THE. LIBRARY 
 
 OF 
 
 THE UNIVERSITY 
 
 OF CALIFORNIA 
 
 BEQUEST OF 
 
 Mrs. Marion Randall Parsons 
 
Digitized by tine Internet Archive 
 
 in 2007 witii funding from 
 
 IVIicrosoft Corporation 
 
 http://www.arcliive.org/details/essaysorcounselsOObacoricli 
 
^ 
 ? 
 

THE ENGLISH WORKS OF 
 FRANCIS BACON 
 
 VOLUME I 
 
 r T •^' 
 
Methuen's 
 
 STANDARD UBRARYl 
 
THE ESSAYS OR 
 COUNSELS CIVIL AND MORAL 
 
 AND 
 
 THE NEW ATLANTIS 
 
 OF 
 
 FRANCIS LORD VERULAM 
 
 VISCOUNT ST. ALBAN 
 
 METHUEN & CO. 
 
 36 ESSEX STREET W. C. 
 LONDON 
 
Published in Methuen^s Standard Library 
 in 1905 
 
 Add»l . 
 
 GIFT 
 
Bat 
 
 JL. 
 
 FRANCIS BACON 
 
 Francis Bacon, son of Sir Nicholas Bacon, Lord Keeper of the 
 Great Seal of England, was bom at his father's official residence, 
 York House, near the Strand, London, on 22nd January 1561. 
 His mother (his father's second wife) was sister of the wife of 
 Lord Burghley, Queen Elizabeth's Lord Treasurer and chief 
 minister. After spending two years (1573-5) at Trinity 
 College, Cambridge, Bacon was admitted student at Gray's Inn. 
 Three years of his youth (1576-9) were spent at the English 
 Embassy in Paris. In 1582 he was called to the Bar, and in 
 1584, at the early age of twenty-three, he entered the House of 
 Commons. He was re-elected to every Parliament that met 
 during the next thirty years, and formed enlightened opinions 
 on many political questions. From boyhood until death, 
 however, the dominating interest of his life lay outside politics 
 or law. He consistently cherished the ambition of extending 
 the limits of human knowledge and of helping his fellow-men 
 to understand and control the forces of nature. He regarded 
 the emoluments and influence, which political and legal prefer- 
 ment might bring, as necessary means of reaching his intel- 
 lectual goal. In view of his exalted intellectual aims he 
 deemed himself entitled to override ordinary laws of morality in 
 the ancillary pursuit of remunerative and influential office. He 
 drew up a series of cynical rules of practical conduct on which 
 he relied to secure his worldly advancement. In accordance 
 with these rules he enlisted his abilities about 1591 in the 
 service of the Queen's favourite, the Earl of Essex. He under- 
 
vi FRANCIS BACON 
 
 took to supply the Earl with political advice, for which he 
 hoped to receive in return profitable promotion. The arrange- 
 ment worked ill. The Earl was by temperament incapable of 
 benefiting by Bacon's sagacity. He was dismissed from all his 
 offices in 1600 for misconduct in the government of Ireland, 
 and next year was executed for stin-ing up treasonable rebellion 
 in London. Bacon, in defiance of all considerations of honour 
 or propriety, sought to turn Essex's misfortunes to his own 
 advantage, and appeared as one of the counsel for the prosecu- 
 tion at the two trials of Essex. But Bacon's unprincipled 
 action did not bring the preferment for which he yearned, 
 and his prospects remained unpromising until Queen Eliza- 
 beth died in 1603. On James i.*s succession Bacon was more 
 successful in winning the royal favour, and material recog- 
 nition ultimately came his way. In 1607, at the age of forty- 
 six, he was made Solicitor- General, and in 1613 he received 
 the higher office of Attorney -General. 
 
 Meanwhile he had pursued his literary and scientific 
 labours with eminent success. In 1597 he published the first 
 edition of his Essays, and in 1605 there was issued his greatest 
 contribution in English to philosophical literature, his Advarice- 
 ment of Learning. Until his death his intellectual enthusiasm 
 steadily grew. But in practical affairs his conduct came to defy 
 more and more openly lofty principles. In order to enhance 
 his worldly position, he lost no opportunity through middle life 
 of conciliating the goodwill of those in power, no matter how 
 disastrous to the public welfare he knew their policy to be. 
 His subservience to the King's worthless favourite, George 
 Villiers, afterwards Duke of Buckingham, was richly rewarded. 
 In 1617 he was admitted to the high legal office of Lord Keeper. 
 Next year he was made Lord Chancellor, and was created a peer 
 of the realm, with the title of Lord Verulam. In the early days 
 of 1621 he was promoted to be Viscount St. Alban. Both his titles 
 commemorated his association with the city of St. Albans, the 
 
PREFATORY NOTE vii 
 
 Verulamium of Roman Britain, near which lay the estate of 
 Gorhambury. He inherited tliis property from his father, and 
 built upon it a sumptuous mansion, where he lived in great 
 ostentation and at ruinous cost. 
 
 In 1620 Bacon's worldly fortune reached its zenith. He some- 
 what paradoxically signalised that year by publishing the only 
 part of his philosophical system, which he formally completed. 
 The great book was written in Latin, and was entitled the 
 Novum Organum, A year later Bacon's worldly career ended 
 in disgrace. A charge was brought against him of taking bribes 
 from suitors in the Court of Chancery, over which he presided. 
 The shock of the accusation completely disabled him. He 
 admitted his guilt, and the House of Lords in his absence con- 
 demned him to pay a fine of .£'40,000, to be imprisoned for life, 
 and to be incapable of holding office in the State. The fine and 
 imprisonment were remitted by the King, and Bacon made 
 strenuous efforts to obtain reinstatement in public life. But 
 there he failed completely. He spent his enforced retirement 
 at Gorhambury in scientific and literary research. His health 
 was shattered, and he died five years after his degradation, on 
 9th April 1626, in his sixty-sixth year. He was buried in the 
 Church of St. Michael's, St. Albans. 
 
 Bacon's scientific and literary achievements offer a strange 
 contrast to the pitiful details of his public career. His fame 
 mainly rests on his advocacy of the application of inductive 
 principles to scientific research, and on the eloquence with 
 which he preached the doctrine that the fit organisation of 
 knowledge would ultimately give man control of all the forces 
 of nature. He failed to keep abreast of the scientific dis- 
 coveries of his own day, and showed little personal aptitude for 
 conducting original scientific investigation. But his intuitive 
 appreciation of right scientific method and his insistence on 
 the nobility of serious study invested his scientific writings with 
 a rare power of stimulation and suggestion. 
 
viii FRANCIS BACON 
 
 In pure literature Bacon's chief work is his Essays. The 
 first edition, which appeared in 1597, consisted only of ten 
 essays, together with two pieces called respectively Sacred 
 Meditations and Coulers of Good arid Evil. A revised version, 
 which came out in 1612, brought the number of essays up to 
 thirty-eight. The final edition, which Bacon superintended, 
 was dated 1625, the year before his death, and supplied as 
 many as fifty-eight essays. A previous unpublished fragment 
 of an essay on " Fame " appeared posthumously in a volume 
 of miscellaneous pieces by Bacon, which was edited by his 
 chaplain, Dr. William Rawley, under the title of Resiiscitatio, 
 in 1657. The present text of the Essays reprints the edition of 
 1625, with the addition of the fragment on " Fame " from the 
 Resuscitatio. 
 
 Bacon's Essays supply penetrating reflections on almost every 
 phase of human conduct and sentiment. They betray a wide 
 personal experience and singularly acute powers of observation. 
 Bacon's views of morality did not differ widely from those of 
 Macchiavelli, with whose writings he was acquainted. But 
 Bacon's practical philosophy of life is somewhat less cynical 
 than that of the Italian master. Although he treats material 
 prosperity as the highest aim, he recognises the beneficent 
 influence of virtue and religion. The folly and ignorance with 
 which he credits mankind excite in him a profound pity. But 
 it is the terseness and pithiness of expression which give Bacon's 
 Essays their main literary interest. The vocabulary is for the 
 most part simple and at times homely. But Bacon contrives 
 to invest his phraseology with a sustained dignity and stimu- 
 lating force which no other aphoristic writer in English 
 approached. 
 
 The New Atlantis, which is also printed in this volume, is a 
 literary effort in a different field from that which the Essays 
 cover. It is a mere fragment, which was begun by Bacon a year 
 before his death and was left unfinished. His intention was to 
 
PREFATORY NOTE ix 
 
 expound his scientific aspirations in the shape of fiction. He 
 set out to depict an imaginary State, the subjects of which 
 devote all their resources and energy to the organisation and 
 practice of scientific research. The New Atlantis embodies 
 Bacon's faith in the limitless capacity of scientific study, when 
 fittingly endowed and pursued methodically and disinterestedly, 
 to unravel the secrets of nature. The New Atlantis was first 
 published in 1627, the year following Bacon's death, under 
 the editorship of Dr. Rawley ; it formed an appendix to the 
 volume called Sylva Sylvarum, a miscellaneous collection of 
 Bacon's scientific observations. The present text is from the 
 original edition. 
 
 SIDNEY LEE 
 
TO THE RIGHT HONOURABLE 
 
 MY VERY GOOD LORD THE DUKE OF BUCKING- 
 HAM HIS GRACE, LORD HIGH ADMIRAL OF 
 ENGLAND. 
 
 Excellent Lord. 
 
 SALOMON says, " A good name is as a precious ointment ; " 
 and I assure myself, such will your Grace's name be, with 
 posterity. For your fortune, and merit both, have been eminent. 
 And you have planted things, that are like to last. I do now 
 publish my Essays \ which of all my other works have been 
 most current: for that, as it seems, they come home, to men's 
 business, and bosoms. I have enlarged them, both in number, 
 and weight ; so that they are indeed a new work. I thought it 
 therefore agreeable, to my affection, and obligation to your Grace, 
 to prefix your name before them, both in English, and in Latin. 
 For I do conceive, that the Latin volume of them, (being in the 
 universal language) may last, as long as books last. My Instaura- 
 lion, I dedicated to the King : My History of Henry the Seventh- 
 (which I have now also translated into Latin) and my portions of 
 Natural History, to the Prince : and these I dedicate to your 
 Grace ; being of the best fruits, that by the good increase, which 
 God gives to my pen and labours, I could yield. God lead your 
 Grace by the hand. 
 
 Your Grace's most obliged and 
 faithful Servant, 
 
 Fr. St. ALBAN. 
 
THE TABLE 
 
 I. Of Truth 
 
 
 1 
 
 II. Of Death 
 
 
 3 
 
 III. Of Unity in Religion 
 
 
 6 
 
 IV. Of Revenge . 
 
 
 9 
 
 V. Of Adversity. 
 
 
 . 11 
 
 VI. Of Simulation and Dissimulation 
 
 . 12 
 
 VII. Of Parents and Children 
 
 
 . 15 
 
 VIII. Of Marriage and Single Life 
 
 
 . 17 
 
 IX. Of Envy 
 
 
 . 19 
 
 X. Of Love 
 
 
 . 23 
 
 XI. Of Great Place 
 
 
 . 25 
 
 XII. Of Boldness . 
 
 
 . 28 
 
 XIII. Of Goodness and Goodness of 
 
 Nature 
 
 . 30 
 
 XIV. Of Nobility . 
 
 
 . 32 
 
 XV. Of Seditions and Troubles 
 
 
 . 34 
 
 XVI. Of Atheism . 
 
 
 . 39 
 
 XVII. Of Superstition 
 
 
 . 41 
 
 XVIII. Of Travel . 
 
 
 . 43 
 
 XIX. Of Empire . 
 
 
 . 45 
 
 XX. Of Counsel . 
 
 
 . 49 
 
 XXI. Of Delays . 
 
 
 . 63 
 
 XXII. Of Cunning . 
 
 
 . 54 
 
 XXIII. Of Wisdom for a Man's Self 
 
 
 . 57 
 
 XXIV. Of Innovations 
 
 
 . 59 
 
 XXV. Of Despatch . 
 
 
 . 60 
 
 XXVI. Of Seeming Wise . 
 
 
 . 62 
 
 XXVII. Of Friendship 
 
 
 . 64 
 
 XXVIII. Of Expense . 
 
 
 . 70 
 
 XXIX. Of the True Greatness of Kingdoms 
 
 AND Estates. 71 
 
 XXX. Of Regimen of Health . 
 
 , 
 
 . 78 
 
 XXXI. Of Suspicion . 
 
 . 
 
 . 80 
 
 XXXII. Of Discourse 
 
 , 
 
 . 81 
 
 xiii 
 
XIV 
 
 THE TABLE 
 
 ESSAY 
 
 
 
 
 PAGE 
 
 XXXIII. Of Plantations 83 
 
 XXXIV. Of Kiches .... 
 
 
 
 
 86 
 
 XXXV. Of Prophecies 
 
 
 
 
 89 
 
 XXXVI. Of Ambition 
 
 
 
 
 92 
 
 XXXVII. Of Masques and Triumphs 
 
 
 
 
 94 
 
 XXXVIII. Of Nature in Men 
 
 
 
 
 96 
 
 XXXIX. Of Custom and Education 
 
 
 
 
 98 
 
 XL. Of Fortune 
 
 
 
 
 1.00 
 
 XLI. Of Usury .... 
 
 
 
 
 102 
 
 XLII. Of Youth and Age 
 
 
 
 
 105 
 
 XLIII. Of Beauty .... 
 
 
 
 
 107 
 
 XLIV. Of Deformity 
 
 
 
 
 108 
 
 XLV. Of Building 
 
 
 
 
 109 
 
 XLVI. Of Gardens 
 
 
 
 
 112 
 
 XLVII. Of Negotiating . 
 
 
 
 
 117 
 
 XLVIII. Of Followers and Friends 
 
 
 
 
 119 
 
 XLIX. Of Suitors . 
 
 
 
 
 121 
 
 L. Of Studies . 
 
 
 
 
 123 
 
 LI. Of Faction . 
 
 
 
 
 125 
 
 LII. Of Ceremonies and Respects 
 
 
 
 
 127 
 
 LIII. Of Praise . 
 
 
 
 
 129 
 
 LIV. Of Vainglory 
 
 
 
 
 . 131 
 
 LV. Of Honour and Reputation 
 
 
 
 
 . 133 
 
 LVI. Of Judicature 
 
 
 
 
 . 135 
 
 LVII. Of Anger . 
 
 
 
 
 . 138 
 
 LVIII. Of Vicissitude of Things 
 
 
 
 
 . 140 
 
 Of Fame, a Fragment 
 
 
 
 
 . 144 
 
 THE NEW ATLANTIS 
 
 147 
 
ESSAYS 
 
 OR COUNSELS CIVIL AND MORAL 
 
 OF TRUTH 
 
 WHAT is truth ? said jesting Pilate ; and would not stay for 
 an answer. Certainly there be, that delight in giddiness ; 
 and count it a bondage, to fix a belief; affecting freewill in think- 
 ing, as well as in acting. And though the sects of philosophers 
 of that kind be gone, yet there remain certain discoursing wits, 
 which are of the same veins, though there be not so much blood 
 in them, as was in those of the ancients. But it is not only the 
 difficulty, and labour, which men take in finding out of truth; 
 nor again, that when it is found, it imposeth upon men's thoughts ; 
 that doth bring lies in favour : but a natural, though coiTupt, love 
 of the lie itself. One of the later school of the Grecians 
 examineth the matter, and is at a stand, to think what should be 
 in it, that men should love lies; where neither they make for 
 pleasure, as with poets ; nor for advantage, as with the merchant ; 
 but for the lie's sake. But I cannot tell : this same truth is a 
 naked, and open daylight, that doth not show the masks, and 
 mummeries, and triumphs of the world, half so stately, and daintily, 
 as candle-lights. Truth may perhaps come to the price of a pearl, 
 that showeth best by day : but it will not rise to the price of 
 a diamond, or carbuncle, that showeth best in varied lights. A 
 mixture of a lie doth ever add pleasure. Doth any man doubt, 
 that, if there were taken out of men's minds vain opinions, flatter- 
 ing hopes, false valuations, imaginations as one would, and the 
 like, but it would leave the minds of a number of men poor 
 shrunken things, full of melancholy, and indisposition, and un- 
 pleasing to themselves ? One of the Fathers, in great severity, 
 called poesy, Vinum Daemonum ; because it filleth the imagination, 
 and yet it is but with the shadow of a lie. But it is not the lie 
 
2 FRANCIS BACON [essay i. 
 
 that passeth through the mind, but the lie that sinketh in, and 
 settleth in it, that doth the hurt, such as we spake of before. 
 But howsoever these things are thus, in men's depraved judgments, 
 and affections, yet truth, which only doth judge itself, teacheth, 
 that the inquiry of truth, which is the love-making, or wooing 
 of it ; the knowledge of truth, which is the presence of it ; and 
 the belief of truth, which is the enjoying of it ; is the sovereign 
 good of human nature. The first creature of God, in the works 
 of the days, was the light of the sense ; the last, was the light of 
 reason ; and His Sabbath work, ever since, is the illumination of 
 His Spirit. First He breathed light, upon the face of the matter 
 or chaos ; then He breathed light, into the face of man ; and still 
 He breatheth and inspireth light, into the face of His chosen. 
 The poet, that beautified the sect that was otherwise inferior to 
 the rest, saith yet excellently well : " It is a pleasure to stand upon 
 the shore, and to see ships tossed upon the sea : a pleasure to stand 
 in the window of a castle, and to see a battle, and the adventures 
 thereof, below: but no pleasure is comparable to the standing 
 upon the vantage ground of truth : " (a hill not to be commanded, 
 and where the air is always clear and serene ;) " and to see the 
 errors, and wanderings, and mists, and tempests, in the vale below : " 
 so always, that this prospect be with pity, and not with swelling, 
 or pride. Certainly, it is heaven upon earth, to have a man's 
 mind move in charity, rest in Providence, and turn upon the poles 
 of truth. 
 
 To pass from theological, and philosophical truth, to the truth 
 of civil business; it will be acknowledged, even by those that 
 practise it not, that clear and round dealing is the honour of 
 man's nature ; and that mixture of falsehood is like alloy in coin 
 of gold and silver ; which may make the metal work the better, 
 but it embaseth it. For these winding, and crooked courses are 
 the goings of the serpent ; which goeth basely upon the belly, 
 and not upon the feet. There is no vice that doth so cover a 
 man with shame, as to be found false, and perfidious. And there- 
 fore Mountaigny saith prettily, when he inquired the reason, why 
 the word of the lie should be such a disgrace, and such an odious 
 charge ? Saith he, " If it be well weighed, to say that a man 
 lieth, is as much to say as, that he is brave towards God, and a 
 coward towards men." For a lie faces God, and shrinks from 
 man. Surely the wickedness of falsehood, and breach of faith, 
 cannot possibly be so highly expressed, as in that it shall be the 
 last peal, to call the judgments of God upon the generations of 
 men, it being foretold that, when Christ cometh, "He shall not find 
 faith upon the earth." 
 
II 
 
 OF DEATH 
 
 MEN fear death, as children fear to go in the dark : and as 
 that natural fear in children is increased with tales, so is 
 the other. Certainly, the contemplation of death, as the wages 
 of sin, and passage to another world, is holy, and religious ; but 
 the fear of it, as a tribute due unto nature, is weak. Yet in 
 religious meditations, there is sometimes mixture of vanity, and 
 of superstition. You shall read, in some of the friars' books of 
 mortification, that a man should think with himself what the 
 pain is, if he have but his finger's end pressed, or tortured ; and 
 thereby imagine what the pains of death are, when the whole 
 body is corrupted and dissolved ; when many times death passeth 
 with less pain than the torture of a limb : for the most vital parts 
 are not the quickest of sense. And by him, that spake only as a 
 philosopher, and natural man, it was well said ; "Pompa mortis magis 
 i arret y quam mors ipsa." Groans and convulsions, and a discoloured 
 face, and friends weeping, and blacks, and obsequies, and the like, 
 show death terrible. It is worthy the observing, that there is no 
 passion in the mind of man so weak, but it mates, and masters, 
 the fear of death : and therefore death is no such terrible enemy, 
 when a man hath so many attendants, about him, that can win 
 the combat of him. Revenge triumphs over death ; love slights 
 it ; honour aspireth to it ; grief flieth to it ; fear pre-occupateth 
 it ; nay, we read, after Otho the Emperor had slain himself, pity 
 (which is the tenderest of affections) provoked many to die, out 
 of mere compassion to their sovereign, and as the truest sort of 
 followers. Nay, Seneca adds niceness and satiety ; " Cogita quam 
 diu eadem feceris ; mori velle, non tantum, Jbrtis, aid miser, sed etiam 
 fastidiosus potest." A man would die, though he were neither 
 valiant, nor miserable, only upon a weariness to do the same thing, 
 so oft over and over. It is no less worthy to observe, how little 
 alteration, in good spirits, the approaches of death make ; for they 
 appear to be the same men, till the last instant. Augustus Caesar 
 died in a compUment ; " Livia, conjugii nostri memor, vive et vale." 
 Tiberius in dissimulation ; as Tacitus saith of him ; *' Ja?n Tiberium 
 vires, et corpus, non dissimulatio, deserehant," Vespasian in a jest; 
 
 3 
 
4 FRANCIS BACON [essay it. 
 
 sitting upon the stool, " Ut puto Deiisjio." Galba with a sentence ; 
 "Feri, si ex re sit populi Romani; " holding forth his neck. Septimius 
 Severus in despatch ; " Adeste, si quid mihi restat agendum." And the 
 like. Certainly, the Stoics bestowed too much cost upon death, 
 and by their great preparations made it appear more fearful. 
 Better saith he, "Qui Jinevi vitce extremum inter munera ponai 
 naturce." It is as natural to die, as to be born ; and to a little 
 infant, perhaps, the one is as painful as the other. He that dies 
 in an earnest pursuit is like one that is wounded in hot blood ; 
 who, for the time, scarce feels the hurt; and therefore, a mind 
 fixed, and bent upon somewhat that is good, doth avert the dolours 
 of death : but above all, believe it, the sweetest canticle is. Nunc 
 dimittis ; when a man hath obtained worthy ends, and expecta- 
 tions. Death hath this also ; that it openeth the gate to good 
 fame^ and extinguisheth en\y. 
 
 ** Extinct us amabitur taem.** 
 
Ill 
 
 OF UNITY IN RELIGION 
 
 RELIGION being the chief band of human society, it is a 
 happy thing when itself is well contained within the true 
 band of unity. The quarrels, and divisions about religion, were 
 evils unknown to the heathen. The reason was, because the 
 religion of the heathen consisted rather in rites and ceremonies, 
 than in any constant belief. For you may imagine, what kind 
 of faith theirs was, when the chief Doctors, and Fathers of 
 their Church, were the poets. But the true God hath this 
 attribute, that He is a jealous God ; and therefore, His worship 
 and religion will endure no mixture, nor partner. We shall 
 therefore speak a few words, concerning the unity of the Church ; 
 what are the fruits thereof ; what the bounds ; and what the 
 means ? 
 
 The fruits of unity (next unto the well-pleasing of God, which 
 is all in all) are two ; the one, towards those that are without 
 the Church ; the other, towards those that are within. For the 
 former ; it is certain, that heresies, and schisms, are of all others 
 the greatest scandals ; yea more than corruption of manners. 
 For as in the natural body, a wound or solution of continuity 
 is worse than a corrupt humour; so in the spiritual. So that 
 nothing doth so much keep men out of the Church, and drive men 
 out of the Church, as breach of unity : and therefore, whensoever it 
 cometh to that pass, that one saith, "Ecce in deserto;" another saith, 
 " Ecce in peneiralibus ; " that is, when some men seek Christ, in the 
 conventicles of heretics, and others, in an outward face of a 
 church, that voice had need continually to sound in men's ears, 
 " Nolite exire," go not out. The Doctor of the Gentiles (the pro- 
 priety of whose vocation drew him to have a special care of those 
 without) saith ; " If an heathen come in, and hear you speak with 
 several tongues, will he not say that you are mad ? " And certainly, 
 it is little better, when atheists, and profane persons, do hear of 
 so many discordant, and contrary opinions in religion ; it doth 
 avert them from the Church, and maketh them, " to sit down in the 
 chair of the scomers." It is but a light thing, to be vouched in so 
 serious a matter, but yet it expresseth well the deformity. There 
 
6 FRANCIS BACON [essay hi. 
 
 is a master of scoffing, that in his catalogue of books, of a feigned 
 library, sets down this title of a book ; " The Morris-dance of 
 Heretics." For indeed, every sect of them hath a divers posture, 
 or cringe by themselves, which cannot but move derision, in 
 worldlings, and depraved politics, wh« are apt to contemn holy 
 things. 
 
 As for the fruit towards those that are within; it is peace, 
 which containeth infinite blessings : it establisheth faith ; it 
 kindleth charity ; the outward peace of the Church distilleth 
 into peace of conscience ; and it turneth the labours of writing, 
 and reading of controversies, into treaties of mortification, and 
 devotion. 
 
