machine age. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. Is it not true that they have had a large reward offered 
 for the man who would develop or furnish the idea which would 
 result in the development of a machine to do this work? 
 
 Mr. Wright. They claim they have spent considerable money 
 along these lines. I know I saw three machines; one of them was in 
 use but the other two were not. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. Do you or do you not know that these machines 
 would be impracticable upon hilly, rolling land ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. I imagine there are some acreages, I might say con- 
 siderable acreages, on which this particular t^^pe of machine would 
 not be practicable. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. Is there any other type of machine that would be 
 practicable ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. There are types of machines that are being worked 
 upon, as far as I can see, in a desultory way. They may be hurrying 
 things up now; I do not know, but I think they ought to by all means. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. You mean they are in process of being built ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. No; in process of being thought about. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. They are just thinking about them but are not making 
 efforts to build them ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. There is a type that has been suggested for a long 
 time, the conveyer type. I do not know personally what practical 
 means have been taken to work it out. 
 
704 LABOK PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. Is it not a fact that the Interaational Harvester Co] 
 has never been able to solve this problem ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. I do not know that the International Harvester C( 
 has made a particular study of the conditions. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. I do not know that they have either, but I have undei 
 stood that they think it is their business to study these conditionj 
 in all countries. Is it not a fact that a considerable number of th " 
 managers of sugar plantations in other parts of the world v/ere first 
 employed in the management of Hawaiian plantations ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. That is to say, they have brought managers from 
 other parts of the world ? 
 
 Mr. Shaw. That is to say, is not Hawaii the fountain head of 
 knowledge in the sugar business, where Cuba, Porto Rico, the Phil- 
 ippines, and other places go to get experienced men, men who are 
 well versed in the latest methods of doing this work. 
 
 Mr. WrivIht. Well, I think there is an interchange among all 
 countries; that is to say, they go from Hawaii to Cuba and study 
 Cuban methods, and from Cuba to Plawaii. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. Do not Porto Rico, Cuba and the Phillippines come 
 to Hawaii to employ experts who have learned the business in the 
 Hawaiian Islands ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. That is true of the Philippines, because I know the 
 Philippine Islands are just starting in on the expansion of the sugar 
 industry, and they are dependent, of course, upon Hawaii as their 
 natural base. 
 
 Mr. vShaw. Is not that true of Porto Rico also ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. I do not know that it is. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. In your second telegram to Mr, Wallace, which was 
 read on Friday, you retracted your original charge that the planters 
 are intentionally limiting production and planning artificial unem- 
 ployment in a campaign to lower wages. That is so, is it not ? Do 
 you not think they are planning artificial unemployment in a cam- 
 paign to lower wages ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. That is a different statement. My statement was 
 that I was convinced that they were not engaged in the curtailment 
 of their present production. As to what is being done as to their 
 future crop is a matter of inference and not a matter of direct knowl- 
 edge. It is something that can not actually be shown, but it is 
 simply a tendency in all industries, in times like these, to gradually 
 close down until some readjustment takes place. Whether or not 
 this is being intentionally carried out by the planters, I could not 
 say, but it seems to me it would be the intelligent thing for them to do. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. Why did you retract your previous statement in 
 connection with that charge and I would like to know on what 
 grounds you made such a serious statement in the first place, knowing 
 it would be presented to this committee ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Do not keep saying that I knew it would be pre- 
 sented to this committee, because I did not. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. Well, it was presented to the committee. 
 
 Mr. Wright. That is right. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. It is here for our consideration, and that is one reason 
 I want to know about it. 
 
 Mr. Wright. We are considering it now, and I will state that our 
 reason for making that statement was this : That the claim was being 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 705 
 
 made that sugar was now costing to produce more than the selling 
 price of the product, and that there was an oversupply of sugar; 
 that a campaign was being undertaken in Cuba for the reduction of 
 acreages and future output; that under those circumstances it was 
 absolutely natural for us, with the amount of knowledge we had at 
 that time, to believe that the same tendency was being carried out 
 there as is being carried out in all other industries, the tendency to 
 limit output. 
 
 That was the charge and assertion that was made from the begin- 
 ning, and that it was for the purpose of price control. But the thing 
 was finally presented to us in this way: That the pecuharity about 
 the present sugar crop, the present sugar crop that is being taken 
 off to-day, is that the bulk, in fact, I think eight-tenths or nine-tenths 
 of the cost of sugar is already in the growing crop, and in order to 
 save that major investment it is only natural to suppose that they 
 would take off the crop at a loss rather than lose wliat is invested. 
 That was why we immediately modified that statement; just as soon 
 as it was presented to us in a way that we could understand and 
 that appeared reasonable to us, then we made that change. That, 
 however, does not aft'ect general conditions in the industry so far as 
 the future is concerned. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. You stated in substance, I believe, that it is a ridiculous 
 falsehood to say that the Japanese are attempting to gain control 
 of industry in the Territory and that the strike of 1920 was purely 
 economic ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. I believe that was the statement; yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. On February 28, 1920, the Nippu Jiji published the 
 following statement : 
 
 As repeated from time to time, the dispute between the planters and laborers is not 
 a question between capital and labor alone. It is a question wherein the entire com- 
 munity is interested. Furthermore, in places like Hawaii, it is a question between 
 aliens and Americans. 
 
 On February 8, 1920, the same paper said: 
 
 The labor agitation of 1 years ago was strictly between individuals. To-day it has 
 taken on a color of internationalism. 
 
 Tsutsumi, an agitator and leader among the Japanese during the 
 strike, made the following remarks in public speeches at various 
 times : 
 
 I am working night and day for you laborers in order to show these planters that 
 Japanism will always be successfuf in any attempt that we Japanese make. Now, 
 bear in mind, my fellow Japanese, Japanism is the only thing that we must look up 
 to in carrying on this strike. When the weeds grow up in the cane fields beyond 
 control and the planters give up the plantations, we will go in and take possession of 
 same and will conduct the plantations ourselves. Don't worry, A Japanese cruiser 
 is coming to take you home. Why deny that the Japanese Government is back of 
 the labor question? Don't deny it. It will surely scare the Americans. 
 
 Do you still believe that the strike of 1920 was purely economic 
 and that no national issues were involved ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. I certainly do. That thing has no influence on me 
 because it was evidently just the mou things of an irresponsible agi- 
 tator. Of course, it is right along the line of the points that have 
 been emphasized by the sugar planters. At the time of the strike 
 they emphasized the nationalistic character of the movement and 
 tried to make it appear to the public that it was being engineered by 
 the Japanese Government ana all kinds of things like that. Those 
 
 56754— 21— SEE 7. pt 2 11 
 
706 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 statements are absurd on the face of them, that a Japanese cruiser 
 was coming there, and all that kind of thing. But those things do 
 happen. We all know that. 
 
 Mr. Free. You understand that is a Japanese statement and not 
 an American statement. 
 
 Mr. Wright. I understand that is a quotation from Japanese. 
 
 Mr. Free. Do you believe the Japanese are loyal to this country 
 as against Japan ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Oh, that is a very broad question. I believe that 
 some of them are. I think our records at the time of the war show 
 that there were a lot of loyal Japanese. I believe they were promi- 
 nently identified with the subscriptions to liberty loans and things 
 like that, but as to say that all of them are, I would say no. 
 
 Mr. Free. Do you not believe they all pledge their first loyalty to 
 Japan ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. No; I would not say they all do. Of course, I havej 
 no use for the Japs any more than the rest of you have, but I know 
 that some of them are Americans, and probably just as good Ameri- 
 cans as lots of the rest of us. But that does not touch upon the ques- 
 tion of this strike that the gentleman just brought up. That point 
 was answered, I believe, in a quotation from an editorial last Friday, 
 that is, I turned in a quotation from an editorial in the Honolulu 
 Advertiser. 
 
 Mr. Raker. May I ask what paper published this ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. The articles he has just read ? He says it was in the 
 Jiji. 
 
 Mr. Raker. A Japanese paper ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Yes, a Japanese paper; but I will say that it is a 
 Japanese paper that I do not know much about. 
 
 Mr. Mead. It was and is the official organ of the Japanese Federa- 
 tion. 
 
 Mr. Wright. No; it is not. 
 
 Mr. Mead. It was at that time. 
 
 Mr. Wright. I do not know that it was at that time either, although 
 it may have been supporting the Japanese Federation. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. Who led the strike we are talking about — the laborers 
 or some agitators ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. That strike ? Well, now, I will tell you. 
 
 Mr. Free. I want to hear the testimony on that strike, but it is 
 1 o'clock and I must leave. Do you not think we had better adjourn 
 until to-morrow ? You have quite a bit more, have you not ? 
 
 Mr. Shaw. Yes; I have quite a bit more. 
 
 Mr. Free. I have another engagement which I must fill; but I 
 want to hear this very much. 
 
 Mr. Raker (in the chair) . What is the sense of the committee ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Might I be allowed to answer that question first 
 from a quotation, a quotation from the Honolulu Advertiser of June 
 28, which was read before this commitee on Friday? 
 
 Mr. Free. That is the same one you read Friday ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Yes. I want to call your attention right at this 
 point to the paragraph which states: 
 
 As to the strike of last year everyone knows that it was not nationalistic, as Wright 
 puts it. And Ms stating so in his cablegram was for no reason other than to causei 
 the members of the Immigration Committee to think they are being misled by Walter 
 Dillingham and the other members of the labor committee now in Washington. 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 707 
 
 This shows how that thing is now regarded in Honolulu by one of 
 the white dailies that is published by Mr. Thurston and is supposed 
 to embod}^ the sentiments of the white community. That is a posi- 
 tive statement that everyone knows that the strike was not nation- 
 iastic. Now, if the matter has been presented here as being nation- 
 ilistic, as we assumed, then I have a right to express what this paper 
 states is the sentiment of the community there in Honolulu, to the 
 effect that it was not nationalistic. 
 
 Mr. Free. Do you still think it was not nationalistic? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Personally, as far as I am concerned, I believe it 
 ivas economic; in fact, I will say that so far as the strike is concerned 
 Lt was a bona fide economic movement of the plantation laborers, 
 md I call your attention to this fact, that the strike was not started 
 3y the Japanese. The strike was started by Filipinos. The Filipino 
 abor union started that strike and the Japanese supported them, 
 rhat does not look to me like a nationalistic proposition. It was 
 surely economic, so far as I can ascertain. 
 
 Mr. Free. Let us adjourn untir to-morrow. 
 
 Mr. Raker (in the chair) . The committee will stand in recess until 
 :o-morrow at 10 o'clock. 
 
 House of Representatives, 
 Committee on Immigration and Naturalization, 
 
 Tuesday, August 2, 1921. 
 
 The committee met at 10 o'clock a. m., Hon. Albert Johnson 
 c.hairman) presiding. 
 
 STATEMENT OF MR. GEORGE W. WRIGHT— Continued. 
 
 The Chairman. Mr. Wright, I regret that I had to leave the hearing 
 >resterday, on account of bills on the Calendar in the House, and there- 
 ore, I did not hear all of your testimony. In the course of the hearing 
 yesterday did you discuss to any extent the Japanese labor organiza- 
 tion in the islands ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. It was mentioned ; yes, sir. 
 
 The Chairman. Did you explain it to the committee ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. I do not believe there was very much said on that 
 ;ubject. 
 
 The Chairman. Did you explain anything about the Filipino labor 
 )rganization ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Just what do you mean — as to the form ? 
 
 The Chairman. It will be of a great deal of interest to know from 
 ^ou, who are familiar with the American Federation of Labor in the 
 slands, all that you can give us in the way of information, without 
 ny questioning you, in regard to those two organizations. 
 
 Mr. Raker. I will say, Mr. Chairman, that he just incidentally 
 •eferred to them. He has not explained them at all. 
 
 The Chairman. Well, let him take 10 or 15 minutes to tell us all 
 le can about them. 
 
 Mr. Wright. So far as the Filipino organization is concerned, I 
 lave met personally Mr. Manlipit, who is, or claims to be, one of the 
 leads of the organization, and he has given me statements as to the 
 
 y 
 
708 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 membership. Sometime ago he claimed a m^embership of about 
 17,000. Just what that membership is to-day, I can not say. 
 
 Mr. Raker. You are speaking of the Fihpino organization ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Yes, sir; of the Fihpino organization. 
 
 Mr. Raker. We will keep them separate in order that we may not 
 get mixed up on them. 
 
 Mr. Wright. Eleven thousand, I believe, he gave me as the num- 
 ber of common plantation laborers, and the other 6,000, I am not in 
 a position to place, but they are probably laborers engaged in the 
 canneries and pineapple fields and other labor work. I know that 
 there are Filipino laborers employed at Pearl Harbor and there are 
 Filipino laborers employed on other Government work. Whether 
 they have been let out or not, on account of the rehabilitation bill, I 
 could not say, but I do not believe they have been affected, although 
 it may be that they have. They are noncitizens in a certain sense. 
 That is a point I am not in a position to state, but that is the way 
 he placed his 17,000 membership. As to the form of the organization, 
 I am not positively familiar with it, although I am under the im- 
 pression that it is a centralized organization — that is to say, there are 
 different groups and branches on the different islands and different 
 plantations, and they are all under one head or central organization 
 at Honolulu. The organization originated, I believe, in 1919, in the 
 fall of 1919, and the Filipinos were the ones who precipitated the strike 
 of 1920. The Filipinos left to the plantations, and some three weeks 
 or a month later — I am not positive as to the exact time — the Japa- 
 nese followed them. I call attention to that particularly before this 
 committee to show that the strike was not limited to one nationality, 
 or was not nationalistic in the sense that it was a Japanese national- 
 istic movement. 
 
 The Filipinos at the time of that strike were considered a pretty 
 strong organization — that is, they were strong in numbers, but they 
 were weak in the pocketbook. They stayed out on the strike fori 
 awhile, and some of them came to to^vn as they were turned off from 
 the plantations, and they established Filipino camps. I believe there 
 was considerable suffering. In fact, I mil state that I am positive 
 that there was suffering among those Filipino refugees from the plan- 
 tations, and the Japanese then, or about the time their organization 
 decided to go on strike, threw in or joined hands with the Filipinos 
 and I believe rendered them some assistance. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Financial assistance ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Financial assistance and assistance in the way of 
 providing food for those refugees that were concentrated. Then 
 something happened to the Filipinos. Nobody knows just exactly! 
 what it was. There was a report that bribery had been offered, and 
 the countercharge that it had been solicited, and concentrated efforts 
 were made to discredit the Filipino leadership. As a result of that, 
 Filipino resistance was broken, and I believe that officially the 
 Filipinos called the strike off. Many of them went back to the 
 plantations. 
 
 Mr. Raker. What do you mean by charges and countercharges, or 
 charges of bribery and discrediting the Filipino leadership ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. I mean charges that this man, Manlapit, leader of 
 the Filipinos, was offered a bribe by the plantation interests to leave 
 Honolulu, and the plantation interests, I believe, countered with the 
 
LABOR PEOBLEMS IN HAWAII. 709 
 
 charge that Mr. Manlapit had sohcited the bribe. The thing was a 
 very hard matter to get the ins and outs of, because it never came out 
 in any definite settlement, so that anyone would be in a position to 
 know exactly what took place. 
 
 Mr. Raker. What became of Manlapit ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Manlapit is still there. Manlapit is a lawyer prac- 
 ! ticing in Honolulu, and he is still on the job and is still at the head 
 [ of the Filipinos. 
 
 Mr. Irwin. In connection with that matter, Mr. Wright, is not 
 this the fact, or are these not some of the facts, that charges vfere 
 preferred against Mr. Manlapit as an attorney arising out of the fact 
 that he solicited this bribe; that the circuit court disbarred him; and 
 that upon appeal to the supreme court the disbarment proceeding 
 was set aside upon the technical ground that the misconduct did not 
 arise in connection with his professional activities ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. I have heard that charges were preferred, but I 
 know that Mr. Manlapit is still practicing. 
 
 Mr. Irwin. You know that he was disbarred by the circuit court, 
 do you not ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. He is still practicing in some courts. 
 
 Mr. Irwin. You know that on appeal to the supreme court the dis- 
 barment was set aside upon the technical ground that the miscon- 
 duct was not connected with his duties as an attorney '^ 
 
 Mr. Wright. All that is beside the question in thai 
 
 Mr. Irwin (interposing) . You know that that is a fact ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Do I know that is the fact ? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. Do you know that is the fact ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. No, sir; I do not know them to be absolute facts. 
 As I stated, the thing was so involved that, so far as we were con- 
 cerned, it never came to a definite settlement to establish the truth 
 one way or the other. 
 
 Mr. Raker. What were the charges with reference to bribery, the 
 offering of a bribe, or receiving a bribe? By whom were the bribes 
 offered, and to whom? 
 
 Mr. Wright. It was involved with some representative or attor- 
 ney for the plantation interests, I believe. I am simply developing 
 this as outlined in the course of the strike. 
 
 The Chairman. Did the labor papers encourage the Filipino strike ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. There was no labor paper at the time. 
 
 The Chairman. Do the Filipinos have newspapers of their own in 
 the islands ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. I believe they do; yes, sir. I have seen copies of them 
 and saw them, at that time. 
 
 The Chairman. Did the Filipino labor leaders make overtures 
 to your organization for amalgamation ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. At that time; no, sir. 
 
 The Chairman. Did they ask you for assistance ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Not officially, or not as an organization, but I believe 
 that assistance was given them as individuals. 
 
 The Chairman. When you referred in your statement to ^^ point of 
 contact," in an effort to help solve the situation, did you mean that 
 the American Federation of Labor representatives might act as a 
 control or guide for the Filipino association and the Japanese labor 
 association ? 
 
710 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 Mr. Wright. No, sir; when I used the term '^ point of contact/' 
 I was referring to the point of contact between the plantation 
 interests and the American Federation of Labor organization in the 
 Territory with a view to acting as mediator. 
 
 The Chairman. Would acting as the mediator bring you in contact 
 with the Filipino association and the Japanese association? 
 
 Mr. Wright. It would bring us in contact with those associations in 
 an effort to secure an understanding which would keep them on the 
 plantations. That was our purpose. 
 
 The Chairman. In other words, you would be the mediator or 
 business agent for the Japanese association ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Not the business agent at all in the sense that that 
 word is used, but simply as a mediator or conciliator between the 
 employes and the employers. 
 
 The Chairman. Has not the Federal Government mediators and 
 conciliators to do that very work ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Do you mean in the Territory ? 
 
 The Chairman. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Wright. No, sir; I think not. 
 
 The Chairman. You have never seen one there ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. No, sir. On certain occasions they have appointed, 
 residents or resident employees of the Federal Government as con- 
 ciliators. 
 
 The Chairman. Did they work with any success in this recent 
 strike ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. In the machinists strike in 1919 their efforts were 
 very successful, I believe, in bringing about an adjustment. 
 
 The Chairman. Did the machinists strike on the Government 
 work? 
 
 Mr. Wright. No, sir. 
 
 The Chairman. It was outside of that ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Yes, sir. 
 
 The Chairman. Does the Japanese Federation of Labor fraternalize 
 and harmonize with the Filipino Federation of Labor ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Fraternalize and harmonize ? 
 
 The Chairman. Yes; as associations. 
 
 Mr. Wright. Do you mean whether there is any connection be- 
 tween them, or any official connection ? 
 
 The Chairman. Do they get along well together as labor associa- 
 tions ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. I would not be in a position to state positively. I 
 can state, however, that there is no official connection between the 
 two organizations. 
 
 The Chairman. So far as you know, do the Japanese plantation 
 laborers and the Filipino plantation laborers get along well together ? i 
 
 Mr. Wright. On the plantations ? 
 
 The Chairman. Anywhere. Is there any feeling between those 
 races ? That is what I want to get at. 
 
 Mr. Wright. I do not think there is. 
 
 The Chairman. Was there some years ago ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. There may have been. I will state that immediately 
 after the strike I believe there was a certain feeling between them 
 based upon the economic ground that they had not supported each 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 711 
 
 other, each side charging that the other side haci not supported them 
 as they had reason to expect they would be supported. 
 
 The Chairman. Do the Japanese seem to be resentful when addi- 
 tional Filipinos are brought into the islands ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. No, sir; I can not say that they are resentful. 
 
 The Chairman. Do the Japanese say anything about this proposal 
 to bring in other orientals, as outlined in this resolution ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. The Japanese themselves ? 
 
 The Chairman. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Wright. I do not know that they have gone on record at all. 
 
 The Chairman. You have not heard any of them say anything 
 about it ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. No, sir; I think they are simply laying off. 
 
 The Chairman. What do you mean by ''laying off " ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. They are simply letting matters go and are awaiting 
 developments. 
 
 The Chairman. Do the Japanese new^spapers have anything to say 
 about it ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Yes, sir; some. There is only one Japanese news- 
 paper that has anything in English in it. 
 
 The Chairman. You do not make any effort to keep up with trans- 
 lations of the Japanese newspapers ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. No, sir; no effort at all. 
 
 The Chairman. It is important to do that. Did you see those 
 advertisements in Japanese newspapers with pictures of Japanese 
 strikers who had returned to work ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Did I see them personally — no, sir. 
 
 The Chairman. You did not see the Japanese advertisement where 
 it was announced that they would be denounced in their home towns 
 in Japan ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. No, sir. 
 
 The Chairman. Was it talked about in the labor unions at all? 
 
 Mr. Wright. I do not believe it was at all. 
 
 The Chairman. Do you mean that it was nothing to you that the 
 punishment of Japanese strike breakers was to be punishment in 
 Japan ? Do you mean to say that that was nothing to you ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. It was not brought to our attention particularly, 
 although the fact was developed in the daily newspapers 
 
 The Chairman (interposing) . That was printed in English ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. It was printed in the English newspapers as a charge 
 against the Japanese that they were using various methods that were 
 not considered lawful in holding their members in line. 
 
 The Chairman. You did not see or hear anything of it yourself ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Personally, no. 
 
 The Chairman. We have the advertisements and translations here. 
 The punishment for violating the agreements of the Japanese Labor 
 Association was a punishment in Japan, besides ostracism among their 
 own people in the islands. Are you pretty friendly with the Japanese ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. No; I have practically no acquaintances among the 
 Japanese, with the exception of one or two schoolboys who are 
 schoolmates of my sons in high school. 
 
 The Chairman. You have sons in high school ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. I have two. 
 
 The Chairman. Do you own property in the islands ? 
 
712 LABOE PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 Mr. Wright. No. 
 
 The Chairman. Do you pay any taxes over there ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Only personal taxes. 
 
 The Chairman. And the Federal income tax ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. I do not pay the Federal income tax because my 
 income is not sufficiently high to enable me to pay that tax; that is 
 to say, the exemptions take me out of it. 
 
 Mr. Raker. You have not stated, but will you state now, the 
 cause of the Filipino strike, if you know ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. The cause of the Filipino strike, so far as I have been 
 able to ascertain, was the refusal of the sugar planters to enter into 
 any form of discussion in the matter of wage adjustment. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Could there be any difference between the Filipinos 
 organizing a labor union and striking for better conditions and better 
 wages than there would be for citizens living in continental United 
 States organizing unions and striking for better wages or better living 
 conditions ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Absolutely no difference; it is purely an economic 
 question, and that is what we have insisted all along. 
 * Mr. Raker. Outside of the economic question, the Filipinos are 
 citizens of the United States, and I am hanging to the Filipinos now. 
 
 The Chairman. If that is true, why is it your organization did not 
 combine with the Japanese and Filipinos and support them, advance 
 mone}^ to them, lend encouragement to them, and give your intel- 
 lectual assistance to the strike ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. How did it come about at that time ? 
 
 The Chairman. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Wright. We were not sufficiently strong. 
 
 The Chairman. You would have done it if you had been strong 
 enough ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. We had no central labor council at that time that 
 was functioning eifectivety. 
 
 The Chairman. But you would have done it if you had been strong 
 enough — is that a fair statement ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. I can not say we would. 
 
 The Chairman. You would, personally? 
 
 Mr. Wrght. Personally, I would have made a study of it at the 
 time before I determined on my personal action. I will state, how- 
 ever, for the committee, that these strikers were considered by the 
 white organizations as being bona fide economic strikers, and it 
 would have been considered among us to be virtually strike breaking 
 or '^scabbing," as we call it, for one of our organizations to go and 
 take the places of these men who were striking. That is purely a 
 case of class psychology. 
 
 The Chairman. You seem to know very little about any efforts of 
 the Filipinos and Japanese to consolidate for .a strike, and that is 
 what I am trying to get at, whether they did do it or might do it in 
 the future. 
 
 Mr. Wright. Whether they did do it in the past ? 
 
 The Chairman. Yes. Of course, that is the main question. 
 
 Mr. Wright. Well, it was evident that there was a consolidation 
 of interests. At the time the Japanese went out on strike the Filipinos 
 were already out, and when the Japanese went out there was that 
 much of a consolidation of interests that they were both on strike 
 
LABOK PEOBLEMS IN HAWAII. 7l3 
 
 at the same time. However, they submitted their demands, as I 
 understand, separately; they did not combine in the submission of a 
 request for a conference with the sugar phxnters, but that was taken 
 up separately. 
 
 The Chairman. Then as a result of all that the Filipino labor 
 organization in Hawaii has an application here, properly indorsed, 
 for affiliation with the American Federation, and the Japanese asso- 
 ciation has not. Is that the way it is ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. It has not. 
 
 The Chairman. Why is that ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Well, I do not know why. 
 
 The Chairman. What is the correct statement about it ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. As to the reason ? 
 
 The Chairman. No. Has the Filipino association made an appli- 
 cation, through your association, for affiliation with the American 
 Federation ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. It has. 
 
 The Chairman. And that application has been indorsed by your 
 association ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Yes, sir. 
 
 The Chairman. Has the Japanese association made a similar appli- 
 cation to you ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. It has not. 
 
 The Chairman. It has never applied to you at all ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Not since the strike. As I stated Friday, there may 
 have been, in fact I believe there was some movement on foot at the 
 time of the strike, but I was not in sufficiently close touch with the 
 labor council and the affairs of organized labor to know definitely. 
 
 The Chairman. Did they not change their name and undertake to 
 change their constitution and swing around so that they w^ould be in 
 order for that ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. I think they did; I think their name was changed to 
 the Hawaii Laborers' Association. Formerly it was the Japanese 
 Federation of Labor and the charge was made locally by the planta- 
 tion interests that the federation was a purely nationalistic organ- 
 ization. 
 
 The Chairman. That charge was made by your federation? 
 
 Mr. Wright. No; that was a charge made by the plantation 
 interests, I say, to the effect that the Japanese federation was a 
 purely nationalistic organization and was working for the Japanese 
 alone as Japanese and, as I understand in order to disprove that or, 
 rather, to accommodate themselves to the feeling, they changed their 
 name and changed their constitution to conform more closely to the 
 aims and ideals of the American labor movement. 
 
 The Chairman. Now we are getting at it a little bit. Then you 
 claim that it was not a nationalistic organization at any time ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. I said the strike was not a nationalistic strike. 
 
 The Chairman. Is the Japanese laborers' organization a national- 
 istic association ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. A nationalistic association at the present time ? I 
 do not believe it is. That is only my personal opinion, however. 
 
 The Chairman. You are here as a witness and that is exactly 
 what we what to get. You think it is not. 
 
714 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 Mr. Wright. Well, before I make that statement I would like to 
 understand just what you mean by ^'nationalistic." 
 
 The Chairman. Well, if it is an association that is Japanese, has 
 the support of the other Japanese in the Islands, has a punishment 
 for the violation of its agreements, a part of which is in Japan, and 
 has threats in its constitution or by-laws running to Japan, would 
 you not say it was along the line of a nationalistic organization ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. That is under the old form of organization and I can 
 not say as to that, but the fact that it includes only Japanese I do 
 not believe is sufficient to make it a purely nationalistic organization 
 in the sense that its aims, ideals, and objects are along nationalistic 
 lines any more than I would consider that the hod-carriers' union, 
 which is composed, I believe, almost entirely of Portuguese, is a na- 
 tionalistic organization. 
 
 The Chairman. Does that union belong to your central federation ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Yes. 
 
 The Chairman. The Portuguese union belongs to your federation ? 
 
 Mr. W^RiGHT. Oh, yes. We might have an organization 
 
 The Chairman. Just wait a minute. I do not mean to interrupt 
 you, but the Portuguese association is made up of citizens or those 
 eligible to citizenship. 
 
 Mr. Wright. Yes. 
 
 The Chairman. That changes the aspect of it a little bit. Now, 
 are there any Japanese barbers in the islands ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Yes; there are quite a number of Japanese barbers. 
 
 The Chairman. Are they organized? 
 
 Mr. W^RiGHT. I believe they have an association; yes. 
 
 The Chairman. A Japanese organization? 
 
 Mr. Wright. A Japanese barbers' association. 
 
 The Chairman. Outside of your organization? They are not 
 affiliated with the American Federation of Barbers, are they? 
 
 Mr. Wright. No; they are not. Just a moment, before I forget 
 it, on that question of the racial construction of an organization. 
 We have the Hui Poola or Stevedores' Association, which, I believe, 
 is made up entirely of Hawaiians. 
 
 The Chairman. They are American citizens, are they not ? They 
 are not aliens, are they ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. They are American citizens, but I bring that up as a 
 racial proposition. They are of a different race, but I would not con- 
 sider that a racial organization. 
 
 The Chairman. Are they affiliated with you ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. They are not, no; they are a different kind of 
 organization; they are more of an association. 
 
 The Chairman. A society? 
 
 Mr. Wright. A society; yes. 
 
 The Chairman. You have Japanese societies there, too, have you 
 not? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Japanese societies, yes, and a Japanese chamber of 
 commerce. 
 
 The Chairman. Do the Japanese belong to the Chamber of Com- 
 merce of Honolulu ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. I do not believe they do. 
 
 The Chairman. They do not fraternalize quite that far ? 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAW AIL 715 
 
 Mr. Wright. They have their different business interests; but it 
 seems to me, Mr. Chairman, that the character of an organization is 
 determined more by its object than by its actual construction. 
 
 The Chairman. We are trying to think along different lines. I 
 was trying to get at the solidarity movement of races and a possible 
 combination of races that are not American races. I do not quite 
 mean that, but I mean white races, not Caucasians, and I was trying 
 to look at that phase of it as to the future control of the islands. You 
 have quite a number of Chinese there now, have you not — 20,000 ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. I beheve 25,000 or 26,000 Chinese. 
 
 The Chairman. How many on the plantations ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. I do not know how many Chinese on the plantations. 
 
 The Chairman. I think it has been shown here that there are about 
 1,700. You have that many Chinese and you have a large number of 
 Japanese, who have attempted to organize, and then you have 
 Filipinos who have attempted to organize. Now, there are three 
 races outside of your Federation of Labor, and I was just trying to 
 see if we should not look ahead and see what might happen under a 
 consolidation of those races, and whether you would be able to 
 maintain a point of contact and control them at all. I have put 
 it just as plainly as I can. 
 
 Mr. Wright. If it is along that line that you are trying to develop 
 information I will state that, of course, it is a good deal a matter 
 of theory and possibilities. No one is in a position to state absolutely 
 as a fact that such an association or drawing together could take place. 
 However, if it could take place there ought to be no question but 
 what the intelligence and initiative of the white or Caucasian elements 
 would dominate intellectually, but it would have to be under some 
 such arrangement as that. There could be no conceivable consolida- 
 tion without a unification of interests; in other words, they would have 
 to conform to our ideals, to our standards, and to our constitution and 
 by-laws in order to affiliate or to secure our cooperation. 
 
 The Chairman. You say that when this strike was coming on your 
 association, your central labor body, did not look into the matter of 
 these advertisements at all, did not look into the matter of the con- 
 stitution at all, did not look into the Japanese phase of it at all, 
 and you say that in your opinion it was not a Japanese solidarity 
 organization ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. I think you are misquoting me. 
 
 The Chairman. If I am I do not want to. 
 
 Mr. Wright. I stated that at that time the labor movement, so 
 far as we were concerned, was in its infancy; it was only a matter of 
 about a year that we had been organized at all, and we had been busy 
 with our own strike and our own troubles, and then when this planta- 
 tion strike came on we had not at that time sufficient solidarity our- 
 selves or sufficient unity to make a concerted study, a definite study, 
 of the Japanese or Filipino organizations, but since that time the 
 Japanese organization, as you have stated, has changed its constitu- 
 tion in an attempt, I believe, to conform more closely to the require- 
 ments of the American organization. 
 
 The Chairman. We will drop that phase of it. Leaving out labor 
 organizations of all kinds, did not these strikes occur because the 
 laborers had been receiving large bonuses as a result of high prices 
 for sugar and they saw for a certainty that the bonus would drop to a 
 
716 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 smaller figure and that led them to strike in an effort to get an ad- 
 justment ? Is not that about it ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Well, I do not know just exactly what relation the 
 bonus had to that, but it is quite likely the}^ foresaw, as we did, a drop 
 in the price of sugar, and figured that if they were to lose their bonus 
 they would have nothing left, because the base wage at that time was 
 about 77 cents a day, and unless that base wage could be raised the 
 loss of the bonus would mean practically the loss of everything. 
 
 The Chairman. What did the bonus amount to at the highest 
 price of sugar ? Did you ever hear ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Yes; I have heard all kinds of statements, but I have 
 not the bonus schedule. It is a rather complicated proposition. 
 
 The Chairman. What do you think it amounted to for a day 
 laborer on the plantations? 
 
 Mr. Wright. The day laborers made as high as 200 per cent of 
 their base wage. 
 
 The Chairman. Two hundred per cent a day ? 
 
 Mr. Raker. That would not be very high. 
 
 The Chairman. What would it be ? 
 
 Mr. Raker. To find out you would have to multiply 77 cents a 
 day by 200 per cent. 
 
 Mr. Wright. Of course, at the extreme peak of the sugar prices 
 the bonus may have been higher. These gentlemen ought to have 
 definite statistics. 
 
 The Chairman. We have the statistics, but I wanted to know 
 whether you had general knowledge of them. You were watching 
 this strike, but I do not Ivnow whether you have said you were in 
 sympathy with it or not, and I just wondered whether you knew what 
 the wages of the plantation laborers were at about that time. 
 
 Mr. Wright. I know they were getting high wages at the time 
 sugar was high. 
 
 The Chairman. Were they getting as much as $4 a day ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. The contractors might have been, or something like 
 that. 
 
 The Chairman. And they had their houses and other things 
 furnished. What is the average house rent in Honolulu ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. The rentals over there, for a decent house for an 
 American to live in, run about S40 or $50. 
 
 The Chairman. What do you have to pay for car fare ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. The car fare in Honolulu is still 5 cents. That is 
 practically the only thing that has not been raised. 
 
 The Chairman. What do you have to pay for ice ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. The price of ice has been raised since the first of the 
 year. We pay 10 cents a day for ice. 
 
 Mr. Wright. I think we are supposed to get 7 pounds — 7 or 7^ 
 pounds. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Are there any American Japanese in these organiza- 
 tions, American citizens ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. I do not know, definitely. 
 
 Mr. Raker. There are a lot of young men there from 14 to 25 or 
 even 40 years of age who were born in Hawaii, and some were born 
 in the United States and have gone to Hawaii. I want to know 
 whether or not any of these Japanese, who are American citizens, 
 belong to any of these Japanese labor organizations, if you know ? 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAIL 7 17 
 
 Mr. Wright. Not that I have personal knowledge of. 
 
 Mr. Raker. So that I may intelligently ask Mr. Wright a few 
 questions, may I ask Mr. Gompers a couple of questions '^ 
 
 The Chairman. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Mr. Gompers, does the American Federation of Labor 
 permit Negroes to affiliate with that organization? 
 
 Mr. Gompers. Yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Raker. In the United States ? 
 
 Mr. Gompers. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Does it permit any alien race, that possesses the quali- 
 fications as named by one of your gentlemen the other day, to become 
 a part of the unions '? 
 
 Mr. Gompers. All except Chinese and Japanese. 
 
 The Chairman. But the Japanese are members of certain unions 
 in Seattle, are they not ? 
 
 Mr. Gompers. 1 would like to answer this question first, if I may. 
 The American Federation of Labor has on repeated occasions de- 
 clared the necessity for the organization of workers, of all wage 
 earners, without regard to nationality, sex, race, or political affilia- 
 tions of any character, and yet at the first convention of the Federa- 
 tion in 1881 it declared for Chinese exclusion and has carried along 
 that policy all through. It helped to prevail upon the Government 
 of the United States for the enactment of the Chinese exclusion law 
 and for the renewal of the treaty between the United States and 
 China by which that principle has been internationally maintained. 
 In regard to the Japanese, it has declared against the affiliation of the 
 Mongolian race with the American labor movement. I may say, if 
 I am permitted, that we have had applications from Japanese workers 
 in the United States for a charter from the American Federation of 
 Labor, but the Federation has declined to issue it. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Would it be impertinent upon my part if I asked you 
 upon what theory, after having answered the question as you have, 
 that all aliens can join the Federation if they have the qualifications — 
 what are the words ? If they are workers ? 
 
 Mr. Gompers. Wage earners. 
 
 Mr. Raker. And sober and industrious. 
 
 Mr. Gompers. Well, the machinists have that in a part of their 
 constitution or their obligation, but the American Federation of Labor 
 assumes all workers to be sober and industrious. 
 
 Mr. Raker. If they are in the United States legally and lawfully, 
 upon what theory do you exclude the Chinese and the Japanese from 
 the organization ? 
 
 Mr. Gompers. The Chinese are excluded hj law, and we believe 
 that the intermingling of the Mongolian races is prejudicial not only 
 to the economic interests of the working people but to the institutions 
 of our Republic and against our progress in civilization. I would also 
 like to say this in connection with a subject which was discussed 
 yesterday; that is, why machinery of a proper type and character has 
 not been applied to the sugar plantations. The fact is that it is a 
 universal law of industry that wherever men are cheap labor-saving 
 devices, tools, and machinery are checked and held back, and that 
 does not apply to China, it does not apply to Japan, it does not apply 
 to India, it does not apply alone to any other country, but applies to 
 the conditions in our own country. Wherever workers and wage 
 
718 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 earners are cheap it has retarded or prevented the introduction of the 
 highest types of machinery and tools of labor. 
 
 Mr. Raker. While your views have been expressed, there is no 
 opportunity now for reiterating my (^wn, and I will not do so in the 
 questions I will propound to this witness; but, as a matter of fact, 
 when the Government of the United ^States permits Chinese and 
 Japanese to be in the United States, they ought to have the right 
 to be treated as human beings and should receive a fair wage for 
 their work '? 
 
 Mr. GoMPERS. Indeed; and I might say this, that whenever there 
 has been a movement on the part of any of those races for their 
 economic betterment, the American Federation of Labor has given 
 them its moral support. 
 
 Mr. Raker. In other words, instead of trying to discriminate 
 against them while we have them here, the thing to do is to exclude 
 them from our country so as to avoid this complication ? 
 
 Mr. GoMPERS. Yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Raker. I think I will forego any further examination now. 
 
 Mr. GoMPERs. If I may have a moment, I will say this, that the 
 American Federation of Labor has endeavored by every means within 
 , its power or influence to organize the colored workmen in the United 
 / States or any of its possessions. It does not recognize social equality, 
 ^ but it does recognize the identity of interest of colored workers with 
 those of the Caucasian race. There are some organizations affiliated 
 with the American Federation of Labor that discriminate against col- 
 ored workers becoming members of their organizations. In principle, 
 the American Federation of Labor has discouraged that thought and 
 idea, and has, on the other hand, endeavored to use its influence with 
 the organizations in order that they would eliminate whatever dis- 
 criminatory provisions there were in their laws and constitutions. 
 , As a recent instance of that, I call attention to this fact, that we 
 have about 75 or 80 local unions of colored workers in the freight- 
 handling department of railroads, including station porters, com- 
 posed completely of colored workmen. We have a national organi- 
 zation affiliated with the Federation called the Brotherhood of 
 Freight Handlers, Shipphig Clerks, Station Porters, etc., but that 
 organization does not admit unions of colored workers or colored 
 workers as individuals. At our last convention at Denver, which 
 closed a few weeks ago, we adopted a resolution directing that ever}^ 
 effort should be made by this national organization to admit those 
 colored men, and upon the floor it was declared that every effort 
 would be made before the convention to be held in 1922, and that 
 organization has requested that such efforts be made, to break down 
 that bar, and they have declared that unions of colored workers 
 should be admitted. They have declared that in the meantime 
 every effort should be made by the brotherhood, by those colored 
 local unions, and b}^ the president of the American Federation of 
 Labor to see to it that in the interim between our convention and the 
 brotherhood's convention, when the question is to be decided, the 
 injustice done to those colored freight handlers should be rectified; 
 the injustice being that the Railroad Labor Board has adjudged and 
 decided upon a basic hour wage for that character of work performed 
 by those colored workmen and by the white workmen who are doing 
 the same class of work, and the railroads arbitrarily and in conflict 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 719 
 
 with the decision, and in viohition of the decision of the Railroad 
 Wage Lahor Board, has reduced the wages of those coh)red workmen 
 10 cents per hour. 
 
 At a recent conference called by me, at which the brotherhood 
 was represented and at which all these colored local unions were 
 represented, we reached an agreement by which there will be coopera- 
 tion in order to have restored the rates of wages instead of those 
 arbitrarily and unlawfully imposed by the railroad companies upon 
 those men. That is an indication of the character of work that we 
 are doing upon that line. 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. May I ask Mr. Gompers a question ? 
 
 The Chairman. Certainly. 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. Mr. Gompers, I was very much interested in 
 your statement in regard to the question of introducing labor-saving 
 machinery on the sugar plantations. I have understood that the 
 Painters' Union of San Francisco endeavored to secure legislation 
 in the State of California which would prevent the use of paint- 
 spraying machinery. Do you know anything about that ? 
 
 Mr. Gompers. I do not know, and it may be true. As a matter of 
 fact, the Lancastershire, England, textile workers broke the first 
 textile machines that were placed in the factories, because they were 
 under the impression that if they would destroy those ma<ihines they 
 would save their jobs. 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. That was the revolution of 1700? 
 
 Mr. Gompers. Yes, sir. They failed to bear in mind the fact that 
 when they broke the machines there were possibly blue prints 
 available, and that even if they destroyed them the man who 
 invented the machines was living, and he could with the assistance 
 of others produce other machines. While here and there there may 
 be small groups who have antagonized the introduction of machinery, 
 generally speaking, and I might say that it is almost unanimously so, 
 we say ^' Bring in your machinery as much as you can." But as a 
 result of that the hours of labor should be reduced, so that the 
 introduction of machinery shall not entirely wipe out the wage 
 earner. 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. That was demonstrated in that revolution in 
 England, which showed that skilled artisans were necessary in the 
 handling of machinery. 
 
 Mr. Gompers. I have read of one instance in Egypt with much 
 interest where the water carriers protested against the laying of mains 
 and pipes because it would take away their jobs. It is simply a 
 matter of the concept of self-protection. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Was not that same sort of protest made against the 
 English Government when they took Jerusalem? When they took 
 that country, they put in water pipes and mains, and, as I under- 
 stand it, the water carriers protested against the putting in of the 
 pipes, so that they could have the work of carrying the water. 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. Mr. Gompers, I do not want to misquote you, 
 but my impression was very definitely obtained last Friday, I think 
 it was, that you stated in effect that cane in Porto Rico was loaded 
 by machinery. Was that correct ? 
 
 Mr. Gompers. Quite correct; I have seen it. 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. I was very much surprised at that fact, because 
 my experience in the sugar country is not limited to a few years but 
 
720 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAIL 
 
 represents practically all the years I have been in business, and 1 
 have taken a very considerable interest in the matter of labor-saving 
 machinery. I made inquiries in New York to find out just what labor- 
 saving machinery has been developed, and I have this morning two 
 letters sent to me through the American Factors (Ltd.)j of Wall 
 Street, New York, which bear on this subject. The first letter is 
 from the Cape Cruz Co., which operates one of the most successful 
 plantations in Cuba, producing this year about 125,000 bags of 
 sugar, weighing 125 pounds to the bag, which would be slightl}^ over 
 20,000 tons. There is a paragraph in this letter from Mr. Charles 
 Welch, that I would like to read. After stating that they have 
 stumps on their plantations which have made it difficult to operate 
 any machines there, the letter ends as follows : 
 
 As a matter of fact, we do not know of an}^ mechanical cane cutter or mechanical 
 cane loader that has proved efficient and economical. With the high rates of wages 
 that have been prevailing in Cuba from the start of the war until this year, and the diffi- 
 cult}^ in getting any kind of labor, there never was a time when there was more neces- 
 sitv for such machines. 
 
 We have been following up the matter of these mechanical means of harvesting the 
 crop for the last 20 years, and while from time to time reports come out that the 
 problen has at last been solved, and that such and such a make of machine is operating 
 successfully, we never hear that any machine has been generally or even largely put 
 to use, or even manfactured. If there is any extens-ive use of any cane harvester or 
 cane loader in Cuba or Porto Rico, we must confess that we do not know of it, and 
 we shall be very much surprised to hear of it. We do know that attempts to solve 
 this problem of cutting cane by mechanical means are constantly being made, and 
 there is usually an experimental machine being tried out at some place in Cuba, 
 Porto Rico, Louisiana, or Hawaii. We hope, some day that a practical and efficient 
 machine will be found. 
 
 That is from Cuba. I have also a letter from Mr. John Farr, 
 vice president of the Central Aguirre Sugar Co., as follows: 
 
 In reply to your inquiry, we beg to say that our cane at Aguirre, in Porto Rico, is 
 loaded into carts and cars entirely by hand labor. 
 
 Mr. GoMPERS. You have one from Porto Rico ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. This second one refers to Porto Rico. 
 
 Mr. GoMPERS. I want to say that if what I said on Friday or the 
 other day conveyed that idea, it was not intended, or I did not intend 
 to convey the idea that the sugar cane was cut by machinery or in 
 any other way than by the machette. If I conveyed any such idea 
 as that, I did not intend that it should be so conveyed. In the second 
 place, as to the bringing of the cane to the carts, I did not intend to 
 €onvey the idea that that was done by machinery. What I intended 
 to say was that when the cane was placed in the carts, there were 
 chains under each end of the length of cane, and then something 
 else, I do not know whether it is a chain or not, but those carts or 
 steam cars were hauled from the field to the grinding place, and the 
 cane was there hauled up at one time and dropped into a hopper, 
 where the cane is ground or crushed and the extract taken from it. 
 I think there was one gentleman sitting at this table at the time 
 who made the remark that they were hauled by oxcarts. I think 
 I said that was true on the smaller plantations, but that so far as 
 the larger plantations of Porto Rico were concerned, the method 
 that I described was in vogue 50 years ago. 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. The question under consideration at that time 
 was the question of packing cane in bundles and carrying them by a 
 duck board onto the cars, and Judge Raker introduced some compli- 
 
^fT 
 
 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 721 
 
 mentary reference to the antiquated methods pursued in Hawaii. 
 You then interjected the statement that in Porto Rico cane was 
 loaded onto cars by this general method that you have described. 
 Now, as a matter of fact, all of the cane in Porto Rico is loaded on 
 oxcarts by hand, and that was the difficult operation which was 
 being criticized by Mr. Wright. 
 
 Mr. GoMPERS. If I conveyed that idea, it was unfortunate. 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. It was not quite clear. As a matter of fact, all 
 that you described in the matter of unloading cane has been done 
 in Hawaii ever since I can remember, and by an even more advanced 
 method than the one you described, because by the method we 
 employ one man can unload more cane than 250 men could by hand. 
 Those improved methods are improved on in Hawaii, and the point 
 that was raised was one that I was anxious to find out, because if 
 there is such a thing as a successful mechanical loader we want to 
 know it. 
 
 Mr. Mead. I want to say that Mr. Gompers's idea, as he has ex- 
 plained it, is right — that is when the cane is loaded on the big cars 
 to go to the mill, it is put in slings, or in chain slings, and it is lifted 
 out and dropped into a conveyor that takes it to the crusher. Now, 
 in Hawaii we do not have any such antiquated method as that, but 
 we have cars so equipped that when they get to the crusher they are 
 dumped at one operation. There is only one handling of the cane 
 from the time it is loaded in the cars until it gets to the mill, and 
 when it gets to the mill it is dumped right over by a contrivance de- 
 signed for that purpose. 
 
 The Chairman. I presume that plantations of any size anywhere 
 with the competition as close as it is, would make use of every device 
 that has been perfected, just as is done in other industries. 
 
 Mr. GoMPERs. May I ask Mr. Wright a question, or will you put 
 it for me ? 
 
 The Chairman. Ask it directly. 
 
 Mr. GoMPERs. Mr. Wright, when you spoke of the wages paid to 
 the Japanese and the bonus, just what did you mean ? That question 
 was asked of you b}^ some member of the committee, I do not recall 
 whom, as to the wages, being 77 cents with a bonus of three times 
 that amount. You were further asked whether some of them were 
 not paid S4 per day, and you answered by saying that those were not 
 wages but were payments to contractors. Will you explain what 
 ^ou meant by the term ^'contractors?" 
 
 Mr. Wright. I did not state definitely that that was the case, but 
 that probably those were wages received by contractors, because by 
 no possible computation of 77 cents could you get an increase to 
 H, or it could not be increased to $4 by the percentage of bonus that 
 was given. 
 
 The Chairman. I used $4 as an illustration. I was trying to get 
 tiis estimate of what a man would get with the bonus. 
 
 Mr. GoMPERs. Mr. Wright answered that that might be paid to the 
 3ontr actors, and I would like to have him explain what he had in 
 mind by the term '^ contractors. " 
 
 Mr. Wright. As I understand it, there are two different methods^— 
 that is to say, there is the method of hiring the laborer to work for 
 30 much per day as a base wage, and paying him for the actual time 
 that he puts in, and there is another method of letting out certain 
 
 56754— 21— SEE 7, pt 2 12 
 
722 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 areas under contract for the cultivation and raising of the cane; and 
 those areas are usually let out, or they have been in the past, to 
 groups of workers as little companies, contracting with the plantation 
 owners, to care for the cultivation and irrigation of the cane. Wlien 
 those contracts are all filled, the cane is harvested and weighed. I 
 believe the contracts go on the basis of the tonnage of cane produced. 
 When that cane is weighed and ground and the purity of the juice 
 is ascertained, the contractor eventually is paid a certain amount 
 per ton for clean cane of a certain purity that is produced on the 
 acreage of that little group. In that way, under favorable condi- 
 tions, some of the contractors are able to earn considerably more than 
 by the method of common day labor. On the other hand, some of 
 the contractors were able to earn very little, if anything, for the 
 reason that the losses due to unavoidable causes had to be sustained 
 by the contractors. The plantation owner was clear, so far as that 
 was concerned. If the contractor has good luck and if everything 
 turns out all right, he will make a little more than he could by work-i 
 ing by the day. 
 
 Mr. GoMPERS. Those contractors provide certain employees, or da 
 they pay the wages of certain employees ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. The men themselves under this system I have de- 
 scribed are the contractors. They are a group of men. They usually 
 choose some one, I think, to represent them. 
 
 Mr. Rainey. Do the contractors have laborers under them ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Sometimes it becomes necessary for them to hire 
 additional laborers, but sometimes tha)^ handle it themselves. 
 
 Mr. Kainey. The contractors pay those laborers when it is neces- 
 sary to employ them ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. I believe so. 
 
 Mr. Rainey. You mean to say that the contractors would not 
 necessarily employ laborers, but, of course, when they do, the con- 
 tractors pay the laborers themselves, do they not? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Yes, sir; I presumed they do. 
 
 Mr. Free. They are Japanese, are they not? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Not necessarily Japanese or Filipinos. 
 
 Mr. Free. As I understand it, a group of them get together and 
 take a contract ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Yes, sir; or that is the system I have in mind. Of 
 course, there may be variations of it. 
 
 Mr. Free. They divide the profits ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Whatever profits are made from the contract, they 
 divide. 
 
 The Chairman. The Japanese beg for those contracts, do they not 1 
 
 Mr. Wright. No, sir; not any more. 
 
 The Chairman. They used to. 
 
 Mr. Wright. Yes, sir; they used to, and when sugar was high they 
 were able to make considerable that way, but I am informed that at 
 the present time the Japanese have been unable to make the con 
 tracting end of it pay, and that, as a matter of fact, the Japanese 
 and Filipinos are not now contracting to the great extent that they 
 did previously. 
 
 The Chairman. When you say '^previously" you mean since 
 about the time you went to the islands and had knowledge of the! 
 thing ? 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 723 
 
 Mr. Wright. Yes, sir. 
 
 The Chairman. You did not know anything about this prior to 
 that time ? 
 
 Mr. WRTonT. No, sir. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Just one question in the interest of expediting and 
 the saving of time: We have been conducting these hearings for 
 three weeks, and it would greatly expedite the hearing if they would 
 bring one of those contracts here and submit it to the committee. 
 We have gone into that question at great length, asking what these 
 men would get and what would be the basic wage. 
 
 (The following sample contract asked for by Judge Raker is here- 
 with submitted by Mr. Wright:) 
 
 Cane Contract. 
 
 This agreement, made and entered into this 9th day of March, A. D. 1921, by and 
 between the Oahu Sugar Co. (Ltd.), a corporation organized and existing under and 
 by virtue of the law of the Territory of Hawaii, party of first part, hereinafter called 
 the "company," and the several contractors subscribing their names hereto, parties 
 of the second part, hereinafter called the "contractors," 
 
 Witnesseth, that the said company for and in consideration of the promises and 
 agreements to be kept by the said contractors, hereby covenants and agrees as follows, 
 to wit: 
 
 1. To permit the said contractors to enter into and occupy for the purpose of cultiva- 
 tion of sugar cane, on the system hereinafter set forth, that section of land described 
 in the company's maps as field No. 20, covering in all about 158.50 acres, now planted 
 with sugar cane by the said company, and standing debited therefor on the books of 
 the company with the sum of 1483.79. 
 
 2. To loan and advance for the term of said contract, for the living expenses of said 
 contractors, money at the rate of $26 for men and $19.50 for women per month of 26 
 days' service of 10 hours each day, performed by each of said contractors, while said 
 contractors faithfully perform the terms, conditions, and covenants herein set forth 
 by them to be kept and performed. Any work on Sundays to be computed at the 
 rate of time and a half. 
 
 3. To furnish without charge lodgings sufficient for contractors' use and to keep the 
 same in ordinary repair, on contractors' careful and proper use thereof. 
 
 4. To furnish fuel fol:- the domestic use of the contractors, to be cut and gathered by 
 the contractors at such place or places as the company shall designate. 
 
 5. To furnish tools, in the first instance, for irrigating purposes. 
 
 6. To furnish water in main plantation ditches for irrigation purposes. 
 
 7. To furnish such fertilizer as the said company may deem necessary to be used on 
 the said premises. 
 
 8. To pay within one month after the termination of this contract the sum of $1.12 
 for each ton of 2,000 pounds of clean cane, grown and cultivated as herein set forth, 
 on said premises, and should said contractors also cut and load said cane by direction 
 of the company, then the further sum of 46 cents per ton of 2,000 pounds of clean cane 
 grown, cultivated, and cut on said premises and loaded on railroad cars or other means 
 of transportation, and each of said contractors shall be entitled to receive as his share 
 for all services by said contractors done and performed hereunder, such proportionate 
 part as his labor bears to the entire amount of labor and services rendered on said 
 clean cane to be determined by the weight thereof as delivered at the mill of said 
 company. 
 
 And the contractors, for and in consideration of the promises and agreements to 
 be kept and performed by the said company as herein set forth, do hereby covenant, 
 promise, and agree to and with the said company as follows, to wit: 
 
 I. That they will cultivate thoroughly and well and properly irrigate the cane 
 growing and to be grown during the term hereof on the section of land mentioned 
 herein until said cane shall be matured and ripe, and until the said cane shall be cut 
 and harvested; the said term of cultivation, however, shall not exceed the term of 
 18 months from the date of beginning work under this contract, to wit, July 15, 1920. 
 
 II. To conduct to and throughout the cane fields the water furnished by said com- 
 pany, and there carefully and economically to use the same for the purpose of irrigating 
 said cane. 
 
724 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 in. To clean and strip the said cane along the side of all roads and railroads for a 
 distance of 30 feet, and along both sides of all main ditches, level ditches, and water 
 courses for a space of 5 feet. 
 
 IV. To keep the edge of said premises, the field itself, and all roads and ditches 
 on said premises, clean and free from weeds, and to keep at all times all water courses 
 clean and free from leaves. 
 
 V. To carefully apply such fertilizers as may be furnished for said premises in the 
 manner directed by the said company. 
 
 VI. To keep in repair or replace all tools and ladders furnished by the company 
 to the contractors, and to return the same at the termination of this contract. 
 
 VII. To permit said company to deduct and said company is hereby authorized 
 and empowered to deduct from the amount due the contractors, under the terms 
 hereof, all loans and advances made to the said contractors for living expenses. 
 
 VIII. To permit said company to deduct, and the said company is hereby authorized 
 and empowered to deduct, from the amount due the contractors, under the terms 
 hereof, the sum debited against said premises on books of the company at the time ! 
 of the execution of this contract, and the actual cost of all labor procured and furnished 
 by the company under the terms hereof, in order to well and properly cultivate and 
 irrigate said cane, when said labor shall have been procured and furnished by the ! 
 company. 
 
 IX. To cut and load on cars or place in flumes or other sufficient means of transpor- 
 tation furnished by the company the sugar cane grown on said section of land when- 
 ever said company shall direct contractors so to do. 
 
 It is mutually agreed by and between the parties hereto as follows, to wit; 
 
 A. That all work, labor, and service to be performed by the contractors under this 
 agreement shall be subject to the supervision of the company in all cases; that the 
 company shall have the right at any and all times to direct in what manner the same 
 shall be performed and employ extra labor to do any of the work herein specified; that 
 the cost of the employment of such labor shall be charged to and deducted from 
 the contractors' share. 
 
 B. That the right is hereby reserved to the company to enter upon said premises, or 
 any part thereof, at any and all times for any purposes. 
 
 G. That the company shall have the right, in its discretion, to burn off the field to 
 facilitate harvesting, before cutting the cane, but any field so burned shall be cut and 
 ground with the least possible delay. 
 
 D. That this agreement may be terminated at any time by the company for failure" 
 on the part of the contractors to carry out any of the terms hereof, or upon such inter- 
 ference by the said contractors with the work on said premises as shall prevent the 
 proper and efficient cultivating or harvesting of said cane; and by the contractors upon 
 giving two months" notice to the company. When this agreement shall have been 
 thus terminated the contractors shall be entitled to wages at the rate of $20 to Novem- 
 ber 1, 1920, and $30 from November 1, 1920, for men and $15 to November 1, 1920, 
 and $22.50 from November 1, 1920, for women par month of 26 days labor actually 
 performed, less all advances made under the provisions hereof. 
 
 E. No contractor or contractors shall have the right to transfer or assign his share to 
 any other without the written consent of the company, and in case of any such transfer 
 it shall not be recognized, and all settlements shall be made with the original con- 
 tractor, his heirs or legal representatives in case of death. 
 Ns F, The contractors shall agree on the appointment of a representative who shall 
 have the right to inspect the weighing of cane grov/n on said premises, and the clean- 
 ing and reweighing of the cane and refuse from all sample cars hereinafter referred to. 
 
 G. The company shall in no way be held liable for damages to said crop or any 
 portion thereof by fire, storm, or unavoidable delays in the mill, pumps, or for delays 
 caused by strikes of workmen on plantation, or from any accidents or delays which 
 are beyond the control of the company. 
 
 H. in case of the death of a contractor during the term of this agreement, the estate 
 of said contractor shall be entitled to immediate settlement at the rate of $20 to Novem- 
 ber 1, 1920, and $30 from November 1, 1920, for men and $15 to November ], 1920, 
 and $22.50 from November 1, 1920, for women per month of 26 days of labor actually 
 performed, deducting advances as aforesaid, or settlement may then be given by said 
 contractor hereunder. In case of accident to or sickness of said contractor, whereby 
 said contractor is prevented from performing the labor under this agreement, said 
 contractor may, with the consent of the company, supply the labor in place of his own, 
 failing to do which the company may supply labor in place of said contractor, and 
 receive and deduct such proportion of the entire amount due said contractor as the 
 labor substituted by the company and performed in the place of said contractor shall 
 bear to the entire amount of labor performed hereunder and according to the terms 
 hereof. 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 725 
 
 I. It is agr{?ed that for tho purpose of this contract, the term "clean cano " shall 
 3e understood to be the actual net weight of the cane after all refuse, including green 
 md dry leaves, dead and rotten cane, shall have been removed from the said cane, 
 md to ascertain this an average sample car shall be cleaned and weighed each day 
 it the expense of the company, and the percentage of refuse from such sample car 
 jhall be accepted as the basis for the deduction to be made from the gross weight of 
 ill cane from the said premises weighed each day at the mill of the company. 
 
 J. This agreement, in so far as cultivation is concerned, shall terminate and be 
 considered at an end 18 months from the date of beginning work under this contract; 
 md in so far as harvesting is concerned, it shall terminate and be at an end when the 
 ast cane upon the field shall have been placed upon cars and weighed. Settlement 
 ?hall be made not later than one month thereafter. It is also agreed that should the 
 company desire it, the contractors shall perform any necessary work in the field 
 lereinbefore mentioned before the field is harvested and after the termination of 
 iheir contract for cultivation, and receive remuneration therefor at ruling rates of 
 Day for the work they may be called upon to perform. 
 
 K. It is agreed that in all cases where the company is concerned its manager, or 
 iuch person as by him may be designated, shall be its representative and shall be so 
 •ecognized and treated by the contractors. 
 
 In witness whereof the said parties hereto have caused these presents to be duly 
 jxecuted in duplicate , the day and year first above written. 
 
 Oahu Sugar Co. (Ltd.), 
 , J. B. Thomson. 
 
 Interpreted and explained by: (Signature of contractors.) 
 
 Witnessed by: ^ 
 
 FIELD NO. 20, CROP 1922, 
 
 Attached to and made a part of field contract No. 20, crop 1922 
 Ditchman, Y. Kusunoki. 
 
 2004. Jose Cariclo. 
 
 2005. Francisco Talito. 
 2010. Belyno Manatad. 
 
 2015. Juan Buiocbuloc. 
 
 2016. Victoriano Laoc. 
 
 2017. Vidal Laoran. 
 
 12018. J. Aihara. 
 
 12019. K. Mashisaki. 
 5515. Sigmido Joscoid. 
 5776. Sebastian Gilandone. 
 5782. Fremo Bagundol. 
 
 22001. M. Kusuneki. 
 
 Field No. 20; crop 1922; kind of cane, Lahaina; acres, 158.50; price, $1,20 
 lumber of men, ; begun work, July 15, 1920. 
 
 Mr. Mead. Mr. Wright, you stated that the contractors were paid 
 ipon the final adjustment; and that that adjustment was made 
 ipon the basis of the purity of the juice. You stated that the settle- 
 nent with the contractors was made upon the basis of the purity of 
 ihe juice, and I want to know from you what proportion of the 
 planters make contracts on that basis ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. I do not know what proportion. I have said that 
 t was sometimes made upon the basis of the tonnage of the cane 
 md sometimes upon the basis of the purity of the juice. 
 
 Mr. Mead. Referring to this proposition of the purity of the juice, 
 IS a matter of fact, are not those contracts based along these lines 
 mtirely with homesteaders, and not with plantation contractors ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. It may be, in a different form. 
 
 Mr. Mead. Is it not a fact that those contracts are made with, 
 lomesteaders, instead of with plantation workers ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. I do not know. 
 
 Mr. Mead. I know that it is. 
 
 Mr. Free. What is the basic wage now? 
 
 Mr. Wright. I believe that it is about $30 for 26 days work. 
 
 Mr. Raker. How many hours per day ? 
 
726 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 Mr. Wright. I think that varies on the different plantations. 
 Whether there is an arrangement to take care of that, I do not know, 
 but it is not an 8-hour basis. It is either a 9-hour, 10-hour, or 12- 
 hour basis. I tell you there is a system there that is rather difficult 
 to understand, aird it is called there ukupau — that is to say, a man 
 will be given a certain amount of work to do, and when he finishes 
 that work he is through for the day. He can then go home, whether 
 it takes him 7, 8, 9, 10, or 12 hours to do it. That is a matter that is 
 up to him. That is one of the systems that is used. Our attention 
 was called to certain people who were working on the ukupau system, 
 and when they got through with their task, they would go home. 
 Then there is the straight day labor. I think that some of it is on 
 the 9-hour basis, and some of it on the 10-hour basis. 
 
 Mr. GoMPERS. Who sets the stunt for a day's work or the task for 
 a day's work ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. The boss. 
 
 Mr. GoMPERS. Have the plantation workers any voice in deter- 
 mining what that task or stunt for a day's work shall be ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. The plantation workers or laborers have no voice 
 in determining anything of that kind. 
 
 Mr. Mead. But if they do not want to do that they can do straight 
 day work ? 
 ; Mr. Wright. Yes. 
 
 P Mr. Mead. They do that because they can get through more 
 quickly ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. By breaking their necks they get through more 
 quickly. 
 
 Mr. Mead. Did you ever hear of anyone breaking his neck to get 
 through on the plantations? I have been there for 20 years, and I 
 did not see any work that was harder than you and I have to do. 
 
 Mr. Shaw\ Mr. Wright, yesterday, when we adjourned, we were 
 discussing the Japanese strike. That strike was from January 27 
 to July 12, 1920; is that correct? 
 
 Mr. Wright. I have not the exact dates. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. Who was instrumental in calling that strike ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. The strike was decided upon b}^ a conference of men 
 representing groups of laborers all over the island. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. Do you mean representatives of groups or representa- 
 tives of labor unions or associations ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Well, whether you call it a union or association, they 
 were employees of the plantations organized into centralized groups 
 or centralized bodies. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. Were all of the employees of the plantations so organ- 
 ized ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. I do not believe that they were. The fact that all of 
 the employees did not go out is evidence that there were some who 
 were not organized that way. 
 
 Mr. SHAW^ What was the occasion of the strike ? What did the 
 strikers want, and what did they ask for, or what were their demands ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. I believe we have covered that ground previously, 
 Mr. Chairman. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. I do not recall it. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Without any objection, I suggest that you answer the 
 question. 
 
LABOR PEOBLEMS IN HAWAII. 727 
 
 Mr. Wright. Will you repeat your question ? 
 
 Mr. SiiAW. I asked what was the cause of the strike. 
 
 Mr. Wright. The cause of the strike was the refusal of the planta- 
 tion managers to enter into any sort of conference with the employees 
 or the representatives of the employees. 
 
 Mr. Free. Is it not a fact that no demand was made upon the 
 planters for a conference before the strike was called, and is it not a 
 fact that they struck before they made any demands ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. No. It is a fact of record, I believe, that two 
 letters were written to the Hawaiian Sugar Planters' Association 
 previous to the calling of the strike. 
 
 Mr. Free. By whom? 
 
 Mr. Wright. To the first letter 
 
 Mr. Free (interposing) . By whom ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. By the representatives of the organized employees. 
 
 Mr. Free. Do you know who they were? 
 
 Mr. Wright. I do not know their names, no. 
 
 The Chairman. Were they Japanese ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. There were Filipino representations made and there 
 were also Japanese representations made. The matters were taken 
 up separately. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. Were they laborers ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. So far as I know they were laborers. 
 
 Mr. Free. Have you those letters with you or copies of them? 
 
 Mr. Wright. I have no copies, no. 
 
 Mr. Free. Could you get them? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Those copies are in the possession of the sugar 
 planters. 
 
 The Chairman. Were the letters in English? 
 
 Mr. YfRiGHT. Unquestionably. 
 
 The Chairman. Do you know what the contents were? 
 
 Mr. Wright. I can secure that information, I believe, for you, 
 but I do not have it with me. 
 
 Mr. Free. Will you do that, Mr. Wright? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Yes; I will do it. 
 
 (The matter referred to is as lollows :) 
 
 General Outline op Demands made on the Hawaiian Sugar Planters Asso- 
 ciation BY Resolution of Body of Representatives op Japanese Plantation 
 Laborers and Presented to the Planters by Letter on or about the 4th 
 . Day of December, 1919, by a Committee Consisting of One Representative 
 prom Each Island. 
 
 1. Increase basic wage from 77 cents a day to $1.25 a day for men and from 58 cents 
 to 95 cents a day for women, with proportionate increase for higher ratings. 
 
 2. Changes in the bonus system so that employees might be able to claim the bonus 
 as of right instead of as a gratuity in courts of law. 
 
 3. Establishing 15 days a month for men and 10 days for women as the minimum 
 working month for bonus purposes, and providing that contractors employed by 
 plantations as laborers be allowed bonus regardless of the number of days worked. 
 
 4. Payment of 75 per cent of the bonus each month and 25 per cent at the end of 
 the bonus year, with provision for the payment of the bonus due for a less period 
 when the employee shall leave the plantation either of his own accord or by reason 
 of being discharged. 
 
 5. Establishment of an eight-hour day. 
 
 6. Women workers to be allowed two weeks before and six weeks after childbirth 
 as leave of absence with ordinary pay. 
 
 7. Double time for Sundays, legal holidays, or overtime work. 
 
728 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 8. Change in the cane contract system to provide for a division after deducting 
 marketing expenses, of 60 per cent to the contractor and 40 per cent to the companies 
 of the gross vahie of the sugar, under a contract similar to that of the homesteaders. 
 
 9. Increase in the price paid to growers corresponding to the increase in base pay 
 and bonus provided for laborers. 
 
 10. Improvement in the sanitary and housing conditions and provision for recrea- 
 tion and amusement. 
 
 (This is not a literal presentation of the formal resolution or the letter by which 
 it was transmitted, but is in substance the correct expression of the demands that ! 
 were made.) 
 
 Mr. Shaw, Where was this strike called ? Where did it start ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. It was started on the plantations on Oahu, the island 
 of Oahu. That is the island on which Honolulu is situated, and 
 whether it was simultaneous on all the plantations, or whether it was 
 a successive development, I can not state positively, but I am under 
 the impression that i t was all practically consummated within two 
 or three days. I believe some effort was made on certain of the 
 plantations by the employees in their individual groups to secure an 
 adjustment with the plantation management, and I am informed 
 that those representations and those requests were also turned down. 
 In other words, the two organizations, as centralized bodies, took the 
 matter up with the planters and endeavored to secure a general 
 adjustment. Then, failing in that, prior to the calling of the strike 
 individual groups on the different plantations made representations 
 to their local management, presenting practically the same requests 
 that had been made to the association, but these requests were also 
 turned down. Having failed in the two requests made to the plant- 
 ers and the local attempts at adjustment, a conference was held and 
 a strike called on the plantations. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. Did you approve of the strike ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Well, it is a difficult question to answer. Do 3-ou 
 mean, did I approve it at that time % 
 
 Mr. Shaw. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Wright. I will state that at that time I did not give the mat- 
 ter sufficient study to have determined absolutely, but within a I 
 month, I feel I can state to this committee, the strike, in my opinion^ 
 was justified. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. You mean that within a month after it started you 
 decided it was all right ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Very shortly after it started, after I found out what 
 had been done. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. You did not have anything to do with starting it % 
 
 Mr. Wright. No, sir; in fact, to tell the truth, I was very busy 
 myself; I was working and was not giving the labor situation the 
 thought and study that I did later. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. Did you have anything to do with the strike \ Did you 
 decide it was the thing to do ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Personally I had nothing whatever to do with it. 
 
 Mr. Free. Did the labor organizations { The American Federation 
 of Labor, the central labor council, or any of these different unions ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. No; they took no official action. 
 
 The Chairivian. Did the}^ discuss it at the central labor council 
 meetings % 
 
 Mr. Wright. I believe it was discussed, but I was not at that time 
 a delegate, and, as I stated at the first hearing, there was some talk 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. . 729 
 
 of what was then the Japanese Federation making an apphcation for 
 affihation or cooperation, but nothing came of it. 
 
 The Chairman. Was Mr. Tyson pretty active at that time ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. No; I think Mr. Tyson's time dming that period was 
 pretty well taken up with his activities in behalf of the electrical 
 workers. 
 
 The Chairman. The machinists struck, then the electrical workers 
 struck, and then the plantation men struck, and I believe the Jap- 
 anese fishermen struck in along there somewhere, did they not ? 
 
 ^Ir. Wright. I do not know. That is not really a labor organiza- 
 tion and I do not think you would call that a strike. It was just that 
 they would not catch fish any more. 
 
 Mr. SiLvw. If the labor unions did not have anything to do with 
 this strike, who was at the bottom of it? 
 
 Mr. Wright. You misunderstood what I said. The labor unions 
 of the employees on the plantations were the ones who went on strike, 
 and when you asked me about the unions you asked me about those 
 affiliated with the American Federation. 
 
 Mr. wShaw. And they had nothing to do with it ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Nothing, except to see to it or endeavor to see to it 
 that their members did not do any strike breaking. That was taken 
 up in some of the organizations; it was taken up in the machinists^ 
 organization, I know, and a resolution was passed, I believe, declaring 
 that any member taking the place of a striker on a plantation would 
 be considered as a strike breaker. 
 
 Mr. Free. Let me understand. You say that resolution was 
 passed by your unions ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. I say that matter was brought up in our organiza- 
 tion. 
 
 Mr. Free. And a resolution adopted declaring that anybody who 
 took the place of one of these strikers would be considered a ''scab'' 
 or strike breaker ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. Were not the Japanese back of this strike ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Back of the strike '( 
 
 Mr. Shaw. Was it not a Japanese movement I 
 
 ^Ir. Wright. No; I can say that it was not a Japanese movement: 
 it was a labor movement, a movement of the laborers on the planta- 
 tions. The Filipinos were the ones that came out first and the 
 Japanese came out afterwards. The demands, as I say, were sub- 
 mitted separately, and I believe the Japanese had a request to the 
 sugar planters pending when the Filipinos went out. The Filipinos 
 tried to secure an adjustment but failed and they went out, and as 
 soon as the Japanese found their efforts failing they went out too. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. What was the result of the strike I 
 
 Mr. Free. Pardon me just a minute to clear up something. Is it 
 not a fact that those first demands were not made by the laborers 
 at all but by newspaper men, Japanese newspaper men who were not 
 workers ? 
 
 ]VIr. Wright. No; I tliink that is not a fact. I think it is a fact 
 that those requests or demands, as you call them, originated vrith. the 
 laborers themselves on the plantations through their democratic 
 action in choosing representatives to a general conference in which 
 the resolutions were finally drav,^i up. AYhethcr the representatives 
 
730 . • LABOR PE(3BLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 chosen were people connected with the newspapers or not I can not 
 say, but the chances are they picked the best brains they could find. 
 
 Mr. Free. Yesterday you read from a newspaper in English? 
 
 Mr. Wright. T read from what ? 
 
 Mr. Free. From the Advertiser. Is it not a fact that during this 
 whole strike that paper editorially claimed this was a nationalistic 
 issue and not an economic one ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. I can not say that that paper claimed it editorially, 
 but I know that articles which appeared in the papers tried to develop 
 something like that. 
 
 Mr. Free. Is it not a fact that the entire American press of Hawaii 
 during that period claimed it was nationalistic and not economic, all 
 the papers, unless it happened to be your labor paper ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. We had no paper at that time. As I say, an effort 
 was made 
 
 Mr. Free (interposing) . Please answer the question I asked. Is it 
 not a fact that in their news columns and editorially all of the papers 
 in Hawaii, all American papers, stated and claimed that this strike 
 was a nationalistic movement for control of the islands and that it 
 was a question of the preservation of Americanism in Hawaii? 
 
 Mr. Wright. I do not know that they claimed that editorially, but 
 I know the papers contained articles day after day trying to develop 
 that as a fact. 
 
 Mr. Free. You quoted a paper yesterday, the Advertiser, to the 
 effect that it was not nationalistic ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Free. I have not the papers now, but I have seen them from 
 time to time, the papers that were issued during that time, and that 
 paper claimed absolutely that it was a nationalistic issue, and in very 
 vehement language, too. That is a fact, is it not ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Yes; at that time, and for the evident purpose of 
 discrediting the strikers. 
 
 Mr. Free. I can hardly get your attitude. You said a minute ago 
 that your union opposed this language bill that was introduced in 
 the legislature there ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. You misunderstood me entirely. We made no 
 opposition to the language school bill. 
 
 The Chairman. Did you support the language school bill? 
 
 Mr. Wright. We took no official action on it whatever, but we 
 were in favor of it. 
 
 The Chairman. You were in favor of it ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Yes, sir. 
 
 The Chairman. Were you there when the first agitation began in 
 regard to American teachers in the schools ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. That was at the special session. 
 
 The Chairman. Two or three years ago ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Yes; I was there at that time. 
 
 The Chairman. Were you interested ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. I was interested simply in following it as it appeared 
 in the papers. 
 
 The Chairman. Did your unions take any part in the effort to get 
 alien labor off of the Federal works ? Did the labor unions of 
 Honolulu ever do anything in connection with the effort to get alien 
 laborers off of the Federal works ? 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAW AIL 731 
 
 Mr. Wright. They have mude efforts all along to prevent the 
 employment of noncitizens on Federal works, in fact, at practically 
 every meeting of our labor organization, of our central body, there are 
 reports from the delegates that Japanese are employed on such-and- 
 such a job, and the matter has been taken up by our central body 
 with Mr. Davis, I believe, Secretary of Labor, and I recollect that 
 a communication was received from him stating that he had no 
 jurisdiction over the Federal work being done by the Army, but that 
 if we would notify him as to contracts about to be given or jobs 
 about to be started he would see whether anything could be done 
 at this end to prevent the employment of noncitizens. 
 
 The Chairman. Did these discussions v/ith reference to alien 
 labor being employed on Federal works cause any feeling in the meet- 
 ings? 
 
 Mr. Wright. ^^Tiy, yes; they caused this much feeling, that the 
 aliens and noncitizens were crowding themselves up into work that 
 we felt they ought to be excluded from, and severe criticisms were 
 made of different contracting firms for their disposition to employ 
 noncitizens and orientals in preference to citizens. The feeling was 
 that this was solely a matter of wages and that they were able to 
 secure cheaper workmen by employing orientals. 
 
 The Chairman. Does that lead to bad feeling against the Japanese 
 in the streets of the town ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Why, I can not really say that it does lead to bad ^ 
 feeling in that way; it is simply a feeling that the Japanese are not 
 to be blamed so much as the men who employ the Japanese. I 
 believe I voice the sentiment of organized labor in Hawaii when I 
 state that organized labor blames more the employers, who debate 
 the standards of living by the employment of orientals in these 
 skilled and semiskilled trades, than it does the orientals themselves, 
 because it believes that if these jobs were filled by citizens then those 
 orientals would be kept on the plantations, where they were orig- 
 inally brought in to do their work, and that, I state again, is the 
 position of organized labor and what we are striving for. 
 
 The Chairman. Organized labor does not object to the orientalsy 
 there now as long as they stay on the plantations ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Just as long as they are kept there. y 
 
 The Chairman. I understood you say a while ago that organized 
 labor does not object to Filipinos coming into the islands. 
 
 Mr. Wright. Coming into the organizations ? 
 
 The Chairman. No. W^e have gotten it pretty straight that 
 organized labor does not want orientals on the Federal works, crowd- 
 ing out the skilled labor and crowding wages down, I suppose, but 
 they want them put back on the plantations. 
 
 Mr. Wright. Yes; back on the plantations. 
 
 The Chairman. They do not object if they stay there, but they do 
 not want any more of them, I take it. 
 
 Mr. Wright. No more of them. 
 
 The Chairman. How about Filipinos ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. The Filipinos, in one sense, are in the same class 
 with those who should be on the plantations; those that are on the 
 plantations should be kept there, but as far as bringing more Filipinos 
 in, organized labor takes this position, that if, as a last resort, it is 
 found to be necessary to bring in additional workers, additional laborers 
 
732 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 for the plantations, then, it believes, the Filipino is the one who 
 should be brought in, rather than to bring in Chinese or Japanese. 
 
 The Chairman. You would not have any objection to the Porto 
 Ricans? Organized labor would have no objection to the Porto 
 Ricans being brought in ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Well, what is the status of the Porto Ricans? The 
 same as that of Filipinos ? 
 
 Mr. Raker. Irrespective of their status, what would be your 
 answer ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. I could not answer that question for organized labor, 
 because it has never been acted upon. 
 
 Mr. Raker. What is the matter with the Porto Rican? Is there 
 anything wrong with him ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Well, so far as the plantations are concerned, the 
 Porto Rican is a desirable laborer, but he is in the same status, I 
 believe, as the Filipino, and I imagine organized labor would have no 
 more objection to Porto Ricans than to Filipinos from an economic 
 point of view. 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. You stated a little while ago that the Federal 
 Government allowed aliens to work in positions under contract or 
 under the Federal Government. 
 
 Mr. Wright. On Federal work ? 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Wright. Yes; especially in Honolulu. 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. Do you know whether the Territorial govern- 
 ment has a law prohibiting aliens from working on any work that 
 the Territorial government gives out ? 
 
 Mr. W^RiGHT. Yes; there is a law prohibiting the employment of 
 noncitizens on Territorial work. 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. Then you will admit that the Territory is 
 doing something to get the right kind of labor for those islands ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Absolutely, yes. 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. And the Federal Government is not? 
 
 Mr. Wright. The Federal Government has through the passage 
 of the Hawaiian rehabilitation bill. 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. That bill was passed because the people of 
 Hawaii knocked at the doors of Congress and asked Congress to do 
 something toward Americanizing the Territory. 
 
 Mr. Wright. That was through the passage of this rehabilitation 
 bill. 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. Did the American labor » organizations, 
 which attacked this bill when it was before Congress, appear before 
 Congress to help pass that bill ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. The labor organizations did not attack that reha- 
 bilitation bill. 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. Because it was not important enough ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. It was important enough, yes; and as I stated 
 yesterday, although they absolutely indorse the idea of employing 
 only citizens on Federal work, yet the disadvantages of that bill 
 absolutely outweighed, in their minds, the advantages. 
 
 Mr. Raker. What were the disadvantages ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. The disadvantages, as the common working people 
 regarded them, were the elimination of the 1,000-acre clause and the 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 733 
 
 ujiviug up of the valuable cane lands, which efforts had been made to 
 homestead— the giving up of these lands to the plantations. 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. Do you not know that there was a provision 
 in that bill to turn back these lands to the plantations so that they 
 could be rented under a lease and that the money derived therefrom 
 was to help the Hawaiians rehabilitate themselves, and that if the bill 
 did not provide that, the Hawaiians would not have had any money 
 with which to rehabilitate themselves ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. We took no official action on that bill. 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. This is the point I want to make: If it is of 
 such importance for the labor unions to come here at this time, why 
 was it not of as much importance for the labor unions to come at that 
 time and back up the Delegate who was working for the benefit of 
 the laboring men ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Because the bill we were asked to work for contained 
 something we absolutely could not indorse, and for that reason we 
 took no part, no official part, in the fight, because the advantage we 
 might have gained was outweighed by an equal disadvantage. 
 
 The Chairman. You live in Hawaii, and you have stated you are 
 interested in the future of the islands. Were these homesteads 
 falling into the hands of Japanese or not ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Some of the homesteads were taken up by the 
 Japanese. 
 
 The Chairman. In about the proportion of the Japanese popula- 
 tion? 
 
 Mr. Wright. I do not even know that it was in as high a propor- 
 tion as that; in fact, I do not think it was. You understand that the 
 method of alloting those homesteads is by lottery. 
 
 The Chairman. I am familiar with that; and then there is the 
 selling-out privilege. Now, what about Hawaiian pineapple planta- 
 tions ? Are the Japanese getting those to any extent ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. I have not gone into pineapples to any great extent, 
 but I have been informed that the Japanese are cultivating new lands 
 for pineapples and are developing the pineapple industry. Whether 
 it is under leasehold or how it is arranged I do not know. 
 
 The Chairman. As a matter of fact, the pineapple industry was 
 developed as a homestead proposition for citizens some years ago, 
 and big efforts were made to attract American homesteaders to the 
 islands. That went along for a few years, but now the Japanese 
 are edging in on the pineapple industry exactly the same as they are 
 on the fruit ranches, and so on, in California. I was wondering 
 whether you were pretty familiar with that. 
 
 Mr. Wright. Not from a personal study. 
 
 Mr. Raker. I take it for granted, Mr. Chairman, that no eJapanese 
 could get any of these homestead lands unless he were an American 
 citizen. 
 
 Mr. Wright. Certainly not; he can not get homestead lands unless 
 he is on an absolute political equality. 
 
 Mr. Raker. I imagine the rehabilitation bill does not eliminate 
 an American citizen from having the same rights as anyone else in 
 the islands. 
 
 Mr. Wright. Absolutely not. 
 
 The Chairman. There are a lot of Japanese American citizens in 
 California and they seem, to make as much trouble as the others. 
 
734 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 Mr. Free. Mr. Wright, do you know Pablo Manlapit, the president 
 of the FiMpino Labor Union of Hawaii ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. He is the one to whom I referred. 
 
 Mr. Free. He is the man that made the request of the Filipinos 
 upon the planters ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. He is the man; yes, sir. He is the man who was the 
 representative or head of the Filipinos. He is the man who made 
 the request on the sugar planters. 
 
 Mr. Free. He represented the Filipinos in that strike? 
 
 Mr. Wright. He was the head of their board of directors. 
 
 Mr. Free. He was the president of the Filipino Labor Union, 
 was he not, and could speak for the Filipinos ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Free. You would take any statement that he would make as 
 president of the Filipino Labor Union of Hawaii as speaking for the 
 striking Filipinos, would you not 1 
 
 Mr. Wright. No, sir; I would not. 
 
 Mr. Free. Why not ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Because he might have made the statement per- 
 sonally, and not authoritatively. 
 
 Mr. Free. If the statement was signed by the local president of 
 the Filipino Labor Union, it would be taken as the statement of the 
 union, would it not 1 
 
 Mr. Wright. It would be taken either as the actual statement of 
 the organization, or as an expression of policy on his part, or as an 
 expression of his personal opinion, which might not have been 
 indorsed. 
 
 Mr. Free. He was active in the strike, representing the Filipinos ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Yes, sir; I think he was. 
 
 Mr. Free. I would like to insert in the record an article that 
 appears in the Honolulu Pacific Commercial Advertiser, of Honolulu, 
 of the issue of Tuesday, February 10, 1920. I will simply read a 
 part of the article, but would like to have all of it inserted in the 
 record. 
 
 (The matter referred to is as follows :) 
 
 Admit Defeat or Call Island- Wide Walkout Japanese Only Course. 
 
 return of filipinos to work places nipponese in serious plight agitators 
 
 from other islands arrive — -hand of tokyo is seen — manlapit charges con- 
 SPIRACY. 
 
 Placed in a critical position by the collapse of the Filipino cane- workers strike and 
 accused by the Filipino leaders of deserting them, the Federation of Japanese Labor 
 in Hawaii had just two alternatives before it, according to those close to the local 
 situation — either it must give up the fight and acknowledge itself beaten, or throw 
 strategy and caution to the winds and make a last desperate bid for victory by attempt- 
 ing to enforce the all-island strike call authorized a week ago last Sunday and, for 
 some reason unknown, not made effective. 
 
 For two days the officials of the federation have been in almost continuous session, 
 but they have not given out a word as to their intentions. Last night, however, 
 Secretary 1. Goto made a definite statement to the effect that the Fihpino defection 
 would have little or no effect on the Japanese plans, adding, however, significantly 
 and with much emphasis, that it would, on the contrary, "aid the Japanese strikers 
 in making their determination firmer." 
 
 This was taken by many Japanese as meaning that the federation was about to take 
 the more radical course. 
 
 On the other hand, there are evidences that the Japanese leaders are pretty badly 
 scared. Messages have been sent to outljdng islands to sound out the sentiment of 
 
LABOE PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 735 
 
 workers there and to stimulate strike contributions, which have been coming in very 
 slowly. Besides the two commissioners from Hawaii who arrived Saturday other 
 leaders have been summoned for conference. 
 
 SEE japan's hand. 
 
 The hand of the Imperial .Japanese Government is again seen in the summoning by 
 the federation for conference of a man named Tsumi, a Japanese leader in Hawaii, 
 who claimed on his arrival here recently that he had been sent to Hawaii by the 
 Japanese Government to look into the labor situation of the islands as affecting the 
 Japanese. He is said to have been a Japanese language school principal at Hilo. 
 
 Close connection between the Japanese language schools and the Japanese con- 
 spiracy to control industry in Hawaii is seen in the actions of E. Matsumora. principal 
 of the Haleiwa Japanese school. According to Attorney Frank Thompson, this man 
 came to him before the strike and offered to aid the planters against the agitators, 
 declaring that the strike was being called so that a few agitators might profit financially 
 by it. Now he is reported as making speeches to the strikers, inciting them to further 
 resistance and declaring that they can not be put off the plantations. He is also the 
 person who offered to open his school building to strikers. 
 
 MANY FILIPINOS BACK. 
 
 Reports from the various plantations last night indicated that about two-thirds oi 
 the Filipino strikers returned to work yesterday, the proportions differing on the 
 various plantations. Pablo Manlapit made the rounds yesterday informing his 
 followers of the ending of the strike and it is expected that there will be an almost 
 complete return to-day, many Filipinos remaining away from work yesterday becuase 
 they had not yet received the official order to return. 
 
 Charges that failure on the part of the Japanese to carry out their agreement to back 
 the Filipinos were hurled at the former by Manlapit and his associates yesterday 
 while the Japanese declared that their fight would not be affected. 
 
 "The calling off of the strike of the Filipino workers on the six plantations on 
 Oahu by the Filipino organization will have little or no effect on the Japanese cane 
 workers who are now out on strike for higher wages and other improvements in working 
 conditions on the sugar estates in the islands," declared I. Goto, secretary of the 
 Federation of Japanese Labor in Hawaii, yesterday afternoon. *'The action of the 
 Filipino leaders in calling off the strike will, on the contrary, aid the Japanese strikers 
 in making their determination firmer. We are in the fight and will fight to the finish. ' ' 
 
 The action taken by the Filipino labor organization through Pablo Manlapit, presi- 
 dent, in calling off the strike of the Filipino cane workers "temporarily" is being 
 viewed with little concern, according to federation officials who, after a silence of two 
 days were rather talkative yesterday. They said that the latest development in the 
 strike situation was not the collapse of the Filipino strike but the collapse of the Fili- 
 pino labor body. 
 
 The Nipu Jiji, one of the Japanese papers, agrees mth the federation officials in 
 their view of the termination of the Filipino strike. "The majority of the Filipino 
 laborers who are out are decidedly in favor of continuing the strike," the Japanese 
 paper says, "they are preparing to get out of the plantation quarters. The Federation 
 of Japanese Labor has decided to aid these strikers in every possible way." 
 
 The Hawaii Hochi sees danger of the failure of the strike in the action taken by the 
 Filipino leaders. The paper says that the Japanese strikers must now choose whether 
 they continue the strike alone or take the lead of the Filipino strikers and call off the 
 strike. 
 
 Pablo Manlapit issued an official statement yesterday giving his side of the dispute 
 with the Japanese federation and charging them with a consjjiracy to cripple the 
 industries of Hawaii so that they may be taken over by an "unscrupulous alien race." 
 He calls on the Filipinos "as Americans" to help the people of Hawaii to break the 
 strangle hold the Japanese community is trying to obtain. Manlapit' s statement is 
 as follows: 
 
 "The above oflicial order of February 8 calling off the strike of the Filipino planta- 
 tion laborers, was issued by me in pursuance of a resolution to that effect unanimously 
 passed by the board of directors and unanimously approved in a subsequent meeting 
 by your representatives. It was deemed necessary because of the following reasons: 
 
 CHARGES OP CONSPIRACY. 
 