 Concerning the bounds of unity; the true placing of them 
 importeth exceedingly. There appear to be two extremes. For 
 to certain zelants all speech of pacification is odious. " Is it peace, 
 Jehu ? What hast thou to do with peace ? Turn thee behind 
 me." Peace is not the matter, but following and party. Contrari- 
 wise, certain Laodiceans, and luke-warm persons, think they may 
 accommodate points of religion, by middle ways, and taking part 
 of both, and witty reconcilements ; as if they would make an 
 arbitrement, between God and man. Both these extremes are 
 to be avoided ; which will be done, if the league of Christians, 
 penned by our Saviour Himself, were in the two cross clauses 
 thereof soundly and plainly expounded ; " he that is not with us, 
 is against us : " and again, " he that is not against us, is with us : " 
 that is, if the points fundamental and of substance in religion 
 were truly discerned and distinguished, from points not merely 
 of faith, but of opinion, order, or good intention. This is a 
 thing, may seem to many a matter trivial, and done already: 
 but if it were done less partially, it would be embraced more 
 generally. 
 
 Of this I may give only this advice, according to my small 
 model. Men ought to take heed, of rending God's Church, by 
 two kinds of controversies. The one is, when the matter of the 
 point controverted is too small and light, not worth the heat, and 
 strife about it, kindled only by contradiction. For, as it is noted 
 by one of the Fathers, " Christ's coat, indeed, had no seam : but 
 the Church's vesture was of divers colours ; " whereupon he saith, 
 " In veste varietas sit, scissura non sit ; " they be two things, unity, 
 and uniformity. The other is, when the matter of the point 
 controverted is great ; but it is driven to an over-great subtlety, 
 and obscurity; so that it becometh a thing, rather ingenious, 
 than substantial. A man that is of judgment and understanding, 
 shall sometimes hear ignorant men differ, and know well within 
 himself, that those which so differ, mean one thing, and yet they 
 themselves would never agree. And if it come so to pass, in that 
 distance of judgment, which is between man and man ; shall we 
 
ESSAY III.] OF UNITY IN RELIGION 7 
 
 not think that God above, that knows the heart, doth not discern, 
 that frail men, in some of their contradictions, intend the same 
 thing; and accepteth of both? The nature of such contro- 
 versies is excellently expressed, by St. Paul, in the warning and 
 precept, that he giveth, concerning the same, " Devita prof anas 
 vocum novitateSf et oppositiones falsi nominis sciential." Men 
 create oppositions, which are not ; and put them into new terms, 
 so fixed, as, whereas the meaning ought to govern the term, 
 the term in effect governeth the meaning. There be also two 
 false peaces, or unities ; the one, when the peace is grounded 
 but upon an implicit ignorance ; for all colours will agree in 
 the dark : the other, when it is pieced up upon a direct 
 admission of contraries in fundamental points. For truth and 
 falsehood, in such things, are like the iron and clay in the toes 
 of Nabucadnezar's image ; they may cleave, but they will not 
 incorporate. 
 
 Concerning the means of procuring unity ; men must beware, 
 that in the procuring, or muniting, of religious unity, they do not 
 dissolve and deface the laws of charity, and of human society. 
 There be two swords amongst Christians ; the spiritual, and 
 temporal ; and both have their due office, and place, in the 
 maintenance of religion. But we may not take up the third 
 sword, which is Mahomet's sword, or like unto it ; that is, to 
 propagate religion by wars, or by sanguinary persecutions, to 
 force consciences ; except it be in cases of overt scandal, blasphemy, 
 or intermixture of practice against the state ; much less to nourish 
 seditions ; to authorise conspiracies and rebellions ; to put the 
 sword into the people's hands ; and the like ; tending to the 
 subversion of all government, which is the ordinance of God. For 
 this is but to dash the first table against the second ; and so 
 to consider men as Christians, as we forget that they are men. 
 Lucretius the poet, when he beheld the act of Agamemnon, that 
 could endure the sacrificing of his own daughter, exclaimed ; 
 
 ** Tantum relligio potuit suadere malorum.'" 
 
 What would he have said, if he had known of the massacre in 
 France, or the powder treason of England } He would have been 
 seven times more epicure and atheist than he was. For as the 
 temporal sword is to be drawn, with great circumspection, in 
 cases of religion ; so it is a thing monstrous, to put it into the 
 hands of the common people. Let that be left unto the ana- 
 baptists, and other furies. It was great blasphemy, when the 
 devil said ; " I will ascend, and be like the Highest ; " but it is 
 greater blasphemy, to personate God, and bring Him in saying ; 
 " I will descend, and be like the Prince of Darkness ; " and what 
 is it better, to make the cause of religion to descend to the 
 cruel and execrable actions of murdering princes, butchery of 
 
8 FRANCIS BACON [essay hi. 
 
 people, and subversion of states, and governments ? Surely, this 
 is to bring down the Holy Ghost, instead of a likeness of a dove, 
 in the shape of a vulture, or raven : and to set, out of the bark 
 of a Christian Church, a flag of a bark of pirates, and assassins. 
 Therefore it is most necessary, that the Church by doctrine and 
 decree ; princes by their sword ; and all learnings, both Christian 
 and moral, as by their mercury rod ; do damn and send to hell, 
 for ever, those facts and opinions tending to the support of the 
 same; as hath been already in good part done. Surely in 
 counsels, concerning religion, that counsel of the apostle would 
 be prefixed ; " Ira hominis non (triplet jusiiciam Dei." And it was 
 a notable observation of a wise Father, and no less ingenuously 
 confessed ; " that those, which held and persuaded pressure of 
 consciences, were commonly interested therein, themselves, for 
 their own ends." 
 
IV 
 
 OF REVENGE 
 
 REVENGE is a kind of wild justice ; which, the more man's 
 nature runs to, the more ought law to weed it out. For 
 as for the first wrong, it doth but offend the law ; but the revenge 
 of that wrong putteth the law out of office. Certainly, in taking 
 revenge, a man is but even with his enemy ; but in passing it over, 
 he is superior : for it is a prince's part to pardon. And Salomon, 
 I am sure, saith, " It is the glory of a man to pass by an offence." 
 That which is past, is gone, and irrevocable ; and wise men have 
 enough to do with things present, and to come : therefore, they 
 do but trifle with themselves, that labour in past matters. There 
 is no man doth a wrong, for the wrong's sake ; but thereby to 
 purchase himself profit, or pleasure, or honour, or the like. 
 Therefore why should I be angry with a man for loving himself 
 better than me ? And if any man should do wrong, merely out 
 of ill-nature, why ? yet it is but like the thorn, or briar, which 
 prick, and scratch, because they can do no other. The most 
 tolerable sort of revenge is for those wrongs which there is no 
 law to remedy : but then, let a man take heed the revenge be 
 such, as there is no law to punish : else, a man's enemy is still 
 beforehand, and it is two for one. Some, when they take 
 revenge, are desirous the party should know whence it cometh : 
 this is the more generous. For the delight seemeth to be, not 
 so much in doing the hurt, as in making the party repent : but 
 base and crafty cowards are like the arrow that flieth in the 
 dark. Cosmus, Duke of Florence, had a desperate saying, against 
 perfidious or neglecting friends, as if those wrongs were unpar- 
 donable : " You shall read," saith he, " that we are commanded 
 to forgive our enemies; but you never read, that we are com- 
 manded, to forgive our friends." But yet the spirit of Job was 
 in a better tune; "Shall we," saith he, "take good at God's 
 hands, and not be content to take evil also ? " And so of friends 
 in a proportion. This is certain; that a man who studieth revenge, 
 keeps his own wounds green, which otherwise would heal, and 
 do well. Public revenges are, for the most part, fortunate; as 
 
10 FRANCIS BACON [essay iv. 
 
 that for the death of Caesar ; for the death of Pertinax ; for the 
 death of Henry the Third of France ; and many more. But in 
 private revenges it is not so. Nay rather, vindictive persons live 
 the life of witches; who as they are mischievous, so end they 
 unfortunate. 
 
OF ADVERSITY 
 
 IT was an high speech of Seneca, (after the manner of the 
 Stoics) " that the good things, which belong to prosperity, 
 are to be wished ; but the good things, that belong to adversity, 
 are to be admired." " Bona rerum secundarum, optabilia ; adversarum, 
 mirabilia." Cei-tainly, if miracles be the command over Nature, they 
 appear most in adversity. It is yet a higher speech of his, than the 
 other, (much too high for a heathen) " It is true gi*eatness, to have 
 in one, the frailty of a man, and the security of a God." " Fere 
 magmtm, habere fragilitatem hominisj securitatem Dei." This would 
 have done better in poesy ; where transcendences are more 
 allowed. And the poets, indeed, have been busy with it ; for it 
 is, in effect, the thing which is figured in that strange fiction, 
 of the ancient poets, which seemeth not to be without mystery ; 
 nay, and to have some approach to the state of a Christian ; that 
 Hercules, when he went to unbind Prometheus, (by whom human 
 nature is represented) sailed the length of the great ocean, in an 
 earthen pot, or pitcher : lively describing Christian resolution ; 
 that saileth, in the frail bark of the flesh, through the waves of 
 the world. But to speak in a mean. The virtue of prosperity is 
 temperance ; the virtue of adversity is fortitude : which in morals 
 is the more heroical virtue. Prosperity is the blessing of the 
 Old Testament ; adversity is the blessing of the New ; which 
 carrieth the greater benediction, and the clearer revelation of 
 God's favour. Yet, even in the Old Testament, if you listen 
 to David's harp, you shall hear as many hearse-like airs, as carols : 
 and the pencil of the Holy Ghost hath laboured more, in de- 
 scribing the afflictions of Job, than the felicities of Salomon. 
 Prosperity is not without many fears and distastes ; and adversity 
 is not without comforts and hopes. We see in needle-works, and 
 embroideries, it is more pleasing, to have a lively work, upon a 
 sad and solemn ground ; than to have a dark and melancholy 
 work, upon a lightsome ground : judge therefore, of the pleasure 
 of the heart, by the pleasure of the eye. Cei*tainly, virtue is like 
 precious odours, most fragrant, when they are incensed, or crushed : 
 for prosperity doth best discover vice ; but adversity doth best 
 discover virtue. 
 
 11 
 
VI 
 
 OF SIMULATION AND DISSIMULATION 
 
 DISSIMULATION is but a faint kind of policy, or wisdom ; 
 for it asketh a strong wit, and a strong heart, to know when 
 to tell truth, and to do it. Therefore it is the weaker sort of 
 politics that are the great dissemblers. 
 
 Tacitus saith ; " Livia sorted well with the arts of her hus- 
 band, and dissimulation of her son : " attributing arts or policy 
 to Augustus, and dissimulation to Tiberius. And again, when 
 Mucianus encourageth Vespasian to take arms against Vitellius, 
 he saith ; " We rise not against the piercing judgment of Augustus, 
 nor the extreme caution or closeness of Tiberius." These properties 
 of arts or policy, and dissimulation or closeness, are indeed habits 
 and faculties several, and to be distinguished. For if a man have 
 that penetration of judgment, as he can discern what things are 
 to be laid open, and what to be secreted, and what to be showed 
 at half-lights, and to whom, and when, (which indeed are arts of 
 state, and arts of life, as Tacitus well calleth them) to him, a habit 
 of dissimulation is a hindrance, and a poorness. But if a man 
 cannot obtain to that judgment, then it is left to him, generally, 
 to be close, and a dissembler. For where a man cannot choose, 
 or vary in particulars, there it is good to take the safest and 
 wariest way in general ; like the going softly by one that cannot 
 well see. Certainly, the ablest men, that ever were, have had all 
 an openness, and frankness of dealing ; and a name of certainty, 
 and veracity ; but then they were like horses well managed ; for 
 they could tell passing well when to stop, or turn : and at such 
 times, when they thought the case, indeed, required dissimulation, 
 if then they used it, it came to pass, that the former opinion, 
 spread abroad of their good faith, and clearness of dealing, made 
 them almost invisible. 
 
 There be three degrees of this hiding, and veiling of a man's 
 self. The first, closeness, reservation, and secrecy ; when a man 
 leaveth himself without observation, or without hold to be taken, 
 what he is. The second, dissimulation, in the negative ; when a 
 man lets fall signs, and arguments, that he is not that he is. 
 And the third, simulation, in the affirmative; when a man 
 
 12 
 
ESSAY VI.] OF SIMULATION AND DISSIMULATION 13 
 
 industriously, and expressly, feigns, and pretends to be that he is 
 not. 
 
 For the first of these, secrecy : it is, indeed, the virtue of 
 a confessor ; and, assuredly, the secret man heareth many con- 
 fessions ; for who will open himself to a blab or a babbler ? But 
 if a man be thought secret, it inviteth discovery ; as the more close 
 air sucketh in the more open : and as in confession, the revealing is 
 not for worldly use, but for the ease of a man's heart, so secret 
 men come to the knowledge of many things, in that kind ; while 
 men rather discharge their minds, than impart their minds. In 
 few words, mysteries are due to secrecy. Besides (to say truth) 
 nakedness is uncomely, as well in mind, as body ; and it addeth 
 no small reverence to men's manners, and actions, if they be not 
 altogether open. As for talkers and futile persons, they are 
 commonly vain, and credulous withal. For he that talketh what 
 he knoweth, will also talk what he knoweth not. Therefore set 
 it down, that a habit of secrecy is both politic, and moral. 
 And in this part, it is good that a man's face give his tongue 
 leave to speak. For the discovery of a man's self, by the tracts 
 of his countenance, is a great weakness, and betraying ; by how 
 much, it is many times more marked and believed, than a man's 
 words. 
 
 For the second, which is dissimulation. It foUoweth many 
 times upon secrecy, by a necessity : so that, he that will be secret, 
 must be a dissembler, in some degi'ee. For men are too cunning 
 to suffer a man to keep an indifferent carriage between both, and 
 to be secret, without swaying the balance, on either side. They 
 will so beset a man with questions, and draw him on, and pick 
 it out of him, that without an absurd silence he must show an 
 inclination, one way ; or if he do not, they will gather as much by 
 his silence, as by his speech. As for equivocations, or oraculous 
 speeches, they cannot hold out long. So that no man can be 
 secret, except he give himself a little scope of dissimulation ; which 
 is, as it were, but the skirts or train of secrecy. 
 
 But for the third degree, which is simulation, and false 
 profession ; that I hold more culpable, and less politic ; except it 
 be in great and rare matters. And therefore a general custom of 
 simulation (which is this last degree) is a vice, rising, either of a 
 natural falseness, or fearfulness ; or of a mind that hath some main 
 faults ; which because a man must needs disguise, it maketh him 
 practise simulation, in other things^ lest his hand should be out of 
 ure. 
 
 The great advantages of simulation and dissimulation are 
 three. First to lay asleep opposition, and to surprise. For where 
 a man's intentions are published, it is an alarm, to call up all that 
 are against them. The second is, to reserve to a man's self a fair 
 retreat : for if a man engage himself, by a manifest declaration. 
 
14 FRANCIS BACON [essay vi. 
 
 he must go through, or take a fall. The third is, the better to 
 discover the mind of another. For to him that opens himself, 
 men will hai*dly show themselves adverse ; but will (faire) let him 
 go on, and turn their freedom of speech to freedom of thought. 
 And therefore, it is a good shrewd proverb of the Spaniard; "Tell 
 a lie, and find a truth." As if there were no way of discovery, but 
 by simulation. There be also three disadvantages, to set it even. 
 The first, that simulation, and dissimulation, commonly carry with 
 them a show of fearfulness, which in any business doth spoil the 
 feathers of round flying up to the mark. The second, that it 
 puzzleth and perplexeth the conceits of many, that perhaps would 
 otherwise co-operate with him, and makes a man walk, almost 
 alone, to his own ends. The third, and greatest is, that it depriveth 
 a man of one of the most principal instruments for action ; which is 
 trust and belief. The best composition, and temperature is, to have 
 openness in fame and opinion ; secrecy in habit ; dissimulation in 
 seasonable use ; and a power to feign, if there be no remedy. 
 
VII 
 
 OF PARENTS AND CHILDREN 
 
 THE joys of parents are secret; and so are their griefs, 
 and fears : they cannot utter the one ; nor they will not 
 utter the other. Children sweeten labours ; but they make mis- 
 fortunes more bitter : they increase the cares of life ; but 
 they mitigate the remembrance of death. The perpetuity by 
 generation is common to beasts ; but memory, merit, and noble 
 works, are proper to men : and surely a man shall see the 
 noblest works, and foundations have proceeded from childless 
 men ; which have sought to express the images of their minds ; 
 where those of their bodies have failed : so the care of posterity 
 is most in them that have no posterity. They that are the first 
 raisers of their houses, are most indulgent towards their children ; 
 beholding them, as the continuance, not only of their kind, but of 
 their work ; and so both children, and creatures. 
 
 The difference in affection, of parents, towards their several 
 children, is many times unequal ; and sometimes unworthy ; 
 especially in the mother ; as Salomon saith ; " A wise son rejoiceth 
 the father ; but an ungracious son shames the mother." A man 
 shall see, where there is a house full of children, one or two of 
 the eldest, respected, and the youngest made wantons; but in 
 the midst, some that are, as it were, forgotten, who, many times, 
 nevertheless, prove the best. The illiberality of parents, m 
 allowance towards their children, is a harmful error ; makes them 
 base ; acquaints them with shifts ; makes them sort with mean 
 company ; and makes them surfeit more, when they come to 
 plenty: and therefore, the proof is best, when men keep their 
 authority towards their children, but not their purse. Men have 
 a foolish manner (both parents, and schoolmasters, and servants) 
 in creating and breeding an emulation between brothers, during 
 childhood, which many times sorteth to discord, when they are 
 men ; and disturbeth families. The Italians make little difference 
 between children, and nephews, or near kinsfolk ; but so they be 
 of the lump, they care not, though they pass not through their 
 own body. And, to say truth, in nature, it is much a like matter ; 
 insomuch, that we see a nephew, sometimes, resembleth an uncle, 
 
 16 
 
i6 FRANCIS BACON [essay vii. 
 
 or a kinsman, more than his own parent ; as the blood happens. 
 Let parents choose betimes the vocations, and courses, they mean 
 their children should take ; for then they are most flexible ; and 
 let them not too much apply themselves to the disposition of 
 their children, as thinking they will take best to that which they 
 have most mind to. It is true, that if the affection or aptness of 
 the children be extraordinary, then it is good not to cross it ; but 
 generally, the precept is good; "Optimum elige^ suave et facile 
 illud faciei consuetudo." Younger brothers are commonly fortunate, 
 but seldom or never where the elder are disinherited. 
 
VIII 
 
 OF MARRIAGE AND SINGLE LIFE 
 
 HE that hath wife and children, hath given hostages to fortune ; 
 for they are impediments to great enterprises, either of 
 virtue, or mischief. Certainly, the best works, and of greatest 
 merit for the public, have proceeded from the unmanned, or 
 childless men ; which, both in affection, and means, have 
 married and endowed the public. Yet it were great reason, that 
 those that have children, should have greatest care of future 
 times ; unto which, they know, they must transmit their dearest 
 pledges. Some there are, who though they lead a single life, yet 
 their thoughts do end with themselves, and account future times 
 impertinences. Nay, there are some other, that account wife and 
 children but as bills of charges. Nay more, there are some 
 foolish rich covetous men, that take a pride in having no children, 
 because they may be thought so much the richer. For perhaps, 
 they have heard some talk ; " Such a one is a great rich man ; " and 
 another except to it ; " Yea, but he hath a great charge of children : " 
 as if it were an abatement to his riches. But the most ordinary 
 cause of a single life is liberty ; especially, in certain self-pleasing, 
 and humorous minds, which are so sensible of every restraint, as 
 they will go near to think their girdles, and garters, to be bonds 
 and shackles. Unmarried men are best friends ; best masters ; 
 best servants ; but not always best subjects ; for they are light 
 to run away ; and almost all fugitives are of that condition. A 
 single life doth well with Churchmen: for charity will hardly 
 water the ground where it must first fill a pool. It is indifferent 
 for judges and magistrates ; for if they be facile, and corrupt, 
 you shall have a servant five times worse than a wife. For 
 soldiers, I find the generals commonly in their hortatives, put 
 men in mind of their wives and children: and I think the 
 despising of mamage, amongst the Turks, maketh the vulgar 
 soldier more base. Certainly, wife and children are a kind of 
 discipline of humanity : and single men, though they be many 
 times more charitable, because their means are less exhaust ; yet, 
 on the other side, they are more cruel, and hard-hearted, (good to 
 make severe inquisitors) because their tenderness is not so oft 
 
 2 
 
1 8 FRANCIS BACON [essay viii. 
 
 called upon. Grave natures, led by custom, and therefore con- 
 stant, are commonly loving husbands ; as was said of Ulysses ; 
 " Vetulani suam prcetulit immortalitati. Chaste women are often 
 proud, and froward, as presuming upon the merit of their chastity. 
 It is one of the best bonds, both of chastity and obedience, in the 
 wife, if she think her husband wise ; which she will never do, 
 if she find him jealous. Wives are young men's mistresses ; 
 companions for middle age ; and old men's nurses. So as a man 
 may have a quarrel to marry, when he will. But yet, he was 
 reputed one of the wise men, that made answer to the question ; 
 When a man should marry ? "A young man not yet, an elder man 
 not at all." It is often seen, that bad husbands have very good 
 wives ; whether it be, that it raiseth the price of their husband's 
 kindness, when it comes ; or that the wives take a pride in their 
 patience. But this never fails, if the bad husbands were of their 
 own choosing, against their friends' consent ; for then, they will 
 be sure to make good their own folly. 
 
IX 
 
 OF ENVY 
 
 THERE be none of the affections which have been noted to 
 fascinate, or bewitch, but love, and envy. They both have 
 vehement wishes ; they frame themselves readily into imagina- 
 tions, and suggestions ; and they come easily into the eye ; 
 especially upon the presence of the objects ; which are the points 
 that conduce to fascination, if any such thing there be. We 
 see likewise, the Scripture calleth envy, an evil eye; and the 
 astrologers call the evil influences of the stars, evil aspects ; so 
 that still, there seemeth to be acknowledged, in the act of envy, 
 an ejaculation, or irradiation of the eye. Nay, some have been so 
 curious, as to note, that the times, when the stroke, or percussion 
 of an envious eye doth most hurt, are when the party envied is 
 beheld in glory, or triumph ; for that sets an edge upon envy ; 
 and besides, at such times, the spirits of the person envied 
 do come forth most into the outward parts, and so meet the 
 blow. 
 
 But leaving these curiosities, (though not unworthy to be 
 thought on, in fit place,) we will handle what persons are apt to 
 envy others ; what persons are most subject to be envied them- 
 selves; and, what is the difference between public, and private 
 envy. 
 
 A man, that hath no virtue in himself, ever envieth virtue in 
 others. For men's minds will either feed upon their own good, 
 or upon others' evil ; and who wanteth the one, will prey upon the 
 other ; and whoso is out of hope to attain to another's virtue, will 
 seek to come at even hand by depressing another's fortune. 
 
 A man that is busy, and inquisitive, is commonly envious : for to 
 know much of other men's matters, cannot be, because all that 
 ado may concern his own estate : therefore it must needs be, 
 that he taketh a kind of play-pleasure, in looking upon the 
 fortunes of others ; neither can he that mindeth but his own 
 business, find much matter for envy. For envy is a gadding 
 passion, and walketh the streets, and doth not keep home ; " Non 
 est curiosus, quin idem sit ?nalevolus." 
 
 Men of noble birth are noted to be envious tow^ards new men, 
 
 19 
 
20 FRANCIS BACON [essay ix. 
 
 when they rise. For the distance is altered ; and it is like a 
 deceit of the eye, that when others come on, they think them- 
 selves go back. 
 
 Deformed persons, and eunuchs, and old men, and bastards, 
 are envious : for he that cannot possibly mend his own case, will 
 do what he can to impair another's ; except these defocts light 
 upon a very brave, and heroical nature ; which thinketh to 
 make his natural wants part of his honour: in that it should 
 be said that an eunuch, or a lame man, did such great matters ; 
 affecting the honour of a miracle ; as it was in Narses the eunuch, 
 and Agesilaus, and Tamberlanes, that were lame men. 
 
 The same is the case of men, that rise after calamities, and 
 misfortunes ; for they are as men fallen out with the times ; and 
 think other men's harms a redemption of their own sufferings. 
 
 They, that desire to excel in too many matters, out of levity, 
 and vainglory, are ever envious ; for they cannot want work ; it 
 being impossible, but many, in some one of those things, should 
 surpass them. Which was the character of Adrian the emperor, 
 that mortally envied poets, and painters, and artificers, in works 
 wherein he had a vein to excel. 
 
 Lastly, near kinsfolk, and fellows in office, and those that 
 have been bred together, are more apt to envy their equals, when 
 they are raised. For it doth upbraid unto them their own 
 fortunes ; and pointeth at them, and cometh oftener into their 
 remembrance, and incurreth likewise more into the note of others : 
 and envy ever redoubleth from speech and fame. Cain's envy was 
 the more vile, and malignant, towards his brother Abel because, 
 when his sacrifice was better accepted, there was nobody to 
 look on. Thus much for those that are apt to envy. 
 
 Concerning those that are more or less subject to envy : first, 
 persons of eminent virtue, when they are advanced, are less 
 envied. For their fortune seemeth but due unto them ; and no 
 man envieth the payment of a debt, but rewards, and liberality 
 rather. Again, envy is ever joined with the comparing of a man's 
 self ; and where there is no comparison, no envy ; and therefore 
 kings are not envied, but by kings. Nevertheless, it is to be 
 noted, that unworthy persons are most envied at their first 
 coming in, and afterwards overcome it better ; whereas contrari- 
 wise, persons of worth, and merit are most envied when their 
 fortune continueth long. For by that time, though their virtue 
 be the same, yet it hath not the same lustre ; for fresh men grow 
 up, that darken it. 
 
 Persons of noble blood, are less envied, in their rising : for it 
 seemeth but right done to their birth. Besides, there seemeth 
 not much added to their fortune ; and envy is as the sunbeams, 
 that beat hotter, upon a bank or steep rising ground than upon 
 a flat. And for the same reason, those that are advanced by 
 
ESSAY IX.] OF ENVY 21 
 
 de^ees, are less envied than those that are advanced suddenly, 
 and per saltvm. 
 
 Those that have joined with their honour, great travels, cares, 
 or perils, are less subject to envy. For men think that they earn 
 their honours hardly, and pity them sometimes ; and pity ever 
 healeth envy : wherefore, you shall observe that the more deep, 
 and sober sort of politic persons, in their greatness, are ever 
 bemoaning themselves, what a life they lead ; chanting a " Quanta 
 patimtir." Not that they feel it so, but only to abate the edge of 
 envy. But this is to be understood of business that is laid upon 
 men, and not such as they call unto themselves. For nothing 
 increaseth envy more, than an unnecessary, and ambitious 
 engrossing of business. And nothing doth extinguish envy more, 
 than for a great person to preserve all other inferior officers, in 
 their full rights, and pre-eminences, of their places. For by that 
 means, there be so many screens between him, and envy. 
 
 Above all, those are most subject to envy, which carry the 
 greatness of their fortunes in an insolent and proud manner: 
 being never well, but while they are showing how great they are, 
 either by outward pomp, or by triumphing over all opposition, or 
 competition ; whereas wise men will rather do sacrifice to envy, 
 in suffering themselves, sometimes of purpose, to be crossed, and 
 overborne in things, that do not much concern them. Notwith- 
 standing, so much is true ; that the carriage of greatness, in a 
 plain and open manner (so it be without arrogancy, and vainglory) 
 doth draw less envy, than if it be in a more crafty, and cunning 
 fashion. For in that course, a man doth but disavow fortune ; 
 and seemeth to be conscious of his own want in worth ; and doth 
 but teach others to envy him. 
 
 Lastly, to conclude this part ; as we said in the beginning, 
 that the act of envy had somewhat in it of witchcraft ; so there is 
 no other cure of envy, but the cure of witchcraft : and that is, to 
 remove the lot (as they call it) and to lay it upon another. For 
 which purpose, the wiser sort of great persons, bring in ever upon 
 the stage somebody, upon whom to derive the envy, that would 
 come upon themselves ; sometimes upon ministers, and sei-vants ; 
 sometimes upon colleagues and associates ; and the like ; and for 
 that turn, there are never wanting some persons of violent and 
 undertaking natures, who so they may have power, and business, 
 will take it at any cost. 
 
 Now to speak of public envy. There is yet some good in 
 public envy ; whereas, in private, there is none. For public envy 
 is as an ostracism, that eclipseth men, when they grow too great. 
 And therefore it is a bridle also to great ones, to keep them 
 within bounds. 
 
 This envy, being in the Latin word invidia, goeth in the 
 modem languages by the name of discontentment : of which we 
 
22 FRANCIS BACON [essay ix. 
 
 shall speak in handling sedition. It is a disease, in a state, like to 
 infection. For as infection, spreadeth upon that which is sound, 
 and tainteth it ; so when envy is gotten once into a state, it 
 traduceth even the best actions thereof, and tumeth them into an 
 ill odour. And therefore, there is little won by intermingling of 
 plausible actions. For that doth argue but a weakness, and fear 
 of envy, which hurteth so much the more, as it is likewise usual in 
 infections ; which if you fear them, you call them upon you. 
 
 This public envy seemeth to beat chiefly upon principal officers, 
 or ministers, rather than upon kings, and estates themselves. But 
 this is a sure rule, that if the envy upon the minister be great, 
 when the cause of it, in him, is small ; or if the envy be general, 
 in a manner, upon all the ministers of an estate ; then the envy 
 (though hidden) is truly upon the state itself. And so much of 
 public envy or discontentment, and the difference thereof from 
 private envy, which was handled in the first place. 
 
 We will add this, in general, touching the affection of envy ; 
 that of all other affections, it is the most importunate and continual. 
 For of other affections there is occasion given but now and then : 
 and therefore, it was well said, " Invidia festos dies non agit." For 
 it is ever working upon some, or other. And it is also noted, that 
 love and envy do make a man pine, which other affections do 
 not ; because they are not so continual. It is also the vilest 
 affection, and the most depraved; for which cause, it is the 
 proper attribute of the devil, who is called ; " the envious man, that 
 soweth tares amongst the wheat by night." As it always cometh 
 to pass, that envy worketh subtly, and in the dark ; and to the 
 prejudice of good things, such as is the wheat. 
 
OF LOVE 
 
 THE stage is more beholding to love, than the life of man. 
 For as to the stage, love is ever matter of comedies, and now 
 and then of tragedies : but in life, it doth much mischief: some- 
 times like a siren ; sometimes like a fury. You may observe, that 
 amongst all the great and worthy persons, (whereof the memory 
 remaineth, either ancient or recent) there is not one, that hath 
 been transported to the mad degree of love : which shows, that 
 great spirits, and great business, do keep out this weak passion. 
 You must except, nevertheless, Marcus Antonius the half- 
 partner of the Empire of Rome; and Appius Claudius the 
 decemvir, and lawgiver: whereof the former was indeed a 
 voluptuous man, and inordinate ; but the latter was an austere, 
 and wise man : and therefore it seems (though rarely) that love 
 can find entrance, not only into an open heart ; but also into a 
 heart well fortified ; if watch be not well kept. It is a poor 
 saying of Epicurus ; " Satis magnuin alter alteri theatrum suvuis : *' 
 as if man, made for the contemplation of heaven, and all noble 
 objects, should do nothing but kneel before a little idol, and 
 make himself subject, though not of the mouth (as beasts are) yet 
 of the eye ; which was given him for higher purposes. It is a 
 strange thing, to note the excess of this passion ; and how it 
 braves the nature, and value of things ; by this, that the speaking 
 in a perpetual hyperbole is comely in nothing, but in love. 
 Neither is it merely in the phrase ; for whereas it hath been well 
 said, that the arch-flatterer, with whom all the petty flatterers 
 have intelligence, is a man's self; certainly, the lover is more. 
 For there was never proud man thought so absurdly well of 
 himself, as the lover doth of the person loved : and therefore, it 
 was well said, that it is impossible to love, and to be wise. 
 Neither doth this weakness appear to others only, and not to 
 the party loved ; but to the loved, most of all : except the love 
 be reciproque. For, it is a true rule, that love is ever rewarded, 
 either with the reciproque, or with an inward, and secret contempt. 
 By how much the more, men ought to beware of this passion, 
 which loseth not only other things, but itseff. As for the other 
 
 2S 
 
24 FRANCIS BACON [essay x. 
 
 losses, the poet's relation doth well figure them; that he that 
 preferred Helena quitted the gifts of Juno, and Pallas. For 
 whosoever esteemeth too much of amorous affection quitteth both 
 riches, and wisdom. This passion hath his floods, in the very 
 times of weakness ; which are, great prosperity ; and great ad- 
 versity ; though this latter hath been less observed. Both which 
 times kindle love, and make it more fervent, and therefore show it 
 to be the child of folly. They do best, who, if they cannot but 
 admit love, yet make it keep quarter : and sever it wholly from 
 their serious affairs, and actions of life : for if it check once with 
 business, it troubleth men's fortunes, and maketh men that they 
 can no ways be true to their own ends. I know not how, but 
 martial men are given to love: I think it is but as they are 
 given to wine ; for perils commonly ask to be paid in pleasures. 
 There is in man's nature a secret inclination, and motion, towards 
 love of others ; which, if it be not spent, upon some one, or a few, 
 doth naturally spread itself, towards many ; and maketh men 
 become humane, and charitable ; as it is seen sometimes in friars. 
 Nuptial love maketh mankind; friendly love perfecteth it; but 
 wanton love corrupteth, and imbaseth it 
 
XI 
 
 OF GREAT PLACE 
 
 MEN in great place are thrice servants : servants of the 
 sovereign or state ; servants of fame ; and servants of 
 business. So as they have no freedom ; neither in their persons ; 
 nor in their actions ; nor in their times. It is a strange desire, 
 to seek power, and to lose liberty ; or to seek power over others, 
 and to lose power over a man's self. The rising unto place is 
 laborious ; and by pains men come to greater pains ; and it is 
 sometimes base ; and by indignities, men come to dignities. The 
 standing is slippery, and the regress is either a downfall, or at least 
 an eclipse, which is a melancholy thing. ** Cum non sis, quifueris, non 
 esse, cur velis vivere." Nay, retire men cannot, when they would ; 
 neither will they, when it were reason : but are impatient of 
 privateness, even in age, and sickness, which require the shadow : 
 Hke old townsmen, that will be still sitting at their street door ; 
 though thereby they offer age to scorn. Certainly great pei*sons 
 had need to borrow other men's opinions, to think themselves 
 happy ; for if they judge by their own feeling, they cannot find 
 it : but if they think with themselves, what other men think of 
 them, and that other men would fain be as they are, then they 
 are happy, as it were by report; when perhaps they find the 
 contrary within. For they are the first, that find their own 
 griefs ; though they be the last, that find their own faults. 
 Certainly, men in great fortunes are strangers to themselves, 
 and, while they are in the puzzle of business, they have no time 
 to tend their health, either of body, or mind. " Illi mors gravis 
 incubai, qui Tiotus nimis omnibus, igiiotus moritur sibi." In place, 
 there is licence to do good, and evil ; whereof the latter is a cui*se ; 
 for in evil, the best condition is, not to will ; the second, not 
 to can. But power to do good is the true and lawful end of 
 aspiring. For good thoughts (though God accept them,) yet 
 towards men, are little better than good dreams ; except they 
 be put in act ; and that cannot be vdthout power, and place ; 
 as the vantage, and commanding ground. Merit, and good works, 
 is the end of man's motion ; and conscience of the same is the 
 accomplishment of man's rest. For if a man can be partaker of 
 
 26 
 
26 FRANCIS BACON [essay xi. 
 
 God's theatre, he shall likewise be partaker of God's rest. " Et con- 
 verstisDeus, tit aspiceret opera , quce fccerunt manus suae, vidit quod omnia 
 essent bona nimis ; " and then the Sabbath. In the discharge of thy 
 place, set before thee the best examples ; for imitation is a globe of 
 precepts. And after a time, set before thee thine own example ; 
 and examine thyself strictly, whether thou didst not best at first. 
 Neglect not also the examples of those, that have carried them- 
 selves ill, in the same place: not to set off thyself, by taxing 
 their memory ; but to direct thyself, what to avoid. Reform 
 therefore, without bravery, or scandal, of former times, and 
 persons ; but yet set it down to thyself, as well to create good 
 precedents, as to follow them. Reduce things to the first institu- 
 tion, and observe, wherein, and how, they have degenerated ; but 
 yet ask counsel of both times; of the ancient times, what 
 is best ; and of the latter time, what is fittest. Seek to make 
 thy course regular ; that men may know beforehand what 
 they may expect : but be not too positive, and peremptory ; and 
 express thyself well, when thou digressest from thy rule. Pre- 
 serve the right of thy place ; but stir not questions of jurisdiction : 
 and rather assume thy right, in silence, and de facto, than voice 
 it, with claims, and challenges. Preserve likewise the rights of 
 inferior places ; and think it more honour to direct in chief, 
 than to be busy in all. Embrace, and invite helps, and advices, 
 touching the execution of thy place ; and do not drive away 
 such as bring thee information, as meddlers ; but accept of them 
 in good part. The vices of authority are chiefly four : delays ; 
 corruption ; roughness ; and facility. For delays ; give easy access ; 
 keep times appointed. Go through with that which is in hand ; and 
 interlace not business, but of necessity. For corruption ; do not 
 only bind thine own hands, or thy servants' hands, from taking; 
 but bind the hands of suitors also from offering. For integrity 
 used doth the one ; but integrity professed, and with a manifest 
 detestation of bribery, doth the other. And avoid not only 
 the fault, but the suspicion. Whosoever is found variable, and 
 changeth manifestly, without manifest cause, giveth suspicion of 
 corruption. Therefore, always, when thou changest thine opinion, 
 or course, profess it plainly, and declare it, together with the reasons, 
 that move thee to change ; and do not think to steal it. A 
 servant, or a favourite, if he be inward, and no other apparent 
 cause of esteem, is commonly thought but a by-way to close 
 corruption. For roughness ; it is a needless cause of dis- 
 content: severity breedeth fear, but roughness breedeth hate. 
 Even reproofs from authority ought to be grave, and not taunting. 
 As for facility ; it is worse than bribery. For bribes come but 
 now and then ; but if importunity, or idle respects lead a man, 
 he shall never be without. As Salomon saith; "To respect 
 persons, is not good ; for such a man will transgress for a piece of 
 
ESSAY XI.] OF GREAT PLACE 27 
 
 bread." It is most true, that was anciently spoken ; " A place 
 showeth the man : " and it showeth some to the better, and some 
 to the worse : " Omnium consensu^ capaa: imperii nisi imperassct ; " 
 saith Tacitus of Galba : but of Vespasian he saith : " Soltu imper- 
 antivm Vespasianus mutatus in melius." Though the one was meant 
 of sufficiency, the other of manners, and affection. It is an assured 
 sign, of a worthy and generous spirit, whom honour amends. For 
 honour is, or should be, the place of virtue: and as in nature, 
 things move violently to their place, and calmly in their place : so 
 virtue in ambition is violent, in authority settled and calm. All 
 rising to great place is by a winding stair : and if there be factions, 
 it is good to side a man's self, whilst he is in the rising; and 
 to balance himself, when he is placed. Use the memory of thy 
 predecessor fairly, and tenderly ; for if thou dost not, it is a debt 
 will sure be paid, when thou art gone. If thou have colleagues, 
 respect them, and rather call them, when they look not for it, 
 than exclude them, when they have reason to look to be called. 
 Be not too sensible, or too remembering, of thy place, in con- 
 versation, and private answers to suitors ; but let it rather be 
 said ; " When he sits in place, he is another man." 
 
XII 
 
 OF BOLDNESS 
 
 IT is a trivial grammar-school text, but yet worthy a wise man's 
 consideration. Question was asked of Demosthenes ; What 
 was the chief part of an orator ? He answered, Action ; what 
 next ? Action ; what next again ? Action. He said it, 
 that knew it best ; and had by nature, himself, no advantage 
 in that he commended, A strange thing, that that part of an 
 orator, which is but superficial, and rather the virtue of a player, 
 should be placed so high, above those other noble parts, of 
 invention, elocution, and the rest : nay almost alone, as if it were 
 all in all. But the reason is plain. There is in human nature, 
 generally, more of the fool than of the wise ; and therefore those 
 faculties, by which the foolish part of men's minds is taken, are 
 most potent. Wonderful like is the case of boldness, in civil 
 business ; what first ? Boldness ; what second, and third ? 
 Boldness. And yet boldness is a child of ignorance, and base- 
 ness, far inferior to other parts. But nevertheless, it doth 
 fascinate, and bind hand and foot, those, that are either shallow 
 in judgment ; or weak in courage, which are the greatest part ; 
 yea, and prevaileth with wise men, at weak times. Therefore, we 
 see it hath done wonders, in popular states ; but with senates 
 and princes less ; and more ever upon the first entrance of bold 
 persons into action, than soon after ; for boldness is an ill keeper 
 of promise. Surely, as there are mountebanks for the natural 
 body : so are there mountebanks for the politic body : men that 
 undertake great cures ; and perhaps have been lucky, in two or 
 three experiments, but want the grounds of science ; and therefore 
 cannot hold out. Nay you shall see a bold fellow, many times, 
 do Mahomet's miracle. Mahomet made the people believe, that 
 he would call an hill to him ; and from the top of it, offer up 
 his prayers, for the observers of his law. The people assembled ; 
 Mahomet called the hill to come to him, again, and again ; and 
 when the hill stood still, he was never a whit abashed, but said ; 
 " If the hill will not come to Mahomet, Mahomet will go to 
 the hill." So these men, when they have promised great matters, 
 and failed most shamefully, (yet if they have the perfection of 
 
 28 
 
ESSAY XII.] OF BOLDNESS 29 
 
 boldness) they will but slight it over, and make a turn, and no 
 more ado. Certainly, to men of great judgment, bold persons 
 are a sport to behold ; nay and to the vulgar also, boldness hath 
 somewhat of the ridiculous. For if absurdity be the subject of 
 laughter, doubt you not but great boldness is seldom without some 
 absurdity. Especially, it is a sport to see, when a bold fellow 
 is out of countenance ; for that puts his face into a most 
 shrunken, and wooden posture ; as needs it must ; for in bash- 
 fulness, the spirits do a little go and come ; but with bold men, 
 upon like occasion, they stand at a stay ; like a stale at chess, 
 where it is no mate, but yet the game cannot stir. But this last 
 were fitter for a satire, than for a serious observation. This is 
 well to be weighed ; that boldness is ever blind : for it seeth not 
 dangers, and inconveniences. Therefore, it is ill in counsel, good 
 in execution : so that the right use of bold persons is, that they 
 never command in chief, but be seconds, and under the direction 
 of others. For in counsel it is good to see dangers ; and in 
 execution, not to see them, except they be very great. 
 
XIII 
 
 OF GOODNESS AND GOODNESS OF NATURE 
 
 I TAKE goodness in this sense, the affecting of the weal of men, 
 which is that the Grecians call phila7ithropia ; and the word 
 humanity (as it is used) is a little too light, to express it. Good- 
 ness I call the habit, and goodness of nature the inclination. This 
 of all virtues, and dignities of the mind, is the greatest ; being the 
 character of the Deity : and without it, man is a busy, mischievous, 
 wretched thing; no better than a kind of vermin. Goodness 
 answers to the theological virtue charity, and admits no excess, 
 but error. The desire of power in excess caused the angels to 
 fall ; the desire of knowledge in excess, caused man to fall ; but 
 in charity there is no excess ; neither can angel, or man, come in 
 danger by it. The inclination to goodness is imprinted deeply in 
 the nature of man : insomuch, that if it issue not towards men, 
 it will take unto other living creatures : as it is seen in the Turks, 
 a cruel people, who, nevertheless, are kind to beasts, and give 
 alms to dogs, and birds : insomuch, as Busbechius report eth, a 
 Christian boy in Constantinople had like to have been stoned for 
 gagging, in a waggishness, a long-billed fowl. Errors, indeed, in 
 this virtue of goodness, or charity, may be committed. The 
 Italians have an ungracious proverb ; " Tanto huon che val niente : " 
 " So good, that he is good for nothing." And one of the doctors of 
 Italy, Nicholas Macciavel, had the confidence to put in writing, 
 almost in plain terms : " that the Christian faith had given up 
 good men, in prey, to those that are tyrannical, and unjust." 
 Which he spake, because indeed there was never law, or sect, or 
 opinion, did so much magnify goodness, as the Christian religion 
 doth. Therefore to avoid the scandal, and the danger both, it is 
 good to take knowledge of the eiTors of a habit so excellent. 
 Seek the good of other men, but be not in bondage to their faces, 
 or fancies ; for that is but facility, or softness ; which taketh an 
 honest mind prisoner. Neither give thou iEsop's cock a gem, who 
 would be better pleased, and happier, if he had had a barley-corn. 
 The example of God teach eth the lesson truly : " He sendeth His 
 rain, and maketh His sun to shine, upon the just, and unjust ; " 
 but He doth not rain wealth, nor shine honour, and virtues, upon 
 
 30 
 
ESSAY XIII.] GOODNESS OF NATURE 31 
 
 men equally. Common benefits are to be communicate with all ; 
 but peculiar benefits, with choice. And beware, how, in making 
 the portraiture, thou breakest the pattern : for divinity maketh 
 the love of ourselves the pattern ; the love of our neighbours but 
 the portraiture. " Sell all thou hast, and give it to the poor, and 
 follow Me : " but sell not all thou hast, except thou come, and 
 follow Me ; that is, except thou have a vocation, wherein thou 
 mayest do as much good, with little means, as with great : for other- 
 wise, in feeding the streams, thou driest the fountain. Neither is 
 there only a habit of goodness, directed by right reason ; but there 
 is, in some men, even in nature, a disposition towards it : as, on 
 the other side, there is a natural malignity. For there be, that in 
 their nature do not affect the good of others. The lighter sort of 
 malignity tumeth but to a crossness, or frowardness, or aptness to 
 oppose, or difficilness, or the like ; but the deeper sort, to envy, 
 and mere mischief. Such men, in other men's calamities, are, as it 
 were, in season, and are ever on the loading part ; not so good as 
 the dogs, that licked Lazarus' sores ; but like flies, that are still 
 buzzing, upon anything that is raw ; misanthropes, that make it 
 their practice to bring men to the bough ; and yet have never a 
 tree, for the purpose, in their gardens, as Timon had. Such dis- 
 positions are the very eiTors of human nature : and yet they are 
 the fittest timber to make great politiques of: like to knee- 
 timber, that is good for ships, that are ordained to be tossed ; 
 but not for building houses, that shall stand firm. The parts and 
 signs of goodness are many. If a man be gracious, and courteous 
 to strangers, it shows he is a citizen of the world ; and that his 
 heart is no island, cut off from other lands ; but a continent, that 
 joins to them. If he be compassionate, towards the afflictions of 
 others, it shows that his heart is like the noble tree, that is 
 wounded itself when it gives the balm. If he easily pardons and 
 remits offences, it shows, that his mind is planted above injuries, 
 so that he cannot be shot. If he be thankful for small benefits, it 
 shows, that he weighs men's minds, and not their trash. But 
 above all, if he have St. Paul's perfection, that he would wish to be 
 an anathema from Christ, for the salvation of his brethren, it shows 
 much of a divine nature, and a kind of conformity with Christ 
 Himself. 
 
XIV 
 
 OF NOBILITY 
 
 WE will speak of nobility, first as a portion of an estate ; then as 
 a condition of particular persons. A monarchy, where there 
 is no nobility at all, is ever a pure, and absolute tyranny ; as that 
 of the Turks. For nobility attempers sovereignty, and draws the 
 eyes of the people somewhat aside from the line royal. But for 
 democracies, they need it not ; and they are commonly more 
 quiet, and less subject to sedition, than where there are stirps of 
 nobles. For men's eyes are upon the business, and not upon the 
 persons : or if upon the persons, it is for the business' sake, as 
 fittest, and not for flags and pedigree. We see the Switzers last 
 well, notwithstanding their diversity of religion, and of cantons. 
 For utility is their bond, and not respects. The united provinces 
 of the Low Countries, in their government, excel : for where there 
 is an equality, the consultations are more indifferent, and the pay- 
 ments and tributes more cheerful. A great and potent nobility 
 addeth majesty to a monarch, but diminisheth power ; and putteth 
 life and spirit into the people, but presseth their fortune. It is 
 well, when nobles are not too great for sovereignty, nor for justice ; 
 and yet maintained in that height, as the insolence of inferiors 
 may be broken upon them, before it come on too fast upon the 
 majesty of kings. A numerous nobility causeth poverty, and 
 inconvenience in a state : for it is a surcharge of expense ; and 
 besides, it being of necessity that many of the nobility fall in 
 time to be weak in fortune, it maketh a kind of disproportion, 
 between honour and means. 
 
 As for nobility in particular persons ; it is a reverend thing to 
 see an ancient castle, or building not in decay ; or to see a fair 
 timber tree, sound and perfect : how much more, to behold an 
 ancient noble family, which hath stood against the waves and 
 weathers of time. For new nobility is but the act of power ; but 
 ancient nobility is the act of time. Those that are first raised to 
 nobility are commonly more virtuous, but less innocent, than their 
 descendants : for there is, rarely, any rising, but by a commixture 
 of good and evil arts. But it is reason the memory of their 
 virtues remain to their posterity ; and their faults die with them- 
 
ESSAY XIV.] OF NOBILITY 33 
 
 selves. Nobility of birth commonly abateth industry: and he 
 that is not industrious envieth him that is. Besides, noble 
 persons cannot go much higher ; and he that standeth at a stay, 
 when others rise, can hardly avoid motions of envy. On the other 
 side, nobility extinguisheth the passive envy from others towards 
 them ; because they are in possession of honour. Certainly kmgs^ 
 that have able men of their nobility, shall find ease in employing 
 them ; and a better slide into their business : for people naturally 
 bend to them, as bom in some sort to command. 
 
XV 
 
 OF SEDITIONS AND TROUBLES 
 
 SHEPHERDS of people had need know the calendars of 
 tempests in state ; which are commonly greatest when 
 things grow to equality; as natural tempests are greatest about 
 the ^quinoctia. And as there are certain hollow blasts of wind, 
 and secret swellings of seas, before a tempest, so are there in 
 states : 
 
 * ' lUe etiam cacos instare tumultus 
 
 Seepe monet, fraudesque, et operta tumescere bdla.^^ 
 
 Libels, and licentious discourses against the state, when they 
 are frequent and open ; and in like sort, false news, often running 
 up and down, to the disadvantage of the state, and hastily embraced ; 
 are amongst the signs of troubles. Virgil, giving the pedigree of 
 Fame, saith she was sister to the giants. 
 