 "Wlien the representatives of the union decided to strike they believed the state- 
 ments of the representatives of the Japanese Labor Federation, that it was an indus- 
 trial strike for the purpose of increasing laborers' wages, and they also believed that 
 
736 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 the Japanese federation would carry out its often-repeated promise to support the 
 Filipinos during the time they were on a strike and until Japanese funds could be 
 secured. I now believe that instead of being an industrial strike for the purpose of 
 raising wages, that the real object of the Japanese in declaring a strike is to cripple 
 the industries of the Territory of Hawaii in the hope that they may be taken over by 
 an unscrupulous alien race. As Americans we can not be parties to any such a pro- 
 gram, and it becomes our dutv as citizens of the United States to help the people 
 of Hawaii to break the strangle hold which the Japanese community is trying to obtain 
 upon it. 
 
 "When this question of Japanese control first came to our minds, I wrote Aguilan, 
 director of labor at Manila, and received a cable from him saying that he did not con- 
 sider a strike advisable. 
 
 "Because of the bad faith, of the Japanese in failing to support us as they promised 
 before we struck and because of their neglect in carrying out their agreement to pro- 
 vide houses and food for our people, those of you whio were evicted from the planta- 
 tions were huddled together without food or covering in such places as we could 
 temporarily find, a condition which the government of the Territory and the president 
 of the board of health said was a menace to the public health of the Territory and would 
 not be tolerated, and for that reason, too, in order that our people might not suffer, I 
 deemed it imperatively necessary to ask, and I do ask, all Filipinos to return to work. 
 
 "Pablo Manlapit, 
 ''President Filipino Labor Union of Hawaii. 
 
 "February 9, 1920." 
 
 Juan B. Sarminento, one of the directors of the Filipino organization, declared 
 yesterday that failure on the part of the Federation of Japanese Labor to make good 
 its promise and support the Filipino strikers was largely responsible for the early end 
 of the strike. He said that when Pablo Manlapit, president of the Filipino labor 
 organization, met with the Federation officials prior to calling a strike of the Filipino 
 laborers on January 19 last, Manlapit was assured by the Japanese that the federation 
 would give the Filipinos every assistance in case the latter walked out. This promise, 
 Sarminento said, has not been fulfilled, thus forcing the Filipino leaders to call off 
 the strike. 
 
 A sudden change in the strike situation so far as it concerns Filipinos, took place 
 last Saturday night, when 380 striking Filipinos and their families were brought to 
 the city from Puuloa, a part of the Honolulu plantation, by Manlapit. These strikers 
 were taken to the Filipino Club on Smith Street to be housed, but owing to the number 
 many of them were compelled to sleep on the sidewalk. 
 
 SEEK JAPANESE HELP. 
 
 Admitting that the Filipino labor body was almost powerless in aiding the strikers 
 because of lack of money, Pablo Manlapit called at the Federation of_ Japanese Labor 
 asking for help. K. Miyazawa, one of the secretaries at the federation, was invited 
 by Manlapit to go over to the Filipino Club to see the strikers in a helpless condition. 
 
 Miyazawa, according to Manlapit, agreed to accompany him tothe Filipino Club 
 but refused to give substantial aid to the Filipino strikers. He is said to have declared 
 that it was entirely up to the Filipino leaders to take all necessary measures, asserting 
 that the federation had absolutely nothing to do with the Filipino strikers. It was 
 this attitude of the federation that caused the Filipino leaders to reconsider their 
 action regarding the strike, Manlapit said. 
 
 The editorial suggestion by the Advertiser, that some action should be taken to 
 control the foreign-language press in Hawaii, is being vigorously contested by the 
 Nippu Jiji. The Japanese paper brands the suggestion as "one of the most desperate 
 suggestions ever made in Hawaii since the English press began to exist," and said that 
 the Jiji editor was regretful "to have such suggestion made, for the sake of Hawaii's 
 honor and for the sake of Americanism as well." 
 
 The Hawaii Hochi declares that the planters are using "Americnism" as a tool in 
 crushing the strike of the Japanese laborers. The paper said that "when the rest of 
 the community comes to know the wily trick of the planters the latter then will find 
 that they have made a sad mistake." 
 
 The first meeting of the members of the finance, campaign negotiation, and corre- 
 spondence committee of the Strike Supporters' Association was held last night at the 
 Japanese language school on Nuu-anu Street. The association was organized last week 
 by representatives of various associations and institutions in the Japanese colony_ here. 
 It was decided at last night's meeting to aid the strikers who are already in the city by 
 raising a large fund through popular subscription from among the Honolulu Japanese. 
 
LABOB PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 737 
 
 The mass meeting which is proposed for the discussion of the situation is not being 
 pressed from any suggestion of the sugar planters, who have had no connection with the 
 idea, ])ut is urged by citizens who feel that the present crisis is no mere capital and 
 labor dispute but due to a deep-laid conspiracy on the part of alien interests to control 
 the Territory of Hawaii and its industries. 
 
 In accord with the suggestion of the Japanese paper that a pro-Japanese propaganda 
 in English be launched, the Honolulu Japanese Merchant's Association has issued a 
 series of resolutions declaring that the present dispute is purely an industrial one and 
 does not involve any race question. The resolution calls on both sides to negotiate a 
 prompt settlement. 
 
 Mr. Free. Now, Manlapit is a man who would be in pretty good 
 position, being one of the strikers and representing the FiHpinos, to 
 express his views as to the nature of the strike. 
 
 Mr. Wright. Yes, sir. If I may make a statement,, I will say that 
 to me it sounds very much like an inspired statement. 
 
 Mr. Free. I think it is inspired by good Americanism. 
 
 Mr. Wright. I think not. I think it is inspired by resentment and 
 dissatisfaction over the failure of the Japanese to support the Fili- 
 pinos in the way that they should have been supported and this 
 view is sustained by Sarminento's statement. 
 
 Mr. Free. You are on pretty friendly terms with the Japanese, 
 are you not ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. On good terms ? 
 
 Mr. Free. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Wright. Not on particularly good terms or bad terms. 
 
 Mr. Free. You talk over their problems with them? 
 
 Mr. Wright. No, sir. 
 
 Mr. Free. Of course, we must have misunderstood each other a 
 while ago when I asked you about the language bill. What I meant 
 to refer to was the foreign language press bill. As I understand it, 
 that is a bill that provides that in case certain un-American state- 
 ments were made in foreign-language papers, then translations 
 would have to be had of the articles in the papers. Those are about 
 the terms of the bill, are they not, in a rough way ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. That was the original press bill, I believe. It was 
 modified and redrafted by Mr. Warren, who, I believe, is attorney 
 for the sugar planters, and the final form in which it came before 
 the House was such that labor could not conscientiously indorse it. 
 
 Mr. Free. Why? The first section of the bill provides that — 
 
 Any person who shall print, sell, distribute, or circulate, in the Territory of Hawaii, 
 any written or printed article or matter, in any form or language wliicli shall advocate 
 or incite or be intended to advocate or incite the commission of any act of violence, 
 such as sabotage, incendiarism, sedition, anarchy, rioting, or breach of the peace, or 
 which shall indirectly advocate or incite or be intended to advocate or incite the use 
 or exercise of force, fear, intimidation, threats, ostracism, or blackmail, for the purpose 
 of restraining or coercing or intimidating any person from freely engaging in lawful 
 business or employment or the enjoyment of rights of liberty or property, or which 
 by deliberate misrepresentation sliali be designed and intended to create or have the 
 effect of creating distrust or dissension between peoples of different races or between 
 citizens and aliens, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, and upon tiie first conviction 
 shall be punished by a fine of not more than |1,000 or imprisoned not more than one 
 year, and upon a second conviction for again violating this section within five years 
 of the first conviction, shall be punished by a fine of not more than |5,000 or by im- 
 prisonment of not more than one year or by both such fine and imprisonment. 
 
 Section 2 provides that — 
 
 Any person or persons who shall publish in a foreign language any newspaper or 
 prints of like nature for the dissemination of news or information, shall file a full and 
 true copy of each and every such newspaper or print in the ofhce of the attorney 
 general of the Territory forthwith upon the publication thereof. 
 
 56754— 21— SEE 7, pt 2 13 
 
738 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 Section 3 provides — 
 
 Whenever any person shall print, issue, or publish, in a foreign language in the 
 Territory of Hawaii, any book, paper, pamphlet, bulletin, circular, handbill, dodger, 
 or other form of written or printed matter or article not included in section 2 of this 
 act, which shall relate or refer to the Government or any law of the United States or 
 the Territory of Hawaii, or any political subdivision thereof, or to any principle of 
 government, or the administration of law, or rights of persons or property, or to any 
 racial, industrial or class question or conditions, or to any of the matters mentiotied 
 in section 1 of this act, such person shall in each case include therein a statement of the 
 name or names and places of residence or business of the author or authors thereof, 
 and of the publisher or publishers of the same, and shall also file a full and true copy 
 thereof in the office of the attorney general of the Territory, a true and correct English 
 translation thereof, under the oath of its author or publisher. 
 
 I understand that your organization opposed that bill ? 
 Mr. WRtGHT. Yes, sir; absolutely. 
 
 Mr. Free. I have not read the entire bill, but would like to have 
 all of the bill appear in the record. 
 
 (The remaining sections of the bill are as follows:) 
 
 Sec. 4. If any person shall be convicted of publishing or circulating any article or 
 matter of a nature contrary to any provisions of section 1 of this act, and such person 
 shall thereafter publish or circulate in the manner described in section 2 of this act 
 any article or matter in any foreign language which shall relate to or refer to the Gov- 
 ernment or any law of the United States or of the Territory of Hawaii or any political 
 subdivision thereof, or to any principle of government, or the administration of law, 
 or the rights of persons or property, or to any racial, industrial or class question or 
 conditions, or to any of the matters mentioned in section 1 of this act, he shall file 
 with each such article a true and correct English translation thereof, under oath. 
 
 Sec. 5. Any person required under either section 3 or section 4 of this act to file a 
 true and sworn English translation of any article or matter published in a foreign 
 language who shall knowingly file a false or incorrect translation of such article or 
 matter, or any person who knowing that the translation made by him of such article 
 or matter is to be so filed, shall knowingly make a false or incorrect translation of such 
 article or matter for the purpose of the same being so filed, shall be guilty of perjury 
 and be punished as by law provided in the case of perjury. 
 
 Sec. 6. It shall be the duty of the attorney general of the Territory to examine 
 the matter so required to be filed in his office to such extent as to him shall seem 
 reasonably necessary or ad\'isable to determine the nature or effect thereof, and 
 to prosecute ail offenses under this act which shall come or be brought to his attention,, 
 and any such offenses may also be prosecuted by any county or city and county 
 attorney. 
 
 Sec 7. It shall not be necessary for matter filed in the office of the attorney general 
 under this act to be preserved for more than one year, and the attorney general may 
 thereafter at any time, in his discretion, destroy or otherwise dispose of the same. 
 
 Sec. 8. Ail matters filed in the office of the attorney general under either of sections 
 2, 3, or 4, of this act shall be open for public inspection. 
 
 Sec. 9. Any person (other than a corporation) who shall be convicted of a violation 
 of any provisions of this act for which a penalty is not otherwise provided in this act 
 shall be punished by a fine of not more than $1,000 or by imprisonment for not more 
 than one year, or by both such fine and imprisonment, in the discretion of t]:)e court. 
 
 If any provision of this act shall be violated by any corporation, such corporation 
 shall be punished by a fine in a sum not more than double the amount of the fine 
 which could be imposed under the preceding terms of this section upon an individual 
 for a like violation. 
 
 Sec. 10. Definitions: The word "person" as used in this act shall also include any 
 persons, company, association, or corporation, or the officers, agents, or employes, 
 of such corporation, except where such meaning is expressly excluded. 
 
 Any language other than English and Hawaiian shall be deemed to be a foreign 
 language within the meaning of this act. 
 
 SbcTiI. If any section, subsection, sentence, clause, or phrase of this act is for 
 any reason held to be invalid or unconstitutional, such decision shall not affect the 
 validity of the remaining portions of the act. 
 
 Sec 12. This act shall take effect upon its approval. 
 
 Approved this 27th day of April, A. D. 1921. 
 
 C. J. McCarthy, 
 Governor oj the Territory of Hawaii, 
 
 i 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HA WAIL 739 
 
 Mr. Free. Why is your organization opposed to that bill? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Inasmuch as you have phiced the entire text of the 
 bill in the record ^ I would like to submit for the record copies of the 
 statements in the Labor Review which contain in full our objections 
 to the bill. 
 
 The Chairman. I believe that matter has been placed in the 
 -record. 
 
 Mr. W^RIGHT. If that matter has been placed in the record, there 
 is no use going into the matter any further. 
 
 Mr. Free. I am asking you for your reasons. You are the wit- 
 ness before the committee, and I am asking you why your organiza- 
 tion opposed this bill. 
 
 Mr. Raker. He says that it is explained fully in those statements. 
 
 Mr. Free. He has not explained them. Did he write them? 
 
 The Chairman. Did you write the articles explaining the reasons 
 for opposition to the bill ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Yes, sir; I wrote some of the articles and editorials 
 that the Labor Review produced. All of it is in that copy of the 
 paper; and also in that copy of the paper, or the next copy, is the 
 substitute bill proposed by labor and submitted to the House com- 
 mittee which had the bill under consideration, which was labor's 
 proposal for an effective press control bill, but which was not accepted 
 or reported out. 
 
 Mr. Free. In other words, your organization opposed this bill 
 that would keep all papers being published in a foreign language — -^ 
 
 Mr. Wright (interposing). Not at all. 
 
 Mr. Free (continuing) . From destroying Americanism ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. We opposed that bill upon the ground that it was 
 aimed, through the language used, directly at labor organizations, 
 providing a weapon which could be used against us and prevent any 
 possible form of propaganda or organization or agitation in times of 
 industrial disputes. You say that a copy of that paper has been 
 placed in the record, and if so, all of it is a matter of record now. 
 
 The Chairman. I think it is in the record. Mr. Wallace read one 
 clipping. 
 
 Mr. Wallace. It did not apply to that at all. 
 
 The Chairman. We had a long discussion about the press -control 
 bill. 
 
 Mr. Raker. You had better let Mr. Wright get both articles. 
 • The Chairman. I do not think it is directly at issue. 
 
 Mr. Wright. If it is not in issue, then the whole matter should be 
 stricken from the record. 
 
 The Chairman. We will assume that the legislature settled it out 
 there, and we all know that in that community of 255,000 people, 
 divided among four islands, interest in all these matters must be 
 intense, and they are settled out there. In my opinion, that is some- 
 what aside from the problems that we have here. The Japanese 
 newspapers now print English translations, do they not ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. They do not. The bill will have absolutely no effect 
 upon the Japanese newspapers as to their furnishing translations. 
 
 The Chairman. They do not do that? 
 
 Mr. Wright. No, sir; they do not do that. They do not have to 
 do it under the terms of the bill. 
 
740 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 The Chairman. So that if the Japanese newspapers have had some- 
 thing offensive to say about 3^ou in the last few days, you would not 
 know it unless we showed it to you or your friends showed it to you 
 when you got home ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Probably not. 
 
 Mr. GoMPERS. Inasmuch as this bill has been read into the record, 
 is it not your opinion, sir, that the position or the justification for the 
 position of labor in Hawaii should also go into the record ? 
 
 The Chairman. I have no objection if anybody wants it in, but I 
 am not going to give blanket authority to insert newspaper articles j 
 as they please in the record. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Have you the articles ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. They are here. I ask that they be inserted in the ! 
 record. ■ 
 
 (The articles referred to are as follows ) 
 
 [From Labor Re\iew of April 26.] 
 labor's argument against amended press control bill. 
 
 
 To the House of Representatives, Per favor of the Minority Members of the Com- 
 mittee on the Judiciary. 
 
 This bill, as amended by the majority recommendation of the Judiciary Committee, 
 still contains the objectionable features to which such emphatic objection was made 
 at the public hearing before the committee. 
 
 In its amended form the true intention of the bill becomes still more apparent, for 
 it fails absolutely to place any additional restraint upon foreign-language newspapers. 
 There is no translation required of any subject matter appearing in such papers, the 
 only regulation being the filing of a copy of each issue. 
 
 Under the penalizing section even unintentional neglect or failure to file such a 
 copy is punished with exactly the same penalty as is the first violation of section 1, 
 which in itself constitutes an excessive and unjust punishment out of all proportion 
 to the seriousness of the offense. One who merely fails to file a copy with the Attorney 
 General is as guilty under the provisions of this law as one who m.aliciously stirs up 
 riot and anarchy. 
 
 In section 1 the language of the text from line 7 to line 12, inclusive, as appears in the 
 typewritten report of the majority of the committee on page 2, is capable of so great 
 a variation of interpretations as to make it practically unlawful to carry on any indus- 
 trial dispute, especiall}^ if the question of a strike is involved, for the ideas of fear, 
 force, intimidation, threat, or ostracism could be attributed to form of address, advice, 
 or instruction designed to develop solidarity among the workers and encourage them 
 to hold firm for their rights. 
 
 These are all loose words, Avliich should have no place in tJie law, for there are many 
 kinds of force aside from brute violence — the force of conscience, moral suasion, of 
 example, of circumstance, and the compelling force of right and justice. Under the- 
 proposed law none of these forces could be appealed to for the settlement of a dispute. 
 The same holds true of fear; there is the fear of merited censure, of poverty, of losing a 
 job, even the fear of God is outlawed by this act. And what is intimidation except 
 causing one to be afraid? And is there not such a thing as being afraid to do a wrong act? 
 There are other kinds of threats beside the threat of phvsical injury or personal harm; 
 one might be threatened with just retribution or with the exposure of some question- 
 able practice, or even with punishment under the law: and are such threats to be made 
 unlawful? It is an absurdity. And the idea of ostracism is identified with all kinds 
 of evil doings which have always been regarded as justifying the cutting off of an 
 offender from cordial relations with his own fellows. In industrial disputes one who 
 betrays his own fellows or spies upon them justly merits. ostracism, in much the same 
 way as a traitor or a spy against his country would be ostracized from the society of all 
 decent people in the case of international disputes. 
 
 In the clause immediately following, on line 10, the amended text makes the law 
 appl}^ to only one side of an industrial dispute, to activities tending to prevent men 
 from engaging in certain employment; it does not restrain the employer from using any 
 or all of these tactics to induce men to continue in their jobs. Is that a square deal? 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN^ HAWAII. 741 
 
 In conclusion M^e urge that the minority report be accepted and the bill tabled, 
 and in doing so we can sav that we are taking a stand for the honor of Hawaii, upon 
 whose great seal are inscribed the greatest argument against such bills as this: 
 "Ua man ke ea o ka aina i ka pono." 
 
 George W. Wright, 
 President Central Labor Council. 
 
 [The Labor Review of Hawaii.] 
 THAT POOR OLD PRESS BILL. 
 
 It is rather amusing to those of us who have seriously studied the provisions of the 
 press gag bill in its amended form as it finally passed the house and was honored by 
 the governor's signature to find it still defended by certain elements in this commu- 
 nity which, however prejudiced and reactionary they may be, we had given credit 
 for the possession of some slight degree of intelligence. 
 
 As pointed out by the attorney general the bill carries no appropriation for its 
 enforcement as a regulatory measure. It does not provide in any way for the transla- 
 tion of any matter appearing in any foreign-language newspaper, unless that paper 
 shall have been previously convicted of violating this particular law. It does, how-, 
 ever, require translations from periodicals and magazines printed in a foreign language 
 whenever they treat of political, economic, or industrial questions, and the effect of 
 this provision is to practically close the columns of these conservative publications to 
 the discussion of such subjects, leaving the unregulated newspapers as the sole medium 
 for the exchange of ideas and the spread of propaganda which it was the intention of 
 the act to restrict. 
 
 The law provides the same penalty for the failure to file even a single copy of an 
 innocent paper as it does for the open preaching of anarchy and sedition or the incite- 
 ment to riot and violence, thus inflicting a punishment out of all proportion to the 
 offense. 
 
 _ Section 1, around which the principal discussion has centered, is so transparently 
 aimed at the suppression of labor activities in the case of industrial disputes that the 
 advocates of the bill merely render themselves ridiculous by denying it. And the 
 law is directly worded so as to punish those who try to keep men from working during 
 an industrial dispute or strike, while it allows employers to use all kinds of threats, 
 of force, fear, intimidation, etc., to coerce mQn into staying on the job. 
 
 However, the press gag act has become a law, and the fact does not worry us in the 
 least. It will take its place with the other fool laws which our legislatures have passed, 
 and will presently be forgotten, very much as the Rice criminal s>Tidicalism law was 
 forgotten. So far as we are concerned we shall continue to teach the truth as we see 
 it and to advocate the things which we believe are just and proper means to the 
 securing of the ends we have in view, basing our defense and our justification upon 
 that underlying principle of American law which distinguishes between right and 
 wrong, justice and injustice, in the interpretation of words and phrases which have 
 too broad and general a meaning, and relying upon the honesty, fair-mindedness, and 
 common sense of the average American jury. 
 
 LEGISL.VTIVE COMMITTEE OFFERS SUBSTITUTE PRESS BILL — SUGGESTIONS OF ORGAN- 
 IZED LABOR TO JUDICIARY COMMITTEE OF HOUSE. 
 
 In an effort to bring about a settlement of the press-bill dispute and demonstrate 
 the constructive policy of the Central Labor Council the legislative committee pre- 
 sented to the judiciary committee of the house the following suggestions for the control 
 of the foreign-language press : 
 
 Hon. LoRRiN Andrews, 
 
 Chairraan of the Judiciary Committee of the House of Bepresentaiives, 
 
 Territory of Haivaii. 
 
 Gentlemen: At the public hearing before your committee on Monday night, April 
 18, 1921, the representatives of organized labor were requested to make some "con- 
 structive criticisms or suggestions" relative to senate bill 111. We felt at the time 
 that the criticisms we had offered were sufficiently constructive to condemn the 
 measure in its entirety, and we call your attention to the fact that in the argument 
 against the bill presented by the Central Labor Council to the house and made public 
 
742 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 in the afternoon paper just prior to the hearing there was the suggestion for an "honest 
 law which would simply provide that 'no person shall write, print, publish, or circulate 
 any matter which openly advocates, incites, or encourages the violation of a law or 
 the commission of a crime.'" This, of course, would require some elaboration and 
 the addition of the penalizing clause, but it would be a very simple law and one 
 that could not easily be misconstrued. 
 
 It seems, however, that such a law alone would not be acceptable to the gentlemen 
 who represent the American Legion, who believe that the Japanese press requires 
 some additional measure of control. Might we be permitted, then, to suggest the fol- 
 lowing solution: 
 
 Let there be passed "An act creating a territorial bureau of translations under the 
 supervision of a commissioner of foreign languages, defming the duties and providing 
 an appropriation for the carrying on of the work of the said bureau." 
 
 The work of this bureau should be the examination of the subject matter of all 
 foreign language publications of local origin or otherwise as might seem advisable 
 and the translation into "American" of all articles, editorials, etc., relating to the 
 subjects referred to in section 3 of the present bill (S. 111). Such translations should 
 be filed at once with the attorney general and be open to public inspection for a year 
 from the date of filing. 
 
 If the defenders of the original bill are as sincere in their desire to Americanize 
 the Territory as their protestations would have us believe and as sincerely desirous of 
 avoiding anything "creating distrust is dissension between peoples of different races 
 or between citizens and aliens," as the text of the Warren bill assumes, then they 
 could have no valid objection to the enactment of such a law and should be satisfied 
 with the reasonable restraint which it would exert upon any foreign language pub- 
 lication which might otherwise overstep the bounds of propriety in discussing political, 
 social, or economic questions. 
 
 Such a bureau might be considered as an educational factor in the development of 
 harmonious relations between the various racial elements in the Territory, or it might 
 be regarded as a detective bureau authorized under the general police powers of the 
 Territory. In any case it would relieve the Hawaiian Sugar Planters' Association 
 of the expense of hiring expert translators and reviewing the contents of the Japanese 
 press, an expense which, in all justice, ought to be borne by the public at large, 
 which benefits in the end from the activities of such an institution as the bureau of 
 translations would become. 
 
 Trusting that our suggestions will be given due consideration and that a solution 
 will be found 'Which will not impose unjust or unreasonable restraint upon any press, 
 we have the honor to remain. 
 Very sincerely, yours, 
 
 Legislative Committee of the Central Labor Council. 
 
 Note. — ^We might point out that authorized translations under the seal of the 
 bureau would form the evidence upon which to prosecute the publishers of matter 
 already prohibited by law, as, for example, libel, blackmail, incendiarism, criminal 
 syndicalism, etc. 
 
 The Chairman. Mr. Wright, I want to ask you if you visited any 
 Japanese before you came on here from Honolulu ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Yes, sir; I have seen Japanese with regard to in- 
 formation that I was instructed by the labor council to secure, if 
 possible. 
 
 The Chairman. Did you secure it ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. I secured some information; yes, sir. 
 
 The Chairman. Did you present it to the committee ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Some of it I have given to the committee. That is 
 information in regard to the number of Japanese who had left the 
 plantations and the number of those who had left the islands. 
 
 The Chairman. Did you tell them that you were coming on here ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. They knew that we were coming on; yes, sir. 
 
 The Chairman. It was a matter of general knowledge, was it ? 
 Did you tell any of them particularly about it ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. I think not, but I am not positive. Yes, sir; I did 
 have a conversation with one Jap, or a part Jap, who is the editor 
 of a Japanese paper. 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAW AIL 743 
 
 The Chairman. Who was he? 
 
 Mr. Wright. That was Fred Makino. He met me on the street. 
 
 The Chairman. What did 3^ou talk about? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Well, we talked mostly about this coolie proposition. 
 I will state that I made every effort possible to get the different view- 
 points. In making this effort, I came in contact with some Japanese. 
 
 The Chairman. Did you interest them in your viewpoint? 
 
 Mr. W^RiGHT. I did not make any particular effort to interest them 
 in my viewpoint, but I wanted their viewpoint. 
 
 The C1LA.1RMAN. Were they interested ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Some of them were and some of them were not. 
 
 The Chairman. How about this editor? 
 
 Mr. Wright. This editor was interested. 
 
 The Chairman. What did he say? 
 
 Mr. Wright. He said, as near as I can recollect, that he did not 
 believe that Chinese coolies were required at all for the reason that, 
 although the plantations were short to a certain extent, he believed 
 that other means could be secured without bringing in Chinese 
 coolies. 
 
 The Chairman. Did he talk to you about another strike ? 
 
 Mr. W^right. No, sir; he did not. 
 
 The Chairman. Did he say anything about the advisability of 
 your coming on here ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. I do not recollect that he did. I believe at the time I 
 spoke to him it had been decided on. I met him casually on the 
 street. 
 
 The Chairman. Did the Japanese association discuss the matter 
 of your coming on ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. They may have discussed it. 
 
 The Chairman. Do you know whether they did or not ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Among themselves — I do not know. 
 
 The Chairman. Did they offer you any support in any way, or 
 financial support ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. What do you mean by that ? 
 
 The Chairman. Did they offer you any financial suppport for 
 the expenses of the trip ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. No, sir. 
 
 Mr. Free. Is it not a fact that some Japanese put up at least $500 
 for the expenses of either yourself or your associate, Mr. Chilton ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. I say that they had offered me no support. Now, 
 I will make this thing absolutely clear to this committee, because 
 there are certain things in connection with 
 
 Mr. Free (interposing) . Let us have an answer, yes or no, to the 
 question, and then you may explain. Is it a fact that the Japanese 
 are paying for a part of the expenses of either you or Mr. Chilton^ 
 or both of you ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. As I told you, personally I do not know. Money 
 has been raised from individual contributors who absolutely do not 
 want to go on record. Money has been contributed in that way in 
 confidence, and w^e are not at liberty to divulge the names of the con- 
 tributors. As to that, we do not consider that it is anybody's busi- 
 ness as to who did or who did not contribute. 
 
 Mr. Free. We consider it our business. I will tell you right now 
 that I consider it my business, as a member of this committee, to 
 
744 > LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 know whether Japanese contributed to the expense of your coming 
 here. 
 
 Mr. Wright. I might say this, that money was collected. Part 
 of it was collected by committes delegated by the Central Labor 
 Council to make collections and the central labor body went on record 
 as requiring officially for the record only contributions from bona 
 fide labor organizations ; but they gave permission to the committee- 
 men who had the work in charge to collect funds from whatever 
 source they saw fit, and a certain member of this committee made 
 it a point, I believe, to interest himself among the Japanese. 
 
 Mr. Free. That was your associate, Mr. Chilton ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. That was a man by the name of Papke. 
 
 The Chairman. Who were the members of the committet; who 
 solicited those funds ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. A gentleman by tiie name of Pasco. 
 
 The Chairman. What was his first name? 
 
 Mr. Wright. I do not know. Pasco is the representative of the 
 street car employees; and there was Clarence Ruh; another was 
 Vickery, and another was Webb Johnson. I believe that Charles 
 Herring was furnished with a list, and also Henry Papke. If there 
 are any others, Mr. Chilton can give the names. 
 
 The Chairman. Did those lists that were furnished have the names 
 of the people who were to be seen? 
 
 Mr. Wright. No, sir; they were simply blank lists. 
 
 The Chairman. Subscription lists? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Yes, sir; subscription blanks. 
 
 The Chairman. They were passed around or carried into the 
 Japanese quarter? 
 
 Mr. Wright. I heard that this man Papke made a special effort 
 to do so. 
 
 The Chairman. Did you object to that in any way? 
 
 Mr. Wright. I can not say that I did; no, sir. 
 
 The Chairman. You did not then and do not now? 
 
 Mr. Wright. No, sir. 
 
 The Chairman. How much did he get from the Japanese ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. I do not know. 
 
 The Chairman. Do the records of the Central Labor Council show? 
 
 Mr. Wright. The records will show what money has been collected 
 
 The Chairman. Including the names that were not to be given out ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Probably not. 
 
 The Chairman. So that some names would not appear. Why do 
 they want to keep that quiet ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. I mil tell you why. It is because they do not dare 
 to let it be known that they are taking an active part in opposition 
 to this measure. 
 
 The Chairman. Why? 
 
 Mr. Wright. The local people there in Honolulu do not dare to 
 come out actively in the open in opposition to it for fear of incurring 
 the enmity and displeasure of the Hawaii Sugar Planters' Association 
 and of the chamber of commerce. People have requested that their 
 names shall not appear, and, for the same reason, no one will sign 
 statements or vouchers as to data collected. 
 
 The Chairman. As to information collected ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Yes^ sir. 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 745 
 
 The Chairman. Does not the same situation exist with regard to 
 the feeUng concerning the Japanese population — that is, that you do 
 not dare come out and say what you feel? Is not that the same 
 situation ? As a matter of fact, are you not afraid all the time to say 
 anything for fear of the sugar planters, the chamber of commerce, 
 or the Japanese ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Well, to a certain extent that is true. I would not 
 say, however, that we are afraid of the Japanese. 
 
 The Chairman. You are not afraid of them ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. No, sir; I am not afraid of them, because they have 
 no power to affect us economically. 
 
 The Chairman. Do you express any fear of their control of the 
 islands ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. No, sir; I have no fear as to their control of the 
 islands, because I believe that the Americanization program in the 
 islands has developed far enough so that the Japanese menace can 
 be controlled provided nothing is done to aggravate it by the intro- 
 duction of another complication, such as this admission of Chinese 
 coolies. 
 
 The Chairman. Every time this committee, or any other com- 
 mittee, discusses the Japanese question, or any phase of it, is it not 
 a fact that it creates some agitation, and do they not resent it in the 
 papers and elsewhere ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Do you mean whether the Japanese resent it ? 
 
 The Chairman. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Wright. I presume they do. 
 
 The Chairman. Do they not print in their papers right there in 
 Honolulu, week in and week out, statements to the effect that if they 
 will be patient they will have the islands ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. No, sir; I do not think so. 
 
 The Chairman. You would believe official translations if I showed 
 them to you, would you not ? How much money did the Japanese 
 contribute to your expense fund ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. I am not in a position to say. 
 
 The Chairman. Do you know? 
 
 Mr. Wright. I do not. 
 
 Mr. Free. You know, however, that they did contribute to it? 
 
 Mr. Wright. I know they contributed to it. 
 
 Mr. Free. You know that Mr. Chilton solicited funds from them 
 himself, do you not ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. You can ask Mr. Chilton ? 
 
 Mr. Free. May I ask that question of Mr. Chilton? Mr. Chilton, 
 is it a fact that you solicited funds among the Japanese for the 
 expenses of this trip ? 
 
 Mr. Raker. Just a moment: I have sat quietly here, but I now 
 wish to make a statement. When we started in with this examina- 
 tion, I was prevented from asking this commission a number of ques- 
 tions bearing upon absolutely vital matters. We have a record here, 
 but those facts do not appear in it, because of the fear that it might 
 create trouble of some sort that would affect them when they went 
 home. I want to call attention to the fact that we have not been 
 permitted to find out from this commission anything with regard to 
 these matters, but this gentleman 
 
 Mr. Irwin (interposing) . That is absolutely incorrect. 
 
746 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Just a moment, if you please, I am making a state- 
 ment. This gentleman, because he represents organized labor, is 
 grilled as though he were a criminal. That is done because he appears 
 here against this resolution, which would foist upon that Territory, 
 which is a part of this country, a condition of slavery and involun- 
 tary servitude. I say that representatives of American labor, or any 
 other representatives, would not be doing their duty, but would be 
 derelict in their duty as citizens, if they did not come here and oppose 
 this proposition. I have no objection to your finding out all that you 
 are entitled to know, but I ask for the same opportunity of examina- 
 tion when it comes to these other gentlemen. 
 
 The Chairman. This witness in his first cablegram, which is a part 
 of the record, and since then, has undertaken to make charges that 
 would tend to discredit the members of this commission. He made 
 those charges, and for that reason we have the right to examine him 
 as far as we please. In view of the references that have been made 
 to the Japanese 
 
 Mr. Raker (interposing). I think we should go into the matter 
 from all sides. The only thing I suggest is that we may have full 
 opportunity to examine all of the witnesses. 
 
 Mr. Free. For the purpose of further examining Mr. Wright, I 
 want to ask Mr. Chilton one question. 
 
 The Chairman. You may proceed. 
 
 Mr. Free. Mr. Chilton, is it a fact that before leaving Honolulu 
 you did solicit funds from Japanese or Japanese organizations for the 
 purpose of financing this trip or partly financing it ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. I did. 
 
 Mr. Free. Did you secure some funds froin them? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. I was told by one of the business men there that I 
 should go and see the Japanese Chamber of Commerce. 
 
 Mr. Free. Just answer the question; did you get some funds from 
 them ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. I will make this answer in full, so as to make it 
 clear 
 
 Mr. Free (interposing). No; answer the question, yes or no; and 
 then explain. 
 
 Mr. Chilton. I was told by a Japanese merchant there that I 
 should see the Japanese Chamber of Commerce, and that the}^ would 
 be only too willing to contribute. Two or three days before we left 
 I went do^\Ti to the Japanese Chamber of Commerce and saw their 
 secretary, Mr. Onodera, and told him that I had been sent down there 
 by a Japanese merchant. Mr. Onodera said, '^You come back this 
 afternoon about 4 o'clock, and I will let you know. I must see the 
 contribution committee." At 4 o'clock I went back there and saw 
 Mr. Onodera, and he said, ^'The Japanese Chamber of Commerce does 
 not dare make any contribution toward the financing of this trip, as 
 they are afraid of the Honolulu Chamber of Commerce." That is the 
 American Chamber of Commerce. Fie told me that if I would go to 
 the different stores they would subscribe, and that all I had to do 
 was to ask the storekeepers or proprietors or managers to get in 
 telephone communication with him and that he would O. K. the 
 proposition. I did not go around to an}^ of those stores or get a 
 single cent. 
 
 Mr. Free. But they have since contributed ? 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 747 
 
 Mr. Chilton. 1 do not know that tlK\y have since contributed. 
 
 The Chairman. Is Mr. Onodera an American citizen? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. I do not know whether he is or not. I do not be- 
 heve he is. 
 
 The Chairman. Is the Japanese Chamber of Commerce made up 
 of American citizens ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. I do not think there is a single American citizen in 
 it. They would not w^ant to be on record as contributing to a fund 
 to send witnesses to influence American legislation one way or the 
 other. 
 
 The Chairman. That is wdiat they said, but they were willing 
 enough to have you go around to the difl^erent stores and get funds ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. Yes; which I did not do. 
 
 The Chairman. Did you do it ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. The only place I went was to the Japanese Chamber 
 of Commerce. 
 
 The Chairman. You did secure contributions from them? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. Japanese contributed funds. 
 
 The Chairman. To you, personally? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. I know that as treasurer of the central labor council. 
 
 Mr. Free. How much did you collect? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. I am not at liberty to say. 
 
 Mr. Free. Why not ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. Because I am not. 
 
 The Chairman. Do vou know^ ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. Yes, sir. 
 
 The Chairman. As much as $400 ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. More than that, but I can not say exactly. 
 
 The Chairman. Six hundred dollars ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. More than that even. A little over $1,500, I think. 
 
 The Chairman. You are the treasurer of the central labor council ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. Yes, sir. 
 
 The Chairman. How much was the total contribution? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. I do not know. 
 
 The Chairman. You do not know what was the totals 
 
 Mr. Chilton. I have not kept track of it. 
 
 The Chairman. How much did the steamboat and railroad tickets 
 amount to ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. I do not know; about $600 so far. 
 
 The Chairman. For the two ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. I think so. 
 
 The Chairman. Did you buy them ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. I bought my own and he bought his. 
 
 The Chairman. Who is the treasurer of this expedition ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. We have no treasurer. 
 
 The Chairman. You divided the fund ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. Each one pays his own expenses. 
 
 Mr. Free. You gave a part of the money you collected to Mr. 
 Wright, did you ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. Yes: I did. 
 
 Mr. Free. Fifty-fifty? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. Yes, sir. 
 
 The Chairman. You say it w^as in excess of $1,600? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. No; I say it was $1,500. 
 
748 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 The Chairman. That is the amount collected from the Japanese ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. Yes, sir. 
 
 The Chairman. What about the white people ? What did they 
 contribute ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. They also contributed. 
 
 The Chairman. How much ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. So far I do not know exactly how much, but they 
 have contributed. 
 
 The Chairman. About $1,500? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. No; they have not contributed that much. 
 
 The Chairman. $1,000? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. I do not know; it is in Honolulu. 
 
 The Chairman. Can you guess ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. No; I can not guess. 
 
 The Chairman. They are raising it now ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. Yes, sir. - 
 
 The Chairman. They are not going to let the Japanese outdo them, 
 are they ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. I do not know; that is up to them. 
 
 Mr. Raker. You know how much money you have gotten to date, 
 do you not ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. Yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Raker. How much? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. We have gotten about $830 apiece. 
 
 Mr. Raker. And they are still raising more for you ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. Yes; they are raising more. 
 
 The Chairman. You got $830 apiece and the Japanese gave $1,600 
 of it ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. No; that $1,500 the Japanese gave. 
 
 The Chairman. So they are interested in this proposition ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. I presume they are. 
 
 The Chairman. They must be; that is pretty clear. 
 
 Mr. Chilton. That is thQ truth about; and I am making no bones 
 about it. 
 
 Mr. Free. You knew that this money came from the Japanese, 
 did you not,' Mr. Wright ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. How is that ? 
 
 Mr. Free. You knew that some of the money you came here on 
 came from the Japanese, did you not ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. I knew that some of the money did com.e from the 
 Japanese; yes. 
 
 Mr. Free. Why did you not say that when I asked you before ^ 
 
 Mr. Wright. Because I was told I was not at liberty; I told yoii 
 before that I was not at liberty to break confidences; that this 
 money was collected confidentially. 
 
 Mr. Free. You had been in pretty close touch with them on this 
 matter before you came, had you not ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Not particularly, no; I have not been in close touch 
 with them. 
 
 Mr. Free. You have had their views, you have discussed it with 
 them, and what you would testify to before the committee ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. No, sir. We did not expect to come before this 
 committee. They knew the purposes for which we wanted to come, 
 and, as Mr. Chilton has just said, they contributed. 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 749 
 
 Mr. Free. Mr. Wright, before you went to the islands you lived 
 in California? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Free. Where in California? 
 
 Mr. Wright. I lived in Alameda. 
 
 Mr. Free. And by whom were you employed? 
 
 Mr. Wright. I was employed by the Byron- Jackson Pump Co. 
 
 Mr. Free. Did you live anywhere else in California during the 
 years you were there ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Yes; I lived in Jackson, Amador County. 
 
 Mr. Free. By whom were you employed there ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. I was working in the mining business then and was 
 employed by a mining company that has since gone out of business. 
 
 Mr. Free. What was the name of the company ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. The name of that company was the Del Monte 
 Mining & Milling Co. 
 
 Mr. Free. Did you work for anyone else or live at any other place 
 in California than those 3^ou have mentioned ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. I worked also for the Wide Awake Mining & Milling 
 Co., near Rail Road Fiat, Calaveras County. 
 
 Mr. Free. Did you work anyvvhere else ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Where ? In California ? 
 
 Mr. Free. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Wright. I worked off and on in the city of Oakland, and I 
 worked on a ranch at Glen Ellen, Sonoma County; that is, I tried to 
 run a chicken ranch there. 
 
 Mr. Free. Except the time you were engaged on work on the 
 chicken ranch, were you employed all this time as a machinist ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. I was employed in the mining business as what they 
 called an assayer, chemist. 
 
 Mr. Free. When did you first join the union? 
 
 Mr. Wright. I first joined the union in Oakland. 
 
 Mr. Free. And what year was that? 
 
 Mr. Wright. I do not know. 
 
 Mr. Free. Well, approximately? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Approximately, I would say, six or eight years ago. 
 
 Mr. Free. Have you belonged continuously ever since? 
 
 Mr. Wright. I have belonged continuously when I was where there 
 was an organization, but when I first went to Honolulu there was no 
 machinist organization there. 
 
 Mr. Free. You have always kept up your membership ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. I have not; that is to say, there was a time when my 
 membership lapsed. Then at the first opportunity I was reinstated. 
 
 Mr. Free. Where were you a member when it lapsed ? What union 
 did you belong to ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. The Oakland. 
 
 Mr. Free. The Oakland machinists? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Free. Was this simply due to the nonpayment of dues or some 
 other cause ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. The nonpayment of dues. 
 
 Mr. Free. Did you have any trouble in getting reinstated ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. None. 
 
 Mr. Free. When you joined again, you joined in the islands ? 
 
750 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 Mr. Wright. Yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Free. And what is the union you now helong to ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. The Honoluki lodge. 
 
 Mr. Free. A machinists' lodge? 
 
 Mr. Wright. No. 1245. 
 
 Mr. Free. Just the Honolulu lodge? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Free. Were you ever in Santa Clara County, Calif. ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. I have passed through Santa Clara County. 
 
 Mr. Free. But you never lived there? 
 
 Mr. Wright. No. 
 
 Mr. Raker. That is one of your misfortunes. 
 
 Mr. Free. As I understand, you resided in Nevada before you went 
 to California? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Free. Where were you living in Nevada? 
 
 Mr. Wright. I lived in Tonopah, Goldfield, Reno, and Luning. 
 
 Mr. Free. By whom were you employed in Tonopah? 
 
 Mr. Wright. I was mostly in the mining business. 
 
 Mr. Free. That is a very broad term. 
 
 Mr. Wright. Yes; but it is difficult to say just who I was em- 
 ployed by, because sometimes I was prospecting on my own account 
 and sometimes I was leasing and sometimes I was employed by 
 companies. 
 
 Mr. Free. What companies were you employed by? 
 
 Mr. Wright. The Del Monte Goldfield Consolidated, the Silver 
 State Mining Co., and there is another one I forget. Those Nevada 
 companies, you understand, were mushroom companies; they are 
 here to-day and to-morrow they die. The Nevada Triumph was 
 one also. 
 
 Mr. Free. The only unions you have belonged to are the Oakland 
 Machinists' Union and the Honolulu lodge ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Free. You never had any trouble with an}^ union? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Absolutely none. 
 
 Mr. Free. You never had any trouble with any fraternal or social 
 organization ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. No, sir; I never had any trouble with any organ- 
 ization with which I was connected. Do you want to know the 
 fraternal organizations I belong to ? 
 
 Mr. Free. If you do not mind. I did not like to go into that 
 matter. 
 
 Mr. Wright. Woodman of the World. 
 
 Mr. Free. A good organization. 
 
 Mr. Wright. I pay my dues in Jackson, Amador County. 
 
 Mr. Raker. California? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Free. The only trouble you have had seems to be congres- 
 sionally, and that happened when you got up around Amador. 
 
 Mr. Raker. As a matter of fact, that is one of the best places in 
 the United States. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. Are you a constituent of Judge Raker ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. I am not; I am a resident of the Plawaiian Islands. 
 
 The Chairman. But a former constituent of Judge Raker's? 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN flAWAII. 751 
 
 Mr. SiiAW. Coming back to that strike, what was the result of it? 
 
 Mr. Wright. The result of that strike was that the Filipinos went 
 back and worked on the plantations, and the sugar planters secured 
 6,000 strike breakers in Honolulu, put them on the plantations and 
 broke the strike. The Japanese went back on the 12th of July, I 
 believe, or somewhere near the 1st of July. That was the history of 
 the finishing of the strike. The result of it from an economic point 
 of view has been that the Japanese and Filipinos went back dis- 
 satisfied, awaiting the first opportunity to get off the plantations. 
 I might further state — whether it has been touched upon I do not 
 know — that the churches, independent organizations, and educators 
 in Honolulu* undertook to effect a compromise or settlement of the 
 strike before it finally broke. That was what was known as the Pal- 
 mer proposition. The general feeling has been, I believe, in Honolulu 
 that this would have effected a satisfactory and amicable adjust- 
 ment of the trouble if it had been accepted; it was accepted by the 
 representatives of the employees but was refused acceptance by the 
 planters. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. What was the nationality of these strike breakers? 
 
 Mr. Wright. The strike breakers were of all nationalities. 
 
 Mr. Shaw\ What nationality predominated ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Portuguese, Hawaiians, Koreans, Chinese, part Ha- 
 waiians and part Chinese ; whether there were any other nationalities 
 of the Caucasian race, I do not know. 
 
 Mr. RxVKER. Were there any Japanese? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Yes; there were Japanese. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. Who finally ordered the strikers to go back to work? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Did you say there were Japanese strike breakers ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Yes. 
 
 The Chairman. There must have been some, because their pictures 
 were printed in the Japanese paper. 
 
 Mr. Wright. And, furthermore, your daily papers and plantation 
 records showed from day to day the number of Japanese back on the 
 plantations. 
 
 Mr. Mead. We did not consider employees who went back to work 
 as strike breakers. They were not strike breakers; they were em- 
 ployees. There were a few brave men among the Japanese who 
 wanted to go back to work. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. Who finally ordered the strikers to return to work? 
 
 Mr. Wright. I believe the strike was terminated by a conference 
 of delegates from the different plantations who voted for a termina- 
 tion of the strike. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. Were there not some Japanese officials who came in 
 and had considerable to do with it ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. From Japan ? 
 
 Mr. Shaw. Yes; from Japan. 
 
 Mr. Wright. No; I do not think so. 
 
 The Chairman. Did the Japanese consul have anything to do 
 with it ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. No; the Japanese consul was absolutely out of touch 
 with the Japanese laborers. 
 
 The Chairman. How do you know that? 
 
 Mr. Wright. So far as anything could be determined; but he was 
 constantly using his efforts in behalf of a settlement of the strike. 
 
752 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 The Chairman. How do you know that? 
 
 Mr. Wright. I know it from the reports that came out in the 
 papers. Of course, I am not in a position to say that he was not 
 working some underhand scheme. 
 
 The Chairman. You did not go to see him yourself? 
 
 Mr. Wright. No; I had nothing to do with him. 
 
 The Chairman. And none of the central labor council people went 
 to see him that you know of ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. No. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. Did not the Japanese consul go out to one of the planta- 
 tions to talk to the workers and the agitators hoot him ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. No; I understand he went out for the purpose of 
 trying to compromise it and make some settlement. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. What was the result of his trip ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. I do not believe it had any definite result. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. You have over there a lot of Japanese house servants, 
 barbers, and Japanese in other lines of business. What was their 
 attitude toward this strike, and also the Japanese in business on 
 other islands ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. The Japanese business interests were said to be sup- 
 porting the strike, but I believe there was a considerable division 
 among them, part of them acting with the Japanese religious element, 
 the Japanese Church, in endeavoring to secure a settlement and an 
 adjustment, and the others were said to be silently contributing to 
 the strike. 
 
 The Chairman. Did they have a pretty good strike fund ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. I think they had a pretty good fund. I think they 
 had in the neighborhood of $1,000,000. 
 
 The Chairman. $1,000,000? 
 
 Mr. Wright. I would not be positive at all. 
 
 The Chairman. A $1,000,000 Japanese strike fund? 
 
 Mr. Wright. I say I would not be positive. 
 
 The Chairman. I was surprised at the figure you named. But 
 they had a $1,000,000 strike fund? 
 
 Mr. Wright. As I say, I am not in a position to know, but I have 
 heard that figure mentioned. 
 
 The Chairman. Do you know v/hether any of that came from 
 outside the islands ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. No ; I do not, but I was under the impression that it 
 was contributed by the workers themselves. 
 
 The Chairman. How much would that be per worker ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Well, it would be quite a bit, if that figure is correct. 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. If there were 6,000 on strike for 150 days, 
 900,000 working days, and at $1 a day, it would be $900,000. 
 
 Mr. Wright. Have you the figures as to the amount contributed ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. No; I have not. I was just trying to figure out 
 as to whether that would be an exorbitant amount of money. 
 
 Mr. Mead. The Japanese Federation admitted up to $900,000, I 
 believe, but we figured they got about $1,000,000. 
 
 The Chairman. There is not a wide difference between the figures. 
 
 Mr. Mead. They admit that much, but I think they had more. 
 
 Mr. Raker. I understand there were 6,000 strikers and then they 
 picked up 6,000 strike breakers to take their places; is that right? 
 
 Mr. Wright. That is it; absolutely. 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 753 
 
 Mr. Mead. We never had more than 3,000. 
 
 Mr. Raker. I asked the witness that question and he can answer 
 it as he pleases. I do not know and do not care. I asked him the 
 question and he made that answer. 
 
 Mr. Wright. Six thousand strike breakers were picked up to take 
 their places. Those are statements that were made absolutely by 
 the daily papers that were representing the sugar planters' side of the 
 case at that time. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. Do you not think the Japanese are rather unjustly 
 criticized for the part they took in some of these matters ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. In what particular ? 
 
 Mr. Shaw. Do you not think they have a right to contribute to 
 these things if they want to and have a right to have a strike fund if 
 they want it ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Have a right to have a strike fund ? 
 
 Mr. Shaw. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Wright. Certainly; every organization has a right and has a 
 duty in that respect. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. Then in your opinion the Japanese can not be criticized 
 for any of their activities in these matters ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. They should not, in my opinion, be criticized for 
 using every legitimate effort to win this strike; that is, from a labor 
 point of view. 
 
 The Chairman. But labor did not help them; labor did not con- 
 tribute any of that money — the American Federation of Labor or 
 any of its branches — so far as you know ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Not that I know. 
 
 The Chairman. And the Filipinos did not help them ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. The Filipinos helped them by helping themselves. 
 The Filipinos were in a much worse situation than the Japanese, 
 because they are a different class of people; they spend their money 
 as fast as they get it and they do not save at all; consequently the 
 Filipino is constitutionally broke, and he is impulsive; he went out 
 on the strike expecting, I suppose, more support than he got. 
 
 The Chairman. The Japanese did not support the Filipinos ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Well, they did, yes; they supported them by con- 
 tributions of food to their refugee camp. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. Mr. Wright, you are or were recently one of the editors 
 of the Labor Review of Hawaii ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. Are you still an editor of that paper ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. I am still on the staff; yes. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. Are you wholly or partly responsible for the editorials 
 or other opinions expressed in that paper ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Well, you understand, that paper is run by an 
 editorial committee and we are jointly responsible, responsible to 
 the labor council. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. Then you are partly responsible ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. I am partly responsible; yes. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. Coming back to this commission, I would like to know 
 on what grounds you characterize the commission now before this 
 committee as a '^fake labor commission". 
 
 Mr. Wright. Why, that is the way it is regarded by our people, 
 for this reason: That it is sent here as a labor commission and it 
 
 56754— 21— SEE 7, pt 2 14 
 
754 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 comes not representing labor and not voicing the views of labor, and 
 in that sense it is called a fake labor commission or so-called labor 
 commission. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. Is it not a fact that the commission was appointed by 
 the governor of the Territory by direction of the legislature ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. It is a fact; yes; that it was appointed by the gov- 
 ernor; it is a bona fide Territorial commission; yes; but it is a fake 
 so far as labor is concerned. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. Just in that one particular ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Yes. No one denies the legality of the proceedings 
 by which the commission was appointed. 
 
 The Chairman. What is the true title of the commission? 
 
 Mr. Wright. The Hawaii Emergency Labor Commission, 
 believe, was the title given it in the act. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. Does the Government have anything to do with youii 
 being here or are you acting solely on the authority granted you by 
 labor organizations ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. The Government has something to do with my being 
 here, so far as part of my work is concerned. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. I mean before this committee. 
 
 Mr. Wright. No; the Government has nothing to do with it. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. Why do you refer in your paper to the efforts of tha^ 
 commission as a '^disgraceful conspiracy of the Hawaiian sugai; 
 planters"? 
 
 Mr. Wright. That is the way it is generally regarded, as having 
 been inspired by the Hawaiian Sugar Planters' Association and as 
 being here in the interest of the sugar planters rather than in th^ 
 interest of the real development of the Territory. 
 
 Mr. SiiAAV. What is the circuLation of your paper, the Labo^ 
 Review of Hawaii ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. About 1,200. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. What body of labor is it designed to aid? 
 
 Mr. Wright. To aid f 
 
 Mr. vShaw. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Wright. It is designed primarily to voice the opinions an(| 
 beliefs of organized labor. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. Of organized labor ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. And the Japanese can not belong to your organizations 
 if I understand correctly ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. That is what you understood; yes. 
 
 Mr. ShxVW. And that is right, is it not ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Free. They can not, but they do. 
 
 Mri Shaw. I would like to ask you why the last page of your pape 
 is printed in the Japanese language ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Part of the last page is printed in the Japanese 
 language for this reason : That labor believes, and always has believed 
 that the ultimate solution of our local problem lies in the Americani 
 zation of the Japanese who are there on the islands; labor belie vej 
 that if all further importation of Japanese is stopped that eventually 
 we will be able to solve our own problems through the education o 
 the Japanese in American ideals. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. Do you still believe the Japanese can be Americanized 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 765 
 
 Mr. Wright. Well, whether they can or not is something the future 
 only will show, hut we believe that the younger generation of Japanese 
 can be at least partially Americanized, and we all hope the next 
 generation will become still more Americanized. 
 
 The Chairman. Do the second generation of Japanese go to the 
 temples or churches ? Do they pursue the Japanese religion, the 
 second generation, speaking by and large ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Yes; some of them do, but there are a great many 
 who do not. There are a great many who belong to the Christian 
 organizations; in fact, we have what is called there the Japanese 
 Y.M. C. A. 
 
 The Chairman. We have that on the coast. 
 
 Mr. Wright. Which is largely patronized by young Japanese. 
 
 The Chairman. You think the younger Japanese will go to the 
 Christian organizations rather than to the Buddhists? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Yes; at least they will go eventually, if the right 
 efforts are made. 
 
 Mr. Free. I was a little interested in your statement that a part 
 of your paper was printed in Japanese. Do you get a Japanese to set 
 it up for you ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. What is that ? 
 
 Mr. Free. Do you get a Japanese to set up that part of your paper 
 which is printed in Japanese ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Free. How do you know that which you give him to set up 
 is set up like you give it to him ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Well, so far as that goes, we do not knovf absolutely. 
 
 The Chairman. Do you have a Japanese editor ? 
 
 Mr. W>.iGHT. No. W^e do this: We submit the copy to Japanese 
 printers to set up. 
 
 The Chairman. Union printers ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. No; we have practically no union printers^ there. 
 
 The Chairman. Is that so ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Yes. And it is set up and then some other Japanese 
 is asked to give an outline of what is set up in that way. Through 
 that method we see whether or not the matter has been followed 
 that we have given out. 
 
 The Chairman. Do the Japanese write any of that stuff them- 
 selves ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. No. Not up to the time I left. 
 
 The Chairman. Not a bit ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. No, I do not think so. 
 
 The Chairman. Was anything printed in that edition of the paper 
 about the contribution to this committee ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. In our paper ? 
 
 The Chairman. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Wright. What edition do you mean? 
 
 The Chairman. Any edition that is printed partly in Japanese. 
 Has there been anything said about the Japanese themselves con- 
 tributing money to send witnesses on here to this committee? 
 
 Mr. Wright. There probably was in the last edition. 
 
 The Chairman. It would be printed in Japanese only for the in- 
 formation of the Japanese that contributed? 
 
756 LABOE PROBLEMS Ils^ HAWAII. 
 
 Mr. Wright. Yes. 
 
 The Chairman. But not in English, for the information 
 
 Mr. Wright. Yes; the same thing, I beheve, was printed in EngHsh; 
 that is, the request for all races to join in this contribution. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. When did you begin publishing a part of your paper in 
 Japanese ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Right from the very start. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. When the paper was first organized you started ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. Have you any contract or understanding with the 
 Japanese Federation of Labor that the Japanese will purchase a 
 certain number of copies of each issue of your paper ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. We have no contract; no. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. Have you any understanding^ 
 
 Mr. Wright. They do purchase, however, 200 or 250 copies. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. It is a fact that ;^ou have a definite agreement 
 
 ]\ir. Wright (interposing). It is not. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. That the Japanese will purchase 300 copies of each issue 
 of your paper in order to keep it alive financially, is it not ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. It is not. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. That is all. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Can you pick out the paper that has those two resumes 
 this gentleman referred to, and that bill ? 
 
 The Chairman. You will be authorized, with the assistance of the 
 clerk, to find anything that is pertinent and insert it in the record. 
 You want their labor bill and one editorial to which you referred. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Two editorials Mr. Free referred to, and the witness 
 referred to his answer. 
 
 The Chairman. Just explain what it was. ■ 
 
 Mr. Raker. You will put those in your testimony, will you ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Yes,* sir. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Are those the ones ? Why do you not give them to the 
 reporter ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. The first edition is not here. 
 
 The Chairman. We will find it for you. Are there any other 
 cjuestions ? 
 
 Mr. Raker. Has the labor organization, the central body, taken 
 any action relative to the exclusion of Asiatic laborers ? Are they for 
 the admission of them, or their exclusion ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. No; the}^ are for the exclusion of them absolutely, 
 for the exclusion of an}^ Asiatics. 
 
 Mr. Raker. That is the Japanese and Chinese? 
 
 Mr. Wright. Japanese and Chinese. 
 
 Mr. Raker. And Hindus also, I suppose ? 
 
 Mr. Wright. I do not know that the Hindus have been mentioned 
 at all, but Asiatics are supposed to include the Japanese and Chinese. 
 They indorse the stand of the Denver convention, and that is the 
 stand that organized labor has always maintained. 
 
 The Chairman. Then we are through with you, Mr. Wright, unless 
 you are recalled, and the clerk of the committee, Mr. Snyder, will 
 help you when you are ready to revise your testimony. 
 
 Mr. Wright. May I ask whether I will have the right to submit to 
 committee any corrections or pertinent additions to the testi- 
 mony? 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN PI AWAIT. 757 
 
 The Chairman. Yes; you are entitled to round out in a reasonable 
 way the information given where we shut you off, and if you have any 
 written statement in addition that you want to add, or any exhibits,, 
 just show them to the committee. 
 
 Mr. Wright. I have an exhibit here that I was desirous of adding. 
 
 The Chairman. We want everything you have that seems to be 
 pertinent. 
 
 Mr. Raker. What is this exhibit? What does it relate to? 
 
 Mr. Wright. This gives the advertisement of labor by the National 
 Guard Employment Bureau. 
 
 (The advertisement referred to follows:) 
 
 The National Guard Employment Bureau will furnish you with all classes of Filipino 
 labor. Arrangements completed at 12 Merchant Street, phone 3864 . 
 
 Mr. Wright. Here is an article appearing in the magazine called 
 ''Sugar/' supporting our argument for the introduction of machinery 
 as the solution for the problem, and also describing the paper-mulch 
 system by which Olaa plantation saves about 30 per cent of its total 
 labor costs. 
 
 (The article referred to is as follows :) 
 
 Another method for relieving Hawaiian labor conditions is suggested by Joseph 
 Timmons of the Los Angeles Examiner, who, in a recent series of articles dealing with 
 the Japanese menace in Hawaii, quotes C. F. Eckart of Olaa plantation as follows: 
 
 "I believe the planters should offer a big bonus, say S100,000, for a practicable 
 cane-cutting machine and another for a cane-loading machine. They must do it 
 soon, before labor shortage and exactions cripple them. They should attract the best 
 inventive and engineering brains of America to this problem. We are developing 
 an upright, one-year variety of cane which will make the problem of cutting by 
 machine easier. ' ' 
 
 Ultimately the planters will be forced to develop labor-saving machinery or sell 
 out to the Japanese, says Timmons. 
 
 Planters and plantation men told him, he says, that no machine could be made to 
 cut cane, and pointed out to him the difficulties in the way of the employment of such 
 a machine. 
 
 ''But the most brilliant plantation manager on the islands," says Timmons, "sup- 
 ports my contention that it can and must be done. " 
 
 C. F. Eckart, for seven years manager of Olaa plantation on the island of Haw^aii,, 
 and for 25 years in the sugar business as an agricultural chemist, stands at the top 
 of plantation managers. When he took charge of Olaa plantation, where rains are 
 heavy, the cost of cutting weeds to keep them from smothering out the new growth 
 of cane after cutting was enormous. He started a careful line of scientific experimen- 
 tation, with this result. 
 
 A paper mill built by him makes a coarse, brown paper of the "bagasse, ' ' or fibrous 
 pulp from the sugar mills. This paper is treated with asphalt and is spread over the 
 entire field after the cane cutting. The weeds can not penetrate it and they die; 
 the young shoots of cane force their way through and thrive without a weed to sap the 
 strength of the soil. More, the strength of the paper is gauged to a nicety so that only 
 the strongest cane shoots can pierce it, and thus a thinning is avoided and the proper 
 stand insured . 
 
 This achievement, possibly unequaled ia agricultural history, has saved 52 per cent 
 of the cost of caretaking labor — which was 58 per cent of the entire labor cost both on 
 the plantation and in the sugar mills. 
 
 Further, it has increased the crop of Olaa plantation approximately half a million 
 dollars a year, figuring on 5-cent raw sugar. 
 
 "It is inevitable that cane will be cut and loaded by machines," Eckart said to- 
 me. "Our planters have been among the most progressive in the world. They 
 have done wonders in the mills, and in scientific crop improvement. I feel, how- 
 ever, that the matter of cane-cutting and cane-loading machinery has been approached 
 only in a desultory manner. ' ' 
 
 Mr. Raker. That article is a quotation from Mr. C. F. Eckart 
 of the Olaa plantation. Is that the one where you saw the machines ? 
 
758 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 Mr. Wright. No; Olaa is the plantation where they are using the 
 paper mulching. 
 
 Supplementary Statement Submitted by George W. Wright, Honolulu, 
 
 Hawaii. 
 
 The first public announcement of the proposed action was made in the Star Bulletin 
 on the afternoon of April 20, 1921, in an article entitled "Governor takes action to 
 have Congress allow Havv^aii to import labor." Under a box containing the text of 
 the proposed act is the following subhead, "Requests legislature to memorialize Con- 
 gress to permit bringing in orientals and asks appointment of an emergency commis- 
 sion to go to Washington." Attention is called to the definite use of the word "ori- 
 entals" in view of Judge Raker's question as to whether the local papers had carried 
 the impression that such was the object of the resolution. 
 
 The following clipping from that article shows that the resolution was introduced 
 in both houses that same day, the 20th: 
 
 "It is requested by the governor that the proposed resolution be submitted to the 
 same house committee which now has under consideration the concurrent resolution 
 introduced recently by Representative Norman K. Lyman, of Hawaii, requesting 
 Congress to permit the immigration of 25,000 Chinese laborers for the agricultural 
 industries. 
 
 "Known as senate bill 128, the administration measure creating an emergency 
 labor commission submitted to the two houses in joint session to-day by Gov. McCarthy, 
 passed the senate on first reading shortly before noon and was placed on the order of 
 the day for second reading to-morrow." 
 
 On the following day, April 21, under a suspension of the rules, the senate bill 
 passed second reading, coming up for third and final reading on the following day, 
 the 22d, as shown by the clipping from the Star Bulletin of the issue of April 21, 1921. 
 In the same issue of the paper appears the record of the action of the house committee 
 in reporting out the resolution with a favorable recommendation on the 21st, final 
 action being deferred until the following day, the 22d. 
 
 Senate Unanimous for Labor Mission to Go to Capital. 
 
 Under suspension of the rules, senate bill 128, creating an emergency labor commis- 
 sion, passed the senate to-day on second reading and comes up for third and final 
 reading to-morrow. There appears to be no question of its unanimous adoption. 
 
 It developed in debate on the floor to-day that the reason the concurrent resolution 
 accompanying the bill was introduced in the house and the bill in the senate lies in 
 the opposition of Representative Hoopale. The house having adopted a rule that no 
 more bills shall be introduced without unanimous consent, Hoopale was able to block 
 the bill. When received from the senate, however, only a simple majority is required 
 to pass it. 
 
 House Approves Move to Import Labor to Hawaii. 
 
 The committee on agriculture of the house of representatives this afternoon reported 
 favorably on the resolution introduced yesterday by Representative Norman K. layman 
 requesting CongToss to permit the importation of a certain number of persons, including 
 ■orientals, into Hawaii to relieve the existing labor shortage. 
 
 It was recommended that the resolution be adopted. At the request of the intro- 
 ducer final action on the measure was deferred until to-morrow. This is the resolution 
 ;submitted with the governor's message presented yesterday to the legislature. 
 
 (Whereupon the committee adjourned until Wednesday, August 3; 
 1921, at 10 o'clock a. m.) 
 
labor problems in hawaii. 759 
 
 Committee on Immigration and Naturalization, 
 
 House of Representatives, 
 
 Wednesday, August 3, 1921. 
 
 The committee met at 10 o'clock a. m., Hon. Albert Johnson 
 (chairman) presiding. 
 
 Mr. Cable. Mr. Chairman, I want to make the suggestion that we 
 have had a good deal of testimony, and as soon as possible I would 
 like to raise the legal questions involved in the resolution. 
 
 The Chairman. You remember, however, that two delegates came 
 from the Trades Council of Honolulu. We undertook to finish yes- 
 terday, but did not quite finish, and I think it would be well to near 
 the second man this morning. After that I presume Mr. Gompers 
 wants to be heard, and after that I know of no other witnesses. 
 Then will come the matter of the legal phase of the resolution and 
 the matter of the substitutes, which we can handle either in open 
 meeting or in a business meeting. 
 
 Mr. Free. Let us have a business meeting and have some speed, 
 Mr. Chairman. 
 
 The Chairman. We will now hear Mr. Chilton. 
 
 STATEMENT OF MR. WILMOT R. CHILTON, EEPEESEHTING 
 THE CENTRAL LABOR COUNCIL OF HONOLULU, TERRITORY 
 OF HAWAII. 
 
 The Chairman. State your address and occupation. 
 
 Mr. Chilton. Honolulu, Territory of Hawaii, and I am a barber 
 by trade. 
 
 The Chairman. How long have you lived in the islands? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. I was born in Honolulu on February 4, 1881. 
 
 The Chairman. You have lived there all your life ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. Yes, sir; this is the first time I have ever left. 
 
 The Chairman. You have a family there? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. Yes, sir. 
 
 The Chairman. You were selected as a delegate to come on to 
 present statements to this committee ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. To confer with ofiicials of American Federation of 
 Labor. 
 
 The Chairman. By whom were you selected? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. By the Central Labor Council of Honolulu, Hawaii. 
 I present my certificate of credentials. 
 
 (The certificate referred to is as follows :) 
 
 Honolulu, Hawaii, July 5, 1921. 
 To whom it may concern: 
 
 This is to certify that Brothers G. W. Wright and W. R. Chilton are duly authorized 
 to represent the Honolulu Central Labor Union, of Honolulu, Hawaii, and are dele- 
 gated to speak for organized labor in this Territory. 
 
 [seal.] Geo. W. Wright, President. 
 
 EsTELLE Baker, Vice President. 
 C. A. ViCKERY, Secretary. 
 W. R. Chilton, Treasurer. 
 {Officers of Honolulu Central Labor Union.) 
 
760 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 The Chairman. How was that selection made ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. That selection was made in this way, that if it shoukl 
 become necessary to send on an}^ delegates, the chairman had the 
 power to appoint the delegates and then those delegates had to be 
 approved by the council. 
 
 The Chairman. The council consists of how many members ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. In the neighborhood of 45 or 50. 
 
 The Chairman. The approval had to be by the entire council then ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. Yes, sir. 
 
 The Chairman. The president had the power to name the delegates ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. Yes, sir; he had the power to name the delegates. 
 
 The Chairman. Was that done by a resolution? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. It was done by a resolution in one meeting, and then 
 the president appointed the delegates. Then at the next meeting it 
 was confirmed by the council. 
 
 The Chairman. Was there a pretty good attendance at the meeting 
 when it was confirmed ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. About 35. 
 
 The Chairman. So that you and our friend, Mr. Wright; were 
 appointed by the president of the Central Labor Council of Honolulu ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. Yes, sir. 
 
 The Chairman. And the appointments were confirmed by the 
 council ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. Yes, sir. 
 
 The Chairman. Was there anything said then about the means of 
 transportation and expenses ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. Well, we were to make solicitations — that is, solicit 
 means and get contributions. 
 
 The Chairman. The names of the menbers of that committee were 
 given yesterday ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. I think that is the committee, but I am not positive. 
 
 The Chairman. That committee went out around town to raise 
 money to start you two delegates to Washington, D. C. ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. Yes, sir. 
 
 The Chairman. You took part in that? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. Yes, sir. 
 
 The Chairman. Was there much desire on the part of other mem- 
 bers to make the trip ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. Some of them wanted to make the trip. 
 
 The Chairman. Various members wanted to make it ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. Yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Will you find out his age ? 
 
 The Chairman. He gave the date of his birth. What is your 
 racial stock ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. American. 
 
 The Chairman. Your father lived in the islands how long? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. He went there in 1879 and is there yet. 
 
 The Chairman. How did you come to go among the Japanese and 
 solicit funds ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. I did not really go among them, but they looked me 
 up, and one of the fellows who made a contribution told me to go 
 down to the Japanese Chamber of Commerce and that he thought 
 they would make a contribution. 
 
 Mr. Raker. What is the name of that man? 
 
LABOK Cilor.LKMS ll\ llAVVAil. 761 
 
 Mr. Chilton. So I went to see Mr. Onodera. 
 
 The Chairman. He is the secretary of the Japanese Chamber of 
 Commerce ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. Yes, sir. 
 
 The Chairman. And you went to him? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. Yes, sir. I saw him and he told me that he would 
 take it up with the contribution committee of the Japanese Chamber 
 of Commerce and that I should come back the following day. That 
 I did, and he told me that the Japanese Chamber of Commerce could 
 not make a contribution, but that the individual members of the 
 chamber of commerce could. He said that the Japanese Chamber of 
 Commerce could not do it because they were afraid that the Haole 
 Chamber of Commerce might find it out and get after them. 
 
 The Chairman. What chamber of commerce is that? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. They were afraid that the Haole Chamber of Com- 
 merce might find it out. That is the American Chamber of Com- 
 , merce. 
 
 The Chairman. Is that a Japanese word? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. No, sir; that is a Hawaiian word. He said that I 
 could go to the individual members of the Japanese Chamber of 
 Commerce and to inform them that it would be all right; that they 
 could telephone Mr. Onodera. I told him I thought that was a lot 
 of trouble, and I did not go to any of those men. 
 
 The Chairman. How was this money that was received from the 
 Japanese raised ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. It was raised from different people and associations. 
 I can not divulge their names, because it is confidential between them 
 and myself. 
 
 The Chairman. You know, do you not ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. Yes, sir; I know. 
 
 The Chairman. You know who the individuals and associations 
 were ? » 
 
 Mr. Chilton. Yes, sir. 
 
 The Chairman. I was about to ask you who made the largest con- 
 tribution. 
 
 Mr. Chilton. I could not divulge that, because it would be a 
 breach of promise with me, and I would not want to do that. I can 
 say that we got a little over $1,500 from the Japanese. 
 
 The Chairman. You feel that you do not want to tell the com- 
 mittee who made the largest individual contribution from among 
 the Japanese ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. No, sir; I feel this way, that it was confidential 
 between them and myself, and that I would be breaking a confidence. 
 
 The Chairman. Are you willing to say whether it was received 
 from a society or an individual ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. That would be breaking a confidence. 
 
 The Chairman. Are you willing to say what was the largest sum 
 received from any organization there ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. No, sir; I could not say that. 
 
 The Chairman. Are you willing to say what the smallest sum was ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. No, sir; I would not be willing to say what was the 
 largest or what was the smallest. 
 
 The Chairman. Are you willing to say whether the contributions 
 ran down to as low as 50 cents ? 
 
762 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 Mr. Chilton. They ran down to as low as $1 contributions. 
 
 The Chairman. Did you receive contributions as large as $100 
 from any one outfit ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. I would not want to say how high it was. 
 
 The Chairman. We will discuss that a little later. You are a long- 
 time resident of the islands ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. Yes, sir. 
 
 The Chairman. Is there discussion there all the time as between 
 foreigners and citizens ? Do they call the Americans foreigners ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. No, sir. 
 
 The Chairman. You said that the Japanese claimed that they 
 were afraid of the foreign chamber of commerce. 
 
 Mr. Chilton. That is what they call the American Chamber of 
 Commerce. They call it the Haole Chamber of Commerce. That 
 does not exactly mean foreign, but white man or foreigner. 
 
 The Chairman. I can not get that. 
 
 Mr. Chilton. That is the translation. 
 
 The Chairman. Of course, all the white men are not citizens, and 
 all the men that are not of white blood are not aliens. 
 
 Mr. Chilton. No, sir; but you do not have to be an alien to be a 
 Haole. 
 
 The Chairman. What is he ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. There is a Haole over there. Mr. Mead is a Haole, 
 and he has been there a long time. 
 
 The Chairman. You have been there a long time, and I wish you 
 would give to the committee your views as to the situation. Give 
 us your views frankly of the situation. 
 
 • Mr. Chilton. I would rather answer questions, because then I 
 would know exactly what the committee wanted. 
 
 The Chairman. We are trying to develop the condition in Hawaii 
 generally as between the races, first. You have seen the Japanese 
 coming in all the time ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. Yes, 'sir; I saw them when they first started to come 
 30 years ago. I was just a kid then. I remember their coming, and 
 we have large numbers there now all over the country. 
 
 The Chairman. You have seen the picture brides coming ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. Yes, sir; I have seen them coming. 
 
 The Chairman. You have seen the Japanese going into business ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. Yes, sir. 
 
 The Chairman. Do they interfere with your business any ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. They interfere with everybody's business. 
 
 Mr. Box. Mr. Chilton, what is your impression about the growing 
 power of the Japanese ? Is their power increasing in Hawaii ? For 
 instance, in the matter of numbers, are they increasing more rapidly 
 than the other races ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. Yes; they propagate very fast. 
 
 Mr. Box. Are you acquainted with the census reports showing the 
 population of the Hawaiian Islands ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. I am somewhat familiar with them. 
 
 Mr. Box. What do you understand to be the present Japanese 
 population of the islands ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. About 110,000, or about 43 per cent of the popula- 
 tion of the islands. 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS 11^ HAWAII. 763 
 
 Mr. Box. These figures place it higher than that. What is the 
 Portuguese population ? 
 
 Mr. Chiltox. I do not know what their population is. 
 
 Mr. Box. What is the Hawaiian population ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. I do not know that. 
 
 Mr. Box. Do you know whether the Hawaiian population is in- 
 creasing or decreasing? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. I believe it is decreasing. 
 
 Mr. Box. It has been decreasing for the last 100 years ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. For the last 40 years. 
 
 Mr. Box. You do not go further back than that? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. No, sir. 
 
 Mr. Box. What about the attitude of the Japanese and their dis- 
 position to be solid as a race ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. They are very solid as a race. I can say that much. 
 
 Mr. Box. They have a kind of community or racial life of their own 
 right there in the midst of the other population ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. They associate only with themselves. 
 
 Mr. Box. Were you there when they had the big strike in the 
 islands last year ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. Yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Box. Do you know whether or not, in the handling of that 
 strike — and I am talking about the Japanese and not any other race 
 of people — they dealt with their employers and others largely through 
 the Japanese consuls ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. No, sir; I do not know how they dealt with them. 
 I have a recollection that the Japanese consul was mixed up in it. 
 
 Mr. Box. You do not know whether they did or not ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. No, sir. 
 
 Mr. Box. You do not know that that is true ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. On second consideration, I think it is. 
 
 Mr. Box. What is the feeling of the people over there about what 
 is going to be the outcome of the Hawaiian race ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. The feeling over there was that if they could get 
 coolies the Japanese would push us off the islands unless there was 
 something done or unless the planters and corporations there would 
 employ about 50 per cent of the citizen labor in the skilled and semi- 
 skilled trades and the public utility companies should employ 100 per 
 cent citizen labor. 
 
 Mr. Box. You say that if they could get coolie labor the Japanese 
 would crowd you ofi the islands or out of the industries; how would 
 that be ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. They work so much cheaper than we do. 
 
 Mr. Box. Would the bringing in of more Chinese coolies make the 
 Japanese more dangerous; and if so, how? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. It would, I believe, if provisions were not made that 
 would protect citizen labor in this bill. 
 
 Mr. Box. That is what I want to get at. I am not antagonizing 
 you, and I want you to understand that, but how would the coming 
 of Chinese make the Japanese more dangerous ? I want to get your 
 viewpoint on that. 
 
 Mr. Chilton. We believe that the Japanese would leave the plan- 
 tations. They work like a ratchet. I do not believe they ever slip 
 backwards, but they always go ahead. You know how a ratchet 
 
764 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 works: Every time you shove the ratchet, the pin stays put, and wheiT 
 a Japanese gets a raise from the plantation, he will not go back any 
 more. Once he gets off the plantation and gets to be a carpenter or 
 something else around there, the chances are that he will not go back 
 to the plantation. He wants something better. 
 
 Mr. Box. The Japanese are masterful in their attitude and dis- 
 position ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. Yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Box. More so than any other race there except the Americans? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. Yes, sir; they are also giving the Americans a 
 hard run. 
 
 Mr. Box. You say you know when the Japanese first came there. 
 Do you know what brought them there at first, or who brought 
 them ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. I know there was a petition being circulated to get 
 Japanese laborers. I was only a kid then. 
 
 Mr. Box. Have you read the history of the Hawaiian Islands ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. Relative to the Japanese coming there? 
 
 Mr. Box. Yes. 
 
 Mr. CinLTON. I have read that a treaty was enacted between the 
 Hawaiian Government at that time and the Government of Japans 
 to bring Japanese into Hawaii. 
 
 Mr. Box. What year was that? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. That was about 30 years ago. 
 
 Mr. Box. About 1885? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. Something like that. It was away back. 
 
 Mr. Box. Do you know how many Japanese came then? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. No, sir; but there were large numbers of Japanese- 
 coming in. 
 
 Mr. Box. Shiploads of them? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. Yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Box. Do you remember any hostility that arose among your 
 people with reference to sending in Chinese ? Was there ever any- 
 hostility on the part of the people of the islands towards the 
 Chinese ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. None that I know of. 
 
 Mr. Box. Do you have any recollection of your Territory, or of 
 the Hawaiian Government prior to annexation, taking any steps tO' 
 stop Chinese from coming into Hawaii? Do you know anything- 
 about that ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. I believe there were some steps taken. 
 
 Mr. Box. I am talking about the time before annexation. 
 
 Mr. Chilton. Yes, sir; by the Hawaiian Government in the early 
 nineties or the late eignties. 
 
 Mr. Box. Was it in 1886? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. I think it was in 1886 or 1887, but I am not positive- 
 about that. 
 
 Mr. Box. Did you hear any discussion at any time in the Territory 
 about the United vStates stipulating in the annexation act that 
 Chinese must be excluded from the islands ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. T know that there was a Chinese exclusion act at the- 
 time our country was annexed. 
 
 Mr. Box. Did you know that that was a part of the annexation^ 
 act ? 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 765 
 
 Mr. Chilton. Yes, sir; I knew that. 
 
 The Chairman. The United States passed the Geary Act about 1888 ? 
 
 Mr. Box. What I have reference to is the provision in the act of 
 ;annexation. 
 
 The Chairman. The United States passed an exclusion act, and 
 that was followed by a Chinese exclusion act by tne monarchy in 
 Hawaii. 
 
 Mr. Eaker. Yes. 
 
 The Chairman. Then came the Republic of Hawaii with the ex- 
 clusion of Japanese. That was by the Republic? 
 
 Mr. Box. I think so. 
 
 The Chairman. Then came annexation, with a stipulation in the 
 articles of annexation or the enabling act barring the Chinese. 
 
 Mr. Box. Yes; saying that they should never be admitted except 
 under the terms under which they were admitted into the United 
 States, or in accordance with the laws of the United States. 
 
 Mr. Cable. I think that is section 101. 
 
 Mr. Box. I have the exact language quoted in a statement that 
 I made the other day. 
 
 The Chairman. Will you insert it in the record? 
 
 Mr. Box. Yes; I would like to get it. It was right after Mr. 
 Oxnard's statement. 
 
 Mr. Raker. In other words, to admit them now, would be to 
 ;amend the enabling act. 
 
 Mr. Box. This is quoted from the act: 
 
 There shall be no further immigration of Chinese into the Hawaiian Islands, except 
 iipon such conditions as are now or may hereafter be allowed by the laws of the United 
 States; and no Chinese by reason of anything herein contained shall be allowed to 
 enter the United States from the Hawaiian Islands. 
 
 Mr. Raker. That is the next to the last proviso of the enabling act. 
 
 Mr. Box. I think so. It is the latter part of it. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. If we passed this resolution, in your judgement would 
 that be such an amendment of the act of annexation as would open 
 the way for Chinese to come in ? 
 
 Mr. Box. There would have to be some modification of this act or 
 the law to which this act would apply. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. The question I am asking is would this resolution, 
 -So. 171, be such an amendment of the annexation act as would per- 
 iTiit Chinese to come in now, as contemplated by the resolution ? 
 
 Mr. Box. I am inclined to think so, but the other members of the 
 committee are just as competent to pass on that question as I am. I 
 want to call especial attention to this provision : 
 
 There shall be no further immigration of Chinese into the Hawaiian Islands except 
 upon such conditions as are now or may hereafter be allowed by the laws of the United 
 States. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. This would be a law of the United States. 
 
 Mr. Box. This says 'laws of the United States." 
 
 Mr. Wilson. A joint resolution is a law, so that I suppose this 
 joint resolution would cover it. 
 
 The Chairman. We will take that up a little later. 
 
 Mr. Box. Since the question has been raised, I want to say that 
 my view of what was contemplated is that the same exclusion laws 
 that apply to the United States should apply to the Hawaiian Islands. 
 
766 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAIL 
 
 That was evidently in the mind of the man who wrote it, although 
 it is open to a diflPerent construction. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Where did your father come from? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. From Pennsylvania. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Did you graduate from the Hawaiian schools ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. From the Honolulu High School. 
 
 Mr. Raker. What business have you been engaged in besides 
 barbering ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. I have been a salesman for the von Hamm Young 
 Co. (Ltd.) ; I was a salesman for the Office Supply Co., and was a 
 motor-cycle officer. 
 
 Mr. Raker. How long have you followed the occupation of a 
 barber ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. I learned that when I was going to school. 
 
 Mr. Raker. And you have been following it off and on ever since ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. I have been following it most of the time. 
 
 Mr. Raker. The barbers have a union, have they not ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. Yes; they have a union. 
 
 Mr. Raker. About how many barbers are there, or how many 
 American white barbers are there, excluding the Japanese and 
 Chinese? How many barbers are there altogether in Honolulu, 
 excluding the Japanese and Chinese ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. I could not say; perhaps about 40. 
 
 Mr. Raker. How long has it been since the Japanese have gone- 
 into the barber business ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. As far as I know, as early as the nineties. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Ai'e they now in all gainful occupations in the islands — 
 the Japanese ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Raker. There are merchants, laundrymen, barbers, and store- 
 keepers ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. Yes; there are over 110 Japanese barber shops on 
 the island of Oahu and no more than a dozen American barber shops. 
 
 Mr. Raker. You have a union ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Do the Japanese have a union? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. They have an association of their own. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Do any of the Chinese have barber shops ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. Yes; they have barber shops, but they are a little 
 dift'erent from our shops, and are very scarce. 
 
 Mr. Raker. I take it from what you have said and from what the 
 rest of the witnesses have said that until the last few years the 
 Japanese have not gone extensively into the other businesses, outside j 
 of the rice, pineapple, and sugar business. 
 
 Mr. Chilton. I do not understand you. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Outside of those businesses the Japanese have not 
 heretofore gone extensively into those businesses, such as merchants, 
 barbers, laundrymen, etc. ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. For the last five or six years they have gone in 
 extensively. 
 
 Mr. Raker. But before that they were mostly occupied in the 
 fields, in the rice fields and in the pineapple orchards — is that right? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. Well, there were not so many in the rice fields, but 
 there were quite a few Chinese in the rice fields. They, the Japanese,. 
 
LABOK PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 767 
 
 have small stores; they are carpenters, bricklayers, painters, etc.; 
 they follow all the crafts except that there are no molders. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Was the principal number of Japanese engaged in the 
 cane and sugar fields before the last five years ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. They had a great many in the fields prior to six 
 years ago. 
 
 Mr. Raker. What did you mean by saying that you did not want 
 the chamber of commerce to know about your coming over here ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. I did not say that. 
 
 Mr. Raker. All right. Then about this contribution. 
 
 The Chairman. He did not say that. 
 
 Mr. Raker. He did not say all of it but he said a part of it. 
 
 Mr. Chilton. I said that the Japanese Chamber of Commerce 
 did not want the American Chamber of Commerce to know. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Why? 
 
 Mr. CiHLTON. They did not tell, me the reason why. I believe 
 they would willingly give the money but they did not want anybody 
 to find it out. 
 
 Mr. Raker. What, in your mind, could have been the objection 
 of these men, who were willing to contribute, to the American Cham- 
 ber of Commerce knowing what was being done ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. Well, the big Japanese stores there do a large 
 business with Japan, and they very likely sell through the agencies 
 of the difi'erent plantations to the plantations. A Japanese will not 
 buy anything but his own product. If you have Hawaiian rice 
 selling at 4 J cents and Japanese rice selling at 13 cents a pound he 
 will buy Japanese rice; he will not buy Hawaiian rice. In that way 
 they get their stufl^ from their own country, and they do not patronize 
 our industries at all. 
 
 Mr. Raker. When did the first objection to the Japanese come 
 from the sugar planters, if at all ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. Well, I could not say that; I do not know when it 
 came; I am not informed about that. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Did they have any trouble with them before the strike 
 of 1920? Did the planters have any trouble with the Japanese 
 before the strike of 1920? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Did they with the Chinese ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. No. I think there was some kind of a strike years 
 ago by the Japanese. 
 
 The Chairman. That is, with the Japanese ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Raker. You came over here a long distance. Just what did 
 you come here to tell the committee ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. I really did not start here to tell the committee any- 
 thing; we came here to confer with the ofiicers of the American 
 Federation of Labor; we did not come here to tell the committee 
 anything. 
 
 The Chairman. Let me ask you about that. What was the 
 purpose of the conference ? What did you want to learn ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. Why, we just wanted to put our side of the question 
 up to them; that is all. Anything they wanted to know we would 
 tell them. 
 
768 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 The Chairman. Personally, you wanted to confer with them as to 
 the proposed admission of orientals or other labor to the islands ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. Yes. 
 
 The Chairman. Did you want to consult them about affiliation 
 with the Filipino labor organization ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. No; not that I know of. 
 
 The Chairman. Did you have any knowledge of that yourself? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. No; none whatever. 
 
 The Chairman. Did you want to talk with them about the Japanese 
 labor organization ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. Not that I know of, no. 
 
 The Chairman. Have you heard this thing discussed in the Central 
 Labor Council — the application of the Filipino labor organization 
 for affiliation ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. No. I have only been a member of the Central 
 Labor Council since March of this year. 
 
 The Chairman. Did you consult with the officers of the federation 
 when you got there ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. Oh, yes. 
 
 The Chairman. Did you assist Mr. Wright in the preparation of 
 his written statement to this committee ? 
 
 Mr. Ci-hlton. No; he did that all by himself. 
 
 The Chairman. Was that done after he got here ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. Most of it was done in Honolulu, but I think he did 
 some of it here. 
 
 The Chairman. It represents his views and observations more than 
 yours ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. Yes; I had nothing to do with it whatever. 
 
 The Chairman. Was it submitted to you ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. No; it was not, but I knew what was in it; I read it. 
 
 The Chairman. Did you have anything to do with the preparation 
 of the cablegram that was sent to Mr. Wallace ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. Nothing whatever. 
 
 The Chairman. Did you have anything to do with the statement 
 issued a few days later correcting some of the charges or modifying 
 them in a certain way ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. No; none whatever. 
 
 The Chairman. That did not come before you at all ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. No; that was none of my business. 
 
 The Chairman. You are a member of the Central Labor Council ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. I am the treasurer and I have to pay for it; that is 
 all I do. 
 
 The Chairman. How long have you been a member of the central 
 labor council? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. Since February or March, I think March 11, but I am 
 not sure. I would not make a sure statement, but either the latter 
 part of February or the ffi:-st part of March. 
 
 The Chairman. As treasurer you pay out the funds on vouchers ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. I make checks on vouchers; yes. 
 
 The Chairman. Was the fund that was raised from the Japanese 
 in Honolulu to send you and Mr. Wright on reported to the central 
 labor council ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. All funds that come from members are reported, but 
 funds that come from nonmembers are not recorded. 
 
LABOR PEOBLEMS IN HAWAII. 769 
 
 The Chairman. Funds of that kind are not recorded ? 
 Mr. Chilton. No. 
 
 The Chairman. Was it recorded there at all that fifteen hundred 
 and some odd dollars had been contributed for this trip ? 
 Mr. Chilton. No. 
 
 The Chairman. Did the central labor council have anything to 
 do with the dividing of that money between you and Mr. Wright ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. No; none whatever. 
 
 The Chairman. You and he fixed that ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. Yes. 
 
 The Chairman. You each took half? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. Yes. 
 
 The Chairman. And there is some more money being collected 
 over there now 1 
 
 Mr. Chilton. Our members are collecting money. 
 
 The Chairman. The members of the central labor council? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. Yes. 
 
 The Chairman. Do you know how they are getting along with it ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. No; I do not know; not yet. We know there is 
 some money coming to us; that is all. 
 
 The Chairman. Do you think they will collect as much as the 
 Japanese contributed? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. I do not know whether they will or not. 
 
 The Chairman. As treasurer of the central labor council, do you 
 pay out the money that is paid for getting out the labor paper ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. Yes. 
 
 The Chairman. Do you get in the money , whatever money comes 
 in to you ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. Yes, sir. 
 
 The Chairman. Do the Japanese pay for their 250 or 300 copies ; 
 or whatever the number is ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. They pay for them in cash. 
 
 The Chairman. Do they pay for them by the week? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. When they get them, yes. 
 