 ^^ lUam terra parens ira irriiata dear urn ^ 
 Extremam {ut perhibent) cao enceladoque sororem 
 Progenuit." 
 
 As if fames were the relics of seditions past ; but they are 
 no less, indeed, the preludes of seditions to come. Howsoever, 
 he noteth it right, that seditious tumults, and seditious fames, 
 differ no more but as brother and sister, masculine and feminine ; 
 especially, if it come to that, that the best actions of a state, and 
 the most plausible, and which ought to give greatest contentment, 
 are taken in ill sense, and traduced : for that shows the envy great, 
 as Tacitus saith ; " Conjiata magna invidia, seu bene, sen male, gestapre- 
 munt." Neither doth it follow, that because these fames are a sign 
 of troubles, that the suppressing of them, with too much severity, 
 should be a remedy of troubles. For the despising of them, many 
 times, checks them best ; and the going about to stop them, doth 
 but make a wonder long-lived. Also that kind of obedience, 
 which Tacitus speaketh of, is to be held suspected ; " Erant in 
 officio, sed tamen qui mallent mandata impera7itium interpretari, qudm 
 exequi;" disputing, excusing, cavilling upon mandates and direc- 
 tions, is a kind of shaking off the yoke, and assay of disobedience : 
 especially, if in those disputings, they, which are for the direction, 
 
 84 
 
ESSAY XV.] OF SEDITIONS AND TROUBLES 35 
 
 speak fearfully, and tenderly ; and those that are against it, 
 audaciously. 
 
 Also, as Macciavel noteth well, when princes, that ought to 
 be common parents, make themselves as a party, and lean to a 
 side, it is as a boat that is overthrown, by uneven weight, on the 
 one side ; as was well seen, in the time of Henry the Third 
 of France : for first, himself entered league for the extirpation of 
 the Protestants ; and presently after, the same league was turned 
 upon himself. For when the authority of princes is made but an 
 accessary to a cause ; and that there be other bands, that tie 
 faster than the band of sovereignty, kings begin to be put almost 
 out of possession. 
 
 Also, when discords, and quarrels, and factions, are earned 
 openly, and audaciously ; it is a sign the reverence of government 
 is lost. For the motions of the greatest persons, in a government, 
 ought to be as the motions of the planets, under primum mobile ; 
 (according to the old opinion :) which is, that every of them is 
 carried swiftly, by the highest motion, and softly in their own 
 motion. And therefore, when great ones, in their own particular 
 motion, move violently, and, as Tacitus expresseth it well, " Liberiiis, 
 qudm id imperantiuin meminissent ; " it is a sign the orbs are out of 
 frame. For reverence is that wherewith princes are girt from 
 God ; who threateneth the dissolving thereof ; ^' Solvam cingula 
 I'egum." 
 
 So when any of the four pillars of government are mainly 
 shaken, or weakened (which are religion, justice, counsel, and 
 treasure,) men had need to pray for fair weather. But let us 
 pass from this part of predictions, (concerning which, nevertheless, 
 more light may be taken, from that which followeth ;) and let us 
 speak first of the materials of seditions ; then of the motives of 
 them ; and thirdly of the remedies. 
 
 Concerning the materials of seditions. It is a thing well to be 
 considered : for the surest way to prevent seditions, (if the times 
 do bear it,) is to take away the matter of them. For if there 
 be fuel prepared, it is hard to tell whence the spark shall come, 
 that shall set it on fire. The matter of seditions is of two kinds ; 
 much poverty, and much discontentment. It is certain, so many 
 overthrown estates, so many votes for troubles. Lucan noteth well 
 the state of Rome, before the Civil War. 
 
 ^^ Hinc usura vorax, rapidumque in tempore fttnui^ 
 Hinc concuss a Jides, et mult is utile helium." 
 
 This same multis utile bellunij is an assured and infallible sign 
 of a state disposed to seditions, and troubles. And if this poverty, 
 and broken estate, in the better sort, be joined with a want and 
 necessity, in the mean people, the danger is imminent, and great. 
 For the rebellions of the belly are the worst. As for discontent- 
 
36 FRANCIS BACON [essay xv. 
 
 ments, they are in the politic body, like to humours in the natural, 
 which are apt to gather a preternatural heat, and to inflame. 
 And let no prince measure the danger of them, by this ; whether 
 they be just or unjust ? For that were to imagine people to be 
 too reasonable ; who do often spurn at their own good : nor yet 
 by this ; whether the griefs, whereupon they rise, be in fact, 
 great or small : for they are the most dangerous discontentments, 
 where the fear is greater than the feeling. " Dolefidi modus, 
 timendi iion item." Besides, in great oppressions, the same 
 things that provoke the patience, do withal mate the courage : 
 but in fears it is not so. Neither let any prince, or state, be 
 secui'e concerning discontentments, because they have been often, 
 or have been long and yet no peril hath ensued ; for as it is true, 
 that eveiy vapour, or fume, doth not turn into a storm; so it 
 is, nevertheless, true, that storms, though they blow over divers 
 times, yet may fall at last ; and as the Spanish proverb noteth 
 well ; " The cord breaketh at the last by the weakest pull." 
 
 The causes and motives of seditions are ; innovation in religion ; 
 taxes ; alteration of laws and customs, breaking of privileges ; 
 general oppression ; advancement of unworthy persons ; strangers ; 
 dearths ; disbanded soldiers ; factions grown desperate ; and 
 whatsoever in offending people joineth and knitteth them in a 
 common cause. 
 
 For the remedies ; there may be some general preservatives, 
 whereof we will speak ; as for the just cure, it must answer to 
 the particular disease : and so be left to counsel, rather than 
 rule. 
 
 The first remedy or prevention is to remove, by all means 
 possible, that material cause of sedition, whereof we spoke ; 
 which is want and poverty in the estate. To which purpose, 
 serveth the opening, and well-balancing of trade ; the cherishing 
 of manufactures ; the banishing of idleness ; the repressing of 
 waste and excess by sumptuary laws ; the improvement and 
 husbanding of the soil ; the regulating of prices of things vendible ; 
 the moderating of taxes and tributes ; and the like. Generally, 
 it is to be foreseen, that the population of a kingdom, (especially 
 if it be not mown down by wars) do not exceed the stock of the 
 kingdom, which should maintain them. Neither is the population 
 to be reckoned only by number : for a smaller number, that spend 
 more, and earn less, do wear out an estate sooner than a greater 
 number, that live lower, and gather more. Therefore the multi- 
 plying of nobility, and other degrees of quality, in an over pro- 
 portion to the common people, doth speedily bring a state to 
 necessity : and so doth likewise an overgrown clergy ; for they 
 bring nothing to the stock ; and in like manner, when more are 
 bred scholars than preferments can take off. 
 
 It is likewise to be remembered, that forasmuch as the 
 
ESSAY XV.] OF SEDITIONS AND TROUBLES 37 
 
 increase of any estate must be upon the foreigner, (for whatso- 
 ever is somewhere gotten, is somewhere lost) there be but three 
 things which one nation selleth unto another ; the commodity as 
 nature yieldeth it ; the manufacture ; and the vecture or carriage. 
 So that if these three wheels go, wealth will flow as in a spring 
 tide. And it cometh many times to pass, that " matcriam super- 
 ohit opus;" that the work, and carriage, is more worth than 
 the material, and enricheth a state more ; as is notably seen 
 in the Low Countrymen, who have the best mines, above ground, 
 in the world. 
 
 Above all things, good policy is to be used that the treasure 
 and moneys, in a state, be not gathered into few hands. For 
 otherwise, a state may have a great stock, and yet starve. And 
 money is like muck, not good except it be spread. This is done, 
 chiefly, by suppressing, or at the least, keeping a strait hand, upon 
 the devouring trades of usury, engrossing, great pasturages, and 
 the like. 
 
 For removing discontentments, or at least, the danger of them ; 
 there is in every state (as we know) two portions of subjects ; the 
 noblesse, and the commonalty. When one of these is discontent, 
 the danger is not great ; for common people are of slow motion, 
 if they be not excited by the greater sort ; and the greater sort are 
 of small strength, except the multitude be apt and ready to move 
 of themselves. Then is the danger, when the greater sort do but 
 wait for the troubling of the watei-s amongst the meaner, that then 
 they may declare themselves. The poets feign, that the rest of 
 the gods would have bound Jupiter ; w hich he hearing of, by the 
 counsel of Pallas, sent for Briareus, with his hundred hands, to come 
 in to his aid. An emblem, no doubt, to show, how safe it is for 
 monarchs to make sure of the goodwill of common people. 
 
 To give moderate liberty for griefs, and discontentments to 
 evaporate, (so it be without too great insolence or bravery) is a safe 
 way. For he that tumeth the humours back, and maketh the 
 wound bleed inwards, endangereth malign ulcers, and pernicious 
 impostumations. 
 
 The part of Epimetheus, might well become Prometheus, in 
 the case of discontentments ; for there is not a better provision 
 against them. Epimetheus, when griefs and evils flew abroad, at 
 last shut the lid, and kept hope in the bottom of the vessel. 
 Certainly, the politic and artificial nourishing, and entertain- 
 ing of hopes, and carrying men from hopes to hopes; is one 
 of the best antidotes against the poison of discontentments. 
 And it is a cei*tain sign of a wise government, and proceeding, 
 when it can hold men's hearts by hopes, when it cannot by 
 satisfaction : and when it can handle things in such manner as 
 no evil shall appear so peremptory but that it hath some outlet 
 of hope : which is the less hard to do, because both particular 
 
38 FRANCIS BACON [essay xv. 
 
 persons, and factions, are apt enough to flatter themselves, or at 
 least to brave, that which they believe not. 
 
 Also, the foresight, and prevention, that there be no likely or 
 fit head, whereunto discontented persons may resort, and under 
 whom they may join, is a known, but an excellent point of caution. 
 I understand a fit head, to be one that hath greatness, and reputa- 
 tion ; that hath confidence with the discontented party ; and upon 
 whom they turn their eyes ; and that is thought discontented in 
 his own particular ; which kind of persons are either to be won, 
 and reconciled to the state, and that in a fast and true manner ; 
 or to be fronted with some other of the same party, that may 
 oppose them, and so divide the reputation. Generally, the dividing 
 and breaking of all factions, and combinations that are adverse to 
 the state, and setting them at distance, or at least distrust amongst 
 themselves, is not one of the worst remedies. For it is a desperate 
 case if those, that hold with the proceeding of the state, be full 
 of discord and faction ; and those that are against it, be entire and 
 united. 
 
 I have noted, that some witty and sharp speeches, which have 
 fallen from princes, have given fire to seditions. Caesar did 
 himself infinite hurt, in that speech ; " Sylla nescivit literas, non 
 potuit dictare : " for it did, utterly, cut off" that hope, which men 
 had entertained, that he would, at one time or other, give over 
 his dictatorship. Galba undid himself, by that speech ; " Legi a 
 se milUeiny non emi : " for it put the soldiers out of hope of the 
 donative. Probus likewise, by that speech : " Si vixero, non opus erit 
 amplius Romano imperio militibus." A speech of great despair, for 
 the soldiers : and many the like. Surely, princes had need, in 
 tender matters, and ticklish times, to beware what they say ; 
 especially in these short speeches, which fly abroad like darts, and 
 are thought to be shot out of their secret intentions. For as for 
 large discourses, they are flat things, and not so much noted. 
 
 Lastly, let princes, against all events, not be without some 
 great person, one, or rather more, of military valour near unto 
 them, for the repressing of seditions, in their beginnings. For 
 without that, there useth to be more trepidation in court, upon 
 the first breaking out of troubles, than were fit. And the state 
 runneth the danger of that, which Tacitus saith ; " Atque is 
 habitus anirnorum fuit, ut pessimum facinus auderent pauci plures 
 vellent, omnes paterentur." But let such military persons be assured, 
 and well reputed of, rather than factious, and popular; holding 
 also good correspondence with the other great men in the state ; 
 or else the remedy is worse than the disease. 
 
XVI 
 
 OF ATHEISM 
 
 I HAD rather believe all the fables in the Legend, and the 
 Talmud, and the Alcoran, than that this universal frame is 
 without a mind. And therefore, God never wrought miracle to 
 convince atheism, because His ordinary works convince it. It is 
 true, that a little philosophy inclineth man's mind to atheism ; but 
 depth in philosophy bringeth men's minds about to religion : for 
 while the mind of man looketh upon second causes scattered, 
 it may sometimes rest in them, and go no further ; but when it 
 beholdeth the chain of them, confederate and linked together, it 
 must needs fly to Providence, and Deity. Nay even that school, 
 which is most accused of atheism, doth most demonstrate religion ; 
 that is, the school of Leucippus, and Democritus, and Epicurus. 
 For it is a thousand times more credible, that four mutable ele- 
 ments, and one immutable fifth essence, duly and eternally placed, 
 need no God ; than that an army, of infinite small portions, or 
 seeds unplaced, should have produced this order, and beauty, 
 without a divine marshal. The Scripture saith ; " The fool hath 
 said in his heart. There is no God : " it is not said ; " The fool hath 
 thought in his heart : " so as, he rather saith it by rote to himself, 
 as that he would have, than that he can thoroughly believe it, or 
 be persuaded of it. For none deny there is a God but those for 
 whom it maketh that there were no God. It appeareth in nothing 
 more that atheism is rather in the lip, than in the heart of man, 
 than by this ; that atheists will ever be talking of that their 
 opinion, as if they fainted in it, within themselves, and would be 
 glad to be strengthened, by the consent of others : nay more, you 
 shall have atheists strive to get disciples, as it fareth with other 
 sects : and, which is most of all, you shall have of them, that will 
 suffer for atheism and not recant ; whereas, if they did truly think, 
 that there were no such thing as God, why should they trouble 
 themselves r Epicurus is charged, that he did but dissemble, for 
 his credit's sake, when he affirmed ; there were blessed natures, 
 but such as enjoyed themselves, without having respect to the 
 government of the world. Wherein, they say, he did temporise ; 
 though in secret, he thought there was no God. But certainly, 
 he is traduced ; for his words are noble and divine : " Non deos 
 
40 FRANCIS BACON [essay xvi. 
 
 rnlgi negare profannm ; sed vulgi opmiones diis appUcare profanum." 
 Plato could have said no more. And although he had the con- 
 fidence to deny the administration, he had not the power to deny 
 the nature. The Indians of the West have names for their 
 particular gods, though they have no name for God : as if the 
 heathens should have had the names Jupiter, Apollo, Mars, etc. 
 But not the word T>eus : which shows, that even those barbarous 
 people have the notion, though they have not the latitude, and 
 extent of it. So that against atheists, the very savages take part 
 ■with the very subtlest philosophers. The contemplative atheist 
 is rare ; a Diagoras, a Bion, a Lucian perhaps, and some others ; 
 and yet they seem to be more than they are ; for that, all that 
 impugn a received religion, or superstition, are, by the adverse 
 part, branded with the name of atheists. But the great atheists, 
 indeed, are hypocrites ; which are ever handling holy things, but 
 without feeling. So as they must needs be cauterised in the end. 
 The causes of atheism are ; divisions in religion, if they be many ; 
 for any one main division addeth zeal to both sides ; but many 
 divisions introduce atheism. Another is, scandal of priests ; 
 when it is come to that which St. Bernard saith ; " is on est jam 
 dicere, ut popultis, sic sacerdos : quia nee sic populus, ut sacerdos," A 
 third is, custom of profane scoffing in holy matters ; which doth, 
 by little and little, deface the reverence of religion. And lastly, 
 learned times, specially with peace, and prosperity : for troubles 
 and adversities do more bow men's minds to religion. They that 
 deny a God, destroy man's nobility : for certainly, man is of kin to 
 the beasts, by his body ; and if he be not of kin to God, by his 
 spirit, he is a base and ignoble creature. It destroys likewise mag- 
 nanimity, and the raising of human nature : for take an example 
 of a dog ; and mark what a generosity, and courage he will put on, 
 when he finds himself maintained by a man ; who to him is instead 
 of a God, or melior natura : which courage is manifestly such, as 
 that creature, without that confidence of a better nature than his 
 own, could never attain. So man, when he resteth and assureth 
 himself upon divine protection, and favour, gathereth a force and 
 faith ; which human nature, in itself, could not obtain. Therefore, 
 as atheism is in all respects hateful, so in this, that it depriveth 
 human nature of the means to exalt itself above human frailty. 
 As it is in particular persons, so it is in nations : never was there 
 such a state, for magnanimity, as Rome : of this state hear what 
 Cicero saith ; " Quam volumus, licet, patres conscnpti, nos amemus, 
 tamen nee mimero Hispanos, nee robore Gallos, nee eallidiiate Pcenos, 
 nee artibus Grceeos, nee denique hoc ipso hujus genfis et terrce 
 domestieo nativoque sensii Italos ipsos et Latinos; sed pietate, ac 
 religione, atque hdc und sapientid, quod deorum immortalium numine, 
 omnia regi, gubernarique perspeximus, omnes gentes nationesque super- 
 avimus." 
 
XVII 
 
 OF SUPERSTITION 
 
 T T were better to have no opinion of God at all, than such an 
 -^ opinion as is unworthy of Him : for the one is unbelief, the 
 other is contumely : and certainly superstition is the reproach of 
 tlie Deity. Plutarch saith well to that purpose : " Surely," saith 
 he, " I had rather, a great deal, men should say, there was no such 
 man, at all, as Plutarch ; than that they should say, that there was 
 one Plutarch, that would eat his children, as soon as they were 
 bom, as the poets speak of Satume." And, as the contumely 
 is greater towards God, so the danger is greater towards men. 
 Atheism leaves a man to sense ; to philosophy ; to natural piety ; 
 to laws ; to reputation ; all which may be guides to an outward 
 moral virtue, though religion were not ; but superstition dismounts 
 all these, and erecteth an absolute monarchy, in the minds of men. 
 Therefore atheism did never perturb states ; for it makes men wary 
 of themselves, as looking no further: and we see the times in- 
 clined to atheism (as the time of Augustus Caesar) were civil times. 
 But superstition hath been the confusion of many states ; and 
 bringeth in a new primum mobile, that ravisheth all the spheres 
 of government. The master of superstition is the people ; and in 
 all superstition, wise men follow fools ; and arguments are fitted to 
 practice, in a reversed order. It was gravely said, by some of the 
 prelates, in the Council of Trent, where the doctrine of the school- 
 men bore great sway ; " that the schoolmen were like astronomers, 
 which did feign eccentrics and epicycles, and such engines of orbs, 
 to save the phenomena ; though they knew there were no such 
 things : " and, in like manner, that the schoolmen, had framed a 
 number of subtle and intricate axioms, and theorems, to save the 
 practice of the Church. The causes of superstition are : pleasing 
 and sensual rites and ceremonies: excess of outward and 
 Pharisaical holiness ; over-great reverence of traditions, which 
 cannot but load the Church ; the stratagems of prelates for their 
 own ambition and lucre : the favouring too much of good inten- 
 tions, which openeth the gate to conceits and novelties ; the 
 taking an aim at divine matters by human, which cannot but breed 
 mixture of imaginations ; and lastly, barbarous times, especially 
 
 41 
 
42 FRANCIS BACON [essay xvii. 
 
 joined with calamities and disasters. Superstition, without a veil, 
 is a deformed thing ; for, as it addeth defoi*mity to an ape to be 
 so like a man ; so the similitude of superstition to religion makes 
 it the more deformed. And as wholesome meat corrupteth to 
 little worms ; so good forms and orders corrupt into a number ot 
 petty obsei*vances. There is a superstition in avoiding supersti- 
 tion ; when men think to do best, if they go furthest from the 
 superstition formerly received : therefore, care would be had, that, 
 (as it fareth in ill-purgings) the good be not taken away with the 
 bad ; which commonly is done, when the people is the reformer. 
 
XVIII 
 
 OF TRAVEL 
 
 TRAVEL, in the younger sort, is a part of education ; in 
 the elder, a part of experience. He that travelleth into a 
 country, before he hath some entrance into the language, goeth to 
 school, and not to travel. That young men travel under some 
 tutor, or grave servant, I allow well ; so that he be such a one 
 that hath the language, and hath been in the country before; 
 whereby he may be able to tell them what things are worthy to 
 be seen in the country where they go ; what acquaintances they 
 are to seek ; what exercises or discipline the place yieldeth. For 
 else young men shall go hooded, and look abroad little. It is a 
 strange thing, that in sea-voyages, where there is nothing to be 
 seen but sky and sea, men should make diaries ; but in land- 
 travel, wherein so much is to be observed, for the most part 
 they omit it ; as if chance were fitter to be registered than 
 observation. Let diaries, therefore, be brought in use. The 
 things to be seen and observed are : the courts of princes, specially 
 when they give audience to ambassadors : the courts of justice, 
 while they sit and hear causes ; and so of consistories ecclesiastic : 
 the churches, and monasteries, with the monuments which are 
 therein extant : the walls and fortifications of cities and towns ; 
 and so the havens and harbours : antiquities, and ruins : libraries ; 
 colleges, disputations, and lectures, where any are : shipping and 
 navies : houses, and gardens of state, and pleasure, near great 
 cities : armories : arsenals : magazines : exchanges : burses ; ware- 
 houses : exercises of horsemanship ; fencing ; training of soldiers ; 
 and the like : comedies ; such whereunto the better sort of persons 
 do resort ; treasuries of jewels, and robes ; cabinets, and rarities : 
 and to conclude, whatsoever is memorable in the places where 
 they go. After all which, the tutors or servants ought to make 
 diligent inquiry. As for triumphs ; masks ; feasts ; weddings ; 
 funerals ; capital executions ; and such shows ; men need not to be 
 put in mind of them ; yet are they not to be neglected. If you 
 will have a young man to put his travel into a little room, 
 and in short time to gather much, this you must do. First, as 
 was said, he must have some entrance into the language, before 
 
 43 
 
44 FRANCIS BACON [essay xviii. 
 
 he goeth. Then he must have such a servant, or tutor, as knoweth 
 the country, as was hkewise said. Let him cany with him also 
 some card or book describing the country where he travelleth ; 
 which will be a good key to his inquiry. Let him keep also a 
 diary. Let him not stay long in one city, or town ; more or less 
 as the place deserveth, but not long : nay, when he stayeth in 
 one city or town, let him change his lodging, from one end and 
 part of the town to another ; which is a great adamant of acquaint- 
 ance. Let him sequester himself from the company of his country- 
 men, and diet in such places where there is good company of the 
 nation where he travelleth. Let him upon his removes, from one 
 place to another, procure recommendation to some person of 
 quality residing in the place whither he removeth ; that he 
 may use his favour in those things he desireth to see or know. 
 Thus he may abridge his travel, with much profit. As for the 
 acquaintance which is to be sought in travel ; that which is 
 most of all profitable is acquaintance with the secretaries, and 
 employed men of ambassadors ; for so in travelling in one country 
 he shall suck the experience of many. Let him also see and visit 
 eminent persons, in all kinds, which are of great name abroad ; 
 that he may be able to tell, how the life agreeth with the fame. 
 For quarrels, they are with care and discretion to be avoided : they 
 are, commonly, for mistresses ; healths ; place ; and words. And 
 let a man beware, how he keepeth company with choleric and 
 quarrelsome persons ; for they will engage him into their own 
 quarrels. When a traveller retumeth home, let him not leave the 
 countries, where he hath travelled, altogether behind him; but 
 maintain a correspondence, by letters, with those of his acquaint- 
 ance which are of most worth. And let his travel appear rather 
 in his discourse, than in his apparel, or gesture : and in his dis- 
 course, let him be rather advised in his answers, than forward 
 to tell stories : and let it appear, that he doth not change his 
 country manners, for those of foreign parts ; but only prick in 
 some flowers, of that he hath learned abroad, into the customs of 
 his own country. 
 
XIX 
 
 OF EMPIRE 
 
 IT is a miserable state of mind, to have few things to desire, and 
 many things to fear : and yet that commonly is the case of 
 kings ; who, being at the highest, want matter of desu*e, which 
 makes their minds more languishing ; and have many representa- 
 tions of perils and shadows, which make their minds the less 
 clear. And this is one reason also of that effect which the Scrip- 
 ture speaketh of; "that the king's heart is inscrutable." For 
 multitude of jealousies, and lack of some predominant desire, that 
 should marshal and put in order all the rest, maketh any man's 
 heart hard to find, or sound. Hence it comes likewise, that 
 princes, many times, make themselves desires, and set their hearts 
 upon toys : sometimes upon a building ; sometimes upon erecting 
 of an order ; sometimes upon the advancing of a pereon ; some- 
 times upon obtaining excellency in some art, or feat of the hand ; 
 as Nero for playing on the harp, Domitian for cei*tainty of the 
 hand with the arrow, Commodus for playing at fence, Caracalla 
 for driving chariots, and the Hke. This seemeth incredible unto 
 those that know not the principle ; " That the mind of man is 
 more cheered, and refreshed, by profiting in small things, than by 
 standing at a stay in great." We see also that kings, that have 
 been fortunate conquerors in their first years ; it being not possible 
 for them to go forward infinitely, but that they must have some 
 check or arrest in their fortunes ; turn, in their latter years, to 
 be superstitious and melancholy : as did Alexander the Great ; 
 Dioclesian ; and in our memory, Charles the Fifth ; and others : 
 for he that is used to go forward, and findeth a stop, falleth out 
 of his own favour, and is not the thing he was. 
 
 To speak now of the true temper of empire : it is a thing 
 rare, and hard to keep : for both temper and distemper consist of 
 contraries. But it is one thing to mingle contraries, another to 
 interchange them. The answer of Apollonius to Vespasian is full 
 of excellent instruction ; Vespasian asked him ; " What was Nero's 
 overthrow ? " He answered ; " Nero could touch and tune the harp 
 well ; but in government, sometimes he used to wind the pins too 
 high, sometimes to let them down too low." And certain it is. 
 
46 FRANCIS BACON [essay xix. 
 
 that nothing destroyeth authority so much as the unequal and 
 untimely interchange of power pressed too far, and relaxed too 
 much. 
 
 This is true ; that the wisdom of all these latter times in 
 princes' affairs is rather fine deliveries, and shiftings of dangers 
 and mischiefs, when they are near; than solid and grounded 
 courses to keep them aloof. But this is but to try masteries with 
 fortune : and let men beware, how they neglect, and suffer matter 
 of trouble to be prepared : for no man can forbid the spark, nor 
 tell whence it may come. The difficulties in princes' business are 
 many and great ; but the greatest difficulty is often in their own 
 mind. For it is common with princes, (saith Tacitus) to will 
 contradictories. " Sunt plerumque regum voluntates vekementes, et 
 inter se contrarice." For it is the solecism of power, to think to 
 command the end, and yet not to endure the mean. 
 
 Kings have to deal with their neighbours ; their wives ; their 
 children; their prelates or clergy; their nobles; their second 
 nobles or gentlemen ; their merchants ; their commons ; and their 
 men of war ; and from all these arise dangers, if care and circum- 
 spection be not used. 
 
 First for their neighbours ; there can no general rule be given, 
 (the occasions are so variable,) save one ; which ever holdeth ; 
 which is, that princes do keep due sentinel, that none of their 
 neighbours do overgrow so, (by increase of territory, by embracing 
 of trade, by approaches, or the like) as they become more able to 
 annoy them than they were. And this is, generally, the work 
 of standing counsels to foresee, and to hinder it. During that 
 triumvirate of kings. King Henry the Eighth of England, Francis 
 the First, King of France, and Charles the Fifth, Emperor, there 
 was such a watch kept, that none of the three could win a palm of 
 ground, but the other two would straightways balance it, either 
 by confederation, or, if need were, by a war : and would not, in 
 anywise, take up peace at interest. And the like was done by that 
 league (which, Guicciardine saith, was the security of Italy) made 
 between Ferdinando King of Naples ; Lorenzius Medices, and 
 Ludovicus Sforza, potentates, the one of Florence, the other of 
 Millaine. Neither is the opinion, of some of the schoolmen, to be 
 received ; "that a war cannot justly be made, but upon a precedent 
 injury or provocation." For there is no question, but a just fear 
 of an imminent danger, though there be no blow given, is a lawful 
 cause of a war. 
 
 For their wives ; there are cruel examples of them. Livia is 
 infamed for the poisoning of her husband : Roxolana, Solyman's 
 wife, was the destruction, of that renowned prince, Sultan 
 Mustapha ; and otherwise troubled his house, and succession : 
 Edward the Second of England, his queen, had the principal hand 
 in the deposing and murder of her husband. This kind of danger 
 
ESSAY XIX.] OF EMPIRE 47 
 
 is then to be feared, chiefly, when the wives have plots for the 
 mising of their own children ; or else that they be advoutresses. 
 
 For their children : the tragedies, likewise, of dangers from 
 them have been many. And generally, the entering of fathers 
 into suspicion of their children hath been ever unfortunate. The 
 destruction of Mustapha, (that we named before) was so fatal to 
 Solyman's line, as the succession of the Turks, from Solyman, until 
 this day, is suspected to be unti*ue, and of strange blood ; for that 
 Selymus the Second was thought to be supposititious. The 
 destruction of Crispus, a young prince of rare towardness, by 
 Constantinus the Great, his father, was in like manner fatal to 
 his house ; for both Constantinus, and Constance, his sons, died 
 violent deaths ; and Constantius his other son, did little better ; 
 who died, indeed, of sickness, but after that Julianus had taken 
 amis against him. The destruction of Demetrius, son to Philip 
 the Second, of Macedon, turned upon the father, who died of 
 repentance. And many like examples there are: but few, or 
 none, where the fathers had good by such distrust ; except it were, 
 where the sons were up, in open arms against them ; as was 
 Sel\nnus the First against Bajazet : and the three sons of Henrj' 
 the Second, King of England. 
 
 For their prelates ; when they are proud and great, there is 
 also danger from them : as it was, in the times of Anselmus, and 
 Thomas Becket, Archbishops of Canterbury ; who, with their 
 crosiars, did almost try it with the king's sword ; and yet they 
 had to deal with stout and haughty kings ; William Rufus, Henry 
 the First, and Henry the Second. The danger is not from that 
 state but where it hath a dependence of foreign authority ; or 
 where the Churchmen come in, and are elected, not by the colla- 
 tion of the king, or particular patrons, but by the people. 
 
 For their nobles ; to keep them at a distance, it is not amiss ; 
 but to depress them, may make a king more absolute, but less 
 safe ; and less able to perform anything that he desires. I have 
 noted it, in my History of King Henry the Seventh, of England, 
 who depressed his nobility ; whereupon, it came to pass, that his 
 times were full of difficulties, and troubles ; for the nobility, though 
 they continued loyal unto him, yet did they not co-operate with 
 him, in his business. So that in effect, he was fain to do all 
 things, himself. 
 
 For their second nobles ; there is not much danger from them, 
 being a body dispersed. They may sometimes discourse high, but 
 that doth little hurt : besides, they are a countei-poise to the 
 higher nobility, that they grow not too potent : and lastly, being 
 the most immediate in authority, with the common people, they 
 do best temper popular commotions. 
 
 For their merchants ; they are vena poHa ; and, if they flourish 
 not, a kingdom may have good limbs, but will have empty veins. 
 
48 FRANCIS BACON [essay xix. 
 
 and nourish little. Taxes, and imposts upon them, do seldom 
 good to the king's revenue ; for that that he wins in the hundred, 
 he loseth in the shire ; the particular rates being increased, but 
 the total bulk of trading rather decreased. 
 
 For their commons ; there is little danger from them, except 
 it be where they have great and potent heads ; or where you 
 meddle with the point of religion ; or their customs, or means of 
 life. 
 
 For their men of war ; it is a dangerous state where they live 
 and remain in a body, and are used to donatives ; whereof we see 
 examples in the janizaries, and pretorian bands of Rome : but 
 trainings of men, and arming them in several places, and under 
 several commanders, and without donatives, are things of defence, 
 and no danger. 
 
 Princes are hke to heavenly bodies, which cause good or evil 
 times ; and which have much veneration, but no rest. All pre- 
 cepts concerning kings, are in effect comprehended, in those two 
 remembrances : " Memento quod es homo ; " and " Meme7ito quod 
 es Deus," or " vice Dei ; " the one bridleth their power, and the 
 other their wilL 
 
XX 
 
 OF COUNSEL 
 
 THE greatest trust, between man and man, is the trust of 
 giving counsel. For in other confidences, men commit the 
 parts of life ; their lands, their goods, their children, their credit, 
 some particular affair; but to such as they make their counsel- 
 lors, they commit the whole : by how much the more, they are 
 obliged to all faith and integrity. The wisest princes need not 
 think it any diminution to their greatness, or derogation to their 
 sufficiency, to rely upon counsel. God Himself is not without: 
 but hath made it one of the great names, of His blessed Son, " the 
 Counsellor." Salomon hath pronounced, that *'in counsel is 
 stability." Things will have their first, or second agitation ; if 
 they be not tossed upon the arguments of counsel, they will be 
 tossed upon the waves of fortune; and be full of inconstancy, 
 doing, and undoing, like the reeling of a di-unken man. Salomon's 
 son found the force of counsel, as his father saw the necessity of 
 it. For the beloved kingdom of God was first rent, and broken 
 by ill counsel ; upon which counsel, there are set, for our in- 
 struction, the two marks, whereby bad counsel is, for ever, best 
 discerned : that it was young counsel, for the persons ; and 
 violent counsel, for the matter. 
 
 The ancient times do set forth in figure both the incorporation, 
 and inseparable conjunction of counsel with kings ; and the wise 
 and poHtic use of counsel by kings : the one, in that they say, 
 Jupiter did marry Metis, which signifieth counsel : whereby they 
 intend, that sovereignty is married to counsel: the other, in 
 that which foUoweth, which was thus : they say after Jupiter was 
 married to Metis, she conceived by him, and was with child ; but 
 Jupiter suffered her not to stay till she brought forth but ate 
 her up ; whereby he became himself with child, and was delivered 
 of Pallas armed, out of his head. Which monstrous fable con- 
 taineth a secret of empire ; how kings are to make use of their 
 coimcil of state. That first, they ought to refer matters unto 
 them, which is the first begetting or impregnation ; but when 
 they are elaborate, moulded, and shaped, in the womb of their 
 council, and grow ripe, and ready to be brought forth ; that then, 
 4 
 
so FRANCIS BACON [essay xx. 
 
 they suffer not their council to go through with the resolution, 
 and direction, as if it depended on them; but take the matter 
 back into their own hands, and make it appear to the world, that 
 the decrees, and final directions, (which, because they come forth 
 with prudence, and power, are resembled to Pallas armed) pro- 
 ceeded from themselves : and not only from their authority, but 
 (the more to add reputation to themselves) from their head, and 
 device. 
 
 Let us now speak of the inconveniences of counsel, and 
 of the remedies. The inconveniences that have been noted 
 in calling, and using counsel, are three. First, the reveal- 
 ing of affairs, whereby they become less secret. Secondly, 
 the weakening of the authority of princes, as if they were 
 less of themselves. Thirdly, the danger of being unfaithfully 
 counselled, and more for the good of them that counsel than 
 of him that is counselled. For which inconveniences, the 
 doctrine of Italy, and practice of France, in some kings' times, 
 hath introduced cabinet councils ; a remedy worse than the 
 disease. 
 
 As to secrecy ; princes are not bound to communicate all matters, 
 \vith all counsellors ; but may extract and select. Neither is it 
 necessary, that he that consulteth what he should do, should 
 declare what he will do. But let princes beware, that the 
 unsecreting of their affairs comes not from themselves. And as 
 for cabinet councils, it may be their motto ; " Plenus rimarum 
 Sinn." One futile person, that maketh it his glory to tell, will do 
 more hurt than many, that know it their duty to conceal. It is 
 true, there be some affairs which require extreme secrecy, which 
 will hardly go beyond one or two persons, besides the king: 
 neither are those counsels unprosperous : for besides the secrecy, 
 they commonly go on constantly in one spirit of direction, without 
 distraction. But then it must be a prudent king, such as is able 
 to grind with a hand-mill ; and those inward counsellors had 
 need also be wise men, and especially true and trusty to the 
 king's ends ; as it was with King Henry the Seventh of England, 
 who in his greatest business imparted himself to none, except it 
 were to Morton and Fox. 
 
 For weakening of authority; the fable showeth the remedy. 
 Nay, the majesty of kings is rather exalted, than diminished, 
 when they are in the chair of counsel : neither was there ever 
 prince bereaved of his dependencies, by his council ; except 
 where there hath been, either an over-greatness in one counsellor, 
 or an over-strict combination in divers ; which are things soon 
 found, and holpen. 
 
 For the last inconvenience, that men will counsel with an eye 
 to themselves ; certainly, " Non wveniet fid em super terram " is 
 meant of the nature of times, and not of all particular persons ; 
 
ESSAY XX.] OF COUNSEL 51 
 
 there be, that are in nature, faithful, and sincere, and plain, and 
 direct ; not crafty, and involved : let princes, above all, draw to 
 themselves such natures. Besides, counsellors are not commonly 
 so united, but that one counsellor keepeth sentinel over another ; 
 so that if any do counsel out of faction, or private ends, it com- 
 monly comes to the king's ear. But the best remedy is if princes 
 know their counsellors, as well as their counsellors know them : 
 
 *' Pr'mcipu est virtus maxima nosse suos.'* 
 
 And on the other side, counsellors should not be too specu- 
 lative into their sovereign's person. The true composition of a 
 counsellor is rather to be skilful in their master's business, than in 
 his nature : for then he is like to advise him, and not to feed his 
 humour. It is of singular use to princes, if they take the opinions 
 of their council, both separately, and together. For private 
 opinion is more free ; but opinion before others is more reverend. 
 In private, men are more bold in their own humours; and in 
 consort, men are more obnoxious to others' humours ; therefore it 
 is good to take both : and of the inferior sort, rather in private, to 
 preserve freedom ; of the greater, rather in consort, to preserve 
 respect. It is in vain for princes to take counsel concerning 
 matters, if they take no counsel likewise concerning persons : for 
 all matters are as dead images ; and the life of the execution of 
 affairs resteth in the good choice of persons. Neither is it enough 
 to consult concerning persons, secundum genera, as in an idea, or 
 mathematical description, what the kind and character of the 
 person should be ; for the greatest errors are committed, and the 
 most judgment is shown, in the choice of individuals. It was 
 truly said ; " Optimi consiliarii mortui ; " books will speak plain, 
 when counsellors blanch. Therefore it is good to be conversant 
 in them; specially the books of such as themselves have been 
 actors upon the stage. 
 
 The councils, at this day, in most places, are but familiar 
 meetings ; where matters are rather talked on, than debated. 
 And they run too swift to the order or act of council. It were 
 better, that, in causes of weight, the matter were propounded one 
 day, and not spoken to, till the next day; "In nocte consilium.** 
 So was it done, in the commission of union between England and 
 Scotland ; which was a grave and orderly assembly. I commend 
 set days for petitions : for both it gives the suitors more certainty 
 for their attendance; and it frees the meetings for matters of 
 estate, that they may hoc agere. In choice of committees, for ripen- 
 ing business for the council, it is better to choose indifferent persons, 
 than to make an indifferency, by putting in those that are strong, 
 on both sides. I commend also standing commissions ; as for 
 trade ; for treasure ; for war ; for suits ; for some provinces : for 
 where there be divers particular councils, and but one council of 
 
52 FRANCIS BACON [essay xx. 
 
 estate, (as it is in Spain) they are in effect no more than standing 
 commissions ; save that they have greater authority. Let such as 
 are to inform councils, out of their particular professions, (as 
 lawyers, seamen, mintmen, and the like) be first heard, before 
 committees; and then, as occasion serves, before the council. 
 And let them not come in multitudes, or in a tribunitious manner ; 
 for that is to clamour councils, not to inform them. A long 
 table, and a square table, or seats about the walls, seem things of 
 form, but are things of substance ; for at a long table, a few at the 
 upper end, in effect, sway all the business ; but in the other form, 
 there is more use of the counsellors' opinions that sit lower. A 
 king, when he presides in council, let him beware how he opens 
 his own inclination too much, in that which he propoundeth : for 
 else counsellors will but take the wind of him; and instead o/ 
 giving free counsel, sing him a song of Placebo. 
 
XXI 
 
 OF DELAYS 
 
 FORTUNE is like the market ; where many times, if you can 
 stay a little, the price will fall. And again, it is sometimes 
 like Sybilla's offer ; which at first offereth the commodity at full, 
 then consumeth part and part, and still holdeth up the price. 
 For occasion (as it is in the common verse) tumeth a bald noddle, 
 after she hath presented her locks in front, and no hold taken ; 
 or at least turneth the handle of the bottle first to be received, 
 and after the belly, which is hard to clasp. There is surely no 
 greater wisdom than well to time the beginnings, and onsets of 
 things. Dangers are no more light, if they once seem light : 
 and more dangers have deceived men, than forced them. Nay, 
 it were better to meet some dangers half-way, though they 
 come nothing near, than to keep too long a watch upon their 
 approaches ; for if a man watch too long, it is odds he will fall 
 asleep. On the other side, to be deceived, with too long shadows, 
 (as some have been, when the moon was low, and shone on their 
 enemies' back) and so to shoot off before the time ; or to teach 
 dangers to come on, by over-early buckling towards them, is another 
 extreme. The ripeness, or unripeness, of the occasion (as we 
 said) must ever be well weighed ; and generally, it is good to 
 commit the beginnings of all great actions to Argos with his 
 hundred eyes ; and the ends to Briareus with his hundred hands : 
 first to watch, and then to speed. For the helmet of Pluto, 
 which maketh the politic man go invisible, is, secrecy in the 
 counsel, and celerity in the execution. For when things are once 
 come to the execution, there is no secrecy comparable to celerity ; 
 like the motion of a bullet in the air, which flieth so swift, as it 
 outruns the eye. 
 
 98 
 
XXII 
 
 OF CUNNING 
 
 WE take cunning for a sinister or crooked wisdom. And 
 certainly, there is great difference between a cunning 
 man, and a wise man ; not only in point of honesty, but in point 
 of ability. There be that can pack the cards, and yet cannot 
 play well ; so there are some that are good in canvasses, and 
 factions, that are otherwise weak men. Again, it is one thing 
 to understand persons, and another thing to understand matters ; 
 for many are perfect in men's humours, that are not greatly 
 capable of the real part of business ; which is the constitution of 
 one that hath studied men, more than books. Such men are 
 fitter for practice, than for counsel; and they are good but in 
 their own alley : turn them to new men, and they have lost their 
 aim ; so as the old rule, to know a fool from a wise man ; " Mitte 
 umbos nudos ad ignotos, et videbis;" doth scarce hold for them. 
 And because these cunning men are like haberdashers of small 
 wares it is not amiss to set forth their shop. 
 
 It is a point of cunning to wait upon him with whom you 
 speak, with your eye ; as the Jesuits give it in precept : for 
 there be many wise men that have secret hearts, and transparent 
 countenances. Yet this would be done with a demure abasing 
 of your eye sometimes, as the Jesuits also do use. 
 
 Another is, that when you have anything to obtain of present 
 despatch, you entertain, and amuse the party, with whom you 
 deal, with some other discourse ; that he be not too much awake, 
 to make objections. I knew a counsellor and secretary, that 
 never came to Queen Elizabeth of England, with bills to sign, 
 but he would always first put her into some discourse of estate, 
 that she might the less mind the bills. 
 
 The like surprise may be made by moving things, when the 
 party is in haste, and cannot stay to consider advisedly of that 
 is moved. 
 
 If a man would cross a business that he doubts some other 
 would handsomely and effectually move, let him pretend to wish 
 it well, and move it himself, in such sort, as may foil it. 
 
 The breaking off, in the midst of that one was about to say, 
 
 64 
 
ESSAY XXII.] OF CUNNING 55 
 
 as if he took himself up, breeds a greater appetite in him with 
 whom you confer to know more. 
 
 And because it works better, when anything seemeth to be 
 gotten from you by question, than if you offer it of yourself, you 
 may lay a bait for a question, by showing another visage and 
 countenance than you are wont ; to the end, to give occasion 
 for the party to ask, what the matter is of the change? As 
 Nehemias did ; " And I had not before that time been sad before 
 the king." 
 
 In things that are tender and unpleasing, it is good to break 
 the ice by some whose words are of less weight, and to reserve 
 the more weighty voice, to come in, as by chance, so that he may 
 be asked the question upon the other's speech. As Narcissus 
 did, in relating to Claudius the marriage of Messalina and 
 Sihus. 
 
 In things that a man would not be seen in, himself; it is a 
 point of cunning to borrow the name of the world ; as to say ; 
 " The world says," or, " There is a speech abroad." 
 
 I knew one, that when he wrote a letter, he would put that 
 which was most material in the postscript, as if it had been a 
 by-matter. 
 
 I knew another, that when he came to have speech, he would 
 pass over that that he intended most, and go forth, and come 
 back again, and speak of it as of a thing that he had almost 
 forgot. 
 
 Some procure themselves to be surprised, at such times, as, 
 it is like, the party that they work upon, will suddenly come 
 upon them : and to be found with a letter in their hand, or doing 
 somewhat which they are not accustomed ; to the end, they 
 may be apposed of those things which of themselves they are 
 desirous to utter. 
 
 It is a point of cunning, to let fall those words in a man's 
 o\Mi name, which he would have another man learn, and use, 
 and thereupon take advantage. I knew two, that were com- 
 petitors for the secretary's place, in Queen Elizabeth's time, and 
 yet kept good quarter between themselves ; and would confer, 
 one with another, upon the business ; and the one of them said, 
 that to be a secretary, in the declination of a monarchy, was a 
 ticklish thing, and that he did not affect it : the other, straight 
 caught up those words, and discoursed with divers of his friends, 
 that he had no reason to desire to be secretary, in the declination 
 of a monarchy. The first man took hold of it, and found means 
 it was told the Queen ; who hearing of a declination of a monarchy, 
 took it so ill as she would never after hear of the other's suit. 
 
 There is a cunning, which we in England call " the turning 
 of the cat in the pan ; " which is, when that which a man says to 
 another, he lays it as if another had said it to him. And to say 
 
56 FRANCIS BACON [essay xxii. 
 
 truth, it is not easy, when such a matter passed between two, to 
 make it appear from which of them it first moved and began. 
 
 It is a way, that some men have, to glance and dart at others 
 by justifying themselves by negatives; as to say, "This I do 
 not : " as Tigillinus did towards BuiThus ; " Se non diversas speSj 
 sed incolumitatem imperatoris simpliciter spectare." 
 
 Some have in readiness so many tales and stories, as there 
 is nothing they would insinuate but they can wrap it into a 
 tale : which serveth both to keep themselves more in guard, and 
 to make others carry it with more pleasure. 
 
 It is a good point of cunning, for a man to shape the answer 
 he would have in his own words, and propositions ; for it makes 
 the other party stick the less. 
 
 It is strange, how long some men will lie in wait to speak 
 somewhat they desire to say ; and how far about they will fetch ; 
 and how many other matters they will beat over, to come near 
 it. It is a thing of great patience, but yet of much use. 
 
 A sudden, bold, and unexpected question, doth many times sur- 
 prise a man, and lay him open. Like to him, that having changed 
 his name, and walking in Paul's, another suddenly came behind 
 him, and called him by his true name, whereat straightways he 
 looked back. 
 
 But these small wares, and petty points of cunning, are in- 
 finite : and it were a good deed to make a list of them : for 
 that nothing doth more hurt in a state than that cunning men 
 pass for wise. 
 
 But certainly, some there are that know the resorts and falls 
 of business, that cannot sink into the main of it : like a house 
 that hath convenient stairs, and entries, but never a fair room. 
 Therefore, you shall see them find out pretty looses in the con- 
 clusion, but are no ways able to examine, or debate matters. 
 And yet commonly they take advantage of their inability, and 
 would be thought wits of direction. Some build rather upon 
 the abusing of others, and (as we now say) putting tricks upon 
 them ; than upon soundness of their own proceedings. But 
 Salomon saith; " Prudens advertit ad gressus suos : stultus divertit 
 ad dohs" 
 
XXIII 
 
 OF WISDOM FOR A MAN'S SELF 
 
 A N ant is a wise creature for itself ; but it is a shrewd thing in 
 -^^ an orchard, or garden. And certainly, men that are great 
 lovers of themselves waste the public. Divide with reason 
 between self-love, and society : and be so true to thyself, as thou 
 be not false to others ; .' pecially to thy king, and country. It is a 
 poor centre of a man's actions, himself. It is right earth. For 
 that only stands fast upon his own centre ; whereas all things, 
 that have affinity with the heavens, move upon the centre of 
 another, which they benefit. The referring of all to a man's self 
 is more tolerable in a sovereign prince ; because themselves are 
 not only themselves ; but their good and evil is at the peril of 
 the public fortune. But it is a desperate evil in a servant to a 
 prince, or a citizen in a republic. For whatsoever affairs pass such 
 a man's hands, he crooketh them to his own ends : which must 
 needs be often eccentric to the ends of his master, or state. 
 Therefore let princes, or states, choose such servants, as have not 
 this mark; except they mean their service should be made but 
 the accessary. That which maketh the effect more pernicious, is, 
 that all proportion is lost. It were disproportion enough, for the 
 servant's good to be prefeiTed before the master's ; but yet it is a 
 greater extreme, when a little good of the servant shall carry 
 things, against a great good of the master's. And yet that is the 
 case of bad officers, treasurers, ambassadors, generals, and other 
 false and corrupt servants ; which set a bias upon their bowl, of 
 their own petty ends, and envies, to the overthrow of their 
 master's great and important affairs. And for the most part, the 
 good such servants receive is after the model of their own fortune ; 
 but the hurt they sell for that good is after the model of their 
 master's fortune. And certainly, it is the nature of extreme self- 
 lovers ; as they will set a house on fire, and it were but to roast 
 their eggs : and yet these men, many times, hold credit with their 
 master's ; because their study is but to please them, and profit 
 themselves : and, for either respect, they will abandon the good of 
 their affairs. 
 