 The Chairman. Once a week. 
 
 Mr. Chilton. Yes; but sometimes they skip a week and pay once 
 in two weeks. 
 
 The Chairman. How much do they pay a week ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. They pay $12.50. 
 
 Mr. Free. That is, it is paid in one lump sum? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. Yes. 
 
 The Chairman. VvThen you go back will you have a report to make 
 to the central labor council? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. What kind of a report ? 
 
 The CHiMRMAN. In regard to this situation. 
 
 Mr. Chilton. Well, just what we done here; that is all. 
 
 The Chairman. You did not come along as financial agent of the 
 delegation ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. No. 
 
 The Chairman. Have you anything to say about the resolution? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. Just what I did say, that if Congress should allow 
 Chinese coolies there, there should be some provision made whereby 
 the skilled and semiskilled — that is, 50 per cent should be citizen 
 labor and the public utilities should have 100 per cent citizen labor. 
 
 56754— 21— SEE 7, pt 2 15 
 
770 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 The Chairman. In your lifetime residence in Honolulu have you 
 found the public skating along and trimming along between the 
 largest population and the others — the Japanese, for instance ? 
 
 Mr. CinLTON. I do not understand you. 
 
 The Chairman, Something like you said in answer to Judge 
 Raker, that one reason in your mind why the Japanese Chamber of 
 Commerce did not want the American Chamber of Commerce to know 
 about the contribution was for fear some of the Japanese stores 
 which might trade with the plantations would not want it known, 
 or something of that kind. 
 
 Mr. Chilton. That is my idea. 
 
 The Chairman. Do you have to do anything of that kind in your 
 business ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. No. 
 
 The Chairman. You do not have much business with the Japanese ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. None whatever. 
 
 The Chairman. Are the American citizens afraid to speak out 
 loud about the Japanese ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. No; not that I know of. 
 
 The Chairman. Do they talk about them much ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. Quite a bit; yes. 
 
 Mr. Box. What is your personal view about the propriety of 
 accepting a substantial contribution from a foreign race between the 
 members of which and your own race there is this kind of feeling? 
 How do you feel about that ? Do you feel that is fully justified ? I 
 want to get your viewpoint. 
 
 Mr. Chilton. I thought I was fully justified myself. I did not 
 come over here to lobby for the Japanese or anybody else. 
 
 Mr. Box. What must have been the view of the Japanese people 
 when they wanted to help finance this trip and wanted to keep it a 
 secret ? Do not misunderstand my attitude. I just want to get your 
 viewpoint. 
 
 Mr. Chilton. I suppose they wanted to use us if they could. That 
 is very likely. 
 
 Mr. Box. And you gather from that that their views and interest 
 is hostile to this resolution ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. Oh, yes; I think that. 
 
 The Chairman. Did any of them say that to you ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. Well, they do not say much. 
 
 The Chairman. I know they do not. 
 
 Mr. Chilton. But most of them believe that on account of the 
 Chinese exclusion act and the contract labor law this thing will 
 never go through. That is what most of the Japanese believe. 
 
 The Chairman. The Japanese think that ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. Yes. 
 
 The Chairman. And that they can not be dislodged? The 
 Japanese think they can not be forced out of the islands ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. That is the idea they have. 
 
 Mr. Gomfers. Mr. Chilton, did any officer or other representative 
 of the American Federation of Labor, either directly or indirectly, 
 ask you or the Central Labor Council of Honolulu or Mr. Wright to 
 come to the mainland for the purpose of protesting against the 
 enactment of the resolution now before the committee, or for any 
 other purpose ? 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 771 
 
 Mr. Chilton. Just for protesting against this resolution as it is 
 at present 
 
 Mr. GoMPERS (interposing) . Did any officer of the American 
 Federation of Labor or any other representative 
 
 Mr. Free (interposing). I suggest that he be permitted to answer 
 the question. 
 
 Mr. Chilton. You mean any officer of the federation in Washing- 
 ton, D. C. ? 
 
 Mr. GoMPERS. Yes. 
 
 Mr. CiULTON. No; they did not ask us to come over. We feel that 
 as Americans we had that liberty. 
 
 Mr. GoMPERS. Can you tell the committee how the ofhcers or repre- 
 sentatives of the American Federation of Labor came to know that a 
 committee was coming to Washington ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. I believe they were notified by wire from Honolulu. 
 
 Mr. GoMPERS. Do you know of any connection the American 
 Federation of I^abor, or its officers, had in any way with the solicita- 
 tion of funds from the Japanese or from any others ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. None whatever. 
 
 The Chairman. That is,- the federation officers on the mainland. 
 
 Mr. Chilton. None whatever. 
 
 Mr. Free. Mr. Chilton, I am a little bit curious to know how you 
 approached Onodera. You went directly to him? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. I was requested to go to him; yes. 
 
 Mr. Free. Who requested you to go ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. One of the Japanese merchants there. 
 
 Mr. Free. Where did this thing start, the matter of getting money 
 from the Japanese ? Was it discussed in your central labor council 
 first, and is that where it started ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. Yes, by special resolution. We did not make any 
 special mention of who we were going to get money from, but that we 
 were going to get contributions from anybody and everybody and 
 advertised for such. 
 
 Mr. Free. And you were one of those selected to get contributions ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Free. What Jap did you go to first? 
 
 Mr. Ciulton. Well, I won't give his name, but it was a Japanese 
 merchant, and he told me to go to-^I did not go to him, but he met 
 me on the w^ay to the fish market, when I was going to buy fish, and 
 he asked if I was going to Washington, and I told h.im yes. 
 
 Mr. Free. Then what else transpired? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. He asked if I was going to protest agsinst the 
 importation of coolies and I told him yes, and he made a donation 
 himself and told me to go to see Onodera, the secretary of the Japanese 
 Chamber of Commerce. 
 
 Mr. Free. Then you v/ent to see Onodera. What did you tell 
 Onodera ? 
 
 The Chairman. Just a minute. How much did he contribute ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. I could not sa}^ exactly how much he contributed. 
 I would not want to say those things. 
 
 The Chairman. But you have said a Japanese merchant met you 
 and contributed. 
 
 Mr. Cihlton. Yes; he contributed. 
 
772 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 The Chairman. What kind of a store did he have ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. I think he had a big store^ if I am not mistaken. 
 
 The Chairman. A dry goods store ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. Dry goods, crockery, etc. 
 
 The Chairman. Did he have American trade or Japanese trade ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. Japanese and American trade. 
 
 Mr. Free. Then at his suggestion you went to see the secretary 
 of the Japanese Chamber of Commerce ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Free. And what did you tell him? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. I told him what my mission was and that I was sent 
 over there. 
 
 Mr. Free. Just tell us the words used. 
 
 Mr. Chilton. That I was sent over to see him and that I understood 
 they might make some contribution toward us going to Washing- 
 ton, D. C. 
 
 Mr. Free. Did you tell him what you were going to do at Washing- 
 ton, and why you were going ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. He knew why we were going; he had read it in the 
 papers. He told me to come around the next morning, and he would 
 see the contribution committee, and the next morning he would let 
 me know what they said. 
 
 Mr Free. Had you been telling Mr. Wright what was going on 
 during all of this time ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. No; I had not. 
 
 Mr. Free. Then you went around the next day to see him? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. I went around the next morning, I think at 10 
 o'clock. 
 
 Mr. Free. And what did he say then? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. Well, he told me that the Japanese Chamber of 
 Commerce as a body could not make any contributions because they 
 were afraid the American Chamber of Commerce would know of it, 
 but that I could solicit from the individual members, and I could 
 request them to ring him up over the telephone and that he would 
 O. K. the proposition. 
 
 Mr. Free. They all knew, before they gave any money, that you 
 were coming here to protest against this resolution ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. Yes; it was in all the papers. 
 
 Mr. Free. Then after this money came in you all got together, 
 discussed it, and divided the money for the trip — is that true ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. No; just Wright and I. 
 
 Mr. Free. Weil, the other members of your Central Labor Council 
 knew of the money, did they not ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. Some of tiiem may h^ave laiown about it. This 
 money was given about a couple of days before we left, and we had no 
 meetings. We had a meeting on, I think, Friday, and we left the 
 following Tuesday, and under the enabling resolution which the 
 council passed we were authorized to accept any contributions that 
 were offered. 
 
 Mr. Free. You are the treasurer of the "Central Labor Council? 
 
 Mr. CiHLTON. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Free. And you are also in the barbers' union ? Is it a union 
 or lodge ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. Union. 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 773 
 
 Mr. Free. And you hold an office there ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. I am vice president. 
 
 Mr. Free. You are here representing the Central Labor Council? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. I am. 
 
 Mr. Free. Mr. Wright is the president of the Central Labor Council ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. He is. 
 
 Mr. Free. Mr. Wright occupies some other position. Is it in the 
 machinists' union ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. He is president of the machinists' union. 
 
 The Chairman. When you and Mr. Wright started you knew that 
 the money you had for the trip came from the Japanese ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. Yes, sir. 
 
 The Chairman. That is all you had ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. No; about $140 from the navy yard employees and 
 $36 from barbers. 
 
 The Chairman. And it amounted to fifteen hundred and how many 
 dollars ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. About SI, 535 or $1,540, plus $140 plus $36. 
 
 The Chairman. You divided it exactly even ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. Yes; exactly even. 
 
 The Chairman. Did you have any expense before you started? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. A couple of suit cases; something like that. 
 
 The Chairman. And had anybody else contributed or promised 
 any money at the time you started ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. Oh, yes; they had promised. 
 
 The Chairman. But there was no cash in hand ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. There was. 
 
 The Chairman. Except the Japanese money ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. Navy yard employees' money, and some from the 
 barbers. 
 
 The Chairman. Did any labor union contribute any money ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. The navy yard workers contributed $140 before 
 we started. 
 
 The Chairman. Did you get that money in hand ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. Yes. 
 
 The Chairman. So the Japanese money was $1,535 less than the 
 amount contributed by the navy yard workers ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. No; the navy yard workers was about $140. 
 
 The Chairman. In addition to the Japanese money ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. Yes. 
 
 The Chairman. You got that, too ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. Yes, sir. 
 
 The Chairman. Did the barbers' union contribute anything ? 
 
 Mr. CiriLTON. They are making contributions now. Some of the 
 individual fellows contributed individually, but not as a union. 
 
 The Chairman. In cash money ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. Yes, sir. 
 
 The Chairman. Before you started ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. Yes. 
 
 The Chairman. Then you had a little more money ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. Well, that was not a union contribution. 
 
 The Chairman. I got the impression that all the money you 
 started with was the $1,535 that had come from the Japanese. 
 
774 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 Mr. Chilton. Yes, plus about $140; I am not sure, but I tbink 
 it was $140 from the navy yard workers, and I think the barbers 
 gave us something like $36. That is all we had; nothing else out- 
 side of that. 
 
 The Chairman. You do not know how much has been raised over 
 there while you have been away % 
 
 Mr. Chilton. No. 
 
 The Chairman. And you have no way of guessing at it? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. I have not. 
 
 Mr. Free. What do you mean by navy yard workers % Men on 
 Federal jobs? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. The men at the Pearl Harbor Navy Yard. 
 
 Mr. Free. Employed by the Government? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Free. That is where Mr. Wright is employed, is it not ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. Yes. 
 
 The Chairman. He is in the machinists' union and the Federal 
 workers are clerks and general employees ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. The Federal workers consist of all crafts; they have 
 31 or 32 different crafts down there. They have crafts there that 
 are only employed at Pearl Harbor, there being no necessity of hav- 
 ing them in Honolulu. They are working on submarines and things 
 like that. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Had you learned on the 8th day of July that House 
 joint resolution 171 had been ordered reported out by this committee ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. I heard that some resoultion was ordered reported 
 out; I did not know if it was that one. 
 
 Mr. Raker. You had heard that a resoultion had been reported out ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. Yes, we received our credentials July 5, 1921. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Was that before you started? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. We started on July 12. 
 
 Mr. Raker. What I want to know is this: Had it been reported 
 in Honolulu when you left that the resolution for which the com- 
 mission stood had been reported out by the committee having charge 
 of it in the House ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. I believe we heard that in Honolulu; yes. 
 
 Mr. Raker. You said a moment ago you did not come here to 
 appear before this committee. 
 
 Mr. Chilton. No; that was not our intention. 
 
 Mr. Raker. What did you come f or ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. As I said, to confer with the American Federation of 
 Labor officials. 
 
 Mr. Raker. How did you happen to come before this committee, 
 you and Mr. Wright ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. Well, they put us before this committee. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Who? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. The American Federation of Labor officials. 
 
 Mr. Raker. After you got here ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. After we got here. Mr. Wallace of the American 
 Federation of Labor informed us that arrangements had been made 
 for our appearance before this committee; we were reluctant to do so, 
 but were led to believe that the committee had requested our presence. 
 
 The Chairman. Did you tell the officials how you got the money 
 to come ? 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 775 
 
 Mr. Chilton. No; we did not. They did not ask. 
 
 The Chairman. You did not say a word about that ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. No. 
 
 Mr. Box. Was there any promise on you part not to let anybody 
 know that the Japanese were financing you to that extent ? 
 
 Mr. CinLTON. No; it was strictly confidential between them and 
 us as to the identity of the contributors. 
 
 Mr. Box. But it accidentally got out over here? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. No; it was understood we should not give their 
 names, but it was not understood we could not say the Japanese 
 financed it, but that we could not give the names of the Japanese. 
 
 Mr. Box. In other words, there was nothing secret about the fact 
 that the Japanese had to some extent, if not wholly, financed your 
 expenses thus far ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. No. 
 
 Mr. Box. That was no secret? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. No. 
 
 Mr. Box. Is it known in Hawaii now ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. It was known before. 
 
 Mr. Box. Was it known in the community before you left? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. I think so; I do not kmow how much of it was known, 
 because we did not advertise it, or anything like that. 
 
 Mr. Free. Why did Mr. Wright deny it when I asked him about it 
 first? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. I do not know. 
 
 The Chairman. As a matter of fact, you and Mr. Wright knew 
 that the money you had came from the Japanese ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. Not all, but pretty near all. 
 
 Mr. Free. You heard him yesterday when he denied that he got 
 any of the money ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. Yes. 
 
 The Chairman. Did you talk over with the officers of the American 
 Federation of Labor here in Washington the Japanese situation in 
 Hawaii ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. I think Mr. Wright spoke something and I might have 
 said something. I do not remember what it was, though. 
 
 The Chairman. Did you discuss with them as to whether this strike 
 was nationalistic or economic ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. I think we discussed that it was economic. 
 
 The Chairman. You took part in that? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. I did not do much talking, Mr. Wright did the talking. 
 
 The Chairman. Do you thmk the strike was nationalistic or 
 economic ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. I think it was started on an economic basis, but I 
 think it wound up on a nationalistic basis. 
 
 The Chairman. Did you solicit any money from the Filipinos 
 over there ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. No, sir. 
 
 The Chairman. Did you go to this lawyer who was at the head 
 of the Filipino strike ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. No, sir. 
 
 The Chairman. Did you talk to him about coming here ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. I think we told him that we were coming on, but 
 we did not solicit any money. 
 
776 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Having told us that you did not come here to appear 
 before the committee, having learned before you left that the resolu- 
 tion had been reported out of the committee, please tell us what 
 you intended to present in Washington when you came here? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. We came here to find out what the real attitude of 
 the American Federation of Labor was toward the resolution. 
 
 Mr. Raker. What is that? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. To find out what the real attitude of the American 
 Federation of Labor was toward the resolution and to give information 
 to the American Federation of Labor as to conditions in Hawaii. 
 
 Mr. Raker. You knew before you started that the American 
 Federation of Labor was against this resolution ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. We understood that; yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Knowing that they were against it, why did you come 
 over to confer with them? I am trying to ascertain just what you 
 came for ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. We came as I told you. 
 
 Mr. Raker. You have not presented to the committee anything. 
 We understand you got the money from the Japanese, but what 
 were you going to present to the American Federation of Labor 
 officials when you got here ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. We came over to see them and to give them informa- 
 tion in this way: If there was anything they did not know about 
 the islands we could inform them to the best of our ability. For the 
 last three months we have written letters to the American Federation 
 of Labor, but haVe never received any acknowledgment. 
 
 The Chairman. You never received any acknowledgment ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. No; not to any of the letters for the last three 
 months. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Do you know the cause of the strike in 1920, did you 
 investigate to find out ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. The cause of the strike ? 
 
 Mr. Raker. Yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Chilton. The cause of the strike was that they wanted more 
 daily pay and less bonus. 
 
 Mr. Raker. That is, the Filipinos ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. The Japanese and the Filipinos. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Did you investigate to find out who started the 
 strike, the Filipinos, the Japanese, or the Portuguese? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. The Japanese said the Filipinos started it and the 
 Filipinos said that the Japanese started it. That is all we know, 
 I believe it was Japanese scheming. 
 
 Mr. Raker. What did they strike for? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. They wanted to cut out some of the bonus and get 
 more daily pay. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Anything else ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. That is all I know. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Did they secure what the}^ were striking for ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. No; they did not. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Have you been over the cane fields to any extent to 
 know the conditions of labor in the cane fields of Hawaii? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. Not to a great extent. 
 
 Mr. Raker. The fact is that you do not know much about that 
 strike ? 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 777 
 
 Mr. Chilton. I know something about tae strike. 
 Mr. Raker. Nor do you laiow much about the labor conditions in 
 the field? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. I know something. First labor is very short; second 
 what labor is tliere does not work steady; third, labor conditions are 
 causing the planters to lose considerable money; and fourth, Japanese 
 control labor situation. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Anybody can do that kind of work ? 
 Mr. ChiIvTON. Anybody can do it if they will, but it is not every- 
 body who wants to do it. 
 
 Mr. Raker. It is work that any American can do if he wants to; 
 it is clean and nice work ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. It is dirty and hard work. He has to work very 
 hard, I will tell you now. 
 
 The Chairman. That brings up a very serious point. In your 
 opinion, do you think that white labor will work in the cane fields 
 of Hawaii, cutting cane and doing rough work of that kind ? 
 Mr. Chilton. At how much a day ? 
 The Chairman. Say, $4 a day. 
 Mr. Chilton. No. 
 
 The Chairman. That is a class of labor that white labor is not 
 adapted to ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. No; I do not think that they would work along with 
 a Jap, anyhow. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Is not that the crux; it is not the kind and character 
 of work but the fact that a white man does not work with Japanese 
 and Chinese ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. No; it is hard work. A white man can get some- 
 thing better. Anyone with brains can get something better. Coming 
 over on the train from San Francisco to Washington I noticed that 
 the section hands were Chinese, Japanese, Mexicans, and everything 
 but Americans. I do not think they will work down there more 
 than a day. 
 
 Mr. Raker. It is not the work itself, but they prefer work which 
 is not too hard ? 
 
 Mr. Chilton. It is hard work, and he can do something better. 
 I would not do that myself, if I could make more money at something 
 easier, not even if I could make less money at something easier. 
 
 The Chairman. I think that is pretty generally agreed to. I agree 
 fully with that, 
 
 Mr. Free. I might cite the fact that on the Eva plantation they 
 experimented with some of them and they would not stick. 
 
 Mr. Chilton. They came to Wahiawa along in 1901 or 1902, and 
 all they raised was a large family. 
 
 Mr. GoMPERS. I should like an opportunity of making a statement, 
 and if it is agreeable to the committee I should like very much to 
 start to-morrow morning. 
 
 If I may, though, I should like to make this statement, that no 
 member of this committee was more astounded at the testimony 
 elicited yesterday regarding the contribution of money by Japanese, 
 or by anyone else, than I was, and the same for the members of the 
 organizations and the legislative committee of the American Federa- 
 tion of Labor. I should Hke, if I may, to-morrow morning to make 
 a statement upon the question at issue, in addition to the matter 
 
778 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 which I have referred to, in so far as the American Federation of Labor 
 and its officials and other representatives are concerned. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Will that statement go into the question of the reso- 
 lution, as to its effect upon the kind and character that is to be brought 
 here ? 
 
 Mr. GoMPERS. That is the intention that I have now, to present 
 not only my views but the views of organized labor, the American 
 Federation of Labor, for a period of over 41 years. 
 
 The Chairman. I think the committee understands, Mr. Gompers, 
 your position, and understands that this information comes out of 
 the clear sky to you. Probably the members from the Pacific coast 
 are not quite so much surprised. 
 
 Mr. Raker. I do not see why not; I never was more surprised. 
 
 The Chairman. I am surprised, too. Perhaps, there are not so 
 many Japanese in my district as in Mr. Raker's district. I have 
 seen something of their methods of work and it is not pleasant at any 
 time. 
 
 We have received a large number of telegrams from both local 
 unions and head organizations, the more important of which will be 
 placed in the record; enough of those will be used to show pretty 
 well the attitude of organized labor outside of the national officers 
 here. 
 
 We thought of recessing over to-morrow. We can make a date 
 when we can hear you, Mr. Gompers, or you can submit your state- 
 ment in writing. 
 
 Mr. Raker. I would rather hear him personally myself. 
 
 Mr. Gompers. I prefer to submit myself to the committee. 
 
 Mr. Raker. I think that Mr. Gompers should be here personally. 
 
 Mr. Gompers. It is my desire to be here. 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. I hope Mr. Gompers will be given an opportunity 
 to be heard. 
 
 Mr. Raker. There is one thing, irrespective of how the witnesses 
 come, who has tampered with them, and those things, they do not 
 affect the fundamental principle involved in this resolution. 
 
 The Chairman. We know that. 
 
 You may proceed, Mr. Cable. 
 
 Mr. Cable. I have some notes, but I have not a prepared brief. 
 There are a good many legal questions involved in this matter, some 
 of which this committee has not jurisdiction of. 
 
 The Chairman. Has not jurisdiction of? 
 
 Mr. Cable. In my opinion. This is the Immigration Committee, 
 and the resolution not only affects immigration laws but criminal 
 laws, and so the Judiciary Committee would have jurisdiction; also 
 the Insular Committee and even Foreign Relations Committee. 
 
 In the first place, this resolution provides for the admission of 
 ' ' such aliens otherwise inadmissible . ' ' That could include over twenty- 
 odd classes. For example, anarchists, Asiatics, chronic alcoholics, 
 contract laborers — I want you to note that contract laborers are one 
 of the classes — convicts or felons, epileptics, illiterates, insane, 
 paupers, persons accompanying helpless aliens, persons advocating 
 assassination of public officials, persons advocating unlawful destruc- 
 tion of property, persons afflicted with loathsome or dangerous con- 
 tagious diseases, persons afflicted with tuberculosis, persons aiding 
 or bringing in prostitutes, persons deported within a specified time, 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 779 
 
 persons disbelieving in organized government, persons likely to become 
 a public charge, persons of constitutional psychopathic inferiority, 
 persons whose passage is paid by another, political offenders, polyga- 
 mists, professional beggars, and prostitutes. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. In other words, you mean 
 
 Mr. Cable (interposing). That under the resolution as it is drawn 
 to-day, if it were passed, it would permit all of these various classes 
 of persons to be admitted. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. Who otherwise would be inadmissible. 
 
 The Chairman. That is a very .serious defect. 
 
 Mr. Cable. This resolution seeks to suspend, as it is in conflict 
 with several other laws, for example, part of section 10 of the organic 
 act of the Hawaiian Islands. In section 10 there is a provision 
 against enforcement of the law against personal labor. In other 
 words, if a man is hired out to another you can not enforce that kind 
 of a contract. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. I do not see why that is. That is their contract law ? 
 
 Mr. Cable. Yes, sir. For instance, you bring a Chinese over 
 and he may work or otherwise, you can not compel him to fulfill his 
 contract. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. You have to stretch the resolution a good deal to 
 make it reach that. The resolution does not do that. 
 
 Mr. Cable. That is what they mean. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. You are attributing tilings that the resolution does 
 not mean. 
 
 Mr. Cable. Also under this same section 10 there is a provision 
 that the law against contract labor is carried into the organic law. 
 That shows the intent of the people of Hawaii to avoid contract labor. 
 Another thing, this resolution would suspend the law that we passed 
 at this special session of Congress concerning 3 per cent of immigra- 
 tion of labor, it would repeal the Chinese exclusion act. It would 
 suspend the literacy test, it would suspend the head tax, it would 
 suspend or be in violation of the contract labor prohibition, in viola- 
 tion of the peonage law, and also in violation of the coolie labor law. 
 The proposition is this, that certain of these classes are prohibited 
 and a violation of the law is punishable by imprisonment. For 
 example, contract labor is prohibited, peonage is prohibited, and coolie 
 labor is prohibited. How can you have a criminal law which is sup- 
 posed to apply to all places suspended as to a specific portion of the 
 United States territory ? If this resolution went through they 
 would be permitted to import these Chinese coolies, but still this 
 resolution is in conflict with these other laws, such as the contract 
 labor law, which says that you can not bring in contract labor . 
 
 It would be in violation of the peonage section. Peonage is com- 
 pelling a person to work by reason of debt. It is a crime punishable 
 by fine and imprisonment. They could only bring them under con- 
 tract and compel them to work at a specific pursuit, namely, agricul- 
 ture, and when they did quit agriculture they would be arrested. 
 They either have to pay the passage themselves or some one advances 
 it for them, and the minute they step on the Hawaiian shore, they 
 owe a debt and are started in to work out that debt. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. Take the things which you have mentioned, the 
 repeal of the Chinese exclusion act, it is intended to do that, the com- 
 mittee is attempting to do that with this resolution. The act of 1921, 
 
780 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 it is intended to repeal that because that lifts the literacy test from 
 Hawaii. The coolie-labor section, the resolution is intended to repeal 
 that. This contract labor criminal phase, what law is that in, is that 
 in one of the immigration laws ? 
 
 Mr. Raker. It is in the Revised Statutes; I have not the authorities 
 with me. 
 
 Mr. Cable. Peonage is covered by section 469 of the criminal 
 statute. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. Is that an act of Congress ? 
 
 Mr. Cable. Yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. I am not sure that this resolution is not intended to 
 repeal that. 
 
 Mr. Raker. The act of Congress, referring to the decisions of the 
 court under it, is based upon the thirteenth amendment. The 
 thirteenth amendment says that there shall not be involuntary servi- 
 tude, which is a larger term than slavery, but they both apply to the 
 same thing. They passed an act of Congress subsequent to the 
 thirteenth amendment. The Federal courts and the State courts 
 have held, just as Mr. Cable has stated, that that condition can not 
 exist since the adoption of the thirteenth amendment. 
 
 The Chairman. I think that back of the whole thing and what 
 makes it illegal in that respect is the Constitution of the United 
 States. If that section of the Constitution was not in the way, I 
 think we might, as far as Hawaii is concerned, repeal those statutes 
 by implication in passing this resolution. 
 
 Mr. Cable. Under section 4342 of the United States Compiled 
 Statutes and in Revised Statutes 2158, coolie trade is prohibited and 
 contracting to supply coolie labor is criminal, as I see it. 
 
 Mr. Box. Please give the date of that act. 
 
 Mr. Cable. February 18, 1862. 
 
 If this resolution goes through it will be in conflict with that 
 section. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. All right. It would also be in conflict with the 
 percentage act, it would be in conflict with the literacy test law, and 
 it would be in conflict with all the exceptions you make. My view 
 is that unless there is something in the Federal authority you could 
 repeal these laws by implication. 
 
 Mr. Raker. We give them the right to land ? 
 
 Mr. Cable. Yes, sir; but under the law you can not contract for 
 labor to come in ? 
 
 Mr. Raker. That is right. 
 
 The Chairman. Let us assume that some coolies come in under a 
 resolution like this and agree to work as plantation labor and then 
 under the pressure of some other persons they were induced to quit 
 that labor, they could go to court about it and claim that they did 
 not desire to work at agricultural labor, they would have the right 
 to go to court and claim that they were being held in servitude and 
 win the case. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. Yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Is not that all there is in this resolution? 
 
 Mr. Box. I think you three gentlemen are almost as one, and 
 whether you branch it into all of these branches it all goes back to 
 the thirteenth amendment? 
 
 Mr. Cable. Yes, sir. 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 781 
 
 Mr. Raker. In other words, the very moment that man left his job 
 and was arrested by the immigration officials to be deported, he would 
 be under arrest because of his failure to comply with his contract, 
 and for that he would be deported, which is clearly, as the court says, 
 involuntary servitude, and, therefore, contrary to the thirteenth 
 amendment. 
 
 The Chairman. Could a court under any such resolution as this 
 order him deported ? 
 
 Mr. Cable. He would be deported under the immigration law. 
 
 Mr. Raker. That is another question. Under this resolution, 
 every man coming here would stay here. Every man coming here 
 under this resolution would stay here, and you could not send him out. 
 
 Mr. Cable. Yes; you could, because if the resolution were void, he 
 would be here unla^vfully. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. If you picked him up here and carried him before a 
 court upon the charge of violating a labor contract, the Supreme Court 
 would come in and say that the proceeding was null because it was in 
 violation of the Constitution of the United States, and he would be 
 discharged under that. Now, if he is discharged under that provision, 
 could the immigration authorities come around and say, ^^ We will 
 deport him, because he is here in violation of the immigration law" ? 
 
 Mr. Raker. My investigation of the matter shows that they can 
 not deport him. 
 
 Mr. Cable. I want to read section 5 of the organic act: 
 
 That the Constitution, a^nd, except as otherv/ise provided, all the laws of the United 
 States, including laws cairying general appropriations, which aie not locally inap- 
 plicable, shall have the same force and effect within the said Territory as elsewhere 
 in the United States. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. The point is that this will be a law of the United 
 States. 
 
 Mr. Raker. We are talking about Federal statutes. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. The question is. Would this by implication repeal the 
 immigration laws ? 
 
 Mr. Cable. We might repeal the immigration laws. 
 
 Mr. Box. It appears to me, Mr. Chairman, that these gentlemen 
 have the question clearly in mind. It is a very interesting one, and 
 I wonder if we could ask them to further brief the points. It is a very 
 interesting question. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. Of course, we can not modify the Constitution by 
 this act. 
 
 Mr. Raker. I have spent at least a month on this matter, and I 
 have examined at the library all the law books I could find on the 
 subject and all of the special authorities bearing upon it, and it appears 
 to me that the whole crux of the thing is in the thirteenth amendment 
 to the Constitution. Statutes have been enacted by States pro- 
 viding that if a man makes a contract to work for an employer and 
 does not continue to work, the sheriff is authorized to have him serve 
 the balance of his time, but whenever such acts have come before 
 the Supreme Court, the court has declared that to be involuntary 
 servitude. That is the reason I asked Mr. Oxnard the other day witn 
 reference to the arrest of those Mexicans. There never was a clearer 
 case than this — that is, that these Mexicans were brought here in 
 violation of the contract-labor law. 
 
782 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. My conviction is that any law anywhere that author- 
 izes any man or any set of men to take charge of an individual and 
 tell him that he shall pursue a certain course of conduct, and providing 
 that when he ceases to pursue that course, they can take charge of 
 him and put him in jail, is peonage under the Constitution of the 
 United States. 
 
 The Chairman. Then, how did they get by with it three times in 
 the case of Mexicans brought into the United States ? 
 
 Mr. Wilson. The question was never raised. 
 
 Mr. Cable. The history of this contract-labor legislation goes 
 back to 1864, Thirteenth Statutes, page 385. The Thirty-seventh 
 Congress passed an act to encourage immigration 
 
 Mr. Box (interposing). Is that involved in the statute of 1862, 
 forbidding American shipping from bringing in contract labor ? 
 
 Mr. Cable. Under the act of 1864, to encourage immigration, they 
 authorized them to enter into contracts to bring them into the 
 United States. Later, however, in the next year, the}^ turned around 
 and made it a crime and provided that any one who would report 
 with original evidence persons bringing in contract labor would be 
 entitled to have the penalty. From that time on contract labor 
 has been held to be a crime. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. Is there not some distinction between the peonage 
 proposition and contract labor ? 
 
 Mr. Cable. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. Contract labor is another proposition, or one phase 
 of it is. Here are individuals on the Mexican border who will take 
 contracts to go down and bring the labo? in, and when they bring 
 the laborers in they turn them loose to somebody else. 
 
 Mr. Box. Is there not another act ? 
 
 Mr. Raker. They never passed that act until the thirteenth amend- 
 ment was effective. When it became effective then they had to pass 
 a law. 
 
 Mr. Cable. Both as to contract labor and peonage ? 
 
 Mr. Raker. That was not adopted until December 18, 1865. 
 
 Mr. White. Sometimes they were bound to give personal service 
 or to work in families. 
 
 Mr. Raker. They can not bind them. 
 
 Mr. White. But they come in for that purpose. How do they 
 come in ? 
 
 Mr. Raker. They can not come in now. They could come up here 
 to-day and leave to-morrow. When they came they had to fulfill 
 their contracts. They had to work until they paid the debt, and if 
 they did not they were arrested. That has been held to be in viola- 
 tion of the thirteenth amendment. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. There is no such contract that can be upheld. It can 
 not be said that by virtue of such a contract he has got to remain. 
 
 The Chairman. That law does away with the binding out of boys, 
 as was practiced in the old days. 
 
 Mr. Cable. I have a brief on that question. 
 
 Mr. Box. I would like to hear your brief. 
 
 Mr. Cable. I have not completed my brief, but I wanted to bring 
 up these points, because I think they are jurisdictional questions. In 
 other words, if the thing is illegal, it can be knocked out on those 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 783 
 
 grounds, irrespective of the merits of the case. I think that is about 
 all I have here. 
 
 Mr. Box. I have here the act of 1862 that was referred to just a 
 moment ago. It is very pertinent, and if you will permit me, I will 
 read it: 
 
 No citi/en of the United States, or foreigner, coming into or residing within the 
 same shall, for himself or for any other person, either as master, factor, owner, or 
 otherwise, build, equip, load, or otherwise prepare any vessel, registered, enrolled, or 
 licensed in the United States, for the purpose of procuring from any port or place the 
 subjects of China, Japan, or of any other oriental country known as "coolies," to be 
 transported to any foreign port or place to be disposed of, or sold, or transferred, for 
 any time, as servants or apprentices, or to be held in service or labor. 
 
 If any vessel, belonging in whole or in part to a citizen of the United States, and 
 registered, enrolled, or otherwise licensed therein be employed in the "coolie trade" 
 80 called, contrary to the provisions of the preceding section, such vessel, her tackle, 
 apparel, furniture, and other appurtenances, shall be forfeited to the United States, 
 and shall be liable to be seized, prosecuted, and condemned in any of the circuit 
 courts or district courts of the United States for the district where the vessel may be 
 found, seized, or carried. 
 
 Mr. Cable. That is still the law. 
 
 Mr. Box. Yes. That is contained in sections 2157 and 2158 of the 
 Revised Statutes. 
 
 Mr. Raker. After the thirteenth amendment was adopted — and 
 why it was put in I can not say, but it is all right — they put in the 
 same section a provision that any alien in the United States had the 
 same right as an American citizen to life, liberty, and the pursuit of 
 happiness. 
 
 Mr. Box. Where is that? 
 
 Mr. Raker. That is a section of the Revised Statutes that I have 
 in my brief. That provision is made so that he might have the right 
 of circulation and volition, coming and going as he pleases. The 
 moment you take him from that class, and say that he can not go as 
 he pleases, you are trenching upon the thirteenth amendment. 
 This resolution reads : 
 
 Provided, That such aliens shall be admitted only for limited periods of time for the 
 purpose of engaging only in the class or classes of labor as to which the emergency has 
 been found to exist. 
 
 The Chairman. I think that is subject to all of the objections that 
 have been made, but still, assuming that that is omitted from the 
 resolution, that would leave them not bound to a class of labor. If 
 you strike out the matter in lines 5, 6, and 7, as follows: 
 
 And that the regulations shall provide for and secure the return of such laborers to 
 their respective countries upon the expiration of the time limited without cc st to the 
 United States^ — 
 
 then you would have a resolution that we might begin to consider. 
 
 Mr. Raker. No, sir; you would have then involuntary servitude 
 and peonage. That is true, because the United States is responsible. 
 It does not pay an3^thing, but there is some individual there, and it 
 must be construed so that it will fix upon the steamboat company 
 responsibility to pay for those men that come in, because they must 
 be returned without expense to the United States. Therefore, as I 
 stated, and it was so construed by the Supreme Court, they would 
 take that out of their wages, perhaps not directly, but indirectly, so 
 that they would be working all of this time to pay a part of their 
 
784 LABOK PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 expenses in coming* over and their expenses in going back, and they 
 would still be held for that debt. 
 
 The Chairman. I want to ask another thing with reference to the 
 statement you made a few minutes ago about the right of aliens to 
 life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. Would that interfere i 
 with the registration of an alien or the payment of a fee by an alien ? ' 
 
 Mr. Raker. No. 
 
 The Chairman. Would the payment of a fee by an alien ])e taxa- 
 tion not equal with the taxes imposed upon citizens ? 
 
 Mr. RaivER. No; I think not. That was construed by your court 
 the other day in a land proposition. That was construed by the 
 Supreme Court of the State of Washington. Then, the Supreme 
 Court of the United States discusses the exceptions to those cases in 
 the selective draft-law cases. The Supreme Court discusses that 
 feature very fully there. 
 
 The Chairman. The thirteenth amendment to the Constitution 
 provides that — 
 
 Neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, except as a punishment for criine 
 whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, shall exist in the United States, 
 or any place subject to their jurisdiction. 
 
 The clerk has furnished some citations here. 
 Mr. Box. That reads like the Constitution itself. 
 The Chairman. It is from the Constitution. Watson, on the 
 Constitution, says: 
 
 The amendment was adopted for the purpose of abolishing slavery in every form in 
 the United States and in every place under their control. It did not purport to do 
 more than this, and this was accomplished not only in the United States proper, but 
 among the Indians of Alaska and among those under the direct supervision of the 
 Government. 
 
 There are a number of cases cited in support of that proposition. 
 Story, on the Constitution, says, with respect to the thirteenth 
 amendment : 
 
 Nothing by way of comment can make its provisions plainer. The boast of English 
 lawyers and philanthropists after Sommersett's case that "a slave can not breathe 
 in Britain, but the moment he sets foot upon her soil he becomes tree" is equally or 
 even more strictly true of America. It forbids not merely the slavery heretofore 
 known to our laws, but all kinds of involuntary servitude not imposed in punishment 
 for public offenses. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. It seems to me that so far as the peonage part of it 
 is concerned, the only part of the resolution tiiat we could pass would 
 be down to and including line 11, where we say that he may admit 
 such aliens otherwise admissible ^^ as he may deem necessary to meet 
 the existing emergency." 
 
 The Chairman. With the proviso that those otherwise admissible 
 shall not include all the classes named. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. And with the proviso ''That such admission of aliens 
 shall not operate to increase the number of persons of any one alien 
 nationality in the Territory of Hawaii so that their total numbers 
 at any one time shall exceed 20 per cent of the total population of 
 the Territory as determined by the last census.'' You would have 
 to stop right there. Then the only objection would be your criminal 
 statutes. 
 
 Mr. Cable. And the Constitution. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. I do not think it would violate the Constitution. 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 785 
 
 Mr. Raker. We could beat the resolution on a dozen propositions. 
 There is not a chance for a single clause of it. I want to read the 
 last clause. If the proposition is that the President shall have the 
 power every five years 
 
 The Chairman (interposing) . Before you go into that, let me read 
 what would be left. 
 
 Mr. Cable. Mr. Chairman, I think that the attorney general of 
 Hawaii should have every legal point that he is up against. 
 
 Mr. Raker. The first proviso gives to the President the power to 
 declare that an emergency exists. When that has been ascertained, 
 then the Secreta,ry of Labor must permit these people of these various 
 classes and occupations to come in. Now, that can be done every 
 five years, but the limitation as to the time of the residence is not 
 fixed. It may be for 5 years, 10 years, 15 years, 20 years, or 40 
 years, so that they v/ould be in here for all that length of time. Now, 
 the second proposition, on the last proviso is: 
 
 Provided further, That nothing herein contained shall be construed to allow any 
 alien admitted under the terms hereof to remove to any other place under the juris- 
 diction of the United States. 
 
 That is clearly unconstitutional. Clearly, when he is once admitted 
 to the Hawaiian Islands, he is on American soil, and he can come 
 from Hawaii to the mainland just the same as if he should land in 
 New York. 
 
 Mr. Cable. Where do you get your authority under the Consti- 
 tution for that ? You quoted a section of law and said it was not 
 constitutional. 
 
 Mr. Raker. It goes back to the Constitution, because it takes 
 from him his personal liberty. Hawaii is a part of the United States. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. It is a Territory. 
 
 Mr. Raker. It is a part of the United States. Now, having ad- 
 mitted him to New York, you could not by law say that he could not 
 go to New Jersey. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. That is a different question as applied to Hawaii. 
 
 Mr. Raker. No, sir; Hawaii is the same. You will find that it is 
 the same thing. Let us read the law on that question. Let us read 
 the immigration law. 
 
 Mr. Cable. That goes back to the question of whether you repeal 
 the entire act by this resolution. 
 
 Mr. Raker. It is more than that. It goes to this point, that 
 Hawaii is a part of the United States. It is a Territory, and the laws, 
 rules, and regulations that apply to the Federal Government a.pply 
 to them. 
 
 The Chairman. Let me take it up right there. We have a tenta- 
 tive draft placed before us with a provision that aliens may be 
 admitted by limiting some of the restrictions, as, for instance, the 
 literacy test, to the Territories of Hawaii and Alaska, and that they 
 shall not come from there to the mainland until they acquire citi- 
 zenship. Do you think that such a provision as that would be sub- 
 ject to the same objections that you are now raising? 
 
 Mr. Raker. Yes; for this reason: Under our law you can not say 
 to a man who comes into this country that he may land in New York, 
 but must remain in New York. You can not say to him, '^You 
 
 ^6754— 21— SER 7, PT 2 16 
 
786 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 must remain in New York, and you can not go to any other State 
 in the Union." You have no doubt of that, have you, Mr. Cable? 
 
 Mr. Cable. That is a different proposition. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Do you agree with me on that ? 
 
 Mr. Cable. No; I do not agree with that. Here is a law that says 
 an ahen may go all through the United States. That is by virtue of 
 a law, but if you wipe that law out by enacting a new law that says 
 he can not go from New York to California, where does that law con- 
 flict with any constitutional provision ? 
 
 Mr. Raker. Suppose there was no statute on the books at all, and 
 an alien came in here under our general laws as to the rights of citi- 
 zens. You contend that we could then pass a law, as the Constitu- 
 tion now stands, saying that he could only remain in New York and 
 could not go over to New Jersey ? 
 
 Mr. Cable. Where does the Constitution forbid that? 
 
 The Chairman. It runs back to the word '^persons" under the 
 Constitution. 
 
 Mr. Raker. The Supreme Court has construed aliens as persons. 
 
 Mr. Cable. The Constitution takes care of persons but not citizens. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Of both. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. There is another question coming in there: Must the 
 law that operates throughout continental United States be applied in 
 such a way that the same things must be done in the same way with 
 respect to a Territory, or is there not a distinction there ? I think you 
 could put a restriction on a bill applying to a Territory under the 
 United States that you could not place on one applying to the United 
 States proper. 
 
 Mr. Raker. I make this as a fundamental statement, backed up by 
 the Constitution of the United States and the decisions of our courts, 
 that is, that the same law as to the right of men to life, liberty, the 
 pursuit of happiness, and freedom of movement exists in the Terri- 
 tories just the same as in the States, and under the Constitution 
 Congress can not deprive a man in a Territory of those fundamental 
 rights. 
 
 The Chairman. What have we ever done under the gentlemen's 
 agreement by which we can hold Japanese living in Hawaii to 
 Hawaii ? 
 
 Mr. Box. Does the chairman think that the gentlemen's agreement 
 has anything to do with the Constitution ? 
 
 The Chairman. It is contrary to the Constitution. It was made 
 without the approval of the Senate, and is wrong in that respect. 
 
 Mr. Raker. I think that everybody agrees that the gentlemen's 
 agreement is contrary to the Constitution. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. When we had the Indian Territory and segregated 
 the Indians out there, do you not think that Congress could have 
 enacted a law providing that those Indians could not enter other por- 
 tions of the United States, while that was a Territory ? 
 
 Mr. Raker. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Cable. The question of citizenship comes up there. They were 
 neither aliens nor citizens. 
 
 Mr. Raker. They were wards of the Government. 
 
 Notwithstanding the thirteenth amendment, we did not change the 
 rights nor relations as between parent and child; we did not change the 
 law as to the rights of seamen, nor did we change the law in regard 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 787 
 
 to the right of the Government to select men for mihtary service; 
 but what I am contending as to the Territory of Hawaii being a part 
 of the United States is that it is a Territory to which our flag goes- 
 and to which our laws go. We can not make a law that would deprive 
 a man of the fundamental right to life, liberty, and the pursuit of 
 happiness in that Territory when it is granted on the mainland. 
 
 Mr. Cable. If you will read the Chinese exclusion act you will see 
 that it would be absolutely repealed. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. It would repeal the Chinese exclusion act, because, 
 if you are correct, when they come to Hawaii, they can come to the 
 mainland. 
 
 Mr. Raker. There is a different proposition involved now. 
 
 Mr. Cable. But when you get him to the islands, he can not come 
 here. 
 
 Mr. W^iLSON. That would be unconstitutional if Mr. Raker is 
 correct. That would not be in an act of Congress dealing with a 
 State, but it is in an act dealing with a Territory. 
 
 Mr. Cable. What other point have you there ? 
 
 Mr. Raker. There is another thing. It has been contended that 
 we are trying to do indirectly here what we are not willing to take 
 hold of firmly. In our legislation we exclude the Japanese from 
 Hawaii, after having permitted them to come in under certain 
 regulations under a general law. Having enacted a law excluding 
 them, we would make a distinction under the most-favored-nation 
 clause by admitting Chinese into Hawaii and excluding the Japanese. 
 
 The Chairman. I have never been able to see how the United 
 States could with a serious face maintain its position under the 
 gentlemen's agreement by which Japanese are kept out, and then 
 undertake to enforce the provisions of a resolution like this by which 
 the Chinese could be let in. 
 
 Mr. Cable. In other words, the Japanese would not have an 
 equal right. 
 
 Mr. Raker. On page 2 of the resolution there is this provision: 
 
 That the regulations shall provide for and secure the return of such laborers to their 
 respective countries upon the expiration of the time limited, without cost to the 
 United States. 
 
 Now, clearly, those men must be bound under the lav that we 
 make authorizing the Secretary of Labor to make the regulations, 
 and these people must be held and a fund provided by their employ- 
 ers before they land here, and under the arrangement these men 
 must assist and contribute in the form of labor to such fund with 
 which to return them_ 
 
 Mr. Cable. That is peonage ? 
 
 Mr. Raker. Yes; that is peonage. Therefore, when you get 
 down to the resolution, not a section can stand, or there is not a sec- 
 tion that this committee ought to report out. Let us consider it for a 
 moment from the standpoint of the public policy of the American 
 people. Every indication, every sentence, and every idea that is 
 here is opposed to the policy and the genius of the American people 
 to-day, and they will not submit to it. 
 
 Mr. Cable. In 1908 the same question was raised when they had 
 an investigation by the Department of Justice, and two resolutions 
 were introduced in the House by two gentlemen from the South for 
 
788 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 the investigation of peonage. The Department of Justice has made 
 prosecutions all over the United .States under that law, showing the 
 attitude of tlie people at this time on the suhject. 
 
 (Thereupon, the committee proceeded to the consideration of 
 executive business, after which it adjourned to meet at 10.30 o'clock 
 to-morrow, August 4, 1921.) 
 
 Committee on Immigration and Naturalization, 
 
 House of Representatives, 
 
 Thursday, August 4, 1921. 
 
 The committee met at 10 o. clock a. m., Hon. Albert Johnson 
 (chairman) presiding. 
 
 STATEMENT OF HOIf. JOHM L. CABLE. 
 
 Mr. Cable. Mr. Chairman, may I submit a short memorandum or 
 brief concerning House eloint Resolution 171 ? 
 
 The Chairman. I would suggest that you read it, and it will 
 become a part of your statement of yesterday. 
 
 Mr. Cable. Mr. Chairman, since the discussion of the legal phase 
 of the resolution yesterday, I find that the laws of Congress are not 
 repealed in the same method or manner usually employed by the 
 States. When a State law is repealed by its legislature, the repealing 
 or substitute law usually refers specifically and directly to the act or 
 portion of the act or law proposed to be repealed. Here in Congress, 
 however, the last law enacted governs, and if it is in direct conflict 
 with any previous or preceding laws, the latter are repealed to the 
 extent of ihQ conflict, provided the last law is constitutional. 
 [Readino;:] 
 
 I desire to call attention to the follomng laws of Congress and the enabling act of 
 Hawaii, which, in my opinion, will be affected, i)rovided the resolution in its present 
 form becomes a law.' We should bear in mind that the Constitution and the laws of 
 tlie United States have the same force and effect in Hawaii as elsewhere in the con- 
 tinent. 
 
 The law specifically provides: 
 
 ^ Application of laws of United States. — The Constitution and, except as other- 
 wise provided, all the laws of the United States, including laws carrying general apj)ro- 
 priations, which are not locally inapplicable, shall have the same force and efi'ect 
 within the said Territory as elsewhere in the United States * * *." 
 
 (1) Exdusion of Chinese Jrom Hawaii. — -The law provided that there shall be no 
 further immigration of Chinese into the Hawaiian Islands. 
 
 ^ Exclusion of Chinese from Hawaii.- — Entry into United States fkom 
 Hawaii. — There shall be no further immigration of Chinese into the Hawaiian Islands, 
 except upon such conditions as are now or may hereafter be allowed by the laws of 
 the United States; no (Jhinese, by reason of anything contained in the joint resolution 
 providing for annexing the Hawaiian Islands approved July 7, 1898, shall be allowed { 
 to enter the United States from the Hawaiian Islands." (30 Stat., 751.) 
 
 (2) Chinese exdusion act without limitation. — The general Chinese exclusion act 
 excludes Chinese persons or persons of Chinese descent from coming into the United 
 States, or any of its Territories. (32 Stat., 176: 33 Stat., 428.) 
 
 (3) Coolie trade is prohibited. — There is a law relating to the coolie trade, and which 
 prohibits the same, and there is one relating to tbe exclusion of Chinese under the 
 general immigration laws, and those laws would be affected. 
 
 The Revised Statutes of the United States, 2158 and following, and also 18th 
 Statutes, 477, prohibit coolie trade and contracting to supplv coolie labor, and make 
 a violation of the law a crime, punishable by fxue and imprisonment. 
 
 (4) Exdusion of aliens uiider general immigration law. — -The resolution seeks to admit 
 "such aliens otherwise inadmissible." This conflicts mth the general exclusion of 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 789 
 
 aliens vuider the immigration law and would permit ail classes of criminals, anarchists, 
 and the like to be admitted to Hawaii unle.^s the rules and regulations adopted by the 
 Labor Department specificallv excluded them. The list is found in section 3 of the 
 immigration laws and I named the different classes yesterday • 
 
 (b) Literacy te^t. — Section 3 of the immigration lav.'s prohibit the landing of "all 
 aliens over !(> j^ears of age, physically capa]>le of reading, who can not read the English 
 language or some other language or dialect, including Hebrew or Yiddish." 
 
 (6) Contract labor in Hawaii. — The enabling act of the Territory of Hawaii (23 Stat., 
 332; 31 Stat., 143) specifically prohibit contract labor. 
 
 (a) "All contracts made since August 12, 1898, bv which persons are held for 
 service for a definite term, are declared null and void and terminated, and no law 
 shall be passed to enforce said contracts in any way; and it shall be the duty of the 
 United States marshal to at once notify such persons so held of the termination of 
 their contracts." 
 
 (h) Importation of foreigners and aliens under contract or agreement to perform 
 labor in the United States, its Territories, is prohibited. 
 
 (7) Contract labor in the United States.— Th.Q law of the United States prohibits the 
 admission, under section 2 of the immigration law, of "persons hereafter called con- 
 tract laborers who have been induced, assisted, or encouraged to migrate to this country 
 by oiiers or promises of employment, whether such of'ers or promises are true or false, 
 or in consequence of agreements, oral, written, or printed, express or implied, to per- 
 form labor in this country of any kind, skilled or unskilled." 
 
 All contracts or agreements, express or implied, parol or special, which may be 
 made between any person or company and any foreigner or alien to perform labor 
 or service in the United States or its Territories, previous to the migration or importa- 
 tion of the person whose labor or service is contracted for, shall be void. (23 Stat., 332.) 
 
 The laws of the United States even provide that any informer giving original informa- 
 tion that the contract labor laws have been violated shall be entitled to a portion of 
 the penalties recovered from the person violating the law. 
 
 They have gone so far as to give any informer who assists the Government in the 
 prosecution of the case half of the penalty recovered . 
 
 (8} Head tax. — The head tax provision is affected by this resolution. Section 2 of 
 the immigration law provides; %4 
 
 "There shall be levied, collected, and paid a tax of $8 for every alien, including 
 alien seamen regularly admitted, as provided in this act, entering the United States. 
 (29 Stat., 875.) 
 
 (9) Three per cent immigration law. — The 3 per cent provision of the immigration law 
 would be repealed, so far as Hawaii is concerned. That is the law we just passed 
 at this session of Congress. 
 
 The Sixty-seventh Congress has just passed a law limiting immigrants coming to this 
 country or its territories to 3 per cent of the number of that particular nationality 
 who resided in the United States according to the census of 1910. 
 
 (10) Peonage laws. — Peonage is a crime in the United States, and has been defined 
 thus; 
 
 "Peonage is a status or condition of compulsory service based upon the indebtedness 
 of the peon to the master. The basic fact is indebtedness." (Clyatt v. United States, 
 197 U. S., 207.) 
 
 Peonage is a crime in the United States. Section 269, the Criminal Code (35 Stat., 
 1142) provides: 
 
 "Whoever holds, arrests, or returns, or causes to be held, arrested, or returned, or in 
 any manner aids in the arrest or return of any person to a condition of peonage shall be 
 fined not more than $5,000 or imprisoned not more than five years, or both." 
 
 In section 3944, United States Compiled Statutes, 1918, the law provides that 
 peonage is abolished. 
 
 "The holding of any person to service or labor under the system known as peonage 
 is abolished and forever prohibited in the Territory of New Mexico, or in any other 
 Territory or State of the United States; and all acts, laws, and resolutions, orders, 
 regulations, of the Territory of New Mexico, or any other Territory or State which 
 have heretofore established, maintained, or enforced, or by virtue of which any attempt 
 shall hereafter be made to establish, maintain, or enforce, directly or indirectly, the 
 voluntary or involuntary service of labor of an^^ persons as peons in liquidation of any 
 debt or obligation, or otherwise, be and the same is hereby declared null and void." 
 
 It will be noted that the crime of peonage is complete when a person holds any 
 perton to a condition of peonage; that is, according to the above definition, in a con- 
 dition of compulsory tiervice bajed on indebtedness. 
 
 Under the resolution, as drawn, a Chinese not being able to pay his passage would 
 be indebted to some one when he took work in the islands of Hawaii, fie would be 
 
790 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 compelled to continue work of an agi-icultural nature, because if he left the planta- 
 tion and went into the city, he could be arrested and deported. Lebt, therefore, 
 holds him to work. 
 
 So far as those 10 provisions are concerned, in my opinion, this resolution would 
 suspend them so far as Hawaii is concerned. Of court e. rongre3s would haA'e the 
 lawful right to do that, but so far as constitutional provisions being \'iolated is con- 
 cerned, the resolution could not do that. 
 
 (11) Bringing vJithin the United States any person from any foreign country to he 
 held for service or labor. — The law provides in substance that whoever brings within 
 the United States any person to be held in service or labor shall be f ned not more 
 than 110 000. The section is found in Thirty-fifth Statutes, 1139, and reads as follows : 
 
 "Bringing slaves into United States. — Whoever brings within the juris- 
 diction of the United States, in any manner whatsoever, any person from any foreign 
 kingdom or country, or from sea, or holds, sells, or othermse disposes of, any person 
 so brought in, as a slave, or to hold to service or labor, shall be fined not more than 
 $10,000, one half to the use of the United States and the other half to the use of the 
 party who prosecutes the indictment to effect; and, moreover, shall be imprisoned 
 not more than seven years." 
 
 The section was, no doubt, reenacted as the result of the thirteenth amendment 
 to the Constitution of the United States, which provides: 
 
 "Neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, except as a punishment for crime, 
 whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, shall exist within the United States, 
 or any place subject to their jurisdiction." 
 
 As a cold legal proposition, Congress would have authority to pass this resolution, 
 repealing all the foregoing laws. The resolution under certain facts could conflict 
 ^vith this thirteenth amendment to the Constitution and as a result would therefore 
 be void and unconstitutional. 
 
 The Chairman. The members of the committee will remember 
 that the other day, in the examination of Mr. George W. Wright, a 
 good many questions were asked him about the editing of the Labor 
 Keview of Hawaii, and particularly with reference to the editing of 
 the portion of the paper that was printed in the Japanese language. 
 His statements were not quite in accord with the matter printed in 
 the paper for July 12. Statements here I think are sufficient to 
 discredit Mr. Wright's testimony and to discredit the cablegrams that 
 were sent and that were brought before this committee and read. 
 This paper, the Labor Review of Hawaii, of the date of July 12, 1921, 
 has at its masthead the words : 
 
 Editor, George W. Wright, 1320 Middle Street, Honolulu (phone 8222): business 
 manager, William Chilton, jr., 1269 Miller Street, Honolulu (phone 5292): advertising 
 manager, L. S. IJoyd, 1351 Luso Street, Honolulu. Published weekly at Honolulu, 
 Territory of Hawaii. 
 
 On the front page there appears the editorial committee, as follows: 
 
 G. W. Wright, William Chilton, jr., and L. S. Lloyd. 
 
 That is followed by this statement: 
 
 The official organ of the affiliated labor unions of the Territory of Hawaii. Devoted 
 to the service of the workers of all races. 
 
 There is an article printed in English on the first page under the 
 heading "Labor committee to go to Washington to fight coolie bill," 
 as follows : 
 
 Mr. W. R. Chilton and George W. Wright, delegates to the central labor council, 
 liaA^e booked passage to the mainland on the Sonoma sailing July 12. These men 
 constitute a committee which has been empowered to proceed to Washington and 
 place before the proper authorities all the facts in the case of the "coolie conspiracy." 
 It is understood that Mr. W>igho will also present data on the conditions in iiavaii 
 before the Navy Wage Board of Review, with a xiev? to showing the necessity t r a 
 increased scale of wages for the Pearl Harbor employees. 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 791 
 
 The mone^' for the expenses of the committee is being raised by subscription and 
 donations from individuals and from la])or organizations. All members of unions, 
 regardless of race, are asked to contribute to this fund. The personal welfare of every 
 worker in the Territory is at stake, and the appeal is made for assistance in carrying 
 the fight for the preservation of our American standards and ideals direct to Wash- 
 ington. 
 
 Now, the Chair seemed to be unable to read the articles on page 4 
 of the same paper, printed in Japanese, and I sent the paper over to 
 the Library of Congress yesterday with the request that the Japanese 
 articles be translated, and I have the following letter: 
 
 Library of Congress, 
 
 Washington, August 3, 1921. 
 Sir: I am sending herewith a translation of the Japanese newspaper article, which 
 your secretary requested yesterday. The original is attached. 
 For the Librarian: 
 
 J. L. Farnam, Secretary. 
 Hon. Albert Johnson, 
 
 Chairman Committee on Immigration and Naturalization, 
 
 House of Representatives. 
 
 The translation of the article headed '^ An appeal to our laborers," 
 as furnished by the Library of Congress, is as follows: 
 
 [Translated from the Japanese in the Labor Review of Hawaii, Honolulu, July 12, 1921, p. 4.1 
 
 An Appeal to our Laborers. 
 
 sending our delegates to washington. 
 
 As the situation of the coolie bill- does not allow us to hold optimistic feelings, we 
 are sending G. W. Wright and W. R. Chilton as the representatives of the central 
 labor council to present evidence of facts to the Washington authorities to block the 
 treacherous plot of importing coolie labor. They will leave here on the steamship 
 /Sonoma. July 12. 
 
 Mr. Wright will also take opportunity to present information about the condition 
 of this island to the committee regarding salary corripensation of naval employees. 
 He will request increased pay for employees at Pearl Bay. The expense of sending 
 the delegates is defraved by raising money from everv organization, as well as b v con- 
 tributions from persons who belong to our class. We hope as many persons as possible 
 will contribute, so that we may complete our aim, which is unique and common all 
 through the island. 
 
 Our opposition to the conspiracy of importing coolies is based on the true American 
 spirit to protect the ideals of America. We are making this appeal to request proper 
 aid of our coworkers to bring our movement to a successful end in arousing sentiment 
 in favor of helping the action of our delegates in Washington. 
 
 I will now read the translation of the other article. 
 
 [Translated from the Japanese in the Labor Review of Hawaii, Honolulu, July 12, 1921, p. 4.] 
 
 The Coolie Bill — a Side View op the Program of Importing Coolies. 
 
 small knowledge, small wit, small policy not wise at this time farmers 
 
 NEED farmers' SPIRIT. 
 
 People feel rather nervous about the rise and fall in the standing of the Dillingham 
 party in Washington, and whenever things look favorable for his bill too pe-simistic 
 feelings ariee among the people and if his bill seems unable to pass then they become 
 too optimistic. 
 
 We are, of course, in the opposition on the question of importation of coolies, but 
 we have to rely upon the decision of Congress. There is no other way. It is necessary, 
 however, to bring the feeling of Congress to favor us and this is the aim of reading 
 Chilton and Wright to AVashington as representatives of the central labor council. 
 They will have close cooperation with the American labor union in the work they do 
 in creating a public sentiment favorable to our position. 
 
792 
 
 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 We rely upon the capability of Chilton and Wright, who are always our friends and 
 coworkers. We hear by cable that the "Kuhio" (perhaps the name of a Congress- 
 man) amendment pa?eed the committee but the details are not known as yet and even 
 the trustworthiness of the cable is questionable. Even if it be true there will still be 
 plenty of dufFiculty for it to pass the regular Ee?sion and win the President's approval. 
 We believe that the Secretary of Labor is standing on our side and if such a bill passes 
 Congress he will never put such a progTam into practice. 
 
 It will take time for us to hear the decision regarding the coolie bill. In two weeks 
 our Hawaiian delegates will arrive at Washington, where they v/ill act splendidly 
 hand in hand with union labor. We believe there is no reason why the coolie bill 
 should pass in the original form when it comes before Congress and alterations and 
 amendments will bring unexpected results to hand. 
 
 Our friends, be patient. Farmiers need farmers' own spirit. Believe in the 
 heavenly doctrine of the survival of the fittest and the history of the globe, which 
 always protected the right. Any agitation will spoil your pride and dignity as true 
 farmers. 
 
 The Chairman. I think this is at variance with the statements 
 made by Mr. Wright, and for that reason I have placed this matter 
 in the record. 
 
 Before we proceed to hear Mr. Gompers, I want to call attention to 
 the fact that the Department of Commerce through the Bureau of 
 Census has issued, for use on and after August 12, a revised state- 
 ment concerning the sugar crops in the United States, including beet 
 sugar and all others, and if the second volume of these hearings is 
 not printed by that time, I think it might be well to include that n 
 the record. 
 (The matter referred to is as follows:) 
 
 Sugar Crops in the United States. 
 
 Washington, D. C, August 12, 1921. 
 The Bureau of the Census, of the Department of Commerce, announces, subject 
 to correction, the following preliminary figures from the 1920 census of agriculture 
 for the United States, with comparative figures for the preceding census: 
 
 Sugar crops in the United States: 1919 and 1909. 
 
 Sugar cane: 
 
 Acres 
 
 Production (tons) 
 
 Sirup made on farms 
 
 (gallons) 
 
 Sugar beets grov/n for 
 sugar: 
 
 Acres 
 
 Production (tons) 
 
 1919 
 
 373, 398 
 3, 551, 129 
 
 21, 240, 960 
 
 636, 414 
 5, 993, 409 
 
 1909 
 
 476, 849 
 6, 240, 260 
 
 21, 633, 579 
 
 360, 433 
 3, 902, 071 
 
 Sorghum grown for sirup: 
 Acres 
 
 Production (tons). . . . 
 Sirup made (gallons) . 
 Maple sugar and sirup: 
 
 Trees tapped 
 
 Sugar made (pounds). 
 Sirirp made (gallons). . 
 
 1919 
 
 482, 043 
 
 1, 644, 100 
 
 21, 523, 025 
 
 17, 448, 421 
 9, 691, 624 
 3, 505, 715 
 
 1909 
 
 326, 352 
 
 1, 376, 487 
 
 16, 532, 382 
 
 18, 899, 533 
 
 14, 060, 206 
 
 4, 106, 418 
 
 SUGAR CANE. 
 
 The total acreage of sugar cane harvested in the United States in 1919, according 
 to the Fourteenth Census, was 373,398, as compared with 476,849 in 1909. The pro- 
 duction in 1919 was 3,551,129 tons, as against 6,240,260 tons in 1909. The production 
 thus shows a decrease of 2,639,131 tons, or 43.1 per cent. This is the result of an un- 
 favorable season, however, and does not in any way indicate a decline in the sugar- 
 cane industry of the country. 
 
 In 1919 Louisiana p -Qduced 2,435,683 tons of sugar cane, or 68.6 per cent of the total 
 production in the United States. 
 
 The quantity of sug^r-cane sirup made on farms in the United States in 191.J u-a- 
 21,240,960 gallons, as compared with 21,633,579 gallons in 1909. 
 
LABOK FllOBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 Sugar cane, by States, 1919 and 1909. 
 
 793 
 
 state. 
 
 Acres. 
 
 Production 
 (tons). 
 
 Sirup made on farms 
 (gallons). 
 
 
 1919 
 
 1909 
 
 1919 
 
 1909 
 
 1919 
 
 1909 
 
 United States 
 
 373, 398 
 
 476, 849 
 
 3,551,129 
 
 6, 240, 260 
 
 21,240,960 
 
 21, 633, 579 
 
 
 
 South Carolina 
 
 5,537 
 
 41,-558 
 20,413 
 25,302 
 25,256 
 234,049 
 18, 867 
 2,416 
 
 7,053 
 37,046 
 12,928 
 27,211 
 24, 861 
 329,684 
 34,315 
 3,751 
 
 34,947 
 365,603 
 179, 573 
 208, 342 
 186,283 
 2,435,683 
 130,943 
 9,755 
 
 59, 865 
 317,460 
 142, 517 
 226,634 
 222,600 
 4,941,996 
 307,502 
 
 21,886 
 
 563, 963 
 7,052,984 
 3,675,249 
 3,235,231 
 3,015,956 
 1,899,423 
 1,631,459 
 
 166,705 
 
 881, 558 
 
 Georgia 
 
 5, 533, 520 
 
 Florida 
 
 2,533,096 
 
 Alabama 
 
 3,078,531 
 
 Mississippi 
 
 2, 920, 519 
 
 Louisiana 
 
 4,125,083 
 
 Texas. 
 
 2, 246, 774 
 
 All other States . . . 
 
 314,498 
 
 
 
 SUGAR BEETS. 
 
 The acreage of sugar beets grown for sugar in the United States in 1919 was 636,414, 
 as compared with 360,433 in 1909. The production in 1919 was 5,993,409 tons, as 
 against 3,902,071 tons in 1909, representing an increase of 2,091,338 tons, or 53.6 per 
 cent. 
 
 The leading States in the production of sugar beets in 1919 were Colorado, with 
 1,658,167 tons; Michigan, with 1,025,550 tons; Utah, with 930,427 tons; and Cali- 
 fornia, with 666,866 tons. 
 
 Sugar heets, hy States: 1919 and 1909. 
 
 State, 
 
 United States 
 
 Ohio 
 
 Michi'^an 
 
 Wisconsin 
 
 Iowa 
 
 Nebraska 
 
 Montana 
 
 Idaho 
 
 Wyoming 
 
 Colorado 
 
 Utah 
 
 Washuigton 
 
 California 
 
 AH other States 
 
 Acres. 
 
 1919 
 
 636, 414 
 
 33,561 
 
 106, 450 
 
 12, 737 
 
 7, 009 
 54, 486 
 
 8,600 
 37, 334 
 
 9,915 
 
 165, 840 
 
 93, 359 
 
 5,363 
 88, 257 
 13,-503 
 
 1909 
 
 360, 433 
 
 7,009 
 
 78,711 
 
 12,308 
 
 1,030 
 
 4,182 
 
 8,710 
 
 15,598 
 
 1,181 
 
 108, 0C5 
 
 27, 442 
 
 1,270 
 
 78, 671 
 
 16, 316 
 
 Production (tons). 
 
 1919 
 
 5, 993, 4C9 
 
 365, 415 
 
 1,025,550 
 
 136, 208 
 
 62, 338 
 554, 646 
 
 73, 824 
 260, 309 
 
 96, 994 
 
 1,058,167 
 
 931;, 427 
 
 46, 386 
 666, 866 
 126, 279 
 
 1909 
 
 3,902,071 
 
 63, 546 
 
 706, 990 
 
 126. 646 
 
 6,9(2 
 
 39, 756 
 108, 776 
 179,6.38 
 
 13, 234 
 
 1,230,718 
 
 413,811 
 
 6, rM 
 
 843, 269 
 162, 169 
 
 SORGHUM GROWN FOR SIRUP. 
 
 The total acreage of sorghum grown for sirup in the United States in 1919 was 482,043, 
 as compared with 3z6,352i in 1909. The production of sorghum in 1919 was 1,644,100 
 tons, while the production in 1909 was 1,376,487 tons. 
 
 The production of sorghum sirup in 1919 was 21,523,025 gallons, as compared with 
 16,532,382 gallons in 19;J9, representing an increase of 4,990,643 gallons, or 30.2 per 
 cent. The figures for acreage and production of sorghum and production of sirup 
 include estimates for incomplete reports. 
 
 The leading States in the production of sorghum sirup in 1919 were Alabama, with 
 2,429,302 gallons; Kentucky, with 2,044,098 gallons; Tennessee, with 1,917,293 gal- 
 lons; Georgia, with 1,820,165 gallons; and Mississippi, with 1,795,368 gallons. 
 
794 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 Sorghum grown for sirup, by States: 1919 and 1909. 
 
 State. 
 
 United States 
 
 Ohio 
 
 Indiana 
 
 Illinois 
 
 Wisconsm 
 
 lo va 
 
 Missouri 
 
 Vira;iaia 
 
 West \ ir:^inia 
 
 North Carolina 
 
 South Carohaa 
 
 Geori^ia 
 
 Kentucky 
 
 Tennessee 
 
 Ala ama 
 
 Mississippi 
 
 Ar-Jcansas 
 
 Oklahoma 
 
 Te\as 
 
 All other States 
 
 Acres. 
 
 1919 
 
 482, 043 
 
 5, 
 12, 
 10, 
 
 4, 
 
 9, 
 33, 
 13, 
 
 8, 
 3', 
 20, 
 37, 
 4^, 
 49, 
 52, 
 38, 
 
 H> 
 15, 
 
 35, 
 
 11, 
 
 4o4 
 3 '7 
 ».54 
 9C6 
 98G 
 771 
 450 
 439 
 t.24 
 431 
 311 
 968 
 131 
 4 6 
 752 
 424 
 8, '3 
 589 
 645 
 
 1909 
 
 323, 352 
 
 4,578 
 
 11, 829 
 
 14, 84-3 
 
 2,244 
 
 4,99t; 
 
 37,47'i 
 
 8, 13C 
 
 8, .L7 
 
 2J, 6 >2 
 
 6,131 
 
 14, 17u 
 
 52, 858 
 
 4.% 4iU 
 
 1 }, 107 
 
 ]!>,519 
 
 27, 532 
 
 12,v;4 
 
 lu,175 
 
 11,142 
 
 Production (tons) 
 
 1919 
 
 1,644,100 
 
 24,2o:i 
 
 52,210 
 
 41 , 7o7 
 
 18, 225 
 
 45, 34 I 
 
 115, 6J0 
 
 47,011 
 
 3 J, 544 
 
 10 , 403 
 
 69, 865 
 
 142, 261 
 
 151,9ii3 
 
 148,689 
 
 172, '.29 
 
 13 », ICu 
 
 129,416 
 
 53, 181 
 
 122, 170 
 
 45, 920 
 
 1909 
 
 1.37c, 487 
 
 28, 137 
 77, 600 
 89, 421 
 13, 498 
 .4,597 
 176,7)5 
 4.}, 875 
 48, 091 
 84, 753 
 22, 371 
 6u,202 
 198, 404 
 183, 328 
 67, 589 
 50, 327 
 S3, o41 
 35, 195 
 3., 902 
 61,391 
 
 Sirup made (gallons). 
 
 1919 
 
 21,523,025 
 
 290, 059 
 
 681, 190 
 
 527,981 
 
 2 J7, 277 
 
 087,712 
 
 1,414,222 
 
 538, 774 
 
 451,875 
 
 1,397,980 
 
 900, 206 
 
 i,82J,165 
 
 2,644,098 
 
 1,917,293 
 
 2, 429, 302 
 
 1,7 5,3*18 
 
 1,438,748 
 
 794, 1 '83 
 
 ] , 689, 205 
 
 627, 487 
 
 1909 
 
 16,532,382 
 
 354,131 
 
 965,686 
 977,238 
 13 J, 667 
 250. 205 
 
 1,788,3?1 
 441,189 
 604, 291 
 
 1.099,346 
 2f:2, 452 
 740^ 45C 
 
 2, 733, 683 
 
 2, 076, 339 
 809, 361 
 < 2i', 356 
 
 1 140,532 
 
 ' 514, 807 
 
 448, 185 
 
 564, 763 
 
 MAPLE SUGAR AND SIRUP. 
 
 The number of maple trees on farms in the United States which were tapped for 
 sugar and sirup in 1919, according to the I^^ourteenth Census, was 17,448,421, as com- 
 pared with 18,899,533 in 1909. 
 
 The quantity of maple sugar made on farms in 1919 was 9,691,624 pounds, as com- 
 pared with 14,060,206 pounds in 1909, repressnting a decrease of 4,368,582 pounds, 
 or 31.1 per cent. The production of maple sirup in 1919 was 3,505,715 gallons, as 
 against 4,106,418 gallons in 1909, a decrease of 600,703 gallons, or 14.6 per cent. 
 
 The leading State s in the production of maple sugar in 1919 were Vermont, with 
 6,251,734 pounds; New York, with 2,012,932 pounds; and Pennsyhania, with 525,954 
 pounds. The States reporting the largest production of maple sirup in 1919 were 
 New York, with 1,080,505 gallons, Ohio, with 694,175 gallons; Vermont, with 631,924- 
 gallons; and Pennsylvania, with 273,762 gallons. 
 
 Maple sugar and sirup, by States: 1919 and 1909. 
 
 state. 
 
 United States 
 
 Maine 
 
 New Hampshire. . . 
 
 Vermont .>.... 
 
 Massachusetts 
 
 Connecticut 
 
 New York 
 
 Pennsylvania 
 
 Ohio 
 
 Indiana 
 
 Illinois 
 
 Michigan 
 
 Wisconsin 
 
 Minnesota 
 
 Iowa 
 
 Missouri 
 
 Maryland 
 
 Virginia 
 
 West Virginia 
 
 All other States 
 
 Trees tapped. 
 
 1919 
 
 17, 448, 421 
 
 234, 478 
 
 6i8, 761 
 
 955, 513 
 
 252, 751 
 
 9,023 
 
 826, 924 
 
 020, 181 
 
 269, 199 
 
 558, 368 
 
 38, 3 ^1 
 
 850, 158 
 
 497, 141 
 
 52, 111 
 
 19,838 
 
 33, 615 
 
 74, 549 
 
 23, 618 
 
 73, 518 
 
 10,33i 
 
 1909 
 
 18, 899, 533 
 
 252, 764 
 792, 147 
 
 5, 585, 632 
 
 253, 501 
 12, 296 
 
 4, 948, 784 
 
 1, 298, 005 
 
 3,170,828 
 
 742, 585 
 
 48, 098 
 
 983, 737 
 
 449, 727 
 
 67, 225 
 
 23, 935 
 
 30, 399 
 79, 658 
 25, 451 
 97, 274 
 
 31, 456 
 
 Sugar made, 
 (pounds). 
 
 1919 
 
 9, 691, 624 
 
 24, 934 
 
 329, 723 
 
 6, 251, 734 
 
 73, 198 
 
 5, 173 
 
 2, 012, 932 
 
 535, 954 
 
 62, 001 
 
 14, 487 
 
 1, 133 
 
 76, 948 
 
 22, 439 
 
 3, 146 
 
 3,130 
 
 .5,0»7 
 
 150, 957 
 
 38, 332 
 
 73, 763 
 
 6,269 
 
 1909 
 
 14, 030, 203 
 
 15, 388 
 
 558, 811 
 
 7, 726, 817 
 
 156, 952 
 
 10, 207 
 3, 180, 300 
 1, 188, 049 
 
 257, 592 
 
 33, 419 
 
 5,368 
 
 293, 301 
 27, 199 
 
 11, 399 
 6,173 
 
 11, 638 
 351, 998 
 
 44, 973 
 140, 050 
 
 60,651 
 
 Sirun made, 
 (gallons). 
 
 1919 
 
 3, 505, 715 
 
 42,144 
 
 112, 824 
 
 631, 924 
 
 57, 950 
 
 2,886 
 
 1, 080, 505 
 
 273, 762 
 
 694, 175 
 
 167, 360 
 
 12, 114 
 
 201, 765 
 
 138, 627 
 
 12, 870 
 
 4, 915 
 
 12, 039 
 
 23, 155 
 
 8,137 
 
 23, 448 
 
 2,135 
 
 1909 
 
 4, 106, 418 
 
 43, 971 
 
 111, 500 
 
 409, 953 
 
 53, 091 
 
 4,236 
 
 993, 242 
 
 391, 242 
 
 1, 323, -^31 
 
 273, 728 
 
 18, 492 
 
 269, 093 
 
 124, 117 
 
 17, 808 
 
 8,596 
 
 9,389 
 
 12, 172 
 
 6, 046 
 
 31, 176 
 
 5, 135 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IK HAWAII. 795 
 
 There appears in this month's Atlantic Monthly a very concise 
 historical digest covering the bringing in of the Japanese to the 
 Hawaiian Islands, and, without objection, 1 think that might be 
 put in the record also. 
 
 (The matter referred to is as follows:) 
 
 The Japanese in Hawaii, 
 fB.y William Harding Carter.] 
 
 The recent census shows that out of a total population of 255,912 in the Hawaiian 
 Islands, 109,269 are Japanese. The increase in Japanese population since 1910 is 
 29,594, or 37.1 per cent, compared with 18,564, or 30.4 per cent during the preceding 
 decade. The disproportionate niunber of Japanese in compaiison with that of other 
 nationalities in the islands constitutes an intricate and perplexing problem, and a 
 knowledge of the_ history of Japanese immigration is essential to any proper con- 
 sideration of the situation. 
 
 Diplomatic relations between Jaj)an and Hawaii began with a treaty of amity and 
 commerce in 1871. Scarcity of agricultural labor in Hawaii caused Hon. Charles R. 
 Bishop, minister of foreign affairs, to take up with the Hawaiian consul in Tokyo 
 the subject of an arrangement for obtaining laborers from Japan, but nothing came 
 of it until King Kalakaua visited Japan, in 1881, when the Hawaiian minister of 
 immigrition, Hon. Williani Ne^dns Armstrong, initiated negotiations with the Jap- 
 anese Government on the subject of emigration of laborers from Japan to Hawaii. 
 
 In 1883 Col. C. P. laukea was accredited to the Court of Japan as minister pleni- 
 potentiiry for the speciil purpose of arranging for Japanese immigration and was 
 instructed by the Hawaiian minister of foreign affairs, Hon. Walter Murray Gibson, 
 in this remarkable manner: 
 
 "You will please impress upon the mind of the minister the very exceptional 
 character of these proposals and the e^'idence they afford of the high value His Maj- 
 esty's Government places upon the friendly alliance between this country and Japan 
 and upon the Japanese race as a repopulating element." 
 
 Later, under date of July 22, 1885, Mr. Gibson wrote to Count Inouye: 
 
 "I desire, in the first place, to assure your excellency that, owing to the strong 
 desire of Hawaii to settle upon her soil a kindred and kindly people like the Japanese, 
 this government is most anxious to meet the views and requirements of Japan on 
 all points." 
 
 Under date of January 21, 1886, the Hawaiian consul general at Tokyo, Mr. R. W. 
 Irwin, wrote to Count Inouye: 
 
 "I accept unreservedly the terms and conditions laid down in your excellency's 
 communication of yesterday, and I am prepared to sign the immigration convention." 
 
 The Hawaiian minister of oreign affairs, under date of March 5, 1886, wrote to 
 Count Inouye: 
 
 "Mr. Irwin unreservedly accepts these sipulations, and I have now the honor to 
 accept his engagement and to confirm on the part of His Majesty's Government the 
 several subsidiary agreements referred to, in so far as may be consonant with the 
 constitution of the kingdom and His Majesty's treaty obligations with foreign powers." 
 
 Count Okuma in reply informed Mr. Irwin: 
 
 "I accept your assurances in these regards, as well as other particulars specified in 
 your communication, as an authorized statement of the obligations which your gov- 
 ernment assumes in the premises, and I shall so regard the understanding as binding 
 on our respective Governments, subject to the right of revoking same, either in whole 
 or in part, which is specifically reserved to me." 
 
 In 1885 there were less than 50 Japanese in Hawaii, but under the encouragement 
 of the terms of the treaty the number increased to 20,000 in 10 years, at which time 
 Japan demanded the exclusion of any more Chinese laborers. 
 
 Foreseeing future complications, the constitution of 1887 was made to limit the 
 franchise to "every male resident of the Kingdom of Hawaii, of American or European 
 birth or descent, who shall have taken an oath to support the constitution and laws, 
 and shall know how to read or write either the Hawaiian, English, or some European 
 language." 
 
 In tiie following year, 1888, demands for the franchise for the Japanese began, and 
 continued, as a dioiomatic bone of contention along the line of favored-nation clauses, 
 until 189 >, when Mr. Fujii, consul general, made a categ'jrical demand upon President 
 Dole for the granting of the franchise by the provisional government — which had 
 superseded the monarchy — to all Japanese in Hawaii, including field laborers brought 
 
 i 
 
796 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 under contract, over whom the Japanese Government retained control by withholding 
 25 per cent of their wages. 
 
 President Dole explained that there could be no foundation in law, reason, or the 
 usages of nations for one nation to demand of another, as a right, permission for its 
 subjects to cast off their allegiance and acquire citizenship in another country. The 
 relation of scjvereign and subject, State and citizen, comprises an obligation between 
 the governing authority and the individual; otherwise an overcrowded country could 
 unload its surplus population upon a smaller country, and by the utilization of the 
 enforced franchise eventually and legally absorb the smaller country. This, in the 
 last analysis, would result from the democratic theory that government should follow 
 from the consent of the governed. 
 
 Folio ring the establishment of the Republic of Hawaii, the immigration conven- 
 tion lapsed, but Japanese continued to arrive as free immigrants in greater numbers 
 than before, 5,129 haing arrived in 1896. Matters were reaching a serious condition 
 by reasm of the heavy immigration. It was necessary to end a situation which 
 threatened to jeopardize the continued development of Hawaii along Anglo-Saxon 
 lines; anl under the terms of the general statutes of Hawaii nearly 1,500 Japanese 
 who arrived were denied entrance. 
 
 The nath/e Hawaiian population has been disappearing in about the same ratio 
 in which that of the Japanese has increased. Some of the early explorers estimated 
 the nati'^e population of the group of islands as high as 250,000; but in 1832 a census 
 was taken, and showed onl v 130,313. Twenty years later the population had dwindled 
 to 71,019, of whom 2,119 were foreigners. Improved agricultural conditions, incident 
 to the reciprocity treaty with the United States, turnecl the tide, and in 1896 the total 
 population was 109,020, of whom only 39,504 were Hawaiians. The census of 1910 
 showed only 26,041 Hawaiians, and the new census, that of 1920, fshows that the 
 number of natives has declined to 23,723. 
 
 While the native Hawaiian race is steadily disappearing, it still exercises power in 
 local political matters through the considerable number of half-castes, born of inter- 
 marriages of whites and Chinese with Hawaiians, who now number 18,027, and are 
 steaiily increa'^ing. There is practically none of the populating by mixing of" races, 
 anticipated when the Japanese were invited to settle in the islands. The Japanese 
 men marry only Japanese women, and their children are habitually registered as 
 Japanese with officials of their ovrn Government. A large proportion of them are sent 
 back to Japan for part of their education. The younger children attend both the 
 public schools of Hawaii and private Japanese schools. The number of Japanese 
 women in Hawaii has increased rapidly — the ratio of women to men having nearly 
 doubled since 1900 — and now is 42.7 per cent. The Japanese have increased in 
 number since the census of 1910 by 29,599, and with Filipinos comprise three-fourths 
 of the total increase. 
 
 The main elements of population, other than Hawaiians and Japanese, are Chinese, 
 Portuguese, Filipinos, Porto Ricans, and Spaniards. Americans, British, and Ger- 
 mans have been more powerful in commercial and financial interests than in numbers. 
 
 The islands are fertile, their location is of immense and growing importance, and 
 altogether they constitute a vital element in the future problems of the Pacific. The 
 United States arrived at their possession through a process of stumbling, and doubt- 
 less the great problems arising from the commercial and strategic position of the 
 islands will be met in the same way. 
 
 If there is no objection, Mr. Cable desires to add to the brief he has 
 prepared, and he will read it to the committee in the course of time. 
 It is a continuation of the statement he made yesterday afternoon. 
 
 Mr. Raker. I have been working on a brief to go into these hear- 
 ings before we get through, and which I intended to use before the 
 committee. If there is no objection, I will have it printed in the 
 hearings. 
 
 The Chairman. All of the matter on yesterday in executive ses- 
 sion was taken down, and it might be a better plan to have it carried 
 as a part of the proceedings of the executive session on yesterday. 
 We might print as a part of those proceedings Mr. Cable's additional 
 statement, Mr. Raker's statement, and Mr. Wilson's statement. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. I do not know that I will prepare any statement. 
 
 The Chairman. If you are ready to proceed, Mr. Gompers, we 
 will hear you now. 
 
LABOR PllOBJLEMS IN HAWAII. 797 
 
 STATEMENT OF ME. SAMUEL GOMPEES, PEESIDEMT OF THE 
 AMEEICAM FEDEEATIOJ^I OF LABOE, WASHIMGTOM, D. G. 
 
 Mr. GoMPERS. Because of evidence submitted and testimony given, 
 I feel it incumbent upon me to make some observations in connec- 
 tion with the subject in my mind, and which, no doubt, is in the minds 
 of all the members of the committee. I have reference to the state- 
 ments made by Mr. Wright and by Mr. Chilton that their expenses 
 in whole or in part were paid by contributions of Japanese in Hono- 
 lulu. Yvhiie that was brought out in this committee so far, I imagine, 
 as the members of the committee were informed, or the representa- 
 tives of the American Federation of Labor were informed, for the 
 first time, or it was not known until those statements were made by 
 those two men before this committee. Yet, it is quite evident from 
 the newspapers or daily newspapers published in Hawaii, as well as 
 from the Labor Review, published by the Central Labor Union, that 
 it was well known in Hawaii, and that no secrecy was maintained 
 or attempted to be maintained except as to the personnel of the con- 
 tributors. 
 
 Now, whatevbf the facts are, these men were 5,000 miles away from 
 Washington, with six and a half days passage across the ocean to the 
 mainland from Honolulu before ttiem, and with 3,000 miles before 
 them after landing on the mainland in California in order to reach 
 Washington, and we can well understand how sometimes men are 
 driven to desperation in an effort to help in a just cause or to protest 
 against an improper and unjust course. I do not exculpate these 
 men; I do not stand for any such procedure; nor do those with whom 
 I am associated in the American labor movement. I regard it as an y 
 almost inexcusable blunder on the part of the organization at Hono- 
 lulu, or the men themselves, to seek contributions from Japanese. 
 I can understand their straits. I think I have some understanding of 
 men and of the operations of their minds. Knowing that the Terri- 
 tory of Hawaii had created a commission to come to Washington, or 
 with authority to come to Washington, and try to prevail upon 
 Congress to secure some remedy for what they call their labor short- 
 age condition in Hawaii; knowing that they had come here and were 
 having introduced, or causing to be introduced, or influencing the 
 introduction of, a joint resolution that would admit Chinese coolies 
 in bond to come to the Hawaiian Islands; knowino* that the governor 
 of tiawaii in appointing the committee or commission, as authorized 
 by the legislative act of the Territory of Hawaii, had appointed a 
 committee or an emergency committee on labor or labor conditions, 
 and had appointed three men, with all the retinue that followed, 
 with not one man of them engaged in any way with what is generally 
 known by the term labor, organized or unorganized, these men in 
 that desperate situation might do those things. 
 
 The Chairman. I object a little bit to the statement of Wright and 
 Chilton, and particularly of Wright, from the fact that he sent a 
 cablegram here in which he referred to the strike, and bearing upon 
 a phase of the question before the committee and on which we were 
 hearing evidence, in which he insisted that the strike did not take on 
 any nationalistic character. Now, other information has come to me 
 to the effect that the grand jury over there within the last day or two 
 has indicted 18 or 20 of those Japanese, upon certain confessions that 
 
798 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 had been made, that they had formed an organization and called 
 themselves an assassins' band for the purpose of committing sabotage, 
 burning houses, cane, and committing acts of that kind. It was an 
 entirely Japanese organization. 
 
 Mr. GoMPERS. Does that have anything to do with this investiga- 
 tion ? How does that affect the investigation which this committee is 
 making, or the investigation I suppose it is making ? 
 
 The Chairman. I will say that this committee, after full considera- 
 tion, decided to go into all phases of the Japanese situation as affecting 
 Hawaii. 
 
 Mr. GoMPERs. Permit me to call your attention to this fact, Mr. 
 Chairman, that before you read the article printed in the Japanese 
 language in the Labor Review, and before you intimated the sub- 
 stance of it, you declared that it discredited those witnesses, Mr. 
 Wright and Mr. Chilton. 
 
 The Chairman. And I say so again. 
 
 Mr. GoMPERS. If you had said so, in your judgment, after you read 
 it, it might be a different thing, but you declared that it discredited 
 their testimony before you even read it. 
 
 The Chairman. I had read it. 
 
 Mr. GoMPERS. I knew you had. 
 
 The Chairman. In my opinion, it discredited them, and I still 
 hold to that view. The attempts of the witness Wright to evade and 
 make it appear that he knew nothing about this collection of money 
 from the Japanese to the extent of over $1,500, used for his coming on 
 here in an effort to show that there is in Hawaii a Japanese combi- 
 nation calling itself a federation of labor, is not a nationalistic but an 
 economic question, in my opinion discredited him. 
 
 Mr. GoMPERS. I hope to have a chance to get at that, because 
 it does not make a jot of difference whether the Japanese movement 
 in Hawaii was nationalistic or not; the fundamental principle for 
 which my associates in the labor movement are contending and for 
 which I am contending is the principle of Americanism. That is 
 what we have been contending for. We will get at that phase of it a 
 little later. I might say this, that the first time that any of my 
 associates or I knew anything about the contribution by Japanese 
 in Hawaii toward the expenses of these men who came on here was 
 when the statements were made before this committee day before 
 3^esterday and yesterday. These men came to Washington without 
 knowledge in advance on our part that they were coming. We 
 received a cablegram or, at least, Mr. Wallace received a cablegram, 
 which has been made a part of the testimony, and this second cable- 
 gram, which was afterwards made a part of the testimony, might be 
 designated as a modfied statement of the first telegram received by 
 Mr. Wallace. In one of those cablegrams it was stated that a com- 
 mittee could come to Washington, if wanted, I think, or something 
 of that kind, indicating that a committee would come. No reply 
 was made to that, suggesting or requesting, directly or indirectly, that 
 we thought or that any of us thought that a committee should come. 
 Then we received a cablegram that Mr. Wright and Mr. Chilton would 
 take passage and come on to Washington. 
 