 Wisdom for a man's self is, in many branches thereof, a 
 
 67 
 
58 FRANCIS BACON [essay xxiii. 
 
 depraved thing. It is the wisdom of rats, that will be sure to 
 leave a house somewhat before it fall. It is the wisdom of the 
 fox, that thrusts out the badger who digged and made room for him. 
 It is the wisdom of crocodiles, that shed tears when they would 
 devour. But that which is specially to be noted, is, that those 
 which (as Cicero says of Pompey) are " Sui amantes sine rivali," are 
 many times unfortunate. And whereas they have all their time 
 sacrificed to themselves, they become in the end themselves 
 sacrifices to the inconstancy of fortune ; whose wings they thought, 
 by their self-wisdom, to have pinioned. 
 
XXIV 
 
 OF INNOVATIONS 
 
 AS the births of living creatures, at first, are ill-shapen : so are 
 all innovations, which are the births of time. Yet notwith- 
 standing, as those that first bring honour into their family are 
 commonly more worthy than most that succeed : so the first 
 precedent (if it be good) is seldom attained by imitation. For ill, 
 to man's nature, as it stands perverted, hath a natural motion, 
 strongest in continuance : but good, as a forced motion, strongest 
 at first. Surely every medicine is an innovation ; and he that will 
 not apply new remedies must expect new evils : for time is the 
 greatest innovator: and if time, of course, alter things to the 
 worse, and wisdom, and counsel shall not alter them to the better, 
 what shall be the end ? It is true, that what is settled by custom, 
 though it be not good, yet at least it is fit. And those things 
 which have long gone together are as it were confederate within 
 themselves : whereas new things piece not so well ; but though 
 they help by their utility, yet they trouble by their inconformity. 
 Besides, they are like strangers ; more admired, and less favoured. 
 All this is true, if time stood still ; which contrariwise moveth so 
 round, that a froward retention of custom is as turbulent a thing 
 as an innovation : and they that reverence too much old times are 
 but a scorn to the new. It were good therefore, that men in their 
 innovations would follow the example of time itself ; which indeed 
 innovateth greatly, but quietly, and by degrees, scarce to be per- 
 ceived : for otherwise, whatsoever is new is unlooked for ; and 
 ever it mends some, and pairs other : and he that is holpen takes 
 it for a fortune, and thanks the time ; and he that is hurt, for a 
 wrong, and imputeth it to the author. It is good also, not to try 
 experiments in states; except the necessity be urgent, or the 
 utility evident: and well to beware, that it be the reformation 
 that draweth on the change ; and not the desire of change that 
 pretendeth the reformation. And lastly, that the novelty, though 
 it be not rejected, yet be held for a suspect : and, as the Scripture 
 saith ; " that we make a stand upon the ancient way, and then 
 look about us, and discover, what is the straight, and right way, 
 and so to walk in it." 
 
 (9 
 
XXV 
 
 OF DESPATCH 
 
 AFFECTED despatch is one of the most dangerous things to 
 business that can be. It is like that which the physicians 
 call predigestion, or hasty digestion ; which is sure to fill the body 
 full of crudities, and secret seeds of diseases. Therefore, measure 
 not despatch, by the times of sitting, but by the advancement of 
 the business. And as in races, it is not the large stride, or high 
 lift, that makes the speed : so in business, the keeping close to 
 the matter, and not taking of it too much at once, procureth 
 despatch. It is the care of some only to come off speedily, for 
 the time ; or to contrive some false periods of business, because 
 they may seem men of despatch. But it is one thing, to abbreviate 
 by contracting, another by cutting off: and business so handled 
 at several sittings or meetings, goeth commonly backward and 
 forward, in an unsteady manner. I knew a wise man, that had it 
 for a byword, when he saw men hasten to a conclusion ; " Stay a 
 little, that we may make an end the sooner." 
 
 On the other side, time despatch is a rich thing. For time is 
 the measure of business, as money is of wares : and business is 
 bought at a dear hand, where there is small despatch. The 
 Spartans, and Spaniards, have been noted to be of small despatch : 
 " Mi venga la muerte de Spagna ; " let my death come from Spain ; 
 for then it will be sure to be long in coming. 
 
 Give good hearing to those, that give the first information in 
 business ; and rather direct them in the beginning, than interrupt 
 them in the continuance of their speeches : for he that is put out 
 of his own order, will go forward and backward, and be more 
 tedious while he waits upon his memory, than he could have been, 
 if he had gone on, in his own course. But sometimes it is seen 
 that the moderator is more troublesome than the actor. 
 
 Iterations are commonly loss of time: but there is no such 
 gain of time as to iterate often the state of the question : for 
 it chaseth away many a frivolous speech, as it is coming forth. 
 Long and curious speeches are as fit for despatch, as a robe or 
 mantle with a long train is for race. Prefaces, and passages, and 
 excusations, and other speeches of reference to the person, are 
 
ESSAY XXV.] OF DESPATCH 6i 
 
 great wastes of time ; and though they seem to proceed of modesty, 
 they are bravery. Yet beware of being too material, when there 
 is any impediment or obstruction in men's wills ; for preoccupation 
 of mind ever requireth preface of speech ; like a fomentation to 
 make the unguent enter. 
 
 Above all things, order, and distribution, and singling out of 
 parts, is the life of despatch ; so as the distribution be not too 
 subtle : for he that doth not divide will never enter well into 
 busmess ; and he that divideth too much will never come out of 
 it clearly. To choose time, is to save time ; and an imseasonable 
 motion is but beating the air. There be three parts of business : 
 the preparation ; the debate, or examination ; and the perfection. 
 Whereof, if you look for despatch, let the middle only be the work 
 of many, and the first and last the work of few. The proceeding 
 upon somewhat conceived in writing doth for the most part 
 facilitate despatch : for though it should be wholly rejected, yet 
 that negative is more pregnant of direction than an indefinite ; as 
 ashes are more generative than dust. 
 
XXVI 
 
 OF SEEMING WISE 
 
 IT hath been an opinion that the French are wiser than they 
 seem; and the Spaniards seem wiser than they are. But 
 howsoever it be between nations, certainly it is so between man 
 and man. For as the apostle saith of godliness ; " Having a 
 show of godliness, but denying the power thereof;" so certainly, 
 there are in point of wisdom, and sufficiency, that do nothing 
 or little, very solemnly; "Magna conatu nugas." It is a 
 ridiculous thing, and fit for a satire, to persons of judgment, 
 to see what shifts these formalists have, and what prospectives, 
 to make superficies to seem body, that hath depth and bulk. 
 Some are so close and reserved, as they will not show their 
 wares, but by a dark light; and seem always to keep back 
 somewhat: and when they know within themselves, they speak 
 of that they do not well know, would nevertheless seem to 
 others, to know of that which they may not well speak. Some 
 help themselves with countenance, and gesture, and are wise 
 by signs; as Cicero saith of Piso, that when he answered him, 
 he fetched one of his brows up to his forehead, and bent the 
 other down to his chin: " Respondes, altera ad frantem sublata, 
 altera ad mentum depressa supercilia ; crudehtatem tibi nan placer e.'* 
 Some think to bear it by speaking a great word, and being 
 peremptory; and go on, and take by admittance that which 
 they cannot make good. Some, whatsoever is beyond their 
 reach, will seem to despise or make light of it, as impertinent, 
 or curious ; and so would have their ignorance seem judgment. 
 Some are never without a difference, and commonly by amusing 
 men with a subtlety, blanch the matter; of whom A. Gellius 
 saith ; " Hamvnen delirum, qui verharum minutiis rerum frangit 
 pondera." Of which kind also, Plato in his Pratagaras bringeth 
 in Prodicus, in scorn, and maketh him make a speech, that 
 consisteth of distinctions from the beginning to the end. 
 Generally, such men in all deliberations find ease to be of 
 the negative side ; and affect a credit to object and foretell 
 difficulties : for when propositions are denied, there is an end 
 of them; but if they be allowed, it requireth a new work: 
 
ESSAY XXVI.] OF SEEMING WISE 63 
 
 which false point of wisdom is the bane of business. To con- 
 clude, there is no decaying merchant, or inward beggar, hath 
 so many tricks, to uphold the credit of their wealth, as these 
 empty persons have, to maintain the credit of their sufficiency. 
 Seeming wise men may make shift to get opinion : but let no 
 man choose them for employment; for certainly, you were 
 better take for business a man somewhat absurd, than over 
 formal. 
 
XXVII 
 
 OF FRIENDSHIP 
 
 IT had been hard for him that spake it, to have put more 
 truth and untruth together, in few words, than in that 
 speech ; " Whosoever is delighted in solitude is either a wild 
 beast, or a god." For it is most true, that a natural and secret 
 hatred, and aversation towards society, in any man, hath some- 
 what of the savage beast ; but it is most untrue, that it should 
 have any character, at all, of the divine nature ; except it 
 proceed, not out of a pleasure in solitude, but out of a love 
 and desire to sequester a man's self for a higher conversation : 
 such as is found to have been falsely and feignedly in some 
 of the heathen ; as Epimenides the Candian, Numa the Roman, 
 Empedocles the Sicilian, and Apollonius of Tyana; and truly 
 and really, in divers of the ancient hermits, and holy fathers 
 of the Church. But little do men perceive what solitude is 
 and how far it extend eth. For a crowd is not company ; and 
 faces are but a gallery of pictures ; and talk but a tinkling 
 cymbal, where there is no love. The Latin adage meeteth 
 with it a little ; " Magna civitas, magna solitudo ; " because in 
 a great town friends are scattered ; so that there is not that 
 fellowship, for the most part, which is in less neighbourhoods. 
 But we may go further, and affirm most truly; that it is a 
 mere, and miserable solitude, to want true friends ; without 
 which the world is but a wilderness : and even in this sense 
 also of solitude, whosoever in the frame of his nature and 
 affections is unfit for friendship, he taketh it of the beast, 
 and not from humanity. 
 
 A principal fruit of friendship is the ease and discharge 
 of the fulness and swellings of the heart, which passions of 
 all kinds do cause and induce. We know diseases of stoppings, 
 and suffocations, are the most dangerous in the body; and it 
 is not much otherwise in the mind : you may take sarza to 
 open the liver ; steel to open the spleen ; flower of sulphur 
 for the lungs ; castoreum for the brain ; but no receipt openeth 
 the heart, but a true friend ; to whom you may impart griefs, 
 joys, fears, hopes, suspicions, counsels, and whatsoever lieth 
 
 €4 
 
ESSAY XXVII.] OF FRIENDSHIP 65 
 
 upon the heart, to oppress it, in a kind of civil shrift or con- 
 fession. 
 
 It is a strange thing to observe, how high a rate great 
 kings and monarchs, do set upon this fruit of friendship, 
 whereof we speak : so great, as they purchase it, many times, 
 at the hazard of their own safety, and greatness. For princes, 
 in regard of the distance of their fortune, from that of their 
 subjects and servants, cannot gather this fruit ; except (to make 
 themselves capable thereof) they raise some persons, to be as 
 it were companions, and almost equals to themselves, which 
 many times sorteth to inconvenience. The modem languages 
 give unto such persons the name of favourites, or privadoes; 
 as if it were matter of grace, or conversation. But the Roman 
 name attaineth the true use, and cause thereof; naming them 
 participes curarum ; for it is that which tieth the knot. And 
 we see plainly, that this hath been done, not by weak and 
 passionate princes only, but by the wisest, and most politic that 
 ever reigned; who have oftentimes joined to themselves some 
 of their servants ; whom both themselves have called friends ; 
 and allowed others likewise to call them in the same manner; 
 using the word which is received between private men. 
 
 L. Sylla, when he commanded Rome, raised Pompey (after 
 sumamed the Great) to that height, that Pompey vaunted 
 himself for Sylla' s overmatch. For when he had carried the 
 consulship for a friend of his, against the pursuit of Sylla, and 
 that Sylla did a little resent thereat, and began to speak great, 
 Pompey turned upon him again, and in effect bade him be quiet ; 
 "for that more men adored the sun rising, than the sun setting." 
 With Julius Caesar, Decimus Brutus had obtained that interest, 
 as he set him down, in his testament, for heir in remainder, 
 after his nephew. And this was the man that had power with 
 him to draw him forth to his death. For when Caesar would 
 have discharged the senate, in regard of some ill presages, and 
 specially a dream of Calpumia, this man lifted him gently by 
 the arm, out of his chair, telling him, he hoped he would not 
 dismiss the senate, till his wife had dreamed a better dream. 
 And it seemeth, his favour was so great, as Antonius in a letter, 
 which is recited verbatim, in one of Cicero's Philippics, calleth 
 him venerea, witch ; as if he had enchanted Caesar. Augustus 
 raised Agrippa (though of mean birth) to that height, as when 
 he consulted with Maecenas, about the mamage of his daughter 
 Julia, Maecenas took the liberty to tell him ; " That he must 
 either marry his daughter to Agrippa, or take away his life, there 
 was no third way, he had made him so gi^eat." With Tiberius 
 Caesar, Sejanus had ascended to that height, as they two were 
 termed and reckoned as a pair of friends. Tiberius in a letter 
 to him saith ; " Hcec pro amicitid nostrd non occultavi." And the 
 
 5 
 
66 FRANCIS BACON [essay xxvii. 
 
 whole senate dedicated an altar to friendship, as to a goddess, 
 in respect of the great deamess of friendship between them 
 two. The like or more was between Septimius Severus, and 
 Plautianus. For he forced his eldest son to marry the daughter 
 of Plautianus ; and would often maintain Plautianus, in doing 
 affronts to his son : and did write also in a letter to the senate, 
 by these words ; " I love the man so well, as I wish he may over- 
 live me." Now if these princes had been as a Trajan, or a 
 Marcus Aurelius, a man might have thought that this had 
 proceeded of an abundant goodness of nature ; but being men 
 so wise, of such strength and severity of mind, and so extreme 
 lovers of themselves, as all these were ; it proveth most plainly, 
 that they found their own felicity (though as great as ever 
 happened to mortal men) but as a half- piece, except they 
 might have a friend to make it entire : and yet, which is more, 
 they were princes that had wives, sons, nephews ; and yet all 
 these could not supply the comfort of friendship. 
 
 It is not to be forgotten, what Commineus observeth, of his 
 first master Duke Charles the Hardy; namely, that he would 
 communicate his secrets with none ; and, least of all, those secrets 
 which troubled him most. Whereupon he goeth on, and saith, 
 that towards his latter time ; " that closeness did impair, and 
 a little perish his understanding." Surely Commineus might 
 have made the same judgment also, if it had pleased him, of 
 his second master Lewis the Eleventh, whose closeness was 
 indeed his tormentor. The parable of Pythagoras is dark, but 
 true ; " Cor ne edito " (" eat not the heart "). Certainly, if a man 
 would give it a hard phrase, those that want friends to open 
 themselves unto are cannibals of their own hearts. But one 
 thing is most admirable, (wherewith I will conclude this first 
 fruit of friendship) which is, that this communicating of a man's 
 self to his friend, works two contrary effects ; for it redoubleth 
 joys, and cutteth griefs in halves. For there is no man, that 
 imparteth his joys to his friend, but he joyeth the more; and 
 no man, that imparteth his griefs to his friend, but he grieveth 
 the less. So that it is, in truth of operation upon a man's 
 mind, of like virtue as the alchemists use to attribute to their 
 stone for man's body ; that it worketh all contrary effects, but 
 still to the good, and benefit of nature. But yet, without praying 
 in aid of alchemists, there is a manifest image of this in the 
 ordinary course of nature. For in bodies union strengtheneth 
 and cherisheth any natural action ; and, on the other side, 
 weakeneth and dulleth any violent impression: and even so is 
 it of minds. 
 
 The second fruit of friendship is healthful and sovereign for 
 the understanding, as the first is for the affections. For friendship 
 maketh indeed a fair day in the affections, from storm and 
 
ESSAY XXVII.] OF FRIENDSHIP t-j 
 
 tempests; but it maketh daylight in the understanding, out of 
 darkness and confusion of thoughts. Neither is this to be 
 understood only of faithful counsel, which a man receiveth from 
 his friend ; but before you come to that, certain it is, that 
 whosoever hath his mind fraught with many thoughts, his wits 
 and understanding do clarify and break up, in the communicating 
 and discoursing with another: he tosseth his thoughts more 
 easily ; he marshalleth them more orderly ; he seeth how they 
 look when they are turned into woixls ; finally, he waxeth wiser 
 than himself; and that more by an hour's discourse, than by a 
 day's meditation. It was well said by Themistocles to the King 
 of Persia ; " That speech was like cloth of Arras, opened, and put 
 abroad ; whereby the imagery doth appear in figure ; whereas in 
 thoughts, they lie but as in packs." Neither is this second fruit 
 of friendship, in opening the understanding, restrained only to 
 such friends as are able to give a man counsel : (they indeed 
 are best) but even, without that, a man leameth of himself, and 
 bringeth his own thoughts to light, and whetteth his wits as 
 against a stone, which itself cuts not. In a word, a man were 
 better relate himself to a statue, or picture, than to suffer his 
 thoughts to pass in smother. 
 
 Add now, to make this second fruit of friendship complete, 
 that other point, which lieth more open, and falleth within vulgar 
 observation ; which is faithful counsel from a friend. Heraclitus 
 saith well, in one of his enigmas ; " Dry light is ever the best." 
 And certain it is, that the light that a man receiveth by counsel 
 from another, is drier, and purer, than that which cometh from 
 his own understanding, and judgment ; which is ever infused and 
 drenched in his affections and customs. So as, there is as much 
 difference between the counsel that a friend giveth, and that a 
 man giveth himself, as there is between the counsel of a friend, 
 and of a flatterer. For there is no such flatterer as is a man's 
 self ; and there is no such remedy, against flattery of a man's self, 
 as the liberty of a friend. Counsel is of two sorts ; the one 
 concerning manners, the other concerning business. For the 
 first ; the best preservative to keep the mind in health is the 
 faithful admonition of a friend. The calling of a man's self to a 
 strict account is a medicine sometime too piercing and coiTosive. 
 Reading good books of morality is a little flat, and dead. Ob- 
 serving our faults in others is sometimes improper for our case. 
 But the best receipt (best (I say) to work, and best to take) is the 
 admonition of a friend. It is a strange thing to behold, what 
 gross errors, and extreme absurdities, many (especially of the 
 greater sort) do commit, for want of a friend, to tell them of 
 them ; to the great damage, both of their fame and fortune. 
 For, as St. James saith, they are as men, "that look sometimes 
 into a glass, and presently forget their own shape, and favour." 
 
68 FRANCIS BACON [essay xxvii. 
 
 As for business, a man may think, if he will, that two eyes see no 
 more than one ; or that a gamester seeth always more than a 
 looker-on ; or that a man in anger is as wise as he that hath said 
 over the four-and-twenty letters ; or that a musket may be shot 
 off as well upon the arm, as upon a rest ; and such other fond and 
 high imaginations, to think himself all in all. But when all is 
 done, the help of good counsel is that which setteth business 
 straight. And if any man think that he will take counsel, but it 
 shall be by pieces ; asking counsel in one business of one man, and 
 in another business of another man ; it is well, (that is to say, 
 better perhaps than if he asked none at all ;) but he runneth two 
 dangers : one, that he shall not be faithfully counselled ; for it is a 
 rare thing, except it be from a perfect and entire friend, to have 
 counsel given, but such as shall be bowed and crooked to some 
 ends, which he hath that giveth it. The other, that he shall have 
 counsel given, hurtful and unsafe, (though with good meaning) 
 and mixed, partly of mischief, and partly of remedy : even as if 
 you would call a physician, that is thought good, for the cure of 
 the disease you complain of, but is unacquainted with your body ; 
 and therefore, may put you in way for a present cure, but over- 
 throweth your health in some other kind ; and so cure the disease, 
 and kill the patient. But a friend, that is wholly acquainted with 
 a man's estate, will beware by furthering any present business 
 how he dasheth upon other inconvenience. And therefore, rest 
 not upon scattered counsels ; they will rather distract, and mislead, 
 than settle and direct. 
 
 After these two noble fruits of friendship (peace in the 
 affections, and support of the judgment,) foUoweth the last fruit ; 
 which is like the pomegranate, full of many kernels ; I mean aid, 
 and bearing a part, in all actions, and occasions. Here, the best 
 way to represent to life the manifold use of friendship is to cast 
 and see how many things there are which a man cannot do 
 himself ; and then it will appear, that it was a sparing speech of 
 the ancients to say " That a friend is another himself : " for that 
 a friend is far more than himself. Men have their time, and die 
 many times in desire of some things which they principally take 
 to heart ; the bestowing of a child, the finishing of a work, or the 
 like. If a man have a true friend, he may rest almost secure that 
 the care of those things will continue after him. So that a man 
 hath as it were two lives in his desires. A man hath a body, and 
 that body is confined to a place ; but where friendship is, all 
 offices of life are as it were granted to him, and his .deputy. For 
 he may exercise them by his friend. How many things are there 
 which a man cannot, with any face or comeliness, say or do 
 himself? A man can scarce allege his own merits with modesty, 
 much less extol them : a man cannot sometimes brook to suppli- 
 cate or beg: and a number of the like. But all these things 
 
ESSAY XXVII.] OF FRIENDSHIP 69 
 
 are graceful in a friend's mouth, which are blushing in a man's 
 own. So again, a man's person hath many proper relations, which 
 he cannot put off. A man cannot speak to his son, but as a 
 father ; to his wife, but as a husband ; to his enemy, but upon 
 terms : whereas a friend may speak, as the case requires, and not 
 as it sorteth with the person. But to enumerate these things 
 were endless : I have given the rule, where a man cannot fitly 
 play his own part : if he have not a friend, he may quit the 
 stage. 
 
XXVIII 
 
 OF EXPENSE 
 
 RICHES are for spending ; and spending for honour and good 
 actions. Therefore extraordinary expense must be limited 
 by the worth of the occasion : for voluntary undoing may be as 
 well for a man's country as for the kingdom of heaven. But 
 ordinary expense ought to be limited by a man's estate ; and 
 governed with such regard as it be within his compass ; and not 
 subject to deceit and abuse of servants ; and ordered to the best 
 show, that the bills may be less than the estimation abroad. 
 Certainly, if a man will keep but of even hand, his ordinary 
 expenses ought to be but to the half of his receipts ; and if he 
 think to wax rich, but to the third part. It is no baseness for 
 the greatest to descend and look into their own estate. Some 
 forbear it, not upon negligence alone, but doubting to bring 
 themselves into melancholy, in respect they shall find it broken. 
 But wounds cannot be cured without searching. He that cannot 
 look into his own estate at all, had need both choose well those 
 whom he employeth, and change them often : for new are more 
 timorous, and less subtle. He that can look into his estate but 
 seldom, it behoveth him to turn all to certainties. A man had 
 need, if he be plentiful, in some kind of expense, to be as saving 
 again, in some other. As if he be plentiful in diet, to be saving 
 in apparel ; if he be plentiful in the hall, to be saving in the 
 stable : and the like. For he that is plentiful in expenses of all 
 kinds will hardly be preserved from decay. In clearing of a 
 man's estate, he may as well hurt himself in being too sudden, as 
 in letting it run on too long. For hasty selling is commonly as 
 disadvantageable as interest. Besides, he that clears at once will 
 relapse ; for, finding himself out of straits, he will revert to his 
 customs : but he that cleareth by degrees induceth a habit of 
 frugality, and gaineth as well upon his mind, as upon his estate. 
 Certainly, who hath a state to repair, may not despise small things : 
 and commonly, it is less dishonourable to abridge petty charges 
 than to stoop to petty gettings. A man ought warily to begin 
 charges which once begun will continue : but in matters that 
 return not he may be more magnificent. 
 
 70 
 
XXIX 
 
 OF THE TRUE GREATNESS OF KINGDOMS AND ESTATES 
 
 THE speech of Themistocles the Athenian, which was haughty 
 and arrogant, in taking so much to himself, had been a grave 
 and wise observation and censure, appHed at large to others. 
 Desired at a feast to touch a lute, he said ; " He could not fiddle, 
 but yet he could make a small town, a great city." These words 
 (holpen a little with a metaphor) may express two differing 
 abilities, in those that deal in business of estate. For if a true 
 survey be taken, of counsellors and statesmen, there may be found 
 (though rarely) those, which can make a small state great, and 
 yet cannot fiddle: as on the other side, there will be found a 
 great many, that can fiddle very cunningly, but yet are so far 
 from being able to make a small state great, as their gift lieth 
 the other way ; to bring a great and flourishing estate to ruin and 
 decay. And certainly, those degenerate arts and shifts, whereby 
 many counsellors and governors gain both favour with their 
 masters, and estimation with the vulgar, deserve no better name 
 than fiddling; being things rather pleasing for the time, and 
 graceful to themselves only, than tending to the weal and ad- 
 vancement of the state, which they serve. There are also (no 
 doubt) counsellors and governors, which may be held sufficient, 
 (negotiis pares,) able to manage affairs, and to keep them from 
 precipices, and manifest inconveniences ; which, nevertheless, are 
 far from the ability to raise and amplify an estate, in power, 
 means, and fortune. But be the workmen what they may be, let us 
 speak of the work ; that is ; the true greatness of kingdoms and 
 estates ; and the means thereof. An argument fit for great and 
 mighty princes to have in their hand ; to the end, that neither 
 by over-measuring their forces, they leese themselves in vain 
 enterprises ; nor on the other side, by undei-valuing them, they 
 descend to fearful and pusillanimous counsels. 
 