 I am going to take the committee and the whole world into my 
 confidence. When that second cablegram came to us, or to Mr. 
 Wallace, Mr. Wallace showed it to me, and there arose in our minds 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 799 
 
 a suspicion that the two men were not representing the true views 
 of white labor on the island, and I tnink Mr. Wallace so stated on 
 last Friday. At any ratx., the statements in the first cablegram were 
 positive and clear, and the statements in the second cablegram were 
 statements withdrawing or modifying some of the statements made 
 in the first cablegram, and the fact that Chairman Johnson of this 
 committee stated or intimated that he knew the contents of the 
 second cablegram, indicated, although, perhaps, unwarrantedly, but 
 those facts indicated to us that, while the first cablogram was not 
 sent, or a copy of it was not sent, to Chairman Johnson, Chairman 
 Johnson had a copy of the second cablegram, or he intimated or 
 stated that he knew the contents of the second cablegram, and that 
 indicated to us that there was something like double play. 
 
 The Chairman. That is not quite right. 
 
 Mr. GoMPERS. What is not quite right? 
 
 Mr. Johnson. I did not have a copy of the first cablegram until 
 it was furnished for the record. 
 
 Mr. GoMPERS. I said so. 
 
 The Chairman. I saw no copy of the second cablegram until it was 
 presented at my request and went into the hearing. That was after 
 you arrived. I had no knowledge of its contents or its words, except 
 that one of these commissioners told me that they understood that a 
 cablegram was sent on here, and that they had information to the 
 effect that the labor people were not in accord with all the statements 
 contained in the first cablegram. That was all I knew, and as we 
 had the first cablegram in the record, I considered it my business to 
 find out what was in the second. 
 
 Mr. GoMPERS. I say 
 
 The Chairman (interposing). I do not want to be charged with 
 having inside knowledge. I am not gumshoeing in this matter, and 
 when I received that information it became my duty to get the second 
 cablegram. 
 
 Mr. GoMPERS. On Monday morning, about two or three weeks ago, 
 a committee consisting of nine members of the American labor move- 
 ment, of which I was one, came to this room and had, by prearrange- 
 ment, a conference v/ith Chairman Johnson of this committee, and at 
 that time he displayed a knowledge of the second cablegram. 
 
 The Chairman. \Vhat could I say about it, except that there was 
 a second cablegram ? 
 
 Mr. GoMPERS. A second cablegram modifying the statements made 
 in the first cablegram. 
 
 The Chairman. I think that is correct, except that the arrange- 
 ment with Mr. Gompers's committee to come here v\ras not by any 
 prearrangement. I was asked if I would see Mr. Gompers, and I said 
 I would be glad to see him. I said I would be glad to have him come 
 here. An hour was fixed. Then, to my great surprise, in came Mr. 
 Gompers with eight or nine persons, only three or four of whom I 
 knew personally. I asked Mr. Gompers if he thought that it was to be 
 a committee meeting, and we talked about the advisability of calling 
 in the committee. I thought it was just to be a call. 
 
 Mr. Gompers. On Friday night previous to my call here we had a 
 meeting of the labor legislative agents here at Washington, at which 
 we took into consideration this joint resolution which had been intro- 
 duced by the delegates from Hawaii, and it was decided then that this 
 
800 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 committee sliould seek a conference with Mr. Johnson, the chairman 
 of this committee, and to be arranged, if possible, on Monday morn- 
 ing, and that Mr. Gompers be one of that committee. Mr. Wallace 
 was comjQiissioned to try and see you, sir, and endeavor to make the 
 arrangement. 
 
 The Chairman. But he failed to inform me that it was a com- 
 mittee. I do not think it is of any consequence one way or the other, 
 except that had I known a committee would call I would have been 
 glad to have had the entire House Committee on Immigration and 
 Naturalization present in order to save time and get along faster. 
 But there was a misunderstanding on your part in thinking that an 
 arrangement was made for me to meet your committee, because I 
 am positive no arrangement was made. I intended to ask you to 
 call in and have a talk, but as you had just returned from Denver 
 I assumed you were very busy, as you are always very busy. That 
 is all there is to that. 
 
 Mr. Gompers. Yes; thank God, I am always busy. I was trying 
 to narrate just our own position in the matter and it is what I have 
 stated, except, possibly, Mr. Johnson may have been under the im- 
 pression that it was simply to be a conference between the two of 
 us or a call upon my part upon him. I have no dispute v/ith that 
 statement; he may be right and I assume he is. But I repeat that 
 the receipt of this second cablegram — and then at the conference 
 with Chairman Johnson of this committee it appeared that he had 
 information, or we were under the impression that he had a copy of 
 the cablegram, or that a copy of the cablegram had been sent him, 
 pr at any rate that he had absolutely accurate information as to the 
 uurport and contents of the second cablegram — aroused a feeling in 
 is that these two men were not toting straight with the white workers 
 on Hawaii, with the general concept and policy of the American 
 people and of the American labor movement, of which they were a 
 part. 
 
 Because of that feeling Mr. Joseph Valentine, president of the 
 International Molders' Union of America, and vice president and 
 member of the executive council of the American Federation of Labor, 
 being in California, I sent him a telegram asking him whether he 
 would not go to Hawaii as a representative of the American Federa- 
 tion of Labor and make an investigation of all conditions prevailing 
 there as to Chinese coolie labor, Japanese labor, and white labor, 
 and report. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Is that being done ? 
 
 Mr. Gompers. That was done. I am narrating the story. Mr. 
 Valentine was not in San Francisco at the time; he had gone to a 
 conference, I think, in Los Angeles, and I received a telegraphic reply 
 from the secretary of the local union of molders in San Francisco to 
 the effect that Mr. Valentine would return in a fev/ days. I ought 
 to correct my statement by saying that my first telegram was to the 
 secretary of the local union of molders in San Francisco for the in- 
 formation of Mr. Valentine. I received a reply from Mr. Valentine 
 a few days later stating that it would be impossible for him to go. 
 
 I then sent a telegram to Paul SchaFrenberg, of San Francisco, the 
 secretary of the California State Federation of Labor, and asked him 
 whether he could make it convenient to make such an investigation 
 in Hawaii. He telegraphed me to the effect that it would be impos- 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 801 
 
 sible to go at that time, but that he might go very shortly and would 
 let me know. He informed me, too, that at my telegraphed request 
 he had had a conference with Mr. Wright and Mr. Chilton in San 
 Francisco shortly after their arrival, at any rate within two days of 
 their arrival at San Francisco from Honolulu and their departure 
 on the train for Washington. In substance his telegram stated further 
 that he believed from the conference with them that these men were 
 thoroughly sincere. He informed me of the time of the departure of 
 Mr. Wright and Mr. Chilton from San Francisco and that they would 
 be due in Washington about July 26, Mr. Roberts informs me. The 
 following morning Mr. Roberts got in touch with Mr. Wright and Mr. 
 Chilton over the telephone and learned that they arrived the previous 
 night about 11 o'clock and then went to the National Hotel for the 
 night. Mr. Roberts made that statement to me, and I asked him to 
 get in touch with the men again and ask them to come to the office 
 of the American Federation of Labor, where I would like to have a 
 chat with them. They came, I think, about 11 o'clock in the morn- 
 ing, and there were present at the conference Mr. Wright, Mr. Chilton, 
 Mr. Roberts, Mr. Oyster, my secretary, Mr. Chester M. Wright, Mr. 
 Edgar Wallace, and Mr. Frank Morrison, secretary of the American 
 Federation of Labor. I greeted them as cordially as I would any 
 men, particularly men who had come on such a long voyage and who 
 were about to pursue a course entirely in accord with what I be- 
 lieved, to be just and right and coming with the assurance from Mr. 
 Scharrenberg that they were sincere men. 
 
 The Chairman. Mr. Scharrenberg, by the way, was a witness in 
 these hearings. He attended the hearings for several days and testi- 
 fied before the committee. 
 
 Mr. GoxMPERS. I was in Denver at the time attending the conven- 
 tion of the American Federation of Labor. We had a conference 
 lasting about an hour and a half, and I informed Mr. Wright and 
 Mr. Chilton that the following evening there was to be a regular, or 
 special meeting, called several days before, for the purpose of con- 
 sidering labor legislation, legislation as it affected the workers, and 
 that if they cared to attend the meeting an invitation was extended 
 to them to be in attendance so that they might see the character of 
 our work, might understand what we are aiming to do, probably carry 
 a bit of it back to Hawaii, and that if they cared to make a statement 
 upon this legislation to admit Chinese coolies no doubt an opportunity 
 would be given them. With that, that conference ended. The fol- 
 lowing evening we, having under consideration three or four bills 
 before Congress — I may say none of which was of a constructive or 
 progressive character but simply a fight for defense against legislation 
 unfavorable to labor— Mr. Wright was invited to make an address or 
 make a few remarks; it was probably 10 or half past 10 then. Mr. 
 Wright made some interesting observations of a general and of a 
 specific character, and read the proposals which the Central Labor 
 Union of Honolulu made to the sugar planters or other business men 
 as a solution, or as a temporary solution, at least, of the labor problem 
 then existing in Hawaii. I may say to you, gentlemen, that it seemed 
 to impress all present, as I know it impressed me, as being a con- 
 structive and practical proposition, and then all thought that these 
 men were insincere vanished from my mind and, I think, vanished 
 from the minds of my associates. 
 
 ~AuT)4 — 21 — SEE 7, PT 2 17 
 
802 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 I received a telegram from Mr. Scbarrenberg about a week ago^ 
 probably a little less, in which he said he was then prepared to go to 
 Hawaii and make the investigation I suggested and that he could 
 afford to give four weeks to the task. I telegraphed him in sub- 
 stance — I think this was on last Friday, when Mr. Wright was on 
 the stand: 
 
 Telegram received. Mr. Wright on the stand to-day. Made an excellent witness. 
 
 I did not say he was complimented by the chairman, but that 
 was the fact. ''Made an excellent witness/' and that the mission to 
 Hawaii was not immediately necessary. 
 
 The Chairman. I assumed that Mr. Wright was telling the truth 
 and I thanked him for his patience in answering a long series of ques- 
 tions, covering several hours. 
 
 Mr. GoMPERS. Well, Mr. Chairman, let me say this in connection 
 with these two men— — 
 
 Mr. Raker (interposing). Have you sent a telegram to Mr. Schar- 
 renberg stating that as Mr. Wright has shown the financial arrange- 
 ment it would be necessary for him to go to the Hawaiian Islands ? 
 
 Mr. GoMPERS. I have not, because there is no investigation of 
 that necessary. These men have stated that they received money 
 which came through contributions from Japanese, and the testimony 
 they have given would show clearly that the Japanese have not 
 received value for their money. They have shown the Japanese in 
 their true colors, and yet I can understand how men so far away 
 would grasp at almost anything in order to carry out an honest and 
 high purpose. 
 
 Mr. Free. May I ask Mr. Gompers a question ? 
 
 The Cpiairman. Unless he wants to complete his statement. 
 
 Mr. Free. I just want to ask whether under the circumstances 
 you approve of a man grasping at anything ? 
 
 Mr. Gompers. A drowning man? 
 
 Mr. Free. In this situation. 
 
 Mr. Gompers. A desperate man ? 
 
 Mr. Free. I am asking whether you approve of men in this desper- 
 ate situation doing such a thing. 
 
 Mr. Gompers. No; I think I have disavowed it, and I do not 
 think there can be any difference of opinion as to my position upon 
 the matter after the statement I made yesterday and to-day. 
 
 Mr. Free. I thought it was a little confused by that suggestion. 
 
 Mr. Gompers. No. I think I did make myself clear, but if I have 
 not I would like to know it. If there is any member of this com- 
 mittee vfho has any doubt of our disavowal of knowing, directly or 
 indirectly, either of their coming here or of their raising money from 
 anybody, particularly the Japanese, I would like to correct it. There 
 is not anything that I have to hide. I would be perfectly willing that 
 the members of this committee, or any committee, should come over 
 to the office, of the American Federation of Labor, any bona fide com- 
 mittee, and our books will be thrown open to them, ail our books, not 
 some books but all our books, and all our accounts, as well as all our 
 conduct. I have never written a confidential letter to anybody 
 which, if made public, would reflect upon our movement, upon my- 
 self, or any of our officers or men. If I have marked any of my letters 
 confidential, it has been because it would be impracticable to publish. 
 
LABOK PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 803 
 
 the contents at that tmie, but the copybooks, kept for over 41 years 
 of the existence of the American Federation of Labor, are open to 
 anybody, any committee, or any respectable body of men. I have 
 here the report of the secretary which contains a financial statement 
 of the receipts and expenses of the American Federation of Labor for 
 three months ending April 30, 1921. 
 
 The Chairman. Now, Mr. Gompers, let me say 
 
 Mr. Gompers (interposing) . May I finish my sentence ? 
 
 The Chairman (continuing) . That neither myself nor any member 
 of the committee wants to discredit the American Federation of 
 Labor. We are highly pleased to learn that you undertook to ascer- 
 tain the credibility of these two men and then thought their motives 
 were sincere. It remained for the committee, however, to disclose 
 the fact that they were soliciting money and getting contributions 
 from the Japanese, and that one was the editor and the other the 
 business manager of the labor paper in the Hawaiian Islands. That 
 is on them. 
 
 Mr. Gompers. Yes, sir. 
 
 The Chairman. It is not on the American Federation of Labor. If 
 there is anything I can say to make that clear, we will wind that up, 
 and I think it is clear to all the members of the committee. 
 
 Mr. Gompers. I would like to finish my sentence. This is a report 
 of every dollar, more or less, received by the American Federation of 
 Labor and by whom or which organization paid. It contains an 
 itemized account, with the dates, of every penny expended, to whom 
 paid, and for what purpose paid. These reports are issued quarterly, 
 and a summary of that report, of the full reports during the year, 
 are submitted to the convention of the American Federation of 
 Labor, prior to which an auditing committee is created after this 
 fashion: The president of the American Federation of Labor is di- 
 rected, about two weeks before the convention, to select three national 
 or international unions, from each of which the executive officer is 
 to appoint one, and neither of these three organizations knowing 
 which has been selected, and each of them independently selecting 
 an auditor, the personnel not known either to the president or the 
 secretary of the American Federation of Labor, or the treasurer, 
 and the accounts are gone over penny for penny, day by day, all the 
 receipts and expenditures of the American Federation of Labor. 
 
 The Chairman. Does that cover defense funds ? 
 
 Mr. Gompers. Defense funds; yes, sir. 
 
 The Chairman. Like the McNamara fund, and matters of that 
 kind? 
 
 Mr. Gompers. Well, as to the McNamara fund, I think we have a, 
 few copies of that, and we will very gladly show you one, sir. 
 
 The Chairman. I would like to see it. 
 
 Mr. Gompers. It is published in pamphlet form; it shows every 
 penny or dollar received, and every penny or dollar expended, and 
 a copy was sent to the donors of that fund. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Is the quarterly itemized statement, thus described 
 by you, available to all members of the American Federation of 
 Labor ? 
 
 Mr. Gompers. They are sent to the secretaries of all unions. 
 
 Mr. Raker. And it is available if they want it ? 
 
804 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 Mr. GoMPERS. Anyone can have it. 
 
 Mr. Raker. And there are no restrictions upon their showing it to 
 their friends or anyone else ? 
 
 Mr. GoMPERS. There are no restrictions at all. I may say, Judge, 
 that for years these financial accounts were published in the monthly 
 official magazine of the American Federation of Labor, the American 
 Federationist, but because we were publishing thousands upon thou- 
 sands of the American Federationist and carried a bulk of matter 
 in these financial reports in which no one seemed to be interested, it 
 was deemed advisable to discontinue their publication through that 
 medium. 
 
 Mr. Raker. And you eliminated it from the magazine and put it 
 in pampMet form so that anybody could see it who wanted to see it? 
 
 Mr. GoMPERS. Yes, sir. 
 
 The Chairman. Before we get clear away from Wright and Chilton, 
 how did it happen that the American Federation of Labor, or did the 
 American Federation of Labor revise the article to be printed in the 
 forthcoming Federationist and insert the second cablegram from 
 Wright ? 
 
 Mr. GoMPERS. Let me say that Mr. Chilton and Mr. Wright have 
 no more to do with the American Federationist than you have. 
 
 The ChairMx\n. I know that, but the report of the legislative com- 
 mittee carried the original cablegram from Mr. Wright and did not 
 carry the' modified cablegram. 
 
 Mr. GoMPERS. Yes, sir. 
 
 The Chairman. Now, I ptm asking you whether that has been cor- 
 rected in the publication of the American Federation of Labor. 
 
 Mr. GoMPERS. I do not know, sir; I do not know whether the 
 report of the legislative committee was prepared before or after the 
 receipt of the second cablegram; I do not know, sir. But this is the 
 report of the legislative committee to me, through me to the executive 
 council, and through them to the membersliip of the American Fed- 
 eration of Labor and to those who are concerned. 
 
 Mr. McClellan. It was received July 5. 
 
 Mr. Wallace. How did you get that knowledge, sir ? 
 
 Mr. McClellan. From the evidence given by the witness that it 
 was sent on July 4, and cablegrams are customarily delivered on the 
 following day. 
 
 The Chairman. Proceed, Mr. Gompers. 
 
 Mr. Gompers. Everybody seems to have inside information. 
 
 Mr. McClellan. That is not inside information; it was given 
 here. 
 
 The Chairman. Never mind that. Proceed, Mr. Gompers. 
 
 Mr. Gompers. Perhaps I did not hear accurately the translation 
 of the article in the Honolulu labor paper from the Japanese language 
 into the English language, as made by the Library of Congress^ and 
 I am not quite sure whether when it speaks of ^^we" and ''our" it 
 has reference to the Central Labor Council of Honolulu. 
 
 If Mr. Wright is in the room, I think I should like to ask- him, if 1 
 may be permitted, or to have a member of the committee ask him, in 
 what sense the editorial ''we" and "our" are contained in that 
 editorial or article appearing in the Labor Review in the Japanese 
 language, of which a translation was read here this morning. 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 805 
 
 The Chairman. Mr. Wright does not appear to be present. I will 
 hand these papers to you. To my mind, it appears that the one 
 headed ^^An Appeal to Our Laborers" is a Japanese translation in 
 the labor paper of the English article which I read from the first 
 column of the paper. The other article, headed ^'The coolie bill (a 
 side view of the program of importing coolies) — Small knowledge, 
 small wit, small policy, not wise at this time — ^Farmers need farmers' 
 spirit," is a straight-out Japanese editorial. They use the form '^ we." 
 That makes it clear enough, I think, that they are securing funds 
 from all hands and all races. 
 
 Mr. GoMPERs. I do not know that I heard it correctly, and I should 
 prefer to examine the statement itself before I would assume that 
 your interpretation was correct. 
 
 Mr. Raker. There is a question I would like to ask, if I may inter- 
 rupt you now 
 
 Mr. GoMPERS. It does not make much difference. 
 
 Mr. Raker. I felt like yourself when the statement was made by 
 Mr. Wright, followed by the statement of Mr. Chilton, regarding con- 
 tributions by Japanese. It was a sort of thunderbolt presented to 
 the committee. These men were representing, as I thought from 
 what was testified to by Mr. Wright, the American organization of 
 labor in the Hawaiian Islands. Now, you heard Mr. Wright's testi- 
 mony, did you not, or practically all of it ? 
 
 Mi'. GoMPERS. Yes, sir; every word of it. 
 
 Mr. Raker. You stated that while the Japanese contributed, they 
 did not get the worth of their money; or I so understood you. I have 
 been listening, but I have not come to any conclusion on that, and 
 I am wondering now if you would tell the committee, giving careful 
 attention to it, whether or not, to your mind, there was any testi- 
 mony given by Mr. Wright that reflected upon the attitude of Ameri- 
 can labor, or that gave any advantage to the Japanese situation in 
 the Hawaiian Islands, as against the attitude that American labor 
 is taking toward their presence in this country, and the position 
 that they are taking in Hawaii, as well as in the Pacific Coast 
 States ? 
 
 Mr. GoMPERS. I think that Mr. Wright's testimony is a valuable 
 and accurate contribution to the discussion of this question of Chi- 
 nese coolies and having them to enter into Hawaii. If I have any 
 criticism to make of Mr. Wright's testimony — that is, so far as he 
 was discussing the subject — it is that he was too modest and all too 
 conservative in his statements, and it was upon that that I based 
 my remark that the Japanese got very poor value for their contri- 
 butions toward these men coming to the United States. May I say 
 this, that so thoroughly persuaded were my associates and I that we 
 suggested to Mr. Wright and Mr. Chilton that they appear before 
 this committee and make their statements, and we stated to them 
 that a plain statement of the facts was all that would be necessary 
 for them to make— that is, as they had presented them to us or in 
 part to us; and I think, in truth, that if these men had sent on the 
 statement as made by Mr. Wright before this committee, or had 
 sent it on to us for presentation to this committee, it would have been 
 better. However, I can understand the situation. I have not spoken 
 to those gentlemen since — not that I will not do so or that I will 
 not gladly do so, and seek it from them if I can not get it any other 
 
806 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 way^ — but the fact is, as I thoroughly believe, although I have not 
 asked them, that Mr. Wright having business before the naval wage 
 board was the principal incentive for his coming, and that later 
 developed the thought of sending these two men of the commission 
 here. 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. Mr. Chairman, I do not want to interrupt Mr. 
 Gompers, and I would like to agree with him — - — 
 
 The Chairman. I would rather that gentlemen not on the com- 
 mittee would not interrupt him, unless he is willing to be interrupted. 
 
 Mr. Gompers. At any time, except in the middle of a sentence, I 
 am perfectl}^ willing to be interrupted. 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. I would like to agree with Mr. Gompers that 
 the Japanese will not get their money's worth out of the trip of those 
 men here, unless Congress decides not to give any legislative relief 
 
 Mr. Raker (interposing). Mr. Chairman, that kind of stuff pre- 
 sented to this committee is an insult to this committee, and I do not 
 propose to sit here and listen to statements of that kind. I say that 
 it is a direct personal insult to every member of the committee, and 
 I want to say to you, sir, that you have no right to make any such 
 statement. You know that it is not true when you make it, and I 
 will not patiently submit 
 
 Mr. Dillingham (interposing). I know that it is true. 
 
 Mr. Raker. I know it is not true. I will not submit to that kind 
 of statement. We have some rights here as American citizens and 
 as Members of the House, and, whether those men told the truth or 
 told lies, that does not affect the legal phase of this resolution, and 
 I say that no man should come in here and charge that unless we 
 grant this resolution, we are in sympathy with what Wright did 
 with reference to the Japanese. I do not propose to submit to it. 
 
 Mr. Cable. Mr. Chairman, I make the motion that the witness, 
 Mr. Gompers, be permitted to proceed without further interruption 
 until 20 minutes to 12 o'clock. 
 
 The Cpiairman. You have heard the motion. Is there any dis- 
 cussion ? 
 
 (The motion of Mr. Cable was adopted by the committee.) 
 
 Mr. Gompers. I have here a copy of the American Federationist 
 for August, 1921. On page 628 is published '^American Federation 
 of Labor Warning to Advertisers." Since 1901, every issue of the 
 American Federationist has carried a warning to business men and 
 others against imposition on the part of those who, without sanction 
 of any kind from the American Federation of Labor or its officers, 
 assume to speak in the name of the American Federation of Labor. 
 The credentials given to men who solicit advertisements for the 
 American Federationist state that no moneys or donations of any 
 kind can be received for any purpose. The contract, which every 
 advertiser who enters into a contract with us or with our agents, 
 contains this statement in red ink: 
 
 Make all remittances to Frank Morrison, secretary of the American Federation of 
 Labor, American Federation of Labor Building, Washington, D. C, who is the only- 
 one authorized to receive payment on this contract. 
 
 All the payments of whatever kind are published in these quarterly 
 reports. I think I have made that clear, or, at least, sufficiently so 
 to my own mind. 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAAVAIL SQ^ 
 
 Now, Mr. Chairman and gentlemen of the committee, our Chinese 
 problem followed the Burlingame treaty of July 28, 1868. After it 
 came myriads of Chinese coolies to the United States and to its terri- 
 tories. Later, and during that period, quite a number of our present 
 American possessions were independent or belonged to some other 
 country. The Burlingame treaty brought, as I have said, myriads 
 of Chinese, until in the Pacific Coast States, particularly in California, 
 there was aroused a feeling of indignation and of conscious danger. 
 I wish here to pay tribute to the sand-lot orator of California, Dennis 
 Kearney, who helped so much to arouse the conscience of the Amer- 
 ican people against this danger. In 1881 the first convention of our 
 federation was held, and we had several delegates from the Pacific 
 coast. One of them was a man by the name of Charles F. Burgman, 
 who later in the convention was made a member of our executive 
 committee. At that convention he with others helping him — and I 
 am proud of having been of some assistance in advocating the passage 
 of the preamble and resolution — had this resolution adopted, which 
 I shall read. This is a resolution adopted by the first convention 
 of the American Federation of Labor held in Pittsburg, beginning 
 November 15, 1881: 
 
 Whereas, The experience of the last 30 years in California and on the Pacific coast 
 having proved conclusively that the presence of Chinese, and their competition with 
 free white labor, is one of the greatest e^dls with which any country can be afflicted: 
 Therefore be it 
 
 Resolved, That we use our best efforts to get rid of this monstrous evil (which 
 threatens, unless checked, to extend to other parts of the union) by the dissemination 
 of information respecdng its true character, and b;- urging upon our representati^/es 
 in the United States Congress the absolute necessitv of passing laws entirely pro- 
 hibiting the immigration of ( hinese into the United States. 
 
 That resolution was adopted by a unanimous vote, and being one 
 of the members, or the vice president, of the executive board of that 
 Federation, I helped materially, I think, unless I overvalue the 
 service I rendered, in arousing the conscience and understanding of 
 our people in the United States against this further encroachment 
 upon our standards of life, our racial standing, and our civilization. 
 Whether that helped efi^ectively or not, is, perhaps, immaterial, but 
 the fact is that Congress did pass a law regulating and limiting the 
 coming of Chinese coolies into the United States. During that 
 period when the Chinese had almost full sway in California many 
 trades passed out of the hands of the white workingmen. The sugar 
 industry was absolutely in the hands of Chinese coolies. 
 
 The cigar manufacturing industry, which is my trade, or the trade 
 of cigar making, passed out of the hands of white labor. There was 
 not a white man in California who was in the cigar business so far as 
 the manufacture of cigars was concerned. We were confronted by 
 many conditions in my trade. One of them was the convict labor 
 system, by which in prisons cigars were made under contract and 
 -sold on a constantly depressing market. There was also the tenement 
 house system or home work, in which the bed rooms of the workers 
 were cigar factories. Then there were the Chinese cigar manufac- 
 turers. All of those conditions drove our business very nearly to a 
 peddling business and to a sweat shop and Chinese coolie industry. 
 There were a few of us who were willing to fight against what we 
 believed was a gross injustice to white labor. Let me tell you an 
 
808 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 instance that may be of passing interest to you. Whatever was left 
 of the cigar-makers' union, of which I was and am a member and 
 officer, is due to this : We gathered ourselves together from all parts 
 of the country and entered into an agreement to charter one or two 
 trains, starting from the Grand Central Station in New York, and 
 gathering men all along the road in every locality, and I mean by 
 that white men. 
 
 That train, with these men and officers of the International Cigar 
 Makers' Union, was to go to San Francisco, where they were to open 
 up factories^^mall in number, small in size, but still going on — and 
 that caravan of humans carried the message of white labor against 
 coolie labor to California. They went into every part of that State 
 and there were no more progressive men or more public spirited men 
 than those men who went there and those who followed them, in 
 order to make the cigar industry a white man's trade. 
 
 If I fail to present the matters which I have in mind in logical form, 
 I hope I may present them in such form as will be more connected, 
 one with the other, and if there are references in my remarks and 
 testimony that are not immediately relevant, they may be subse- 
 quently supported. 
 
 In 1892 the convention of the American Federation of Labor 
 adopted the following resolution: 
 
 Resolved, That the American, Federation of Labor indorse the position of the labor 
 organizations of the Pacific coast in asking that cheap Japanese laborers to be placed 
 upon the same status as the Chinese laborers. 
 
 In 1903, the following was also adopted by the convention of the 
 American Federation of Labor: 
 
 Separate and apart from all other questions of immigration is the one that confronts 
 us in the form of Mongolian. We have a law, secured through our efforts, excluding 
 Chinese from the mainland of the United States, and by proclamation they are pro- 
 hibited from emigrating to the United States possessions. Efforts, however, have been 
 made to make it appear that Chinese are necessary to the industry of the American 
 possessions. 
 
 That this claim is unfounded is demonstrated not only b}' the investigation made 
 by the representatives of the American Federation of Labor sent to Hawaii, China, 
 Japan, and the Philippine Islands, but is borne out by the statements of native and 
 American workmen to the effect that there are sufficient numbers of men to perform 
 all the work and all the time to work which now or which may in the near future be 
 required; that as a matter of fact in the Philippines there are more Chinamen, half- 
 breed Chinamen, than is good for either the industrial development of the island or 
 the economic, social, and political interests of the PhilUipine people. In Hawaii 
 the Japanese have invaded every industry and calling, and there, as well as in several 
 sections of the mainland of the United States, have become and are a growing menace 
 to the well-being of our people. From every section comes a complaint and the 
 warning that unrestricted Japanese immigration is as grave a danger to-day as was 
 at any time in our history the unrestricted immigration of Chinese. This convention 
 should emphatically declare its position upon the immigration question, not only 
 from continental Europe ])Ut from China and Japan into the mainland and the insular 
 possessions of the United States. 
 
 The following resolution was adopted by the 1903 convention of the 
 American Federation of Labor: 
 
 Resolved by the American Federation of Labor, That it deem it absolutely necesssary 
 for the preservation and advancement of the natives of the Philippine and Hawaiian 
 Islands, to whom the American Government has made solemn pledges of protection, 
 that the Chinese exclusion act be made to apply to the Japanese and Koreans and 
 other Asiatic Mongolian labor; also that the present Chinese exclusion act continue 
 in full force in the Philippine and Hawaiian Islands; and further 
 
LABOK THOBLEMS IN HAWAII. 809 
 
 Resolied, That the incorain"- executive council is hereby required to instruct the 
 legislative committee to have introduced in Congress a bill embodying tlie spirit of 
 these resolutions. 
 
 In reference to a part which Mr. Cable, a member of this 
 committee, read, I think it has reference to the organic act. The 
 provision in that organic act, referring to the abolition of peonage 
 in Hawaii, and that a marshal of the United States Government 
 should go to the Islands and inform each peon that he is free and no 
 longer a bondman, was put in the act upon the request of the repre- 
 sentatives of the American Federation of Labor made to Senator Hoar, 
 of Massachusetts who, when informed by our representatives, by 
 representatives of labor, that peonage would continue in Hawaii 
 unless some provision was made in the organic act abolishing it, was 
 astounded. lie then immediately proposed it either before a com- 
 mittee of the Senate or before the Senate, and it became a part of 
 the organic act passed by Congress and signed by the President. 
 
 For about a year, in 1902 or 1903, the American Federation of 
 Labor was considering sending some one to Hawaii and to the Philip- 
 pine Islands to ascertain the conditions which existed there. At 
 last we found a man, Mr. Edward Rosenberg, a sailor of many years' 
 experience and following that worthy calling. He lived at that time 
 in the State of Washington, I believe. For one reason or another — 
 perhaps that he had been overworked on land — he desired to make a 
 visit to the Orient, and he merely wanted a part of his passage paid, 
 because he could and was willing to work his way over as a first-class 
 seaman. Probably the chairman may know of Mr. Rosenberg. He 
 is a Scandinavian by birth but has lived in the United States since 
 his young childhood and is an American in every way, an intelligent, 
 upright, and conscientious man. When I was in San Francisco last 
 July I had the pleasure of seeing him there and he was then in good, 
 robust health. We arranged to pay a part of his expenses, his hotel 
 expenses or lodging and subsistence, but no compensation such as 
 wages and salary, and he undertook the trip. Pie visited Hawaii, 
 he visited Hongkong, and he visited Tokyo. His visits to Hongkong 
 and Tokyo were simply a part of the trip which he undertook on his 
 own account. He then went to the Philippine Islands, and there 
 had conferences with almost every one with whom he could come in 
 contact, with no less a personage than the then governor of the 
 Philippine Islands, Hon. William H. Taft. I would like to read to 
 the committee a part of Mr. Rosenberg's report upon his investiga- 
 tions, particularly in the Philippine Islands: 
 
 It has been my aim at all times to study all sides of the problem. I have talked 
 with Government officials, employers, newspaper men, travelers, and workmen. 
 Observed the latter work in factory, shop, and field, and wish to state emphatically, 
 at the outset, that considering the very small wages paid the Filipino workers, the poor 
 and scanty food they necessarily live on, they are, next to the Chinese, the cheapest 
 and best workers of the Orient. 
 
 Their reluctance to work, continually harped upon by many employers, is simply 
 the natural reluctance of a progressive people to work for low wages under bad treat- 
 ment. When wages rise above the level of the barest and poorest necessaries of life, 
 and where treatment is fair, there Filipinos are at work in any number required. 
 
 Of course, the Filipino workers can not successfully compete — cheap as he can li^e— 
 with the Chinese standard of living, hence the unceasing vilification of the Filipino 
 workers by those employers and their following, who, seeing near by the unlimited 
 supply of cheap Chinese labor, wish these islands to be thrown open to such labor, 
 not only for the piupose of reducing the small wages of the Filipinos, but also to reduce 
 that of the Chinese laborers now here. 
 
810 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 As one employer stated to me, "We wajit more Chinese to keep them here for ono 
 or tvFo years, then ship them back and get another lot, for the Chinese I have here 
 now^ are becoming too independent and want more pay." 
 
 I published tliat report in the American Federationist of October' , 
 1903, and it has been available to anybody. I have not with me, 
 nor was it imm.ediately available, a copy of the report of Gov. Taft 
 of the Philippine Islands, dated October 1, 1902, made by him to the 
 Philippine commissioners. It might be an interesting document for 
 the members of this committee to peruse. There are some parts in 
 which Gov. Taft mentions the possibility of having a few Chinese 
 coolies come to the islands, but as a policy and as a principle he 
 attacked it in severe terms. 
 
 As I say, my story may be a bit disconnected but you will bear 
 with me. You have stated that I am a busy man, and I am, and I 
 have not all of my time at my disposal so that I could have gone 
 into this subject in a way as to present it in chronological order. 
 
 I want to call your attention to the strike of the Japanese planta- 
 tion workers in Hawaii, the strike of last year. Much has been made 
 of the fact that they had about $900,000 or $1,000,000 available for 
 their support. First, you will bear in mind that there were 6,000 
 Japanese on strike and that there are about 110,000 Japanese in the 
 Hawaiian Islands. It was also stated that national feeling entered 
 into the strike. That being so, what difficulty would there be for 
 104,000 Japanese in the islands in that period of time, six months, 
 to contribute even $1,000,000 in support of their fellow countrymen, 
 their fellow human beings and men engaged in a strike ? 
 
 I hold the labor men, the Caucasian labor men in Hawaii, culpable 
 for not having given these Japanese on strike better support and better 
 sympathy. I think no man is justified in denying the claim I make 
 of being 100 per cent American. If I had been in the islands and there 
 had been any support I could have given or- any sympathy that I 
 could have extended toward these men gaining the strike I should 
 have given it without stint or reservation. It is quite easy to attrib- 
 ute ulterior motives to men. There is not a group of men in the 
 United States who will go on strike for better conditions, better 
 standards, or a2:ainst deterioration in their standards and conditions 
 but who meet with the antagonism and aspersions of every man 
 hostile to labor. There is brought in here, made over his o^vn signa- 
 ture and published in one of the Hawaiian papers, the statement of 
 a so-called president of some Filipino organization, in which he 
 declared that that strike should be broken. Only a few days ago 
 there was published in the press of the United States, in the Washing- 
 ton Post and in the New York Times, to a greater extent, a statement 
 that went out upon the authority of a man by the name of Paul 
 Vaccarelii, to the effect that he and a few others had formed an organ- 
 ization of labor to antagonize and destroy the American trade-union 
 movement, the American Federation of Labor, but he gave no cause, 
 no em.ployer's cause for that propaganda and the work he was 
 undertaking. 
 
 Is that a reflection upon the American Federation of Labor? No; 
 it is to its honor. The American Federation of Labor has gone down 
 deep, even to the abyss of misery and despair, among the working 
 people of the United States and brought them up to a better con- 
 dition than that in which they were before. The coal miners of the 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 811 
 
 United States from 1877 were constantly being driven down and 
 down and down in their standards of life and conditions, until misery, 
 poverty, and degradation were the rule. In season or out of season, 
 wages were cut until about 1896 or 1897, when a conference was 
 called, in which I had the honor to participate, for the purpose of 
 considering the demoralized condition of the miners. We decided, 
 as the representatives of an organization which at that time had 
 about 8,000 members in all the United States, that the officers of 
 this organization should present a demand upon the coal operators 
 for a restoration of the last reduction in wages; that unless that was 
 restored they would call upon the miners of the country to lay down 
 their picks and stop work. A communication was sent to the oper- 
 ators and made public, and that was ignored wherever it was pos- 
 sible to ignore, until the organizations called upon the men in the 
 mining industry to lay down their picks on July 4. 
 
 The employers, knowing that the miners were practically unorgan- 
 ized, defied them and believed, as they declared, that the miners 
 would not respond, but they did respond; much to our o\\ti surprise 
 they did respond. As a result of that strike every mother's son of 
 us went into the field and defied injunctions v/hich enjoined us from 
 speaking to the men and from holding meetings. But we went 
 among them and took the chance, whatever the chance might be 
 or whatever the consequences might be. The result of it was that 
 there was a conference between the miners and the operators months 
 and months afterwards and an agreement reached, and from that 
 time there came into the lives of the miners a spark of hope, a stream 
 of betterment. The miners were not legally but actually held in 
 bondage by the truck system, by the peonage system, and by the 
 company store system, by which the men scarcely ever saw a dollar. 
 But to-day the miners of America stand with heads erect. They 
 are men, a magnificent body of citizens of the United States. The 
 United Mine Workers alone during the w^ar had over 18,000 men in 
 the expeditionar}' force in France. No; 77,000. I am corrected by 
 Mr. Edgar Wallace, who is, by the way, a miner, a member of the 
 United Mine Workers of America and for many years the editor of 
 their official journal. So I am corrected b}^ a man who knows. 
 
 I remember that in Tomlinson Hall, Indianapolis, when I attended 
 the convention of the United Mine Workers of America, there was 
 upon the ceiling of that great hall, covering the entire ceiling, a flag 
 containing stars representing the men who had served their country 
 in the great stress. If that war had taken place during the previous 
 condition of the miners you would have found a lot of anemic, weak, 
 and colorless rnen who could not have served even had they wanted 
 to do so. During that strike of the miners from $2,000,000 to 
 $3,000,000 poured into the treasury of these men; men contributed 
 foodstuffs, anything that would help the miners in their struggle. 
 Even the miners of Great Britain made a substantial contribution 
 to the miners of America engaged in that strike. So I am not proud 
 of the fact that the Caucasian workers of Honolulu gave such little 
 attention, such little sympathy, and such little support to these 
 men who were engaged in a strike on the plantations. 
 
 I do not know whether I have referred to this or not, but the Legis- 
 lature of Hawaii created this commission or granted authority for 
 
812 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 the appointment of the commission. Yet not a labor man was 
 appointed to be a member of that emergency labor commission. 
 
 I regard the proposals made by the representatives of labor in the 
 conference with the sugar planters or their representatives in Hono- 
 lulu as being practical, as being progressive, and as being such as 
 would have met the situation. The trouble with these men is this: 
 Intellectually they are living in the year 1921 but industrially they 
 are 400 years behind the times and imagine that the people of the 
 United States will consent to the introduction of a feudal system, or 
 peonage, or a bondman system. Well, if nothing else, the war 
 should have taught them a different lesson. The lessons of the war 
 and what is going on all over the world have taught these sugar 
 planters of Hawaii nothing. American organized labor has done 
 everything within its power — and in many instances exceeded its 
 strength — to stabilize the industrial conditions and to help so that 
 America's workers shall work out a progressive and constructive 
 course toward the maintenance of American ideas and American 
 ideals, but this movement, inaugurated by the sugar planters and 
 other big interests in Hawaii, will tend to provoke discontent, provoke 
 unrest, and provoke America's workers into a condition that they do 
 not want to enter, and against which they protested and fought 
 during the war and against which they have been protesting and 
 fighting since the war, and I say advisedly, with a knowledge of the 
 full responsibility that carries with my words, that we w^ill not stand it. 
 
 There is some spirit in the minds and hearts of America's workers 
 and we are not going to stand idly by and see an attempt made to 
 ''Chinaize" the Hawaiian possessions as a remedy for Japanese evils. 
 Look all over the world in ever}^ country you know. The masses 
 are kept down by repression, by force, but everywhere you will find 
 that the people, the masses, the toilers, have their hands upon the 
 throats of their governments, except in the United States. We are 
 Americans in ideas and in ideals. Our movement is organized and 
 based upon the American type of government. Just before we 
 entered the war there was a very interesting page in American 
 history that has not yet been written as to the services rendered by 
 labor to the United States, so that we might be better prepared for 
 the war if we were dragged into it. 
 
 We are entitled to something else than having our minds and 
 activities diverted to Chinaizing the Hawaiian Islands. Our con- 
 stant danger is from greed and profiteering, and once they get their 
 entering wedge into any part of the United States or its possessions 
 it simply means that that wedge wdll be driven in further. We have 
 made our sacrifices; we have made our contributions to the Govern- 
 ment, to our cause, and to the common cause, fighting against an 
 imperial militaristic autocracy, and, having finally crushed it, we 
 are not going to supinety submit to the introduction of industrial 
 slavery into the United States or into any part of it. 
 
 Having had the conference to which I previousl}" referred and which 
 was reported to this committee dispassionately and compreh^ensively^ 
 it was, at least to my mind, one which should have received the 
 consideration and approval of the sugar planters and other interests 
 in Hawaii. Suppose Congress should pass this joint resolution. 
 You could not throw the Japanese into the ocean; they are there, and 
 you could not deport them. We have not the power, or the Govern- 
 
J.ABOK PHOBLEMS TN HAWAir. 818 
 
 ment has not the power, to deport them. They are there in their 
 la^sH'ul right to be there. What then ? Is not such a proposal cal- 
 culated to further arouse the ire of, not only the Japanese in Hawaii, 
 but also the Japanese people in charge of the Government in their 
 country ? 
 
 You know as well as and perhaps better than I do that the only 
 exclusion at all of Japanese is by the form of the gentlemen's agree- 
 ment made by President Roosevelt, during his administration, and 
 the Japanese Government. If you open up the ports of the Hawaiian 
 Islands to Chinese coolies, then, clearly, the gentlemen's agreement 
 is practically at an end, and Japan has the same right as any other 
 countrj^ under the most favored nation clause of the treaties existing 
 between Japan and the other countries. They would seem to have 
 justification to end this gentlemen's agreement, and then they might 
 come, not only to our possessions, but to our mainland without any 
 restrictions and without any supervision. You may answer that the 
 Government of the United States can pass a Japanese exclusion act. 
 That is quite true, but then you would have passed a Japanese 
 exclusion act and would have enacted a law to admit Chinese coolies. 
 
 About 25 years ago, when the question of the annexation of 
 Hawaii was in progress, there was a meeting held in the Ebbitt House, 
 I think, in which Mr. Spreckles participated. I will ask my secretary 
 to read this statement. 
 
 (The following statement was read:) 
 
 Some 25 years ago, when the question of the annexation of Hawaii was under con- 
 sideration, a conference was held at the Ebbitt House between ]\Iembers of Congress, 
 the sugar interests of the United States, and representatives of Hawaii. 
 
 ( laus Spreckles informed the Hawaiians that if the Islands were permitted to come 
 into the United States the people of the Islands would have to accept the labor laws 
 of the United States as well as the tariff laws. They would have to swallow the bitter 
 with the sweet, and that they must take their chance -with the citizens of the United 
 States. The Hawaiians said that they knew they would have to do that and would 
 accept the conditions. 
 
 Mr. GoMPERS. That is not only within the knowledge of those men 
 who participated in that conference, but it was a matter of common 
 knowledge at the time, and some people have fairly good memories. 
 I am accused of having one. 
 
 In 1903, Mr. Bishop, the present chairman or president of the 
 Sugar Planters Association of Hawaii, had a suit brought against him 
 for a violation of the immigration laws of the United States in bring- 
 ing Koreans here in violation of the law. That is to say, he made an 
 arrangement with banks, or with a bank in Korea, which then 
 existed as an independent government, so that Koreans should come 
 to Hawaii. I have a summar}^ of that case here published in the 
 'September, 1903, issue of the American Federationist, that I would 
 be glad to have inserted in the record without reading. 
 
 The Chairman. That may be done. 
 
 (The matter referred to is as follow^s:) 
 
 [From September, 1903, Federationist.] 
 
 Honolulu, July 6, 1903. 
 Mr. Samuel- GoMPERS, 
 
 President American Federation of Labor. 
 Sir: In accordance with the suggestion of Mr. Carl M. Taylor, secretary of the 
 labor council of Honolulu. I have the honor to transmit herewith a brief statement 
 of "the Korean cases," now pending. The fight in these cases is not so much on the 
 
814 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 facts as on the law, although, every step is being hard fought. It is claimed by the 
 defendant, among other things, that the present immigration law is unconstitutional. 
 For this reason, as well as because of the other matters involved, it seems a certainty 
 that the American Federation of Labor will consider these cases as of vital concern 
 to its welfare and the maintenance of those principles for which it has always con- 
 tended. 
 
 Allow me to .state that a reading of the new law, together with the record of, the 
 board of special inquiry, shows conclusively the flagrant violation of the law for which 
 the suits were ])rought. 
 Respectfully, 
 
 John Albert Mathewman. 
 
 On May 25, 1903, there were filed in the United States District Court for the Terri- 
 tory of Hawaii 113 separate suits concerning the assisted importation of that number 
 of "Koreans to work on the sugar plantations of Hawaii. These suits were brought 
 against E. Faxon Bishop, representing the planters, by Frederick V. Berger, of' 
 Honolulu, under section 5 of the act of March 3, 1903, allowing any person to sue for 
 and recover $1,000 for his own use upon proving a violation of the law. The new law 
 differs materially from the old one. in that now no contract has to be shown, and it 
 is made illegal to assist even skilled labor. 
 
 It is freely rumored, and even boasted, in Honolulu, that the only reasons why an 
 investigation of the Korean importation has not been pushed by the attorney general's 
 department is to be found in the pull which the Hawaiian planters have at Wash- 
 ington. It was this phase of the question which so much provoked Mr. Sargeant, 
 Commissioner General of Immigration , on his recent visit to the Islands. The planter's 
 association of the Ha'»vaiian Islands can hardly hope to maintain that the immigration 
 law has not been violated, especially after the damaging evidence given by Mr.. 
 Bishop before the board of special inquiry convened to investigate this particular 
 matter. It expects, however, to exhaust both the patience and the resources of the 
 plaintiff by prolonging litigation, well knowing the limited means now at the disposal 
 of its opponents. 
 
 It is openly contended by some of the Hawaiian planters that, while an immigration 
 law of this kind may be Well enough for the mainland, still it is disastrous to the new 
 Territory and if they have to choose between a ^dolation of Federal law and the ruina- 
 tion of the sugar industry they will unhesitatingly prefer the former. 
 
 The defendant pleaded in bar to these suits that the matters therein involved had 
 already been fully considered and passed upon by a board of special inquiry \^v^hose 
 decision was final. This plea has already been overruled by Judge Estee. The 
 developments in and after the trial of the plea in the bar showed clearly the incom- 
 petency of Mr. Stackable, collector of the port of Honolulu, and ex officio, local com- 
 missioner of immigration, and also' certain conduct on his part which, to say the 
 least was questionable. 
 
 In the first place, from March 3, 1903, up to the bringing of these suits, not a single 
 board of special inquiry had been constituted according to the plain directions of the 
 law. About May 15, in response probably to a message from Honolulu, a cable.gram 
 was received here from the Assistant Secretary of the Treasury making an appoint- 
 ment of three persons to serve on future boards of special inquiry. 
 
 There had been five on these boards under the old law, the appointments having 
 been made by the Commissioner General of Immigration. In the second place the 
 "personal history sheets" of these Koreans, all answered, signed, and sworn to by 
 the aliens themselves, were indorsed by the immigration officials as follows: "Assistants 
 admitted by Mr. Bishop." Notwithstanding this finding, the matter was hushed up, 
 and the 113 aliens, only two of whom were called before the board of special inqairy 
 were admitted. 
 
 At present a demurrer to plaintiff's complaint is under consideration by the court, 
 the probalbilities being that the plaintiff will be allowed to amend by setting out the 
 particular acts of solicitation and assistance. At the plaintiff's motion, the com- 
 plaint in each case has already been amended by setting out the true name of the 
 Korean who v/as assisted. 
 
 A lack of funds handicaps the plaintiff in preparing for the trial on the merits, but 
 the record of the case is already in such condition as to warrant that even if victory 
 should not be secured in the district court, it would be on appeal, provided the plaintiff 
 can find means to meet the necessary expenses. 
 
 It is contended by the defendant that the la%v is unconstitutional, and, for that reason , 
 these cases involve the very existence of the immigration law." 
 
 Mr. GoMPERS. That those Korean workers were assisted in their 
 passage to the Hawaiian Islands was not only in evidence by others 
 
LABOll PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 815 
 
 but was .. .mittcd by the Koreans themselves, and I am under the 
 impression that it was admitted by Mr. Bishop. The effort made has 
 been not simply to get workers to toil upon the plantations of Hawaii 
 l)ut to obtain cheap men anywhere, no matter where they might be 
 found, the cheapest being orientals. The United States did not foist 
 the Japanese upon the sugar planters of Hawaii, but it was their 
 own act. 
 
 I would not tire the patience of the members of the committee by 
 reading some matters that might as well be inserted in the record 
 without reading, and with your permission, Mr. Chairman and gentle- 
 men, I will do that. This matter bears upon the intention of the 
 i American labor movement to try and prevail upon the Government 
 of the United States to exclude from the United States the immigra- 
 tion of the Mongolian race. 
 
 The Chairman. Without objection, it will be inserted in the record. 
 
 (The matter referred to is as follows :) 
 
 In 1905 the American Federation of Labor convention adopted the following report 
 of President Gompers: 
 
 "Perhaps one of the most momentous questions which will confront the American 
 people, and of which this convention must take cognizance and deal v/ith earnestly, 
 intelligently, and emphatically is the campaign inaugurated in several quarters for 
 what is called a m.odification of the law excluding Chinese from, entry into the United 
 States or its possessions. Within the past year manifest efforts have been made in this 
 direction, particularly inaugurated and stimulated by antagonistic em.ployers and som.e 
 of their associations. 
 
 "Information of an authentic character and from various sources has been com- 
 municated to our office showing that a carefully devised policy h'as been agreed upon 
 and is being carried out. Labor's antagonists realize the fact that American public 
 opinion and sentiment are fully expressed in the existing Chinese exclusion law. 
 They also realize that if the application of the law was sought to be modified, so far as it 
 applies to our mainland, it would arouse the opposition of the Am.erican people, and 
 the effort is therefore subtly screened by arrangem.ent with the sugar planters of Hawaii 
 placing them, in the position of agitating for a modification of the law so as to perm.it 
 the immigration of Chinese to that island. 
 
 "It is seldom that a bold front attack is made in any effort of human activity, and 
 our opponents, through the pretense of the necessity for Chinese laborers to work 
 upon the sugar plantations of Hawaii, entertain the belief that once the law is success- 
 fully attacked by so-called modification its entire structure may be eliminated. 
 
 "An agitation involving the expenditure of vast sums of money has been set on 
 foot by the sugar planters of Hawaii, to which our antagonists on the mainland have 
 largely contributed, all for the purpose of impressing the people of the United States, 
 and particularly the Members of Congress, with the supposed necessity for a change 
 in the law so as to allow the immigration of Chinese to the Sandwich Islands. Not a 
 fraction of money has been contributed or expended by the government of Hawaii 
 toward the immense amounts that have been and are involved in the appointment of 
 commissions, delegations, in printing reports, and other matter involved in the pro- 
 pagation of thought favorable to Chinese immigration. In their desperation, the sugar 
 planters have endeavored even to suborn some representatives of labor. 
 
 "There can be no question but that Japanese immigration into Hawaii has had a 
 most baneful influence and result; but it is a queer notion that will seek relief from 
 the evils resulting from Japanese immigration and work by turning to the Chinese, 
 and it shows a perverted conception of real economy, justice, and Americanism. 
 
 "The information also reaches us that, in carrying out our opponents' policy, the 
 sugar planters have sent an agent to visit various countries for tbe ostensible purpose 
 of securing immigrants to work on the Hawaiian plantations. The word "ostensible " 
 is used advisedly, for the instructions are given that few, if any, laborers are to be so 
 secured, so that the claim may be made that no workmen caii be obtained from either 
 the United States or Europe, thereby making it appear that the only recourse is to the 
 Chinese. A part of the plan of action is to maintain at the Capitol in Washington a 
 lobby coming from Hawaii for that purpose. 
 
 "It will be remembered that for a few years a similar effort was made in the Philip- 
 pines, and that the conditions were presented in such a light as to make it appear 
 that there was a real necessity for the admission of Chinese to those islands. Since 
 
816 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 the enactment of our present effective Chinese exclusion law and iU complete applica- 
 tion to the Philippines and the other insular possessions of, as well as the United 
 States itself, practically a quietus has been given to that agitation and supposed de- 
 mand for Chinese immigration to the Philippine Islands, but the activity of the pro- 
 Chinese is none the less to-day than it was some years ago. They have simply changed 
 their plan of campaign from the Philippines to Hawaii." 
 
 ''That tliere is no dearth of workmen in Hawaii is plainly evident from the figures 
 contained in tlie census reports and from enumerations of the population made. The 
 difficulty which presents itself is the fact tliat the sugar planters, when deprivedby 
 law from securing Chinese laborers, turned their attention to the Japanese and im- 
 ported them by shiploads. These are now found to be undesirable and destructive 
 to the interests\:>f labor, business, as well as the social well-being of Hawaii, its natives 
 and residents. No serious, honest effort has thus far been made to Caucasianize, to 
 Americanize Hawaii. 
 
 "If Hawaii is to remain American, and there are few who now doubt this is tobe 
 for at least some long period of time, then it must become American indeed, sharing 
 in whatever progress and civilization are enjoyed by our people on the mainland, as 
 well as bearing whatever burdens mav thereby be entailed in the process of the at- 
 tainment of a higher, our commoii, goal. 
 
 "To-day the great preponderance of Hawaiian inhabitants is Japanese and Chinese, 
 a small number of Europeans, with a small minority of Americans. With its position 
 in the Pacific Ocean, it is the outpost to our American Continent. In its economic 
 and political aspects it must be made the barrier to Mongolian deterioration of the 
 peDple of the island itself as well as the barrier to protect Ameiica's workers. Amer- 
 ica's people, and America's civilization. 
 
 The convention also declared : 
 
 "At this late day it is scarcely necessary or profitable to present the reasons for 
 Chinese exclusion.' Surely thev are not appropriate here; but we can not stand 
 idly by and without protest permit the machinations of some who, lost to all conscious 
 responsibility to their fellows and for an apparent immediate greed of gain, scheme 
 to inaugurate a vicious policy which would inevitably lead to the deterioration of our 
 race, undermine our civilization, and destroy our very lives. 
 
 "We mike no pretense that the exclusion of Chinese can be defended upon a high 
 ideil, ethical ground , but we insist that it is our essential duty to miintain and preserve 
 our physical condition and standard of life and civilization, and thus to assure us the 
 opportunity for the development of our intelle:tual and moral character.^ Self- 
 preservation has always been regarded as the first law of nature. It is a principle 
 and a necessity from which we ought not and must not depart. 
 
 "Surely America's workmen have enough to contend with, have sufficient obstacles 
 confronting them in their struggle to maintain themselves in their humanizing move- 
 ment for a higher and a better life, without being required to meet the enervating, 
 killing, underselling, and underliving competition of that nerveless, wantless people, 
 the Chinese. '' 
 
 In 1905 the convention of the American Federation of Labor adopted the following 
 resolution : 
 "Whereas Congress, after the most thorough investigation, lasting for over 30 years, 
 
 has passed laws excluding Chinese laborers from the United States; and 
 "Whereas it is apparent that powerful agejicies are now at work to have the Chinese 
 exclusion law so modified as to admit Chinese laborers into the LTnited States, and 
 especially into its possessions in the Pacific, we holding that this agitation is fos- 
 tered — 
 
 "First. By the steamship and railroad companies owning vessels engaged in the 
 trans- Pacific trade, which hope to reap a rich harvest in the transportation of Chinese 
 laborers. 
 
 "Second. That the Hawaiian sugar planters, unwilling to pay current wages to 
 prevailing labor in the islands, desire cheap Chinese labor at lower wages, 
 
 "Third. That a certain class of German, British, and American capitalists in the 
 Philippine Islands are clamoring for Chinese labor to displace Filipino labor, knowing 
 full well that all classes of Filipinos hate the Chinese worse than the Americans do, 
 and that the importation of Chinese labor into the Philippines- would be the signal 
 for a general uprising of the Philippine people against American rule, but for which 
 calamity the capitalists do not care, believing that the American Government would 
 at all hazards put down such uprising to uphold the prestige of the Nation, and that 
 then these capitalists would have a free hand to exploit with Chinese labor these 
 islands and their people. 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAW AIL 817 
 
 'Fourth. That certain monetary interests in this country desire, for soKisJi reasons, 
 to lower the standard of living and the independence of the American workingmen, and 
 are asking for the admission into this country of Chinese servants and laborers, to be 
 under contract for a number of years, and to be confined to these callings only, which 
 in effect would mean slavery of such Chinese to their masters if the laws were enforced , 
 or, what is more likely, would result in such imported Chinese labor drifting into all 
 callings, as enforced labor of one man to another, though the slave be a Chinese, is 
 repugnant to present American sentiment and custom. 
 
 ''Fifth. That the so-called Chinese boycott against American goods is, according to 
 our best information and belief, a manipulation by the before-mentioned monetary 
 interests, to force Congress to so modify the C-hinese exclusion laws as to permit the 
 importation of Chinese into the United States and its possessions in the Pacific: 
 Therefore be it 
 
 "Resolved, By the American Federation of Labor, in convention assembled, that it 
 not only protests against any attempt to open our country or its possessions to Chinese 
 labor, but also most emphatically urges that the exclusion laws now in force against 
 Chinese laborers should be applied by Congress to Japanese and Koreans, for the ad- 
 mission of these Mongolians to our country is l)ound to be followed by the lowering of 
 wages and the deterioration of the people of the Caucasian race; further, be it 
 
 ''Resolved, That the foregoing resolutions are the unanimous expression of the 
 Central Labor Council of Seattle and vicinity, adopted at its regular meeting October 
 18, 1905, and to be introduced at the Pittsburgh convention of the American Federation 
 of Labor by the delegates of that council. " 
 
 REBNACTING CHINESE-EXCLUSION LAWS; REGULATING COMING OF CHINESE PERSONS 
 FROM INSULAR POSSESSIONS; AND PROVIDING FOR ADMISSION TO PARTICIPATE IN 
 EXPOSITION. 
 
 [Act of Apr. 29, 1902, as ameiided and reenacted by sec. .5 of the deficiency act of Apr. 27, 1604 (.32 Stat. 
 
 L., pt. 1, 176; 33 Stat. L., .394-428).] 
 
 Section ]. All laws in force on the 29th day of April, 1902, regulating, suspending, 
 or prohibiting the coming of Chinese persons or persons of Chinese descent into the 
 United States, and the residence of such persons therein, including sections 5, 6, 7, 
 8, 9, 10, 11, 13, and 14 of the act entitled "An act to prohibit the coming of Chinese 
 laborers into the United States," approved September 13, 1888, be, and the same 
 are hereby, reenacted, extended, and continued, without modification, limitation, 
 or condition: and said laws shall also apply to the island territory under the juris- 
 diction of the United States, and prohibit the immigration of Chinese laborers, not 
 citizens of the United States, from such island territory to the mainland teiTitory of 
 the United States, whether in such island tenitory at the time of cession or not, and 
 from one portion of the island territorj^ of the United States to another portion of said 
 island territory. 
 
 Mr. GoMPERS. China had denounced the treaty with the United 
 States providing for the exclusion of Chinese coohes from our country 
 and its possessions. China gave notice that the treaty would come to 
 an end at a certain time when it could be denounced and ended. The 
 purpose the Chinese Government had was plainly stated, that is, that 
 they not only opposed the exclusion of Chinese coming into the Unitrcd 
 States upon an equality with any other men, or men from any other 
 countrv, but that if the United vStates would exclude the Chinese 
 coolies, at least, it would not be with the treaty consent of China. 
 It was, as they said, a sufficient humiliation for that situation to have 
 to exist without their being further humiliated by signing their names 
 to a solemn treaty containing such a provision. 
 
 Now, there was another agitation on the part of sugar planters in 
 Hawaii and big business men, whose sole interest and purpose seemed 
 to be profits — not manhood, not progress, not civilization, not the 
 Republic, not its ideals, but profits, and profit alone. 
 
 Men who had something of an ideal and hope for America more than 
 dollars joined with, or, rather, helped in their own way the labor 
 
 56754— 21— SER 7, pt 2 18 
 
818 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 movement to have the Congress of the United States pass a law tha t 
 would exclude the Chinese. After months and months and months 
 of organization, education, discussion, and appeals before Congress, 
 that was done. A delegation from California headed by the son of 
 an admiral whose name I do not now recall, came to Washington. 
 Edward C. J. Livernash came, with others whose names do not now 
 come to me. A representative of California's labor movement, Mr. Chas. 
 F. Burgman, came here. He was in San Francisco in 1882 and 1883, 
 in that crowd of cigar makers sent to the coast in the movement 
 which I tried to describe to vou a little while ago. He and this com- 
 mission were kept here. They stayed here for months — I think it 
 must have been not less than 10 or il months. This man was paid a 
 small salary while here for that work. The commission appointed 
 by California was sustained by the California or the San Francisco 
 government. It was sustained either by the State or the munici- 
 pality. They did work, however, and worked hard, and all of us 
 helped, and it finally resulted in the enactment of the Chinese exclusion 
 law, which was extended to apply to the insular possessions and to 
 the Territories of the United States. 
 
 In 1904, Mr. John I. Nolan, then a working iron molder, living in 
 San Francisco, and who has been for the past three terms a Member 
 of the House of Representatives from one of the San Francisco dis- 
 tricts, went to Hawaii because of the condition of the molders' union, 
 which was not good. It seemed that their work was lagging, or that 
 their interest was lagging. He went there, and you can get the infor- 
 mation from him at first hand. But inasmuch as this is not a hearing 
 or trial in which the legal forms of evidence are closely followed or 
 observed, I may be permitted to state it. It is hearsay — that is, he 
 told me that when lie was in Hawaii, the movement for the intro- 
 duction of Chinese coolies in the islands for the sugar planters was in 
 full swing, and men in the labor movement there were corrupted 
 suborned, and perverted from the true defense of Americanism in 
 favor of Chinese coolies being brought into Hawaii. He said there 
 was a coachman or hack driver belonging to the local union there 
 whom he thought might be the most easily won over by smiles, by 
 cakes, by biscuits, or by kisses and other things, but he was the man 
 who stood up and exposed the conditions existing in the Honolulu 
 Federation of Trades. It broke up the entire gathering, and put the 
 agitation of the sugar planters for Chinese coolies entirely out of 
 business. If Congressman Nolan has not given that evidence it 
 might be a good thing to have him appear before the committee. 
 
 Mr. Box. He has testified before the committee in opposition to 
 this resolution. 
 
 Mr. GoMPERS. Did he testify in regard to this incident? 
 
 The Chairman. No. 
 
 Mr. GoMPERS. I have here the report of the executive council 
 which was indorsed by the 1918 convention of the American Federa- 
 tion of Labor held in St. Paul. It bears upon this subject, and I 
 think it would be an interesting contribution to this record. 
 
 The Chairman. Without objection, it will be inserted in the record. 
 
 (The matter referred to is as follows :) 
 
LABOR PEOBLEMS IN HAWAII. 819 
 
 Report of the Executive Council Indorsed by the 1918 Convention of the 
 American Federation of Labor, Held in St. Paul, June 10 to 20. 
 
 CHINESE coolie LABOR. 
 
 On May 29, 1917, Mr. Kalanianaole, Delegate in the Hou^e of Representatives from 
 Hawaii, introduced House Resolution 93. The purpose of this resolution was to "pro- 
 vide for the admission into the Territorv of Hawaii from the Republic of China, with- 
 out right to proceed to any part of the United States, under such terms and conditions 
 and subject to such rules and restrictions as it deems ad\isable, 30,000 Chinese labor- 
 ers.'' On January 17, 1918, this resolution came before the House Immigration Com- 
 mittee, where representations were made in favor of the adoption of the resolution. A 
 representative of the American Federation of Labor vigorously opposed the resolution, 
 and it is still retained by the House Immigi'ation Committee, no action having been 
 taken. 
 
 As the result of agitation fi'om sources which can be easily divined, there emanated 
 from numerous portions of the country letters, pamphlets, and communications in the 
 press advocating the abrogation of the Chinese exclusion law. On December 7, 1917, 
 Senator Gallinger of New Hampshire introduced Senate Resolution 160, which is as 
 follows : 
 
 ''Resolved, That the Committee on Agiiculture and Forestry is hereby directed to 
 make careful investigation into the ad^^.sability of recommending legislation that will 
 permit the importation of Chinese farmers into the United States under proper restric- 
 tions and regulations during the continuance of the war." 
 
 The various reasons assigned in favor of the modification of the Chinese exclusion 
 law were partially predicated upon the fact that Chinese have been shipped into 
 England and France to perform menial tasks, and partially because it is assumed by 
 advocates of cheap labor that war conditions present a favorable opportunity to break 
 down ^restrictive immigration legislation. The urgent necessity for transporting im- 
 m9n?e supplies of food to our allies, and with a consequent necessity for the stimula- 
 tion of production of farm products, was seized upon by cheap labor advocates to give 
 support to this campaign; notwithstanding the fact that the Department of Labor 
 (based upon final reports) emphatically stated that during the harvest of 1917, there 
 Avas not a single bushel of grain lost because of a dearth of labor. 
 
 (Joatemporaneous with the consideration of these resolutions a considerable number 
 of communications were addressed to the headquarters of the American Federation of 
 Labor, urging the necessity for the abrogation of the Chinese exclusion law upon the 
 pretense of need for farm labor. In order to meet the campaign just starting, to 
 moJif /, suspend, or abrogate the Chinese exclusion law, President Gompers answered 
 these communications at some length. Following will be found an excerpt from one 
 of thsse letters, which succinctly presents the attitude of the American Federation of 
 Labor : 
 
 '"There has been for some time an effort to create a sentiment favorable to the sus- 
 pension or abrogation of the law prohibiting the immigration of Chinese coolie labor. 
 Despite your expressed desire to advocate nothing that woud be detrimental to the 
 best interest of organized labor or all of America's workers, the plan you suggest would 
 bring deplorable consequences. Our Nation is already confronted by an unsolved 
 race problem that is acute and exigent in many localities. It wouid be an inexcusable 
 error of judgment to intensify the present involved situation by a still further addition 
 of racial complications. 
 
 ''Prior to the declaration of war and immediately subsequent thereto, the employers 
 of labor from every section of the country A'ociferously began an agitation for the repeal 
 of all the labor laws of the various States and importuned governmental officials to 
 recommend the repeal of the labor laws which applied to industries controlled by the 
 Government. In other words, the employers of labor attempted to use the opportu- 
 nity afforded by a declaration of war to destroy the standards of li^dng and of work- 
 which had been brought about through the suffering and the sacrifice of the organized 
 labor movement of our country. The men and women of labor of this Nation have 
 struggled in their organized capacity for over 50 years to secure and to maintain a 
 reasonable American standard, and it was urged that the benefits which have been 
 secured to all the people of our country as a result of their ei^'ort be nullified by re- 
 pealing all the protective laws which have been secured as the result of humane 
 efforts and the awakening of the public conscience to the imperatiA'e needs of our 
 present civilization. These laws do not represent arbitrary regulations that can be 
 abandoned Avith impunity, but are founded upon principles of human welfare and 
 conservation of producing poAver. To protect human workers by properly conserving 
 
820 LABOR PEOBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 their creative power is the basis for highest production. These protective measures 
 adopted by legislative bodies after considered judgment, are the safeguards of the life 
 of the Republic, and can be abandoned only with serious hazards to the future virility 
 and potentiality of the Nation. 
 
 "Now comes the demajid that our country be flooded with Chinese coolie labor, 
 which is not assimilable and which because of its docility will constitute a means 
 through which employers in this country will drive the standards of American working 
 people to the level of the Chinese coolie. That very docility is justification of serious 
 apprehension, for as you say, 'These coolies will he the servants of labor and in no 
 sense competitors.' The historv of this country has demonstrated that it can not exist 
 part slave and part free. Serxdle labor cost us one bloody Civil War. It is our hope 
 that wise policies may prevail and conditions averted that might result in another such 
 conflict. 
 
 '•J have wondered whether you have considered the j)olyglot character of our 
 population. This country is made up of the races of the entire world. It is the great 
 international melting pot from which there will be transmuted a race which will 
 deserve characterization as American. If your observation has led to a study of the 
 heterogeneous elements of America's population, you must have come to the conclu- 
 sion that we have before us a tremendous task to weld these elements into a homogene- 
 ous whole, an essential characteristic of a nation. 
 
 "We are in a world war and no one has the prophetic wisdom to interpret the out- 
 come, but if we are fighting for justice, freedom, and democracy, then we should have 
 a particular and distinct regard for the ultimate welfare of our own country and not 
 employ means and methods which will leave us at the close of the war with a still 
 greater problem than we had in facing the responsibilities imposed upon us by war. 
 
 "Organized labor is unalterably opposed to the modification of the Chinese exclu- 
 sion law in order to permit Chinese coolies to enter this country, no matter for what 
 purpose. The American Federation of Labor for many, many years fought for a 
 restrictive immigration law, and assisted in securing the Chinese exclusion act. An 
 overwhelming majority of the Members of Congress enacted the immigration law con- 
 taining a literacy test. Our advocacy of restricted immigration was based upon our 
 knowledge of the economic situation and conditions in this country, and, in addition, 
 having a due regard for the perpetuation of the institutions of our country. If, for any 
 reason, the Chinese exclusion law was modified or suspended, it must carry with it the 
 modification or the abrogation of the gentlemen's agreement now existing between 
 this country and Japan, which would permit large numbers of Japanese to also enter 
 this country. 
 
 ' ' In addition to our opposition to the modification or the suspension of the Chinese 
 exclusion act, it has not been demonstrated that there is a shortage of labor which would 
 justify the resorting to extreme measures. Whatever may be your opinion as to the 
 effect of the importation of cheap and do(>ile labor into this country, the history of the 
 eSorts of the working people everywhere unmistakably demonstrates that the high 
 standard built up and maintained by intelligent and cooperative action must succumb 
 to the insiduous influences of a race of people whose hopes, ambitions, and desires are 
 gratified by a standard of living which falls far below that of a growing and fructifying 
 citizenship. 
 
 "Even though we may be in the midst of war, and even though it were possible to 
 adopt some measure whereby a large body of Chinese might be imported into this 
 country for the period of the war and then deported at its close, the impress and results 
 of coolie labor would still remain and constitute an added b\uden in the coming 
 reconstruction days. Under present conditions of war, the organized labor movement 
 has expressed itself as willing to meet the responsibilities imposed upon it, and in 
 carrying out this policy, we are demonstrating to the*Government and the people of 
 the United States our loyalty to its institutions. No labor movement of any belligerent 
 country has taken a more advanced position than has the American labor movement. 
 Even before war was declared, representatives of our movement promulgated a decla- 
 ration in which its position was made clear. 
 
 •'While it voiced its opposition to war, yet it also declared that if events finally 
 drew this country into the maelstrom of war, it would stand solidly behind this 
 Government. In view of the attitude of the men and women of labor, I am justified 
 in expressing the thought that our movement is absolutely and unalteral:>ly opposed 
 to Chinaizing any of the industries of this country. 
 
 "I therefore dissent, and emphatically dissent, from any plan looking toward the 
 introduction of coolie labor into this country, and the organized labor movement will 
 use every means at its command to thwart any attempt to modify or suspend the 
 Chinese exclusion act." 
 
I 
 
 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 821 
 
 Neither the resolution introduced by Mr. Kalanianaole nor Senator Gallinger's has 
 been reported by the committees to which they were referred up to the time of closing 
 this report. It is believed that the interests behind the program of employing ChincKe 
 coolies in this country liave been checkmated for the moment; but if not the American 
 Federation of Labor will vigorously oppose any efforts made in the future to break 
 down our immigration laws. 
 
 Mr. GoMPERS. Until about 10 or 12 years ago the president of the 
 American Federation of Labor made his individual reports to the 
 convention. I recommended to the executive council, which, in 
 turn, recommended to the convention, that individual reports of 
 officers be omitted in the future. I will give you my reason for it: 
 So long as I am the president of the American Federation of Labor I 
 want, of course, to safeguard the future of the American labor move- 
 ment. I felt that if in any eventuality another man should be 
 elected, as necessarily will be the case, to the presidency of the 
 Federation, who might not be just as clear-minded as he should be, 
 or who might not have full self-control, or who might have some 
 other peculiarity, it probably would not be well for him to make an 
 individual report. If the individual report of such a president were 
 made, it might have a bad influence upon our movement. The 
 convention adopted that proposal, so that from that time on the 
 president of the Federation has not made any individual official 
 report or any other kind of report to the convention. I make this 
 explanation so that you may know something of what I am trying 
 to do in having the labor movement, to which I have given consid- 
 erable of my life, safeguarded from within as well as from its enemies 
 without. The executive council of the American Federation of 
 Labor made a report to the convention of the American Federation 
 of Labor, which was held during the month of June, 1921, a little 
 more than a month ago. As a part of that report bears upon this 
 question so intimately, I would like to read it : 
 
 Report of the Executive Council of the American Federation of Labor to 
 
 THE FOETY-FIRST AnNUAL CONVENTION, WhICH WAS APPROVED. 
 CHINESE AND JAPANESE EXCLUSION AND LAND LAWS. 
 
 In its first convention the American Federation of Labor declared that 30 years' 
 experience on the Pacific coast with Chinese had proven that the competition of 
 orientals with whites was the greatest evil with which a country can be afflicted. 
 Thereafter Congress was petitioned to enact an exclusion act. In 1892 the American 
 Federation of Labor declared that the Japanese should be placed in the same category 
 with the Chinese. 
 
 Because of the efforts of the American Federation of Labor an exclusion law was 
 finally enacted bv Congi-ess. This act brought to America's workers some relief from 
 oriental immigration and its otherwise deteriorating results. Since that time contin- 
 uous and persistent demands have been made by Chinese agencies and plutocratic 
 interests to amend or repeal these laws. 
 
 A national organization is actively at work carrying on an extensive propaganda 
 for amendments to the Chinese exr-lusion act and a number of similar organizations 
 have been formed to supplement this campaign. In a letter sent broadcast to em- 
 ployers, the chairman of the National Agricultural and Industrial Levelopment 
 Committee, on the pretense of fighting bolshevism and the like said: 
 
 ''These raids of the reds, communists, and the I. W. "W.'s emphasize the desirability / 
 of bringing into this country hereafter a class of labor that does not organize, has no 
 foolish notions of 6-hour days or 5-day weeks, atfd does not wish to upset our present 
 form of government. The raising of the ban on Chinese labor will, we believe, go far 
 to solve the pi'oblem of our present danger." 
 
 The Western States Agricultural Development Committee is engaged in a similar 
 campaign. 
 
822 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 A like campaign has been started in Hawaii. In that country where the greater 
 number of the inhabitants are Japanese, labor employed on plantations is paid about 
 77 cents per day. When an increase was demanded and denied many of these workers 
 left the countr/. It was then that the sugar planters advocated the admission of 
 30,0)0 Chinese, both for tlie purpose of breaking the strike as well as to retain the low 
 wage standard. 
 
 Within the past year coraDlaints have been received that the Japanese are en- 
 croaching upon the work of the men employe! in the shipbuilding industr*/ on the 
 Pacific coast. Manv local unions have passed resolutions calling upon Congress to 
 extend the Chinese exclusion act to cover all orientals. This subject was brought 
 to the attention of the Members of Congress and the request was made for a definite 
 statement as to the number of Japanese workers employed in the shipyards on the 
 Pacific coast. 
 
 About this time California Senators and Representatives were also urged by the 
 Secretary of State not to t :ke anv drastic action against Japanese immigration pending 
 negotiations with the Japanese Government. The Senators and Congressmen agreed 
 to withhold any action, thus permitting t]ie Government to enter into negotiations 
 looking to an agreement with Jarjan on the question of immigration, including "picture 
 brides, " now coming into the United States. Up to the present time no agreement 
 has been reached on this subject and no legislation has been considered pending these 
 negotiations. 
 
 Because of the extensive campaign again to open wide tlie gates to orientals, by 
 reason of the unjust criticism directed against the attitude of the American Federa- 
 tion of Labor on this question and on account of the strained relations which exist 
 at this time between Japan and our Government, the executive council deemed it 
 essential that a careful survey be made of the immigration and land laws and policies 
 which now prevail in Japan and China. 
 
 This investigation discloses that in 1899 Japan promulgated a new set if immigra- 
 tion laws. These laws prohibited the immigration of laborers from all countries to 
 any part of the Japanese Empire, with the exception of the treaty ports, winch are 
 Kobe, Yokohama, Tok'/o, Ozaka, Nagasaki, Hakodate. While at the present time 
 there are by lack of enforcement some European laborers working in Japan, they are 
 very few in numbers. Under no conditions are Chinese laborers admitted into Japan 
 except by spe:ial permit. Alien laborers are forbidden to engage in any kind of 
 manual labor, such as agric^ulture, fishing, mining, engineering, architecture, manu- 
 facture, carriage and vehicle pulling, stevedore and other miscellaneous work. Aliens 
 of all classes are als ) forbidden to become promoters of political meetings or to become 
 members of a political party. Then, too, aliens are prohibited from engaging in the 
 organization of banks. Aliens are forbidden to construct railways, or to engage in tlie 
 carrying trade (coasting trade) between native ports. Thev are not permitted to 
 become brokers in exchange, or to engage in mining and placer mining, or to fish or 
 hunt in the territorial seas of Japan. Neither may aliens nor any firms with which 
 aliens may be connected or in which they may be interested as partners or share- 
 holders manufacture gun powder or explosives. 
 
 Individual foreigners are not allowed to own land in any part of the Empire. 
 Foreigners may own land by forming a company, the company being required to 
 register under the imperial laws of Japan. In that way these companies may enjoy 
 perpetual leases over lots of land in the former foreign settlements in the open ports 
 which were leased by the Government to aliens in the early days of the opening of 
 the country to foreign trade. However, these leases have been taken largelv over 
 by Japanese. Foreigners may also lease land for industrial or residential purposes, 
 but no agricultural lands can be leased under any circumstances. If a Japanese 
 subject for any reason loses his nationality and becomes an alien, heat once loses his 
 rights to land ownership, and in the latter case he must transfer all his property rights 
 to Japanese. 
 
 The foregoing clearly evidence the amazing facts that the Japanese immigration 
 and land laws are as strict as those of any nation in the world and much more so than 
 are the laws of many of the nations. In the face of the above facts Japan does not 
 come into court with clean hands when she objects to the land laws passed by the 
 State of California or when she protests against the inclusion of Japanese in the exclu- 
 sion of all orientals from this country, 
 
 Japan h s left no stoie unturned in her anxiety to protect her subjects against 
 supposed injurious competition or to prevent the operation of any influence whatso- 
 ever upon their domestic, national, and international policies, conduct or relations 
 from the peoples of other nations. If she takes this right unto herself, how can she 
 deny the same right to anv other nation? 
 
 The citizens of California are justified in viewing with alarm and apprehension the 
 results of the Japanese invasion in that State. The Japanese colonize together and 
 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 823 
 
 have gradually driA-en out American citizens from the most fertile farm lands in the 
 State. Thej^ already have under cultivation 92 per cent of the celery, 89 per cent of 
 the asparagus, 79 per cent of the onions, 76 per cent of the tomatoes, 66 per cent of the 
 cantaloupes, 79 per cent of seeds, etc. They undersell the American farmer because 
 of their low standards of living. Not only have they acquired large areas of agricultural 
 lands but they are gradually getting into the trades. 
 
 The "gentlemen's agreement " has proven to be a failure because the Japanese in a 
 cunning and stealthy manner have outwitted the intent of the law. In 1918, 11,143 
 new arrivals came to America in spite of the fact that the above agreement is supposed 
 to exclude all except diplomats, merchants, and legitimate students. In California 
 alone there are over 100,000 Japanese. 
 
 This peril is not only a serious condition for California but ift is a positive menace to 
 our entire Nation. The American Federation of Labor is fully justified in taking a 
 firm stand to do away with the ' ' gentlemen's agreement " and in iits place inaugurate a 
 de^nite policy calling for total exclusion of Japanese with all other orientals. We 
 should also go on record as favoring any legislation of the above character that may be 
 presented in Congress by the California delegation in the Senate and House of Repre- 
 sentatives. 
 
 The Chinese immigration laws absolutely prohibit Japanese of any class from enter- 
 ing the country except by special permit. This practically bars not only laborers 
 but students, business men, travelers, etc., from entering the country except for a 
 very short period of time. 
 
 Unquestionably, the workers of different races, colors, or nationalities throughout 
 the world have a com.mon interest in their respective countries. It is only by further- 
 ing that common interest that we can obtain the true objective of the labor move- 
 ments the world over. While the methods of industrial and commercial enterprise, 
 the supply of rav/ materials and of capital may have an equalizing tendency between 
 nations, the interchange of viev^^points and the establishing of friendly relationship 
 between workers of the various nations are of far greater importance and tend more 
 readily and eTiectively to cement the peoples of all nations in a peaceful concord. 
 
 To-day, our people are confronted not alone with the possibility of greater competi- 
 tion with oriental labor and manufacture; they are also facing the development of 
 tendencies leading to the possible dangers of war. No one recognizes more fully than 
 do the American workers the burdens and sacrifices entailed in a contest between na- 
 tions. We have just emerged from a war out of which it is hoped that the opportunity 
 for future wars would be lessened to the lowest possible degree, if not foreclosed for 
 all time to com'e. We are confident that the Japanese workers are equally desirous for 
 continued peace as are the American wage earners. We feel sure that the workers of 
 Japan would welcome whatever influence might be set at work to prevent a possible 
 clash between the peoples of Japan and our country. Limited, suppressed, and 
 tyrannized, the opportunity of these workers for protest is rendered almost voiceless 
 and the American labor mo^vement is looked to in the hope that existing industrial, 
 commercial, and financial differences and difficulties may not be molded into tend- 
 encies leading to international conflict. 
 
 The executiA^e council is of the belief that this entire subject should receive the most 
 careful consideration and attention and that no effort be spared in protecting the 
 interests of the workers here at home and in promoting good will and peacefurrela- 
 tions with the workers and nations abroad. 
 
 That report of the executive council was referred to a committee 
 and reported upon favorably to and adopted by the convention by 
 unanimous vote. 
 
 Here are two resolutions, which I shall not take the time to read, 
 definitely declaring upon the subject of oriental immigration. 
 
 (Said resolutions follow:) 
 
 RESOLUTIONS ADOPTED BY THE FORTY-FIRST ANNUAL CONVENTION OP THE AMERICAN 
 
 FEDERATION OF LABOR, 
 
 [Resolution 106, by Delegate T. A. Reardon, San Francisco Labor Council.] 
 
 Whereas there is a most persistent and determined effort to open the doors of the 
 United States to Chinese coolies; and 
 
 Whereas those leading the campaign ox:»enly declare that the motive in breaking down 
 the Chinese exclusion act is because the Chinamen know nothing of the 8-hour 
 day and will work for wages upon which an American would starve ; and 
 
824 LABOR PROBLEMS IN PJAWAll. 
 
 Whereas the plan being followed is first to obtain the admission ol Chinese coolies 
 
 into Hawaii on the plea that there is a shortage of labor in those islands; and 
 Whereas the real truth is that the laborers of Hawaii refused to work for 77 cents a day 
 
 and demanded a suflicient wage upon which to support themselves and families ; 
 
 and 
 Whereas the Legislature of Hawaii in furtherance of the conspiracy to degrade Ameri- 
 can labor has adopted a resolution appealing to Congress to permit the immigration 
 
 of Chinese into the islands; and 
 Whereas a national organization of the enemies of labor and the people of this country 
 
 have been working secretly for several years to break down the Chinese exclusion 
 
 laws of the United States; and 
 Whereas there are said to be 500 Chinese coolies a month smuggled into the United 
 
 States with or without the connivance of the Government or its agsnts; and 
 Whereas the neople of the LTnited States should awaken to the dangers threatened by 
 
 the influx of a race that can not be assimilated and will be a curse instead of a benefit 
 
 to the Nation: Therefore be it 
 
 Resolved, That the American Federation of I^abor condemns this must despicable 
 conspiracy to break down American standards in order that a few of the enemies of 
 labor and the people may profit from the labor of Chinese coolies to the detriment of 
 all honest employers; and 
 
 Resolved, That we call upon Congress to indignantly refuse the appeal of the 
 Hawaiian Legislature in the interests of the sugar planters to modify or amend in any 
 manner whatever the laws that were enacted after years of agitation to forever exclude 
 the Chinese; and 
 
 Resolved, That the executive council be directed to oppose by every means in its 
 power any attempt to change the exclusion laws so that they would permit the ad- 
 mission of a single Chinaman to enter the United States and its possessions under any 
 circumstances or excuse whatever; and, be it further 
 
 Resolved. That protests be made to the Department of La])or against the leniency 
 that permits the smuggling into the United States of 500 or more Chinamen every 
 month. 
 
 [Resolution 132, by Delegate M. M. McGuire, of Boiler Makers" Union.] 
 
 Whereas Japanese Exclusion League of California, representing officiallv such organ- 
 izations as American Legion War Veterans' Native Sons and Native Daughter 
 of Golden West State Federation, Women's Clubs, State Federation Labor, and 
 various other patriotic, ci^dc, and fraternal bodies have adopted statement of policy 
 recommended for adoption by Government of United States as urgently required in 
 protection of Nation's interest against growing menace of Japanese immigration and 
 colonization; and 
 
 Whereas said declaration has been approved by organizations affiliated with League, 
 Los Angeles Anti-Asiatic Association, and Japanese Exclusion League of Washing- 
 ton; and 
 
 Whereas said declaration is in words and figures as follows: First, absolute exclusion 
 for future of all Japanese immigration, not only male but female, and not only 
 laborers, skilled and unskilled, but farmers and men of small trades and professions, 
 as recommended by Theodore Roosevelt. Permission for temporary residence only 
 for tourists, students, artists, commercial men, teachers, etc. Second, such exclu- 
 sion to be enforced by United States officials under United States laws and regula- 
 tions as done mth immigration admitted, or excluded, from all other countries and 
 not, as at present, under an arrangement whereby control and regulation is surrenderee} 
 by us to Japan. Third, compliance on the part of all departments of the Federal 
 Government vidth the Constitution and abandonment of threat, or attempt to take 
 advantage of certain phrasing of that document as to treaties, which it is claimed 
 gives the treaty-making power authority to violate plain provisions of the Constitu- 
 tion and statutes in the following matters: 
 
 A. To nullify state rights and State laws for control of lands and other matters 
 plainly within the States' jurisdiction. 
 
 B. To grant American citizenship to races of yellow color, which are made 
 ineligible for such citizenship. 
 
 Fourth; for the Japanese legally entitled to residence in California fair treatment, 
 protection in property rights legally acquired, and the privilege of engaging in any 
 business desired, except such as may be now or hereafter denied by law to all aliens, 
 or to aliens ineligible to citizenship, and, provided particularly they may not here- 
 after buv or lease agricultural lands. 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAW ATT. 825 
 
 Mr. Raker. Those resolutions were passed in what year ? 
 
 Mr. GoMPERs. The same year, at the last convention held- in 
 June, 1921, and on the particular case under discussion hefore this 
 committee. 
 
 The fact that several thousand aliens have been released from the 
 Federal works in Hawaii, construction and otherwise, would seem, in 
 addition to the proposals made by the labor committee at the con- 
 ference in Honolulu, and to which Mr. Wright in his testimony gave 
 ample evidence, to help very materially, but in any event there are the 
 Filipinos who, from the report of the Filipino labor commissioner, 
 would undoubtedly have a splendid influence in bringing any number 
 of workers which may be actually required by the sugar planters of 
 Hawaii. But we can not expect that they will go from the Philippine 
 Islands to Honolulu or any other part of the Sandwich Islands or that 
 they will transmigrate to any other country unless there is something 
 which may come to them of a better life than they have had to endure 
 or enjoy in their own country. Men do not go from place to place 
 where conditions and standards are only equal; the trend is to go 
 where conditions are better. I believe that with a better concept on 
 the part of the sugar planters as to the rights of these men a better 
 understanding will result, because better will begets better will. The 
 story of Will Fern in ^' The Chimes,'' b}^ Dickens, would apply here. 
 
 Let me say this, that the Japanese Laborers' Association, of Hawaii, 
 made application to the American Federation of Labor about a year 
 ago for a charter, but issuance was declined. If war should come 
 between Japan and America — and let us pray and hope that it never 
 will — American labor will take the same position it took in the last 
 great war. Three weeks before the President of the United States 
 appeared before a joint session of Congress; that is, on March 12, 1917, 
 American labor, through its official representatives and bona fide 
 representatives, met in Washington, D. C, and in the executive 
 council chamber of the American Federation of Labor we discussed at 
 length the dangers which confronted our country, the dastardly acts 
 committed by Germany against not only American rights and prop- 
 erty, but against the concepts of civilization. At the conclusion of 
 the session we declared, in substance, that come what may, whether 
 we should be drawn into the maelstrom of the war or are dragged into 
 it or whether we should enter it, American labor pledged its loyal 
 support upon any field of action, whether it be upon the battlefield, in 
 industry, or in commerce, and in making the supreme sacrifice \i neces- 
 sary. If there shall come a struggle between Japan and the United 
 States American labor will stand foursquare upon that principle. 
 
 I call your attention to the fact that it is not wise to take the 
 heart and the spirit out of America's workers. It is not wise to lead 
 them into a position of fear, anguish, and anger where no IojslI sup- 
 port comes, because no voluntary, loyal support comes to a Govern- 
 ment that uses oppression and suppression. 
 
 Now, there was discussed before this committee the question of 
 the suppression of reports of officials, and the name of Daniel J. 
 Keefe, Commissioner General of Immigration, was brought in as one 
 who had visited Hawaii and made investigations and reports and his 
 reports were suppressed. Well, not only were Daniel J. Keefe's 
 reports suppressed, but the reports of Frank P. Sargent, who was 
 Commissioner General of Immigration before him, a fine man and a 
 
826 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 man of splendid physique. He was appointed Commissioner General 
 of Immigration. The suppression of his reports and the diversion of 
 his reports were such that it broke the man's spirit and broke the 
 man's heart, and he died very shortly after. For years before that he 
 was the president of the Brotherhood of Locomotive Firemen and 
 Enginemen and could have held that position for life or so long as 
 his mind was clear and his body capable of carrying on the work. 
 He became Commissioner General of Immigration of the Government 
 of the United States, and I repeat and emphasize that he was broken 
 in spirit and health by reason of the perversion and suppression of 
 his reports. Frank Sargent and I were intimate friends, and he told 
 me the situation with which he was confronted with reference to his 
 reports as to his visit to Hawaii and his investigation of Hawaiian 
 conditions. 
 
 The Chairman. What was the date of that? 
 
 Mr. GoMPERS. Well, that is easily ascertainable, Mr. Chairman; I 
 can not readily recall, but probably 20 years ago. 
 
 Let me say this: I do not know whether any of you gentlemen 
 have— but more than likely you have— read a book which has made 
 its appearance recently. The Rising Tide of Color. 
 
 Mr. Raker. It has been sent to all the members of the committee. 
 
 Mr. GoMPERS. I commend to you gentlemen who have not read it 
 the reading of that book. 
 
 The Chairman. We have all read it, and when you get time that 
 is the very phase of this matter we want to discuss with you. 
 
 Mr. GoMPERS. We appeal to you, as we have the right as men and 
 as citizens, to maintain the American policy of Chinese exclusion by 
 law and to make by law the exclusion of the Japanese and all other 
 orientals. In my opinion the people of the Republic of the United 
 States have only just entered upon the real mission of our Republic, 
 to be the leader in industrial progress, in democratic government and 
 humanitarian ideals. Do not let us depart from that policy, sound, 
 good, and progressive, but, rather, strengthen it. 
 
 The Chairman. Have you concluded ? 
 
 Mr. GoMPERS. Mr. Chairman, I have just come in possession of a 
 book published by the Hawaii Laborers' Association, Honolulu, 
 T. H., July, 1920, and entitled ^' Facts about the strike on Sugar 
 Plantations in Hawaii." May I read the first two paragraphs, 
 which are not more than about 20 lines ? 
 
 The Chairman. Yes. 
 
 Mr. GoMPERS [reading:] 
 
 We are laborers working on the sugar plantations of Hawaii. 
 
 People know Hawaii as the paradise of the Pacific and as a sugar-producing country, 
 but do they know that there are thousands of laborers who are suffering under the heat 
 of the equatorial sun, in field and in factory, and who are weeping with 10 hours of 
 hard labor and with a scanty pay of 77 cents a day? 
 
 Hawaii's sugar. When we look at Hawaii as the country possessing 44 sugar mills 
 with 230,000 acres of cultivated land area, as a region producing 600,000 tons of sugar 
 annually, we are impressed with the great importance of the position which sugar 
 occupies among the industries of Hawaii. We realize also that 50,000 laborers who 
 together with their families number about 160,000 are a majority of the total popula- 
 tion of 250,090 in Hawaii. We consider it a great privilege and pride to live under 
 the Stars and Stripes, which stands for freedom and justice, as a factor of this great 
 industry and as a part of the labor of Havv^aii. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Who is supposed to have gotten that out ? 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 827 
 
 The Chairman. I am trying to ascertain that. It says, '^Hawaii 
 Laborers' Association, Honoluhi, T. H." There is a resolution at 
 the bottom of the last page and it is certified: 
 
 I hereby certify that the above is the true copy of the resolution passed by the 
 special meeting of the delegates of the Hawaii Laborers' Association, held in Honolulu, 
 T. II., June 30, 1920. 
 
 T. KoYAMA, Chairman. 
 
 G. Kawahara, Vice Chairman. 
 
 Mr. Box. That is dated 1920? 
 
 The Chairman. Yes; during the strike. This is the plea and 
 statement of the strikers, probably the Japanese strikers. 
 
 Mr. GoMPERS. Yes; these are Japanese strikers, and it is issued by 
 their own association. 
 
 Mr. Raker. This is promulgated by the Japanese laboring people 
 of Hawaii ? 
 
 Mr. GoMPERS. Yes. I saw it for the first time within the past 15 
 minutes; it was handed to me by Mr. Roberts. 
 
 The Chairman. I see no objection to putting the whole document 
 in the record, and if there is no objection it will be inserted. 
 
 (Said document follows :) 
 
 Facts About the Strike on Sugar Plantations in Hawaii. 
 
 [By Hawaii Laborers' Association, Honolulu, Hawaii, July, 1920.] 
 WE ARE plantation LABORERS. 
 
 We are laborers working on the sugar plantations of Hawaii. 
 
 People know Hawaii as the paradise of the Pacific and as a sugar-producing country, 
 but do they know that there are thousands of laborers who are suffering under the 
 heat of the equatorial sun, in field and in factory, and who are weeping with 10 hours 
 of hard labor and with a scanty pay of 77 cents a day? 
 
 Hawaii's sugar! Wherj we look at Hawaii as the country possessing 44 sugar mills, 
 with 230.000 acres of cultivated land area, as a region producing 600,000 tons of sugar 
 annually we are impressed with the great importance of the position which sugar 
 occupies among the industries of Hawaii. We realize also that 50,000 laborers who, 
 together with their families number about 160.000, are a majority of the total popula- 
 tion of 250,000 in Hawaii. We consider it a great privilege and pride to live under 
 the Stars and Stripes, which stands for freedom and justice, as a factor of this great indus- 
 try and as a part of the labor of Hawaii. 
 
 We love production. Fifty years ago, when we first came to Hawaii, these islands 
 were covered with ohia forests, guava fields, and areas of wild grass. Day and night did 
 we work, cutting trees and burning grass, clearing lands and cultivating fields until 
 we made the plantations what they are to-day. Of course, it is indisputable that 
 this would haA^e been impossible if it were not for the investments made by the wealthy 
 capitalists and the untiring efforts of the administrators. But we believe that the 
 impartial public will not only magnify and praise the efforts of the capitalists, but 
 will not hesitate to recognize the work of the laborers who have served faithfully with 
 sweat on their brows. We are faithful laborers who love labor and production. 
 
 Look at the silent tombstones in every locality. Few are the people who visit these 
 graves of our departed friends, but are they not emblems of Hawaii's pioneers in 
 labor? Turn your eyes to the ever diligent laborers. They are not beautiful in 
 appearance, but are they not a great factor of Hawaii's production? 
 
 We are faithful laborers, willing to follow the steps of our departed elders and do 
 our part toward Hawaii's production. We hear that there are in Hawaii over a hun- 
 dred millionaires, men chiefly connected with the sugar plantations. It is not our 
 purpose to complain and envy, but we would like to state that there are on the sugar 
 plantations which produced these fortunes for their owners a large number of laborers 
 who are suffering under a wage of 77 cents a day. 
 
828 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 When asked, "What is a laborer?" a certain plantation manager is said to have 
 replied, "A laborer is an ignorant creature." We do not wish to believe such a state- 
 ment, but when we look back over our own experience in Hawaii we regret to state 
 that the above fact is undeniable. 
 
 Impartial and just ladies and gentlemen, we are laborers working on the plantations 
 of Hawaii, ('ertain capitalists may regard us as ignorant creatures, but as laborers 
 working seriously and faithfully we wish it understood that we are willing to do our 
 part toward Hawaii's production and welfare the best we know how, hoping for the 
 progress of civilization and endeavoring to safeguard justice and humanity as mem- 
 bers of the great human family. 
 
 WHAT THE LABORERS DEMANDED. 
 
 It is almost unnecessary to repeat here the words so often heard and quoted con- 
 cerning the price of commodities during and after the great war. even in this paradis- 
 of the Pacific. We encountered hardships and sufferings in supporting ourselves 
 during the war, but not desiring to cause any trouble to the industrial world in the j 
 midst of that struggle we endured, persevered, and waited until the year 1919. 
 
 The dark clouds of war were dispersed and peace came, but living conditions became 
 more pressing every day. Fortune appeared to those concerned in the ownership of 
 the sugar world, and things looked brighter even after the dreadful war. The abolition 
 of war taxes, the lowering of freight rates, the reduction of prices of fertilizers increased 
 the net profits of the sugar planters. 
 
 We did not desire to entirely disregard the prolits for the planters, but we did believe 
 that our demands for increased wages at such a prosperous time were reasonable and 
 justifiable. Was not this the reason that the cry for higher wages was raised throughout 
 the islands in the latter part of 1919? 
 
 The desires of the laborers throughout the territory at that time were: Wages $3 
 per day, eight hours work per day, changes and amendments to agreements between 
 the various contractors, cane growers, etc., with the plantations. If we are to make a 
 true confession in regard to the reasons for demanding $3 per day, we must say that that 
 demand was made with the amount of living expenses of a common laborer with a wife 
 and two children taken as the basis for computation (the large majority of the laborers 
 are married and have several children). We only feared the rise from 77 cents to $3 
 per day was too great a leap. Without doubt the amount of bonus is exceedingly 
 great when conditions in the sugar world appear favorable, but bonus itself is far from 
 being secure and reliable and can not always be made to take the place of regular 
 wages. Just in proportion as it is magnified and overemphasized by the capitalists 
 it is so much the less certain. For this reason, we have earnestly desired to obtain 
 the stability of our living by properly paid wages rather than through the beneficence 
 of bonus with conditions. Why then, you may ask, did we not make this proposal 
 for $3 per day in the beginning. In order to answer this question, we must make clear 
 to you the situation and the reason which prompted us to demand $1.25 per day 
 with bonus. 
 
 At the meeting of the representatives of laborers of all the islands held in the early 
 part of December, 1919, when we were about to make the final decision in regard to 
 the demands to be presented to the Hawaiian Sugar Planters' Association, the follow- 
 ing agreement was reached by the majority of the representatives present: 
 
 ■'It being our purpose not to disregard the sliding scale bonus system and the method 
 used in encouraging the laborers' continued service, we deem it unbecoming for 
 laborers whose interest lies in the hearty cooperation of capital and labor to present 
 the new plan immediately, although S3 per day is quite reasonable. It should there- 
 fore be agreed upon that the amount of wages to be demanded be computed from the 
 sum needed for a laborer to support himself. The bonus is to be left for the support of 
 wife and children." 
 
LABOR PliOBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 FOR UNMARRIED MAN. 
 
 829 
 
 Plantations. 
 
 Hawaii: 
 
 Ookala 
 
 Kukaiau 
 
 Kau, Pahala 
 
 Pepekeo 
 
 Kukuihaele 
 
 Honokaa 
 
 Kohala 
 
 Kohala Union Mill. . 
 
 Kohala, Hawi 
 
 Hamakuapoko 
 
 Hakalau, Honohina. 
 Kamuela 
 
 A V erase. 
 
 Maui: 
 
 Waimalu. 
 Pauela . . . 
 Kahuliii. . 
 Lahaina. . 
 
 Average. 
 
 Oahu: 
 
 Kahuku.. 
 
 Wahiawa . 
 
 Do... 
 
 Aiea 
 
 Average. 
 
 Kauai: 
 
 McBryde. 
 Kilauea . . 
 Hanalei . . 
 
 Kauaa... 
 
 Average. 
 
 Board, 
 
 $15. 00 
 15. 00 
 15. 00 
 15. 00 
 15. 00 
 15. 00 
 14.00 
 13. .50 
 15. 50 
 14.00 
 15.00 
 15. 50 
 
 15.00 
 13. 50 
 15.00 
 15.00 
 
 14.50 
 13.00 
 13.00 
 15. 00 
 
 12. 50 
 13.00 
 
 13. 00 
 18. 50 
 
 Cloth- 
 ing. 
 
 $16. 70 
 6.45 
 
 13. 50 
 6.00 
 
 16.70 
 9.65 
 5. 45 
 5.60 
 9.55 
 4.90 
 8.40 
 5.90 
 
 7.60 
 6.55 
 7.05 
 
 8. 75 
 
 3.80 
 
 6.05 
 
 6.90 
 
 11. 35 
 
 7.35 
 8. 45 
 5.20 
 8.05 
 
 Tax. 
 
 ,40 
 ,50 
 ,40 
 ,40 
 ,40 
 45 
 45 
 40 
 50 
 40 
 45 
 45 
 
 Pa[)ors 
 and 
 maga- 
 zines. 
 
 Clubs. 
 
 $1.00 
 
 .35 
 
 1..50 
 
 1.70 
 
 1.00 
 
 1.50 
 
 .80 
 
 1.00 
 
 1.00 
 
 1.25 
 
 1.00 
 
 .75 
 
 ,43 
 ,40 
 ,45 
 ,42 
 
 ,42 
 ,50 
 
 ,40 
 
 ,45 
 45 
 40 
 46 
 
 1.50 
 
 .85 
 
 1.00 
 
 l.oO 
 
 .85 
 .85 
 
 75 
 
 1.00 
 1.00 
 1.00 
 1.00 
 
 $1. 00 
 
 .50 
 
 1.00 
 
 1.50 
 
 1.00 
 
 1.70 
 
 .40 
 
 .90 
 
 1.00 
 
 .70 
 
 .70 
 
 . 75 
 
 .50 
 
 1.00 
 
 .25 
 
 .10 
 
 1.00 
 .25 
 .20 
 
 ,50 
 ,30 
 .50 
 30 
 
 Social. 
 
 S6.20 
 1.85 
 5.75 
 4.70 
 6.20 
 
 10.50 
 4.65 
 5.50 
 7.00 
 2.65 
 8.75 
 3. 75 
 
 4.00 
 4.25 
 4.10 
 8.20 
 
 3.40 
 4.50 
 3.10 
 
 4. 75 
 2.40 
 5.75 
 4.10 
 
 Sun- 
 dry. 
 
 $5. 05 
 0.20 
 4.95 
 3.85 
 
 5. 05 
 
 6. .30 
 5.25 
 
 ;b.65 
 
 6. 30 
 5.90 
 4.90 
 3.00 
 
 4. 55 
 4.25 
 2.35 
 3.00 
 
 2.40 
 2.55 
 4.80 
 1.65 
 
 7.00 
 6.20 
 1.95 
 5.40 
 
 Total. 
 
 $45. 05 
 30.85 
 42.10 
 32.20 
 45. 05 
 45.10 
 31. 00 
 30. 55 
 40. 85 
 29.80 
 39.50 
 30.10 
 
 36. 93 
 
 33.58 
 30.80 
 30.20 
 36. 97 
 
 32. 89 
 
 25.37 
 28.45 
 28.90 
 31. 90 
 
 28.65 
 
 33. 55 
 31. 80 
 27.80 
 32.81 
 
 31.49 
 
 FOR MARRIED MAN. 
 
 Hawaii: 
 
 Ookala 
 
 $31. 75 
 35. 60 
 34.00 
 30.00 
 
 28. 65 
 25. 50 
 28.00 
 28.50 
 25.00 
 28.50 
 30. 50 
 
 $22. 10 
 7. 85 
 
 15. 50 
 6.00 
 6.55 
 
 12.90 
 
 6.40 
 
 10.10 
 
 12. 55 
 
 6.45 
 
 16. 55 
 
 $0.40 
 .50 
 .40 
 .45 
 .40 
 .42 
 .45 
 .40 
 .50 
 .40 
 .45 
 
 $1.50 
 
 .50 
 
 2.00 
 
 1. 25 
 
 1.75 
 
 2.00 
 
 .80 
 
 •1.00 
 
 1.00 
 
 .50 
 
 1.00 
 
 $1.50 
 1.00 
 
 .75 
 1.50 
 1.50 
 2.00 
 
 .40 
 
 .95 
 1.25 
 1.00 
 
 .50 
 
 $9.20 
 2.60 
 7.25 
 6.50 
 6.00 
 
 15. 50 
 7.15 
 8.75 
 
 11.00 
 5.90 
 
 12. 25 
 
 $4. 20 
 4.10 
 7. 05 
 
 5. 50 
 16.35 
 
 7.50 
 4.10 
 3.25 
 
 6. 85 
 2.90 
 6.35 
 
 $70. 65 
 
 Kukaiau 
 
 52.15 
 
 Kau, Pahala 
 
 Kamuela 
 
 66.95 
 51.20 
 
 Pepekeo 
 
 64.80 
 
 Honokaa 
 
 65.82 
 
 Kohala 
 
 47.30 
 
 Kohala Union Mill 
 
 52.95 
 
 Kohala, Hawi 
 
 58.15 
 
 Hamakuapoko . 
 
 45.65 
 
 Hakalau, Honohina 
 
 67.60 
 
 
 
 Average 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 59.38 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Maui: 
 
 Waimalu 
 
 29. 55 
 27. 50 
 33.00 
 39.85 
 
 9.05 
 8. 45 
 
 12. 50 
 
 13. 40 
 
 .45 
 ..50 
 .43 
 
 1.00 
 
 .85 
 
 1.75 
 
 .25 
 1.00 
 2.25 
 
 6.10 
 
 8.50 
 
 12.00 
 
 4.05 
 4.80 
 .5.95 
 
 50. 45 
 
 Pauela 
 
 ■ 51. 60 
 
 Kahului 
 
 67.88 
 
 Lahaina 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Average. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 56.28 
 
 Oahu' 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Kahuku 
 
 23.00 
 30. 00 
 30.00 
 32.30 
 
 6.75 
 10. 25 
 
 8.05 
 24.20 
 
 .42 
 • .50 
 
 ""'.'-io' 
 
 .85 
 .85 
 .85 
 .75 
 
 .25 
 2.00 
 2.55 
 
 .20 
 
 3.65 
 7.00 
 6.65 
 2.55 
 
 4.98 
 4.20 
 6.60 
 2.95 
 
 40.40 
 
 Wahiawa 
 
 Do 
 
 54.80 
 56.70 
 
 Aiea 
 
 63.35 
 
 
 
 Average 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 53.81 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 McBrvde 
 
 27.10 
 
 28. 10 
 13. 50 
 
 28.75 
 
 10. 55 
 9. 95 
 5. 85 
 
 10. 95 
 
 .45 
 .45 
 .40 
 .46 
 
 1.00 
 
 ""i.'oo" 
 
 1.00 
 
 .75 
 
 .50 
 
 1.00 
 
 .45 
 
 8. Sr, 
 
 3.75 
 
 10.50 
 
 7.30 
 
 8.45 
 4.45 
 3. 15 
 5.80 
 
 57. 15 
 
 Kilauea 
 
 47.40 
 
 Hanalei 
 
 45.40 
 
 Kapaa 
 
 54.71 
 
 
 
830 
 
 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 FOR MARRIED MAN WITH TWO CHILDREN. 
 
 Plantations. 
 
 Board. 
 
 Cloth- 
 ing. 
 
 Tax. 
 
 Papers 
 and 
 maga- 
 zines. 
 
 Clubs. 
 
 Social. 
 
 Sun- 
 dry. 
 
 Total. 
 
 Hawaii: 
 
 Ookala 
 
 $46. 85 
 35.85 
 48.00 
 38. 55 
 43.90 
 48.40 
 35. 50 
 35. 50 
 42. 75 
 48. 50 
 38.00 
 41. 75 
 
 $27. 60 
 7.85 
 
 17. 50 
 8.65 
 8.20 
 
 10.40 
 
 19.70 
 7.90 
 
 17.00 
 
 19. 50 
 8. 95 
 
 20. 55 
 
 $0.40 
 .50 
 .40 
 .40 
 .45 
 .45 
 .42 
 .45 
 .10 
 .50 
 .40 
 .45 
 
 $1.50 
 .50 
 2.00 
 1.75 
 1.25 
 1.50 
 2.00 
 .80 
 ].00 
 1.00 
 1. 50 
 1.00 
 
 $3. 00 
 1.00 
 2.75 
 
 2. 00 
 
 3. 50 
 
 4. 50 
 4.00 
 1. 15 
 
 5. 75 
 5. 50 
 1.00 
 2.00 
 
 $11.80 
 2.60 
 8.25 
 
 14.40 
 
 7. 00 
 
 .50 
 
 17.00 
 7.65 
 9.75 
 
 14.00 
 8.20 
 
 16. 75 
 
 $5. 45 
 4.10 
 7.05 
 4.85 
 7.25 
 
 4. 50 
 10. m 
 
 5. 25 
 4.85 
 9.80 
 4.65 
 7.20 
 
 $96. 60 
 
 Ktikaiau 
 
 52. 40 
 
 Kau, Pahala 
 
 85. 95 
 
 Pepekeo 
 
 76.85 
 
 Kamuela 
 
 71. 55 
 
 Kukuihaele 
 
 74. 75 
 
 Honokaa 
 
 88. 92 
 
 Kohala 
 
 58. 70 
 
 Kohala Union Mill 
 
 • 81. 50 
 
 Kohala, Hawi 
 
 98. 80 
 
 Hamakuapoko 
 
 60. 70 
 
 Hakalau, Honohina 
 
 89. 70 
 
 
 
 Average 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 78. 03 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Maui: 
 
 Kahului 
 
 48.65 
 
 12.10 
 
 .45 
 
 1.00 
 
 2.50 
 
 7.10 
 
 5. .50 
 
 77.30 
 
 Pauela . . 
 
 75. 00 
 
 Waimalu 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 77.80 
 
 Lahaina 
 
 54. 35 
 
 17. 80 
 
 
 1.00 
 
 .75 
 
 6.25 
 
 5.10 
 
 84. 25 
 
 
 
 Average 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 78. 59 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Oahu: 
 
 Kahuku 
 
 .33. 50 
 40.00 
 34.00 
 
 10. 05 
 
 11. 25 
 31. 35 
 
 .42 
 
 "".'■io" 
 
 .85 
 .85 
 . 75 
 
 1. 55 
 
 2. 55 
 1.20 
 
 4.65 
 6.65 
 2.65 
 
 5.78 
 6.75 
 :3.40 
 
 56. 70 
 
 Wahiawa 
 
 68. 05 
 
 Aiea 
 
 73. 75 
 
 
 
 Averas;e 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 66.17 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Kauai: 
 
 McBryde 
 
 35.70 
 41. 50 
 37.00 
 35. 20 
 
 14.45 
 
 17.30 
 
 8.60 
 
 13.35 
 
 .45 
 .45 
 .40 
 .46 
 
 1.00 
 1.00 
 1.00 
 1.00 
 
 .75 
 
 .25 
 
 3. 50 
 
 1.20 
 
 18. 85 
 
 .90 
 
 17.50 
 
 7.80 
 
 11.50 
 8.10 
 4.80 
 
 7.85 
 
 85. 45 
 
 Kilauea 
 
 69. 50 
 
 Hanalei 
 
 72.80 
 
 Kapaa , 
 
 66. 86 
 
 
 
 Average 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 73. 65 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 THE DEMANDS — RESOLUTIONS OF THE ASSEMBLY OF REPRESENTATIVES. 
 
 1. The wages of common man lal^orers, which at present are 77 cents per day, shall 
 be increased to $1.25, and those of the higher-salaried men shall be increased in 
 proportion : 
 
 And minimum wages for women laborers shall le fixed at 95 cents per day: 
 However, it is to be understood that the present lionus system shall he retained 
 
 with changes hereinafter mentioned, and same to be paid in addition to the wages 
 
 already mentioned above. 
 
 2. The present l)onus system shall be changed in the following particulars, viz: 
 
 (a) That the principal of the bonus system shall be made so that the lal)orers may 
 claim the same in court of justice as of right if it is not already so. 
 
 (b) That all men laborers who shall work 15 days or more and all women laborers 
 who shall work 10 days or more per month, shall be entitled to the bonus; and that 
 all cane-grov/ing contractors who may be employed by the plantations to do work 
 for them, shall be paid their bonus irrespective of number of days they work for the 
 plantations : 
 
 (c) Seventy-five per cent of bonus shall be paid to lalwrers every month, the re- 
 maining 25 per cent to be retained by the j)lantation to be paid at the end of each 
 bonus year: Provided, however, That wheneA^er the la'oorers shall le.ave the planta- 
 tions because of their intention of returning to Japan, or change of place of work, or 
 of discharge, they shall be paid at once the whole remainder of the bonus, which has 
 been so retained. 
 
 3. Eight hours shall constitute a day's work, with the wages and bonuses here- 
 inabove mentioned. 
 
 4. Women laborers shall be excused from their work for two weeks before and six 
 weeks after their delivery, during which time, however, they shall be entitled to their 
 wages and bonuses as if they were actually at vrork. 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAW AIL 831 
 
 5. I^'or work on Sunday b, legal liolidays, or overtime services the laborers shall ])e 
 paid double their regular wages and bonuses. 
 
 (). Regarding the cane-groAong contract, it is requested that the same be so changed, 
 after deducting the merketing expenses, that the share of companies shall be 40 per 
 cent and that of the planters shall be fiO per cent of the gross value of the market price 
 of sugar. 
 
 7. That the price of cane paid to the cane-growing contractors be increased in pro- 
 portion to the increase of wages and bonus as outlined hereinabove. 
 
 8. That the planters shall further improve the provisions made for the health and 
 amusement of laborers. 
 
 RESOLUTIONS SUBMITTED TO PLANTERS' ASSOCIATION. 
 
 The assembly of the representatives of Japanese laborers, w^hich passed the above 
 resolutions, submitted the same, accompanied by a letter, to the ])lanters' association 
 on Deceni])er 4, 1919, through a delegation consisting of one representative from each 
 island. It should be remembered that similar demands were also presented to the 
 same association by the rili])ino Laborers' Union on the same day. 
 
 It was our firm belief that a request so moderate in its nature as the one above 
 referred to would naturally be accepted by the planters' association. This belief we 
 held not without reason, for words and actions of the various plantation managers 
 revealed in unofficial manner, the assurances that the dem^ands would be accepted 
 But. contrary" to our expectation, the annual meeting of the Hawaiian Fugar Planters' 
 Association resulted in the total rejection of our demands, excepting that single 
 clause relating to the bonus system. 
 
 . It was an unexpected issue. However, we were not entirely disappointed. Be- 
 lieving that an honest explanation of our situation would cause our sincere desires 
 to be acknowledged, we again submitted a similar request with the following reason 
 in support of it on December 27, 1919. 
 
 REASONS IN SUPPORT OF REQUEST FOR HIGHER WAGES. SHORTER HOURS. ETC.. FOR 
 
 PLANTATION LABORERS OF HAWAII. 
 
 There is something astonishing in the price moA^'ement of living staples. In order 
 to ascertain what effect the present high prices have had upon the life of the planta- 
 tion laborers, our federation has chosen 45 articles of provisions, clothing, and kindred 
 commodities, and has investigated the retail prices thereof. We find that the highest 
 has increased as much as 207.70 per cent and even the lowest 40 per cent, averaging 
 an increase of 115 per cent as compared with normal prewar prices. 
 
 Unfortunately, there are no authentic figures available which refer to the few years 
 immediately preceding 1916. We have therefore adopted the latter as a basis of com- 
 parison with the present; but, in doing so, would ask you to remember that, even in 
 1916, the increase, as compared with, say, 1912, was already strongly marked. 
 
 Increased cost of livim/. — It is inevitable that such increase in prices should bring 
 about an increased cost of living, and according to our investigation the present cost 
 of living per month is about as follows, viz: 
 
 1. Single persons, Mav, 1916, ,<?24.81; November, 1919, 335.19; increase, 41.8 per 
 cent. 2^ Married couples. May, 1916, ,146.81; November. 1919, $57.05; increase 27.6 
 per cent. 3. Married persons with 2 children, May, 1916, $52.36; November, 1919, 
 $75.72; increase 44.5 per cent. 
 
 Incomes nf labor ers. —No \'i , turning to the incomes of laborers at the present time, 
 men earning |20 per month are common and there are not a few who are working at 
 77 cents per day. Of course there is a bonus which increases quite materially their 
 earnings. But the bonus is not sufficient to supply the discrepancy between the 
 increased cost of living computed at prewar rates and the low present wages. And 
 for those v.'ho, from sickness or other reasons, can not obtain the benefit of the bonus, 
 their difficulty is still more emphasized. 
 
 A laborer's wage should be sufficient to support him and his family in decency and 
 in comfort. Only so can his physical energies be reasonably conserved. But a mere 
 existence or subsistence is not enough, and the laborer who mu.st spend his entire 
 earnings for living expenses is insufficiently paid. There should always be available 
 a reasonable margin of earnings in excess of necessary expenses to set aside as an 
 insurance fund to provide against the hazards of misfortune and the approach of old 
 age. To provide less than this for a laborer is to place him in a class beneath the beasts 
 of burden which are used on the plantations, and to treat him with less consideration 
 than is accorded to a working mule. The latter beast, whether from motives of selfish- 
 ness or of humaneness, is fairly certain of not only adequate support during his 
 
832 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HA WAIL 
 
 working- career, but of a humane provision for his needs when old age or accident 
 shall have incapacitated him for further service. But where, let us ask, in the wages 
 scale as now existing, can the plantation laborers in Hawaii find a guaranty or even a 
 promise of provision for his maintenance when age or misfortune shall have placed a 
 period upon his earning capacity? His condition in this respect compares unfavorably 
 with that of the beasts of burden now in use upon your plantations. But if the laborer 
 from the inadequate wage now in vogue should nevertheless endeavor to set aside 
 something, even a trifle, each month to assist in such provision for the future, he 
 can do so only at the sacrifice of his comforts, necessities, and even features of decency, 
 of which he should not, upon grounds of morality and justice, ]>e deprived. In short, 
 then, and to epitomize the present situation, the plantation laborer is enabled to exist 
 but not to live and support those dependent upon him in any just and reasonable 
 sense of those terms. 
 
 To enforce upon labor, here, a M-age scale that forl^ids a reasonable provision for the 
 future as well as for the present, is tantamount to the destruction of the very basis of 
 their lives, degree of contentment and for that absence of unrest among the laboring 
 element, which are so desirable as promoters of efficient service. 
 
 The profits to the planters in Hawaii for years past, have been most generous, and 
 late press dispatches indicate the certainty of enormously increased prices for our 
 great sugar staple. In the light of these profits, and of this prospec-t, we again respect- 
 fully but urgently invite your reconsideration of your announced ])osition upon this 
 subject. 
 
 And it is for the skilled, and semiskilled labor now employed by you that we request 
 this increase, as well as for the men and vv'omen who serve in the humblest capacities. 
 The same arguments will readily apply to each and all of them. 
 
 Re request for partial revision of the bonus system. — We recognize that the bonus 
 system is an advantageous scheme for the planters, as it will compel automatically 
 the laborers to perform more labor, and. also from the laborers' point of view, we are 
 not slow to recognize in it a virtue as a means of increasing their incomes. But as it 
 is not obtainable unless the laborers shall work 20 days or more, if male, and 15 days or 
 more, if female, in each month, it often happens that the laborers whose physical con- 
 dition unfits them for labor in the field go to work in order to protect their bonus, 
 which is inimical to their health. In order to avoid such conditions, we ask you to 
 cut the number of days necessary to be worked in order to entitle them to bonus by 
 5 days per month for both men and women. 
 
 Re demand for an 8-hour day. — We observe throughout the world a general move- 
 ment for shorter hours, some trades demanding even 6 hours a day. In view of the 
 fact that Hawaii is a tropical country where physical labor has the most exhausting 
 effect upon the health and sti'ength of workers, we do not doubt that our request for 
 an 8-hour day is a most proper and reasonable one. Such a change will not only have 
 a very salutary effect upon the laborers, by bringing them a greater degree of content- 
 ment, but it can not fail to have a beneficial effect upon the interests of the employers 
 as well by increasing the efficiency of labor. 
 
 Re protection of women laborers. — -The women laborers, while on the one hand per- 
 forming work in the field for the plantations, are under a very important responsibility 
 in giving birth to and rearing the succeeding generation. It is, therefore, becoming 
 that they should he allowed a quiet rest for a period of time, both before and after 
 their delivery. This is demanded from the humanitarian point of view. 
 p» Re extra day for work on Sundays and legal holidays and for overtime. — America is a 
 Christian Nation, wdiere very strict Sunday laws are vigorously enforced. Is it not 
 most unbecoming for the Christian employers to offer a double pay for labor performed 
 on Sunday, which their Lord God has ordained specially as a day of rest? The work 
 performed on legal holidays, and also overtime labor, are performed beyond the usual 
 exactions upon the life and strength of the laborer, and we feel that it is most fitting 
 that the laborers should request doul)le pay for it — and that the employers should 
 meet such a just request. 
 
 Re increased compensation for cultivation coiitroctors.— The wages of the laborers 
 should be increased for reasons stated hereinabove, and in case their request be com- 
 plied with the cultivation contractors will be obliged to pay higher wages to their 
 employees, which in turn will require a greater fund to draw upon, and this is the 
 reason why we ask for higher compensation for the cultivation contractors. 
 
 Reprovisions for health and amusements. — It is highly desirable that not only ade- 
 quate provisions be made for the sanitation of camps and other plantation quarters, 
 but also that the reasonable demands of the employees for recreation and amusement 
 in their hours of respite from labor should be recognized and appreciated, as a material 
 contribution toward their contentment, and, therefore, of their efficiency. WTiile 
 we are not slow in recognizing 1hat certain efforts are being made in this direction 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 833 
 
 by some of the plantations, we would respectfully suggest a greater and more intensified 
 endeavor in carrying this feature to a still more uniform and complete degree of effi- 
 ciency. 
 
 Reproportion of distribution of profits between the Japanese cane growers and sugar 
 companies. — -We request that the division of profits between independent Japanese 
 cane growers, cultivating their own land, and the sugar companies (capitalists), 
 should be in the ratio of 60 per cent for the former and 40 per cent for the latter. We 
 do not believe that we are making any exorbitant demand in this respect. This 
 proportion of division is generally recognized as a just one. The governor of this 
 territory has recognized its justice and applied the same to the contracts of home- 
 steaders. We simply adopt the governor's position and request you to revise out- 
 standing contracts accordingly. 
 
 In reply to the above request, we received from the Hawaiian Sugar Planters' 
 Association on January 14, 1920, a note in which they put great emphasis on the 
 bonus system, but flatl)^ refused to grant our request for higher wages on the ground 
 that it was merely the product of '-agitators." We were simply astounded. What 
 an absurd idea! How can the laborers who are in the very midst of the struggle 
 with high cost of living, be so reckless as to cry for increased pay for the mere purpose 
 of feeding the so-called "agitators"? We began to cast some doubt on the sincerity 
 of the planters who, we thought, should be better acquainted with the conditions 
 of the laborers. Still we did not lose hope. Trusting that a clear understanding 
 of each other's situation would amicably settle the question, we submitted our demands 
 for the third time. AVhen, on January 20, the laborers of all the sugar plantations 
 of the four islands appeared before their respective managers and explained their 
 cause, we received the impression that the majority of the managers did not regard 
 our demands unreasonable. We waited for a reply from the Hawaii Sugar Planters' 
 Association with great expectation. 
 
 GENERAL LAY-OFF ON FIVE PLANTATIONS 
 
 On January 19, the members of the I^ilipino Labor Union on the six plantations 
 of Aiea, Waipahu, Ewa, Waialua, Waimanalo, and Kahuku, went on a strike. In 
 reality, under the name of Filipino Labor Union, a large number of Spaniards, Portu- 
 guese, and Chinese were also among the number who struck. The 50 Koreans on 
 Waipahu were probably the only ones who kept out. We the Japanese laborers, 
 then awaiting the planters' replv to our last req uest, knew very well that it was not 
 due time for us to join the strike. But we acknowledge the existence of morality 
 among laborers. It would be against one of the codes of that morality for us to remain 
 silent and watch the strike of our fellow workers who have lived and labored with us, 
 who have undergone the same struggles with us, and who have endeavored to reach 
 the same goal with us. Therefore, with the object of keeping faith ^vith our fellow 
 laborers and bringing about proper adjustment to the confused industrial circle, we, 
 the laborers of the six plantations above mentioned called a general lay-off on January 
 23. We had not yet gone on a strike against the Hawaiian Sugar Planters' Associa- 
 tion. The fact of our lay-off was notified to the different managers beforehand, while 
 the entire procedure was conducted in an orderly manner, giving little or no dis- 
 turbance to the work on the plantations. 
 
 THE INEVITABLE STRIKE. 
 
 The industrial disorder gradually increased in its intensity. As yet we had received 
 no sincere answer from the planters' association. We passed through uneasy days. 
 We could no longer keep our patience. Hoping to bring about the long desired result 
 in the shortest possible space of time by direct appeal and frank talk, we sent two 
 of our secretaries to the Hawaiian Sugar Planters' Association office for the purpose 
 of obtaining the privilege of an interview between the officers of Hawaiian Sugar 
 Planters' Association and our directors who truly represent the laborers. Unfor- 
 tunately, Mr. R. D. Mead, the secretary of the planters' association, refused to grant 
 the opportunity of such an interview. With the words ' ' The Hawaiian Sugar Planters' 
 Association will settle its own industrial troubles," our third request was once more 
 turned down. The door was closed before our eyes; there was no more room for 
 negotiation. The time had finally come when we were compelled to resort to our last 
 means. For two months, ever since our first request, we had been pleading for our 
 cause sincerely, honestly, seriously, and earnestly without a thought of plot or scheme. 
 We had tried every peaceful method we knew of, with the hearty cooperation of 
 capital and labor constantly in mind. We do not wish to strike. We want peace 
 and order; we love labor and production. But when we think of the group of capi- 
 
 56754— 21— SEE 7, pt 2 ^19 
 
834 
 
 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 talists who show no sympathy whatever toward tlie struggling laborers, turn deaf 
 ears to their cries and reject their just and reasonable demands under the pretense 
 that they are formulated by "agitators," we can not remain silent. We must act. 
 And so we went on strike. 
 
 In speaking of the capitalists we do not wish to be misunderstood. We do not mean 
 that all the members of the planters' association are merciless and antagonistic ; we 
 admit that there are a number of sugar capitalists and plantation managers with clear 
 understanding and full sympathy. We only regret that there was an undesirable ele- 
 ment which went to work very intelligently, instigating the capitalists and constantly 
 endeavoring to separate capital from labor. This element, we believe, was to a large 
 measure instrumental in bringing about the deplorable result. But we were com- 
 pelled to strike. So, strike we did, honorably and bravely, as laborers living under 
 the great flag of freedom and justice. We were obliged to strike. This is a strike we 
 disliked, a strike we tried to evade. We trust that the unprejudiced public will find 
 out the true source wherein the fault lies before forming any judgment. 
 
 THE COURSE OF THE STRIKE. 
 
 On February 2, 1920, we formally went on strike against the planters' association. 
 This meant that with the exception of about 50 Koreans on Waipahu plantation, 
 practically the whole labor forces on Waimanalo, Aiea, Ewa, Waipahu, Kahuku, and 
 Waialua were on strike. Some, however, from financial and other reasons were 
 ©■bliged to go back to work, but these numbered very few. It was to our great surprise 
 that on the 10th of the same month, Mr. Manlapit, who was the president of the Filipino 
 labor union, issued orders to the effect that all the Filipino laborers then on strike 
 return unconditionally to their former positions. But knowing very well that the 
 strike was not planned out by the so-called agitators as some believe, we were con- 
 fident that such an order as that issued by Mr. Manlapit would not have any effect 
 whatever upon the morale of our laborers for Mr. Manlapit was not a laborer. It was 
 our pride that none of our laborers were influenced by his words. Their spirits were 
 unmoved and dauntless as ever. The 18th of January is a day we can never forget. 
 It was the day when we were expelled from our Homes on the plantation, just as the 
 terror of that cruel "flu" had reached its height. A pitiable and even frightful scene 
 that day presented to us — household utensils and furniture thrown out and heaped 
 up before our houses, doors tightly nailed that none might enter, sickly fathers with, 
 trunks and baggage, mothers with weeping babes in arms, the crying of children, 
 and the rough voices of the plantation police officers. Across the wide ocean did we 
 travel at the request of the sugar capitalists; and here we were, 3,000 miles from 
 home and country, and this was the situation in which we found ourselves — "be 
 satisfied with 77 cents a day, or get out." Alas, poor wanderers, where were we ta 
 find ourselves at the next break of day? 
 
 THE EXPULSION. 
 
 We are laborers. We do not wish to consider ourselves as wanderers. The desolate 
 camps which we were first given had been colored and beautified with flowers and 
 plants carefully nursed by our hands. There were pretty vegetable gardens to adorn 
 the back yard, and pet dogs for the babies to play with. But this severe order to leave 
 gave us no time to look over these things. We had to leave them. We hesitated 
 and reconsidered only to find our resolutions wax stronger. Yes; we must go, we 
 must stand for our cause; 77 cents per day is too cruel. And so we left our camp 
 homes. When we thought of the cruel, unsympathetic treatment which we received 
 at the hands of the plantation officers, and the merciful, tender care with which some 
 of our fellow laborers received us at their homes, our hearts were moved with anger 
 and gratitude at the same time. The following will show the number who were 
 forced to evacuate their camp homes: 
 
 Plantation. 
 
 Men. 
 
 "Women. 
 
 Children. 
 
 Total. 
 
 Kahuku 
 
 229 
 746 
 1,171 
 812 
 170 
 911 
 
 170 
 478 
 680 
 ')94 
 92 
 628 
 
 377 
 681 
 
 1,075 
 499 
 183 
 
 1,041 
 
 766 
 
 Aiea . 
 
 1, 905 
 
 Wa'pabu . . 
 
 2,926 
 
 Ewa 
 
 1,906 
 
 Waimanal o . 
 
 445 
 
 Waialua 
 
 2, 5S0 
 
 
 
 Total... . 
 
 4,039 
 1,038 
 
 2. 643 
 153 
 
 3, 856 
 281 
 
 10, 53S 
 
 Filipinos . 
 
 1, 472 
 
 
 
 Grand total . 
 
 5. 087 
 
 2, 790 
 
 4. 137 
 
 12,010 
 
 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IK HAWAII. 835 
 
 besides the above, there were about 300 who were compelled to leave their plan- 
 tations because, out of their sympathy toward us they also struck, although their 
 plantations had no connection with the Hawaiian Sugar Planters' Association. 
 
 THE INFLUENZA — A TRAGEDY. 
 
 The expulsion order mercilessly brought us to the heart of the "fiu" district. In 
 our new homes in Honolulu the great epidemic made its appearance. One by one it 
 grasped us Avith its mighty hands. Out of the 5,000 who took up their temporary 
 abode in the city, over 1,200 were made victims of the horrible monster, a large number- 
 having been struck down to the ground where they will remain silent forever. Imme- 
 diately after this, the dreadful disease threatened the plantations of Aiea, Waialua,. 
 Waimanalo, and a few other districts. There were in Waialua on one occasion 800 ■ 
 patients; there were deaths every day; 43 died in 10 days. With one plantation- 
 hospital and one Japanese physician, these poor laborers struggled and suffered. 
 Matters became worse and worse each day. The school building was changed into a 
 temporary hospital. Wives weeping with their sick babies over the loss of their 
 husbands, children made orphans overnight, husbands burying sons and "wives on 
 the same day— these could not be looked upon without tears. Lives \vent out like- 
 candle flames in a gust of wind. Standing at the edge of the sea of death, these daunt- 
 less people were nevertheless firm and unmoved in their determination; their last 
 words were always: "Don't give up. Fight for the righteous cause." What tragedyl! 
 What spirit! 
 
 THE FEDERATION OF JAPANESE LABOR IN HAW.^II. 
 
 Feeling the need of cooperative bodies among the laborers working on the plan- 
 tations, we had made attempts to form such bodies in various districts since several' 
 years ago. The young men's association and the cane-growers' association could be 
 cited as fruits of such attempts. During 1919, when the cry for higher wages was raised , 
 the necessity and the importance of lal^or unions were proclaimed throughout the 
 islands. At this time Mr. Pablo Manlapit, beginning his campaign for the organiza- 
 tion of labor unions, with Oahu as the center, succeeded in forming the Filipino Labor 
 Union including Filipinos, Spanish, Portuguese, and Hawaiian. Almost simultane- 
 ously Japanese labor unions begun by young men were formed on nearly all planta- 
 tions, and in the early part of December of that year, with the meeting of the delegates 
 in Honolulu, the Federation of Japanese I^abor in Hawaii came into existence. Thus 
 it is evident that the movement to organize labor unions was launched almost at 
 the same time by laborers of all races. Some may question the reason for the existence 
 of two separate labor federations and may insist on the advisability of the consolida- 
 tion of these two unions, but, unfortunately, the circumstances which then existed 
 and the conditions in Hawaii have not permitted such amalgamation. In case of the 
 Japanese labor federation, the indi^ddual plantation labor union is the unit of organi- 
 zation. This organization is a self-governing body. It takes up and settles all ques- 
 tions of the plantation where it exists. This individual organization, together with 
 the others on the same island, combines to form the labor association of the island, - 
 and of these island associations the Federation is composed. Therefore this Federar 
 tion has no power beyond that of representing the opinions of the various island- 
 associations in regard to problems which touch all in common. On the other hand,, 
 the Filipino union was a well-ordered organization, with the local associations as- 
 branches, from the beginning. Moreover, this union grew up with Oahu as its center,, 
 while our Japanese Federation sprung up from the different plantations. For these 
 reasons we were unable to unite at least in body. But the affinity and good will 
 between the two federations increased as days passed by. It is a well-known fact 
 that to-day, when the Filipino union is totally dismembered, we are helping each other 
 and striving together for the victory of our cause. We believe that in time there 
 will spring up in every district a labor union including laborers of all races. 
 
 OBJECTS OF LABOR ASSOCIATIONS. 
 
 Our labor associations were organized with the object of bringing about a closer- 
 cooperation of capital and labor, of increasing production by increasing labor effi- 
 ciency, improving living conditions, and rendering mutual aid. It would probably 
 be of interest to refer to a section of the constitution governing the labor association: 
 of the islands of Hawaii as a typical example. 
 
836 LABOR PROBLEMS IK HAWAII. 
 
 Art, 11. The objects of this association shall be as follows: 
 
 (1) To labor for the progress of Hawaii's productive industries. 
 
 (2) To cultivate sound moral character of laborers, to train their working skill, 
 broaden their knowledge and thereby increase labor efficiency. 
 
 (3) To work for the change and improvement of wages, working hours, and other 
 laboring conditions. 
 
 (4) To strive for the just distribution of the fruits of labor, proper execution of 
 contracts, and thereby increase the rights of laborers. 
 
 (5) To protect women and aged laborers. 
 
 ^6) To help and support the sick, the crippled, and the .bereaved families. 
 
 We are ignorant laborers, but fortunately we were given the intellect to comprehend 
 the opinions of our elders and the ability to get in touch with the general trend of 
 societ3^ We were not satisfied with the behavior of the laborers in Europe and America 
 immediately after the war— strike after strike with little or no thought for the progress 
 ■of the industrial world or the peace of society. For this reason, from the time of our 
 organization, it has always been our aim to look for the harmonious cooperation of 
 capital and labor, the growth of industries, and the improvement of social life. It is 
 because of this that we have selected the most peaceful methods in submitting our 
 requests to the Hawaiian Sugar Planters' Association, negotiation after negotiation, for 
 two long months, without threat or force. It was because of this that we have been 
 able to endure all persecutions and harsh words heaped on us and intended to hurt or 
 defame us. We sincerely request the fair-minded public not to misunderstand our 
 associations. The Federation of Japanese Labor exists for the mere purpose of estab- 
 lishing unity and connection among the many independent labor unions. 
 
 HEAD OFFICE OF THE FEDERATION OF JAPANESE LABOR. 
 
 The head office of the Federation of Japanese Labor has been attracting the eyes of 
 the people both Americans and Japanese, lately. The head office department is very 
 simple in its organization. It is composed of eight directors elected by the different 
 island labor unions and a few secretaries. All important matters are discussedd an 
 settled by the delegates. The directors either represent the federation or act as an 
 executive body. The secretaries carry out the orders of the directors. _ When occasion 
 does not permit the calling of a meeting of the delegates for the discussion of any grave 
 questions, the directors usually assume the responsibility of settling the matter 
 involved. Of course, the directors being common laborers, can not always be required 
 to remain in the office. For this reason, they remain here alternately, and decisions 
 are rendered by the directors who happen to be in Honolulu at the occasion. The 
 delegates and the directors are ail common physical laborers. ^ We do not insist that 
 they be such, but since the labor unions are associations consisting of laborers (only 
 laborers are recognized as regular members), we believe that the above fact is a natural 
 result. The secretaries who do office work, could not be found among the laborers, 
 and we were therefore obliged to look for them from outside source. 
 
 The following will show the officers at present: 
 
 Delegates: Maui, 6; Oahu, 6; Kauai, 6; Hawaii, 8 
 
 Directors: Oahu, Mr. B. Kato (Waipahu), Mr. G. Abe (Waimanalo), Mr. K. Korogi 
 (Ewa), Mr. S. Hanaoka (Waipahu). Kauai, Mr. T. Nishikawa (Hanapepe), Mr. R. 
 Kanzaki (Waimea). Maui, Mr. Y. Mizutari (Lahaina), Mr. K. Umemoto (Makawao), 
 Mr. K. Saito (Paia). Hawaii, Mr. C. Hoshino (Pahala), Mr. S. Tamura (Papaaloa), 
 Mr. M. Nishimura (Papaiko). * 
 
 Secretaries: Mr. I. Goto, Mr. H. H. Miyazawa, Mr. T. Tsutsumi. 
 
 MISUNDERSTANDINGS AND ERRONEOUS OPINIONS ABOUT THE FEDERATION OF LABOR 
 
 AND THE STRIKE. 
 
 It is to our great regret that there has been circulated a great deal of erroneous 
 matter in regard to our federation and the present strike. Believing that facts would 
 reveal all truth, we have not attempted to go into any discussion with the sophistical, 
 prejudiced, and irresponsible persons who, either knowingly or otherwise, have 
 spread such misunderstandings and erroneous opinions concerning our stand. But 
 that the public may not ^orm wrong conclusions and misjudge us, we shall here explain 
 ourselves. 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IK HAWAII. 837 
 
 1. "The Federation of Japanese I>abor is working to obtain control of the sugar 
 1 ndustry of Hawai i . " 
 
 This is a statement which was widely published at the time of the calling of the 
 strike, and which is at present believed by some people. Those who know the true 
 situation in these islands will not for a moment hesitate to deny a statement so absurd. 
 They know that the Japanese laborers have no such ambition and that for poor Japanese 
 to attempt such a tremendous work is impossible and unbelievable. But the English 
 papers which seem to believe that to exaggerate is their duty, have constantly insisted 
 that the statement is true, and have tried to incite strong anti-Japanese feeling among 
 the English-speaking community. But we only asked that our wages be raised from 
 77 cents to $1.25 per day. Seeing that the honest public would not be fooled by them, 
 the English papers then created a new idea, stating that the Japanese with their 
 great numbers were going to bring pressure upon the Americans. A very clever 
 fabrication! From the indications of the present and past, it seems that the oppres- 
 sion comes from the other side. The Japanese are a people who do not hesitate to 
 champion the cause of justice, to die for a righteous cause. If the planters vv^ill be 
 broad-minded and sympathetic enough to grant the laborers their request, the latter 
 will, without doubt, perform diligent labor in return. For justice, for favor shown, 
 they will do their utmost. 
 
 2. "The present movement does not involve any economic question; it was started 
 out of the antagonism of the Japanese against the Americans." 
 
 When we submitted our demands for increased wages, the public sympathized 
 with the laborers and considered our requests reasonable. But the local English 
 papers, which have always tried to create an anti-Japanese feeling, either in defense 
 of the Planters' Association or in the effort of crushing the strike, have skillfully 
 transformed this purely economic movement into one of racial antagonsim. This 
 has brought about great misunderstanding on the part of the public and even among 
 some of the laborers. But that this is not a Japanese nationalistic movement based 
 upon political considerations, we trust, is clear to those who truly understand the 
 situation. Some, moreover, charge this strike as being of racial character on the 
 ground that some outside Japanese are aiding the strikers. The great majority of the 
 Japanese in these islands have come here as laborers, worked as laborers, and there- 
 fore understand the sufferings of the laborers. Furthermore, they have all witnessed 
 with what cruelty and terror the "flu " has ravaged the people. Who under such con- 
 ditions and circumstances will not sympathize and aid the poor struggling laborers? 
 Is this a racial question? If that were so, we grieve for Hawaii, which boasts of being 
 the melting pot of the races, and as a land of humanity and brotherly love. It is out 
 ,of love and sympathy that some of the Japanese are aiding the strikers. Yet there 
 are some cold-hearted, stubborn people who insist on branding this as a racial agita- 
 tion and who are secretly engaged in persuading American citizens of Japanese 
 parentage not to join the labor unions. We presented our demands for higher wages 
 simply as laborers, without regard to race or color. 
 
 3. "The cry for higher wages is not the true voice of the laborers but that of 
 agitators." 
 
 This was, a clause contained in a note from Secretary Mead of Hawaiian Sugar 
 Planters' Association to us, and one frequently published afterwards. We believe 
 wehave not yet lost our senses to allow ourselves to be fooled by so-called agitators, 
 losiug our jobs and struggling under all sorts of adverse corcumstances now and in the 
 time to come. The Planters' Association has constantly attacked the Japanese lan- 
 guage press, Japanese teachers, and priests as agitators. Our federation has no con- 
 nection whatever with the Japanese press. For fear of any misunderstanding, we 
 have always followed the policy of rejecting it, for which reason we have been criticized 
 as being narrow-minded. There are instances where the Japanese teachers and priests 
 have stood on the planters' side, endeavoring to stop the strike, but as for their agitat- 
 ing the strike there is no evidence. We feel sorry for the representatives of the press, 
 the teachers, and priests who are looked upon as agitators, and at the same time are 
 surprised at the lack of reason and sagacity on the part of certain capitalists who so 
 accuse them. 
 
 4. "The laborers are satisfied. They can live easily on their bonus." 
 
 We have heard wonderful lectures on the existing bonus system from the members 
 of Hawaiian Sugar Planters' Association, but we have a far better knowledge of the 
 bonus by having actually received it than what Secretary Mr. Mead possesses. We 
 have too strongly felt the unreliableness of the present boDus system. 
 
 On the ]2th of February the Hawaiian Sugar Planters' Association posted bills 
 which read as follows; 
 
838 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 A GREAT LOSS WHEN LED 7JY AGITATORS. 
 
 January: 
 
 For 26 davs ' work — 
 
 Wages $20. 00 
 
 Bonus 23. 00 
 
 Total 43. 00 
 
 For 20 days ' work- 
 Wages 15. 40 
 
 Bonus 17. 71 
 
 Total 33. 14 
 
 The remaining bonus will be paid in October. 
 February: 
 
 For 26 davs ' work — 
 
 Wages 20. 00 
 
 Bonus 35. 00 
 
 Total : . . 55. 00 
 
 For 20 days ' work- 
 Wages . 15. 40 
 
 Bonus 26. 85 
 
 Total 42. 25 
 
 The remaining bonus will be paid in October. 
 
 When we read the above notice, we were at once able to figure out as follows: 
 For 10 years without change : 
 
 Wages for 1 day $0. 77 
 
 Wages for 1 week 4. 62 
 
 Wages for 2 weeks 9 . 24 
 
 Wages for 19 days 14. 63 
 
 Wages for 19.75 days 15. 20 
 
 One-fourth day's leave for births, children's sickness, friends' visit, disease, or 
 mishap. 
 
 No bonus. 
 
 We know that the amount of bonus is enormous, but bonus is bonus and can not be 
 regarded the same as wages. 
 
 OTHER WILD RUMORS AND FALSE OPINIONS. 
 
 Besides the foregoing statements, numerous wild and false ideas are current. We 
 regret that the actions taken by the members of Hawaiian Sugar Planters' Association 
 have largely been prompted by sentiment rather than by reason. "We were irritated 
 by irreverent words used in the laborers' note." "W^e will not increase their wages 
 even at the sacrifice of all Oahu. ' ' "Crush the unions " — these expressions, we believe, 
 are too sentimental. We grieve to hear them. Will the Hawaiian Sugar Planters' 
 Association, the largest corporation in Hawaii, will the gentlemen, the officers of the 
 association manage Hawaii's greatest industry by emotion and sentiment? Is it their 
 purpose to quarrel with the la]3or unions which have organized under a just and peace- 
 ful principle even at the loss of Oahu's sugar? Is it not too rash; too narrow-minded? 
 We sincerely hope that the planters will come to face the question with cool-headed 
 reason, and lend their ears to the honest voice of the laborers with sincerity and 
 good v/ill. 
 
 REV. palmer's suggestion. 
 
 One ef the most interesting features of the controversy between the laborers and the 
 sugar planters is the so-called Palmer plan, which Rev. Palmer and a few others 
 suggested in February, 1920. The following is the text of the proposal: 
 
 A PROPOSAL FOR THE COMMON GOOD. 
 
 To the Federation of .Iapanese Labor. 
 
 Gentlemen: The undersigned men, residents of Hawaii and profoundly interested 
 in the pu'ilic welfare, submit the following proposals to the .Iapanese Federation and 
 to the Planters' Association. 
 
 ' ' We take this action in the interest-of no party or faction, but simply as independent 
 men who are unconnected either with the Japanese Labor Federation or the Planters' 
 A833 3iation, and who seek only the common good of all who live in these Islands. 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 839 
 
 We believe that the longer the present strike continues the greater will be the injury 
 to public health, to food production, and to the spirit of aloha and good will between 
 races which has been one of the noblest characteristics of Hawaiian life. 
 
 The present trouble, as we see it, has become seriously complicated by the wide- 
 spread suspicion that the causes of the strike are not only economic but racial and 
 nationalistic. We do not discuss the foundation of this suspicion, but recognizing its 
 existence, we realize that, so long as it obtains, settlement is practically impossible. 
 If this condition were removed, the purely economic problem would be capable of 
 solution at the hands of just and reasonable men. 
 
 We therefore recommend : 
 
 (1) To the Japanese Labor Federation, that it recognize the unwisdom and peril of 
 any such organization along national lines and that it therefore call off the present 
 strike, abandon the field of plantation labor, and thus leave that field clear for an 
 organization of the employees within the sugar industry itself, and so arrange as to be 
 interracial in scope. 
 
 (2) To the Planters' Association we recommend that, as an expression of its pro- 
 gressive spirit and purpose to treat its employees in the most generous and enlightened 
 fashion, it announce that it will arrange for an election by secret ballot on each plan- 
 tation of an employee's committee to confer with the plantation manager in securing 
 the utmost cooperation between the management and the men. Such election to be 
 held within one month of the date the men return to work. 
 
 Without attempting to go into the details of the organization and function of such a 
 committee, we suggest that it embody the following principles: 
 
 (a) That it consist of several laborers, a member of the office or laboratory force, and 
 the manager ex officio. 
 
 (6) That less than half the members shall be of any one race. 
 
 (c) That it should have regular meetings with entire freedom on the part of each 
 member to present complaints and make suggestions without prejudice to his position 
 and standing in the plantation organization. 
 
 (d) That all matters of wiges, hours, living conditions, etc., be considered by said 
 committee. 
 
 (e) That at least once each yeir one member of the committee on each plantation 
 shall, at the expense of the plantation meet with similar delegates from all the planta- 
 tions in a meeting with the officers of the Hawaiian Sugar Planters' Association to 
 consider and settle general labor problems affecting the entire industry for the coming 
 year. Such a meeting should be held this year within two months after the cessation 
 of the present strike. 
 
 In an organization along the line suggested above, wherein the members of the 
 Planters' Association meet representatives of their own employees for the purpose of 
 arranging the affair, common to both, we feel that the matters of wages, and working 
 and living conditions can be fairly and freely discussed and adjusted without sus- 
 picion, or danger of outside influence or racial issues prejudicial to the best interests of 
 all, especially if some adequate provision be made for impartial arbitration in case of 
 disagreement. 
 
 We earnestlv request both the Planters' Association and the Japanese Labor Feder- 
 ation not to dismiss this proposal without giving opportunity for one or more of the 
 undersigned to be heard in an informal discussion of the solution suggested herein. 
 
 Albert W. Palmeu. 
 
 Iga Mori. 
 
 W. C. Hobby. 
 
 M. Kawahara. 
 
 Arthur L. Dean. 
 
 G. Nakayama. 
 
 What attitude we assumed toward the above proposal the papers have already made 
 clear. 
 
 On February 27 our directors and secretaries in an interview with the proposers of 
 this plan heartily agreed to accept the plan. 
 
 "The directors and secretaries of the Federation of Japanese Labor accept the 
 general principles laid down in Mr. Palmer's plan and stand ready to take the steps 
 to put it in operation just as soon as it shall appear that the Hawaiian Sugar Planters' 
 Association has accepted the general principles of the said plan and also stand ready 
 to put it in operation. 
 
 "I. Goto, 
 
 "H. H. MiYAZAWA, 
 
 "T. Tsutsumt, 
 
 ^'Secretaries.'" 
 
840 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 But, on the other hand, the planters' association not only refused to consider the 
 proposed plan, but absolutely declined to open negotiations with us. We heartily 
 thank Rev. Mr. Palmer and the other gentlemen concerned for their kind efforts, and 
 at the same time express our regret for the attitude taken by the planters, who seem 
 to have little or no regard for the noble principle laid down in Mr. Palm.er's plan, 
 namely, that of hearty cooperation of capital and labor. 
 
 On March 1, 1920, the federation issued the declaration: 
 
 ''The Federation of Japanese Labor in Hawaii recently accepted the general prin- 
 ciples laid down in the plan proposed by Rev. Palmer, Dr. Iga Mori, Dr. Hobby, 
 Mr. M. Kawahara, Dr. Arthur L. Dean, and Mr. G. Nakayama, whose interests lie 
 in the welfare and happiness of the people of Hawaii. If the planters' association 
 truly and sincerely hope for the prosperity of Hawaii's industries and the good of 
 the people at large, they should, without the least hesitation, take steps to consider 
 the proposal as well as put it in operation. We stand ready to negotiate with the 
 planters' association for the purpose of putting the new plan into practice just as 
 soon as they accept the principles laid down in Mr. Palmer's plan and also stand ready 
 to put it in operation. But to our great astonishment and regret, the planters' associ- 
 ation has rejected the said plan and has absolutely refused to open negotiation with 
 'the so-called Federation of Japanese Labor.' 
 
 "Our earnest request for increased wages, a request just and reasonable, having 
 been rejected, we were compelled to strike. There exists no agitation, no plot, no 
 conspiracy in the present movement. Facts speak louder than words. We have no 
 course to take other than continue our strike until the voice of labor shall be heard 
 and its request granted. Fellow laborers, let your hearts be ever united and your 
 spirits ever strong and determined. Let us firmly resolve that we shall stand together 
 for our righteous cause and for the rights of laborers iiow and hereafter. 
 
 "This we believe will bring about an awakening of the capitalists who seem to be 
 unfamiliar with the general trend of the time and the fundamental principles of 
 capital-labor cooperation, social welfare, a lasting peace to the industrial world of 
 Hawaii, and a security of livelihood to the laborers. 
 
 "We hereby pledge ourselves and declare that we will continue this strike until 
 the Hawaiian Sugar Planters' Association express their sincerity and show t^eir 
 willingness to increase our wages, make changes in the bonus system, and take neces- 
 sary steps for the improvement of our living quarters as well as the social life on the 
 plantations." 
 
 At the meeting of the delegates representing all the labor unions held on April 23, 
 1920, a resolution was unanimously passed confirming the above pledge to fight to 
 the last for the just cause. 
 
 Honorable ladies and gentlemen, we have here tried to present the situation in its 
 clearest light. We sincerely trust you will not err in your criticism and judgment. 
 
 (Note. — The name "Federation of Japanese Labor in Hawaii" was changed to 
 " Hawaii Laborers' Association" at the meeting of delegates on April 23, 1920, at 
 which occasion the constitution was also changed.) 
 
 DECLARATION. 
 
 The Hawaii Laborers' Association has the honor to announce this 1st day of July 
 of the year 1920 to our 25,000 members and the 200,000 residents of Hawaii that the 
 great controversy between capital and labor on the sugar plantations of Hawaii, 
 which has lasted for the past six months, has been completely settled by the niutual 
 and confidential understanding between the magnanimous capitalists and the sincere 
 laborers, and that it will henceforth endeavor to materialize the true spirit of capital- 
 labor cooperation and bring about industrial advancement and prosperity to Hawaii. 
 
 Ever since the rise of the sugar industry in Hawaii, for a period covering half a 
 century, there has always been a close cooperation and assistance between the eager, 
 industrious capitalists and the skilled, diligent laborers, working for the progress of 
 the industry, but unfortunately with the change in the general trend of the world 
 and the oppression of the high cost of living we were obliged to organize labor unions 
 and launch movements for demanding higher wages, which resulted in the great con- 
 troversy between the sugar planters and the laborers, in the general strike on the six 
 plantations of Oahu. 
 
 We regret that during the past six months of the struggle which created such a deep 
 gulf between capital and labor we were unable to come to any clear understanding 
 and amicable solution of the great problem in spite of the kind suggestions and the 
 untiring efforts of a number of honorable gentlemen whose interests lay in the social 
 and industrial welfare of Hawaii. We sincerely express our gratitude and hearty 
 thanks to these venerable gentlemen for their sympathetic endeavors. 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 841 
 
 To our capitalists who have been separated from ns for over 150 days, necessitated 
 by the strike which was initiated by ns, we wish to announce our warm-heartedness 
 and joy for this understanding and solution, and for being able to meet you once more 
 with open hearts and welcome hands. We laborers have always known that industry 
 could never exist without capital, and we believe that the capitalists are not slow to 
 recognize that industry can not advance without labor. The two must stand and work 
 together, side by side, helped along by sincerity and sympathetic understanding. 
 
 With thoughts for the future, we here wish to solemnly review the past. The 
 following can be regarded as factors which led to the creation of a breach between 
 the laborers and the sugar planters in the past conflict: 
 
 (1) The existence of an estrangement betv^een the capitalists and laborers due to 
 psychological, conventional, and speech differences. 
 
 (2) The existence of a swarm of small fry puYposely attempting to bring about 
 separation and injury, taking advantage of this natural estrangement. 
 
 We do not hesitate to mention the above two factors. The first, namely, the 
 estrangement due to psychological, conventional, and speech differences, we believe, 
 has been happily melted away, and should this obstacle rise again at any time in the 
 future, we would try to clear it away under all circumstances for the maintenance of 
 the spirit of Aloha which leads to mutual understanding and close cooperation. For 
 the welfare and happiness of all those concerned in the industries of Hav/aii and for 
 the purpose of establishing sound permanent society, we are ready to do our part to 
 exterminate any undesirable elements which seek to bring about misunderstanding 
 and separation among the people of this country. This, we believe, ■will not only 
 be for the good of the industrial world but mil also be a service to Hawaii. 
 
 To think that in spite of all these differences and troubles, the grave question has 
 been at last peaceably settled by the generosity and the intelligent insight of the 
 sugar capitalists, the sincerity and the fervour of the laborers, and the sympathy of 
 the public, gives us, as it does undoubtedly to the sugar planters as well as the public, 
 great joy and delight. We hereby return our hearty thanks to the public and pledge 
 ourselves to place our confidence and reliance in the capitalists and transmit the glory 
 and joy of this day unto the future. 
 
 To the persons directly concerned during the maintenance of the strike and to the 
 general public, we express our appreciation and gratitude. The troubles caused by 
 the strike, carried on by thousands of laborers for a duration of half a year — social 
 unrest, economic and financial changes or abnormalities, and numerous other incon- 
 veniences — we believe, have been very great. In despite of these troubles, our 
 strikers have been shown the most generous treatment and hospitality. We fail to find 
 words to adequately express our thanks. 
 
 Finally we wish to say a word to our members of this association. You have faith- 
 fully stood to the last of this long strike, as inhabitants under the rule of the United 
 States, respecting and obeying its laws, as members of this association, and as laborers, 
 preserving your honor and dignity. Indeed, our members have done their part well. 
 The fair-minded critic will, without hesitation, recognize your action, and praise 
 your attitude. You have demonstrated no divided opinion nor personal jealousies 
 and envies, but harmony and brotherly love. May you continue in this beautiful 
 spirit and attitude that you may bring about the realization of capital-labor cooper- 
 ation and industrial advancement to Hawaii. There is no victory or defeat in the 
 struggle just ended. Do not speak of the past strike. The separation of capital and 
 labor was only a variation of the moment; the cooperation of the two is the natural 
 state of condition. It is for the maintenance of this normal condition that we should 
 strive. 
 
 Saying nothing of the Hawaiian Sugar Planters' Association or the Hawaii Laborers' 
 Association, Mr, John Waterhouse representing the capitalists and Mr. T. Baba, 
 Mr. U. Sato, Mr. K. Miyamasa, Mr. S. Sakai, Mr. K. Watanabe, Mr. S. Hamaoka, 
 Mr. Manuel, Mr. Fedenand, Mr. M. Nishimura, Mr. H. Enomoto, Mr. K. Mori, Mr. 
 C. Kanada, representing the laborers, have heartily shook hands. We hope that this 
 joining of the hands of the capitalists and of the laborers will bring forth the flower 
 of peace that will continue to bloom forever. 
 
 The Hawaii Laborers' Association hereby announces the event of this happy solu- 
 tion to its members to share this gladness, and also pledges itself to do its utmost for 
 the welfare of all. 
 
 By Hawaii Laborers' Association. 
 
 RESOLUTION. 
 
 The controversy between capital and labor on the sugar plantations of Hawaii 
 since January, 1920, has been amicably settled by the magnanimity of the capitalists 
 and the sincerity of the laborers after an unreserved understanding, and the capital- 
 
842 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 labor cooperation, the fundamental principle and aim of this association, has been 
 brought to realization. We therefore deem it proper and just to terminate the present 
 strike, beginning July 1, 1920, and to gently take steps along the line of capital-labor 
 cooperation. 
 
 By Hawaii Laborers' Association. 
 
 I hereby certify that the above is the true copy of the resolution passed by the 
 special meeting of the delegates of the Hawaii Laborers' Association held in Honolulu, 
 Hawaii, June 30, 1920. 
 
 T. KoYAMA, Chairman. 
 
 G. Kawahara, Vice. ChairTnan. 
 
 Mr. Raker. This seems to have been prepared by the Japanese 
 labor organization. 
 
 Mr. GoMPERS. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Stating their case? 
 
 Mr. GoMPERS. Yes, sir; that is my understanding of it, that it was 
 published by the Japanese Laborers' Association. Mr. Roberts, who 
 is the chairman x)f our legislative committee and the custodian of 
 most of these things, tells me just now that he received it some time 
 last fall, the fall of 1920. 
 
 The Chairman. Do you know from whom ? 
 
 Mr. Roberts. Mr. Tyson. 
 
 Mr. GoMPERS. He was then president of the Honolulu Central 
 Labor Union. 
 
 The Chairman. Mr. Tyson was pretty active in supporting this 
 strike. 
 
 Mr. GoMPERS. He may have been, but I am not conscious of it^ 
 according to the news coming to me. 
 
 The Chairman. We have statements in our record showing that 
 he was pretty active. 
 
 Mr. GoMPERs. More than likely he was, sir. 
 
 The Chairman. Have you finished, Mr. Gompers ? 
 
 Mr. Gompers. May I just say this word? That there is a Federal 
 law of the United States providing for a survey to be made in the 
 Hawaiian Islands, industrially and otherwise, every Rve years. It 
 has been urged, and I second the suggestion, that that survey ought 
 to be made under the authority of the Government of the United 
 States. 
 
 The Chairman. This committee is urging that, too. 
 
 Mr. Gompers. The time for the survey, I am advised, is this year, 
 and there is sufficient time now for that survey to be made in this 
 year, 1921. 
 
 (Thereupon the committee recessed until 2.30 o'clock, p. m.) 
 
 AFTER RECESS. 
 
 The committee reassembled pursuant to the taking of the recess, 
 Hon. Albert Johnson (chairman) presiding. 
 
 STATEMENT OF MR. SAMUEL GOMPERS— Resumed. 
 
 The Chairman. Now, Mr. Gompers, I will ask you. o!ie or two 
 questions. 
 
 Mr. Gompers. Before you do, as I presume 3^ou have in mind, Mr. 
 Chairman, the matters about which you desire to ask, there are two 
 things I want to bring to the attention of the committee, if I may. 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 843 
 
 The Chairman. Very well. 
 
 Mr. GoMPERS. One is that in the Hawaiian labor paper, the Labor 
 Keview, the last page is composed of different languages and it is 
 •called ''The language section. On that page are published articles 
 or editorials which appear in the Hawaiian language, in the Portu- 
 guese language, and in the Japanese language. 
 
 The Chairman. We will undertake to have translations made of 
 the other languages; but if you will remember, I undertook to draw 
 out from Mr. Wright the method of editing the Japanese section, as 
 to how he could possibly know what was put up in Japanese type. 
 
 Mr. GoMPERS. The article appearing in the issue of July 12 is sub- 
 stantially the matter which was translated from the Japanese into 
 English by the Library Bureau. 
 
 The Chairman. I think I so stated. My impression is that one 
 article there is a clear translation from English into Japanese for the 
 information of the Japanese, that Chilton and Wright would come on; 
 but the other article is clearly, in my opinion, a Japanese-written 
 article, written in the Japanese style, calling for a survival of the 
 fittest, and so on. 
 
 Mr. GoMPERS. Frequently we find a very peculiar situation by 
 translations into one language and then retranslation into the original 
 language— like Mark Twain's Jumping Frog. 
 
 The Chairman. We have had a good deal of experience with that. 
 But on top of that matter to which you call attention, it must be 
 borne in mind that the Portuguese and Hawaiians are members of 
 the American Federation of Labor in Hawaii, while the Japanese are 
 not. There is that situation. 
 
 The first question I want to ask you is this : I understood you to say 
 that your only criticism of the American Federation in Honolulu was 
 that they had not supported the strike with more vigor, and if you 
 had been there that you would have assisted it as far as possible, or 
 something to that effect ? 
 
 Mr. GoMPERS. I would have assisted them in the attainment of the 
 purposes for which they inaugurated their strike in 1920 and as set 
 forth in the account — the purposes of the strike as set forth in the 
 Japanese Laborers' Association, a pamphlet of which I submitted 
 this morning. 
 
 The Chairman. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Gompers. And in that pamphlet a scale of the wages demanded 
 is incorporated, and a statement, further, that when there was a 
 refusal on the part of the planters to consider anything in regard to 
 it, to consider the scale and demands made by the men, that a clergy- 
 man intervened and undertook to conciliate and mediate, and he met 
 with a rebuff and refusal. 
 
 Mr. Eaker. That was Palmer ? 
 
 Mr. Gompers. I could not tell you. 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. Rev. Dr. Palmer. 
 
 Mr. Gompers. And then the men called the strike off. Yes, sir; I 
 would have supported it; that is, I have not any money of my own 
 and the American Federation of Labor is not a moneyed institution, 
 but if there would be anything in an appeal for financial and moral 
 support in order that they might attain the demands by them pre- 
 sented to the sugar planters, I would have supported them, by appeal 
 by encouragement, by address, and by conferring with them. 
 
844 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 The Chairman. Now, then, would it be a fair question to ask if 
 they should have another strike, within the next twelve or fifteen 
 months, would your attitude be the same ? 
 
 Mr. GoMPERS. I am as poor a judge of that as I am of the weather; 
 I do not know. I am not a prophet. 
 
 The Chairman. Well, that is hardly a fair question, I think. 
 
 Mr. GoMPERS. I do not know, sir. But if they should make a 
 demand upon the sugar planters for the right of representation of 
 their own choosing, to confer with their employers for the purpose 
 of discussing wages, hours, and conditions of employment, I would 
 support them. The right of collective bargaining for their labor, 
 to my mind, is a natural and inherent right which I would support. 
 
 The Chairman. Now, then, if it should develop that the Japanese 
 in conducting any subsequent strikes were doing it for the purpose 
 of Japanese solidarity, would your position be the same ? 
 
 Mr. GoMPERS. I think, Mr. Chairman, in my own independent 
 opinion, that that idea of their strike being nationalistic and for the 
 solidarity of the Japanese in Hawaii, or with Japan, is purely an 
 invention of the sugar planters and their adherents and associates 
 in the United States. May I call your attention to the fact that 
 within this past three or four years there has grown up somewhat 
 of a labor movement in Japan ? 
 
 The Chairman. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Gompers. If you have read, or will have the opportunity to 
 read (and I should be very glad to afford you the opportunity, if you 
 have not read it) , of the first meeting of the working people in India, 
 only about six or seven months ago, where they formed an organi- 
 zation, and see formulated in definite language the demands which 
 they make upon employers, upon industry, and upon society, you 
 would regard it as primitive, as I did regard it, as the primitive 
 expression of discontent, like the old guilds did in the first industrial 
 country, England, 300 years ago. 
 
 The Chairman. I would like very much to read it. 
 
 Mr. Gompers. I published it in the American Federationist just a 
 few months ago. And let me say this: In the past five or six years 
 there has grown up a rational labor movement in Japan. Its chief 
 executive officer, spokesman, and, I think, organizer, is a Japanese 
 I think by the name of Suzuki. He has visited the United States 
 several times ; he has had many conferences with me and I with him, 
 and with others, upon how the labor organizations — how the efforts 
 should be made in Japan for the organization of the working people. 
 The Rev. Dr. Gulick had another conference with me and I with him 
 upon that same subject. He advocated a scheme of permitting a 
 percentage number of Japanese to come to the United States, based 
 upon the persons here. I could not be in accord with him upon the 
 subject. He said he was going back to Japan and he would like me 
 to give him a message addressed both to the working people and to 
 what labor organizations existed in Japan, organizations of the 
 laboring people, the labor movement of the people. I called in a 
 stenograp)her and dictated a statement. I would like to have the 
 opportunity of presenting that statement. I have not a copy of it 
 with me, but I can telephone for it. 
 
 The Chairman. You will have permission to incorporate that. 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 845 
 
 Mr. GoMPERS. I was going to say Mr. Suzuki speaks excellent 
 English and he is a brainy man. He has been in the United States 
 several times and appeared at two of our conventions, which he 
 addressed. I do not know that I ever listened to a more intelligent 
 presentation of a subject than I did when Mr. Suzuki addressed the 
 convention upon labor conditions in Japan. He recognized that the 
 antagonism of America and oriental' exclusion was not racial, was not 
 nationalistic, but that it was economic as well as the diverging 
 civilizations. 
 
 Now, Mr. Suzuki in a semiofficial way, I think — I have no reason 
 to say that it was either official or semiofficial, but I simply inferred 
 that — has extended to me an invitation to visit Japan and to make 
 an investigation of the conditions there and be the guest of what 
 exists of the organized labor movement in Japan. Up to the few 
 years ago to which I referred whatever there was of a resentment or 
 democratic expression was that of a few radical socialists. In the 
 past six years, they have tried to organize a labor movement bona 
 fide in character and they have what they call the Friendly Society 
 of Labor. I think it is probablj^ primitive and probably just as well 
 for the newly developed industrial conditions of Japan. I may say 
 that I have declined the invitation. During the Denver convention, 
 another cable dispatch from Mr. Suzuki came in the same way, 
 repeating the invitation to me to visit Japan. 
 
 The Chairman. I think it would be in the nature of a duty. 
 
 Mr. GoMPERS. Oh, yes; if I had not any other duty. My duty is 
 to be on this job now here. 
 
 The Chairman. And incidentally to stop in Honolulu and visit 
 the various islands. 
 
 Mr. GoMPERS. I have already expressed to Mr. Dillingham and 
 Mr. Thurston, proprietor of the Honolulu Advertiser, my appreciation 
 of the courtesy of an invitation to visit Hawaii. Mr. Thurston said 
 that all arrangements, travel and all that, would be arranged for me. 
 Of course, when I go to Honolulu, and some time I hope I will, it will 
 be when I have saved enough money to do it, or I go as a delegate of 
 the American Federation of Labor; but not otherwise. 
 
 The Chairman. Pursuing that matter just a little further, I think 
 we have all seen the troubles that arise from 100,000 or more Japanese 
 in California. What is the census, giving the figures; 80,000, is it 
 not, Mr. Kaker ? 
 
 Mr. Box. The official census I think makes it a little less than 
 that, but the people of California, I think, contend it is 100,000. 
 
 The Chairman. One hundred thousand or less Japanese in Cali- 
 fornia, which in itself has a population in excess of 3,000,000. Cer- 
 tainly we have seen those troubles and we who have studied it know 
 there is something to it. It does not down, but keeps bobbing up 
 in this committee over and over again. The Japanese population 
 in my own State is 25,000, out of a total population of a million and a 
 half, making the same trouble. Now we see that here in continental 
 United States. I have not visited Hawaii for six years, but I made 
 an incidental study of it and then made a few observations, and I 
 know that with a population of 110,000 Japanese out of a total popu- 
 lation of 255,000, there is some problem there. 
 
 Mr. Gompers. Indeed there is. 
 
846 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 The Chairman. Now I have thought, as much as I am able to do, 
 to this effect, that if we were able to send out of this committee and 
 pass through Congress an amendment to the Chinese exclusion law 
 by which all oriental peoples were excluded, we would then leave 
 Hawaii with that 110,000 Japanese there. They raise a great many 
 children. We would shut out all other oriental immigration. We 
 have arranged our own immigration laws so that the illiterate and 
 very poor are not likely to go to Hawaii and we would, by the passage 
 of a Japanese exclusion law, mainly for the United States, leave 
 Hawaii to be absorbed by the Japanese, in my opinion. Now that 
 is quite a problem. 
 
 Mr. GoMPERs. It is, sir. But continuing — I do not want to evade 
 your question or the importance of your statement, sir, but I just 
 want to add to my previous statement just finished before you made 
 yours, that this labor movement of Japan has developed and the 
 unrest has become accelerated and accentuated and so much so that 
 within this past month there have been strikes of Japanese workers- 
 in Japan: that the workers in the largest ship yard in Japan, employ- 
 ing about 40,000 people, were out on strike for better conditions, 
 for shorter hours, for higher wages and better treatment. And there 
 have been strikes within this past month, I believe, or a week or two 
 longer, involving nearly a million and a half of Japanese workers. 
 Would anybody consider these men, just evolving out of feudal 
 conditions, slavery conditions, existing in Japan — that that is 
 political or nationalistic? It is the natural, normal, human devel- 
 opment. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Mr. Gompers, would it not be a fair deduction if, as 
 you have stated (and it is confirmed by the published reports) about 
 forty-some-odd thousand are out on a strike in the shipyards, and 
 there are about a million and a half or more who are interested in the 
 labor movement for the first time in the history of Japan of those 
 people who have come from under peonage within the last 40 years, 
 that if their nationals should go to another location or to any part of 
 the United States or any foreign countries, from theirs, and there was. 
 a suflacient number of them and they could get together, they would 
 be most likely not only to follow out what their own people were doing 
 at home, but what had been taught them by the people with whom 
 they lived — that they had a right to better their conditions ? 
 
 Mr. Gompers. Yes, sir. I think it is in line with the industrial 
 history of the whole world. You may know of the six men in Lan- 
 castershire who were sent to the penal colony in that wooden boat . 
 Success, where they were tortured because they were overheard in 
 discussing questions of wages. In the July issue of the American 
 Federationist I publish a poem, taking nearly three pages, of a tribute 
 to these six men. The poem was written by James Lord, president 
 of the mining department of the American Federation of Labor, a 
 coal-miner poet, and dedicated to me. 
 
 Years before that, during the struggle from slavery to freedom, . 
 were the wars of primitive men — tribe upon tribe. Then followed 
 wars of conquest for possession of land or materials of value. 
 
 Then the captives of the opposite army or opposite tribe were not 
 made prisoners, they were put to death. The reason why they were 
 put to death was because the tools of labor and the weapons of war • 
 were the same. The prisoners of war who were captured, if they were . 
 

 LABOK PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 847 
 
 put into slaveiy, would either have to be maintained by the owner or 
 given the tools of labor with which to work and support themselves 
 and support their conquerors. The tools of labor were identical with 
 the weapons of war. To place the tools of labor- — weapons of war — 
 into the hands of the conquered, would give them the means and 
 opportunity of liberating themselves and overcoming their conquerors. 
 So that it was one of the greatest contributions to progress and civili- 
 zation when the weapons of war and the tools of labor were differ- 
 entiated. When they were differentiated, then the conquered 
 peoples could be made slaves; at any rate, it saved their lives. 
 
 Mr. Raker. That was the result; the}^ were made slaves. 
 
 Mr. GoMPERS. The}^ were made slaves. And then the conscience of 
 I the people became more humanized. Then the idea of slavery became 
 repugnant to the people who were trying to lead a civilized life in the 
 concept of the time. As time went on slavery came to be looked 
 I upon as an inhuman institution. I shall never forget in my youthful 
 jdays when I learned the great song of the slave ship. I worked in a 
 jcigar factory. I started to work in a cigar factory when I was little 
 ■more than 10 years of age. as an apprentice. There it was from 1861 
 luntil 1863 (when my father and mother and five brothers left England 
 ■for the United States, leav^ing there on June 10, 1863, and landing 
 July 29 of that year — a sailing-vessel voyage) , working as a boy 
 in a factory of London, that I heard the discussions of the men upon 
 slavery in America. I heard them discuss the inhumanity of it. I 
 heard them discuss the necessity of abolishing slavery, and I heard a 
 song in the shop (because singing or conversation by men in my 
 trade, while at work, does not interfere with their operations at work) , 
 ''The slave ship." And, by the way, within this past three months^ 
 I applied for and obtained from the Library of Congress a copy 
 of that song. I would love to give you a copy of it, so that you can 
 have it in the record. But when the English Government, during our 
 Civil War, undertook not only to recognize the Southern Confed- 
 eracy but also to raise the blockade of the Federal Government, so that 
 cotton from the South could be brought into the Lancastershire dis- 
 trict of England, so that the textile workers might find work with 
 this imported cotton brought through the blockade and the blockade 
 destroyed so it would give them employment, the textile workers of 
 England, to their everlasting credit be it said, protested — they made 
 demonstrations and protested against the Government attempting 
 raising that blockade. The}^ effectiveh" prevented the Government 
 of England raising that blockade. I think it was in the second mes- 
 sage of President Lincoln, or in his second inaugural address, that he 
 paid tribute to the English textile workers for this wonderful work, 
 for their wonderful demonstration and protest when Lancastershire 
 men and women said that they did not want work or bread, the result 
 of human slavery. 
 
 So there is a sympathetic consideration for the under dog in the 
 world's struggles. The man with the hoe can no longer be typified 
 in our time as the man of labor. The men of labor of the whole world 
 are standing erect and looking the whole world in the face and de- 
 manding justice as against the reversion to the old conditions of 
 peonage or bondsmen or slavery. 
 
 You will excuse my, discursvive way in presenting this matter, but 
 it is buried right into my very soul and fiber; it is a part of me and 
 without which I could not live. I am a protestant against injustice 
 
848 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 or a reversion to the old reaction and the old-time conditions of the 
 life of labor, and so long as there is a spark of life within me I am 
 going to make my fight; not for myself. I do not want anything 
 from anybody. 
 
 The Chairman. Now, as you know, these hearings have extended 
 to the Japanese question a little bit. 
 
 Mr. GoMPERs. To the Japanese question ? 
 
 The Chairman. The hearings generally. We have not been able 
 to carry them on without a continual discussion of the Japanese 
 question. That keeps coming in. Now, you admit there is a short- 
 age of labor in the Hawaiian Islands ? 
 
 Mr. GoMPERs. I do not know sufficient of the situation to warrant 
 my saying anything upon that subject. I must depend upon the 
 statements made and I have no hesitancy in believing the statement 
 made by the sugar planters that there is a shortage of labor. That it 
 exists to the extent they claim, I very much doubt. I have heard the 
 statements made by Mr. Wright and by Mr. Chilton, and they admit 
 that there is — has been — a lessening in the production of sugar in the 
 islands. They have given some reasons for it — the refusal of the 
 plantation owners to consider the matter of wages and hours and 
 conditions of employment; refusal to give the men a hearing or a 
 conference, to establish better and friendlier relations; that this has 
 resulted in a sort of a resentment; that these men, probably without 
 knowing the term, are adopting the idea of Bukenin, sabotage, have 
 little or no interest in their work except for their subsistence. With 
 the men released, several thousand men released, as aliens, because 
 they are aliens, from the Federal governmental work, with the estab- 
 lishment of better relations between the employers and employees, 
 of whatever nationality they are, I am inclined to believe with the 
 committee from Hawaii — I mean the labor committee; not the official 
 labor committee, but the volunteer labor committee— that very 
 much better results industrially can be obtained with the better 
 feeling established. The labor commissioner of the Philippines, who 
 came to Hawaii, declared in his report if the conditions in Hawaii 
 were made a little more attractive in the matter of wages and condi- 
 tions, that he would recommend that the Filipinos go to Hawaii and 
 work on the sugar plantations. 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. Mr. Chairman, I have a telegram here which 
 may clear up, in a measure, this point in regard to the number 
 of laborers which will be released by this homestead act. 
 
 The Chairman. I have been trying to get that; I would be glad 
 to have it. 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. When this matter was brought up for discussion 
 a few days ago, I wired to the governor of Hawaii to ascertain the 
 number of men that would be made available for work. 
 
 The Chairman. That is, aliens being released from Federal em- 
 plojnnent ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. From Federal employment on public works. 
 And I have this wire under date of August 1 , signed by the governor, 
 apparently: 
 
 Army waiting official order before replacing aliens. Believe all departments same — 
 That is, I take it, they are all awaiting the official order. 
 
 Approximately 1,200 liable to discharge. 
 
 Farrington. 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 849 
 
 The Chairman. I have heard it stated all the way from 2,500 to 
 10,000. I did not think there was any such number, because it 
 would have attracted a great deal of attention if there had been that 
 number. 
 
 Mr. GoMPERS. I do not know the number either, sir. 
 
 The Chairman. If it were that number, it would be out of propor- 
 tion to h\\ the people employed in Hawaii. 
 
 Mr. GoMPERS. I only know it in the way it has been presented 
 to me. 
 
 The Chairman. Now, just a moment here. We keep getting away. 
 We have collected here in this first volume of these hearings a large 
 number of reports from the sugar plantation people and the pine- 
 apple plantation pepole, signed statements, which were brought here 
 by this commission, on their labor shortgaes. Of course, you can 
 not undertake to study it now, neither have the members of the 
 committee had very much time to do more than to sketch through 
 it; but here is the Waialua Agricultural Co., normal force 2,200. 
 shortage 600, and so on through. Now, in other places, and par- 
 ticularly in the pineapple industry, they hope to get through with 
 the employment of children. There are a large number of children 
 in the islands, mostly Japanese, a very large number under 12 years 
 of age, and they seem to work on those plantations, and that brings 
 about a labor condition that is foreign to anything we have here. 
 Now, these pineapple plantations, as I understand it, a large number 
 of them, are homestead propositions. The Japanese are getting in 
 on the homesteads. That situation is badly in need of labor. The 
 islands are not quite in the position of any place in the continental 
 United States, where labor, casual labor or other labor, can move. 
 It is all there. These industries, of course, are in competition with 
 the industries of Java, Cuba, Porto Rico, and I do not know what 
 other places. Now, there is the situation as I think it is. I can not 
 see how, as long as any Japanese remain there, and Chinese, too — -if 
 I remember, there are 13,000 or 14,000 Chinese there — that European 
 white labor will be attracted to the islands, and I can not see how 
 you will ever get those out who are there. So there you are. I can 
 not see how any American labor is likely to go from the main 
 land, no matter how bad conditions might become in the United 
 States, to Hawaii to do any labor. 
 
 Mr.-GoMPERS. Mr. Chairman, you asked me a hypothetical ques- 
 tion a while ago about the strike of the Japanese in the future, a 
 strike of the Japanese in Hawaii. 
 
 The Chairman. Yes. 
 
 Mr. GoMPERS. I would like to have your opinion upon how do 
 you think you are going to get rid of the Japanese from Hawaii if 
 you pass this law. 
 