 The greatness of an estate in bulk and territory doth fall 
 under measure ; and the greatness of finances and revenue doth 
 fall under computation. The population may appear by musters : 
 and the number and greatness of cities and towns by cards and 
 maps. But yet there is not anything amongst civil affairs more 
 
 71 
 
72 FRANCIS BACON [essay xxix. 
 
 subject to error than the right valuation, and true judgment, 
 concerning the power and forces of an estate. The kingdom of 
 heaven is compared, not to any great kernel or nut, but to a 
 grain of mustard-seed ; which is one of the least grains, but hath 
 in it a property and spirit hastily to get up and spread. So are 
 there states, great in temtory, and yet not apt to enlarge, or 
 command ; and some, that have but a small dimension of stem, 
 and yet apt to be the foundations of great monarchies. 
 
 Walled towns, stored arsenals and armouries, goodly races of 
 horse, chariots of war, elephants, ordnance, artillery, and the like : 
 all this is but a sheep in a lion's skin, except the breed and dis- 
 position of the people be stout and warlike. Nay number (itself) 
 in armies importeth not much, where the people is of weak 
 courage : for (as Virgil saith) " it never troubles a wolf, how 
 many the sheep be." The army of the Persians, in the plains of 
 Arbela, was such a vast sea of people, as it did somewhat astonish 
 the commanders in Alexander's army ; who came to him therefore, 
 and wished him to set upon them by night; but he answered, 
 " he would not pilfer the victory." And the defeat was easy. 
 When Tigranes the Annenian, being encamped upon a hill, with 
 400,000 men, discovered the army of the Romans, being not 
 above 14,000, marching towards him, he made himself merry with 
 it, and said ; " Yonder men are too many for an embassage, and 
 too few for a fight." But before the sun set, he found them 
 enough to give him the chase, with infinite slaughter. Many are 
 the examples of the great odds between number and courage : 
 so that a man may truly make a judgment ; that the principal 
 point of greatness in any state is to have a race of military men. 
 Neither is money the sinews of war, (as it is trivially said) where 
 the sinews of men's arms, in base and effeminate people, are failing. 
 For Solon said well to Croesus (when in ostentation he showed him 
 his gold) " Sir, if any other come, that hath better iron than you, 
 he will be master of all this gold." Therefore let any prince or 
 state think soberly of his forces, except his militia of natives be 
 of good and valiant soldiers. And let princes, on the other side, 
 that have subjects of martial disposition, know their own strength ; 
 unless they be otherwise wanting unto themselves. As for 
 mercenary forces, (which is the help in this case) all examples 
 show ; that, whatsoever estate or prince doth rest upon them, 
 he may spread his feathers for a time, but he will mew them 
 soon after. 
 
 The blessing of Judah and Issachar will never meet ; that the 
 same people or nation should be both the lion's whelp, and the 
 ass between burdens ; neither will it be, that a people overlaid 
 with taxes should ever become valiant, and martial. It is true, 
 that taxes levied by consent of the estate do abate men's courage 
 less; as it hath been seen notably in the excises of the Low 
 
ESSAY XXIX.] OF THE GREATNESS OF KINGDOMS 73 
 
 Countries ; and, in some degree, in the subsidies of England. For 
 you must note, that we speak now of the heart, and not of the 
 purse. So that, although the same tribute and tax, laid by con- 
 sent, or by imposing, be all one to the purse, yet it works diversely 
 upon the courage. So that you may conclude ; that no people, 
 overcharged with tribute, is fit for empire. 
 
 Let states that aim at greatness take heed how their nobility 
 and gentlemen do multiply too fast. For that maketh the 
 common subject grow to be a peasant, and base swain, driven out 
 of heart, and in effect but the gentleman's labourer. Even as you 
 may see in coppice woods ; if you leave your staddles too thick, 
 you shall never have clean underwood, but shrubs and bushes. 
 So in countries, if the gentlemen be too many, the commons will 
 be base ; and you will bring it to that, that not the hundred poll 
 will be fit for a helmet : especially as to the infantry, which is 
 the nerve of an army : and so there will be great population, and 
 little strength. This, which I speak of, hath been nowhere better 
 seen than by comparing of England and France ; whereof England, 
 though far less in territory and population, hath been (neverthe- 
 less) an overmatch ; in regard, the middle people of England 
 make good soldiers, which the peasants of France do not. And 
 herein, the device of King Henry the Seventh, (whereof I have 
 spoken largely in the history of his life) was profound, and admir- 
 able ; in making farms, and houses of husbandry, of a standard ; 
 that is, maintained with such a proportion of land unto them as 
 may breed a subject to live in convenient plenty, and no servile 
 condition ; and to keep the plough in the hands of the owners, 
 and not mere hirelings. And thus indeed, you shall attain to 
 Virgil's character, which he gives to ancient Italy. 
 
 " Turra pottns armis atque ubere glebaJ** 
 
 Neither is that state (which, for anything I know, is almost 
 peculiar to England, and hardly to be found anywhere else, except 
 it be perhaps in Poland) to be passed over; I mean the state 
 of free servants and attendants upon noblemen and gentlemen ; 
 which are noways inferior unto the yeomanry for anus. And 
 therefore, out of all question, the splendour, and magnificence, and 
 great retinues, and hospitality of noblemen, and gentlemen, received 
 into custom, doth much conduce unto martial greatness. Whereas, 
 contrariwise, the close and reserved living of noblemen, and gentle- 
 men, causeth a penury of military forces. 
 
 By all means, it is to be procured, that the trunk of Nebuchad- 
 nezzar's tree of monarchy be great enough to bear the branches 
 and the boughs ; that is, that the natural subjects of the crown 
 or state, bear a sufficient proportion to the stranger subjects that 
 they govern. Therefore all states, that are liberal of naturalisa- 
 tion towards strangers^ are fit for empiie. For to think, that a 
 
74 FRANCIS BACON [essay xxix. 
 
 handful of people can, with the greatest courage, and policy in 
 the world, embrace too large extent of dominion, it may hold for 
 a time, but it will fail suddenly. The Spartans were a nice people, 
 in point of naturalisation ; whereby, while they kept their compass, 
 they stood firm ; but when they did spread, and their boughs were 
 becommen too great for their stem, they became a windfall upon 
 the sudden. Never any state was, in this point, so open to receive 
 strangers, into their body, as were the Romans. Therefore it 
 sorted with them accordingly ; for they grew to the greatest 
 monarchy. Their manner was, to grant naturalisation, (which 
 they called jtis civitalis) and to grant it in the highest degree ; 
 that is, not only jus commercii, jus connubii, jus hoereditatis ; but 
 also jus suffragii, and jus honorum. And this, not to singular 
 persons alone, but likewise to whole families ; yea, to cities, and 
 sometimes to nations. Add to this, their custom of plantation of 
 colonies; whereby the Roman plant was removed into the soil 
 of other nations. And, putting both constitutions together, you 
 will say, that it was not the Romans that spread upon the world ; 
 but it was the world that spread upon the Romans : and that was 
 the sure way of greatness. I have marvelled sometimes at Spain, 
 how they clasp and contain so large dominions, with so few 
 natural Spaniards : but sure, the whole compass of Spain is a very 
 great body of a tree ; far above Rome, and Sparta, at the first. 
 And besides, though they have not had that usage, to naturalise 
 liberally; yet they have that which is next to it; that is, 
 to employ, almost indifferently, all nations, in their militia of 
 ordinary soldiers: yea, and sometimes in their highest com- 
 mands. Nay, it seemeth at this instant, they are sensible of this 
 want of natives ; as by the pragmatical sanction, now published, 
 appeareth. 
 
 It is certain, that sedentary, and within-door arts, and delicate 
 manufactures (that require rather the finger, than the arm) have, 
 in their nature, a contrariety to a military disposition. And 
 generally, all warlike people are a little idle ; and love danger 
 better than travail: neither must they be too much broken of 
 it, if they shall be preserved in vigour. Therefore, it was great 
 advantage, in the ancient states of Sparta, Athens, Rome, and 
 others, that they had the use of slaves, which commonly did rid 
 those manufactures. But that is abolished, in greatest part, by 
 the Christian law. That which cometh nearest to it, is, to leave 
 those arts chiefly to strangers, (which for that purpose are the 
 more easily to be received) and to contain the principal bulk 
 of the vulgar natives within those three kinds; tillers of the 
 ground ; free servants ; and handicraftsmen, of strong and manly 
 arts, as smiths, masons, carpenters, etc. ; not reckoning professed 
 soldiers. 
 
 But above all, for empire and greatness, it importeth most, 
 
ESSAY XXIX.] OF THE GREATNESS OF KINGDOMS 75 
 
 that a nation do profess arms, as their principal honour, study, and 
 occupation. For the things, whicli we formerly have spoken of, are 
 but habiUtations towards arms : and what is habiHtation with- 
 out intention and act } Romulus, after his death (as they report, 
 or feign) sent a present to the Romans ; that, above all, they 
 should intend arms ; and then, they should prove the greatest empire 
 of the world. The fabric of the state of Sparta was wholly 
 (though not wisely) framed, and composed, to that scope and end. 
 The Persians, and Macedonians, had it for a flash. The Galls, 
 Germans, Goths, Saxons, Normans, and othere, had it for a time. 
 The Turks have it, at this day, though in great declination. Of 
 Christian Europe, they that have it, are, in effect, only the 
 Spaniards. But it is so plain, that every man profiteth in that 
 he most intendeth, that it needeth not to be stood upon. It is 
 enough to point at it ; that no nation, which doth not directly 
 profess arms, may look to have greatness fall into their mouths. 
 And, on the other side, it is a most certain oracle of time ; that those 
 states, that continue long in that profession (as the Romans and 
 Turks principally have done) do wonders. And those that have 
 professed arms but for an age have, notwithstanding, commonly 
 attained that greatness in that age which maintained them long 
 after, when their profession and exercise of arms hath grown to 
 decay. 
 
 Incident to this point is, for a state to have those laws or 
 customs which may reach forth unto them just occasions (as may 
 be pretended) of war. For there is that justice imprinted, in 
 the nature of men, that they enter not upon wars (whereof so 
 many calamities do ensue) but upon some, at the least specious, 
 grounds and quarrels. The Turk hath at hand, for cause of war, 
 the propagation of his law or sect ; a quari'el that he may always 
 command. The Romans, though they esteemed the extending 
 the limits of their empire to be great honour to their generals, 
 when it was done, yet they never rested upon that alone, to 
 begin a war. First therefore, let nations, that pretend to great- 
 ness, have this ; that they be sensible of wrongs, either upon 
 borderei-s, merchants, or politic ministers ; and that they sit not 
 too long upon a provocation. Secondly, let them be pressed, 
 and ready to give aids and succours, to their confederates : as it 
 ever was with the Romans : insomuch, as if the confederate 
 had leagues defensive with divers other states, and upon in- 
 vasion offered, did implore their aids severally, yet the Romans 
 would ever be the foremost, and leave it to none other to have 
 the honour. As for the wars, which were anciently made, on the 
 behalf of a kind of party, or tacit conformity of estate, I do not 
 see how they may be well justified : as when the Romans made 
 a war for the liberty of Grecia : or when the Lacedemonians, and 
 Athenians, made wars, to set up or pull down democracies, and 
 
76 FRANCIS BACON [essay xxix. 
 
 oligarchies : or when wars were made by foreigners, under the 
 pretence of justice, or protection, to deliver the subjects of others 
 from tyranny, and oppression ; and the like. Let it suffice, that 
 no estate expect to be great that is not awake, upon any just 
 occasion of arming. 
 
 No body can be healthful without exercise, neither natural 
 body, nor politic : and certainly, to a kingdom or estate, a just 
 and honourable war is the true exercise. A civil war, indeed, 
 is like the heat of a fever ; but a foreign war, is like the heat of 
 exercise, and serveth to keep the body in health : for in a slothful 
 peace, both courages will effeminate, and manners corrupt. But 
 howsoever it be for happiness, without all question, for greatness, 
 it maketh, to be still, for the most part, in arms : and the strength 
 of a veteran army, (though it be a chargeable business) always 
 on foot, is that which commonly giveth the law ; or at least 
 the reputation amongst all neighbour states ; as may well 
 be seen in Spain ; which hath had, in one part or other, a 
 veteran army, almost continually, now by the space of six-score 
 years. 
 
 To be master of the sea, is an abridgment of a monarchy. 
 Cicero writing to Atticus, of Pompey his preparation against 
 Caesar, saith ; *^ Consilium Pompeii plane Themistocleum est ; putat 
 enim, qui mari potitur, eiim rerum potiri." And, without doubt, 
 Pompey had tired out Caesar if, upon vain confidence, he had not 
 left that way. We see the great effects of battles by sea. The 
 battle of Actium decided the empire of the world. The battle 
 of Lepanto arrested the greatness of the Turk. There be many 
 examples, where sea-fights have been final to the war ; but this 
 is, when princes or states, have set up their rest, upon the battles. 
 But thus much is certain ; that he that commands the sea, is at 
 great liberty, and may take as much, and as little of the war, as 
 he will. Whereas those that be strongest by land are many times 
 nevertheless in great straits. Surely, at this day, with us of Europe, 
 the vantage of strength at sea (which is one of the principal 
 dowries of this kingdom of Great Britain) is great : both because 
 most of the kingdoms of Europe are not merely inland, but girt with 
 the sea, most part of their compass ; and because the wealth of 
 both Indies seems in great part but an accessary to the command 
 of the seas. 
 
 The wars of latter ages seem to be made in the dark, in 
 respect of the glory and honour which reflected upon men 
 from the wars in ancient time. There be now, for martial 
 encouragement, some degrees and orders of chivalry ; which 
 nevertheless, are conferred promiscuously, upon soldiers, and no 
 soldiers ; and some remembrance perhaps upon the escutcheon ; and 
 some hospitals for maimed soldiers ; and suchlike things. But in 
 ancient times, the trophies erected upon the place of the victory ; 
 
ESSAY XXIX.] OF THE GREATNESS OF KINGDOMS ^^ 
 
 the funeral laudatives and monuments for those that died in the 
 wars ; the crowns and garlands personal ; the style of Emperor, 
 which the great kings of the world after borrowed ; the triumphs 
 of the generals upon their return ; the great donatives and largesses 
 upon the disbanding of the armies ; were things able to inflame 
 all men's courages. But above all, that of the triumph, amongst 
 the Romans, was not pageants or gaudery, but one of the wisest 
 and noblest institutions that ever was. For it contained three 
 things ; honour to the general ; riches to the treasury out of the 
 spoils ; and donatives to the army. But that honour, perhaps, 
 were not fit for monarchies ; except it be in the person of the 
 monarch himself, or his sons ; as it came to pass, in the times 
 of the Roman emperors, who did impropriate the actual triumphs 
 to themselves, and their sons, for such wars as they did achieve 
 in person: and left only, for wars achieved by subjects, some 
 triumphal garments, and ensigns, to the general. 
 
 To conclude ; no man can, by care-taking (as the Scripture 
 saith) add a cubit to his stature, in this little model of a 
 man's body : but in the great frame of kingdoms, and common- 
 wealths, it is in the power of princes, or estates, to add amplitude 
 and greatness to their kingdoms. For by introducing such ordin- 
 ances, constitutions, and customs, as we have now touched, they 
 may sow greatness to their posterity, and succession. But 
 these things are commonly not observed, but left to take their 
 chance. 
 
XXX 
 
 OF REGIMEN OF HEALTH 
 
 THERE is a wisdom in this, beyond the rules of physic : a 
 man's own observation, what he finds good of, and what he 
 finds hurt of, is the best physic to preserve health. But it is a 
 safer conclusion to say ; " This agreeth not well with me, there- 
 fore I will not continue it ; " than this ; " I find no offence of 
 this, therefore I may use it." For strength of nature in youth 
 passeth over many excesses, which are owing a man till his 
 age. Discern of the coming on of years, and think not to do 
 the same things still; for age will not be defied. Beware of 
 sudden change in any great point of diet and, if necessity enforce 
 it, fit the rest to it. For it is a secret, both in nature, and state, 
 that it is safer to change many things, than one. Examine thy 
 customs, of diet, sleep, exercise, apparel, and the like ; and try, 
 in anything thou shalt judge hurtful, to discontinue it by little 
 and little ; but so, as if thou dost find any inconvenience by the 
 change, thou come back to it again : for it is hard to distinguish 
 that which is generally held good, and wholesome, from that 
 which is good particularly, and fit for thine own body. To be 
 free-minded, and cheerfully disposed, at hours of meat, and of 
 sleep, and of exercise, is one of the best precepts of long lasting. 
 As for the passions and studies of the mind ; avoid envy ; anxious 
 fears ; anger fretting inwards ; subtle and knotty inquisitions ; 
 joys, and exhilarations in excess; sadness not communicated. 
 Entertain hopes ; mirth rather than joy ; variety of delights, 
 rather than surfeit of them ; wonder, and admiration, and therefore 
 novelties ; studies that fill the mind with splendid and illustrious 
 objects, as histories, fables, and contemplations of nature. If 
 you fly physic in health altogether, it will be too strange for 
 your body, when you shall need it. If you make it too familiar, 
 it will work no extraordinary effect, when sickness cometh. I 
 commend, rather, some diet, for certain seasons, than frequent use 
 of physic, except it be grown into a custom. For those diets alter 
 the body more, and trouble it less. Despise no new accident, in 
 your body, but ask opinion of it. In sickness, respect health 
 principally; and in health, action. For those that put their 
 
 78 
 
ESSAY XXX. J OF REGIMEN OF HEALTH 79 
 
 bodies to endure in health, may in most sicknesses, which are not 
 very sharp, be cured only with diet, and tendering. Celsus could 
 never have spoken it as a physician, had he not been a wise man 
 withal, when he giveth it, for one of the great precepts of 
 health and lasting, that a man do vary, and interchange con- 
 traries ; but with an inclination to the more benign extreme : 
 use fasting, and full eating, but rather full eating ; watching and 
 sleep, but rather sleep ; sitting, and exercise, but rather exercise ; 
 and the like. So shall nature be cherished, and yet taught 
 masteries. Physicians are some of them so pleasing, and con- 
 formable to the humour of the patient, as they press not the true 
 cure of the disease ; and some other are so regular, in proceeding 
 according to art, for the disease, as they respect not sufficiently 
 the condition of the patient. Take one of a middle temper ; or 
 if it may not be found in one man, combine two of either sort : 
 and forget not to call, as well the best acquainted with your body, 
 as the best reputed of for his faculty. 
 
XXXI 
 
 OF SUSPICION 
 
 SUSPICIONS amongst thoughts are like bats amongst birds, 
 they ever fly by twilight. Certainly, they are to be repressed, 
 or, at the least, well guarded ; for they cloud the mind ; they leese 
 friends ; and they check with business, whereby business cannot 
 go on, currently, and constantly. They dispose kings to tyranny, 
 husbands to jealousy, wise men to irresolution and melancholy. 
 They are defects, not in the heart, but in the brain ; for they take 
 place in the stoutest natures : as in the example of Henry the 
 Seventh of England : there was not a more suspicious man, nor a 
 more stout. And in such a composition, they do small hurt. For 
 commonly they are not admitted but with examination, whether 
 they be likely or no ? But in fearful natures, they gain ground 
 too fast. There is nothing makes a man suspect much, more 
 than to know little : and therefore men should remedy suspicion, 
 by procuring to know more, and not to keep their suspicions in 
 smother. What would men have.^ Do they think those they 
 employ and deal with are saints ? Do they not think they will 
 have their own ends, and be truer to themselves, than to them ? 
 Therefore, there is no better way to moderate suspicions, than to 
 account upon such suspicions as true, and yet to bridle them, as 
 false. For so far, a man ought to make use of suspicions, as to 
 provide, as if that should be true that he suspects, yet it may do 
 him no hurt. Suspicions, that the mind, of itself, gathers, are but 
 buzzes ; but suspicions, that are artificially nourished, and put into 
 men's heads, by the tales, and whisperings of others, have stings. 
 Certainly, the best mean, to clear the way, in this same wood of 
 suspicions, is frankly to communicate them, with the party that 
 he suspects : for thereby, he shall be sure to know more of the 
 truth of them than he did before ; and withal, shall make that 
 party more circumspect not to give further cause of suspicion. 
 But this would not be done to men of base natures : for they, if 
 they find themselves once suspected, will never be true. The 
 Italian says: "Sospetto licentia fede : " as if suspicion did give a 
 passport to faith ; but it ought rather to kindle it, to discharge 
 itself. 
 
 80 
 
XXXII 
 
 OF DISCOURSE 
 
 SOME in their discourse desire rather commendation of wit, in 
 being able to hold all arguments, than of judgment, in discern- 
 ing what is true : as if it were a praise to know what might be 
 said, and not what should be thought. Some have certain common 
 places, and themes, wherein they are good, and want variety : 
 which kind of poverty is for the most part tedious, and when it 
 is once perceived ridiculous. The honourablest part of talk is to 
 give the occasion ; and again to moderate and pass to somewhat 
 else ; for then a man leads the dance. It is good, in discourse, 
 and speech of conversation, to vary, and intermingle speech, of 
 the present occasion with arguments ; tales with reasons ; asking 
 of questions, with telling of opinions ; and jest with earnest : for 
 it is a dull thing to tire, and, as we say now, to jade, anything too 
 far. As for jest, there be certain things which ought to be privi- 
 leged from it; namely, religion, matters of state, great persons, 
 any man's present business of importance, and any case that 
 deserveth pity. Yet there be some, that think their wits have 
 been asleep, except they dart out somewhat that is piquant, and 
 to the quick ; that is a vein which would be bridled ; 
 
 ^* Farce puer stimulis, et fortius utere loris." 
 
 And generally, men ought to find the difference between saltness 
 and bitterness. Certainly, he that hath a satirical vein, as he 
 maketh others afraid of his wit, so he had need be afraid of others' 
 memory. He that questioneth much, shall learn much, and con- 
 tent much ; but especially, if he apply his questions to the skill of 
 the persons whom he asketh : for he shall give them occasion to 
 please themselves in speaking, and himself shall continually gather 
 knowledge. But let his questions not be troublesome ; for that is 
 fit for a poser. And let him be sure to leave other men their 
 turns to speak. Nay, if there be any that would reign, and take 
 up all the time, let him find means to take them off, and to bring 
 others on ; as musicians used to do, with those that dance too 
 long galliards. If you dissemble sometimes your knowledge, of 
 that you are thought to know, you shall be thought another time, 
 6 
 
82 FRANCIS BACON [essay xxxii. 
 
 to know that, you know not. Speech of a man's self ought to be 
 seldom, and well chosen. I knew one, was wont to say, in scorn ; 
 "He must needs be a wise man, he speaks so much of himself:" 
 and there is but one case, wherein a man may commend himself, 
 with good grace ; and that is in commending virtue in another ; 
 especially, if it be such a virtue whereunto himself pretendeth. 
 Speech of touch towards others should be sparingly used : for 
 discourse ought to be as a field, without coming home to any man. 
 I knew two noblemen, of the west part of England, whereof the 
 one was given to scoff, but kept ever royal cheer in his house : 
 the other would ask of those that had been at the other's table ; 
 " Tell truly, was there never a flout or dry blow given ; " to which 
 the guest would answer ; " Such and such a thing passed : " the 
 lord would say ; " I thought he would mar a good dinner." Dis- 
 cretion of speech is more than eloquence ; and to speak agreeably 
 to him with whom we deal is more than to speak in good words, 
 or in good order. A good continued speech, without a good 
 speech of interlocution, shows slowness : and a good reply, or 
 second speech, without a good settled speech, showeth shallow- 
 ness and weakness. As we see in beasts, that those that are 
 weakest in the coui*se, are yet nimblest in the turn : as it is 
 betwixt the greyhound, and the hare. To use too many circum- 
 stances, ere one come to the matter, is wearisome ; to use none at 
 all, is blunt. 
 