 The Chairman. I do not think you are going to get rid of them 
 at all. 
 
 Mr. GoMPERS. And the problem will not be then changed? 
 
 The Chairman. No; not entirely; except this, there will be labor. 
 In the first place, there is a labor shortage. A labor shortage, of 
 course, interferes with business, and will for several years. First, we 
 have testimony here that the sugar crop there is a two-year proposition. 
 Of course we have to remember all the time that nearly half of the 
 Japanese in Hawaii are American citizens. When this next strike 
 
 56754— 21— SEE 7, pt 2 20 
 
850 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 comes, personally I think the Japanese people over there, both in 
 the stores, in the cities, and on the plantations, will be very much 
 encouraged by what they read in these reports. I think they have 
 their emissaries at work and will immediately produce another strike, 
 and soon it will come to the point of striking the way their fishermen 
 do — that is, when the market is a little full of fish they will all quit. 
 
 Mr. Raker. The question involved is, Can we, by bringing in 
 under contract another alien race, by a contract of peonage, relieve 
 the situation? Even assuming we could under the Constitution — 
 which of course we can not; but assume we did— this will be driving 
 them out of the fields, and it will be driving into the other places of 
 business, and the American-Japanese that are there will be entitled 
 to be employed on the Government works in Hawaii and on the 
 Federal works. 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. Mr. Chairman, this resolution, if it goes into 
 effect, will not permit any Government officer, either the President 
 or the Secretary of Labor, to bring men in under contract, nor under 
 a condition of peonage, nor under slavery conditions. The matter 
 is in their hands to proceed legally to adjust a labor shortage and 
 reserving or protecting the control of American interests in the 
 Territory of Hawaii. That is the object of this resolution. 
 
 Mr. GoMPERS. And the American interests, so far as this joint 
 resolution is concerned, is the sugar planters — about 43 in number. 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. This represents the interests of the whole Terri- 
 tory and has the indorsement not only of the legislature and the gov- 
 ernors but of all the business interests in the islands, and is opposed, 
 so far as I know, principally by the Japanese and the American Feder- 
 ation of Labor in Hawaii. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Do you want to answer that ? 
 
 Mr. GoMPERS. No. 
 
 The Chairman. I want to ask have you given any thought or study 
 to the admission of Mexicans into the United States without the pay- 
 ment of the head tax, first as a war measure and then, twice later, as a 
 labor measure ? 
 
 Mr. GoMPERS. Yes, sir. And I may say about that, about four 
 years ago, I j)articipated in a meeting at Laredo, Tex., right on the 
 edge of the Rio Grande River, which divided the American from the 
 the Mexican border. At Nuevo Laredo, over the International 
 Bridge between Laredo and Nuevo Laredo, I entered Mexico, as I 
 have been in other portions of it, but it is not very much different 
 than in the interior of that country. I found not only of my own 
 observation but particularly through the reports made to me from 
 workingmen at San Antonio, El Paso, and other American points, on 
 or near the Mexican border, that Mexicans had been brought over 
 to the United States by some means or other, lawful or unlawful, 
 and that as a result of the slump in our industrial conditions (our, 
 the United States), there were thousands of Mexicans who were 
 leaving and lying upon the streets of hunger because of their unena- 
 ployment. Last January I attended the meeting of the Pan Ameri- 
 can Federation of Labor, of which I have the honor of being president, 
 and composed of the representatives of the labor organizations of the 
 Pan American countries. I was in Mexico City, Mexico, and there I 
 met not only the representatives of Mexico but many of the other 
 South and Latin American countries. The conditions of labor in 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 851 
 
 Mexico were discussed. I learned then to my satisfaction that the> 
 Mexican agricultural workers were largely returning to their holdings, 
 their little tracts of land, and cultivating them. 
 
 For 10 years that country had been in turbulence, in revolution 
 and counter-revolution, and when one revolutionary body would be 
 in the neighborhood of an agricultural district they would levy 
 upon the holder of those products; and then, if they were beaten 
 back or retreated, the counter-revolution would come upon them 
 and take the balance, so that the agriculturist had little or nothing 
 for himself. The men, during this period of 10 years of turbulence 
 and civil war -and revolution and counter-revolution, made up their 
 minds they would just take pot luck and not work; not work their 
 soil and produce, but to take their chance and join some revolutionary 
 bands for the purpose of existence and subsistence, but that these 
 men, since the inauguration of the present administration in Mexico 
 and President Obregon, have a feeling of safety. They are returning 
 to their farms and beginning cultivation. 
 
 Now there are still conditions here rather apart. I am informed 
 very reliably that within this past three months the Government 
 of Mexico has expended, I believe, nearly $2,000,000 for the purpose 
 of repatriating the Mexicans who are in the United States; further, 
 that within two months the Congress and the Government of Mexico 
 have enacted a law excluding the immigration of Chinese to that 
 country, and that in all likelihood it will have also the effect of pre- 
 cluding the possibility of any number of Chinese coming to the 
 United States or its possessions through Mexico. 
 
 The Chairman. How did they get by three times, under orders of 
 the Secretary of Labor, or under regulations — -the admission of these 
 laborers under contract or involuntary servitude, perhaps ? How 
 does it come that that was not taken up ? 
 
 Mr. GoMPERS. It was taken up. 
 
 The Chairman. Was it taken into the' courts ? 
 
 Mr. GoMPERS. No. We have got enough of the courts. We have 
 enough of the courts; we are glad to keep out of them, either as 
 defendants or as plaintiffs, or prosecutors. Relieve us from the 
 courts. Now we do not want to go into a court; I do not. 
 
 The Chairman. W^ell, there was a dead-open-and-shut chance. 
 
 Mr. Gompers. Well, probably; I am not a lawyer and I only know 
 just about as much law as has been rubbed up my fur the wrong way, 
 and I know enough to eschew it whenever I can. I will say this, that 
 it was taken up and a protest made to the Secretary of Labor of the 
 United States against bringing in, the letting in, of these Mexican 
 laborers. 
 
 The Chairman. I believe that is all the questions I have. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Mr. Gompers, did you investigate that Mexican 
 situation sufficiently to know, after those men were brought over here, 
 that when they quit work they were arrested by various State and 
 Federal officers and then turned over to the immigration authorities 
 and sent home; in other words, that they were under arrest when they 
 did not work ? 
 
 Mr. Gompers. Yes, sir; that is, I have not that of my own obser- 
 vation, but from reports made to me. 
 
852 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Mr. Oxnard admitted that that was the fact and he 
 had some of that kind of labor, and he said they were arrested at 
 another hearing before this committee. And that is a fact that the 
 right of peonage to exist in this country, so far as you know, was not 
 taken up by anyone in any of the courts, when these men were 
 arrested, to have this question determined — their right to release ? 
 
 Mr. GoMPERS. I know there was no intervention, no application, 
 made, upon our part for relief and protection from the courts. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Yes. 
 
 Mr. GoMPERS. Let me say. Judge, that I said incidentally a while 
 ago that the American Federation of Labor is not a financial insti- 
 tution. I suppose it would be a revelation and a shock to some men 
 if they knew upon what revenue the American Federation of Labor 
 exercises all its functions and duties. We receive 1 cent per member 
 per month, or 12 cents per year, from each member for the main- 
 tenance and for the operation of all of our work — 12 cents a year. 
 To that extent, we are sucking the life blood out of our poor working 
 men. And we have no funds for the prosecution of cases. 
 
 Mr. Raker. In your visit to Mexico and your observation of the 
 labor situation— I have been trying to get, but have not been able 
 to secure definitely, when since the conquest of Mexico by Cortez 
 and on down, when all of the Mexicans, the originals, were under 
 bondage (I think they became slaves or serfs and it went from father 
 to son and on down through, just like the Orientals) that was aban- 
 doned. Do you know whether Mexico has abandoned by law its 
 involuntary servitude or peonage ? 
 
 Mr. GoMPERS. It has, sir. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Could you tell the committee about when? 
 
 Mr. GoMPERS. With the deposition of Portfiro Diaz as president. 
 Ills overthrow, with Madero as the leader and Suarez as his first lieu- 
 tenant and aid after the overthrow of the Diaz regime, they abolished 
 peonage by law. Then, wh^n Gen. Huerta, the general of the army 
 of Mexico undertook a coup d'etat and arrested or dethroned or 
 ousted Madero and Suarez as President and Vice President of the 
 Republic of Mexico, Huerta then suppressed the orders, or revoked 
 the orders which Madero had issued. Then, when Carranza lead the 
 countermovement for the overthrow of the usurper Huerta, Carranza 
 issued orders, and by his representatives, entered into agreements 
 with what was permitted to exist and existed, the organization of 
 the workers of Mexico — I think it was the Casa del Obrera Mundial. 
 The name was taken from the English translation of '^ Industrial 
 Workers of the World," and that was supposed to be the Mexican 
 branch of it. It has changed entirely from that phase to the present 
 Federation of labor of Mexico, which, by the way, held a convention 
 two weeks ago in Orizaba, Mexico, and at which the representative 
 of the International Association of Machinists, Mr. Lavison, was there 
 as representative of American labor. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Now, to go just a little further: In 1877 peonage 
 existed in its highest form in Cuba. Cuba was then under the Spanish 
 Government, and contract laborers from China were in Cuba, many 
 of them, as peons, and there was a treaty entered into between China 
 and Cuba tiirough the main Government, abolishing or prohibiting 
 any more peon or contract laborers to come to Cuba, freeing those 
 who had not entered into a contract but continuing under peonage, 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 853 
 
 and those who had entered into a contract vohmtaiily. Now, do 
 you know whether or not peonage exists in C^iba to-da}' '{ 
 
 Mr. GoMPERS. It does not exist there, sir. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Does it exist in Japan ? 
 
 Mr. GoMPERS. It is a condition of serfdom rather than peonage: 
 only a difference in degree. May I call attention to a historical fact, 
 which developed in Porto Rico after the American occupation and 
 after peace was declared with Spain ? The United States had not 
 changed the laws as they existed and operated in Porto Rico under 
 Spanish domination. There were a number of men arrested, two 
 men whose names I remember — Santiago Iglesias and Martinas 
 Rivera, who, with about 20 others, were arrested, tried and sentenced 
 under the Spanish law dealing with the subject of master and servant. 
 The charge against these men was — or the charges, varying in detail, 
 were — ^that the m.en had conspired to rob their employers of their 
 labor power. Mr. Iglesias (who, by the way, had lived in the United 
 States for several years and is a carpenter by trade) cabled me- 
 stating the facts as briefly as he could. It was necessary for the 
 American Federation of Labor, out of its meager funds, to put up a 
 bond of $500 in order that these men might be liberated pending an 
 appeal. It was cabled over there, and they were liberated. When 
 the Government of the United States — whether by law or by order 
 of the President, or by the Governor of Porto Rico, I am not sure 
 which — declared that these old-time Spanish laws were void an^- 
 inoperative. 
 
 Mr. Raker. I want to ask you just a question and then to read a 
 statement here to bring it right down to this resolution. Have you 
 had the opportunity to ascertain whether or not the Chinese Govern- 
 ment to-day recognizes in its own government slavery, involuntary 
 servitude, or peonage ? 
 
 Mr. GoMPERS. I think that has been abolished since the establish- 
 ment of the Republic. 
 
 Mr. Raker. I will read this statement and then I am going on for 
 another question. I have a letter here from the chief biographer of 
 the legislative reference service of the Congressional Library. He 
 says: 
 
 We do not find any countries which now recognize slavery or involuntary servitude. . 
 Such conditions exist only in certain parts of Africa, which are still in a barbarous- 
 condition and concerning which there are no laws. 
 
 I just read that to show that so far as we can ascertain, over the 
 world, and that has been within the last few years, involuntary 
 servitude, peonage, and slavery have been wiped out by the con- 
 census of opinion of the people of the world. 
 
 The Chairman. Then the Chinese that were sent, a thousand a 
 month last year, to Cuba, in bond through the United States, did 
 not go into involuntary servitude ? 
 
 Mr. Raker. I am going to try to develop that in this very con^ 
 dition. Then if a resolution of this kind were to be passed, and- T 
 want to read this sentence from it: 
 
 That such aliens shall be admitted only for the limited periods of time for the- 
 purpose of engaging only in the class or classes of labor as to which the emergency, 
 has been found to exist — 
 
 and then can be deported, or deported if they do not work at that 
 wage, this would be the only country in the world to-day, &o far a& 
 
854 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 I know, and this is a part of the United States, where involuntary 
 ;servitude, or peonage, would exist or would be permitted. 
 
 Mr. GoMPERs. Yes; that is the fact. 
 
 Mr. Raker. And you, as an American citizen, as well as a member 
 of the American Federation of Labor, appear before this committee 
 protesting against any such conditions existing in the United States 
 and are raising your voice against the enactment of such legislation ? 
 
 Mr. GoMPERS. That is my position, sir. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. Might I ask a question just there and relative to what 
 the chairman has just said about the number of Chinese being carried 
 through the United States into Cuba? Is there any way by which 
 we might control that by legislation ? 
 
 Mr. Raker. I have not been fully advised, but the Librarian of 
 Congress is working on that now. They have sent one of their 
 experts who is familiar with the language to the Chinese Legation. 
 He was unable to get it from the legation because they had a conven- 
 tion on, but they turned over to him the records and the papers 
 covering this matter and they are now proceeding to translate this 
 matter so that I may submit it to the committee at the present time, 
 by which I hope and expect to show that the Chinese Government 
 does not permit or would not enter into an agreement with any 
 country to send its nationals away in involuntary servitude or as 
 peons. 
 
 Mr. GoMPERS. Mr. Chairman, responsive to the questions of Judge 
 Raker and the committee, let me relate this incident which happened 
 in Paris. The President of the United States honored me by appoint- 
 ing me as one of the two delegates to represent our Government in a 
 commission on international labor relations. The commission repre- 
 sented the United States, Great Britain, France, Belgium, Cuba, 
 Italy, Czechoslovakia, Poland, Japan and two or three other countries 
 which I can not recall. I had the honor of being elected president of 
 that commission by unanimous vote. We drafted what was then 
 known as the labor charter. In the course of the discussions of the 
 proposals, or, rather, in the course of the proposals and the discussions 
 thereon, among them I proposed that the language of the thirteenth 
 amendment to the Constitution of the United States should be made 
 part of the international labor conditions of the whole civilized 
 world. Mr. Cable this morning read article 13 of the Constitution 
 which prohibited slavery and involuntary servitude. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Here it is right here. 
 
 Mr. GoMPERS. Will you read it please for me? 
 
 Mr. Raker (reading) : 
 
 Sec. 1. Neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, except as punishment^ for 
 crime whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, shall exist within the United 
 States or any place subject to their jurisdiction. 
 
 Sec. 2. Congress shall have power to enforce this article by appropriate legislation. 
 
 Mr. GoMPERS. I proposed that section with a change of the last 
 few words — ''shall exist within any country parties to this treaty." 
 And it was discussed. I tried my level best to have it incorporated. 
 It was rejected upon this ground and this alone, that it would be a 
 humiliation to the civilized countries to adopt a principle which had 
 already been established in their countries. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Now I want to read, as part of my question, part of 
 this letter. It is short. I want to read this first so as to make my 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 855 
 
 statement clear. I wrote to the Librarian to get me all the laws of 
 all countries that could be had where slavery, involuntary servitude, 
 or peonage existed at the present time. I will read his general 
 answer. In regard to China, he writes: 
 
 The present law of China exists only in Chinese. We expected to secure a transla- 
 tion of this from the Chinese Legation, but they find it impossible to do this because 
 of a convention in the city which they have on hand. They have offered, however, 
 to place the material at our disposal and we are sending Mr. Huean, who is temporarily 
 employed at work in the Library, to the legation to make this translation, which we 
 hope to send you in a day or two— 
 
 which I have not received. Now I want to read to you section 5510 
 of the Revised Statutes of the United States, keeping in mind, now, 
 the provisions of this resolution before the committee, with reference 
 to aliens in the United States. It reads as follows: 
 
 Every person who under color of any law, statute, ordinance, regulation, or custom, 
 subjects or causes to be subjected any inhabitant of any State or Territory to a depriva- 
 tion of any rights, privileges, or immunities secured or protected by the Constitution 
 and the laws of the United States, or to a different punishment, pains, or penalties, 
 on account of such inha')itant being an alien, or by reason of his color or race, than 
 are prescribed for the punishment of citizens, shall be punished by a fine of not more 
 than $1,000 or by imprisonment of not more than one year, or by both. 
 
 Now let me ask you, with that statute on the statute books, with 
 this resolution, that a man should be employed and engaged only in 
 one class or work or classes, if he stopped, or left it, and was arrested 
 for deportation, would that be the same kind and character of a right 
 and privilege that is accorded to the other citizens of that com- 
 munity ? 
 
 Mr. GoMPERS. There is no doubt in my mind, sir, that that is a 
 fact. I regard that provision of the statutes which you have just 
 read as a complete bar against any legislation of the character now 
 before your committee. 
 
 The Chairman. Now let me ask Judge Raker a question there, 
 for the record. I will ask him if he regards that statute as a bar to 
 the registration, for a fee, of aliens in the United States ? 
 
 Mr. Raker. No, sir. I have a complete answer and complete 
 authorities covering that question. I will answer it. The Supreme 
 Court has repeatedly held and rightfully held, that the United States 
 is sovereign and can say who can come and who can not come, as 
 aliens. We can permit them to come under certain regulations and 
 conditions, which they must comply with. But having once landed, 
 we can not, except on certain fundamental questions, & them in any 
 different condition, deprive them of their life, liberty, or pursuit of 
 happiness, different than we can of the ordinary citizen. 
 
 The Chairman. That is what I am getting at. Then there is 
 nothing in this proposal to register and take a fee from 14,000,000 
 aliens now in the United States ? 
 
 Mr. Raker. No; it is absolutely constitutional. 
 
 The Chairman. You think it is constitutional ? They are here. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Surely. 
 
 Mr. Cable. According to your answer, you can not do it. 
 
 Mr. Raker. No; we can. 
 
 Mr. Cable. According to your answer, you said they come here 
 subject to the laws, and they are here to-day. 
 
856 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAIL 
 
 Mr. Raker. Yes; but that is a different question altogether; that 
 is another sovereign right that we have, to find out who is here^ 
 and we can compel him to register and to pay a fee for registration — 
 just like I have a right, as an American citizen, born here, to vote; 
 but if I fail to live in the county or State a year, if I fail to live in 
 the county 90 days, or the precinct 30 days, or if I commit an offense 
 or crime, I can not vote; I have lost my right, although I have a 
 constitutional right to it. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. That is not on a par with the question of forcing the 
 alien to go and register. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Oh, yes. 
 
 Mr. Cable. No; it interferes with his circulation. 
 
 Mr. Raker. No; there is a distinction. 
 
 Mr. GoMPERS. In addition, you are required to register and if you 
 do not register you can not vote. 
 
 • Mr. Cable. But this is a different proposition. We have made 
 them register according to the idea of the law. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. The one is a result of failing to do an act which the 
 law prescribes; and the other is prescribing that you shall do an j-ct. 
 That is entirely different. 
 
 Mr. Raker. There is no comparison and there is no analogy. 
 
 The Chairman. I just want to get you on record. 
 
 Mr. Raker. You always have me on record. 
 
 The Chairman. We will have you fixed in advance. 
 
 Mr. Raker. You do not embarrass me, nor do you get me into any 
 hole, because I think I have given the subject enough consideration 
 to realize the distinction wherein the American citizen has rights 
 that the alien has not — wherein we can impose conditions on his 
 coming here that we can not impose on a citizen. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. Now, Judge, I can agree with you on that, but that 
 is not what you said. You discussed the proposition of making an 
 alien register and then come right back to this and applied it to 
 American citizens. So that I say I think your conclusions are right 
 but your reasons are wrong. [Laughter.] 
 
 The Chairman. Read that statute once more. 
 
 Mr. Raker. I have decided a number of cases and I think the 
 Supreme Court once said that my conclusion was right but my 
 reasons were wrong. I will read this again; it is worthy of deep 
 consideration. This is section 5510: 
 
 Every person who under color of any law, statute, ordinance, regulation, or custom 
 subjects or causes to be subjected any inhabitant of any State or Territory to a de- 
 privation of any rights, privileges, or immunities secured or protected by the Consti- 
 tution and laws of the United States, or to a different punishment, pains, or penalties, 
 on account of such inhabitant being an alien, or by reason of his color or race, than 
 are prescribed for the punishment of citizens, shall be punished by a fine of not more 
 tkan $1,000 or by imprisonment of not more than one year, or by both. 
 
 The Chairman. Now can you tell me how it is that we keep 
 Japanese born in the Hawaiian Islands without the privilege of 
 coming to the other parts of the United States? 
 
 Mr. Raker. Yes; it was a condition precedent in the law. 
 
 The Chairman. Does that statute have anything to do with it? 
 
 Mr. Raker. Now, just a moment; let me complete my answer. 
 That gave the President the power to say that those who came to 
 Hawaii could not come to the United States if conditions were such 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 857 
 
 that they ought not to come. He issued that order. They can not 
 come to the mainland unless they have passports, which we have 
 absolute control, as a sovereing power, to determine; and it does not 
 affect his individual right as to any other thing, because the Jap in 
 Hawaii, laboring there, can go to each plantation, can quit when he 
 wants to, can commence work when he wants to, can make any kind 
 of a contract he wants to. But the very minute, under this resolu- 
 tion, that he fails to do that particular class and kind of work and 
 fails to work — what? He is arrested. Namely, his right of volition, 
 his right of circulation, is barred and interfered with. Therefore it is 
 an infringement upon that person^s right and is involuntary servitude, 
 because if he does not continue in the service he will be arrested by 
 the power of the Government. Therefore it is involuntary servitude 
 clearly in contravention of the Constitution of the United States; 
 just like when one of the Southern States passed an act saying that 
 if a man were on the streets why you could arrest him if he did not go 
 to work. They did not convict him; they simply picked him up and 
 put him in jail and put him at work. He took his case to the Supreme 
 Court of the United States. They thoroughly discussed it and said 
 you can not imprison a man of that kind because he has not been 
 convicted; it would be involuntary servitude to do it, to pick him up 
 on the streets and make him work, because the Constitution says he 
 must be convicted. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. Suppose they left him in jail? 
 
 Mr. Raker. It is false imprisonment. He has a right to be dis- 
 charged on the ground of false imprisonment, because he has not 
 been convicted. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. Oh, I understand; he has not been tried. 
 
 Mr. Raker. No; they put him at work, and that was the statute 
 of the State, you see. Just one other illustration 
 
 The Chairman. Now I want to ask one question. Have we 
 Chinese citizens in Hawaii who can not come to the United States ? 
 
 Mr. Raker. No. 
 
 The Chairman. We have not ? 
 
 Mr. Raker. No. And your rehabilitation bill you are talking 
 about, having read that provision, you can not pass a law in the 
 United States, whereby you can say that one American citizen can 
 buy a piece of property and another American citizen can not buy a 
 piece of property. I do not care whether it is Chinese ^r Japanese. 
 You have to apply it the same to citizens. 
 
 Mr. Cable. I want to ask a question. Section 5510 is a law of 
 Congress, is it not? 
 
 Mr. Raker. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Cable. This resolution, if it became a law, would in effect 
 suspend the operation of the previous law, because it is in conflict 
 with the previous law, would it not ? Do you agree with me ? 
 
 Mr. Raker. No. 
 
 Mr. Cable. Therefore section 5510 would not apply to Hawaii? 
 
 Mr. Raker. No. 
 
 Mr. Cable. In other words, you can repeal this if you want to, so 
 far as the subsequent law is concerned ? 
 
 Mr. Raker. No. You can repeal the law, making it a crime to 
 interfere with the alien's rights, yes. There is no question about that 
 
858 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 on earth. But this resolution does not attempt to repeal the criminal 
 law. 
 
 Mr. Cable. Yes it does. It is in conflict with it and therefore it 
 repeals it. 
 
 Mr. Raker. No ; it does not repeal it. 
 
 Mr. Cable. It suspends it. 
 
 Mr. Raker. It just permits those poeple to come over here and 
 do certain work and, if they do not do that work, you arrest them; 
 and if a man does arrest them, he is guilty of the penal offense pro- 
 vided for by statute. 
 
 Mr. Cable. Not if you give him full authority to do it. There 
 is legal authority, and it is in conflict with the criminal laws, and 
 therefore the criminal laws are suspended just the same as section 
 5510 would be suspended under the resolution. 
 
 Mr. Raker. No; I do not think so. I realize and recognize what 
 you said this morning and I think it is a correct interpretation, that 
 a subsequent statute, bearing upon the same subject, in conflict 
 with a prior act upon the same subject, by implication repeals it. 
 
 Mr. Cable. Why does it not do it here, then? 
 
 Mr. Raker. Because it is not on the same subject. 
 
 Mr. Cable. It is a conflict of law, though. 
 
 Mr. Raker. No; I do not think so. 
 
 The Chairman. Did you have a question you wanted to ask, Mr. 
 Dillingham ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. Yes; I want to ask how this law, as cited by 
 Judge Raker, giving all residents equal rights, works in regard to 
 handling the Chinese merchants who come to this country and be- 
 come residents of this country, to change from the status of a mer- 
 chant to the status of a laborer ? 
 
 Mr. Raker. That does not work at all. 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. What procedure is adopted in a case like that 
 with regard to arrest and deportation ? 
 
 Mr. Raker. If a man comes under the Chinese exclusion law 
 to-day that permits him to come under an excepted class as a resi- 
 dent or otherwise, .and he violates that permission given to him by 
 the sovereign government and proceeds into another occupation 
 within a reasonable time designated, he can be deported. 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. Arrested ? 
 
 Mr. Raker. Arrested and deported. That is the fundamental 
 right of the Government. We permit a man to come in here and if 
 he commits a crime within ^ve years we can deport him; if he comes 
 in here and becomes a beggar we can deport him; if he comes in here 
 and makes a splendid showing at the time and afterwards plies his 
 profession as a pimp or a woman as a prostitute, within a certain 
 length of time, we can deport him. They come in with the under- 
 standing they will abide by our laws, rules, and regulations. Sov- 
 ereign is the Government. 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. All right. Now, Judge, under this resolution, 
 is not the same arrangement, the same sovereign right, given the 
 alien, otherwise nonadmissible, to come in and take up his walk in 
 life here in a certain line, not bound to any one particular employer, 
 not bound to any one particular company, but under a limitation of 
 performing a certain class of work, and otherwise debarred ? He can 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 859 
 
 conic in under this sovereign right to do that particular sort of work 
 for a particuhir length of time. 
 
 Mr. Raker. No; but the Constitution says you can not make a 
 difference in the right of labor. 
 
 Mr. Cable. Where is that in the Constitution ? You read an 
 ordinary law of Congress ? 
 
 Mr. Raker. I am talking about the Constitution now. 
 
 Mr. Cable. What section? 
 
 Mr. Raker. Section 13. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. About this section 5510, of course I stated my views 
 about that yesterday, that any law of Congress that provided that 
 you could take charge of any sort of people from anywhere within 
 the territory of the United States and tell them they must do a certain 
 kind of work for a certain period of time, and then prescribe the 
 punishment in the event that they did not do that, work, would be 
 unconstitutional, because it would conflict with this article 13. But 
 I do not believe that this section 5510 is applicable to that situation 
 
 Mr. Raker. I do not offer it for the purpose of affecting the consti- 
 tutional amendment 13 or as bearing on it, except only as an expres- 
 sion of Congress. It was enacted subsequent to and to carry out the 
 provisions of section 13. 
 
 Mr. Cable. How do you know it does ? 
 
 Mr. Raker. Well, it could be for no other purpose. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. Your contention is, though, that this resolution will 
 be illegal because it comes in conflict with section 5510 of the Revised 
 Statutes. 
 
 Mr. Raker. No; I did not put it that way. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. In other words, your position would be that if any 
 citizens in Hawaii were to attempt to punish or to handle the Chinese 
 coolies for not complying with that resolution that those citizens 
 would come under this section ? 
 
 Mr. Raker. That is the point I make, exactly. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. That is the point you make. I was just going to 
 suggest that this section 5510, without looking at the way it reads, 
 would not apply to a temporary resident, because it reads 'inhabi- 
 tant"; so that I think that would be an alien who comes here to 
 reside permanently. Anyway, these legal questions would keep 
 us all night. 
 
 Mr. Cable. Yes; two or three days. Let us get through with 
 the witness. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. I want to get through with Mr. Gompers. 
 
 Mr. Gompers. Would it not be in effect that after these Chinese 
 coolies were imported into Hawaii for five years that practically 
 the. same thing would occur of a continuous performance and that 
 others again would be brought in ? 
 
 Mr. Wilson. Yes; every time the President would issue a procla- 
 mation saying there is an emergency. Of course, you could make 
 that permanent. 
 
 The Chairman. We have been over that several times. 
 
 Mr. Gompers. It was not gone over in my presence. 
 W The Chairman. The emergency would repeat itself. We have 
 been over that time and time and time again. That appeared to 
 us here that the poorest European, even if we should amend the 
 laws to let illiterates into the country, would not be likely to work 
 
860 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 with the orientals. You have not had time to read the matter that 
 has gone ahead in these hearings, but we had before us here one ] 
 suggestion in Heu of this amendment, a substitute to the effect that 
 the operation of the immigration laws be lifted sufficiently to permit 
 the illiterates to come to the Territories of the United States, that is, 
 Hawaii and Alaska. Now we have not gone into that carefully 
 enough to see whether that would run counter to some of the things 
 Judge Eaker proposes; but there is one solution by which the same 
 type of European that came to the United States when opportunity 
 was large here and found his way west and pioneered, might help 
 fill up Hawaii and fill up Alaska. That proposition is one of the 
 sidelights on this thing here. What do you think about that ? 
 
 Mr. GoMPERS. I have been so engrossed with the thought of bring- 
 ing Chinese coolies into Hawaii that I have not given that any con- 
 sideration. I am not in a position just at this moment to give any- 
 thing like a definite opinion. 
 
 Mr. Raker. I want to ask Mr. Gompers another question, but 
 I just want to read one statement in this connection, where the court 
 spoke in the case of Hodges v. United States (203 U. S., pp. 1-38). 
 Judge Brewer, among other things, uses this language, after quoting 
 the constitution: 
 
 ■^ * * Slavery or involuntary servitude of the Chinese, of the Italian, of the 
 Anglo-Saxon are as much within its compass as slavery or involuntary servitude of 
 the African. Of this amendment it was said by Mr. Justice Miller in Slaughterhouse 
 cases (16 Wall, 36, 69), "Its two short sections seem hardly to admit of construction."^ 
 And again : * *To withdraw the mind from the contemplation of this grand yet simple 
 declaration of the personal freedom of all the human race within the jurisdiction of 
 this Government * * * requires an effort, to say the least of it." 
 
 I want you just to think about that. Now, Mr. Gompers, you hava 
 said you talked with Dr. Gulick ? 
 
 Mr. Gompers. Yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Raker. You and the doctor did not agree upon the subject of 
 the Chinese exclusion law ? 
 
 Mr. Gompers. I do not know that he and I discussed the Chinese 
 exclusion law. We discussed the Japanese-American situation. He 
 had lived in Japan for several years and seemed much interested in 
 Japan. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Well, I take it for granted from what you say, you are 
 unalterably opposed to repealing the Chinese exclusion law ? 
 
 Mr. Gompers. In any way, or its modification. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Yes. You are opposed to admitting Japanese ? 
 
 Mr. Gompers. Yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Raker. And you are opposed to making Chinese and Japanese 
 citizens of the United States by naturalization ? 
 
 Mr. Gompers. I should oppose it; yes, sir. I have opposed it. 
 and will. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Did your organization make any effort to defeat this- 
 provision in the bill now pending before Congress, Sixty-second. 
 Congress, first session, S. 1253? 
 
 Mr, Gompers. I do not recognize it by the title and number. 
 
 Mr. Raker. You do not remember it by that ? 
 
 Mr. Gompers. Not by the number. 
 
 Mr. Raker. I just wanted specially to call your attention to it,, 
 as this bill is pending before Congress. I do not think any one has. 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 861 
 
 introduced it in the House, but there has been extensive propaganda 
 going abroad for the enactment of it. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. Is that the percentage plan? 
 
 Mr. Raker. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. The Gulick plan ? 
 
 Mr. Raker. The Gulick plan to repeal the Chinese exclusion law 
 and admit Japanese and to naturalize Chinese and Japanese over 
 here who are native born. 
 
 Mr. GoMPERS. Dr. Gulick is, in my opinion, more of a pro- 
 Mongolian than he is a pro-American. 
 
 Mr. Raker. That ends all of my examination now. 
 
 Mr. GoMPERS. You remember that during my remarks this after- 
 noon I referred to a conference with Dr. Gulick and, when he asked 
 me as to what should be done in Japan to bring about a better con- 
 dition of affairs and better conditions industrially, I called in a 
 stenographer and dictated a statement which was then written out 
 and then, later, put in the form of a letter. By having one of the 
 legislative commxittee men of the American Federation of Labor in 
 attendance here at the committee hearing, he telephoned over to the 
 office and I have a copy of the transcribed notes that I dictated 
 at that time. It was on February 24, 1917. I would like to read it. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. Very well. 
 
 Mr. Oyster (reading) : 
 
 Dr. Sidney L. Gulick, 
 Care of Dr. B. FI. Guy, 
 
 3S2 Pine Street, San Francisco, Calif. 
 
 There ought to be no misapprehension in regard to the development of the labor 
 movement in Japan. Like the individual, the aggregation or association of humans 
 can not escape the pitfalls and errors that are common attributes of the human. The 
 movement of labor which seeks to redress for wrongs, improvement of the material, 
 economic industrial conditions may and does take on various forms, particularly 
 according to the national and racial, as well as industrial, circumstances. 
 
 Any organized effort of the workers which is antagonized on the part of govern- 
 mental authority is likely to develop into secret effort, and hence so-called radical 
 and oftentimes impractical, so far as the attainment of any tangible results are con- 
 cerned, except as it manifests antagonism to constituted authority. 
 
 On the other hand, any organized labor movement pampered by governmental 
 agency will tend to make the organization ineffective. 
 
 My idea of what the governmental attitude should be is to accord feredom of the 
 right of organization, freedom to the right of expression, freedom to exercise the 
 normal activities of the human being. The workers hold in principle that which is 
 legal for any one person to do is not illegal when done by two or more persons, but 
 the act in itself must be held to be either legal or illegal; that it is no more illegal for 
 two or more persons to do a legal act than it is for any one person to do it; that is, 
 the right by associated eflort to agree to perform labor or to withhold labor, to give 
 patronage or withliold patronage. 
 
 The exercise of these activities by the workers may in the beginning find crude 
 ex])ression and possibly going beyond a mark which has been frowned down by 
 Governments such as Japan. Even in its present development, but it is the only 
 way by which men and associations of men learn to do the right thing, learn to limit 
 the exercise of their own activities and the new found power which comes from 
 association. 
 
 I hold that it is i common attribute of man to endeavor by every honorable means 
 to improve tlieir condition. 
 
 There are no people for whom improvement in conditions is so essential as tlie work- 
 ing people, and even the errors and mistakes which are part of the human develop- 
 ment wJiether as individuals or in association, are in themselves educational to the 
 workers, to the employers, to the Government, and to society at large. Nothing can 
 be done by the workers for themselves for their own improvement, the improvement 
 of those dependent upon them, but will find its reflex in industry, in commerce, 
 in Government, in societary conditions, and make for the entire uplift of all. 
 
862 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 You will observe that I am speaking, or rather thinking aloud, upon the subject 
 which has grown upon me with my years of life and activity and experience. 
 
 I do not underestimate the difficulties in the w^ay of a Government's changing its 
 policy so that the full freedom to exercise these activities can be tolerated or permitted 
 or sanctioned by law or by governmental agents. 
 
 But I say this from my experience and observation, not in America alone but of 
 a study as well as observation of the history of the development of the organized 
 labor movement in every country on the face of the globe, wherever such an effort 
 has been made, and it holds good wherever it is undertaken and wherever it has 
 developed and grown. 
 
 If those in authority in Japan can and will take the position outlined, it will make 
 for the increasing and best development of the Japanese people and the Japanese 
 Government and for the Japanese taking their place among the advanced nations of 
 the world, it will prove an incentive and impulse in the most effective way. 
 Respectfully, 
 
 Samuel Gompers, 
 President American Federation of Labor. 
 
 Mr. Gompers. As I say, Mr. Chairman, and gentlemen, that in a 
 conference with Dr. GuHch, when he asked me to give an explana- 
 tion as to my opinion as to what could or should be done in Japan 
 for the establishment of better conditions and better relations be- 
 tween the workers and the employers, between the workers and 
 the masses, and the government, I, off hand, called in a stenographer 
 and off-hand dictated the statement which has just been read to 
 
 The Chairman. It is a very interesting statement. 
 
 Mr. Gompers. That was about four and a half years ago, which 
 by the way was published in Jlipan broadcast and brought to the 
 attention of the Government, to the friendly society of which Mr. 
 Suzuki is president, and it was generally and freely discussed, and 
 perhaps may be that on account of the general publicity and the 
 discussions of this subject that the invitation was extended to me 
 to visit Japan. 
 
 The Chairman: Now, if there are no other questions, we will 
 adjourn to meet at the call of the chairman. 
 
 (Whereupon at 4.15 p. m., the committee adjourned.) 
 
 Committee on Immigration and Naturalization, 
 
 House of Representatives. 
 Wednesday, August 10, 1921. 
 The committee met at 10.30 o'clock a. m., Hon. Albert Johnson 
 (chairman) presiding. 
 
 The Chairman. Does the commission have something in addition 
 to offer this morning? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. Yes, sir. Mr. Chairrnan, we have some in- 
 dorsements which I would like to have put into the record. They 
 have come from Hawaii since the opposition of the American Fed- 
 eration of Labor has been put forward. They are not very long 
 and if I may have them included in the record I will submit them. 
 The Chairman. They may be inserted in the record. 
 
 (The matter referred to is as follows:) 
 
 Honolulu. 
 Walter Dillingham, 
 
 Willard Hotel, Washington, D. C: 
 Houolulu Welding & Machine Co. employs dozen skilled mechanics, who in- 
 dividually and collectively indorse and urge the importation of oriental labor, 
 as requested by your commission. It is only solution save Hawaii's chief 
 industry, which will collapse under present conditions. 
 
 Feank Howes, President. 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 863 
 
 Honolulu. 
 Retlaw, 
 
 Willard, Washington, D. C: 
 
 Father Harding, Catholic priest of New Orleans, extensive traveler, pub- 
 lisher, after five weeks' investigation in Hawaii, at lecture before Columbus 
 Welfare Club, leading Catholic organization Hawaii, affiliated National Catho- 
 lic Welfare Council, strongly advocated admission Chinese absolutely neces- 
 sary preservation prosperity here; praised conditions on plantations; stated 
 provisions for comfort, health, safety workers; Hawaiian Pineapple Co. finest 
 he had seen anywhere in w^orld. 
 
 Ceeedon, President. 
 
 Honolulu. 
 Retlaw. 
 
 Willard, Washington, D. C: 
 
 Honolulu chapter. American Association of Engineers, 80 members, by let- 
 ter ballot favor indorsement, overwhelming majority. 
 
 Geokge Collins, Secretary. 
 
 Hilo, Hawaii. 
 Retlaw, 
 
 Willard Hotel, Washington, D. C: 
 Board of trade, Hilo, approved labor resolution. 
 
 Honolulu, July 17, 1921. 
 Chillingworth, 
 
 Willard, Washington, D. C: 
 
 Hawaiian Civic Club indorsed resolution regular meeting July first. Kame- 
 hameha Alumni Association indorsed resolution last meeting. 
 
 Duncan, President. 
 
 Honolulu, July 26, 1921. 
 Retlaw, 
 
 Willard Hotel, Washington, D. C: 
 Legion executive committee sending Withington following to-day. " Expect 
 you to support report of Americanism committee as adopted by second national 
 convention, which covered this department's instructions to its delegates, es- 
 pecially that part which calls for a diversification of alien population with a 
 view to military, social, and economic safety. Present this to National Legion 
 officials and urge their support to legislation now proposed to give Hawaii 
 this diversified alien population in the interests of Americanism and American 
 control here. Above department executive committee action to-day." 
 
 Butler. 
 Note. — " Retlaw " is a code word meaning " Walter F. Dillingham," used as 
 an address to save cable tolls. 
 
 Honolulu, July 28, 1921. 
 Dillingham, Willard Hotel, Washington, D. C.- 
 Maui Post, No. 8. protests against declarations made by president American 
 Federation of Labor regarding importation of Chinese labor for Hawaii. 
 
 O' Sullivan. 
 
 Honolulu, August £, 1921. 
 Dillingham, New Willard, WasMngton, D. C: 
 
 Our society of 600 women unanimously indorse Hawaii emergency labor bill. 
 
 Kaahumanu Society, 
 Lucy K. Peabody, President. 
 
 \ 
 
864 LABOR PROBLEMS IX HAWAII. 
 
 Honolulu, August 6, 1921. 
 Dillingham, New Willard, Washington, D. C: 
 
 Mailing you to-day resolutions adopted by Kohala Post, Kauai Post, American 
 Legion, protesting attitude American Federation Labor and supporting Hawaiian 
 emergency labor bill. You already have similar resolution Maui Post. 
 
 O'SuLLivAN, Adjutant. 
 
 Honolulu, August 6, 1921. 
 Dillingham, Neiv Willard, Washington, D. C: 
 
 Our society, numbering 325, unanimously indorse Hawaii emergency labor 
 bill. 
 
 Daughtees and Sons of Hawaiian Wakeioes, 
 M, A. Taylor, Premier. 
 
 Honolulu, August 9, 1921. 
 Dillingham, 
 
 NeiD Willard, Washington. D. C: 
 Continued prosperity of more than 150 homesteading families dependent upon 
 prosperity of Makee Sugar Co., to whom we sell our crops of cane. Said com- 
 pany_ face destruction through labor shortage. Myself and neighbors urge 
 passage labor relief bill now in Congress. 
 
 Elmer M. Cheatham. 
 
 Waialua, Hawaii, June 28, 1921. 
 Hawaiian Labor Commission. 
 
 Washingt07i, D. C. 
 
 Gentlemen : At the request of the Hawaiian Sugar Planters' Association, 
 I herewith submit my views of the labor situation on this plantation. 
 
 It is indeed critical and becomes more so each day, as men are leaving for 
 the pineapple fields and Japan ; every steamer to Japan takes as many as can 
 get passage. 
 
 This mill is grinding about 70 per cent of normal and doing that at the 
 expense of future crops, as nothing has so far been done for the 1923 crop. 
 Our output this year is, to date, 14,554 tons, as against 25,037 tons on the 
 same date in 1919, or 10,483 tons behind normal. I am taking 1919 as a 
 standard, as the Japanese strike startcMl on January 19, 1920, and lasted till 
 July 12, 1920. Even then our grinding betv/een the same dates was only 503 
 tons less than this year, about three days' grinding. 
 
 This crop which should end September 1, 1921, w^ill run well into 1922 and 
 will mean we will have to throw out about 2,500 acres of cane land. We are 
 finishing up what work we have started about the factory, but it will be 
 necessary for us to abandon any future work. 
 
 Our present labor is not over 50 per cent efficient. After my experience of 
 about 22 years on sugar plantations in Hawaii, I must say the Chinese are 
 the best laborers we have. 
 
 I am an American, born and brought up in the United States, and believe 
 in America first, but I think the only salvation for the sugar industry in 
 Hawaii is to get Chinese labor. 
 
 W. A. Kinney, 
 Chief Engineer, Waialua Agriculture Co. {Ltd.). 
 
 (Mr. Kalanianaole submitted for the record the following cable- 
 grams:) 
 
 [Telegram.] 
 
 HiLO, Hawaii, August 10, 1921. 
 Delegate Kalanianaole, 
 
 Washington, D. C: 
 
 North Hilo Civic Club urge passage Hawaii emergency labor bill. 
 
 Makanui, Secretary. 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAVVAU. 865 
 
 HrLo, Hawaii, August 7, 1U21. 
 Delegate Kalanianaole, 
 
 Washington,, D. C: 
 
 Waiakea Homesteaders' Association urge passage Hawaii eniergeucy labor 
 bill. 
 
 Keola, President. 
 
 The Chairman. In addition, I think it would be a good plan to 
 put in the record a letter in opposition to the resolution from E. 
 Clemens Horst, a hop grower, of San Francisco, who is known to 
 the members of the committee, Mr. Horst having appeared before 
 the committee. 
 
 Mr. Raker. What is his attitude? 
 
 The Chairman. In opposition. His letter is as follows : 
 
 San Francisco, August 3, 1921. 
 Hon. Albert Johnson, 
 
 Chairman Committee on^ Immigration and Naturalization, 
 
 Washington, D. C. 
 
 My Dear Mr. Johnson : In my opinion, the United States should allow no 
 further importations, and, in the case of the Hawaiian sugar planters' de- 
 mand for Asiatic labor there is an especially good reason why it should be 
 denied. Our sugar production is roughly 2,000,000,000 pounds per year. Our 
 sugar exports are roughly 1,000,000,000 pounds per year. Let us cut out our 
 exports of sugar instead of trying to compete with foreign markets by lowering 
 the American wage scale to the level of Asiatic labor. An export trade that 
 needs importation of Asiatic or any other cheap labor, or any other foreign 
 labor, should not be supported. If we were to support such a policy on sugar, 
 there would be no excuse for refusing the same support on every other product 
 of the farm, the factory, and the mine. 
 
 We import 5,000,000,000 pounds of sugar per year. We should sufficiently in- 
 crease sugar tariffs so that American sugar planters can sell their product at 
 home at a price high enough to enable them to pay a proper American wage 
 scale. The same policy should apply to everything that can be produced in the 
 United States. 
 
 Faithfully, E. C. Horst. 
 
 The Chairman. I have here a long telegram in opposition to the 
 resolution, signed by Gilbert J. Waller, jr., of San Francisco, which 
 was forwarded to me by Congressman Julius Kahn, and which may be 
 inserted in the record. 
 
 (The telegram referred to is as follows:) 
 
 San Francisco, Calif., August 6, 1921. 
 Hon. Julius Kahn, 
 
 Congressional Building, Washington, D. C: 
 
 On the suggestion of Mr. Sam Bissinger, I again address you the following 
 telegram, hoping that you may see your way clear to aid me in my opposition, 
 and I take this opportunity of again ttianking you for your many kind favors 
 of the past. As a citizen of Hawaii, I oppose the emergency alien labor resolu- 
 tion now before Congress which the planters are strenuously trying to force. 
 It will retard civilization of the Territory, indefinitely postponing solution of 
 labor problem, creating an aggravated condition later. Present schemes lead 
 from pan to fire. Planters desire domination labor. 
 
 No sincere effort yet made to introduce citizen labor spite of idleness in main- 
 land, and my personal experience justifies statement that one white laborer 
 equals two orientals in capacity for w^ork. Present unemployment mainland 
 affords planters unprecedented opportunity for sincere effort to try out citizen 
 labor. Congress ought at least delay action pending such experiment. Planters' 
 motives purely mercenary. Americanization and welfare of Territory appeals 
 to them only when sensitive pocket nerve is touched. Planters responsible pres- 
 ent alien population — Japanese, Chinese, Filipinos, Koreans, Porto Ricans. 
 Within decade planters publicly supported Japanese to dominate labor market. 
 Now regret and, realizing pulse of America, magnify Japanese menace in their 
 statements. Americanization Territory all poppycock. Sole motive mercenary, 
 
 56754— 21— SER 7, pt 2 21 
 
866 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 cheaper labor. Personally am strongly anti- Japanese, but know importation 
 Chinese labor can not solve present or future problems. Will increase difficul- 
 ties. All interests independent of planters' control oppose equalization Ameri- 
 can with oriental working, living standards at expense of former. Result, ret- 
 rogression. Firm I am treasurer and director of now passing through the most 
 stressful period existence due Chinese competition, which competition planters 
 now are and have for years been assisting. My firm is cooperative grazing com- 
 pany, which during AVorld War sold beef to American Army at lower prices than 
 Army purchased anywhere in America. Policy purely public spirited at time 
 necessity for cooperation. Army lack of transportation confined Army's source 
 supply to Territory. If advantage were taken prevailing conditions, 10 cents 
 pound more could have been charged Army. Even then would have bought 
 cheaper price than California or eastern supplies. Record War Department 
 will confirm statement. Comparison of this record with planters invited. Dur- 
 ing war largest stockholder of firm employing me refused to employ aliens 
 claiming exemption grounds alien subjects. Planters encouraged aliens to claim 
 exemption on same grounds. Same stockholder paid annual bonus of Liberty 
 bonds. Plantation managers informed me planters did not for fear of dis- 
 satisfaction to aliens. Nineteen hundred and seventeen Honolulu Chamber of 
 Commerce, a planters' tool, elected German president. Motive, placate German 
 element, mercenary reasons. Lack of more general opposition due mostly fear 
 of consequences of opposition to planters' interests. Residents of Pacific Coast 
 States realize the passage of bill will mean increased influx Hawaiian-born Jap- 
 anese, Chinese, and others who are American citizens. I seek your valued oppo- 
 sition to this bill and would court an investigation by a commission that might 
 be sent there. 
 
 Gilbert J. Waller, Jr. 
 
 Mr. Eaker. In that connection, I received a cablegram from Mr. 
 Hindle, urging the adoption of this resohition, and I answered it. 
 I also received two letters from business men in San Francisco in 
 favor of the resolution, and I answered them. I would like to insert 
 that cablegram and the letters, with my answers, in the record. 
 
 (The letters referred to are as follows:) 
 
 Honolulu. 
 Representative Raker, 
 
 Washington, D. C: 
 Labor here is not opposed to Hawaiian Delegate's bill, importation Chinese for 
 agricultural purposes. You know the previous bills, as well as this one, are clean 
 and deserve your support, not opposition. Try and see the light, as placed 
 by the labor commission from this Territory. 
 
 W. H. Hindle. 
 
 House of Representatives, 
 WasJiington, D. C, August 9, 1921. 
 Mr. W. H. Hindle, 
 
 Honolulu, Haivaii. 
 My Dear Mr. Hindle: Your wireless, regarding the Hawaiian bill, authoriz- 
 ing importation of Chinese in Hawaii, at hand. I remember very clearly the 
 hearings had before the Committee on Immigration on the two separate bills 
 which you sponsored, and your appearance before such committee. 
 
 This Chinese importation legislation does not have a ghost of a chance to 
 pass and become a law. There is every argument against it. The importation 
 of Asiatic coolie labor into the United States or any of its Territories would ~ 
 be a severe blow to the principles for which America stands. We want free 
 labor, not involuntary servitude, no peon nor serf labor. 
 
 This method of dealing with men was abolished by the thirteenth amendment 
 to the Constitution of the United States and the laws enacted subsequent thereto, 
 and there is no possible chance of going back to the conditions existing before 
 the passage of the thirteenth amendment and there should be none. This bill 
 permits and authorizes involuntary servitude and peonage, as well as violat- 
 ing the organic act of the Territory of Hawaii admitting it as a Territory into 
 the Union. 
 
 I am, yours, most truly, 
 
 John E. Raker, M. C. 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 867 
 
 San Feancisco, Calif., August 9, 1021. 
 Hon. John E. Raker, 
 
 House of Representatives, Washington, D. C: 
 We respectfully ask your support for the Hawaiian immigration measure 
 now before Congress. This measure is vital for the prosperity of the Hawaiian 
 Territory, and their prosperity is very necessary to the Pacific coast. We have 
 extensive business connections there, and we are assured by reliable business 
 men that this measure is vital to the prosperity of the islands. 
 
 W. P. Fuller & Co. 
 
 House of Representatives, 
 Washino'ton, D. C, August 9, 1921. 
 W. P. Fuller & Co., 
 
 San Francisco, Calif. 
 
 Gentlemen: Your telegram of August 8 regarding the Hawaiian immigration 
 measure, now before Congress, at hand. 
 
 This measure violates the thirteenth amendment of the Constitution of the 
 United States, the organic act admitting Hawaii as a Territory, and would 
 establish in a Territory of the United States involuntary servitude, peonage, 
 and serfdom. It is violative of the Chinese exclusion act. Its features are 
 contrary to the public policy of America. Am'erica stands for free labor and 
 against involuntary servitude, peonage, serfdom, contract labor, and coolie labor 
 (Chinese as well as Japanese), so you can see that the resolution is having 
 my personal and most careful consideration. 
 
 I am. yours, most truly, • • -. 
 
 The Chairman. A great many letters are coming to the committee 
 on this subject, but I will not put them in the record, because I do 
 not wish to encumber the record any more than is necessary. 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. The cablegrams I have submitted for the record 
 are from different societies, individuals, etc., including the American 
 Legion posts in Hawaii. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Are the American Legion posts in favor of this legis- 
 lation ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. Yes, sir; they are. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Let us hear that. 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. I will read this resolution : 
 
 Whereas it has been brought to the attention of Maui Post, No. 8, American 
 Legion, Department of Hawaii, that Samuel Gompers, president of the Ameri- 
 can Federation of Labor, has made public certain declarations, as published in 
 an Associated Press dispatch from Washington dated July 11, 1921, regarding 
 the House resolution which authorizes the President of the United States to 
 suspend temporarily the laws excluding oriental labor, to wit : 
 
 " That the Hawaiian planters desire the importation of Chinese labor, be- 
 cause they find the coolie the m'ost easily exploited, the least resentful of ex- 
 ploitation and brutality, and the most easily kept in bondage. 
 
 Further : 
 
 " Time after time the true situation in Hawaii, where poverty and profiteering 
 have been pictured in terms almost unbelievable, has been presented in Govern- 
 ment reports and these have been suppressed. Present reports to the Department 
 of Labor and Congress are meaningless. 
 
 " Investigators have so thoroughly learned their lesson by experience that 
 they now include in their reports only a few tables on the cost of living and 
 wages. They make no elfort to depict conditions and analyze the great questions 
 affecting employment in Hawaii." 
 
 Whicli statements are entirely without foundation and absolutely misrepre- 
 sent the true situation. 
 
 Therefore, be it resolved, that Maui Post No, 8, American Legion, Department 
 of Hawaii, protests the acceptance of these declarations without a close and im- 
 partial investigation. 
 
 Be it further resolved, tliat copies of this resolution be sent to all posts of the 
 American Legion in the Department of Hawaii, requesting that they take action. 
 
 Be it further resolved, that the executive committee, American Legion, De- 
 partment of Hawaii, be requested to forward the results of the action of the posts 
 
868 LABOR PROBLEMS IJS HAWAII. 
 
 of this deDtiiTment to the national legishitive eonnnittee of tlie American Legion, 
 requesiuig it to present the matter to the ('onnnittees on Immigration of tlie 
 Senate and tlie House of Representatives. 
 
 Be it further resolved, that the executive conmiittee, American Legion, Depart- 
 ment of Hawaii, he requested to send the results of the action of the posts of tliis 
 department to the Connnittees on Immigration of the Senate and House of 
 Representatives. 
 
 Be it further resolved, that we, the memhers of Maui Post No. 8, American 
 Legion, Department of Hawaii, do petition Congress to act favorably upon and 
 pass the joint resolution introduced in the United States Senate under the date 
 of June 20, 1921, permitting importation into the Territory of Hawaii, for limited 
 periods, of sutFicient agricultural labor to relieve the present labor shortage, the 
 passage of which resolution is vital to the best interests of the Territory of 
 Hawaii. 
 
 Mr. Kaker. By whom is that signed? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. That resohition is by Maui Post, No. 8, American 
 Legion. I will read you this cablegram dated August 6, 1921, ad- 
 dressed to the chairman of the Hawaiian Emergency Labor Com- 
 mission, as follows : 
 
 Mailing you to-day resolution adopted by Kohala Post, Kauai Post, American 
 Legion, protesting attitude American Federation of Labor and supporting 
 Hawaiian emergency labor bill. You already have similar resolution Maui Post. 
 
 O'SuLLivAN, Adjutant. 
 
 That refers to the resolution that I have just read and to two 
 others whose complete text I have not yet received. 
 
 Mr. Raker. How many men are there in that post? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. I do not know how many men there are in the 
 different posts, but Hawaii was very well represented on the roster 
 of the last war. There was a very high percentage of service men, 
 and a great many of them are members of the American Legion 
 posts. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Do you suppose there are as many as 10 members of 
 that post? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. I am very sure that there are a great many 
 more than that. 
 
 Mr. Chillingworth. At the time America went into the World 
 War Hawaii was one of the few places that had 100 per cent effi- 
 ciency in her National Guard, or sufficient to replace every man in 
 the regular service. At that time there were some ten or twelve 
 thousand men in the Territory available. 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. Out of the population down there, including 
 American, Hawaiian, etc., we had, when the draft came on, about 
 10,000 men in service. 
 
 Mr. Shaw. Mr. Chairman, I have a telegram from the University 
 of Illinois Alumni Association of Hawaii, which I think might be 
 inserted in the record. 
 
 The Chairman. You have that permission. 
 
 (The matter referred to is as follows:) 
 
 Honolulu, Angast 1, 1921. 
 Representative Guy L. Shaw, 
 
 Congress Hall Hotel, Washington: 
 We strongly indorse Hawaii's emergency labor bill now before Congress. 
 We live here and know that diversified alien field labor, which will not replace 
 or compete with citizens' labor, is necessary to prevent Japanese control Hawaii 
 and her industries. 
 
 Alumni University Illinois, 
 By A. B. Clark. 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAH. 869 
 
 August 9, 1921. 
 Mr. A. B. Clark, Honolulu, Hawaii. 
 
 My Dear Mr. Clark: I received your cablegram of August 7 last Sunday 
 in regard to the alien field-labor^condition in Hawaii. 
 
 I was indeed glad to receive tliis information from you. I am heartily in 
 accord witli the question of preventing Japanese control in tlie islands. 
 Very truly, yours, 
 
 Guy L. Shaw. 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. Mr. Chairman, the attorney general of the 
 Territory of Hawaii has prepared, at your request, a statement for 
 this committee. Mr. Mead has prepared a statement covering some 
 points raised by Mr. Gompers in his testimony, which I would also 
 like to have inserted in the record. Unfortunately, Mr. Mead has 
 been called out of town and will not be here this morning. If that 
 could be placed in the record following Mr. Irwin's statement- 
 
 Mr. Eaker (interposing). Who is that? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. Mr. Mead. He has been here before the com- 
 mittee. I have not the statement here, but Mr. Mead has it. 
 
 The Chairman. If we do not place it in the record we will hear 
 him. 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. I would prefer to have Mr. Mead appear be- 
 fore the committee. 
 
 The Chairman. There will be a few questions we will want to 
 ask him. 
 
 STATEMENT OF MR. HAKRY IRWIN, ATTORNEY GENERAL OF 
 
 THE TERRITORY OF HAWAII. 
 
 Mr. Irwin. Mr. Chairman and gentlemen of the committee, this 
 is a statement that I have prepared after some search and study of 
 the authorities, relating principally to the constitutional questions 
 involved and which have been raised during these hearings. The 
 statement is as follows : 
 
 Beief in Support of House Joint Resolution 171. 
 
 Very early during the hearing before this committee it was suggested by 
 Judge Raker that the resolution under consideration, if enacted into law, would 
 be declared unconstitutional, as being repugnant to the principles of the thir- 
 teenth amendment and as contemplating a system of peonage and enforced 
 servitude. 
 
 Such a system was so far from anything which the members of this commis- 
 sit»n had in mind that the suggestion was not taken very seriously, and It was 
 only when Representative Cable filed his brief on this point that we began to 
 realize that some members of the committee entertahied serious doubts as to the 
 constitutionality of the measure now under consideration. I was impressed 
 with the idea that if a constitutional question is involved at all it should have 
 been settled at the outset rather than at the conclusion of these extensive 
 hearings. 
 
 I am very well convincd. however, that the doubts which have been expressed 
 relative to the constitutionality of this resolution are the result of a misconcep- 
 tion of the entire labor proposition in Hawaii. I take it that the reasons urged 
 by Mr. Cable against the constitutionality of the resolution cover practically 
 every ground of objection that can be raised. 
 
 Mr. Cable bases his opinion upon two grounds only, namely: 
 
 (1) That under the terms of the resolution an immigrant would be compelled 
 to repay his passage money, and w^ould therefore be compelled to work out a 
 debt, under which circumstances his service would amount to peonage ; and 
 - (2) That under the terms of the resolution a person would be brought 
 " within the jurisdiction of tlie United States * * * as a slave or to be 
 
870 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 held to .service or laboi'," in violation of n statute which Mr. Cable contends was 
 enacted by Congress as a " result of the thirteenth amendment," and pursuant 
 to the power vested in Congress by the second section of the amendment. 
 
 It is quite possible that this misapprehension as to the way these laborers 
 would be treated is due to a failure on our part to lay before the committee a 
 detailed plan of operation. We have at all times believed, however, and still 
 believe, that those details might be safely left to the sound wisdom and dis- 
 cretion of the President of the United States and the Secretary of Labor, who 
 are directly charged v/ith the power and duty of carrying out the terms of the 
 resolution. The resolution provides that (a) when the President shall have 
 found, and by proclamation so declared, that an emergency exists in the Terri- 
 tory of Hawaii by reason of a shortage of labor (&) the Secretary of Labor 
 may. under such rules and regulations as he may prescribe, admit into Hawaii 
 a sufficient number of aliens, otherwise inadmissible, to overcome such shortage. 
 We are therefore safeguarded by the fact, first, that the President must first 
 determine and declare that such an emergency ex^'sts; second, that the Secretary 
 of Labor must find and determine the actual shortage and admit only a suffi- 
 cient number to overcome the shortage; and, third, the aliens can be admitted 
 and employed only pursuant to the regulations and conditions to be by him 
 prescribed. 
 
 While the statements made by Mr. Gompers and others to the effect that the 
 resolution contemplates the bringing in of 50,000 Chinese are not particularly- 
 germane to the purposes of this brief, the attention of this committee is called 
 to the fact that by the terms of the resolution no such result could by any 
 possibility be achieved. We claim a total shortage of only 14,500 laborers, and 
 it is hardly likely that the Secretary of Labor will declare the shortage to be 
 any greater than it really is. Before we could believe that we would have to 
 assume that the Secretary of Labor would, in the execution of the powers con- 
 ferred on him by this resolution, willfully fail to carry out the plain provisions 
 of the law, and we do not intend to indulge in any such presumption. 
 
 Our failure to give the committee the details of the plan by which this labor 
 would be handled is due entirely to our belief that those details could be safely 
 left to the wisdom and discretion of the Secretary of Labor. We have at all 
 times been absolutely certain that in the promulgation of the regulations and 
 conditions under which these aliens might be admitted and employed the Sec- 
 retary of Labor would properly protect them from the evils which Mr. Gompers 
 imagines would follow on the heels of this resolution. We did not nor do we 
 now imagine that those regulations would permit of any " system of peonage." 
 of any " enforced servitude," of any laborer " being shackled to the job," of any 
 laborer *' being held to service," or any other method of oppressing labor. We 
 have the utmost confidence in the ability and desire of the Secretary of liabor to 
 protect labor. Mr. Gompers and other opponents of the resolution either do 
 not .ioin with us in this expression of confidence or they have entirely overlooked 
 the fact that every detail by which this labor is to be handled is entirely within 
 the control of the Secretary of Labor. 
 
 We do not for a moment believe that the Secretary of Labor would promul- 
 gate anv I'esrulntions wMch would r)eri)nt of anv form of peonasre. nor do we 
 desire him to do so. Mr. Cable's idea of the laborer becoming " indebted " to 
 some person or persons, sincere as we believe it to be, is founded upon a mis- 
 apprehension of the facts and the purposes of this commission. Even in the 
 days of the monarchy, when the people of Hawaii were uncontrolled by any 
 such constitutional restrictions as now govern us, no contract laborers which 
 were brought in were ever compelled to repay their passage money. The Ter- 
 ritory of Hawaii has expended in the past millions of dollars in bringing in 
 European immigrants in an attempt to build up a white population, not one 
 dollar of which has been charged up to such immigrants. So far as we may be 
 allowed to make suggestions as to the details of the plan, we guarantee to 
 advocate that the passage money of any such alien will not be deducted from 
 his pay or otherwise charged against him. 
 
 Mr. Cable's further statement, sincere though we believe it to be, that these 
 aliens would be " held to service " contrary to the slave trade act, is also founded 
 on a misapprehension of the facts and the purposes of this commission. 
 
 We do not for one moment believe that the Secretary of Labor would permit 
 of any such alien being contracted out to any particular employer for a definite 
 period of time, nor is it our desire that he should be so. The only restriction 
 that would be placed upon such aliens upon their entry into Hawaii would be 
 that they would engage only in agricultural work or such other class of work 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN" HAWAII. 871 
 
 as they might be admitted for. They would have absolute freedom of move- 
 ment throughout the Territory, with the right to engage in agricultural pur- 
 suits on their own account or to choose their own employer ; to go and come as 
 they choose, with the sole restrictions that they can remain for a limited time 
 only ; and if they attempt to engage in a class of labor other than the general one 
 for which they were admitted they would be subject to deportation. 
 
 If there remains any doubt in the minds of the members of this connnittoa 
 as to whether or not under the general terms of the resolution as now framed 
 these details may be safely left to the wisdom and discretion of the executive 
 officers of the Government then we recommend that the resolution be emended 
 so as to provide in terms against repayment of passage money, and for entire 
 freedom of movement. 
 
 The foregoing statement, which is preliminary in its nature, appears to us 
 to be necessary for the purpose of clearing up some misapprehensions as to 
 the real purpose of the resolution and of this commission. 
 
 THE EFFECT OF THE RESOLUTION ON EXISTING LAW. 
 
 The question was raised during the hearings as to whether or not before 
 this resolution could become effective it would be necessary to amend certain 
 of the Federal statutes. Mr. Cable has very ably discussed this feature in his 
 brief and has undoubtedly arrived at the correct legal conclusion. Without 
 further discussing tliis feature, it is sufficient to say that a special law such 
 as this resolution would be, amends, repeals, or suspends all previous law to 
 the extent that the same are inconsistent therewith. 
 
 THE CONSTITUTIONAL QUESTION. 
 
 It has been said during the hearings that the resolution under consideration 
 is unconstitutional because it violates the principles of the thirteenth amend- 
 ment. That amendment reads as follows: 
 
 " Neither slavery, or involuntary servitude, except as a punishment for crime 
 v/hereof the party shall have been duly convicted shall exist within the United 
 States, or any place subject to their jurisdiction." 
 
 Whether the resolution is or is not constitutional must be determined upon 
 a consideration and interpretation of its language and the language of the 
 thirteenth amendment. The distinction betw^een the constitutionality of the 
 resolution and" its antagonism to the terms of existing law must always be 
 kept in mind, even though some of those existing laws have been enacted 
 pursuant to the second section of the thirteenth amendment. In other words, 
 the unconstitutionality of the resolution must be proven by bringing it squarely 
 within the prohibitions of the thirteenth amendment and not by bringing it 
 within the terms of any act passed pursuant to the second section of the 
 thirteenth amendment. And unless it can be brought squarely within the terms 
 of the prohibitions of the thirteenth amendment it would operate as ah amend- 
 ment pro tanto of those existing statutes. 
 
 The amendment abolishes (1) slavery and (2) involuntary servitude. The 
 cases all recognize a distinction between the two terms. It is well recognized 
 that the term " slavery " as used in the amendment refers directly to the form 
 of slavery which existed in the South when human beings were bought and 
 sold as chattels. The expression " involuntary servitude " has been held to 
 have a wider meaning than the term " slavery " and includes such forms of 
 servitude as are generally described as peonage. If, therefore, the resolution 
 is unconstitutional it must be so declared because of some system of " involun- 
 tary servitude " which it permits or sanctions. 
 
 If we are justified in our belief in the wisdom and integrity of the executive 
 officers of our Government — and as to that we have no doubt — and if the plan 
 should be worked out along the lines suggested in the preliminary statement 
 herein contained, it is impossible for us to see how such service or employment 
 can be characterized as " involuntary servitude." Under the terms of the reso- 
 lution the Secretary of Labor would invite a certain number of laborers to 
 come to Hawaii for a definite period of time to engage in a certain kind of 
 employment, agricultural or otherwise, upon the express condition that if they 
 attempted to engage in other employment they would be deported. According 
 to our conception of the plan, the laborers would be brought in without expense 
 to them.selves, without any definite contract with any particular employer, with 
 the utmost freedom to work for themselves or for any employer whom they 
 
872 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAW AIL 
 
 might select, and with entire freedom to leave that employment and select 
 another employer. The laborer is restricted only in the class of labor which 
 he may do and is acquainted with all the particulars before he leaves his home. 
 Absolutely every step in the plan is voluntary and not involuntary. A volun- 
 tary agreement for service, while it might, under certain circumstances, be 
 repugnant to the peonage act. can not be brought within the prohibition of the 
 thirteenth amendment. 
 
 " Thus, if one should agree for a yearly wage to serve another in a particular 
 capacity during his life, and never to leave his estate without his consent, the 
 contract might not be enforceable for want of a legal remedy, or might be 
 void on the grounds of public policy, but the servitude could not properly be 
 termed ' involuntary '," (Robertson v. Baldwin, 165 U. S., 275; 17 Sup. Ct. 
 Rep., 326-328.) 
 
 I desire now to analyze Mr. Cable's arguments and his conclusion that the 
 resolution is unconstitutional. This conclusion is based upon an interpretation 
 of the language of the thirteenth amendment in conjunction with the section of 
 the slave trade act which prohibits the " bringing of slaves into the United 
 States." We have attempted to point out above that the Constitution can not 
 be interpreted with the aid of a statute passed pursuant thereto, and that any 
 law, before it can be declared unconstitutional, must be brought squarely 
 within the prohibitions of the Constitution without regard to other laws, but 
 in addition to this argument Mr. Cable's conclusion is based upon an unsound 
 premise. He argues that because the act prohibiting the bringing of persons 
 into the United States as slaves, or " to be held to service or labor," was passed 
 as " a result of the thirteenth amendment," the present resolution is therefore 
 unconstitutional, because it violates the provisions of that act. As a matter 
 of fact, the act to which he refers was not passed as " a result of the thirteenth 
 amendment," but was passed in 1818, approximately a half century before the 
 adoption of the thirteenth amendment, and was later amended by substituting 
 the word " person " for the words " negro, mulatto, or person of color." The 
 act upon which Mr. Cable relies had no reff^reuce to voluntary labor contracts 
 at all, and was aimed solely at the slave trade. 
 
 "The purpose of the statute (35 Stat, 1139), as interpreted by the courts, 
 was to put an end to the slave trade and to prevent the introduction of slaves 
 into the United States from other countries." (U. S. v. Ship Garonne, 11 Pet, 
 73; 9 U. S. L. ed., 637.) 
 
 It appears clear, therefore, that the act under consideration was not passed 
 pursuant to the second section of the thirteenth amendment, and any conclusion 
 based upon any such theory must of necessity be unsound. 
 
 As a matter of fact, it was the peonage statute which was enacted pursuant 
 to the thirteenth amendment. 
 
 " It is not open to doubt that Congress may enforce the thirteenth amendment 
 by direct legislation punishing the holding of a person in slavery or in involun- 
 tary servitude except as a punishment for crime. In the exercise of that power 
 Congress has enacted these sections denouncing peonage." (Clyatt v. U. S., 
 197; U. S., 207; 25 Sup. Ct Rep., 429-431.) 
 
 But, as above pointed out, the resolution under consideration can not be 
 regarded as even antagonistic to the principles of the peonage act for the reason 
 that the element of indebtedness is lacking. " What is peonage? It may be 
 defined as a status or condition of compulsory service based upon the indebted- 
 ness of the peon to the master. The basic fact is indebtedness." (Clyatt v. 
 U. S., supra.) 
 
 Under the terms of the resolution and the outline of the general plan as above 
 developed it is impossible for us to see how it can further be contended that the 
 resolution permits of any form of involuntary servitude or of any person being 
 " held to service or labor " or any form of peonage, either as prohibited by the 
 Constitution or the acts under discussion. Some mention has been made of the 
 fact that by the terms of the resolution a laborer who failed to comply with 
 the conditions upon which he was allowed to enter Hawaii would be arrested 
 and deported. That would undoubtedly be true, but we can not see any dis- 
 tinction between that procedure and the procedure which is now followed under 
 our laws relative to the entry, for example, of a Chinese merchant Under the 
 resolution a laborer may be admitted to Hawaii to engage in agricultural labor 
 upon the condition that if he engages in any other occupation he will be arrested 
 and deported. A Chinese merchant, under present law, is admitted to the 
 United States upon the condition that if he becomes a laborer he will be arrested 
 and deported. We can see no difference between the two cases, yet no one has 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 873 
 
 been heard to sny that " mvoluntary servitude" has been imposed upon the 
 merchant. 
 
 THE POWER OF THE FEDERAL GOVERNMENT TO ADMIT OR EXCLUDE ALIENS. 
 
 There can be no doubt as to the power of Congress to enact legislation of this 
 kind, and the books are full of adjudicated cases on this point. 
 
 " It is an accepted maxim of international law that every sovereign nation 
 has the power as inherent in sovereignty and essential to self-preservation to 
 forbid the entrance of foreigners within its dominions or to admit them only 
 in such cases and upon such conditions as it may see fit to prescribe." (Nishi- 
 mara Ekin v. U. S., 142 U. S., 651-659.) 
 
 " It is an accepted maxim of international law that the Government of a State 
 may prohibit the entrance of strangers in a country, and may therefore regulate 
 the conditions under which they shall be allowed to remain in it or may require 
 and compel their departure from it." (Phill. Int. Law, 3d ed., ch. 10, sec. 220; 
 Fong Que Ting v. U. S., 149 U. S., 698 ; 13 Sup. Ct. Rep., 1016.) 
 
 In my opinion the resolution would be held constitutional. 
 
 Harry Irwin, 
 Attorney General of Hawaii, 
 For the Hairaii Lahor Emergency Commission. 
 
 Washington, D. C, August 10, 1921. 
 
 It is a rather remarkable thing, I will say for the attention of 
 the lawyers present, the extent to which that last case goes in hold- 
 ing the authority of the Government to expel from its borders aliens 
 rightfully therein, or even though rightfully therein. In that case 
 it holds that the power of the sovereign is sufficiently broad to expel 
 those people at any time, even though rightfully within the borders 
 of the country. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. Mr. Irwin, ^^our position is that this resolution, in 
 so far as it contravenes the statutes or acts of Congress or is incon- 
 sistent therewith, would be to that extent construed to be an amend- 
 ment of such statutes whether it directly refers to them or not? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. Yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. And that the only basis upon which its unconsti- 
 tutionality could be argued would be that it came in direct conflict 
 with the Constitution? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. Yes, sir ; that is exactly my position. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. Well, as a general proposition that is unquestionably 
 correct. Now, then, you cut out all of the questions of enforced labor 
 except the limiting of these immigrants to agricultural labor in 
 Hawaii ? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. And the act of departing from that class of labor 
 and going into some other employment you make a cause for de- 
 portation ? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. Yes, sir. It would be such a violation if he went into 
 some other class of labor. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. There could be no question of the right of the Gov- 
 ernment to say to the immigrant, " You ' may come to the United 
 States and remain for a certain period of time and then your stay 
 ceases and determines." That, of course, would be conceded. Then 
 the question would revolve around the proposition of the Government 
 deporting him when he ceased to do that class of labor specified in 
 the legislative measure under which he came. 
 
 Mr. Irwin. And which he impliedly agreed to when he came. 
 
874 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. That, in substance, is your whole position on this 
 subject of peonage? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. Briefly stated, I think that is true. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. You referred to the fact that we should intrust the 
 matter of the details of these regulations, relative to the time of their 
 coming in and the number to come in, to the executive department 
 or the President and the Secretary of Labor. 
 
 Mr. Irwin. That is not entirely correct. I did not. say that you 
 should do it, but I say that that is the reason why we have not gone 
 into greater detail in the formulation and presentation of plans. That 
 would be the attitude of the Hawaiian Commission; that is, we are 
 perfectly willing to intrust the details to the executive officers of the 
 Government, but I do not attempt to advise the committee as to what 
 it should do in that regard. 
 
 The Chairman. The resolution before the committee assumes that. 
 
 Mr. Irwin. Yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. I do not think it would be possible or practicable to 
 pass a resolution without leaving its execution largely in the hands of 
 the executive department. Of course, somebody will have to declare 
 the emergency. 
 
 The Chairman. I .want to ask you if you think that the position of 
 merchants or students coming in under the terms of the Chinese exclu- 
 sion act is on a par with the position of persons coming in, or being 
 permitted to come in, under this resolution to work for wages ? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. I do not see any distinction in principle. There is a dis- 
 tinction in the facts but not in the principle. The Chinese merchant 
 is allowed to come in for a certain length of time and is tied down 
 to that job just as much as the laborer would be tied down to his job. 
 
 The Chairman. He is restricted as to what he shall do, and in some 
 part his movements or activities are impeded. 
 
 Mr. Irwin. Yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. It is your opinion that a resolution which would au- 
 thorize the Secretary of Labor to arrange for an immigrant to come to 
 the Territory of Hawaii and agree to stay there for a certain period of 
 time and to engage in a certain class of labor during that period, or, 
 say, for five years, and, in the event of his failure to follow that par- 
 ticular employment, or in the event he should seek other employ- 
 ment 
 
 Mr. Irwin (interposing) . Outside of that class. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. Outside of that class ; yes. It is your opinion that a 
 resolution making him subject to deportation on account of those 
 facts would not be in violation of any of our statutes or of the Con- 
 stitution? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. That is my honest and considered opinion. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. Is it your opinion that that is not violative of the 
 spirit of the thirteenth amendment ? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. I have no doubt of that whatsoever. I do not think that 
 anything of that sort was ever intended either by the letter or spirit 
 of the Constitution. 
 
 Mr. Box. Mr. Chairman, I did not hear the beginning of the 
 gentleman's statement, but from his answer to one of Judge Wilson's 
 questions, I understand that his position is that certain features of 
 the resolution are eliminated, but that the provision that a man may 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 875 
 
 be brought over tliere to engage in certain industries is carried, and 
 that the penalty of deportation is provided to enforce it. 
 
 Mr. Irwin. Perhaps you did not hear the first part of my brief. 
 I was merely referring to what our conception of it has been or our 
 general conception of the way the resolution would work out. It is 
 our belief, our suggestion, advice, and insistence that the general 
 plan would work out in that w^ay. I further stated that if the com- 
 mittee had any doubt in their minds as to whether or not the Secre- 
 tary of Labor could be safely intrusted to execute the plan along 
 such lines as would prevent involuntary servitude, peonage labor, 
 or contract labor, we would suggest that the resolution be so 
 amended as to provide in terms against those particular things. 
 
 Mr. Box. That is about what I understood in connection with 
 your answer to Judge Wilson's c|uestion. I understood you to say 
 in answer' to Judge Wilson that it was contemplated that these men 
 would still be subject to deportation if they left the labor they were 
 brought here to perform. 
 
 Mr. Irwin. That is true; yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Box. I want to ask you how they would be segregated from 
 the rest of the population. In other words, if they were brought 
 over there, and were turned loose with perfect freedom to come and 
 go as they chose, how could you prevent them from mixing and 
 mingling with the several hundred thousand people already there, 
 many of whom are of kindred race, or how would you keep them so 
 that you could gather them together, or how could you keep them 
 employed in that particular work without holding them in some sort 
 of custocl}^? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. I do not see why that would be at all necessary. The 
 whole matter could be handled through the Territorial board of 
 immigration or through some simple system of registration. Of 
 course, that is simply a suggestion of mine, but it could be done 
 through a system of registration whereby those Chinese who were 
 brought in could be required to register and reregister, say, every six 
 months or year. 
 
 Mr. Box. You would bring the men over and tbey would be 
 allotted in some way to the different employers? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. Our board of immigration would undoubtedly select 
 some places where they could go if they wanted to go. 
 
 Mr. Box. As they entered the service of their employers, you 
 would have to keep some sort of check on them, or some sort of 
 record of them and their movements, in order to be able to enforce 
 the provision providing for their deportation. 
 
 Mr. Irwin. That is true ; yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Box. Is it your judgment that that of itself would not be 
 such custody or supervision as would be inconsistent with your 
 idea of American freedom ? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. I do not see anything inconsistent in that, Judge. 
 It is exactly the same proposition that was enacted in the Chinese 
 exclusion law, which provided .that Chinese residing in the country 
 must within one year after the passage of that act — that being the 
 act of 1892 — furnish a certificate to the Department of Labor, with 
 evidence, including the testimony of one white person, that they 
 had been lawfully in the country prior to the date of the passage of 
 that act. 
 
876 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 Mr. Box. That Avas simply proof that they had been in the coun- 
 try, but not proof that they had been in the service of any one man 
 or group of men. 
 
 Mr. Irwin. What is the distinction? 
 
 Mr. Box. I wanted to get your view. I do not wisli to argue 
 with you about it, but I wanted to get 3^our view. Now, as I un- 
 derstand it, they would be deported at the end of a certain period, 
 say, five years, and leaving out of the question the matter of their 
 serving particular masters or groups of emplo3^ers, you vroiild have 
 to keep up with them for the purpose of deporting them at the end 
 of that time? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. Yes, sir ; you would have to keep some sort of iden- 
 tification of them. 
 
 Mr. Box. So that 5^ou would keep tab on them for two pur- 
 poses — one to require that they continue in the service 6f certain 
 men or groups of men 
 
 Mr. Irwin (interposing). jSTo, sir; the condition is that they 
 shall engage in one particular kind or class of labor, but they would 
 not be confined to one service or to the employment of one persoiL 
 or one group of persons. 
 
 Mr. Box. I understand that your agricultural classes or the sugar 
 interests are well organized and united and that it is contemplated 
 that these men shall be parceled out when brought under some s^^s- 
 tem. I do not mean to say that in an offensive way, but, as I un- 
 derstand it, they will be allotted, and, of course, that allotment 
 would have to be regarded by the laborers, would it not? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. As an original proposition, when the}^ first came 
 there undoubtedly that would be true, but there is nothing at all 
 that would prevent any one of those persons who had been allotted 
 to one plantation or one employer from the next day leaving that 
 employer and going into the service of another employer of his own 
 free will. 
 
 Mr. Box. If each one of the 15,000 or 20,000 brought over has full 
 freedom to do as he likes, what would your allotment amount to, so 
 long as they are laboring in an agricultural service ? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. It does not make any particular difference to the ter- 
 ritory as a whole where they labor, so long as it is agricultural labor. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. Following Mr. Box's line of questions, let us suppose 
 you have this registration and you keep in touch with these laborers. 
 Take an individual case. Here is a Chinaman who has been working^ 
 on a farm. He is found working at the carpenter trade, and is 
 apprehended. What is the charge ag^ainst him? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. There is no charge. The United States Supreme Court 
 has held time and time again that in cases of that kind it is not a 
 criminal charge at all, but it is simply — — 
 
 Mr. Wilson (interposing). I did not mean a criminal charge. 
 
 Mr. Irwin. It is simply a charge of having failed to comply with 
 the conditions of his entry into the Territory of Hawaii. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. That could be put in another light, too. He is 
 arrested because he is working at the carpenter trade. 
 
 Mr. Irwin. No; he is arrested because he has violated the condi- 
 tions of his entry into the United States. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. But is he not arrested because he exercised the right 
 to change his occupation ? 
 
LA!U;i{ riiOIlM :\IS IN HAWAII. 877 
 
 Mr. Ik^\'ix. I>iit he came into the country upon the express agree- 
 ment that he would not do any such thing. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. That is exactly where I think w^e are in danger of 
 running into this constitutional difficulty. 
 
 The Chair:\!AN. We will assume that he comes to do agricultural 
 labor, and he understands that. He is parceled out; he is one of a 
 squad that is sent to a sugar plantation, and he understands that; 
 but after he has been there for about three weeks he decides that 
 he would rather work on a pineapple plantation, so he leaves the 
 sugar plantation and goes to a pineapple plantation and wants to 
 work there. They either employ him or they have no work for him, 
 and he then hangs around without work and refuses to go back to the 
 cane plantation. Now, under those conditions what are you going 
 to do with him ? He is still seeking agricultural labor. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. I do not think you could do anything with him. 
 
 The Chairman. But suppose 400 do that ? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. He w^ould be at entire liberty to go into the pineapple 
 fields at any time that he wanted to do so. The mere fact that he 
 started to work on a sugar plantation would not prevent him from 
 going to a rice field, to a pineapple field, or into any other class of 
 agriculture. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. Take the case we were discussing. Suppose you ap- 
 prehend this man because he is working at the carpenter trade, 
 and you say that is in violation of the agreement by which he entered 
 or came to the United States. He does not owe anybody, but he has 
 merely exercised what he thought was his right to change his occu- 
 pation from farmer to carpenter. He is apprehended on account 
 of doing that, and he is held for deportation at whose expense ? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. At the expense of the government. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. Of Hawaii ? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Cable. If this resolution passes, what will be your first step? 
 You will send somebody to China, will you not; or how will you go 
 about it in China to bring these men to Hawaii ? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. The first step, of course, would be the promulgation of 
 rules and conditions b}^ the Secretary of Labor. That will be the 
 first thing ; and what has been done heretofore in the matter of bring- 
 ing immigrants into Hawaii, I assume, will be followed in this case, 
 namely, that the Territorial board of immigration would send its 
 agents to the different countries from which they desired to recruit 
 labor. The whole thing would be handled under Government super- 
 vision, and always has been. 
 
 Mr. Cable. Then you would send your agents to China ? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. I assume so. 
 
 Mr. Cable. That would, in fact, repeal the law which provides that 
 you can not enter into an agreement with an alien before he comes to 
 the United States. 
 
 Mr. Irwin. So far as Hawaii is concerned, undoubtedly. 
 
 Mr. Cable. Then you would, or somebody would, provide for the 
 passage of these Chinese to Hawaii? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. The government of Hawaii. 
 ' Mr. Cable. Where would they get the money with which to pay the 
 passage ? 
 
878 LABOR PEOBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 Mr. Irwin. As we have done before, by a special income tax, a 
 surtax of 1 per cent on incomes over a certain amount. 
 
 Mr. Cable. Your intention, then, is to pay the passage of the Chi- 
 nese who come in? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. Except those that want to come in at their own expense. 
 
 Mr. Cable. How would they be selected in China — by the agents 
 of the Hawaiian Immigration Commission or by the agents of the 
 planters ? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. By the agents of the Territorial immigration com- 
 mission. 
 
 Mr. Cable. What kind of labor do you expect to get — young men 
 or married men? Would they bring in any women? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. I do not think it would make much difference, but 
 I suppose they would pick out young, able-bodied men, whether mar- 
 ried or unmarried. I do not think that would make an}^ difference. 
 
 Mr. Cable. Would they bring in any women at all? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. I have never considered that proposition, but I as- 
 sume that if a domestic labor proposition were involved in the reso- 
 lution that possibly women would be brought in. 
 
 Mr. Cable. That is a pretty important question, and in my opinion 
 the minute you raised that on the floor of the House and showed 
 you were going to bring in 10,000 Chinese women, and that there 
 might be that many Chinese children born who would become citi- 
 zens, there would be a storm of protest, and I think that is one of 
 the facts we ought to have made clear before the committee. 
 
 Mr. Irwin. As a matter of fact, it is very improbable that any 
 considerable number of Chinese women will come, and whether the 
 Secretary of Labor, in preparing his regulations and conditions, 
 would feel entitled to allow only single, unmarried men, to come 
 I do not know, and I can not guess at that. But the history of 
 Hawaii in the past shows that when Chinese could come to Hawaii 
 very few women came with them. 
 
 Mr. Cable. Have you a general idea as to how many Chinese 
 women are now in Hawaii who are unmarried ? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. Who are not married ? 
 
 Mr. Cable. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Irwin. You mean Chinese women born there? 
 
 Mr. Cable. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Irwin. I could not say. 
 
 Mr. Cable. In other words, is there any probability of these 
 Chinese marrying American citizens? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. I should say that would be almost an impossibility. 
 
 Mr. Cable. Why? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. The Chinese girls there are well educated; they are 
 brought up in American fashion and are just as good Americans as 
 the majority of the people of any of the other races in the United 
 States. 
 
 Mr. Cable. Then, those you expect to come in are coolies? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. They would undoubtedly represent the coolie class. 
 
 Mr. Cable. What is a coolie? Can you give me a definition of a 
 coolie ? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. A coolie is a peasant laborer. I suppose that would be 
 a definition of him. 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 879 
 
 Mr. Cable. As distinguished from Chinese in business of any 
 kind? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Cable. You would have to suspend the literacy test when you 
 bring them in? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. So far as Hawaii is concerned, undoubtedly. 
 
 Mr. Cable. The head tax? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. So far as Hawaii is concerned. 
 
 Mr. Cable. And the 3 per cent immigration? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Cable. How many islands have you in Hawaii? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. There are five large islands and some smaller ones 
 scattered around. 
 
 Mr. Cable. What means of communication have you between the 
 different islands? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. There is transportation by water. 
 
 Mr. Cable. Is it accessible to any person on any island ? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Cable. What is the distance between the different islands ? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. Well, a distance of about 60 miles between Oahu and 
 Maui ; a distance of about 180 miles between Oahu and Hawaii ; and 
 a distance of about 80 miles, if I recall the mileage correctly, be- 
 tween Oahu and Kauai. Kauai is on one extreme and Hawaii on 
 the other. 
 
 Mr. Cable. Would these men be permitted to go from one island 
 to another? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. Absolutely. 
 
 Mr. Cable. What means of transportation would there be? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. Steamers; there are three or four steamers a week be- 
 tween the different islands. 
 
 Mr. Cable. Are there any identification requirements before you 
 can go from one island to another? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. That is a detail I had not thought of. 
 
 Mr. Cable. I mean at the present time? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. No. 
 
 Mr. Cable. Suppose you bring in 10,000 at one time. Where would 
 you bring them in the first place? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. They would land at Honolulu; they would have to 
 land there. 
 
 Mr. Cable. And do j^ou expect to make them all register? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. I should sa}^ so; yes. Of course, in the first place, 
 they would have to have their passports to come in; fhey could not 
 come in without a passport and without a picture on it; they would 
 have to go through the immigration office in Honolulu, and they 
 would be identified there. 
 
 Mr. Cable. Just who would divide them up among the planta- 
 tions ? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. The plan would be followed as has been followed 
 heretofore, that of having the agents of the board or the board itself, 
 the board of immigration, look after the welfare of these people and 
 divide them around among the different places. 
 
 Mr. Cable. Would you require any building in which to house and 
 take care of these people until they were divided up ? 
 
880 LABOE Prv()BLi^:MS IN HAWAII. 
 
 Mr*. Iewin. Of course, the^^ would have to be cared for. 
 
 Mr. Cable. I just wondered, on account of the climate, what kind 
 of a building you have or would require. 
 
 Mr. Irwin. You would not have to have a very substantial build- 
 ing, but you would need a covering of some kind under which they 
 could be cared for. 
 
 Mr. Cable. Then they would go to these diif erent plantations ? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. Yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Cable. Altogether, how many plantations are in the islands? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. Of large ones, it runs in my mind 52. 
 
 Mr. Horner. Forty-three. 
 
 Mr. Cable. Then you would divide them up among 43 different 
 plantations ? 
 
 Mr. iRwaN. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Cable. And they are to do agricultural work. Just exactly 
 what is that? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. Work in the sugar-cane fields, pineapple fields, and 
 rice fields. 
 
 Mr. Cable. How many different kinds of agricultural work are 
 
 there ? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. In the islands? 
 
 Mr. Cable. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Irwin. Well, there are sugar, pineapple, rice, coffee 
 
 Mr. Cable (interposing). I do not mean that. You are going to 
 limit these men to agricultural work? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Cable. That means going out and hoeing the cane? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. Yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Cable. Cutting the cane and loading the cane ? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. Yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Cable. Does it go further than that? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. Irrigating the cane. 
 
 Mr. Cable. And everything else about the cane? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. Loading it on the wagons, loading it on the cars, and 
 transporting it to the mills. The pineapple operations are prac- 
 tically the same, and the rice operations, to a very large extent, are 
 the same. 
 
 Mr. Cable. Suppose one plantation should get 500 men and these 
 500 men would not be satisfied to work for that plantation and they 
 would go to plantation B ? 
 
 Mr. Irwin.. You mean in a body ? 
 
 Mr. Cable. Yes. They would not have much of a chance to get 
 work there because B plantation would be filled up, would it not ? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Cable. And C would be the same ? 
 
 Mr. Iravin. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Cable. Therefore you nre not going to say to those men, " You 
 have got to stay on that plantation or you go back home." 
 
 Mr. Irwin. Not necessarily. It is rather an impossible hypotheti- 
 cal case,, but that would not necessarily follow, because if they went 
 to one plantation and could not get work there is other agricultural 
 work they could do ; they could go into the pineapple orchards, they 
 could o-o into the rice fields, and they could go into agricultural w^ork 
 on their own behalf, I assume, if they wanted to. 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 881 
 
 Mr. Cable. In other words, it would be just the same as if we 
 passed a kxw saying to all lawyers, " You have got to stick to the law 
 business or leave the country." 
 
 Mr. Irwin. I should say that if you were considering the same 
 proposition, if you were considering the entry of Chinese lawyers 
 into Hawaii or into the United States, you could very properly say 
 that if they wanted to come in they would have to stick to the law 
 business and nothing else. 
 
 Mr. Cable. The same as you would say to a man who happened to 
 be a farmer, " You must stick to farming or get out " ? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. If that were the condition of entry into the United 
 States, yes. 
 
 Mr. Cable. In other words, you hold that over him all the time and 
 make him work all the time. He has to work and keep on working 
 all the time or go back to China ? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. No ; I do not think that is correct. 
 
 Mr. Cable. That is what I wanted to get at. In your opinion, 
 how long can he quit work before you would send him back ? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. I should say the test would be if he went into any 
 other employment outside of the particular class for which he was 
 admitted. 
 
 Mr. Cable. In other words, if they should come over, stay a year, 
 and get enough money so that they would not have to work for two 
 or three months, would you permit them to rest for two or three 
 months ? 
 
 Mr. Irw^in. I should say that would be entirely reasonable. 
 
 Mr. Cable. Do you think that is the way the resolution reads? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. I think the resolution would permit that ; yes. 
 
 Mr. Cable. Do you intend to permit them to buy passage from 
 one island to another if they so desire ? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. If they so desire. 
 
 Mr. Cable. This would repeal the Chinese exclusion law of Hawaii, 
 would it not, or suspend it so far as the time they were in there is 
 concerned ? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. Are you referring to the law of Hawaii ? 
 
 Mr. Cable. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Irwin. There is no such law\ 
 
 The Chairman. You mean the general Chinese exclusion law? 
 
 Mr. Cable. Well, the organic act of Hawaii. Did not that provide 
 for the exclusion of Chinese ? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. That is the law of the United States. 
 
 Mr. Cabije. That law provides that no more Chinese can come to 
 Hawaii? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. Yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Cable. And that law would be repealed or suspended ? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. Suspended. 
 
 Mr. Cable. And the Chinese trade law the same ? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Cable. It suspends in a way the exclusion of aliens under the 
 general immigration law, except so far as the rules and regulations 
 of the Department of Labor Avould prescribe? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. Yes. 
 
 56754— 21— SEE 7, pt 2 22 
 
882 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 Mr. Cable. And it would suspend the law prohibiting the impor 
 tation of aliens under contract or agreement to perform labor? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. So far as Hawaii is concerned. 
 
 Mr. Cable. The head tax and the 3 per cent immigration law ? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Cable. But you do not think this would be a peonage law ? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. I do not. 
 
 Mr. Cable. Because peonage being based on debt, no debt would 
 have been contracted up to the time they landed ? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Cable. How will these people get their food ? Will they buy 
 it from money advanced to them ? In other words, how often is pay 
 day over there? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. It varies on the different plantations ; some plantations, 
 I think, pay twice a month, but I think the usual rule is once a month. 
 
 Mr. Cable. Then for one month they would have to depend upon 
 the plantation owners for their sustenance? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. Yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Cable. To that extent they would owe some one — chiefly the 
 people they are working for — a small amount of money ? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. Undoubtedly. 
 
 Mr. Cable. In a way, they would have to keep on working for that 
 man until the month was up ? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. Not by any means. We have on the statute books of 
 Hawaii at the present time a law which makes it a criminal offense for 
 any employer to deduct any amount of money from a man's wages 
 without his written consent. 
 
 Mr. Eaker. This resolution will repeal that, will it not ? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. No; it will not. 
 
 Mr. Cable. You refer to a certain section of the law that I cited, 
 as found in Thirty-fifth Statutes at Large, 1139, and I will say that 
 is the old law against slavery. According to the book I have here — 
 Sixtieth Congress, 1907-1909, that law appears as chapter 10, and 
 the title is, " The slave trade and peonage." 
 
 Mr. Irwin. Yes; that is correct. 
 
 Mr. Cable. Do you not believe that at the time Congress passed 
 that law it had in mind the thirteenth amendment to the Constitution ? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. I do not. 
 
 Mr. Cable. Do you not think it clearly carries out that intent when 
 it says whoever brings into the United States any person from any 
 foreign country to be held to service or labor? Do you not think that i 
 particularly refers to the thirteenth amendment ? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. I do not. 
 
 Mr. Cable. And that that is what Congress had in mind ? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. No ; because that is exactly the same language that was 
 used in the act of 1818, and the act you refer to is merely a reenact- 
 ment of the act of 1818, and it merely changes about four words in the 
 old act. 
 
 Mr. Cable. But it was reenacted after the thirteenth amendment 
 to the Constitution ? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Cable. And in substance carries out the intent of the people to 
 prohibit the bringing into this country any person from a foreign 
 country for service or labor. 
 
LABOK PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 883 
 
 Mr. Irwin. I think it refers entirely to the shive trade. 
 
 Mr. Cabi^. And do you not want to bring into this country or into 
 Hawaii Chinese coolies for the purpose of service or labor? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. But not to hold them to service or labor. 
 
 Mr. Cable. Those are the exact words of the section. How do you 
 distinguish between what you want to do and this law ? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. We do not hold them to service ; they can go home at 
 any time they want to go home. 
 
 Mr. Cable. It does not say that. 
 
 Mr. Irwin. It says to be held, and we do not hold them ; they can 
 go at any time they want to go. 
 
 Mr. Cable. Do you not expect to hold them in, the islands ? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. We do not; they can go at any time they want to go. 
 
 Mr. Cable. Back to China ? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Cable. In other words, you hold them to w^ork — compel them 
 to work or get out ? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. We do not compel them to work, and they come in vol- 
 untarily. 
 
 Mr. Cable. They either work or get out? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. They work or go home. 
 
 Mr. Cable. And you hold the threat over them that they will have 
 to go back to: China or work, one of the two ? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. We do not hold any threat over them; it is their own 
 agreement, their own contract. 
 
 The Chairman. Have you been able to ascertain, whether the Chi- 
 nese Government, in the sending out of any of its nationals to any 
 other country under this sj^'stem, plays any part in it or requires any 
 money to be put up, any bond to be put up, any return passage to be 
 put up, or any sums of money to be paid to the families of those sent 
 out? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. Only very generally. I am not very conversant with 
 the details of that and I have not been able to find out. However, I 
 have general information that the Chinese Government requires cer- 
 tain satisfactory assurances as to the proper treatment of its na- 
 tionals. I do not know anything about the sending home of money 
 to relatives, or anything of that kind. 
 
 Mr. Carle. I think that is under the treaty found in Twenty-second 
 Statutes at Large, page 826, which provides: 
 
 If Chinese laborers or Chinese of any other class now either permanently or 
 temporarily residing in the territory of the United States meet with illtreatment 
 at the hands of any other persons, the Government of the United States will 
 exert all its powers to devise measures for their protection and to secure to 
 them the same rights, privileges, immunities, and exemptions as may be enjoyed 
 by the citizens or subjects of the most favored nation and to which they are 
 entitled by treaty. 
 
 The Chairman. That is the treaty, but in addition to that I have 
 been pretty well informed that special terms have been made with 
 some countries. Both England and France secured Chinese for war 
 w^ork, and I understand that terms were made with the Chinese Gov- 
 ernment and that the terms with one country were a little different 
 than with the other country. 
 
 Mr. Raker. That is not only the treaty, but it is the fourteenth 
 amendment, which prohibits any State, as well as Congress itself, 
 
884 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAO. 
 
 from making any distinction between one person and another except 
 under certain conditions. 
 
 Mr. Irwin. May I be allowed to say, in regard to the fourteenth 
 amendment, that it has been held time and time again that the 
 fourteenth amendment is a limitation on the power of the States only 
 and is no limitation upon the power of Congress itself. 
 
 Mr. Eaker. No ; you can not find that. 
 
 Mr. Irwin. I can find that inside of a half hour. 
 
 Mr. Raker. No ; but you can find this : That the fourteenth amend- 
 ment relates to the States, and that the States can not enact any law 
 that will place a different responsibility or restriction upon one man 
 that it does not place upon another, while the thirteenth amendment 
 is an inhibition not only against the States but against individuals 
 and Congress itself. 
 
 Mr, Irwin. That latter statement is undoubtedly true. 
 
 Mr. Raker. So that the United States can not, through its Congress 
 or any State, permit the Chinese, having been admitted, to receive 
 different treatment than certain of its own nationals. 
 
 The Chairman. How do you account for the fact that the Chinese 
 now in Hawaii are not permitted to come to the United States and 
 that the Japanese in Hawaii are not permitted to come to the United 
 States ? 
 
 Mr. Wilson. You do not contend that an alien in any part of the 
 United States must be accorded the same rights ? 
 
 Mr. Raker. No ; and I do not think I said that. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. In your brief, Mr. Irwin, you stated, as I understood 
 you, that the essential condition of all peonage is indebtedness? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. In your judgment is that exclusive? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. Yes. That has been determined by the United States 
 Supreme Court time and time again. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. I have not read that recentl}^ Of course, in those 
 cases the question of indebtedness was invohed? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. Yes; and they have said time and time again that tliat 
 is the basic element of peonage. 
 
 Mr. ¥v^iLS0N. But I was not quite ready to accept that definition as 
 exclusive, 
 
 Mr. Irwin. I can give you a list of definite cases. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. Can there be peonage without the preexisting condi- 
 tion of indebtedness? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. There can not. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. That is your judgment? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Box. There are five or six forms of involuntary servitude, one 
 form being peonage, and the gentleman, I think, is substantially, if 
 not exactly, correct in his definition of that particular type of servi- 
 tude called peonage. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Where there is an indebtedness ? 
 
 Mr. Box. Yes. That is still an essential of that, but there is the 
 padrone system, and there are five or six other forms, and he is deal- 
 ing with just one type of the five or six forms of servitude with which 
 the United States has had to deal. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. It is your opinion that it must be a money indebt- 
 edness ? 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 885 
 
 Mr. Irwin. No ; not exactly. It all de]:>ends upon what you mean 
 by a mone}^ indebtedness. Do you mean an actual cash advance? 
 
 Mr. Wilson. Na. When you say " indebtedness," is it an obliga- 
 tion upon the part of the person to pay? 
 Mr. Irwin. To pay cash ? 
 
 Mr. Wilson. No; some indebtedness for which there is an obliga- 
 tion to pay. 
 
 Mr. Irwin. Yes; some obligation to pay: the statute says some 
 oblii^ation in satisfaction of some indebtedness. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. Such as could be recoverable in an action at law? 
 Mr. Irwin. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. To pay something? 
 Mr. Irwin. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Eaker. The last decision on this question was rendered by 
 Justice Hughes when on the Supreme Court Bench in a case in 
 Georgia, in which he discussed that feature fully. He makes a very 
 clear analysis, going over practically all of the Supreme Court cases 
 and the State cases, and holds that where a man can be apprehended 
 in any way and has a fear in his mind that it gives his employer 
 or some one else, no matter who it is, an opportunity to apprehend 
 him it is involuntary servitude and a feature of peonage. 
 
 Mr. Irwin. Was not the apprehension whi'-'h you refer to in that 
 case an apprehension for some charge under which he could be 
 arrested and punished criminally? 
 
 Mr. Eaker. It involved this: That there was a statute passed by 
 
 Georgia 
 
 Mr. Irwin (interposing). I am familiar with the statute. 
 Mr. Eaker (continuing). Making it prima facie evidence of his 
 intent to defraud if he left his labor at any time during the con- 
 tract. Now, he got the first month's wages ; he worked out his first 
 month and more, but if he left that man's employ and worked for 
 am4)ody else then and in that event he was subject to arrest and 
 had no defense on earth, because his mere leaving was prima facie 
 evidence, and therefore he could be convicted. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. Did that decision hinge upon the rule of evidence? 
 Mr. Eaker. Well, it said that that was a deprivation of his rights, 
 a deprivation of due process of law. They discussed involuntary 
 servitude and the thirteenth amendment for three pages and held 
 that it was contrary to the thirteenth amendment of the United 
 States, just as you have made a very clear presentation of that matter. 
 Mr. Box. Is that based on the peonage statute or on the Con- 
 stitution ? 
 Mr. Eaker. On the Constitution. 
 Mr. Box. That is what I was getting at. 
 
 Mr. Eaker. It wipes out all statutes and goes down to the Con- 
 stitution. 
 
 Mr. Box. And does not deal with any particular form of servitude, 
 but all servitude. 
 
 Mr. Eaker. All servitude and at any place. Where a man stands in 
 
 fear that if he does not do his work he will be arrested 
 
 Mr. lRvn:N (interposing). And punished. 
 
 Mr. Eaker. Can there be any greater punishment on earth to a 
 man who is in the United States than to arrest him and send him 
 back from where he came? 
 
886 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. Of course, there are two distinctions. In this case 
 you have, of course, they are dealing with American citizens, and 
 you will have to work that up to the point of bringing their cases 
 within the category of cases where the Government is deporting 
 aliens because they are violating the conditions under which they 
 came in. 
 
 Mr. Eaker. I want to discuss that with the witness. There is a 
 number of late decisions on that subject, and later than the one 
 referred to by the Attorney General. Under the head of " The 
 Power of the Federal Government to Admit or Exclude Aliens," 
 you cited the case of Nishimara Ekin ly. United States (142 U. S., 
 651-659). Now, undoubtedly, that is the rule — that is, "It is an 
 accepted maxim of international law that every sovereign nation has 
 the power as inherent in sovereignty and essential to self-preserva- 
 tion to forbid the entrance of foreigners within its dominions or to 
 admit them only in such cases and under such conditions as it may 
 see fit to prescribe. Now, is there any case where this last provision 
 was in force, and where a man violated the law ? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. Yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Where? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. In the case of a Chinaman in 1892. 
 
 Mr. Raker. What did he do ? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. He was unable to furnish his certificate. He did not 
 violate the law, but he was unable to find one white witness to make 
 proof of the fact that he was legally in the United States prior to 
 1892. The judge who tried the case said that the evidence entirely 
 satisfied him that the Chinaman was in the United States rightfully, 
 but the mere fact that 'he was unable to produce a white witness 
 who could testify to it rendered him subject to deportation. 
 
 Mr. Raker. That was something that the Government as a sover- 
 eign power had the right to do — that is, it had the right to say, 
 " You can come here and stay here," or it could say to those that 
 wxre here, " You can stay if you can present a certificate and oral 
 evidence in proof of the fact that you were lawfully here prior to a 
 certain time." That is the law of the land, and if he fails to present 
 that certificate or fails to supply the defect of not having one, he 
 can be deported. 
 
 Mr. Irwin. Yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Raker. He has free volition, and he has the right of free circu- 
 lation, or can come and go as he pleases. 
 
 Mr. Irwin. Yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Raker. There are other cases where that has been held. One 
 of them was the case of a party who came here and was a pauper 
 and started a life of prostitution, and there was one case in St. Louis 
 where the party practiced prostitution for three years. 
 
 Mr. Irwin. There were dozens of cases of Chinese merchants who 
 were admitted in this country to do business as merchants with this 
 same threat of arrest hanging over them ; that is, if they left off deal- 
 ing in merchandise and went into some activity as a laborer of any 
 kind they had that threat of arrest hanging over them all the time. 
 Those cases have been decided time and time again, and it has 
 been uniformly held that those provisions were entirely within the 
 power of Congress to impose. 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 887 
 
 Mr. Box. Have you found any case involving the obligation to 
 'perform service in this country? 
 
 Mr. IiiwiN. I have not found any case exactly in point with this. 
 
 Mr. Box. Have you found any case involving an obligation to 
 service ? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. Yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Box. With deportation as an alternative? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. No, sir ; I think not. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Not with deportation as an alternative? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. No, sir. 
 
 Mr. Raker. That is the law under which they are admitted here; 
 that is, this sovereign country says to them, " You can come here only 
 as a merchant, and as long as you remain here you can come and go as 
 a merchant. As lon^ as you do that we have no restriction upon you 
 as to the length of time you can stay." He can come here and stay 
 30 years or 40 years, and if he follows that occupation he is not 
 molested. 
 
 Mr. Irwin. No, sir. 
 
 Mr. Raker. However, under the authorities, even though he is 
 legally here, the sovereign Government can exclude him if it wants to. 
 
 Mr. Irwin. That is a pretty severe doctrine, but I think it is pretty 
 well sustained. 
 
 Mr. Raker. That is the power of the sovereign State. Now, if we 
 admit a man into the United States with the distinct understanding 
 that he may remain here for five years if he follows a particular line 
 of business or a particular work, and that he will go into no other 
 kind of work, with the condition that if he does leave that job he 
 will be sent back, do you think there would be no difference between 
 that case and the case of a Chinese merchant ? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. Absolutely none in principle. In that case the Gov- 
 ernment says to the Chinese merchant, " You can come here and stay 
 as long as you like so long as you confine yourself to the activities of 
 a merchant," and this resolution says, " You can come to Hawaii and 
 stay for five years, provided you confine your activities to agricul- 
 tural labor." 
 
 Mr. Raker. He must confine himself to the particular class of 
 labor for which he is admitted? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. Yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Now, suppose there is only one class of work for which 
 there has been an emergency determined by the President and for 
 which the Secretary admits him for labor, and that is in the rice 
 fields. Now, he quits work in the rice fields and says he will not 
 work there any more 
 
 Mr. Iravin (interposing). I do not think this resolution will bear 
 that interpretation. 
 
 Mr. Raker. That is what it says. 
 
 Mr. Irwin. That depends on what it means by " class or classes of 
 labor." A class of labor would be taken to mean a general class of 
 labor, such as agricultural labor, and not any one particular division 
 of agricultural labor. It means the general class of agricultural 
 labor. 
 
 Mr. Raker. I am reading from the resolution : 
 
 Provided, That such aliens shall be admitted only for limited periods of 
 time for the purpose of engaging only in the class or classes of labor as to 
 which the emergency has been found to exist. 
 
888 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 Mr. Irwin. The interpretation that I put on that language is this : 
 If the President of the United States by proclamation should declare 
 that there was an acute shortage of labor in the agricultural industry 
 or in domestic service, which are the two services particularly 
 mentioned 
 
 Mr. Raker (interposing). I want to confine myself to this resolu- 
 tion before the committee, and this has nothing to do with domestic 
 service. 
 
 Mi". Irwin. It refers to class or classes of labor. In other words, 
 the President of the United States in his original proclamation 
 might say there is a shortage in agricultural labor or there is a 
 shortage in domestic service. He would mention the classes, and if 
 they are admitted for either one of those classes of employment, they 
 must remain in those classes. 
 
 Mr. Raker. If a party comes here and goes into domestic service 
 and quits, saying that he wants to go into the business of raising 
 peanuts or raising potatoes, or that he wants to go into business in a 
 drug store or merchandise store, then he is violating his right of 
 admission ? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. I should say so, from the way it is framed. 
 
 Mr. Raker. And, under that authority, he would be subject to 
 apprehension and deportation? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. Yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Raker. That is something that would always be hanging over 
 them, if they did not follow that particular kind or character of 
 labor ? 
 
 Mr., Irwin. Yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Raker. If he refuses to work in any business, what would 
 happen? Suppose you should bring them in and that 1,000 of them 
 should refuse to perform work of any kind — what would you do 
 with them? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. Admitting that rather improbable hypothesis, I should 
 say that if 1,000 of them actually refused to work for a sufficient 
 length of time to show that they intended to violate the conditions 
 upon which they were admitted, they would be deported. 
 
 Mr. Raker. That would always be hanging over them — that is, 
 the threat of deportation if they refused to work ? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. Yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Who would fix their wages? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. I do not know. I presume that the wages would be 
 fixed by the ordinary law of supply and demand. I do not know of 
 any other answer to that at the present time. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Suppose they should strike in some class of work, or 
 in the class for which they came in, what would be the result? If 
 they were getting 77 cents per day as the basis wage, with no bonus, 
 and they wanted $2.50 per day, and struck on that account, what 
 would you do with them then? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. That question is, perhaps, difficult to answer. If their 
 demands were so unreasonable 
 
 Mr. Raker (interposing) . Well, I will put them so that they would 
 not be unreasonable. I will say that they demanded $1 per day, and 
 the planters refused to pay them that much. 
 
 Mr. Irwin. I do not think there would be any disposition on the 
 part of the authorities to deport them for that reason. 
 
LABOK PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 889 
 
 Mr. Rakek. If they quit work entirely? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. They would not be quitting work entirely, but they 
 would be saying, " If we get a satisfactory wage we will work." 
 
 Mr. Eakkk. But suppose they refused to give that wage, and you 
 had 1,000 men idle about town? 
 
 Mr. Wilson. You could not deport them for that under the reso- 
 lution. They w^ould be here for agricultural work. 
 
 Mr. Eakek. I am asking Avhat would be the rule. 
 
 Mr. Irwin. I do not think there would be any disposition on the 
 part of the authorities to deport them for that. 
 
 Mr. Raker. They could still remain there for the whole term? 
 
 Mr. Irw^n. If you can imagine a situation like that ; yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Raker. If the sugar planters would not pay them that much, 
 and they should go into other work, or if they should go into the 
 city and take up other occupations of various kinds, then they would 
 be deportable? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. Yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Raker. If a man struck for higher wages when he was really 
 entitled to it, and, failing to get higher wages, if he went into 
 other occupations and did actually get a wage higher than that he 
 was receiving at the time he struck, he would, nevertheless, be sub- 
 ject to deportation? 
 
 Mr, Iravin. I would not like to answer that question. It is too 
 close a question, and I will have to have some time to studj^ that. It 
 is too close a question to answer now. I would not care to give a 
 curbstone opinion on that. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. Before you leave that question, would the fact that 
 the laborers who might come in under this resolution are employed 
 under contract by some person in any w^ay distinguish their case from 
 the case of the Chinese merchant who is not employed by anybody 
 but who selects his own employer? 
 
 Mr. Irw^in. There would be a difference in the facts but not in 
 principle. When you talk about arrest and deportation hanging over 
 the man, the principle is exactly the same in one as in the other, and 
 the effect must be exactly the same. The effect in one case is to con- 
 fine the man to agricultural labor and the effect in the other case is 
 to confine him to a particular activity. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. The agricultural laborer has a superior or employer 
 over him, while the other man does not. Would that have any 
 effect upon it, in your judgment? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. None whatever, in my judgment. 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. Do you understand that under this resolution 
 an agriculturist coming in here is bound to work for somebody 
 else, or can he go into an agricultural business of his own? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. Absolutely, yes. He can engage in agricultural labor 
 for his own account whenever he chooses to do so. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. One who had his own farm would be on exactly 
 the same basis as the merchant, but my understanding was that as a 
 general proposition these people would come in under an agreement 
 to work as employees. 
 
 Mr. Irwin. That is the proposition in general ; yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Wilson. The point I had in mind was whether if they should 
 come before a court that particular difference would have any effect 
 upon the legal construction. 
 
890 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 Mr. Irwin. I do not think it effects the legal principle in the 
 slightest. 
 
 Mr. White. Referring to those laborers whom it is proposed to 
 secure, do they have an opportunity to know what wages they will 
 receive and what will be the circumstances of their employment 
 before they embark for the Hawaiian Islands? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. Absolutely; yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. White. They would have a full opportunity ? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. Yes, sir ; a full opportunity. 
 
 Mr. White. As a rule, do you think they know ? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. We know that they know. We know that from experi- 
 ence. 
 
 Mr. White. The act is voluntary on their part? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. Absolutely so. 
 
 Mr. White, The limitations are understood by them ? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. Absolutely so. 
 
 Mr. White. Just the same as the legal limitations are known to 
 the Chinese merchant before he comes to the United States and 
 before he embarks in business as a merchant ? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. Yes, sir ; to a greater extent. 
 
 Mr. White. The arrest and taldng into custody is not due to the 
 fact that they quit work, or the agricultural line of work, or the class 
 of work for which they were admitted, but because they engage in 
 other work ? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. Yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Raker. To be specific as to the purpose of this resolution, 
 while it says they shall admit aliens otherwise inadmissible, you 
 intend to eliminate all of those that are now inadmissibe under sec- 
 tion 3 of the immigration act of February 5, 1917, except Chinese 
 and contract labor; is that true? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. No, sir; in addition to that we include the elimination 
 of prostitutes, anarchists, the feeble-minded, or insane, or, at least, 
 we assume that the Secretary of Labor would make rules and regula- 
 tions that would refuse to admit them. 
 
 Mr. Raker. You just put it the other way. I said that you only 
 wanted to bring in Chinese and contract laborers. You do not want 
 any of the other inadmissible classes provided for in section 3 ? 
 
 M. Irwin. No, sir; that is not true. In the first place we are 
 not asking for contract laborers. 
 
 Mr. Raker. I am trying to specify what you ask by this resolution. 
 When the resolution refers to aliens otherwise inadmissible you mean 
 solely and exclusively Chinese laborers? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. That is the present plan ; yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Is there any doubt about it ? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. If other aliens are available and if the committee 
 thinks that Chinese are not the kind of people to bring in, there might 
 be others. As a matter of fact, to be absolutely frank, it is Chinese 
 that we are talking about. 
 
 Mr. Raker. No. That is the way we started out originally, and 
 it was said by some one here in authority that it did not relate to 
 the Chinese, and I was sort of criticized for using that language. 
 Still the intention is to bring in Chinese only ? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. I think that is true. It is an emergency measure only. 
 
LABOK PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 891 
 
 Mr, Dillingham. If I understood Judge Raker correctly, he said 
 that some one in authority had said that we did not want Chinese 
 in HaAvaii to meet the emergency. 
 
 The Chairman. No ; he is trying to pin down the fact, apparently, 
 that the words in the resolution are a little broader than the intent 
 behind it. The resolution in words does not specify any people in 
 particular, and the regulations might include other races. 
 
 Mr. Box. In the course of the examination. Judge Irwin, and in 
 your answer to a question by Mr. Cable, I believe, you discussed 
 the question of the marriage of Chinese and the importation of 
 women, and I think you said that it might be that some women would 
 be brought in in connection with domestic service ? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. Possibly ; yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Box. You regarded that as possible? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. Yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Box. From the history of your Territory I learn that mar- 
 riages between natives and Chinese are quite common, but that the 
 Japanese have shown an aversion to mixed marriages. Does that 
 state the facts right, or do the Chinese marry freely with the natives? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. Yes, sir ; to the extent they did in the past. 
 ' Mr. Box. Suppose some of the Chinese coming over should marry 
 citizens. When deportation time comes, what would you do with 
 those families? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. I assume that the wife would follow the husband. 
 
 Mr. Box. Suppose she refused to do it? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. In that event she would remain in Hawaii. 
 
 Mr. Box. What about the children? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. I presume the children would stay with the mother. 
 
 Mr. Box. You could not force them to go back ? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. No, sir. 
 
 Mr. Box. Because they would be American-born citizens. 
 
 Mr. Irwin. Yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Box. You would either deport two or more Americans forcibly 
 or you would forcibly separate families? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. That is not entirely true. 
 
 Mr. Box. Why not? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. It would be a matter of volition on the part of the 
 wife to go or stay. 
 
 Mr. Box. You would either give her the alternative of having her 
 family torn from her 
 
 Mr. Irwin (interposing). She could take her children with her. 
 
 Mr. Box. She and the children would have to go to China ? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. She would become a Chinese citizen when she married 
 a Chinaman. 
 
 Mr. Box. You spoke about the contract features, under which 
 these people agree to do certain things. Do you understand that an 
 American citizen, with the permission of the law, may contract his 
 labor away in that way? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. I do not understand anything of the kind. 
 
 Mr. Box. Do you believe that the fact that a man enters into a 
 contract to bind himself to any sort of servitude would have the 
 slightest effect upon the legal situation? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. There is no such thing contemplated in this resolution. 
 
 Mr. Box. You have justified a number of situations presented here 
 
892 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 by saying that they agree to do that to start with. AVe have heard 
 much of that before this committee, not only in these hearings but in 
 many others. When something bordering on servitude is presented,, 
 or when some plan of servitude has been presented, it is always justi- 
 fied upon the ground that the parties agree to it beforehand. Now,, 
 do you believe there is any validity at all in that ? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. I do not quite understand you. 
 
 Mr. Box. In other words, does the fact that a man agrees in ad- 
 vance in the form of a civil contract to the loss of his labor or his 
 freedom in any way, make such a contract of servitude valid ? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. I do not think so. 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. Mr. Chairman, I know that Judge Box is very 
 sincere in wanting to unravel the ethics as well as the law of this reso- 
 lution. Eeferring to the contract, as I understand it, there is no plan 
 of contract. It is true that many men who otherwise would not have 
 that advantage, would be given the opportunity to come to Hawaii.. 
 
 Mr. Cable. Do you think that the Chinese Government would per- 
 mit them to come in without some kind of contract covering their 
 coming? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. I do not know. 
 
 Mr. Box. Did not the gentleman say there would be an agreement ? 
 What is the difference between an agreement to perform service upon, 
 certain terms and a contract? 
 
 Mr. Baker. Since you have answered Judge Box as you have, I 
 want to ask you this question : Is it the purpose of this resolution to 
 enable you to go to China and have 5,000 or 10,000 Chinese to come 
 to Hawaii without any agreement or arrangement as to where they 
 will work, for whom they will work, and the amount of their wages ? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. I would say that there would be some general under- 
 standing with the Chinese Government as to the general labor condi- 
 tions and the general price of labor. 
 
 Mr. Eaker. Where do you get that idea that there will be an un- 
 derstanding with the Chinese Government? Please tell the com- 
 mittee about that. That is something I would like to know. 
 
 Mr. Irwin. It has been generally understood by people who are 
 presumed to know that the Chinese Government, before allowing its: 
 nationals to depart from China, requires some assurance as to what 
 the conditions will be. 
 
 Mr. White. It was contemplated in my question, and I think it was 
 clearly stated in your answer, that they have the right to inquire., 
 that they do know, and that it is represented to those persons in 
 advance of their coming w^hat the circumstances and conditions of 
 their employment will be. 
 
 Mr. Irwin. Yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Eaker. If their Government does understand, and if they un- 
 derstand, and if there is an understanding or agreement, directly or 
 indirectly, which is acted upon by them and under which they do 
 come to this country, and that agreement in any way curtails the 
 personal liberty of those men after they arrive here, in contravention 
 of the Constitution of the United States, or of the thirteenth and 
 fourteenth amendments, would it have the slightest effect on earth as; 
 to the limitations imposed upon those men after they got here ? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. If there were any agreement that contravened the Con- 
 stitution because it deprived him of liberty, undoubtedly that wouldi 
 
LABOR ri:()l]I.KMS IN HAWAIT. 898 
 
 be an invalid arrangement. Here is the situation : Let us assume that 
 this resohition passes and becomes a law of the United States 
 
 Mr. Raker (interposing). I can not assume that. 
 
 Mr. Irwin. Well, let me assume that. 
 
 Mr. Eaker. That would be a A^ery violent assumption, because I 
 can not believe that the American Congress or the American people 
 would think of it for a minute. It is so violent that it is really 
 shocking. 
 
 Mr. Irwin. I ain almost afraid to make any further assumption. 
 
 Mr. Eaker. I think you ought to be. 
 
 Mr. Irwin. Let me assume that this resolution is passed by Con- 
 gress and becomes a law of the United States, and let me assume that 
 under the plan representatives of the board of immigration of the 
 Territory of Hawaii go to China and insert advertisements in the 
 papers there calling for a certain number of laborers, advertising the 
 general labor conditions, advertising the general prices of labor, and 
 advertising the places where they will receive applications for trans- 
 portation to Honolulu. Let us suppose that in answer to those adver- 
 tisements there are 5,000 applicants, and that they come to the office 
 and say, "We have read your advertisements, we understand the 
 conditions, and we understand that we can go to Hawaii and accept 
 employment with any persons w^e choose in agricultural lines." 
 
 The representative of the board of immigration says, "All right; 
 the ship sails the day after to-morrow, and here is your passage." 
 He takes the next ship and comes to Honolulu, and is received there 
 by the general board of immigration. The board of immigration 
 says to him, "Here is a plantation on which you can get employ- 
 ment. Do you want to go there? " We will suppose the Chinaman 
 answers, " Yes ; I will go there." We will suppose he goes to that 
 plantation and works for three or four days, and then, becoming dis- 
 satisfied with the conditions, goes on to the next plantation, where 
 he finds the conditions more satisfactory, and we will suppose that 
 he works there during the entire period of five years, or we will sup- 
 pose that he finally makes up his mind that he does not want to work 
 there any longer, and goes back to China. Now. where is the in- 
 voluntary service or curtailment of liberty in that? 
 
 Mr. Raker. Is that the purpose of this resolution ? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. Yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Then, why do you not so state it ? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. We have had so much confidence in the executive 
 officers of the United States Government 
 
 Mr. Raker (interposing). It is showing a great deal of confidence 
 to my mind, when you give them the power to determine all those 
 things. Why do you have to give the Secretary of Labor the poAver 
 to fix the mode and method of bringing them in ? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. Do you want to write all of that in the resolution ? 
 
 Mr. Raker. I am asking you. 
 
 Mr. Irwin. I have given you my reasons. I have tried to outline 
 a plan, and you say that this idea of leaving all of this power in the 
 hands of the Executive is not wise. IN'ow, if it is not wise, I am 
 asking you whether you would advise writing all of those provisions 
 into the bill or resolution ? 
 
 Mr. Raker. If I were .going to enact any law on the subject, I 
 would not repose the power in any man to write any conditions in a 
 
894 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 contract whereby a man would lose any part of his rights or immuni- 
 ties, and that is what this bill or resolution undertakes to do. Now, 
 it is your purpose to simply advertise for these people to come to 
 Hawaii ? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. Yes, sir. 
 
 The Chairman. There is a limitation of five years. 
 
 Mr. Eaker. Where does it limit it to five years? The Secretary 
 can permit them to come in for 50 years, if he wants to, can he not ? 
 
 The Chairman. It says five years. I think it would be advisable 
 to have a provision in the resolution covering that. 
 
 Mr. Eaker. The Secretary can admit them for 50 years, if he 
 wants to. 
 
 The Chairman. I do not think he could. 
 
 Mr. Raker. The five-year limitation is simply as to the time within 
 which the President shall declare an emergency. There is no limita- 
 tion so long as there is a minimum and maximum. Then you do not 
 intend to fix his wage before he comes? You intend to leave it op- 
 tional with him to enter into a contract after he gets there ? 
 
 Mr. Cable. There would be a minimum wage, would there not? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. I assume there would be. I am not prepared to answer 
 that question, and I assume there are people here who are more 
 familiar with that detail of the plan than I am. But, personally, I 
 would advocate the fixing of a minimum wage. 
 
 Mr. Raker. At about what? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. Well, the minimum wage at the present time, I under- 
 stand, is $1.15. 
 
 Mr. Raker. A day? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. Yes ; with all the other appurtenances, a house, wood,, 
 water, fuel, and so on. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Who would you have fix that? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. I suppose that would be fixed by some sort of an ar- 
 rangement between possibly the Board of Immigration of Hawaii 
 and the Secretary of Labor. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Just one more quesl^ion and then I am through. If a 
 man comes there without his wage being fixed and they offer him a 
 wage that he refuses and he finds no wage satisfactory to him in the 
 agricultural pursuits or in those various other classes, he is subject 
 to deportation, is he not? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. As I told you before, I will not answer that question 
 offhand, because it is too close a question. If he says, " I am willing to 
 work if you give me a proper wage," and there is reasonable ground 
 to believe his assertion that an adequate wage was not given, I am 
 doubtful, to say the least, whether or not 
 
 Mr. Rakek (interposino;). How is he going to enforce his right? 
 I am assuming he has the same right, although an alien, that an 
 American citizen would have to make a contract to get the best wage 
 he could get and have the best conditions. Yet if he does not accept 
 the wage offered and is idle he has the question of deportation staring 
 him in the face, and how are you going to keep them from deporting 
 him if he is idle, because he becomes a menace to the country when 
 he remains there idle and unemployed? Is not that the crux of this 
 business, the fact that he can be deported? 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 895 
 
 Mr. Irwin. It is undoubtedly a very important feature of the bill. 
 
 Mr. Kaker. It would apply to any man's case who was not engaged 
 in the class or classes of labor in which an emergency exists. 
 
 Mr. Iravin. In other words, if he is engaged in any other labor, 
 he would be subject to deportation. 
 
 Mr. Raker. But if he did not engage in any labor, if he refused 
 to work because the price offered him was not sufficient for him, as 
 he conceived it, to make a living, and he had no money, he would 
 be a burden on the community, a pauper, as you say, and in such 
 a situation he stands there and says : " I am a man who was brought 
 to this country, with the right to contract for a reasonable wage, but 
 not having gotten it I am going to let the community support me; 
 I will let the community support me before I will enter into that 
 kind of a contract." 
 
 Mr. Irwin. I think that if a condition of affairs such as you de- 
 scribe came about he would possibly have a right to refuse to work. 
 
 Mr. Raker. And he would be deported ? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. No ; the resolution says not unless he engaged in some 
 other line of work. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Whom else do you want to come in besides the 
 <]hinese ? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. We might get Javanese; it is possible, if the distances 
 were not so great and the transportation difficulties so great, that 
 we might get some Europeans under this resolution; but it is the 
 emergency feature which we are looking at now, which will enable us 
 to get people in there quickly and relieve the present acute shortage, 
 and China is the most available source. 
 
 Mr. Raker. And that is what you want this resolution for, to get 
 Chinese in? 
 
 Mr. Irwin. Primarily, yes. 
 
 The Chairman. That is in the record over and over again. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Why, Mr. Chairman, the first sentence of this hearing 
 is that it was not exclusively for the Chinese. 
 
 The Chairman. Even if that statement were made the cross- 
 examination during the first week's hearing went over that phase 
 of it over and over again with Mr. Mead and others. 
 
 Mr. Raker. I think that is true. 
 
 The Chairman. If there is nothing else, we will stand adjourned 
 to meet to-morrow morning. 
 
 Committee on Immigration and Naturalization, 
 
 House of Representatives, 
 
 Friday^ August 12^ 1921. 
 
 The committee met at 10.30 o'clock a. m., Hon. Albert Johnson 
 (chairman) presiding. 
 
 The Chairman. The committee will come to order. We will en- 
 deavor to close these hearings with this session. I understand that 
 some members of the Hawaiian commission have some brief addi- 
 tional statements to submit. Do you desire to offer something addi- 
 tional this morning, Mr. Dillingham ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. I do. I would like to ask Senator Chillingworth 
 to make a statement in regard to one matter that was brought up 
 by Mr. Gompers. He desires to make just a brief statement. 
 
896 LABOH PEOBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 ADDITIONAL STATEMENT OF MR. CHAELES E. CHILLINGWORTH 
 MEMBEE OF TEE HAWAII EMEEGENCY LABOE COMMISSION. 
 
 Mr. Chillingwoeth. Mr. Chairman, there is just one feature to 
 which I wish to call the attention of the committee. The statement 
 Avas made here, and is a part of your record, that the Hawaii Legis- 
 lature was controlled by the sugar planters and other big interests. 
 I feel that I would not be doing my duty by my colleagues or the 
 Legislature of Hawaii if I allowed that statement to go into the 
 record without entering a protest and a definite and explicit denial 
 of its truth. In the IT years that I have been elected to the senate 
 I have always been elected by the masses, the people, by the labor- 
 ing men and the Avorkers, and I challenge the statement that the 
 Legislature of Hawaii has at any time been controlled by the 
 planters' association or any other big interests. I am frank to say 
 to you that I came on here in the belief that my coming was neces- 
 sary as a representative of our legislative body. Otherwise, I would 
 never have come, owing to business and other matters that require 
 my attention. I felt that it was my duty to make the sacrifice and 
 do what I could for our country. When a charge of this kind is 
 made, being the only representative here of the Territorial legisla- 
 ture, I feel that I would not be doing my duty to my country and our 
 legislature if I did not go on record as protesting against that state- 
 ment and branding it as false. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Senator, without desiring to cast any reflection upon 
 anyone whatever, it is true, is it not, that the great interests of 
 Hawaii are the sugar interests and pineapple interests ? 
 
 Mr. Chillingworth. Yes, sir; and the coffee interests. 
 
 Mr. Raker. And the rice interests. There are three. Those are 
 what you would call the large interests. 
 
 Mr. Chillingworth. And coffee ; I want to include that. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Well, we will include coffee. As a natural conse- 
 quence, anyone representing those interests, to a greater or less 
 extent, would be interested in doing all that he could to advance 
 them? 
 
 Mr. Chillingworth. Naturally; just as would be the case in your 
 district. State, or community. 
 
 Mr. Raker. And he would also be interested in securing as much 
 labor as possible at a reasonable price or at as low price as he could. 
 
 Mr. Chillingworth. I presume it would be fair to say that that is 
 true of any place in the Union. 
 
 The Chairman. I think it must be clear, and the record must show 
 it, because the figures have been submitted here over and over 
 again, that the population of the islands is about 255,000, and that 
 the white American citizens are extremel}^ limited in number, being 
 about 18,000. 
 
 Mr. Chillingworth. The control of the legislature in both houses 
 is in the hands of Hawaiian and Portuguese Americans. I call my- 
 self a Hawaiian, because I have Hawaiian blood, and, as I have said, 
 the control of both houses is in the hands of the Hawaiians and 
 Portuguese. 
 
 Mr. Raker. To be specific, the Hawaiian Legislature, in 1918, 
 passed a resolution memorializing Congress to admit 20,000 Chinese, 
 did it not? 
 
LABOE PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 897 
 
 Mr. Chilli NGWoRTii. Yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Eakek. Did they pass one the year before that, also? 
 
 Mr. CiiiLLiNGwoRTH. Some time prior to tluit. I can not say ex- 
 actly when. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Prior to the submission of this resolution, upon which 
 you are appearing here as a commissioner, they did pass two resolu- 
 tions, say, within six years previously, memorializing Congress for 
 the admission of Chinese? 
 Mr. Chillingworth. Yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Was Mr. Hindle, who came here and appeared before 
 the Committee on Immigration, urging legislation of that kind, the 
 resolution having been introduced by the delegate from Hawaii, ap- 
 pearing in any way as a representative of the Hawaiian people ? 
 
 Mr. Chillingworth. He was not. The resolution. Judge Raker, 
 was sent on to the Delegate in Congress for introduction. There was 
 no other effort made on the part of the legislature to forward the 
 purposes of that resolution. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Let us be specific in this matter. The present reso- 
 lution, passed by the Hawaiian Legislature following the message 
 of the governor of Hawaii, and which your commission has presented 
 here, and which is printed in the first volume of the hearings, is 
 general in its terms. 
 
 Mr. Chillingworth. I think so. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Providing for otherwise inadmissible aliens. 
 
 Mr. Chillingworth. Yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Let me ask 3^011 if you are seeking by this legislation 
 the admission of any idiots, imbeciles, feeble-minded persons, epi- 
 leptics, or insane persons? 
 
 Mr. Chillingworth. No, sir. In further reply to that, I would 
 say that we did not contemplate that any such construction would be 
 put upon it. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Are you seeking by this legislation the admission of 
 persons who have one or more forms of insanity ? 
 
 Mr. Chillingworth. No, sir. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Are you seeking b}^ this legislation the admission of 
 persons of constitutional psychopathic inferiority? 
 
 Mr. Chillingworth. No, sir ; absolutely not. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Are you seeking by this legislation the admission of 
 persons affected with chronic alcoholism? 
 
 Mr. Chillingworth. No, sir. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Are you seeking by this legislation the admission of 
 paupers ? 
 
 Mr. Chillingworth. No, sir. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Are you seeking by it the admission of vagrants ? 
 
 Mr. Chillingworth. Absolutely not. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Are you seeking by this legislation the admission of 
 persons who are afflicted with tuberculosis in any form or with a 
 loathsome or dangerou.s contagious disease? 
 
 Mr. Chillingworth. Absolutely not. Our community is not look- 
 ing for anything of that kind, and the resolution provides that it 
 vsill be under such regulations as the Secretary of Labor may impose. 
 
 The Chairman. Since they are seeking labor for the plantations, 
 presumably they would not want people of those classes. 
 
 56754— 21— SEE 7, PT 2 23 
 
898 LABOK PROBLEMS IN HAWAII, 
 
 Mr. Kaker. Are you seeking by this legislation the admission of 
 persons 
 
 The Chairman. I do not think it is necessary to cover all of that. 
 
 Mr. Eaker. I do. 
 
 The Chairman. It takes up time, and if the resolution has not 
 been perfected in that respect it can be perfected. The original 
 resolution assumes that the Secretary of Labor would admit them 
 under certain regulations, and this second resolution would assume 
 that the Secretary of Labor, whose business it is now to keep those 
 classes out of the country and out of the Territory, would, of course, 
 keep out the insane, criminals, paupers, vagrants, idiots, etc. 
 
 Mr. Raker. I will put the direct question to him, then, if that is 
 the only way Ave can get at it : Is it not true that the sole purpose of 
 this resolution is the admission of Chinese coolie labor into the Ter- 
 ritory of Hawaii ? 
 
 Mr. Chillingw^orth. After careful consideration, and knowing 
 what the conditions are in Hawaii, and knowing the problem that 
 we have to contend with out there, I am sincere in stating that I 
 believe that the only solution of our problems in Hawaii now, or the 
 only way of affording immediate relief there, is through the admis- 
 sion of Chinese. 
 
 Mr. Eaker. Let us come back now to the question of the prime pur- 
 pose of this resolution. Notwithstanding the fact that it admits, or 
 would admit, all of those otherwise undesirable persons, as provided 
 for in section 3 of the immigration act of February 5, 1917, the pur- 
 pose is, or the prime purpose is, the admission of Chinese labor ? 
 
 Mr. Chillingworth. That is for immediate relief of our labor 
 shortage. If there is other legislation which will assist us in getting 
 into that country laborers who could carry on the work tiiat should 
 be carried on 
 
 Mr. Raker (interposing). I will have to go back to the question. 
 
 Mr. Chillingworth. I say yes, for the purpose of affording im- 
 mediate relief. 
 
 Mr. Raker. For the purposes of immediate relief, you are not 
 seeking to admit any others of the otherwise inadmissible classes 
 into the Territory of Hawaii, save and except Chinese. 
 
 Mr. Chillingworth, If the matter of transportation and the mat- 
 ter of getting quick relief could be handled through some other na- 
 tionalities preferable to any oriental people, we would be glad to get 
 them. We have come here on a problem on Avhich we had hoped that 
 this committee would help us. If you gentlemen can find a solution 
 of our problem that is what we are hoping for and hope that you 
 will offer some constructive suggestion as to the solution of our 
 problem. 
 
 Mr. Raker. I am talking about this resolution. 
 
 Mr. Chillingworth. Absolutely; and you are correct in that in 
 so far as our need of immediate relief leaves us no other choice. 
 
 Mr. Raker. That is, for the emergency — ~ 
 
 Mr. Chillingworth (interposing). We believe the Chinese would 
 meet it. 
 
 Mr. Raker. And Chinese are the people that you are seeking to 
 have admitted under this resolution ? . 
 
 Mr. Chillingworth. That is my personal opinion. 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAW AIL 899 
 
 Mr. Rakek. And as a member of the commission? 
 
 Mr. CriiLLTNGWORTH. Yes, sir. 
 
 The Chairman. Does any other member of the commission desire 
 to make a statement, Mr. Dillingham ? Have we had Mr. Horner as a 
 witness ? 
 
 Mr. Weebek. Yes, sir ; he has testified. 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. Mr. Mead desires to make a statement. 
 
 ADBITIONAL STATEMENT OF ME. EOYAL B. MEAD, MEMBEH OF 
 THE HAWAII EMEEGENCY LAEOE COMMISSION. 
 
 Mr. Mead. Mr. Chairman, my statement will relate to and will be 
 in reply to charges and statements made by the American Federation 
 of Labor regarding conditions in Hawaii, and the charge of gross mis- 
 management of the sugar plantations. Mr. Wright, as you will 
 remember, testified or stated in his telegram that the plantations were 
 overcapitalized. It is in evidence before the committee that the capi- 
 talization of the plantations is $85,000,000 and that the taxable value 
 or assessable value is $117,000,000 in round numbers. The United 
 States Tariff Commission collects data every year from the planta- 
 tions, and I have made inquiries of Dr. Wright, of the Tariff Com- 
 mission, regarding the invested capital. For the crop year of 
 1918-19 he told me that the returns of only 37 plantations showed an 
 invested capital of $157,711,579, which is almost twice the amount of 
 the capital stock. It is probably more than twice the amount of the 
 capital stock, as I am only taking into consideration the returns of 
 37 plantations. 
 
 Mr. Wright also stated that Mr. Varona made a tour of the planta- 
 tions under the auspices of the Hawaiian Sugar Planters. Mr. 
 Varona, you will remember, was the agent sent by the Philippine gov- 
 ernment to investigate labor conditions in TIawaii. Mr. Wright 
 stated that he went on the plantations under our auspices. That 
 is absolutely untrue. Mr. Varona arrived in Hawaii before I left 
 there, and he visited several plantations on the island of Oahu before 
 I left the islands, and while we offered him every courtesy and 
 consideration that we could, he refused absolutely to visit the planta- 
 tions under any letters of introduction or under our auspices in any 
 way. He paid his own expenses, paid the expenses of his secretary,, 
 and his investigation was very independent indeed. He told me be- 
 fore he left, after having visited the plantations on the island of 
 Oahu, that he considered the conditions good for his people. Now,. 
 we have been requesting for many years past that the Philippine 
 government should have in Hawaii a resident commissioner or agent 
 for the purpose of representing the Filipinos and acting as a go- 
 between or mediator in any trouble that might arise. That they 
 have never done, but they did send investigators to look into the 
 labor conditions on the islands, and without exception every one of 
 the reports that have been made by those investigators have been 
 favorable, stating that they reo^arded the conditions in Hawaii for 
 Filipino labor as very good indeed. 
 
 The Chairman. The immigration of Filipinos into the Hawaiian 
 Islands has been about how much? 
 
900 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 Mr. Mead. Since 1909, when Philippine immigration commenced 
 to Hawaii, there have been approximately 22,000 Filipinos brought in. 
 
 The Chairman. What is the transportation charge for a Filipino 
 laborer from the Philippines to the Hawaiian Islands? 
 
 Mr. Mead. The steamer fare is $68. Of course, that does not cover 
 the expense of getting them there. We have quite a large establish- 
 ment in the Philippines, which is expensive. We have to outfit them, 
 get them clothing, and give them $5 or $10 spending money on the 
 Avay over. I think the total cost of landing a Filipino on a plantation 
 in Hawaii during the last few years has been in the vicinity of a 
 little over $100. 
 
 The Chairman. Is any portion of that money held out against 
 the Filipino when he takes employment ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. It is not held out against him, and is not deducted from 
 his wages in any w^ay. As a matter of fact, any Filipino wdio works 
 for three years on a plantation in Hawaii is returned to the Philip- 
 j)ines at the expense of the planters' association. 
 
 The Chairman. Is that clone by agreement Avith them ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. It is done by agreement. 
 
 The Chairman. In writing? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Yes, sir; in writing. 
 
 The Chairman. When you advance him $5 or $10 spending money 
 on the way over, that is not taken from his wages? 
 
 Mr. Mead. No, sir. The expense of taking a man and landing him 
 on the plantation, where he is to be employed as a plantation worker, 
 is borne entirely by the plantation, and not one cent of that expense 
 is ever taken or deducted from the worker's wages. 
 
 The Chairman. In other words, he is brought in on the ship, 
 placed at work on the plantation, and started free of debt ? 
 
 Mr. Me^d. Yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Eaker. That being the case it has been quite an expense to 
 the plantation to do that? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Raker. About how much do you estimate has been expended 
 in that wa}^ ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. I could not tell you, but it has been very heavy. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Why do you not take that money that is expended in 
 that way and pay the laborers who are working for you now that 
 much more, and in that wa}^ induce those who are there to do the 
 w^ork ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. As I tried to explain before, w^e consider that we are 
 paying plantation laborers full value for the work they do. We 
 have found that the bonus system, under which earnings are largely 
 increased, is the best way in which to pay for plantation work. If 
 you increase the daily wage of the common ordinary laborers, not 
 only in the sugar industry but in any other industry in the world, 
 you will find that when their wage has been increased beyond a cer- 
 tain limit, the daily turnout decreases and their efficiency is lowered 
 or decreased. That is not only our experience, but it has been the 
 experience of others. 
 
 Mr. Raker. You are harvesting the crop now, are you not? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Yes ; that commenced some time ago. 
 
 Mr. Raker. In what month did you commence ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. In December of last year. 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 901 
 
 Mr. Eaker. The harvesters were working- in May, June, and 
 July? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Will you give the committee a statement showing what 
 was the basic Avage of an ordinary laborer in May ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. The basic wage is paid to the minimum number of 
 laborers. The men who are working on the basic wage probably do 
 not number 20 per cent of the total number of laborers working on 
 the plantations. 
 
 Mr. Eaker. What is the basic wage of such a man ? Give us that 
 and nothing else. 
 
 Mr. Mp]AD. He gets $30 a month and a bonus on top of that. 
 
 Mr. Raker. That is the basic wage ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Raker. He gets $30 per month ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Now, taking the months of May, June, and July, how 
 much did one of those basic wage men get during one of those 
 months ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Thirty dollars per month, plus a bonus of probably 20 
 per cent. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Can you state what that was during the month of 
 May? 
 
 Mr. Mead. No, sir; I do not knoAv what the average price of sugar 
 was. 
 
 The Chairman. Make a guess. 
 
 Mr. Mead. It was in the vicinity of 5 cents, or a 20 per cent bonus. 
 
 The Chairman. Take some one man in one particular month, and 
 give his monthly wage and everything that w^ent to him. 
 
 Mr. Mex\d. The monthly wage of those lowest paid and least 
 skilled men on the plantation, consisting of about 20 per cent of the 
 plantation workers, amounts to $30 for 26 days work. In addition 
 to that, he got a bonus of, say, 20 per cent, which would make $6 
 more, or $36. The value of his house, water, fuel, and other per- 
 quisites furnished him, including hospital and medical treatment, 
 averaged, I should say, $10 per month, making $4G for 26 days work. 
 
 Mr. Raker. You say that the basic wage men constitute 20 per cent 
 of those employed on the plantations ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Now, take the other 80 per cent. 
 
 Mr. Mead. The harvesting labor would probably earn not less than 
 $2 or $2.50 per day, according to the work they did, and on top of 
 that they would get a bonus of 20 per cent and be supplied with 
 houses and the other perquisites. 
 
 Mr. Raker. What do you mean by saying that it would depend 
 upon the work they did ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. The emploj^ment of the cutters and loaders is entirely 
 under a contract system. The cutters and loaders are paid so much 
 per ton for the cane they cut or load. 
 
 Mr. Raio]R. Do they get as low as $1 per day ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. No, sir; if they worked only a couple of hours they 
 would earn $1. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Suppose they worked eight hours ? 
 
902 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 Mr. Mead. They earn about $2.50 a day. They do not work ei«[^ht 
 hours at that. They go to work in the morning and quit shortly after 
 hmch. 
 
 Mr. Baker. Coukl you give some average for the harvesters and 
 cutters tliat would give some idea of the basic wage that goes to 
 those men? 
 
 Mr. Mead. It is impossible to give that, because, as I say, the whole 
 thing is based upon so much per ton for the cane cut or loaded. That 
 depends entirely upon how much a man can rut or load, and upon 
 how long hours they work. You could not get anything but a very 
 general average. 
 
 Mr. Raker. We have been listening here for a month or more, 
 and this fact has not been presented to the committee, although you 
 surelv must have it. For instanr e, here is one plantation that is em- 
 ploying, say, a thousand men, and would not their books show 
 
 Mr. Mead (interposing). Yes, sir; and I can find out for you the 
 amount paid to cutters and loaders of cane, or to any branch of work- 
 ers, on any one plantation in any one year. 
 
 Mr. Raker. With the number engaged in that work. 
 
 Mr. Mead. Yes. s"r; but taking the industry as a whole, that would 
 be a rather laborious process. 
 
 Mr. Raker. What is the per entage of harvesters and cutters out 
 of the total number employed? 
 
 Mr. Mead. During the harvesting season the harvesters constitute 
 a very large percentage of the workers. I should sa}^ that they con- 
 stitute 50 per cent, or that 50 per cent of them are engaged in har- 
 vesting and work connected therewith. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Now, as to the other 30 per cent 
 
 Mr. Mead (interposing). They are cultivators, or semiskilled men. 
 The cultivators, as they get through with their cultivation contracts, 
 often go into the harvesting game. 
 
 Mr. Raker. What do the cultivators get"^^ 
 
 Mr. Mead. I think that a cultivator now would earn easily $2 per 
 day. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Is that his basic wage, or is that what he earns under 
 a contract? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Under a contract. That depends upon the amount or 
 tonnage of cane that he raises upon a specific area. 
 
 Mr. Raker. You do not know what that amounted to during the 
 months of May, June, and July of this year ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. I could not get that until the contracts are settled at 
 the end of the season. There is no monthly basis for that proposi- 
 tion ; but, as I have said, he would average under the contract at least 
 $2 a day. 
 
 Mr, Raker. What does a semiskilled laborer receive? 
 
 Mr, Mead. That runs anj^where from $50 to $100 per m.onth. 
 
 Mr. Raker, What do 5^ou call a semiskilled worker? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Men who Avork on the railroads, helpers in the shops 
 and around the mills, men who do all sorts of Avork, other than ordi- 
 nary field w^ork. 
 
 The Chairman. La^dng tracks? 
 
 Mr, Mead. Yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Raker. What is paid to the men Avorking on motors and ma- 
 chinery in the mills? 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWATT. 903 
 
 Mr. Mead. I do not suppose any of them get less than $100 per 
 month. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Are they Americans? • 
 
 Mr. Mead. Most of the skilled men are Americans. 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. A very high percentage of the skilled employees 
 are citizens. 
 
 Mr. Mead. Portuguese of the second generation, for instance, are 
 often skilled and semiskilled workers in the shops and on locomo- 
 tives. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Do you have Japanese and Chinese working in the 
 shops ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. There are some. 
 
 Mr. Raker. As mechanics? 
 
 Mr. Mead. They are employed principally as helpers. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Are they engineers? 
 
 Mr. Mead. No, sir; I would not say there were any Japanese or 
 Chinese engineers. They are practically all white men. 
 
 The Chairman. Let me go back to the Filipino proposition. Is 
 there any information as to the number that came in last year? 
 
 Mr. Mead. I have not that here, but we can get it. 
 
 The Chairman. Did that immigration run low ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. I think it ran last year about 2,400. For two or three 
 years it has been running at about 2,400 a year. You must remember 
 that those Filipinos are going back. As a matter of fact, in 1920 a 
 great many more went home than came in. 
 
 The Chairman. Are you keeping up your efforts to bring in Fili- 
 pinos ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Yes, sir. 
 
 The Chairman. In regard to your recent efforts to secure Porto 
 Ricans, have you heard anything from that movement ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. We have just got a shipment of about 350. 
 
 The Chairman. Three hundred and fif t}^ persons all told ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Yes, sir. 
 
 The Chairman. Including how many adults? 
 
 Mr. Mead. There were 160 men, 86 women, and 99 children, mak- 
 ing 345. 
 
 The Chairman. That effort to secure additional Porto Rican labor 
 is still proceeding? 
 
 Mr. Mead. It is proceeding right along with not very great success. 
 
 The Chairman. The cost of sending that labor in will be consid- 
 erable ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. The cost of transportation of that shipment will be 246 
 at $125 each and 99 at about $62 each. 
 
 The Chairman. And on top of that you have your overhead ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Yes, sir. After the trouble we had down there I gave up 
 the idea of trying to make special charters of steamers to take those 
 people at the present time. This shipment went by a Shipping Board 
 boat that goes from Baltimore, through the canal, to San Francisco 
 and Honolulu. We expect another shipment in the early part of next 
 month, if the Shipping Board keeps this vessel on that route, but they 
 tell me that they will withdraw that steamer in September. 
 
 The Chairman. In spite of the strike situation and in spite of the 
 fact that some of your people went into the Army and Navy you have 
 
904 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 had, during all of these years, to be always on the lookout for labor 
 to come from the outside to the Hawaiian Islands ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Yes, sir ; we have been on the lookout. 
 
 The Chairman. And you have been energetic in your efforts to se- 
 cure all the people that could come in under the immigration laws ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. We have. There are only two places where we can 
 get labor — that is, where a private organization can get labor — 
 without conflicting with the immigration laws, and those places 
 are the Philippine Islands and Porto Rico, American territory. 
 
 The Chairman. The wages you pay in the Hawaiian Islands are 
 better than those paid for the same class of labor in either the 
 Philippines or Porto Rico ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Far better. 
 
 The Chairman. And you think the conditions are better? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Hawaii is so far better than the Philippines and 
 Porto Rico that in comparing them you would say that the Philip- 
 pines and Porto Rico are still in the dark ages. 
 
 The Chairman. Let me get this clearly in the record. It has 
 been stated by Judge Raker — I think through a slip of the tongue — 
 that Hawaii and Porto Rico are Territories and that the Philippines 
 are not. Porto Rico is not a Territory. 
 
 Mr. Mead. Porto Rico is not a Territory. 
 
 The Chairman. Porto Rico/ is an insular possession and the 
 Philippine Islands are insular possessions. They have their own 
 immigration laws. 
 
 Mr. Mead. Yes; but while they have their own immigration laws, 
 their laws are subject to the approval or disapproval of Congress 
 or the President. 
 
 The Chairman. To a certain extent? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Yes. The Philippine Islands are now seeking Chinese 
 labor. 
 
 The Chairman. They have some laws in regard to them? 
 
 Mr. Mead. They can pass their own immigration laws, and if 
 they desire to pass a Chinese immigration law they can do it; it is 
 their privilege. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Mr. Mead, will it bother you right here to have you, 
 once and for all, say what you are seeking here ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. I am not seeking anything. 
 
 Mr. Raker. The main object and purpose of this resolution is to 
 secure Chinese labor. 
 
 Mr. Mead. That is my understanding of it; yes, sir. The con- 
 ditions in the Territory are such that they believe that to be the only 
 relief to offset the predominating element of the population. 
 
 Mr. Raker. And your view is that the people of Hawaii want 
 to have repealed, temporarily at least, say, for five years, the Chinese 
 exclusion law as it relates to Hawaii in the enabling act, as well 
 as the general Chinese exclusion law passed by Congress excluding 
 Chinese from the United States as well as from its Territories? 
 
 Mr. Mead. That is my understanding; yes. May I go ahead with 
 my statement? 
 
 The Chairman. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Mead. Varona, after he visited all of the plantations, came 
 back and there were conferences with him. Mr. Wright in his 
 testimony stated that. Mr. Varona gave an interview to one of the 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 905 
 
 Honolulu newspapers, in which he stated that after his interviews, 
 consultations, and conferences with the planters he believed condi- 
 tions would be improved, and the inference was, of course — and 
 Mr. Wright so stated — that conditions before w^ere not good for 
 the Filipinos. There were only three or four things that were 
 changed in any way as a result of Varona's visit and at his request. 
 First, the return of the Filipinos. Instead of requiring that a Fili- 
 pino should work upon a plantation for three years to entitle him 
 to return transportation at our expense it was changed so that if 
 he worked upon any plantation for three years he would be returned 
 at our expense. That gives him latitude of movement. The next 
 was that Varona requested that more Filipino nurses be employed 
 in the plantation hospitals. That w^as agreed to. His other request 
 Avas that in the welfare work, which is being conducted on all the 
 plantations now, there be closer touch between the management of 
 the plantations and the Filipinos. Xow, those were the only things 
 that were in any way changed or altered, and so far as a change in 
 the working conditions is concerned other than I have stated them 
 there was absolutely nothing done. 
 
 The Chairman. It was reported here that Mr. Varona said that 
 following the changes — which were as you have stated — some addi- 
 tional Filipinos would be likely to come to the islands. 
 
 Mr. Mead. Yes ; he possibly made that statement. I think that 
 the concession, that a Filipino could work upon any plantation rather 
 than upon a plantation, was quite a concession, and possibly he 
 felt that that concession would induce more to come. 
 
 The Chairman. When he returns to the Philippine Islands does 
 he have anything to do with inviting, encouraging, or showing the 
 way for Filipinos to go to the Hawaiian Islands. 
 
 Mr. Mead. That work is done entirely by our agents, by our em- 
 ployees, and it is done under the supervision of the Filipino Bureau 
 of Labor. Ever}^ Filipino, before he leaves the Philippine Islands, 
 is interviewed by the bureau of labor and the terms of his employ- 
 ment and everything connected with it are explained to him. Ee- 
 cruiting has come to the point where so many have gone back from 
 Hawaii and told the story of their treatment in Hawaii that those 
 who w^ant to come know the conditions. Hawaii is not a new field 
 to the Filipinos. When we first went out there we had the same 
 opposition Ave haA^e in Porto Rico ; the newspapers published state- 
 ments about lions, tigers, and elephants that Avould gobble them up. 
 We had to oA^ercome that. 
 
 The American Federation of Labor also charges that there is 
 gross mismanagement of the plantations in HaAvaii, and I do not 
 think those charges ought to remain in the record without some 
 statement showing that they are not true. One of the charges 
 was that the plantations are mismanaging in the conduct of 
 their field operations, in that they are not using the best class of 
 workmen in positions where they might develop improved labor- 
 saving machinery. That is rather vague, but I understand the mean- 
 ing of it is that we have not adoptedjmproved methods, particularly 
 in the loading of cane ; that Ave have been derelict in not inventing or 
 trying to have invented machines which would load cane and thus 
 avoid hand loading. The proposition of cutting and loading by 
 machinery has been a liA^e one with the Hawaiian planters for a 
 
906 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAAVAII. 
 
 great many years. Previous to my association with the planters' 
 association they had advertised extensively all over the world for 
 machines that would cut and load cane, and offered very large 
 prizes. I have forgotten just what the prizes were, but there were 
 very large amounts offered. The proposition was that the machine, 
 after being tried out and being found feasible and satisfactory, should 
 still remain the property of the inventor; we simply offered him a 
 prize for inventing such a machine and he was still to have the 
 royalty from it. 
 
 The planters' association hold annual meetings at which various 
 committees presented written reports, and the labor-saving device 
 committee has been one of the active and continuous committees 
 ever since I have known anything about the planters' association's 
 work. Here is a report which was presented at the annual meeting 
 of 1901. I will not attempt to present the whole thing, but will just 
 read what the chairman of the committee says : 
 
 No cane planter can afford to neglect any source of information or ideas that 
 will throw new light or will tend to improve the methods of handling and 
 loading of cane. The rewards and bonuses offered by the association have 
 induced many persons to devise, build, and give much time and attention to 
 various cane-loading machines. Some of the apparatus, of which models have 
 been made, do not in any way cover the requirements. Many of the machines 
 are repetitions of old-established method^s and but few new ideas have come 
 forward of any value. Some two years* past cane-harvesting machines, com- 
 bined cutting and loading apparatus, were talked of and written of, but to-day 
 it is pr^ictically conceded that no apparatus of this nature can be devised to 
 fulfill the requirements, and the whole center of discussion and thought has 
 been toM^ard the devising of cane-loading machines. Those machines that have 
 come to the writer's notice have been in the nature of derricks or cane-carrier 
 apparatus, and, in fact, all of the machines that have been devised, either on 
 paper or in model, are of this nature. All of the machines require that the 
 cane be lifted by the laborer and placed either on carriers or in baskets, tables, 
 or containers which are lowered and elevated. No machine has yet been 
 devised or modeled which avoids the handling of cane by hand labor. In 
 nearly every instance the apparatuses that have been constructed up to the 
 present time are of too heavy and massive a nature. 
 
 Let me explain that experiments have been made with various 
 types of machines, some of which have booms that stretch out over 
 the fields, lift the cane up and put it on the cars, but, as stated in this 
 report, it is necessary to have the cane bundled by hand labor. 
 There are other machines which have received most careful atten- 
 tion, the Wilson-Webster machine particularly, which drags the 
 bundles of cane over the field and lifts them into the cars. How- 
 ever, the great objection to that sort of apparatus is that it breaks 
 down the furrows. The fields are all furrowed and the cane is 
 planted in the furrows, if you break down the furrows you must go 
 over the fields again and' build them up at considerable expense 
 before you can irrigate the cane. That has been one of the great 
 objections to that style of machine. 
 
 That was the 1901 report, and the question, as I say, has been a 
 very live one ever since, and I will read from the 1917 report : 
 
 The loading machine, which will ultimately be successful, will undoubtedly 
 be the combination of many of the ideas in loaders, which to-day are represented 
 in practically all of the machines which have been invented. No efficient 
 machine or device in use in our industry has been perfected at its inception, 
 and w^e should not feel overconcerned if the perfection of a successful cane 
 loader will require 5 or 10 years of effort and the expenditure of a million 
 dollars. Doubtless, a quarter of this sum has already been expended in one 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 907 
 
 Avay or another in these ishmds in the last 20 years in the development of 
 hibor-saving devices, but who is tliere here but what feels that the experience 
 gained has not in full measure warranted the expense? 
 
 Then the (ommittee goes on and shows the number of machines 
 that have been developeti and experimented with. There are 24 ma- 
 chines listed here — the Wilson- Webster and quite a number of 
 different types. Then there are pictures of the various machines 
 shown in the report. They have not laid down on the job at all ; 
 they have been at it and at it continuously ever since the Hawaiian 
 Sugar Planters' Association started. 
 
 The 1920 report of the committee on labor-saving devices, says : 
 
 Upon the recommendation of Mr. Wallace M. Alexander, and with the ap- 
 proval of the trustees of the association, Mr. A. Glinchikoff, a Russian mechan- 
 ical engineer and draftsman, was brought to the Territory for this work. Since 
 that time arrangements have been made by the committee to bring Mr. A. J. 
 -Fomilyant to the Territory as an associate engineer. 
 
 Previous to this 1920 report the committee on labor-saving de- 
 Tices had in its employ a force of engineers, and one man, named 
 Lewis, who was at the head of it, is now the manager of a very large 
 i^iigar plantaticn in the Philippines. They worked for a year or 
 more developing the Wilson- Webster cane loader, which seemed to 
 l^e the most feasible at that time, and even at that they were unable to 
 liave that machine perfected to a point where it would do the work 
 satisfactorily. 
 
 Mr. Raker. What is the name of this association ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. The Hawaiian Sugar Planters' Association. It was 
 organized in the year 1880 or 1881 as the Planters' Labor & Supply 
 Co. Then somewhere around 1890 that was disincorporated and the 
 Hawaiian Sugar Planters' Association took over the work. 
 
 Mr. Raker. And it is incorporated? 
 
 Mr. Mead. No ; it is a voluntary association. 
 
 Mr. Raker. About how many members have you ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. It has about 42 plantation members and about 200 
 individual members. 
 
 Mr. Raker. How is it maintained? 
 
 Mr. Mead. It is maintained by voluntary contributions, assess- 
 ments. 
 
 So much for the labor-saving devices. Mr. Wright said that we 
 were mismanaging in that we were not going in for paper mulch- 
 ing. Probably paper mulching does not mean much to you gentle- 
 men, not having seen the system, but that it is [indicating photo- 
 graph]. It is a proposition of putting paper over a row of cane 
 as it is planted and the cane comes up through it ; the cane shoot is 
 sufficiently strong to puncture the paper but the weeds, not being as 
 strong as the cane, are killed because they have no moisture and no 
 light. The first experiment in paper mulching was conducted on 
 the Olaa plantation on the Island of Hawaii. That appears in the 
 report of 1916, and when you recollect and recall that it takes a 
 sugar crop 18 months to grow you can see that there has only been 
 one crop harvested where any extensive area was so treated, and you 
 can see that it is a little bit early yet to say that paper mulching 
 •should be adopted by everybody. The Olaa plantation has appar- 
 i€ntly made a success of it, but other plantations in the same district 
 
908 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII, 
 
 have experimented and claim paper mulching is not a success with 
 them. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Just Avhat is the object of paper mulching? 
 
 Mr. Mead. It is to keep the weeds down. 
 
 Mr. Raker. You cover the row with paper ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Raker. And the cane grows under that ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Yes ; and the shoot is strong enough to go through the 
 paper. 
 
 Mr. Raker. And that kills the weeds ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. And the weeds, of course, can not come up, the weeds 
 are not as strong as the cane. The plantations along the Hilo coast 
 have experimented and it has not been a success on those plantations. 
 The Olaa plantation has put in a paper mill to manufacture the 
 paper from the fiber of the cane, at very consideral)le expense, and 
 so far as I know the}^ feel it is all right, but it is too early yet to 
 say, especially in view of the experiments on the plantations im- 
 mediately adjoining Olaa, that it will be a success on all plantations. 
 Furthermore, it is adapted only to the plantations where there is an 
 excessive rainfall bringing on a very heavy growth of weeds, and 
 perhaps 90 per cent of the plantations have no use at all for paper 
 mulching. 
 
 Mr. Raker. It would have no relation to cutting and loading? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Xo^ sir. If this Olaa experiment is eventually shown 
 to be a success, there is no question about other plantations adopting 
 it, but the}^ have got to be shown first. 
 
 Mr. Irw^x. Would it be feasible to adopt it on irrigated planta- 
 tions ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. No ; not at all ; only on plantations where there is a 
 large rainfall, and most of our cane is raised on irrigated planta- 
 tions. So it is not right to say that plantations are mismanaging 
 because they are not adopting the paper-mulching system. 
 
 You will recall that Mr. Wright stated that he was employed in a 
 sugar mill for three nionths. and that he spent a da}^ in visiting three 
 ])lantations, so that his experience is confined to three months and a 
 day. I do not pretend to be an expert, while Mr. Wright claims he 
 is. My experience on plantations, on and off, for the last 20 years 
 does not qualify me to be an expert. I would not know the kind of 
 fertilizer or the amount of fertilizer to be put on any particular acre 
 of sugar land, and if I tried to boil sugar I w^ould probably gum up 
 the mill so that they would have to use dynamite to loosen it up. But 
 Mr. Wright claimed to be an exjpert because of his three months and 
 a day experience. 
 
 Mr. Wright said that the plantations were mismanaging because 
 they did not adopt the Palmer plan of compromising the Japanese 
 strike of 1920. The Palmer plan was a scheme proposed by Rev. Dr. 
 Palmer, of the Central Union Church ; Dr. Hobdy, a practicing phy- 
 sician; Mr. Dean, a professor at the College of Hawaii; Dr. Mori, a 
 Japanese medical doctor; and one other Japanese whose name I do 
 not recall. These men had absolutely no experience with plantation 
 work. I do not believe that any of them had ever been on a planta- 
 tion for any length of time at all. The plan which they proposed 
 Avas Avhat is used now in so many of the factories in the States, fac- 
 tory committees of workmen to take up matters of factory man- 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 909 
 
 agement, and the emplo3dng and discharging of labor. T am not 
 particuhirly familiar with it myself except that I have read about it. 
 It works in some instances very well within the four walls of a 
 factory^ but to apply that scheme to plantations covering thousands 
 of acres, and with isolated camps miles and miles apart, is absolutely 
 impossible. Furthermore, Avhen that scheme was proposed the Jap- 
 anese strike had reached that point where it was a question of 
 Americanism or Japanism; and we did not propose at that time — 
 that is, the Sugar Planters' Association — to lay down to any Japa- 
 nese organization of any kind. This proposition was such that we 
 were told afterwards by prominent Japanese that if we had adopted 
 it, this Palmer plan of having committees of laborers to exercise 
 control of labor on the plantations, we would simply have been 
 playing into the hands of the Japanese Federation of Labor and 
 perpetuated them in their office and in their work. 
 
 Mr. Wright stated, among other things, that there is an inter- 
 change of plantation managers between Hawaii, Cuba, Porto Rico, 
 and the Philippines. To my knowledge there has never been a 
 plantation manager come from Cuba, Porto Rico, or the Philippines 
 to Hawaii, but there have been men who have come from Louisiana. 
 We claim in Hawaii the most improved methods and the most effi- 
 cient management of plantations anywhere, and we have graduated 
 men from our plantations who have taken large jobs in Cuba, Porto 
 Rico, and the Philippines. The fact is that pretty nearly all the 
 managers in the Philippines, in the large factories, are former 
 Hawaiians ;"• a number of our men have gone to Cuba and a number 
 have gone to Porto Rico. 
 
 We have an experiment station in Hawaii that is the best sugar 
 experiment station in the world. It is conducted at very large ex- 
 pense, but the work which it has done and the results it has accom- 
 plished have more than made up the expense of maintaining it many 
 times over. We have had men like Dr. Maxwell, a very skilled 
 scientist, go from Hawaii to New Zealand; he is in charge of the 
 work there and has a ver}^ prominent position. Mr. Crawley, who is 
 now in charge of the sugar experiment station in Cuba and also a 
 very fine scientist, graduated from Hawaii ; Dr. Cobb, of the United 
 States Department of Agriculture, also came from Hawaii. Mr. 
 Maxwell, the manager of one of the plantations in Porto Rico, was 
 on the plantation at Kealia, Hawaii, and the two McLanes, one now 
 in Cuba, came from Hawaii. 
 
 There are a number of others that have gone out from Hawaii to 
 take very prominent positions in connection with plantations. The 
 Honolulu Iron Works and Catton, Neili & Co., with the experience 
 gained in the construction of Hawaiian sugar mills, have developed 
 a sugar mill which is the very last word in sugar-mill construction, 
 and they build mills from the Philippines to Cuba. Our managers 
 and other skilled men do not go around with their hands behind their 
 backs and with their eyes looking up to the skies, as might be sug- 
 gested by Mr. Wright's testimony. Right here in the room we have 
 a man, Mr. Horner, whose plows and cultivators are known and ex- 
 tensively used wherever sugar cane is gro^vn. The Messchaert 
 grooved rollers, which w^ere developed by one of our engineers, are 
 used in every modern sugar mill. The Searby shredders are used in 
 many mills, and many other ideas and inventions by our men have 
 
910 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAIL 
 
 been put into use throughout the sugar-producing countries of the 
 world. 
 
 Mr. Eaker. That is all very interesting and very instructive. 
 
 Mr. Mead. Yes; as bearing on gross mismanagement and what 
 we do. 
 
 Mr. Raker. But still it does not relieve the situation of the fact 
 that you want to bring in Chinese coolie labor to do the work, which 
 is against the policy of the American people. 
 
 Mr. Mead. I am not talking to the point of whether it is wise or 
 unwise to bring in Chinese coolie labor, but I am talking to the point 
 of the charges that have been made as to the gross mismanagement 
 of the sugar plantations of Hawaii, charges made by the American 
 Federation of Labor. 
 
 I have given you the testimony of our own people and will now 
 give you the testimony and statements from Government depart- 
 ment sources. The Bureau of Foreign and Domestic Commerce of 
 the Department of Commerce in 1915 and 1916 investigated the* 
 sugar plantations in Hawaii, Porto Rico, Louisiana, and Cuba. The 
 investigation was carried on by Mr. Frank J. Sheridan with a corps 
 of assistants. He was a man peculiarly adapted to that work and 
 he got right into it. I would like to read a few extracts from the 
 report for the purpose of showing a comparison of conditions : 
 
 In the iRlaiid of Hawaii tlie most sc entitle and intens^ive system of cultiva- 
 tion is practiced n contrad stinction to tlie extensive system generally pursued' 
 in Cuba. 
 
 This is in reply to Mr. Wright, and particular!}^ in reply to Mr. 
 Gompers, as to our antiquated methods of loading cane and how 
 much better their facilities are in Cuba and Porto Rico. 
 
 The cane cutting, loading, and transportation methods of Hawaii are in 
 striking contrast to those of Cuba; the rushing of the csuie by fluming from 
 the harvest field to the factory and tli,e bring ng of the ra'lway track and car- 
 upon the heels of the cane cutters in all parts of tlie fields in Hawaii compare 
 interest ngly w^th the laborious and jn-ecise adjustment of each stalk in the 
 oxcart and the slow hauling of the cane by ox teams to tlie i-a Iroad, to be 
 reloaded and hauled to the mill in Cuba. 
 
 In thu' extracfon of the juce from the cane in Hawaiian factories and in 
 other milling and scientific processes the results atta'ned are the best of all 
 cane-sugar countries. So, as Hawaii represents the best efforts of the United" 
 States and its insular possessions in the cultivation of the sugar cane and :'n 
 the manufacture of sugar, compar'sons in this report are made for the most 
 part between Hawaiian results and conditions and those of its principal fore'gn 
 competitor and the main source of our foreign sugar supply, the island of Cuba.- 
 
 Then he says : 
 
 Natural cond'tions are most favorable in Cuba. There is no scarcity of fer- 
 tile land suited to sugar cane; there is al)undant rainfall; there is sufficient 
 population to supply the labor needed, without the pressure of population upon 
 land that leads to liigh land values and tends toward relatively small holdings. 
 In Hawaii conditions are very different. Land suited for sugar cane is limited 
 in area and h'gh in price; deficient rainfall requires on most of the plantations 
 expensive systems of irrigation; the use of fertilizers is necessary; and laborers 
 from other countries must be induced to settle in the islands. Yet by science 
 and cooperation these difficulties have been largely overcome; nowdiere "s the- 
 cultivation of sugar cane more intensively and successively conducted ; nowhere 
 is more efficient machinery employed; nowhere are accounts more carefully 
 kept; and nowhere is the industry, as a whole, more skillfully directed. 
 
 There is the testimony of an independent investigator who has 
 gone through all of the sugar-producing countries of the world. 
 
 I 
 
LA1U)H PKOBLEMS IN HAWAII. 911 
 
 Before closino-, Mr. Chairman, I would like to state tfiat under 
 date of August 10 a telegram has been received from Gov. Farring- 
 ton, as follows : 
 
 Territorial grand jury August 1 returned indictment 21 Japanese charging 
 ci-iminal conspiracy relating to dynamiting and sabotage incidents, Japanese 
 strike. 1920. Specilic charge, dynamiting house of Sakamaki Olaa by so-called 
 " assassin corps," under direction certain officers and directors Japanese strike 
 uKnement. Action supported by s\A'orn confession members alleged assassin 
 corps -who frdled receive payments alleged to have been promised for their 
 work. Men indicted are leaders Japanese Federation Labor active in strike 
 management and propaganda. 
 
 The men who signed the pamphlet, or some of the men who 
 signed the pamphlet, put in the record, showing the Japanese Fed- 
 eration of Labor's viewpoint in the strike of 1920, are among those 
 who were indicted, including Miyazawa, Gotto, and Tsutsumi. They 
 were directors and secretaries of the Japanese Federation of Labor. 
 
 The Chairman. Were those members indicted? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Yes, sir. 
 
 The Chairman. They were among the persons indicted and who 
 called themselves the " assassin's band " ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Yes, sir. Hoshino and Koyama were also directors of 
 the Japanese Federation of Labor, and they signed this report. 
 During the strike we had information which was perfectly clear, but 
 we did not have it in sufficient detail, and we could not .get our hands 
 on it in such a way as to indict the people. However, we knew 
 about it. We knew that they had in their organization of the Japa- 
 nese Federation of Labor an assassins' corps, as they called it. 
 This assassins' corps was composed of men of different districts or 
 prefects in Japan, as, for instance, from the Hiroshima and Fukuoka 
 districts of Japan. Those districts had representatives on this 
 assassins' corps, and it was their business to beat up people, burn 
 their houses, kill them, or do anything they could to cliscourage any- 
 body who attempted to go back to work, or to discourage anybody 
 who attempted to get anybody to go back to work. 
 
 They would hold up automobiles at any time of the night and flash 
 lights in the cars to find out who was going to the plantations. They 
 had the most efficient system of picketing I ever saw\ They had their 
 organization trained as perfectly as an army organization. It w^as 
 organized on the lines of an army organization. That is to say, they 
 had sergeants, 'captains, and all the grades. They had their majors 
 and battalion commanders and their major generals in Honolulu. 
 The whole thing was worked up most efficiently. We knew about this, 
 but we did not have the evidence in such shape that we could take it 
 to the grand jury. 
 
 The Chairman. They were some of the men who were to have been 
 paid for this kind of work? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Yes, sir ; they were to have been paid by the Japanese 
 Federation of Labor, and they did not pay them. They then gave 
 the information which led to the indictment of the whole crowd. 
 
 Mr. Raio:r. They were Japanese who were to be paid by the 
 Japanese Federation of Labor and they made a confession? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Yes, sir ; and they have indicted the Japanese in that or- 
 ganization. The original directorate of the Japanese Federation of 
 Labor contained no laborers, but it contained men who were not 
 eligible to citizenship, and that was the organization that had this 
 
912 LABOR PROBLEMS IX HAWAIL 
 
 assassins' corps and that sought the privilege of afliliating with the 
 American Federation of Labor. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Does not that sound in the same way as if a body of 
 Avhite men had entered into some kind of combination to do some 
 mischief ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. I do not know. I do not know whether the American 
 Federation of Labor 
 
 Mr. Raker. I did not intimate that and I repudiate any such sug- 
 gestion. That is unfortunate, Mr. Mead, because nothing coukl be 
 further from my mind. 
 
 The Chairman. Weil, strike it out. 
 
 Mr. Mead. I do not know whether they have any sort of organiza- 
 tion or not 
 
 Mr. Raker (interposing). It shall remain in the record, so far as 
 I am concerned. That is not a proper deduction to draw from my 
 question. What I meant to say was that any man or class of men 
 who violate the law, or organize to violate the law, would be in that 
 same class, and these same men would be just like white men who 
 would undertake to do the same sort of thing. 
 
 Mr. Mead. I presume some white men would do that sort of thing. 
 
 The Chairman. We have a double-headed problem here. Mr. 
 
 (lompers charged in lais interview, and I think he stated on the stand, 
 
 -that myself and others were tr^ang to make a Japanese question out of 
 
 this ; but, for the life of me, I can not separate the Japanese question 
 
 from this labor question. 
 
 Mr. Mead. They are so bound together that 3^ou can not separate 
 them. 
 
 Mr. Raker. There is only one question involved in this whole hear- 
 ing. I have stated, and will repeat here, and I will also repeat it on 
 the floor of the House, possibly on a question of personal privilege, 
 that the only question here is the question of the admission of Chinese. 
 They have practically admitted that. They do not ask to have others 
 Avho are otherAvise inadmissible admitted, and I think the record will 
 show that. It is Chinese that are to come in under a system of 
 peonage, involuntary servitude, or serfdom. Now, in view of the 
 statement that I have made here from the very first day of this hear- 
 ing, and notwithstanding an}^ other statements made to the contrary, 
 why should the statement be made that I am in favor of this legisla- 
 tion? Anybody ought to know from my first statement that I am 
 against it. Anybody knowing the facts who circulates a statement 
 of that kind is giving circulation to something that is false. The 
 proposition is clearly unconstitutional, and consequently. Congress 
 could not enact such a thing, even if it wanted to sanction such a 
 system. 
 
 The Chairman. I take it that this committee, having this resolu- 
 tion before it, has a perfect right to go into every phase of it, to hear 
 every witness and to cross-examine them in detail. We also have the 
 right to substitute for the resolution, and to devise, if we can, still 
 another resolution, and I think it is a matter of record that Mr. 
 Mead himself offered something that might be considered to be a 
 constructive plan of relief for Hawaii, which was a plan to lift 
 certain restrictions from the present immigration laws for the benefit 
 of the Territories. 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 913 
 
 Mr. Mead. May I add there that it was our idea to build up the 
 white popuhition '^ 
 
 The Chairman. I will take that up with you a little later. Now, 
 if this temporary plan were put into effect, how many Chinese do 
 you think would be brought in ^ Cive us your estimate of that. 
 
 Mr. Mead. I do not know. 
 
 The Chairman. What do jou think the shortage of labor in the 
 Hawaiian Islands is this year ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. The shortage of labor there, I should say, would be 
 eight or ten thousand people right now. 
 
 The Chairman. Well, let us say 10,000. 
 
 Mr. Mead. I should say eight or ten thousand. 
 
 The Chairman. In the sugar industry ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Yes, sir. The last figures I had from Honolulu showed 
 that the}^ were 6,000 short, but that was some months ago. I do not 
 know what the conditions are now. I know that they have been 
 growing worse. I should say that we have a shortage of 8,000 with 
 the sugar industry, although that may be too high. 
 
 The Chairman. What is your idea of the shortage, Mr. Dilling- 
 ham ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. My idea, from the data we have been able to 
 secure, is that the shortage is in the neighborhood of 15,000 men 
 to-day. 
 
 The Chairman. For all common labor in Hawaii ? 
 
 ^Ir. Dillingham. For all agricultural labor. 
 
 The Chairman. I will ask Mr. Mead if that number of Chinese 
 were added to the mixed population of Hawaii, which is already 
 heavily Japanese with a considerable sprinkling of Chinese, would 
 it be possible to proceed with any plan that would let any kind of 
 European labor come into the islands? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Yes, sir; I think so. 
 
 The Chairman. Do you think that if the literacy test were lifted 
 and the head tax suspended, you could still bring European labor 
 in there? 
 
 Mr. Mead. I think so. 
 
 The Chairman. And displace an}' Chinese or Japanese labor 
 there ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. I think that the European labor could go along as the 
 requirements deA^eloped, but I can not sa;^ that the European labor 
 would in any way compete with the Chinese and Japanese labor. 
 There would not be any displacement of the ordinary Chinese labor 
 or even of Japanese labor if we should get started with European 
 immigration. 
 
 The Chairman. Do you have an}^ idea that the wages of common 
 labor will fall in the islands within the next few years? 
 
 Mr. Mead. I do not believe they will fall very much. There may 
 be a little decrease in the bonus, but so far as paying them a good 
 living wage is concerned, it makes no difference whether the price 
 of sugar is 2 cents or 5 cents, they have got to be paid a living wage. 
 
 The Chairman. It is a pretty general experience that once wages 
 are advanced 
 
 Mr. Mead (interposing) . Once you get wages up, it is not easy to 
 get them down. The tendency in Hawaii, or the tendency ever since 
 
 .56754— 21— SEE 7, pt 2 24 
 
914 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 I have been in HaAvaii, has been to increase wages, just the same as 
 everywhere else in the world. 
 
 The Chaikman. This original resolution provides that these 
 people may be brought in for agricultural labor or domestic labor 
 purposes ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. Yes, sir. 
 
 The Chairman. Why do you include domestic labor? 
 
 Mr. Mead. I do not know what the reason for that was. How- 
 ever, if you have been out there and have had to depend upon 
 Japanese domestic servants, you would know what a tremendous 
 problem we are up against in that respect. You will realize how 
 they persecute the housewives out there. The domestic-service prob- 
 lem in the Hawaiian Islands is a serious one. Of course, it is serious 
 everywhere, but the Japanese have control of domestic service in 
 Hawaii, and the conditions are absolutely impossible. 
 
 The Chairman. Yet Japanese servants are used there? 
 
 Mr. Mead. It is all we have. We can o;et no other servants, and 
 therefore must stand their impudence and stand their persecution, 
 because in a hot, tropical climate white women must have some assist- 
 ance in their housework. 
 
 Mr. Raker. You would expect Chinese to perform that service ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Yes, sir ; and they are the best domestic servants in the 
 world. 
 
 The Chairman. American people employ them in continental 
 United States. 
 
 Mr. Mead. They would be up in the seventh heaven if they could 
 have them in America. 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. It would have a very steadying effect upon the 
 labor, both domestic and field labor, to have a division of the na- 
 tionalities, or a more equitable division or a more balanced division. 
 
 Mr. Eaker. That would be reverting or changing back to where 
 they were 40 years ago on the Japanese proposition, would it not? 
 My friend, Mr. Dillingham, has just stated that he would like to 
 have a division of the various nationalities so that they could use 
 them for the various kinds of labor. 
 
 Mr. Mead. Yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Everybody who knows anj^thing at all about the Japa- 
 nese is against them, or he ought to be against them, and if the Ameri- 
 can people would only seek the truth as it exists, they w^ill exclude 
 the Japanese. 
 
 Mr. Mead. I agree with you. 
 
 Mr. Raker. The two races can not exist together, because of the 
 racial differences as well as the economic differences. Now, the 
 American people have tried it, and they have demonstrated through 
 years of trouble, worry, and annoyance that they must exclude the 
 Chinese. They found that they must exclude the Chinese, and they 
 have done so. Now, certainly we can not revert back to the condi- 
 tions that existed 30 years ago and admit Chinese into the Hawaiian 
 Islands and eventually admit them into continental United States. 
 
 Mr. Mead. While that is perfectly true, yet, as a matter of fact, 
 we have a peculiar condition in Hawaii. You have there, in the first 
 place, this very largely preponderating Japanese population, which 
 is a menace from the industrial standpoint. You have that condi- 
 tion in Hawaii. 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. . 915 
 
 Mr. Eaker. Let us be frank about it 
 
 Mr. Mead (interposing). You have that condition before you. The 
 problem is to get some one else in there. You will never in a thou- 
 sand years get anywhere by brhiging in white European laboi*, 
 because they do not compete. The white man will not edge the 
 Japanese out, but, on the other hand, the Japanese will edge the 
 white man out every time. That has been the experien e there for 
 years. 
 
 Now, you will have your Chinese under control. Under this bill 
 you would have them under control, and you could stop them when- 
 ever you wanted to, or you could limit the numbers coming in You 
 will have the opportunity of bringing in wdiite people from Europe^ 
 thus affording the means of building up the vsdiite population, but 
 we can not build up the white population so long as we have that 
 predominating Japanese population out there. That is my theory 
 and understanding of it. 
 
 Mr. Baker. If we concede, and I think that concession is correct, 
 that the Chinese will drive out the Japanese — and even the Japanese 
 Government recognizes that fact, because they prohibit Chinese 
 labor from going to Japan — what is the result? The western part 
 of the United States has had an experience w^ith Chinese troubles, 
 and Avould we not be going right back to a condition of serf labor 
 or to a condition of labor under control if we should permit these 
 Chinese to come into Hawaii? Notwithstanding the very serious 
 condition that you people have out there, and it must be a serious 
 one on account of your heavy Japanese population, will this relieve 
 the situation? Would we be in any way clarifying the situation or 
 assisting you by permitting another alien race to come to Hawaii 
 wdien Congress has solmenly promised in its compact with your 
 people or with the Hawaiian Government that it would not permit 
 the immigration of Chinese into the Territory of Hawaii? 
 
 Mr. Mead. I think that the provision in the organic act of HaAvaii 
 was simply a provision to carry out the Chinese exclusion law which 
 existed in the United States at the time the organic act was adopted. 
 I do not tliink it had anything else in view. I do not think that it 
 meant that you should never have any Chinese in Hawaii. 
 
 The Chairman. After the United States had adopted the (xeary 
 Act. or tlie Chinese ex' lusion act, Hawaii then folloAved suit. Now, 
 when annexation came, both countries had 
 
 Mr. Mead. They both had the same laws. 
 
 The Chairman. They excluded the Chinese, but had not then 
 learned so much about the Japanese ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Yes, sir ; that is true. 
 
 The Chairman. I am not any too familiar Avith the goA^erning 
 laAvs passed by Congress for Porto Rico and the Philippines, but 
 if it could be done, Avould not the passage of an act authorizing the 
 United States itself to send labor commissioners from the Depart- 
 ment of Labor to those insular possessions to assist in securing labor 
 for the islands be a better plan of meeting the situation? 
 
 Mr. Mead. I do not knoAv. The Department of Labor now has no 
 lepresentative at all in Porto Rico. Going back a little bit, before we 
 Avent into the Avar, Mr. Clayt(m, I think was his name, of the Bureau 
 of Labor, suggested that if we wanted Porto Rican laborers the 
 
916 • LABOR PROBLEMS IIST HAWAII. 
 
 Department of Labor would be willing to help us. Upon that invi- 
 tation I went down to Porto Rico, but the war broke out soon after 
 and that was the end of it. However, at that time they did offer to 
 help us get Porto Ricans. I did endeavor to get some sort of assist- 
 ance along that line when I came on this time, but the bureau was 
 not in a position to grant it. 
 
 The Chairman. What did you say was the population of Porto 
 Rico? 
 
 Mr. Mead. One million two hundred and fifty thousand. 
 
 The Chairman. How does the actual area of that island compare 
 with the area of Hawaii ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Porto Rico has a little less than 4,000 square miles, 
 while the island of Hawaii, which is the largest island in the group, 
 contains over 4,000 square miles. 
 
 The Chairman. Is there more cultivated area in Porto Rico than 
 in Hawaii ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. No, sir; there is not. We raise more sugar and raise 
 more pineapples, and, in fact, raise more agricultural products than 
 Porto Rico produces. 
 
 The Chairman. You have more area in cultivation ? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Yes, sir; we have more area actually under cultivation. 
 
 Mr. Raker. In addition to the act referred to, there was a joint 
 resolution of July 7, 1898, Thirtieth Statutes at Large, page 571, 
 which is a part of the resolution admitting Hawaii as a Territory. 
 Then, again, on April 30, 1900, we made it applicable to Hawaii, 
 excluding the Chinese. Then, again, on April 29, 1902, we reenacted 
 the Chinese immigration laws, and made them apply specifically to 
 the Territories, including Hawaii. 
 
 Mr. Mead. There was an additional law which prevented them from 
 coming from Hawaii to the mainland. 
 
 Mr. Raker. That is in this act. Now, I want to ask you your view 
 on this matter. There has been called to my attention an article 
 published yesterday (Aug. 11, 1921) in the Washington Times, on 
 the editorial page, containing the following statement : 
 
 The House Committee on Immigration has reported a most extraordinary 
 resolution in favor of permitting the planters of Hawaii to import 50,000 
 Chinese coolies to work as bonded slaves on the sugar plantations for five years, 
 and then, if desirable, to be deported in favor of another batch of coolies. 
 
 Of course, you would not be in favor of anything of that kind? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Of course, that is a misstatement about anything that 
 has happened. 
 
 Mr. Raker. In the first place, this resolution has not been re- 
 ported. It has been ordered reported by not more than five, and 
 possibly four, members of the committee. 
 
 The Chairman. T do not think that is correct; the action was 
 taken by a quorum of the full committee. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Yes, Mr. Chairman; I think it is. I do not propose 
 to stand under the imputation — after the committee has acted and 
 we have been holding hearings for 10 days — of having voted for 
 this resolution. 
 
 The Chairman. I never knew you to falter on any investigation, 
 and it is largely at your insistence that this and other hearings have 
 run almost to the exhausting point. This committee is charged 
 
LABOK PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 917 
 
 Avith losing- time, but we have a problem before iis and will go to 
 the bottom of it. 
 
 Mr. Kaiver. And I will go to the bottom of it. 
 
 The Chaieman. We have no right as Members of Congress, 
 A\hether on this committee or any other committee, having taken 
 these and other islands under our wings as a Territory or as insular 
 possessions, to be dilatory about anything that will help them one 
 way or another. That is the fault of the United States Government 
 and, in my opinion, it shows the mistake and futility of taking out- 
 side possessions, filled with nonassimilable people, under the flag of 
 the United States. 
 
 Mr. Raker. I am willing to give relief and do what I can, but I 
 am unalterably opposed to any legislation that violates the thir- 
 teenth or fourteenth amendments to the Constitution. So that there 
 (an be no question about it, I have been opposed to elaj^anese immi- 
 gration into this country and have done everything I could to have 
 them excluded, and I am likewise unalterably opposed to breaking 
 down, in any conceivable way, the Chinese exclusion law. It ought 
 to be fortified instead of weakened. The way this editorial reads it 
 would appear as though I am in favor of bringing Chinese to Ha- 
 waii for the purpose of putting them in bondag'e and making them 
 slaves. 
 
 The Chairman. Your reputation is such that no such imputa- 
 tion could hurt you. Besides, members of the committee have got to 
 handle this, distasteful or not. In Congress it is not all peaches and 
 cream. 
 
 Mr. Mead. Let me say that I have never had the slightest doubt 
 about your attitude in the matter, and that you have been opposed 
 to bringing in Chinese. 
 
 Mr. Raker. And I have opposed it because it is fundamentally^ 
 against our Government. I have had experience; I have gone 
 through it; I have seen this both as to the Japanese and Chinese; 
 and if we had not ahvays put the soft pedal on public men in regard. 
 to the exclusion of the Japanese, we would have liad settled that 
 question 10 jesiTS ago. That is the trouble of it. There is always 
 some question raised as to some delicate international matter being- 
 involved, when it is the sovereign right of this Government to say 
 who shall come here and who shall stay here. 
 
 The Chairman. There will be all kinds of delicate international 
 matters here in November. 
 
 Mr. Raker. The only thing I want to say about that is that if 
 there are open sessions instead of secret sessions, we will get results ; 
 but if there are secret sessions, we will be lost. 
 
 The Chairman. Have you concluded, Mr. Mead? 
 
 Mr. Mead. Yes. 
 
 The Chairman. Then we will hear Mr. Dillingham. 
 
 ADDITIONAL STATEMENT OF MR. WALTER F. DILLINGHAM, 
 CHAIRMAN OF THE HAWAIIAN EMERGENCY LABOR COMMIS- 
 SION. 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. I want to put in a statement by the commission. 
 We have gone wide of the mark in our discussions, and implications 
 have been made that this commission is favoring the violation of the 
 
918 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 Constitution of tlie United States in the plan proposed, and so on. 
 So that there may be no mistake as to what this commission's attitude 
 is in relieving the situation, which I think the committee as a whole 
 has recognized to be a serious condition in Hawaii to-day, this state- 
 ment is offered as disclosing the position of the emergency labor 
 commission of the Territory : 
 
 Statement of the Hawaii Emergency Laboe Commission Before the Com- 
 ?,riTTEE ON Immigration and Naturalization on House Joint Resolution 
 17L 
 
 A PLAN OF OPERATIONS UNDER THE PROPOSED RESOLUTION. 
 
 While this resolution puts all the regulations in the hands of the Secretary of 
 Labor, the following, based upon the previous experience of the Territory of 
 Hawaii w^ith assisted immigration, is submitted by the Hawaii Emergency 
 Labor Commiss.on as a proposed plan of operation : 
 
 The Territory of Hawaii, through its territorial board of immigration, 
 assisted immigration as long as such assistance was legal and practicable. The 
 law authorizing the territorial board of immigration, which consisted of five 
 members appointed by the governor, is still in force. (Revised Laws of Hawaii, 
 1915, ch. 45.) 
 
 Money to pay the passage of the immigrants and the expenses of the board 
 was raised by public taxation consisting of an income surtax of 1 per cent on all 
 incomes in excess of $4,000, 
 
 Recently the Hawaiian Sugar Planters' Association has been and is now as- 
 sisting in the introduction of laborers from the Philippines and Porto Rico. 
 This introduct'on of laborers being from American possessions, is not strictly 
 " immigration." 
 
 Neither under the many and varied experiments conducted by the territorial 
 board of immigration nor in the case of the activities of the Hawaiian Sugar 
 Planters' Association has any money advanced for the passage of laborers to 
 Hawaii been deducted from their wages or charged against them in any way. 
 Since Hawaii has been an American Territory no form of bond has ever been 
 required and no laborer has ever been required to contract for his services to 
 any particular employer. Once in Hawaii, he has been free to engage in any 
 kind of labor he sees fit, and his freedom of movement has never been restricted 
 by any pecuniary or contract obligation or any other device. In the light of 
 this experience any assumption that the proposed emergency labor relief in- 
 volves any bonded labor or peonage conditions is wholly gratuitous and un- 
 warranted. 
 
 In carrying out the terras of the proposed resolution, the commission pro- 
 poses specifically that the territorial board of immigration shall be reestablished 
 and that an income surtax designed to fall only on the large corporations shall 
 be reimposed. This will create a fund both for the introduction and the re- 
 patriation of temporary labor. It is not proposed to charge any part of the 
 expense of passage either way against the wages of the laborers. It is not 
 proposed to require any bonds of any person or persons, nor to require nor 
 permit the laborer to enter into any definite contract of service with any 
 particular employer. His freedom of movement throughout the' Territory 
 within the classes of labor specified in the resolution will be unrestricted. 
 
 Under this system, the original recruiting and assistance of the laborers by 
 payment of their passage will be under the control of an official Government 
 board. This board w^ill also decide upon and superintend the distribution of 
 laborers upon their arrival. In practice it has been found that the laborer 
 who has volunteered to come thousands of miles to do a certain kind of work, 
 when shown his new home and his job, will go to work cheerfully, and finding 
 conditions vastly superior to those which he has left will remain at his .job a 
 reasonable length of time. Such is the experience, for example, with the 
 Filipino, although there is no reason, either legal or extra legal, although 
 his passage was paid by the sugar industry, w-hy he can not the next day en- 
 gage in pineapple cultivation or any other form of work. 
 
 The only new feature in the proposed plan is the problem of limiting the 
 laborer to the performance of agricultural labor and domestic service and 
 securing his return to his country upon the expiration of the limited time. As 
 to this, it is tentatively suggested that each laborer be furnished with a certifl- 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 919 
 
 (.-ate A\ith space thereon for tlie indorsement by a responsible employer or by 
 the territorial board of immigration, say every six months, that the alien laborer 
 is regularly employed in agricultural labor or domestic service. In default, of 
 this certilicate and indorsement, or upon proof that the indorsement was untrue, 
 the laborer would be subject to deportation after summary hearing before an 
 agent of the Department of Labor. The fact that the area of the Hawaiian 
 Islands is limited and the population i-elatively small renders it possible to 
 rely upon this procedure without further limitation or supervision of the move- 
 ments of laborers in a manner which would be impracticable on the continent of 
 the United States. The geographical position of the Territory and the rules 
 and regulations of the bureau of immigration now in force would make it im- 
 possible for any such alien illegally to leave Haw^aii. 
 
 This system would bring the case squarely within the leading case of Fong 
 Yue Ting t;. United States (149 U. iS., 698), which was the case of the deporta- 
 tion of Chinese laborers who had been lawfully in the country for many years 
 but who had not secured the certificate required by the act of May 5, 1892. 
 This case has been cited and applied many times until, as stated by Justice 
 Pitney in a recent case before the Supreme Court : " It is entirely settled that 
 the authority of Congress to prohibit aliens from coming within the Un ted 
 States, and to regulate their coming, includes authority to impose conditions 
 upon the performance of which the continued liberty of the alien to reside 
 within the bounds of this country may be made to depend ; that a proceeding 
 to enforce such regulations is not a criminal prosecution within the meaning of 
 the fifth and sixth 'amendments ; that such an inquiry may be properly devolved 
 upon an executive department or subordinate officials thereof, and that the find- 
 ings of fact reached by such officials after a fair though summary hearing may 
 constitutionally be made conclusive." (Zakonaite v. Wolf, 226 U, S., 262.) 
 
 Under these decisions the commission is advised that there can be no doubt 
 of the entire legality and constitutionality of the plan above proposed and of 
 the joint resolution. 
 
 The Hawaii Emergency Labor Commission. 
 
 W. F. Dillingham, Chairman. 
 
 Chas. F. Chillingworth, Member. 
 
 A. Horner, Meml)er. 
 
 Mr. Raker. The Wolf case- has reference to the prostitute from 
 St. Louis, has it not? 
 
 Mr. Weeber. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Raker. I want to ask the chairman of the commission one 
 question. Stripping this resolution of its verbiage and of its con- 
 cealed purpose, the sole and only purpose of it is the admission of 
 Chinese laborers ; is not that correct ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. No, sir. The purpose of this resolution is to 
 give the Executives of this country, the President, and the Secre- 
 tary of Labor as much latitude within the law and the Constitution 
 as is necessary for them to meet the emergency which exists in 
 Hawaii to-day. We believe that the Chinese, under an arrangement 
 such as outlined, will afford the best guaranty of relief. We would 
 gladly accept any other form of relief which will accomplish the end. 
 
 Mr. Raker. But the primal purpose and the primal thing in view 
 is the bringing in of Chinese to meet the alleged labor shortage; is 
 not that your purpose ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. No, sir; it is not. I have listened to and read 
 the public statements that we hoped to get 50,000 Chinese and estab- ^ 
 lish peonage, slavery, and all the rest of it, but there is nothing in' 
 the record as submitted by any commissioner which gives evidence 
 of any such desire on the part of the Territory of Hawaii. All 
 of those words have been put in the mouths of the members of this 
 commission; that intent has been read into the record, and so on, 
 and for that reason the statement which I have just put in, signed by 
 
920 LABOR PEOBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 the members of the commission, is to establish definitely that we do 
 not wish any form of peonage, contract labor, serfdom, bonded 
 tabor, or anything of the sort. All we want is relief from our situa- 
 tion. You stated a few minutes ago, Judge Raker, that the trouble 
 was that this matter was not handled in a definite way 10 years ago. 
 I agree with you absolutel}^ However, it was not handled 10 years 
 ago, and we have the situation to-day which is a serious situation and 
 which is different from the situation in any other part of the United 
 States, and it is to meet that serious situation that we are here, and 
 under he advice which we have received since we have been here 
 this resolution has been prepared and submitted. 
 
 The Chairman. Following the hearings and to meet the more 
 serious objections which have been offered in the committee, and 
 particularly at my suggestion, the attorney with the commission has 
 redrafted the resolution. 
 
 Mr. Eaker. Wlio is that? 
 
 Mr. Weeber. Mr. Irwin. 
 
 Mr. Irwin. I am the attorney with the commission. 
 
 Mr. Raker. I w^anted that, so there could be no misunderstanding. 
 
 The Chairman. I have had it printed as a tentative draft for 
 the information of the members of this committee and others, and 
 I will read it in full : 
 
 [Tentative draft.] 
 
 Joint resolution providing for immigration to naeet tbe emergency caused by an acute 
 labor shortage in the Territory of Hawaii. 
 
 Resolved h]i the ^euate. and Hovse of Re preventatives of the United ^^tales 
 of America in Conf/vess assemhJed, That, for a period of five years from the 
 passage of this -joint resolution, ^yhenever tlie President shall find and by proc- 
 lamation declare that an emergency exists in the Territory of Hawaii by rea- 
 son of a serions shortage of labor, the Secretary of Labor shall be, and lie is 
 iiereby, empowered, under such conditions and regulations as he shall prescril)e, 
 to admit to the Territory of Hawaii sucli aliens otherwise inadmissible as lie 
 may deem necessary to meet the existing emergency. 
 
 The Secretary of Labor may, in his discretion, require assurances fi-om 
 prospective employers of continuous employment of such aliens at a satisfactory 
 minimum wage, but no regulation shall restrict full freedom of movement 
 throughout the Territory within the class or classes of labor as to which the 
 emergency has been found to exist, nor shall any regulation require or permit 
 any form of bonded or peonage labor or any obligation binding any such alien 
 by contract or otherwise to work for any particular employer, nor shall any 
 money paid for the passage or otherwise advanced prior to the entry of any 
 such alien be vsithheld from any wages afterwards earned by or money accru- 
 ing to such alien, nor be otherwise recovered from such alien: Provided, That 
 such aliens shall be admitted only for limited periods of time, for the purpose 
 of engaging only in agricultural labor or domestic service; that such admission 
 of aliens shall not operate to increase the number of persons of any one alien 
 nationality in the Territory of Hawaii so that their total numbers at any one 
 time shrdi shall exceed 20 per centum of the total population of the Territory 
 as determined by the last census; and that the regulations shall provide for 
 and secure the return of such alien lal)orers to their respective countries upon 
 the expiration of the time limited without cost to such laborers or to the United 
 States : Provided further. That nothing herein contained shall be construed to 
 allow any alien admitted to the Territory of Hawaii under the terms hereof 
 to remove to any other place under the jurisdiction of the United States. 
 
 This is presented as being an effort to state what the members of 
 this Hawaiian commission have stated to be their position and the 
 position of the Territory of Hawaii. 
 
 Mr. Raker. But it has practically all of the objectionable features 
 still remaining. 
 
LABOH riU)liJ.KMS IN HAWAII. 921 
 
 The Chairman. We Avill study that still further, and I am placing 
 it before the committee. I will endeavor, before this matter is linally 
 closed, to see whether I can prepare a resolution, if such a thing be 
 lawful, under which the Secretary of Labor might send commission- 
 ers to our insular possessions with authority to assist in transferring 
 labor from one to the other. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Before we leave that, let me ask Mr. Dillingham a 
 question. This tentative draft still has the provision for the admis- 
 sion of otherwise inadmissible aliens. 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. Yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Raker. You understand that to apply to the admission of 
 Chinese, and that it would permit the admission of Chinese? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. It would. 
 
 Mr. Raker. You claim to have a shortage of labor in Hawaii. 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. I do not claim there is a shortage of labor, but 
 all of the evidence we have put before this committee seems to me to 
 conclusively prove that there is a shortage. 
 
 Mr. Raker. It is for the committee to determine vfhether it is con- 
 clusive, presumptive, or otherwise. But, I say, your position is that 
 you claim and contend that there is a shortage of labor in Hawaii in 
 agricultural pursuits ; is that right ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. Yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Raker. To meet that shortage 5^011 want to bring in Chinese 
 laborers ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. I have answered that question a dozen times. 
 
 Mr. Raker. No ; 3^011 have not. You be frank with me and I will 
 be with you. 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. I am perfectly willing to be frank. We believe 
 that the Chinese offer the best solution of this problem ; we are per- 
 fectly willing to have the Chinese brought in and would be glad to 
 have them brought in. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Whether you are willing or not, I am asking you as 
 to the purpose of this resolution. Is it a part of the resolution that 
 you desire to bring in Chinese laborers to meet the shortage that you 
 claim exists there now and has existed for the last year or so ? 
 
 Mr. DfiLLiNGHAM. I do not know that I can make it an}^ clearer. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Can 3^011 not answer a direct question ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. Ask me a direct question. 
 
 Mr. Raker. All right. Is it the purpose of the commission now 
 here representing the Hawaiian Government that under this resolu- 
 tion Chinese laborers should be admitted to help relieve the alleged 
 shortage of labor? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. The purpose of this resolution is to put the de- 
 cision of that matter absolutely in the hands of the President and 
 the Secretary of Labor. We are Avilling to abide by their decision 
 and judgment. 
 
 Mr. Raker. The decision would be left to the Secretary of Labor 
 as to the kind and class of labor to be brought in, but Chinese labor 
 would be the only kind or class of labor that you would hope or ex- 
 pect to have brought in ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. Yes, sir ; for the present. 
 
 Mr. Raker. The kind and character of labor to be brought to 
 Hawaii to help to relieve the alleged labor shortage would be 
 Chinese ? 
 
922 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. We would welcome them there to do that thing. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Would you make, an}^ effort to get them there if this 
 resolution should be passed? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. We would go the limit to meet our situation 
 there in any direction that is legal or that was authorized by the 
 Secretary of Labor. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Would you secure Chinese laborers? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. We could not go to the limit to meet it legally 
 and not go after Chinese labor. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Please answer the question, Mr. Dillingham. I want 
 specifically from your lips and from your answer to know whether 
 or not you w^ant to secure, if you can, and if you can not get them 
 elsewhere, Chinese laborers to do this work in Hawaii ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. We do. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Then would you be in favor of an amendment to this 
 resolution providing that no Chinese labor should be brought to the 
 Hawaiian Islands under its provisions? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. We would not. 
 
 Mr. Raker. You are against such an amendment? 
 
 The Chairman. That amendment w^ould not amount to anything, 
 because you would then eliminate Chinese, but would admit Japanese 
 and Hindus. 
 
 Mr. Raker. I am trying to get at the commission's attitude. I 
 think it has been fairly demonstrated, but I want to have it stated 
 positively. It has been testified by m.embers of the commission that 
 the only place they could go for this labor would be to China. 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. We believe that that is the quickest way to meet 
 che situation. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Therefore, you are in favor of repealing the law, so 
 far as it relates to the exclusion of Chinese from the Hawaiian 
 Islands in the act admitting the Hawaiian Islands as a Territory of 
 the United States. 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. We are not only in favor of it, but we believe 
 that if such relief is not given to us, American control of the islands 
 will not continue. 
 
 Mr. Raker. You, as an individual and member of the commission, 
 are in favor of repealing that organic act in so far as it relates to the 
 exclusion of Chinese from the Territory of Hawaii ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. I am. 
 
 Mr. Raioiir. And you are also in favor of repealing, so far as it 
 relates to the Territory of Hawaii, the general Chinese exclusion law 
 of the United States ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. Under the limitations of this resolution; yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Raker. You have read this resolution, purporting to be a con- 
 fidential print? 
 
 The Chairman. It is not confidential. 
 
 Mr. Raker. I beg your pardon, the tentative draft. 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. I heard it read ; yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Have 3^ou studied it any? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. I have not. 
 
 Mr. Raker. You provide in it that you shall not hold those aliens 
 who come here to work for money advanced prior to their entry, 
 thereby providing that you can hold them for work, or compel them 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 923 
 
 to work for any money advanced to them after their entry. Is that 
 the purpose of the resolution? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. I do not know. I did not draw the resolution. 
 I imaoine that it would be conclusive that there would be no charge 
 against them. 
 
 Mr. Eaker. In other words, for money advanced before his entry, 
 jou could not hold him, but for money advanced after his entry you 
 could hold him and compel him to work out his debt? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. No, sir. 
 
 The Chairman. You could not do that. • 
 
 Mr. Raker. Then, what does the resolution mean? I just want to 
 call it to the attention of the commission. It appears that in their 
 desperate effort to try to use words which will cover. up what the 
 original resolution provided for — House joint resolution 158 and 
 then House joint resolution 171, which authorized and permitted 
 peonage to exist, and involuntary servitude and serfdom — they now 
 have amended it by placing in this resolution new words, simply 
 as a blind. It provides that money advanced him prior to his entry 
 can not be charged against him and collected or that he can not be 
 held to work in order to pay advances made to him prior to his entry, 
 hut, inferentially, you provide that he can be held to work for ad- 
 cances made after his entry. 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. Apparently, from your statement, you place 
 the full responsibility of makino^ the arrangements with the laborers 
 entirely upon the Territory of Hawaii, but the resolution provides at 
 the very start that all the regulations and conditions will be pre- 
 iscribed by the Secretary of Labor. 
 
 Mr. Raker. I will never vote, nor permit myself to vote, to give 
 the Secretar}^ of Labor or any other official the power to make 
 regulations whereby if he wants to impose peonage or serfdom or 
 involuntary servitude upon anybody he may do so. 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. I understood 5^011 to say that that was uncon- 
 stitutional. 
 
 Mr. Raker. It is unconstitutional. 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. How could the Secretary of Labor Adolate the 
 Constitution of the United States? 
 
 Mr. Raker. They do that sometimes. 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. This resolution places the matter entirely within 
 the power and discretion of the President of the United States and 
 the Secretary of Labor, and I have enough confidence in the Presi- 
 dent of the United States and in his appointees to handle the business 
 in a legal manner. 
 
 Mr. Raker. We have just as strong confidence in them as you 
 have, but we see a law being violated to-day that was passed just 
 within the last two months. 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. I do not think it is necessary to make the state- 
 ment again, but we are on record definitely as saying that we are 
 not asking the United States to break the Constitution in order to 
 relieve the situation in the Territory of Hawaii. If it can not be 
 done without breaking the Constitution, there should be no relief. 
 
 Mr. Raker. You do not want it at that cost ? 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. No, sir; we do not want it. 
 
 Mr. Raker. But if it tears down all of our system of law, so far 
 ms the admission of Chinese laborers is concerned, you want it ? 
 
924 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII, 
 
 The Chairman. This resohition was printed, and it speaks for 
 itself. This resolution is subject to the further consideration of the 
 committee if it is desired. 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. This resolution you have read has not been in- 
 troduced by the commission. 
 
 The Chairman. No. I am endeavoring to get something here that 
 the committee can further consider, and that Avill meet the objec- 
 tions that have been raised during these hearings. 
 
 Xow, the matter of the period of five 3^ears is yet to be discussed 
 in the light of the {evidence this morning, which was that the Filipinos 
 are guaranteed a return in three j^ears. I am not sure but what the 
 committee upon further consideration of this plan would permit 
 the emergency to be declared to exist for three years. I assumed 
 from statements made to the committee in the early part of the hear-, 
 ings that the /commission wanted something — ^this or something 
 else — that would meet the emergency, and then that they wanted 
 Congress to provide some permanent plan. If the permanent plan 
 deals with the subject of immigration in any form, it would come 
 before this committee. I will be ghid to do all I can to provide 
 some permanent plan that will permit a tropical country to do busi- 
 ness under the flag of the United States. I realize the situation in 
 the Territor}^ of Hawaii, with the limited number of white people 
 you have there, and with your excessive Japanese population and 
 the mixed population of other kinds, coupled with the fact that you 
 must provide for doing work on plantations in that tropical country. 
 
 Mr. Eaker. Still, there has never been presented, so far as I know, 
 any evidence that would justify or even intimate a justification for 
 the re]:)eal of the Chinese exclusion law as it relates to the Hawaiian 
 Islands or to any part of the United States. That is something that 
 still exists as a fundamental principle with the American pej3ple, 
 and there, has not been a worcl or syllable of testimony that would 
 justif}^ in the eyes of any American the repeal of the Chinese exclu- 
 sion law. Now, that is what these gentlemen want, and they admit 
 that it is what they want. 
 
 The Chairman. It must be apparent to Judge Baker and to every- 
 one else that the United States only took one bite at the cherry when it 
 passed the Chinese exclusion law\ 
 
 Mr. Raker. But it bit pretty hard. 
 
 The Chairman. It has not been long since Judge Raker and myself 
 and other members of this committee succeeded in writing and 
 placing on the statute books the Burnett Immigration Act of 1917, 
 which excluded all other oriental people, by geographical boundaries 
 named in the bill,, with the single exception of Japanese. That 
 referred to all other oriental people. Noav, if this resolution or 
 plan had stated in words that it Avas the purpose to admit 10,000 
 Chinese, then it would have been subject to all the objections that 
 have been discussed. 
 
 Mr. Raker. I am not saying this in the way of criticism of any- 
 body, but this resolution contains the general words " aliens otherwise 
 inadmissible." Now, it has been conceded here in all the testimony — 
 and I think I can draAV that deduction — that they do not hope to 
 bring in any of those people wdio are excluded by the immigration 
 law or under section 3 of the act of February 5, 1917. I want to be 
 perfectly frank about this, and I believe that to be true. 
 
LABOR rHOBr.K/MS IX HAWAII. 925' 
 
 The Chaiioian. You have harbored that idea for a \on<r time. Let 
 Tiie show you what it does : 
 
 The Secretary of Labor shall bo, and he is hereby, empowered, under such 
 conditions and regulations as he shall prescribe, to admit to the Territory of 
 Hawaii such aliens otherwise inadmissible as he may deem necessary to meet 
 the existing emergency. 
 
 Now, who would presume that he would bring in some insane per- 
 :Sons to meet the existing emergency ? 
 
 Mr. Rakee. It is not a question of presumption, but he is given the 
 power. 
 
 The Chairman. If you want to 'go further, we could attach a pro- 
 Tiso covering that objection. 
 
 Mr. Eaker. He would have the power to admit all those classes 
 enumerated here. For instance, he would have the power to admit 
 persons who advocate the unlawful destruction of property, or who 
 advocate the assassination of public officials. He would have the 
 power to admit prostitutes, persons who practice prostitution, or 
 persons who live by prostitution. He would have the power to admit 
 contract laborers under this resolution. Now, I say to this commis- 
 :sion and I say to the chairman of the committee, so that it may go 
 into the record, why do not these gentlemen draw this resolution in a 
 form plainly stating that it is the desire and purpose to admit Chi- 
 nese laborers, instead of having us to draw the facts out here after a 
 month of work? Why do you attempt that, when you do not believe 
 that the American people would for one instant stand for the break- 
 ing down of the Chinese exclusion law? While we have full sym- 
 pathy for them, and while we realize their condition, and while their 
 condition with reference to the Japanese has been shown to be de- 
 plorable, lamentable, and unfortunate — and this country ought to 
 take a stand on that matter so as to relieve the Hawaiian Islands 
 and the United States — notwithstanding all that, I do not believe 
 that this committee or any committee of the House could afford to 
 break down a wise fundamental law for the exclusion of the Chinese. 
 These people should not ask that of this committee, even if there is 
 a shortage of labor in Hawaii. They should meet that situation in 
 some other way. I do not think that an}^ member of the American 
 Congress would for one moment permit that law to be broken down. 
 We had as well be frank with each other, and that is the sole purpose 
 of the resolution. 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. May I sa}^ a word? Judge Raker, we have sat 
 here for six weeks with an open resolution which would give the 
 Secretary of Labor the pov^^er to bring in any alien otherwise inad- 
 missible to meet the situation in Honolulu. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Absolutely. 
 
 Mr. Dillingham. Has any constructive plan or suggestion been 
 developed in the six weeks by this body or any one else by which we 
 could meet the situation, which you 3^ourself describe as being de-' 
 plorable ? 
 
 Mr. Raker. I have not had the time nor the assistance to work out 
 an}^ constructive legislation, but it has taken all of my time, including 
 Sundays, holidays, and nights, to prepare for the situation and to 
 make opposition to this resolution, which opposition I make as rep- 
 resenting my constituency and the people of this Nation, as against 
 
926 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 this effort to break down the Chinese exchision hiw. That has been, 
 my attitude. I have tried to be fair in the matter, but after all of 
 the testimony has been given, you can come to only one conclusion, 
 and that is that they want Chinese coolie labor. That is all there is 
 to it and there is no use disguising the fact. I have used every bit 
 of energy that I could use on this matter. I have studied books, 
 dealing with the subject of peonage and serfdom in other countries^, 
 and have considered what this country went through with. Then to 
 think that we should have a resolution trying to fix it again upon one: 
 of our Territories leaves you in a position where you can not express 
 yourself in a cool, calculating manner, because there has been art 
 effort to cover it up in words. That is the trouble with it. 
 
 I want to say to the gentlemen of the commission that they have 
 been industrious and splendid in their labors; there is no criticism 
 about that, but they overlook the fact, in their zealousness to get 
 cheap labor, that they can not break down the fundamental laws of 
 this land, for which the people of this country have struggled and 
 which has caused many heartaches among the people of the West, and 
 they overlook what it would have meant to the Nation if we should 
 have allowed the Chinese to have once taken up the Pacific coast and 
 then moved on east with their 400,000,000, and now to go back again 
 and start in on it is inconceivable. That is all there is to it, and I 
 want iny position fully understood. 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. I think we have been very frank before this 
 committee, notwithstanding the fact that Mr. Raker seems to doubt 
 that. 
 
 Mr. Raker. There is no doubt about it. 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. I am just stating my conclusions from Mr.. 
 Raker's remarks. He seems to insinuate that in all the hearings be- 
 fore this committee w^e have hidden our real purpose and our real 
 belief in the solution of our labor problem. I want the record to 
 show that so far as our personal views are concerned we have always- 
 stated frankly that we believe the Chinese are the only solution of 
 the problem. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Right there, will you let me ask you a question? 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. Let me get through. You have stated your 
 views, and you are talking solely for the record, while I am not. 
 
 Mr. Raker. I want you to talk for the record. 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. We have stated time and time again that that 
 is our view of it. If this resolution should pass, and the whole 
 matter is left to the discretion of the President of the United States 
 and the Secretary of Labor, then it would be up to those officers 
 to determine whether or not Chinese shall be admitted to Hawaii, 
 If the President of the United States and the Secretary of Labor 
 believe that, for any reason, it would be unwise to admit Chinese 
 they would then undoubtedly, under the terms of this resolution, 
 arrange for some other form of relief. 
 
 Mr. Raker. We are not going to give him that power. 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. That is your opinion, but there are some 
 Members of Congress who believe in this method of solving the 
 problem and everybody is entitled to his honest opinion. We need, 
 a quick solution of this problem, and while you have admitted 
 the seriousness of the situation you have made no constructive sug- 
 pfestion for relief. Your attitude has been one of hostile destructive 
 
LABOK PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 927 
 
 critici.sm without any attempt on your part to suggest a remedy. 
 If our plan of solving the problem, having before us all all the time 
 the danger of alien control, is not the proper one, for God's sake 
 give us some otlier remedy and do not condemn us for making a 
 desperate attempt to keep your island Territory under American 
 control industrially and politically. 
 
 Mr. Eakeh. Let me read something to you. At the first hearing, on 
 Tuesday, June 21, 1921, you appeared before this committee, and the 
 chairman made a statement as f ollov\^s : 
 
 The Chairman. The committee will be in order. The meeting was called this 
 morning, gentlemen, for the purpose of hearing the Delegate from Hawaii, Mr. 
 Kalanianaole, and a delegation from Hawaii, sent, I believe, at the request of 
 the Legislature of the Territory of Hawaii, with petitions, etc., for the admis- 
 sion of certain oriental labor into the Territory. 
 
 That was the first statement made before this committee when we 
 met. Do you say you were not here for that purpose ? 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. You read all through the hearings of the com- 
 mission and myself and you will readily see, if you want to see it, 
 that we were only advising the committee, and that we at all times 
 stated that one way of solving the labor and social question in Hawaii 
 would be by admitting Chinese. 
 
 Mr. Eaker. You admit now that that is the main purpose of the 
 resolution and that that is the kind of labor ybu hope to get ? 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. We do not admit anything. We want any- 
 thing that is lawful. If it is lawful that Chinese should be admitted 
 according to the terms of this resolution, I say we should have them. 
 If it is not lawful, Congress will undoubtedly refuse to pass such a 
 resolution. 
 
 Mr. Raker. You know it is not lawful now, do you not ? 
 
 Mr. Kalanianole. I do not know, and you do not either. 
 
 Mr. Raker. Yes; I do. 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. No; you do not. 
 
 Mr. Rai^^er. You know you can not import Chinese into Hawaii, do 
 you not? 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. We know this, Mr. Raker, that you are allow- 
 ing Chinese to come into the United States to-day under certain regu- 
 lations and restrictions; we know that; if Chinese can be constitu- 
 tionally brought into continental United States under rules and regu- 
 lations which restrict their freedom of movement, why would, a simi- 
 lar procedure be unlawful in Hawaii ? 
 
 Mr. Raker. You know you can not import Chinese into Hawaii at 
 the present time ? ' 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. We all know that. 
 
 Mr. Raker. You are asking to repeal that law by this resolution ? 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. W^e are not asking to repeal it at all. 
 
 Mr. Raker. You are asking to lay it aside or suspend it for five 
 years, so that you can bring in Chinese labor. 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. We are not asking for Chinese labor. 
 
 Mr. Raker. You do not want any? 
 
 Mr. Kalanianaole. We do want it, but we are not asking for it 
 under this resolution. We do say this: That if the President of the 
 United States and the Secretary of Labor decide that the importa- 
 tion of Chinese would be the best way to solve our problem, then we 
 want them ; but if those officers decide otherwise, then we are confi- 
 
928 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 dent the^;^ will give us some other form of relief. We are not making 
 this law and we are not enforcing the law. If we had the making of 
 this law in Hawaii we would have passed a law long ago admitting 
 Chinese. But what you apparently want is to let that critical situa- 
 tion in Hawaii stand as it is to-day without any attempt at relief. 
 
 Mr. Raker. You are mistaken on that in every point of view and 
 every thought and every intimation connected with it. 
 
 The Chairman. This has gone far enough, and I v\dll conclude 
 the hearings by stating that I have received a letter from Mr. 
 Wright, who testified before this committee, in Avhich he says he tried 
 to the best of his ability to give the facts as they appeared to him 
 and the organized workers whom he represented. He states that he 
 vv^as subjected to a cross-examination as rigid and as drastic as any 
 criminal at the bar, and he states that every effort was made to dis- 
 credit him and the statements he made. I think that when it be- 
 came apparent that he had received contributions from an alien 
 race of people — namely, the Japanese — that his general statements 
 had a right to be discredited, and further discredited from the fact 
 that he had been writing and publishing letters attempting to thor- 
 oughly discredit the members of this legislative commission. He 
 goes on to defend himself a little bit for receiving money from the 
 Japanese, saying : 
 
 If I have been reluctant 'to tell yon certain things you wislied to know, it 
 has been because the tell'ng of them would have been a betrayal of confidences. 
 You have nevertheless secured the information you are so eager to obtain, and 
 you have chosen to regard the circumstances as discreditable and compromising. 
 
 He says : 
 
 Our testimony before this committee is evidence that there were no strings 
 to the money we received. 
 
 And so on. The reason I am reading that is this : Mr. Wright was 
 given full opportunity to explain all he could explain about the Ha- 
 waiian situation, and was not cross-examined in more detail than 
 others who appeared before the committee, and all were asl^^d to give 
 everything to the com.mittee they wanted" to give and elaborate their 
 remarks. I think the committee was wise in carrying the Japanese 
 })hase of the Hawiian situation into this matter, and with these re- 
 marks the hearing will be closed and the committee will meet on the 
 call of the chairman. 
 
 Appendix I. 
 
 In the hearings of July 24 (page — ), the clerk' of this committee was in- 
 structed to request from the Department of State, if not incompatible with 
 the public interest, certain correspondence between the United States and the 
 Imperial Government of Japan relative to the so-called gentlemen's agreement. 
 
 Since the hearings were closed, the following letter has been received from 
 the Secretary of State: 
 
 Depaetment of State, 
 Washington, August 16, 1921. 
 Hon. Albeet Johnson, 
 
 House of Representatives. 
 
 My Dear Me. Johnson : I have carefully considered the letter of July 6, 1921, 
 in which you ask, by direction of the Committee on Immigration and Natural- 
 ization of the House of Representatives, if not incompatible with the public 
 interest, for its information in discussing a matter now before it in connection 
 with House joint resolution 171, for all the correspondence upon which is 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 929 
 
 based tlio so-called gentlemen's agreement between the Imperial Govenunent 
 of Japan and the United States. 
 
 This eoiTspondence covers a considerable period, is qnite voluminous, and 
 has never been made public. It is not in accordance with diploniatic usage to 
 publish correspondence with a foreign Government Mathout that Government's 
 assent; and no understanding has yet been had with the Japanese foreign 
 ofRce with respect to this correspondence. 
 
 In regard to the connection between the so-called gentlemen's agreement and 
 the understanding in regard to Hawaii, I may state that, at the time this 
 arrangment was made, there was a recognition of the fact that conditions in 
 the Hawaiian Islands were different from those on the mainland, and a cor- 
 responding disposition on both sides to regard the Hawaiian Islands as being 
 outside the scope of the discussion, but the Japanese Government undertook 
 to permit no labor emigration to the islands except returning emigrants and 
 the parents, wives, and children of tliose already resident there, and not to 
 depart from this policy without ascertaining from an American official source 
 the labor conditions in the islands. During the course of these negotiations 
 the American ambassador in Tokyo had occasion to address the Japanese 
 minister for foreign affairs as follows: 
 
 " It is quite true that the conditions attaching to tlie»Hawaiian Islands and 
 to the United States proper are somewhat different, and yet this d^'fference is 
 not fundamental. The islands are a part of the territory of the United States 
 and the reasons for regulating labor conditions therein are quite as stti'ong 
 and cogent as in respect to the mainland. 
 
 " If I correctly understand your excellency, it is proposed, in substance, 
 that the Imperial Japanese Government shall have the right to judge as to 
 the extent of emigration to those islands. It may be true that a separate con- 
 sideration will be found necessary in respect to labor emigration to Haw^aii, 
 for the reasons which you state, yet the understanding should be unequivocal 
 that the United States Government must be the final judge. 
 
 " It is noted with pleasure that the present intention of your excellency's 
 Government is to prohibit altogether emigration to Hawaii. As to the future, 
 if it should be at any time represented that additional Japanese laborers can 
 find profitable employment there, it is suggested that the Japanese Govern- 
 ment will cooperate with the Government of the LTnited States in ascertaining 
 the true conditions and that the emigration to follow^ be limited to the require- 
 ments as may be thus ascertained, similar inquiry and action to be taken 
 from time to time thereafter at the instance of either Government." 
 
 The Japanese minister for foi-eign affairs replied that he w^as " gratified to 
 find in the ambassador's statement, with reference to the course to be adopted 
 in the event of future renewal of Japanese emigration to Hawaii, substantial 
 accord with the opinion entertained by the Imperial Government, which is 
 that if at any time hereafter it should appear desirable to depart from the 
 present policy of prohibition, that step should only be taken after ascertain- 
 ing through an American official source the labor conditions prevailing in the 
 islands and the need thereof." 
 
 The Government of the United States did not feel warranted in pressing 
 the Hawaiian question any further, particularly in view of the attitude of the 
 government of Hawaii as set forth in a letter from the governor of Hawaii to 
 the Secretary of the Interior, of January 24, 1908, reading in part as follows: 
 
 " * * * The recent action of the Japanese Government in regard to 
 Japanese immigration emphasizes the need of leaving no stone unturned to 
 secure the passage of the immigration bill making possible the introduction 
 of Europeans. That action is creating some uneasiness here. It may mate- 
 rially limit Japanese immigration ; in which case, if the immigration bill does 
 not pass, w^e shall be cut off at both ends, a result that may prove very disas- 
 trous. Obtaining Europeans, when made possible, will be slow at best and 
 we can not begin too early. * * *^ 
 
 " We do not wish to lose the Japanese until we can get Europeans or Ameri- 
 cans." 
 
 In any case, however, it should be borne in mind that the so-called gentle- 
 men's agreement is not enforceable at law in the United States, and that conse- 
 quently the phrase " aliens otherwise inadmissible " as used in House joint reso- 
 lution 171 can refer, in the case of Japanese, only to those who are not admis- 
 sible under our general immigration laws. 
 
 I am, my dear Mr. Johnson, sincerely, yours, 
 
 Charles E. Hughes. 
 56754— 21— SER 7 pt 2 25 
 
930 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 Appendix II. 
 
 In the hearings of June 24, page 339, the clerk of the committee was instructed 
 to secure from the Library of Congress copies of any laws of the Chinese Gov- 
 ernment regulating the emigration of contract laborers. This information was 
 not available for some time, but since these hearings were closed Mr. Raker, of 
 the committee, has received the following data from the Library of Congress : 
 
 1. Emigrant labor laws of the Republic of China, promulgated April 21, 1918. 
 
 2. Rules governing labor contractors or agents, promulgated April 21, 1918. 
 
 3. Outline of contract of emigrant labor, promulgated May 3, 1918. 
 
 4. Convention of Peking respecting Chinese emigration to Cuba, 1877. 
 Letter from the chief bibliographer, Library of Congress, with inclosures, is 
 
 appended : 
 
 LiBPtARY OF Congress, 
 Washington, August 12, 1921. 
 Dear Mr. Raker : 
 
 * * * * * * * 
 
 I am sending also translations of the present law and regulations of China 
 governing contract labor. For these we are largely indebted to the Chinese 
 legation, and necessarily had to wait, to a certain extent, on their convenience. 
 Very respectfully, 
 
 H. H. B. Meyer, 
 Chief Bibliographer, in charge of Legislative Reference Service. 
 
 Hon. John E. Rawer, 
 
 House of Representatives, Washington, D. C. 
 
 emigrant labor laws REPUBLIC OF CHINA. 
 
 [Promulgated Apr. 21, 1918.] 
 
 1. Citizens of the Republic of China employed abroad shall be called emi- 
 grant laborers. 
 
 2. Emigrant laborers shall be subject to the following restrictions: 
 
 (a) To be selected by the Government. 
 (&) To be directly employed. 
 
 (c) To be employed by agents (or contractor of labor). 
 
 3. Emigrant laborers, thus employed, should have the following qualifica- 
 tions : 
 
 (a) From 20 to 40 years of age. 
 
 (&) With good health. 
 
 (o). Exempt from infectious diseases. 
 
 ( d ) Exempt from vice and sensuality. 
 
 (e) With good character and having not committed a crime. 
 
 4. Emigrant laborers under class (&) should petition to the bureau of emi- 
 gration and get the ratification therefrom. 
 
 5. Emigrant laborers, in petitioning to the bureau of emigration, should 
 state fuliy the following: 
 
 (a) Name of the locality and name of the country where the emigrant 
 
 laborers are to be employed. 
 (&) Name of the organization through which the emigrant laborers are 
 
 to be employed, 
 (c) Kind of work. 
 
 6. Agents of contract labor shall not be permitted to do so, unless their pe- 
 titions are granted by the bureau of emigration 'and special certificates given. 
 
 7. Agents in carrying out their program shall conform to the rules that are 
 specially provided. 
 
 8. Contracts of emigrant labor, except those entered by the Government, 
 shall be subject to the ratification of the bureau of emigration, and the pro- 
 visions shall be subject to those in the " Outline of the contract of emigrant 
 labor." ' 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 93 L 
 
 9. All laborers going abroad shall obtain the passport issued by bureau of 
 emigration. 
 
 10. At least 20 per cent of the M-ages of the emigrant laborers shall be used 
 to support their own families. Tlie sum shall be remitted to the chief of the 
 bureau of emigration to be sent to the I'espective families through Government 
 banks. In the case of the unmarried, the sum shall be deposited in the bank to 
 be refunded to the emigrant laborers upon their return. This portion of wages 
 shall be deducted monthly by the employer and sent to the legation or the con- 
 sulate to be remitted. 
 
 11. The interpreters for the emigrant laborers prior to their appointment 
 shall get the ratifications and certificates from the bureau of emigration. 
 
 12. The provisions for the contract of labor shall be subject to the special 
 provisions, if there is any, of the treaties that have been entered by the Chinese 
 Government. 
 
 13. Prior to the emigrant laborers going abroad the fees that are duly 
 credited to the Chinese Government shall be levied by the bureau of emigration 
 or its branches. 
 
 14. In case of necessity, commissioners may be appointed at the locality or 
 the country in which the emigrant laborers are employed. 
 
 15. If the assistance of the local officers is required in contracting labor, 
 the said officers shall submit the detailed information to the highest adminis- 
 trative officer in his province to be dispatched to the bureau of emigration. 
 
 16. The above laws shall be effective when promulgated. 
 
 RULES GOVEENING LABOR CONTRACTOR (OR AGENTS) REPUBLIC OF CHINA. 
 
 [Promulgated Apr. 21, 1918.] 
 
 1. Individuals or companies engaged in the contract of labor shall be called 
 labor contractor. 
 
 2. Individuals or companies desiring to contract for labor should send in a 
 petition to the branch office of the bureau of emigration or the commissioner of 
 emigration, to be submitted to the bureau of emigration for ratification and 
 issuing of certificates. In the petition the following should be stated : 
 
 (a) Name, age, birth, address, and profession of the petitioner. 
 (&) Locality of the business office or its branch. 
 
 (c) Total sum of capitalization. 
 
 (d) Organization of the company, kind of company, and items provided 
 
 in articles 10, 82, 98, or 232 of the rules governing corporations. 
 
 3. Individuals with any one of the following defects shall not be permitted to 
 be a labor contractor : 
 
 (a) Deprived of civil rights, not yet restored. 
 (&) Declared bankrupt, not yet relieved. 
 
 (c) Declared to be disqualified to property-holding privileges, not yet 
 
 restored. 
 
 (d) Within three years after having been punished for violation of these 
 
 rules. 
 
 (e) Within one year after having been denied the privilege of contract of 
 
 labor in accordance with these rules. 
 
 4. Should the labor contractor fail to carry out his program within one year 
 after the petition has been ratified, the ratification shall be withdrawn. 
 
 5. Before contracting the laborers the labor contractor should state the follow- 
 ing items and petition to the branch office of the bureau of emigration or the 
 commiss'oner of emigration, to be submitted to and ratified by the bureau of 
 emigration : 
 
 (a) Name of labor contractor or name of the company. 
 
 (b) Place for contracting the laborers. 
 
 (c) Name of the country and name of the locality where the emigrant 
 
 laborers shall be employed. 
 
 (d) Kind of employment. 
 
 (e) Total number of laborers to be employed. 
 
 if) Duplicate copy of the contract between labor contractor and the 
 employer for whom the labor contractor is the agent. 
 
 (g) Duplicate copy of the contract between the employer and the 
 laborers. 
 
932 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 The provisions in said contract (/) shall not violate article 8 of emigrant 
 labor laws. In case of a contract in foreign languages, both the original and 
 the translation should be submitted. 
 
 6. Labor contractor shall not be permitted to contract laborers outside of the 
 locality where he has been assigned. 
 
 7. At the time wdien the laborers are contracted and at the time when' they 
 sail, the labor contractor shall report to the branch office of the bureau of 
 emigration or the commissioner of emigration for supervision. 
 
 8. After having been ratified in accordance with Article II, the labor con- 
 tractor shall be required to pay the " special security fee." After having been 
 ratified in accordance with Article V, the labor contractor shall be required to 
 pay the " business security fee." In case of insufficiency or failure to pay, the 
 ratification shall be withdrawn. The special security fee shall be $10,000. 
 The business security fee shall be $5,000 at minimum each time ; but if the 
 number of the laborers should be over 25,000 the bureau of emigration reserves 
 the right to increase the amount accordingly. 
 
 9. The security fee may be paid in internal revenue bonds or national treas- 
 ury certificates, but the amount shall not exceed 30 per cent. 
 
 10. The special security fee shall be refunded when the labor contractor 
 petitions to withdraw his status as a labor contractor. The business security 
 fee shall be refunded upon the ratification of such petition by the bureau of 
 emigration and over one year after the expiration of the contract between the 
 employer and the emigrant laborers. 
 
 11. Labor contractors shall not be permitted to demand money from the 
 emigrant laborers. 
 
 12. Liibor contractor shall make public the date of sailing at the time when' 
 the laborers are contracted. If the labor contractor fails to sail on the ap- 
 pointed date, except in the case of natural calamity, they shall have the right 
 to demand compensation for damages. 
 
 13. Should the labor contractor fail to observe the stipulations provided in 
 the contract, the laborers shall have the right to petition to the branch office 
 of the bureau of emigration or the commissioner of emigration for assistance. 
 The expenses incurred for such assistance may be paid out of the " business 
 security fee " of the labor contractor with the approval of the chief of the 
 bureau of emigration. 
 
 14. Should the labor contractor be guilty of any one of the following, his 
 ratification shall be withdrawn and his certificate shall be recalled, 
 
 (a) Having committed unlawful acts. ^ 
 
 (&) Having committed acts against public safety. 
 (c) Having badly treated the laborers. 
 When the ratification of the labor contractor thus withdrawn, the damages 
 done to the laborers shall be paid by the labor contractor. 
 
 Such expenses for compensation may be paid out of the business security 
 fee of the labor contractor with the approval of the chief of the bureau of 
 emigration. 
 
 15. Should the labor contractor contract laborers by cheating or other false 
 inducements, his ratification shall be withdrawn and shall be punished by im- 
 prisonment for life or imprisonment for a period above the second degree and 
 his security fee shall be confiscated. 
 
 16. Labor contractor desiring to engage simultaneously in businss that has 
 direct bearing with the laborers shall state the following in the petition to the 
 bureau of emigration, and obtain the ratification therefrom : 
 
 (a) Kind of business and the locality. 
 (h) Capitalization. 
 (c) Management. 
 
 17. Should the labor contractor engage in contracting labor without having 
 obtained the ratification in accordance with the above rules, such labor con- 
 tractor shall be punished with imprisonment for a period in the fifth degree or 
 with from $200 to $1,000 fine. 
 
 18. A labor contractor who started business prior to the promulgation of the 
 above rules, and had been ratified by the officer in charge, may continue with 
 his business; but he should petition to the bureau of emigration and obtain 
 the ratification and certificate therefrom in accordance with the above rules. 
 
 19. A labor contractor who started business prior to the .promulgation of the 
 above rules but who has not been ratified by the officer in charge, should 
 petition within 8 months after the promulgation of these rules, to the bureau of 
 emigration and obtain the ratification and certificate therefrom. 
 
 20. The above rule shall be effective when promulgated. 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 933 
 
 OUTLINE OF CONTKACT OF EMIGKANT LAlJOIl — REPUBLIC OF CHINA. 
 
 [Promulgated May 3, 1918.] 
 
 1 It should be stipulated in the contract that the hibor contractor havin;^ been 
 
 anthorized, and havintr deposited a security fee of $ , and having obtained 
 
 the certificate, is permitted to contract for labor. 
 
 2. It should be stipulated in the contract that the employer has obtained the 
 approval of h;s Government, permitting the commissioner of emigi-ation of the 
 Chinese Government t'» protect, supervise, and delegate sul)ordinates to go into 
 the fields for investigation as to treatment, condition of work, etc. 
 
 3. Name of the country, locality of work, and nature of employment should be 
 definitely stated. 
 
 4. Name, age, birth of the agent appointed by the employer, and the name 
 and place of the organization for the contract of labor should be stated. 
 
 5. Total number of laborers to be contracted for should be fixed beforehand. 
 
 6. Number of years for employment should be definitely stated and should be 
 counted from the first day when the laborers assume duties. With the exception 
 of sickness, absence from duty on account of private alfairs or other excuses 
 shall be made up after the expiration of the contracting period. 
 
 7. Working hours shall not exceed 10 hours a day at the maximum. Should 
 it not be permitted to work for 10 hours owing to the local laws or customs the 
 em'grant laborers should be given the same privilege. 
 
 8. The wages of the laborers shall be the same as those received by natives 
 doing the same work in that country where the emigrant laborers are hired out. 
 Laborers who have a specialty should be given better wages in accordance with 
 their skill. Should the laborers show improvement in their skill, the employer 
 should increase their wages accordingly. 
 
 9. Before the expiration of tlie contract the employer desiring to transfer the 
 work to a third party or desiring to change to other form of work not provided 
 for in the contract, should obtain the approval of the commissioner of emigra- 
 tion. In case the workshop is suspended, resulting in the unemployment of the 
 laborers, the employer should compensate the damages thus done to the laborers 
 in addition to the passage expenses for their return. 
 
 10. Employer should regard the emigrant laborers as the equals of the laborers 
 of the countries where the emigrant laborers are contracted for. If there is 
 extra compensation for encouragement, bonus, etc., granted to the laborers, the 
 emigrant laborers should be paid accordingly. 
 
 11. Sundays, Chinese national holidays, holidays of the countries where the 
 emigrant laborers are contracted and the period in which the laborers are taken 
 ill should be free from work and the employer shall not be permitted to exact 
 work from the laborers. With the exception of Chinese national holidays, this 
 rule is not binding, provided that the laborers are willing to work, but they 
 should be given extra wages. 
 
 12. If the workshop, with the approval of the laborers, extends the working 
 hours in addition to the regular hours the laborers should be paid extra wages 
 per day or per hour. 
 
 13. During holidays, sick leave, or traveling, if without wages, the laborers 
 should be paid their living expenses. If it is the custom of the country that 
 workmen be paid for holidays, sick leave, or during traveling, Chinese emigrant 
 laborers should be given the same privilege. 
 
 14. Employer should give to each emigrant laborer a copy of the contract 
 in Chinese with the foreign translation to be signed by both parties, stating the 
 privileges to be enjoyed by the laborers. 
 
 15. The laborers should submit to the employer an application form and state 
 therein the name, age, birth, the rules to be observed, and the duties to be 
 performed. 
 
 16. The expenses incurred for physical examination, photos, passports, cloth- 
 ing, and passage of the laborers should be paid by the employer and the em- 
 ployer shall not be permitted to deduct them from the wages. 
 
 Before sailing the employer should ask the cooperation and supervision of the 
 officers appointed by the bureau of emigration in the physical examination and 
 photo taking. In case of illness or inability to work on the part of the laborers, 
 the employer shall have the right to discard. After sailing such persons shall 
 be regarded as qualified workmen and shall not be discarded. 
 
 17. The name of the seaport in China from which the laborers shall sail 
 should be stated beforehand. 
 
934 LABOR PKOBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 * 
 
 18. After having sent the laborers to the country to which they are con- 
 tracted the employer shall report to the Commissioner of Emigration the names 
 of the laborers, date of their assmning dnties, and the different localities to 
 which they have been assigned. At the time of the expiration of the contract 
 and of transporting the laborers home the employer shall also report to the 
 Commissioner of Emigration, 
 
 19. The sum of household fee (funds left behind for the use of the family) 
 of each laborer should be fixed beforehand, stated in the contract, and shall not 
 be deducted from the wages. Such sum should be handed by the employer to 
 the labor contractor to be paid to the families of the laborers before sailing, 
 and to be supervised by the officers of the bureau of emigration. 
 
 20. It should be stipulated in the contract that 20 per cent of the wages 
 should be used as family-supporting fee. The procedure for remitting should 
 be followed in accordance with Article X of the emigrant labor laws. 
 
 21. Board, room, and clothing of the laborers should be paid by the employer 
 and deducted from the wages with the following provisions : 
 
 (a) Clothing: At the time of sailing, the laborers should be given hats, 
 socks, coats, pants, sweater, shoes, overcoats, raincoats, and 
 umbrellas, bedding, etc. If it is in the frigid zone, the laborers 
 should be given additional clothes made of cotton, flannel, and 
 wool. The whole set of clothing should be given once every six 
 months, and the number of articles, material, and form should be 
 fixed beforehand. 
 
 (&) Board: Coffee and tea shall be used for drinking. Food shall be 
 properly compounded and shall contain starch, albumin, fats, etc» 
 The percentage of such ingredients should be fixed beforehand. 
 The eating utensils should be sufficient. 
 
 (c) Room: The living quarters should be near to the workshops and 
 should be sanitary. It should be stated how much space should 
 be occupied by each laborer. All the furniture, such as beds^ 
 mats, tables, chairs, lamps, stoves, etc., should be completely fur- 
 nished. 
 
 22. The laborer's life insurance fee shall be deducted from the wages. If the 
 work is of a dangerous nature, the employer should insure for the laborer. 
 Such insurance fee shall be paid by the employer and shall not be deducted 
 from the wages. All the insurance certificates shall be kept by the commis- 
 sioner of emigration. 
 
 23. The total sum to be deducted from the wages in accordance with the 
 above two rules shall not exceed one-third of the total sum of the wages. 
 
 24. At the expiration of the contract, the laborers shall enjoy the privilege 
 of free passage and should be sent back to the original place where the laborers 
 have been contracted for by the employer and at his expense. Those who are 
 not returning shall enjoy the same privileges whenever they return. Should 
 it be extended in accordance with the contract and with the approval of the 
 laborers the matter should be referred to the commissioner of emigration. 
 
 25. In case of laborer's illness, the medical fee should be paid by the em- 
 ployer and shall not be deducted from the wages. In the case of continued 
 illness, which necessitates the laborer to be sent back, the patient should be 
 examined by the physician and certificates given, and with the approval of 
 the commissioner of emigration, should be sent back, at the employer's ex- 
 pense, to the original place where he has been contracted. 
 
 26. Should the laborer's death be caused by illness, by work or by injury 
 received while discharging his duties, such laborer shall he given special com- 
 pensation, the sum of which shall be in accordance with that provided by law 
 in that country or fixed by custom. Except the compensation for injury which 
 shall be given directly to the injured laborer, all other form of compensation 
 fees, together with insurance fee and indemnity fee, shall be handed to the 
 commissioner of emigration, to be remitted to China, and to be sent to the 
 families in accordance with the procedure provided in Article X of the emigrant 
 labor laws. 
 
 The laborer's householding fee, family-supporting fee, compensation-insur- 
 ance fee, and indemnity fee shall be given to the representative of the laborer. 
 Such representative may be changed upon petition to the commissioner of emi- 
 gration by the laborer. 
 
 27. Upon the death of the laborer the burial fee shall be paid by the em- 
 ployer, and the burial shall be performed in accordance with the custom of 
 the country to which the laborer is contracted. The employer should report 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN PTAWATL 935 
 
 to the commissionor of emigration as to the cause of the death, date of death, 
 and place of burial. The commissioner of emigration shall inform the labor 
 contractor who in turn shall notify the laborer's family. 
 
 28. Laborer's taxes, such as head tax and other forms of taxes, for the 
 present as well as for the future during sojourn abroad, shall be paid by the 
 employer and shall not be deducted from the wages. 
 
 29. Laborers shall enjoy the freedom guaranteed by law to citizens of the 
 country to which the laborers are contracted. The laborer shall enjoy religious 
 freedom. The employer shall guarantee that no binding terms shall be provided.' 
 
 30. At the locality where the laborers are employed interpreters should be 
 engaged. The expenses for such interpreters should be paid by the employer. 
 The qualification of the interpreter should be the same as provided in Article 
 XI of the emigration labor laws. 
 
 31. Should the labor of the country to which the emigrant laborers are con- 
 tracted reject foreign labor, the employer shall be held responsible for settle- 
 ment. Should it develop into a lawsuft, all the expenses thus incurred shall 
 be paid by the employer. In case the damage has been done to the laborers 
 the employer shall demand indemnity for them. 
 
 32. Should the laborer have a bad character and v'olate the rules success- 
 fully, the employer shall report to the commissioner of emigration and shall 
 consult him as to the kind of punishment to be inflicted. Should the laboirer 
 pay no heed to the instructions, and should the case be of a serious nature 
 \Adiich necessitates his dismissal, the employer, with the approval of the com- 
 missioner of emigration, shall send him back, at the expense of the employer, 
 to the seaport from where the laborer had sailed. 
 
 33. All the stipulafons in the contract shall be indorsed and guaranteed by 
 the minister plenipotentiary of the contracting country resident at Peking. 
 
 34. Since each country has its own weights and measures, its own method of 
 counting the distance, and its own scale of wages, all these adjustments shall 
 be made when the contract is agreed upon. 
 
 35. It shall be stated in the contract that the contract must be ratified by the 
 Bureau of Emigration before it is effective. 
 
 1. Supplementary rules. — Emigrant laborers shall not be employed in any 
 kind of work in connection with war. 
 
 2. Should the working place be near the firing line, the commissioner of emi- 
 gration shall consult the employer for prompt removal. Shoull there be no 
 work incident to such removal, or in the ophiion of the commissioner of emi- 
 gration that the place is not a suitable locality for work, the employer shall 
 pay the laborers their wages for three months and also the passage expenses 
 for their return to the original seaport. 
 
 3. Should the working place be not very far from the firing line, the commis- 
 sioner of emigration, for the purpose of avoiding danger, shall consult the 
 employer to devise means for the protection of the laborers. 
 
 CONVENTION OF PEKING RESPECTING CHINESE EMIGRATION TO CUBA, 1877. 
 
 [From treaties between China and foreign States, vol. 2, second edition, pp. 389-398. 
 Signed in the French,, Spanish, and Chinese langriages at Peking, Nov. 17, 1877 ; 
 ratified by the Emperor of China Dec. 6, 1878. The English translation has been 
 taken from a directory published in Hongkong.] 
 
 His Majesty the King of Spain and His Majesty the Emperor of China, being 
 very desirious to establish on a new basis the emigration of Chinese subjects 
 to the island of Cuba, and in order to avoid any further complication which 
 might hereafter arise, have nominated for their plenipotentiaries, as follows: 
 
 His Majesty the Emperor of China, their excellencies Shen, Mao, Tung, 
 Ch'eng, and Hsia, members of the Tsungli Yamen ; 
 
 His Majesty the King of Spain, Don Carlos Antonio de Espaila, his minister 
 plenipotentiary to China, Annam, and Siam, Grand Cross of the Royal Order 
 of Isabella the Catholic, etc., etc. ; 
 
 Who have agreed to all the articles which follow : 
 
 Article T. — The high contracting parties hereby agree that the emigration of 
 Chinese subjects as contained in Article X of the treaty concluded in Tientsin 
 on October 10, 1864, becomes, and is hereby, abrogated. Only the stipulation in 
 the said article concerning the delivery by the authorities of those who are 
 claimed as deserters, criminals, and accused ones remains in force. 
 
936 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 Article IT. — The difficulties to which the application of the dispositions of 
 the treaty of Tientsin regarding the emigration gave rise having been dispersed, 
 the two Governments renounce each foi itself every pecuniary indemnity. 
 
 Article III. — It is agreed between the two high contracting parties that the 
 emigration of their respective subjects, whether accompanied by their families 
 or not, shall be in future free and voluntary ; they disapprove of every act of 
 violence or trickery which might be connnitted in the ports of China or 
 anywhere else for tlie purpose of expatriating Chinese subjects against their 
 will. The two Governments engage themselves to pursue with all the rigor 
 of the laws any contravention of the preceding stipulation, and to impose 
 penalties established by their respective legislatures upon the persons and 
 ships who may violate this stipulation. The Government of His Majesty the 
 King of Spain engages itself to that of China to treat the Chinese subjects 
 staying now in Cuba, or who may come there hereafter, on the same footing 
 as the foreigners there of the same category and subjects of the most favored 
 pov/er. 
 
 Article IV- — The Government of His Majesty the Emperor of China will 
 authorize the departure of the emigrants of both sexes at their own expense for 
 the island of Cuba from all parts of the empire open to foreign trade ; they 
 engage themselves not to place any impediment to the free emigration of 
 Chinese subjects, and to forbid the authorities of the said ports, and principally 
 the customs taot'ais, to raise difficulties, be it either toward the freight or 
 placement of the ships, under nny flag whatever, destined to the transport of 
 Chinese passengers, or tov/ard the operations of the shipowners, consignees, or 
 agents, provided always that they conform themselves to the stipulations of 
 the present convention. 
 
 Article V. — It is well understood that the customs taot'ais and the Chinese 
 authorities of the open ijorts will have the right to inform themselves whether 
 the emigration is effected according to the spirit and the terms of the present 
 convention. The customs taot'ais will prepare printed passports, with which 
 they will provide every emigrant who has decided to ship himself. These 
 passports have to be vised by the consul of Spain in the port of departure, and 
 will be handed over to the Chinese consuls by the competent authorities of 
 the island of Cuba on the arrival of the ship carrying emigrants. The customs 
 taot'jii of the port of departure of the slr'p carrying emigrants will moreover 
 have the right to nominate Chinese delegates, who, together with those chosen 
 by the consul of Spain, will go on board of the ships ready for departure, in 
 order to ascertain that the passengers embarked leave by their own free will 
 and accord. Those passengers who in the moment of departure are found not 
 carrying the necessary documents are to be landed at once. In any case, on 
 the arrival of a ship at her destination, when passengers are found having no 
 document, the Spanish authorities can, in accord with the consuls of China, 
 adopt such measures as they see fit for the occasion. In order that the visit 
 of the delegates above-mentioned can take place and have an effective result, 
 the captain or shipowner will be bound to declare in advance the hour of the 
 departure of the ship. If the captain of a ship which carries emigrants does 
 not submit to this condition, and if he declares his intention of leaving 
 previously to the visit of the delegates, the consul of Spain, after an official 
 communication having been made to him to this effect, must refuse to him the 
 delivery of the ship's papers, and the ship will be detained and treated accord- 
 ing to the laws of her country, until all the formalities prescribed by the 
 present convention have been duly complied with. 
 
 Article VI. — The Government of His Majesty the Emperor of China will 
 nominate a consul general in Havana, and will have also the right to nominate 
 consular agents in all the towns where the Spanish Government admits those 
 of other nations. It is well understood that these nominations will be made 
 according to the conditions agreed upon by common accord between the high 
 contracting parties. The Spanish Government will grant to the Chinese 
 consuls the same prerogatives as tliose which the consuls of other nations 
 residing in Cuba enjoy. The local authorities in Cuba will accord to the 
 consul general, as well as to the consuls and vice consuls of China, all the 
 facilities connected with the exercise of their functions for placing them in 
 communication with their nationals and for giving them the means of afford- 
 ing protect' on to those who are entitled to it. 
 
 Article F//.— Chinese subjects can leave the island of Cuba whenever they 
 wish, provided that they are not under judicial pursuance. Moreover, in 
 order to facilitate the free circulation and settlement of the Chinese subjects 
 
LABOR PR0BLP:MS IN HAWAII. 937 
 
 in Cuba, and in order that, they may enjoy the riglits which are given to them 
 by Article III of the present convention, tlie Spanish Government, together 
 with the Chinese representative in Madrid, or the authorities in Havana, to- 
 gether witli tlio consul general of Cliina, will establish regulations which, with- 
 out deviating from the existing laws of the public good order and peace, or 
 from those which might be established in future, will grant to the Chinese 
 subjects treatment equal to foreigners of the same category and subjects of 
 the most favored power. The Spanish authorities have besides to deliver to 
 the Chinese subjects a pass of circulation similar to those with which other 
 foreigners are furnished. 
 
 Article VIII. — Chinese subjects will have the faculty to appeal to the 
 Spanish tribunals in order to defend or pursue their rights; they will in this 
 respect enjoy the same rights and privileges as the subjects of the most 
 favored nation. Chinese subjects will have the faculty to be accompanied to 
 the tribunals by lawyers and interpreters, be they Spaniards or foreigners, 
 who, according to the Spanish law, are qualified to be present at the sitting 
 of the tribunals, and who could be designated by the Chinese consuls residing 
 on the island of Cuba. The complaints which Chinese subjects actually 
 residing on the island of Cuba have to forward in regard to illtreatment 
 which they pretend to have suffered previously to the exchange of the ratifica- 
 tion of the present convention will be examined by the Spanish tribunals and 
 judged equitably, in the same manner as it is the practice to do in regard to 
 the subjects of the most favored nation. 
 
 Article IX. — The consul general of China in Habana and the competent 
 authorities on the island of Cuba will establish, as speedily as possible and in 
 common accord, the regulations which the Chinese emigrants actually residing 
 in Cuba, and those who may hereafter arrive, ought to observe in order to ob- 
 tain a certificate stating their entry in the register kept by the Chinese consuls. 
 The Chinese consuls will deliver to them a certificate of registration, which will 
 be vis§d by the superintendent of police or any other competent authority in the 
 district, town, or plantation of the prefecture where the emigrant will estab- 
 lish his residence. The authorities of Cuba will communicate to the Chinese 
 consuls all the information concerning the number and names of the Chinese 
 subjects in the different localities of the island, and will enable them to obtain 
 the means to personally ascertain the state of the Chinese engaged as laborers 
 on the plantations. 
 
 Article X. — Ships of whatever nation wishing to carry Chinese emigrants 
 must, besides conforming themselves to the stipulations of the present con- 
 vention, also submit themselves to the regulations of their country regarding 
 the carrying of passengers, of provisions, and health. If they do not obey 
 these two conditions, they shall then not be allowed to carry emigrants. 
 
 Article XI. — The Government of His Majesty the King of Spain, desiring to 
 give to the Government of His Majesty the Emperor of China a proof of friend- 
 ship and good will, engages itself to send home at its own expense, as soon as 
 the present convention shall be ratified, those Chinese who actually can be 
 found on the island of Cuba, who formerly made in China literary studies 
 their vocation, also those who had an official rank, and individuals who belong 
 to families of these categories. Their repatriation will be effected according to 
 the information given by the Chinese consular agents, and duly verified by the 
 Spanish authorities. Likewise will be repatriated old persons prevented by 
 age from working and who may ask to go back to China, also all Chinese female 
 orphans not married and who may wish to return to their country. 
 
 Article XII. — The Spanish Government will order the masters of those 
 Chinese emigrants whose contracts have expired, and who, according to the 
 terms of these contracts, have the right of returning home, to fulfill the obliga- 
 tions which they have contracted with these emigrants. Concerning those who 
 have fulfilled their engagements, but who have no right to be sent home at the 
 expense of their masters, and who are without means to maintain themselves, 
 the local authorities will, together with the Chinese consuls in Cuba, adopt 
 the measures which they think necessary for repatriating them. The emigrants 
 at present residing on the island of Cuba and whose contracts are expiring, 
 will receive, as soon as the present convention comes into force, a certificate, 
 in which it will be stated that they have fulfilled their engagements ; by this 
 they will obtain the right of enjoying all the advantages secured to other 
 Chinese, according to regulations mentioned in Article VII of the present con- 
 vention, and will be free either to remain on or to leave the island of Cuba. 
 
938 LABOR PllOBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 Article XIII. — The authorities of the island of Cuba can, if the circumstances 
 demand it, and regardless of the regulations already mentioned, oppose them- 
 selves to the movements and the residence of Chinese subjects in all the 
 localities where they think convenient, if for special reasons they find that the 
 accumulation of the individuals in the respective localities might be detrimental 
 to the preservation of public order. In such cases the local authorities will 
 observe toward Chinese subjects the same rules as toward other foreigners, 
 and Avill communicate to the consul of China the decision they have taken. 
 
 Article XIV. — The laborers who have still obligations to perform, according 
 to the terms of their contracts, must, under any condition, fulfill the obligations, 
 but they will enjoy, regarding certificates, etc., the benefits which will be 
 accorded to their countrymen recently landed, or to those whose engagements 
 have expired. Likewise, all the Chinese subjects who might have been detained 
 in the Government depots on the island of Cuba will be set at liberty as soon 
 as the present convention comes into force; they will be furnished with such 
 documents as the regulations provide for, and treated in the same way as other 
 Chinese. From the preceding clause are excepted all those who are found in 
 the Government prisons either in consequence of a judgment or of an accusation. 
 
 Article XV. — The Government of His Majesty the Emperor of China and the 
 Governmeht of His Majesty the King of Spain agree that if hereafter one of 
 them thinks it convenient to make modifications of some of the articles of the 
 present convention, or to cancel them, negotiations to this effect can only be 
 opened at the expiration of at least one year after the notification of such wish 
 shall have been made by one of the high contracting parties to the other. It is 
 also understood, if hereafter the Chinese Government shall grant to any other 
 power advantages not mentioned in the present convention regarding the 
 emigration of Chinese subjects, such advantages will also be acquired by the 
 Spanish Government. 
 
 Article XVI. — The present convention will be ratified and the ratifications- 
 exchanged in Peking within a period of eight months, or sooner if possible. 
 
 The present convention is made in Spanish, French, and Chinese, in two 
 copies, which have been compared and found correct. 
 
 S^gned and sealed on the 13th day of the 10th moon of 3d year of Kuang Hsti 
 (17th November, 1877). 
 
 Appendix III. 
 
 The following communications from labor organizations have been received : 
 
 Railway Ejmployees' Department, 
 
 American Federation of Labor, 
 
 July 20, 1921. 
 Hon. Albert Johnson, 
 
 Chairman Cofiiniittee on Immigration, 
 
 United States House of Representatives, 
 
 House Office Building, Washington, D. C. 
 Dear Sir: I am in receipt of copy of House joint resolution 171, making pro- 
 visions for the President to issue a proclamation declaring an emergency in the 
 Territory of Hawaii by reason of serious shortage of labor. 
 
 After carefully reading and analyzing this proposed bill, I am of the opinion 
 that it would be opening up the territory of the United States to Chinese immi- 
 gration by permitting the bringing in of 50,000 Chinese to the Hawaiian Islands 
 each five years, and that should this bill become a law it would establish 
 peonage or bondage, which is, in fact, only a form of slavery. In my opinion 
 there is no real excuse offered for this, but it is merely being urged by a com- 
 mittee of planters and bankers from the Hawaiian Islands, and is the first move 
 in a drive to open up our shores to the importation of coolie labor. If they 
 are allowed to bring these Chinese into Hawaii under bond for five-year service, 
 what argument would there be against granting the same rights to the sugar- 
 beet planters and fruit growers of our mainland within the next year or so? 
 
 As representative of an organization of laboring men, I want to enter a 
 protest against the passage of such a law, aimed at the laboring people of our 
 country. You may, therefore, consider this an official protest of the members of 
 the organization that I have the honor to represent. 
 
 Very truly, yours, B. M. Jewell, 
 
 President Rdihvay Em,ployecs' Department. 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 939 
 
 Speingfield, III., July IJ/, 1921. 
 Hon. Albert Johnson, 
 
 Chairman Committee on Immigration, 
 
 House of Representatives, Washington, D. C: 
 The Springfield Federation of Labor, representing the organized labor move- 
 ment of Springfield, in regular meeting respectfully protest against the passage 
 of the resolution now pending in the House of Representatives providing for 
 the importation of 50,000 Chinese coolies into Hawaii, We respectfully urge 
 that the resolution be defeated and that the law excluding Chinese be rigidly 
 enforced. 
 
 Speingfield Fedeeation of Laboe. 
 Dan McGill, Secretary. 
 
 Seattle, Wash., July 19, 1921. 
 Hon, Albert Johnson, 
 
 Chairman Committee on Immigration, 
 
 House of Representatives, Washington, D. C: 
 
 On behalf of the organized timber workers of the United States, we protest 
 against the passage of joint resolution 171. Unemployment is now a serious 
 menace to the United States and its possessions. The importation of hordes of 
 Orientals will not solve the problems of either the employers or the workers. 
 If our country is to maintain its present high standing among the nations of 
 the world, an American standard of living must prevail. It would be just as 
 reasonable to pass a resolution permitting the importation of droves of Orientals 
 for work in the timber industry as for the sugar industry of Hawaiian Islands. 
 The importation of Orientals is unwarranted and uncalled for, and will not: 
 work for the welfare of the greatest number of our people. 
 
 International Union of Timber Woekees. 
 By Ray R. Canteebuey, President. 
 
 Harry W. Call, Secretary. 
 
 Similar communications have been received from the following : 
 
 Brotherhood of Railway Clerks, Creston, Iowa. 
 
 Brotherhood of Railway and Steamship Clerks, Cedar Rapids, Iowa. 
 
 Brotherhood of Railway and Steamship Clerks, Mount Carmel, 111, 
 
 Brotherhood of Railway and Steamship Clerks, Cincinnati, Ohio. 
 
 Astoria Central Labor Council, Astoria, Oreg. 
 
 United Brotherhood of Carpenters and Joiners, A^allejo, Calif. 
 
 Technical Engineers', Architects' and Draftsmen's Uuion, San Francisco, Calif- 
 
 Taft Central Labor Council, Taft, Calif. 
 
 Cigarmakers' Union of America, Seattle, Wash, 
 
 International Longshoremen's Association, Buffalo, N, Y. 
 
 Railway Employees' Department, Riv.era Building, Chicago, 111. 
 
 International Brotherhood of Boilermakers and Iron Ship Builders, Vallejo^ 
 Calif. . 
 
 National Window Glass Workers, 419 Electric Building, Cleveland, Ohio. 
 
 International Brotherhood of Electrical Workers, Vallejo, Calif. 
 
 United Mine Workers of America, Indianapolis, Ind. 
 
 Robert Langan, 1312 B Ninth Avenue, Seattle, Wash. 
 
 International Brotherhood of Blacksmiths, Drop Forgers and Helpers, Chi- 
 cago, 111. 
 
 Paving Cutters' Union, Rockport, Mass. 
 
 Order of Railroad Telegraphers, St. Louis, Mo. 
 
 Brotherhood of Painters, Decorators, and Paperhangers of America, Visalia,. 
 Calif. 
 
 International Typographical Union, Indianapolis, Ind. 
 
 M. Martin, 117 Avenue Thirty-eighth East, Los Angeles, Calif. 
 
 Bakery and Confectionery Workers, Chicago, 111. 
 
 International Brotherhood of Boilermakers and Iron Shipbuilders, Vancouver^ 
 Wash. 
 
 Internatitonal Brotherhood of Electrical Workers, Washington, D. C. 
 
 National Marine Engineers' Beneficial Association, Washington, D. C. 
 
 Sacramento Federated Trades Council, Sacramento, Calif. 
 
 United Brotherhood of Carpenters and Joiners, Olympia, Wash. 
 
940 LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 
 
 Brotherhood of Railway and Steamship Clerks, Cincinnati, Ohio, 
 
 Brotherhood of Railway and Steamship Clerks, Freight Handlers, Express, 
 and Station Employees, Washington, D. C. 
 
 Brotherhood of Railway and Steamship Clerks, Chicago, 111. 
 
 Brotherhood of Railway and Steamship Clerks, Cincinnati, Ohio. 
 
 International Brotherhood of Boilermakers and Iron Ship Builders, Hillyard, 
 Wash. 
 
 Brotherhood of Railway and Steamship Clerks, Elmira, N. Y. 
 
 United Leather Workers, Kansas City, Mo. 
 
 Brotherhood of Railway Clerks, Brainerd, Minn. 
 
 Brotherhood of Railway and Steamship Clerks, Wilmington, N. C. 
 
 Brotherhood of Railway and Steamship Clerks, Monroe, La. 
 
 Brotherhood of Railway and Steamship Clerks, Omaha, Nebr. 
 
 Brotherhood of Railway Clerks, Columbus, Ohio. 
 
 Brotherhood of Railway Clerks, Mattoon, 111. 
 
 Theatrical Stage Employees and Moving Picture Machine Operators, Cen- 
 tralia, Wash. 
 
 Brotherhood of Railway and Steamship Clerks, Freight Handlers, Express 
 and Station Employees, Baltimore, Md. 
 
 Brotherhood of Railway and Steamship Clerks, Louisville, Ky. 
 
 San Francisco Labor Council, San Francisco, Calif. 
 
 City Fire Fighters No. 31, Tacoma, Wash. 
 
 Woman's Trade Un'on League, Chicago, 111. 
 
 Pueblo Trades and Labor Assembly, Pueblo, Colo. 
 
 Teamsters' Union. Tacoma, Wash. 
 
 Butchers Local Union No. 656, Portland, Oreg. 
 
 International Brotherhood of Electrical Workers, Portland, Oreg. 
 
 Portland Mailers Union No. 13. Portland. Oreg. 
 
 International Brotherhood of Electrical Workers, Portland, Oreg. 
 
 Moving Picture Machine Operators, Duluth, Minn. 
 
 Plumbers and Steamfitters, No. 820, Loveland, Colo. 
 
 Alabama State Federation of Labor, Birmingham, Ala. 
 
 Arizona State Federation of Labor, Phoenix, Ariz. 
 
 Theatrical Stage Employees and Moving Picture Machine Operators, New 
 York, N. Y. 
 
 California State Federation of Labor, San Francisco, Calif. 
 
 Los Angeles Central Labor Council, Los Angeles, Calif. 
 
 Denver Trades and Labor Assembly, Denver, Colo. 
 
 Central Labor Council, Stockton, Calif. 
 
 Central Labor Union, The Dalles, Oreg. 
 
 Central Labor Council, Valleio, Calif. 
 
 Central Labor Council, San Jose, Calif. 
 
 Central Labor Union, Clifton, Ariz. 
 
 Federated Trades and Labor Council, San Diego, Calif. 
 
 Central Labor Union, Boulder, Colo. 
 
 Central Labor Council, San Bernadino, Calif. 
 
 Tucson Central Trades Council, Tucson, Ariz. 
 
 Metal Trades Council, Vallejo, Calif. 
 
 Petaluma Central Labor Council, Petaluma, Calif. 
 
 Building Trades Council, San Francisco, Calif. 
 
 Painters and Decorators of Riverside, Riverside, Calif. 
 
 United Mine Workers of America, Seattle, Wash. 
 
 Calumet Joint Labor Council, Chicago, 111. 
 
 Oregon Federation of Labor, Portland, Oreg. 
 
 International As^<ociation Oilfield Gas Well Workers, Coalinga, Calif. 
 
 Shop Crafts, Needles, Calif. 
 
 American Legion, Department of Nevada, Reno, Nev. 
 
 Nevada State Federation of Labor, Sparks, Nev. 
 
 Organized labor of Richmond and Contra Costa County, Richmond, Calif. 
 
 Vallejo Pyramid, No. 7, Ancient Egyptian Order of Sciots, Vallejo, Calif. 
 
 Machinists' Local 252, Vallejo, Calif. 
 
 La Junta Local Shop Federation, La Junta, Colo. 
 
 Central Labor Union, Visalia, Calif. 
 
 Chicago Federation of Labor, Chicago, 111. 
 
 International Brotherhood of Boilermakers and Iron Ship Builders, Vallejo, 
 ^Calif. 
 
 United Mine Workers of America, Birmingham, Ala. 
 
LABOR PROBLEMS IN HAWAII. 941 
 
 United INfiiie Workers, Clieyeniie, Wyo. 
 Federation of Labor, ('lieyenne, Wyo. 
 State Federation of Labor, Denver, Colo. 
 Boilermakers' »& Sliipbuilders' Helpers, Seattle, Wash. 
 International Longshoremen's Union, Tacoma, Wash. 
 Orange Connty Central Labor Council, Fullerton, Calif. 
 Anacortes Central Labor Council, Anacortes, Wash. 
 Everett Central Labor Council, Everett, Wash. 
 Tacoma Central Labor Council, Tacoma. Wash. 
 Seattle Central Labor Council, Seattle, Wash. 
 Central Labor Council, Spokane, Wash. 
 Local Union No. 606, I. V. S. and O. E., Tacoma, Wash. 
 Cigar Makers' Union, Tacoma, Wash. 
 
 Brotherhood of Railway Conductors of America, Pasco, Wash. 
 Machinists' Lodge No. 297, Tacoma, Wash. 
 Labor Council of Santa Rosa, Santa Rosa, Calif. 
 Fresno Labor Council, Fresno, Calif. 
 Central Labor Council of San Pedro, San Pedro, Calif. 
 Central Labor Council, Portland, Oreg. 
 Milw^aukee Federated Trades Council, Milv^-aukee, Wis. 
 Trades and Labor Assembly, Jacksonville, 111. 
 Marion Trades Council, Marion, 111. 
 Railway and Steamship Clerks, Chicago, 111. 
 Benj. J. Schooley, 631 North Third Street. Lawrence, Kans. 
 Brotherhood of Railway and Steamship Clerks, Jackson, Mich. 
 Gate City Lodge, No. 129, Winona, Minn. 
 Terminals Division Lodge, No. 708, St. Paul, Minn. 
 Brotherhood of Railway and Steamship Clerks, San Antonio, Tex. 
 Brotherhood of Railway and Steamship Clerks, Saginaw, Mich. 
 Brotherhood of Railway and Steamship Clerks, Omaha, Nebr. 
 International Association of Machinists, Moberly, Mo. 
 C. V. Maute, care of Benjamin Franklin Lodge, No. 189, New York, N. Y. 
 Brotherhood of Railway and Steamship Clerks, Salt Lake City, Utah. 
 Maryland State and District of Columbia Federation of Labor, Cumberland, 
 Md. 
 
 Brotherhood of Railway and Steamship Clerks, Evansville, Ind. 
 Olympia Typographical Union, Olympia, Wash. 
 Brotherhood of Railway Clerks, Ogden, Utah. 
 Brotherhood of Railway Clerks, El Paso, Tex. 
 
 X 
 
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