XXXIII 
 
 OF PLANTATIONS 
 
 PLANTATIONS are amongst ancient, primitive, and heroical 
 works. When the world was young, it begat more children ; 
 but now it is old, it begets fewer: for I may justly account new 
 plantations to be the children of former kingdoms. I like a 
 plantation in a pure soil ; that is, where people are not displanted, 
 to the end to plant in others. For else, it is rather an extirpation, 
 than a plantation. Planting of countries is like planting of woods ; 
 for you must make account, to leese almost twenty years' profit, and 
 expect your recompense in the end. For the principal thing, that 
 hath been the destruction of most plantations, hath been the base, 
 and hasty drawing of profit, in the first years. It is true, speedy 
 profit is not to be neglected, as far as may stand with the good of 
 the plantation, but no further. It is a shameful and unblessed 
 thing, to take the scum of people, and wicked condemned men, 
 to be the people with whom you plant : and not only so, but it 
 spoileth the plantation ; for they will ever live like rogues, and 
 not fall to work, but be lazy, and do mischief, and spend victuals, 
 and be quickly weary, and then certify over to their country, to 
 the discredit of the plantation. The people wherewith you plant 
 ought to be gardeners, ploughmen, labourers, smiths, carpenters, 
 joiners, fishermen, fowlers, with some few apothecaries, surgeons, 
 cooks, and bakers. In a country of plantation, first look about 
 what kind of victual the country yields of itself, to hand ; as 
 chestnuts, walnuts, pine-apples, olives, dates, plums, cherries, wild 
 honey, and the like : and make use of them. Then consider, what 
 victual or esculent things there are, which grow speedily, and 
 within the year ; as parsnips, caiTots, turnips, onions, radish, arti- 
 chokes of Jerusalem, maize, and the like. For wheat, barley, and 
 oats, they ask too much labour : but with peas, and beans, you 
 may begin ; both because they ask less labour, and because they 
 serve for meat, as well as for bread. And of rice likewise cometh 
 a great increase, and it is a kind of meat. Above all, there ought 
 to be brought store of biscuit, oatmeal, flour, meal, and the like, 
 in the beginning, till bread may be had. For beasts, or birds, 
 take chiefly such as are least subject to diseases, and multiply 
 
 83 
 
84 FRANCIS BACON [essay xxxiii. 
 
 fastest : as swine, goats, cocks, hens, turkeys, geese, house-doves, 
 and the like. The victual in plantations ought to be expended, 
 almost as in a besieged town ; that is, with certain allowance. 
 And let the main part of the ground employed to gardens or corn 
 be to a common stock ; and to be laid in, and stored up, and then 
 delivered out in proportion ; besides some spots of ground that 
 any particular person will manure for his own private. Consider 
 likewise, what commodities the soil where the plantation is doth 
 naturally yield, that they may some way help to defray the charge 
 of the plantation : so it be not, as was said, to the untimely pre- 
 judice of the main business ; as it hath fared with tobacco in 
 Virginia. Wood commonly aboundeth but too much ; and there- 
 fore, timber is fit to be one. If there be iron ore, and streams 
 whereupon to set the mills, iron is a brave commodity, where 
 wood aboundeth. Making of bay salt, if the climate be proper for 
 it, would be put in experience. Growing silk likewise, if any be, 
 is a likely commodity. Pitch and tar, where store of firs and pines 
 are, will not fail. So drugs, and sweet woods, where they are, 
 cannot but yield great profit. Soap-ashes likewise, and other 
 things, that may be thought of. But moile not too much under 
 ground : for the hope of mines is very uncertain, and useth to 
 make the planters lazy in other things. For government, let it 
 be in the hands of one, assisted with some counsel : and let them 
 have commission to exercise martial laws, with some limitation. 
 And above all, let men make that profit of being in the wilderness, 
 as they have God always, and His service, before their eyes. Let 
 not the government of the plantation depend upon too many 
 counsellors, and undertakers, in the country that planteth, but 
 upon a temperate number : and let those be rather noblemen, and 
 gentlemen, than merchants: for they look ever to the present 
 gain. Let there be freedoms from custom, till the plantation be 
 of strength : and not only freedom from custom, but freedom to 
 carry their commodities where they may make their best of them, 
 except there be some special cause of caution. Cram not in 
 people, by sending too fast company after company ; but rather 
 hearken how they waste, and send supplies proportionably ; but so, 
 as the number may live well, in the plantation, and not by sur- 
 charge be in penury. It hath been a great endangering, to the 
 health of some plantations, that they have built along the sea, and 
 rivers, in marsh and unwholesome grounds. Therefore, though 
 you begin there, to avoid carriage, and other like discommodities, 
 yet build still rather upwards, from the streams, than along. It 
 concemeth likewise the health of the plantation, that they have 
 good store of salt with them, that they may use it in their victuals, 
 when it shall be necessary. If you plant where savages are, do 
 not only entertain them with trifles, and gingles ; but use them 
 justly, and graciously, with sufficient guard nevertheless : and do 
 
ESSAY xxxiii.] OF PLANTATIONS 85 
 
 not win their favour by helping them to invade their enemies, 
 but for their defence it is not amiss. And send oft of them 
 over to the country that plants, that they may see a better 
 condition than their own, and commend it when they return. 
 When the plantation grows to strength, then it is time to 
 plant with women, as well as with men ; that the plantation 
 may spread into generations, and not be ever pieced from 
 without. It is the sinfullest thing in the world to forsake or 
 destitute a plantation, once in forwardness : for besides the 
 dishonour, it is the guiltiness of blood of many commiserable 
 persons. 
 
XXXIV 
 
 OF RICHES 
 
 I CANNOT call riches better than the baggage of virtue. The 
 Roman word is better, impedimenta. For as the baggage is 
 to an army, so is riches to virtue. It cannot be spared, nor left 
 behind, but it hindereth the march ; yea, and the care of it, some- 
 times, loseth or disturbeth the victory ; of great riches, there is no 
 real use, except it be in the distribution ; the rest is but conceit. 
 So saith Salomon ; " Where much is, there are many to consume it ; 
 and what hath the owner, but the sight of it, with his eyes ? " The 
 personal fruition in any man cannot reach to feel great riches ; 
 there is a custody of them ; or a power of dole and donative of them ; 
 or a fame of them ; but no solid use to the owner. Do you not see 
 what feigned prices are set upon little stones, and rarities ? and 
 what works of ostentation are undertaken, because there might 
 seem to be some use of great riches } But then you will say, they 
 may be of use, to buy men out of dangers or troubles. As Salomon 
 saith ; " Riches are as a stronghold, in the imagination of the rich 
 man." But this is excellently expressed, that it is in imagination, 
 and not always in fact. For certainly great riches have sold 
 more men than they have bought out. Seek not proud riches, 
 but such as thou mayest get justly, use soberly, distribute cheer- 
 fully, and leave contentedly. Yet have no abstract nor friarly con- 
 tempt of them. But distinguish, as Cicero saith well of Rabirius 
 Posthumus ; " In studio rei amplificandoe, apparehat, non avaritiw 
 prcedam, sed instrumentum honitati, quceri." Hearken also to 
 Salomon, and beware of hasty gathering of riches : " Qui festinai 
 ad divitias, non erit insons." The poets feign that when Plutus, 
 (which is riches,) is sent from Jupiter, he limps, and goes slowly ; 
 but when he is sent from Pluto, he runs, and is swift of foot. 
 Meaning, that riches gotten by good means, and just labour, pace 
 slowly ; but when they come by the death of others, (as by the 
 course of inheritance, testaments, and the like,) they come tumbling 
 upon a man. But it might be applied likewise to Pluto, taking 
 him for the devil. For when riches come from the devil, (as 
 by fraud, and oppression, and unjust means,) they come upon 
 speed. The ways to enrich are many, and most of them foul. 
 
ESSAY XXXIV.] OF RICHES 87 
 
 Parsimony is one of the best, and yet is not innocent : for it with- 
 holdeth men from works of liberality, and charity. The improve- 
 ment of the ground is the most natural obtaining of riches ; for 
 it is our great mother's blessing, the earth's ; but it is slow. And 
 yet, where men of great wealth do stoop to husbandry, it multi- 
 plieth riches exceedingly. I knew a nobleman in England that 
 had the greatest audits of any man in my time : a great grazier, a 
 great sheepmaster, a great timber-man, a great collier, a great corn- 
 master, a great lead-man, and so of iron, and a number of the like 
 points of husbandry, so as the earth seemed a sea to him, in respect 
 of the perpetual importation. It was truly observed by one, that 
 himself came very hardly to a little riches, and very easily to great 
 riches. For when a man's stock is come to that, that he can 
 expect the prime of markets, and overcome those bargains, which 
 for their greatness are few men's money, and be partner in the 
 industries of younger men, he cannot but increase mainly. The 
 gains of ordinary trades and vocations are honest ; and furthered 
 by two things, chiefly : by diligence, and by a good name, for 
 good and fair dealing. But the gains of bargains are of a more 
 doubtful nature ; when men shall wait upon others' necessity, 
 broake by servants and instruments to draw them on, put off others 
 cunningly that would be better chapmen, and the like practices, 
 which are crafty and naught. As for the chopping of bargains, 
 when a man buys, not to hold, but to sell over again, 
 that commonly grindeth double, both upon the seller, and upon 
 the buyer. Sharings do greatly enrich, if the hands be well 
 chosen that are trusted. Usury is the certainest means of gain, 
 though one of the worst ; as that whereby a man doth eat his 
 bread ; " In sudore vultus alieni : " and besides, doth plough upon 
 Sundays. But yet certain though it be, it hath flaws; for that 
 the scriveners and brokers do valew unsound men, to serve their 
 own turn. The fortune, in being the first in an invention, or in a 
 privilege, doth cause sometimes a wonderful overgrowth in riches ; 
 as it was with the first sugar man, in the Canaries : therefore, if 
 a man can play the true logician, to have as well judgment, as 
 invention, he may do great matter ; especially if the times be fit. 
 He that resteth upon gains certain shall hardly grow to great 
 riches; and he that puts all upon adventures doth oftentimes 
 break, and come to poverty : it is good therefore, to guard adven- 
 tures with certainties, that may uphold losses. Monopolies, and 
 coemption of wares for resale, where they are not restrained, are 
 great means to enrich ; especially, if the party have intelligence 
 what things are like to come into request, and so store himself 
 beforehand. Riches gotten by service, though it be of the best 
 rise, yet when they are gotten by flattery, feeding humours, and 
 other servile conditions, they may be placed amongst the worst. 
 As for fishing for testaments and executorships (as Tacitus saith of 
 
88 FRANCIS BACON [essay xxxiv. 
 
 Seneca ; " Testamenta et orbos, tanqudm indagine capi ; ") it is yet 
 worse ; by how much men submit themselves to meaner persons, 
 than in service. Believe not much them that seem to despise 
 riches : for they despise them that despair of them ; and none 
 worse when they come to them. Be not penny-wise ; riches have 
 wings, and sometimes they fly away of themselves, sometimes they 
 must be set flying to bring in more. Men leave their riches either 
 to their kindred, or to the public : and moderate portions prosper 
 best in both. A great state left to an heir is as a lure to all the birds 
 of prey, round about, to seize on him, if he be not the better 
 stablished in years and judgment. Likewise glorious gifts and 
 foundations are like sacrifices without salt ; and but the painted 
 sepulchres of alms, which soon will putrefy, and corrupt inwardly. 
 Therefore, measure not thine advancements by quantity, but frame 
 them by measure ; and defer not charities till death : for certainly, 
 if a man weigh it rightly, he that doth so is rather liberal of 
 another man's than of his own. 
 
XXXV 
 
 OF PROPHECIES 
 
 I ME AN not to speak of divine prophecies; nor of heathen oracles ; 
 nor of natural predictions ; but only of prophecies, that have 
 been of certain memory, and from hidden causes. Saith the 
 Pythonissa to Saul ; " To-morrow thou and thy son shall be with 
 me." Homer hath these verses. 
 
 ** At domus JEne<x cuncttt dominabitur orit, 
 Et nati natorufftf et qui nascentur ab illu .•" 
 
 a prophecy, as it seems, of the Roman Empire. Seneca the 
 Tragedian hath these verses. 
 
 * ' yen'tent annis 
 
 Secula seriSf qui bus oceanut 
 f^incula rerum laxety et ingem 
 Pat eat tellus, typhhque novos 
 Detegat orbet ,* nee sit terris 
 Ultima ThuU:*' 
 
 a prophecy of the discovery of America. The daughter of 
 Polycrates dreamed that Jupiter bathed her father, and Apollo 
 anointed him : and it came to pass, that he was crucified in an 
 open place, where the sun made his body run with sweat, and the 
 rain washed it. Philip of Macedon dreamed he sealed up his 
 wife's belly : whereby he did expound it that his wife should 
 be barren : but Aristander the soothsayer told him his wife was 
 with child, because men do not use to seal vessels that are empty. 
 A phantasm that appeared to M. Brutus in his tent said to him ; 
 " Pkilippis iteriim me videbis." Tiberius said to Galba, " Tu quoque 
 Galha degustabis imperium." In Vespasian's time, there went a 
 prophecy in the East ; that those that should come forth of Judea 
 should reign over the world : which though it may be was meant 
 of our Saviour, yet Tacitus expounds it of Vespasian. Domitian 
 dreamed, the night before he was slain, that a golden head was 
 growing out of the nape of his neck : and indeed, the succession 
 that followed him, for many years, made golden times. Henry 
 the Sixth of England, said of Henry the Seventh, when he was a 
 lad, and gave him water ; " This is the lad, that shall enjoy the 
 
 89 
 
90 FRANCIS BACON [essay xxxv. 
 
 crown for which we strive." When I was in France, I heard from 
 one Dr. Pena, that the Q. mother, who was given to curious arts, 
 caused the king her husband's nativity to be calculated under a 
 false name ; and the astrologer gave a judgment that he should 
 be killed in a duel ; at which the queen laughed, thinking her 
 husband to be above challenges and duels : but he was slain, 
 upon a course at tilt, the splinters of the staff of Montgomery, 
 going in at his beaver. The trivial prophecy which I heard when 
 1 was a child, and Queen Elizabeth was in the flower of her years, 
 was; 
 
 *' When Hempe is spun ; 
 England's done." 
 
 Whereby, it was generally conceived, that after the princes had 
 reigned which had the principal letters of that word Hempe, 
 (which were Henry, Edward, Mary, Philip, and Elizabeth) 
 England should come to utter confusion : which, thanks be to 
 God, is verified only in the change of the name : for that the 
 king's style is now no more of England, but of Britain. There 
 was also another prophecy, before the year of 88, which I do not 
 well understand. 
 
 ** There shall be seen upon a day, 
 Between the baugh, and the May, 
 The black fleet of Norway. 
 When that that is come and gone, 
 England build houses of lime and stone 
 For after wars shall you have none." 
 
 It was generally conceived to be meant of the Spanish fleet, that 
 came in 88. For that the King of Spain's surname, as they say, 
 is Norway. The prediction of Regiomontanus ; 
 
 * ' Octogessimus octavus mirabilis annus ; " 
 
 was thought likewise accomplished, in the sending of that great 
 fleet, being the greatest in strength, though not in number, of all 
 that ever swam upon the sea. As for Cleon's dream, I think it was 
 a jest. It was, that he was devoured of a long dragon ; and it was 
 expounded of a maker of sausages, that troubled him exceedingly. 
 There are numbers of the like kind ; especially if you include 
 dreams, and predictions of astrology. But I have set down these 
 few only of certain credit, for example. My judgment is, that they 
 ought all to be despised ; and ought to serve but for winter talk, 
 by the fireside. Though when I say despised, I mean it as for 
 belief : for otherwise, the spreading or publishing of them is in 
 no sort to be despised. For they have done much mischief : and 
 I see many severe laws made to suppress them. That, that hath 
 given them grace, and some credit, consisteth in three things. 
 First, that men mark when they hit, and never mark when they 
 
ESSAY xxxv.J OF PROPHECIES 91 
 
 miss : as they do, generally, also of dreams. The second is, that 
 probable conjectures, or obscure traditions, many times, turn 
 themselves into prophecies : while the nature of man, which 
 coveteth divination, thinks it no peril to foretell that which 
 indeed they do but collect. As that of Seneca's verse. For so 
 much was then subject to demonstration, that the globe of the 
 earth had great parts beyond the Atlantic ; which might be 
 probably conceived not to be all sea : and adding thereto the 
 tradition in Plato's Timeus, and his Atlanticus, it might encourage 
 one to turn it to a prediction. The third, and last (which is the 
 great one) is, that almost all of them, being infinite in number, 
 have been impostures, and by idle and crafty brains merely con- 
 trived and feigned, after the event passed. 
 
XXXVI 
 
 OF AMBITION 
 
 AMBITION is like choler; which is a humour that maketh 
 men active, earnest, full of alacrity, and stirring, if it be 
 not stopped. But if it be stopped, and cannot have his way, 
 it becometh adust, and thereby malign and venomous. So 
 ambitious men, if they find the way open for their rising, and still 
 get forward, they are rather busy than dangerous ; but if they 
 be checked in their desires, they become secretly discontent, 
 and look upon men and matters with an evil eye ; and are 
 best pleased when things go backward ; which is the worst 
 property in a servant of a prince or state. Therefore it is 
 good for princes, if they use ambitious men, to handle it so, as 
 they be still progressive, and not retrograde : which, because it 
 cannot be without inconvenience, it is good not to use such 
 natures at all. For if they rise not with their service, they will 
 take order to make their service fall with them. But since we 
 have said it were good not to use men of ambitious natures, 
 except it be upon necessity, it is fit we speak in what cases they 
 are of necessity. Good commanders in the wars must be taken, 
 be they never so ambitious . for the use of their service dispenseth 
 with the rest ; and to take a soldier without ambition, is to pull 
 off his spurs. There is also great use of ambitious men in being 
 screens to princes, in matters of danger and envy : for no man 
 will take that part, except he be like a seeled dove, that mounts 
 and mounts, because he cannot see about him. There is use also 
 of ambitious men in pulling down the greatness of any subject 
 that overtops : as Tiberius used Macro in the pulling down of 
 Sejanus. Since therefore they must be used in such cases, there 
 resteth to speak how they are to be bridled, that they may be 
 less dangerous. There is less danger of them if they be of mean 
 birth, than if they be noble: and if they be rather harsh of 
 nature, than gracious and popular: and if they be rather new 
 raised, than grown cunning, and fortified in their greatness. It is 
 counted by some a weakness in princes to have favourites : but 
 it is, of all others, the best remedy against ambitious great ones. 
 For when the way of pleasuring and displeasuring lieth by the 
 
ESSAY XXXVI.] OF AMBITION 93 
 
 favourite, it is impossible any otlier should be over -great. 
 Another means to curb them, is to balance them by others, as 
 proud as they. But then, there must be some middle counsellors, 
 to keep things steady: for without that ballast the ship will roll 
 too much. At the least, a prince may animate and inure some 
 meaner persons to be, as it were, scourges to ambitious men. As 
 for the having of them obnoxious to ruin, if they be of fearful 
 natures, it may do well : but if they be stout, and daring, it may 
 precipitate their designs, and prove dangerous. As for the pulling 
 of them down, if the affairs require it, and that it may not be 
 done with safety suddenly, the only way is the interchange continu- 
 ally of favours and disgraces ; whereby they may not know what 
 to expect ; and be, as it were, in a wood. Of ambitions, it is 
 less harmful, the ambition to prevail in great things, than that 
 other, to appear in everything ; for that breeds confusion, and 
 mars business. But yet, it is less danger, to have an ambitious 
 man stirring in business, than great in dependencies. He that 
 seeketh to be eminent amongst able men hath a great task; 
 but that is ever good for the public. But he that plots to be 
 the only figure amongst ciphei*s is the decay ot a whole age. 
 Honour hath three things in it ; the vantage ground to do good : 
 the approach to kings, and principal persons : and the raising of a 
 man's own fortunes. He that hath the best of these intentions, 
 when he aspireth, is an honest man : and that prince, that can 
 discern of these intentions in another that aspireth, is a wise 
 prince. Generally, let princes and states choose such ministers 
 as are more sensible of duty than of rising ; and such as love 
 business rather upon conscience than upon bravery : and let them 
 discern a busy nature from a willing mind. 
 
XXXVII 
 
 OF MASQUES AND TRIUMPHS 
 
 THESE things are but toys, to come amongst such serious 
 observations. But yet, since princes will have such things, 
 it is better they should be graced with elegancy, than daubed 
 with cost. Dancing to song is a thing of great state, and 
 pleasure. I understand it, that the song be in choir, placed aloft, 
 and accompanied with some broken music. And the ditty fitted 
 to the device. Acting in song, especially in dialogues, hath an 
 extreme good grace : I say acting, not dancing, (for that is a mean 
 and vulgar thing ;) and the voices of the dialogue, would be 
 strong and manly, (a bass and a tenor ; no treble ;) and the ditty 
 high and tragical ; not nice or dainty. Several choirs, placed one 
 over against another, and taking the voice by catches, anthem- 
 wise, give great pleasure. Turning dances into figure is a childish 
 curiosity. And generally, let it be noted, that those things, 
 which I here set down, are such as do naturally take the sense, 
 and not respect petty wonderments. It is true, the alteration 
 of scenes, so it be quietly, and without noise, are things of 
 great beauty, and pleasure: for they feed and relieve the eye 
 before it be full of the same object. Let the scenes abound with 
 light, especially coloured and varied : and let the masquers, or 
 any other, that are to come down from the scene, have some 
 motions, upon the scene itself, before their coming down : for it 
 draws the eye strangely, and makes it with great pleasure, to desire 
 to see that it cannot perfectly discern. Let the songs be loud, 
 and cheerful, and not chirpings, or pulings. Let the music like- 
 wise be sharp, and loud, and well placed. The colours that 
 show best by candle-light are ; white, carnation, and a kind of 
 sea-water green ; and oes, or spangs, as they are of no great cost, 
 so they are of most glory. As for rich embroidery, it is lost, and 
 not discerned. Let the suits of the masquers be graceful, and 
 such as become the person, when the visors are off; not after 
 examples of known attires ; Turks, soldiers, mariners, and the 
 like. Let anti-masques not be long ; they have been commonly of 
 fools, satyrs, baboons, wild men, antics, beasts, sprites, witches, 
 Ethiopes, pigmies, turquets, nymphs, rustics, Cupids, statues moving. 
 
ESSAY XXXVII.] OF MASQUES AND TRIUMPHS 95 
 
 and the like. As for angels, it is not comical enough to put 
 them in anti-masques ; and anything that is hideous, as devils, 
 giants, is on the other side as unfit. But chiefly, let the music of 
 them be recreative, and with some strange changes. Some sweet 
 odoure, suddenly coming forth, without any drops falling, are, in 
 such a company, as there is steam and heat, things of great plea- 
 sure, and refreshment. Double masques, one of men, another of 
 ladies, addeth state, and variety. But all is nothing, except the 
 room be kept clear, and neat. 
 
 For jousts, and tourneys, and barriers ; the glories of them are 
 chiefly in the chariots, wherein the challengers make their entry ; 
 especially if they be drawn with strange beasts ; as lions, bears, 
 camels, and the like : or in the devices of their entrance ; or in 
 the bravery of their liveries ; or in the goodly furniture of their 
 horses, and armour. But enough of these toys. 
 
XXXVIII 
 
 OF NATURE IN MEN 
 
 NATURE is often hidden ; sometimes overcome ; seldom ex- 
 tinguished. Force maketh nature more violent in the 
 return : doctrine and discourse maketh nature less importune : 
 but custom only doth alter and subdue nature. He that seeketh 
 victory over his nature, let him not set himself too great, nor too 
 small tasks : for the first will make him dejected by often failings ; 
 and the second will make him a small proceeder, though by often 
 prevailings. And at the first, let him practise with helps, as 
 swimmers do with bladders, or rushes : but after a time, let him 
 practise with disadvantages, as dancers do with thick shoes. For 
 it breeds great perfection, if the practice be harder than the use. 
 Where nature is mighty, and therefore the victory hard, the 
 degrees had need be ; first to stay and arrest nature in time ; 
 like to him, that would say over the four-and-twenty letters, when 
 he was angry : then to go less in quantity ; as if one should, in 
 forbearing wine, come from drinking healths to a draught at 
 a meal : and lastly, to discontinue altogether. But if a man 
 have the fortitude, and resolution, to enfranchise himself at 
 once, that is the best. 
 
 *• Optimus tile animi vindex, htdentia pectus 
 Vinculo qui rupit, dedoluitque semel.^^ 
 
 Neither is the ancient rule amiss, to bend nature as a wand to 
 a contrary extreme, whereby to set it right : understanding it 
 where the contrary extreme is no vice. Let not a man force a 
 habit upon himself, with a perpetual continuance, but with some 
 intermission. For both the pause reinforceth the new onset ; and 
 if a man, that is not perfect, be ever in practice, he shall as well 
 practise his errors, as his abilities ; and induce one habit of both : 
 and there is no means to help this but by seasonable intermissions. 
 But let not a man trust his victory over his nature too far ; for 
 nature will lie buried a great time, and yet revive, upon the 
 occasion or temptation. Like as it was with ^Esop's damosell, 
 turned from a cat to a woman ; who sat very demurely, at the 
 board's end, till a mouse ran before her. Therefore let a man 
 
 96 
 
ESSAY XXXVIII.] OF NATURE IN MEN 97 
 
 either avoid the occasion altogether ; or put himself often to it, 
 that he may be little moved with it. A man's nature is best 
 perceived in privateness, for there is no affectation ; in passion, 
 for that putteth a man out of his precepts ; and in a new case or 
 experiment, for there custom leaveth him. They are happy men 
 whose natures sort with their vocations ; otherwise they may say, 
 **Multum incolafuit anima mea : " when they converse m those things 
 they do not affect. In studies, whatsoever a man commandeth 
 upon himself, let him set hours for it : but whatsoever is agree- 
 able to his nature, let him take no care for any set times : for his 
 thoughts will fly to it of themselves ; so as the spaces of other 
 business, or studies, will suffice. A man's nature runs either to 
 herbs, or weeds ; therefore let him seasonably water the one, and 
 destroy the other. 
 
XXXIX 
 
 OF CUSTOM AND EDUCATION 
 
 MEN'S thoughts are much according to their inclination : their 
 discourse and speeches according to their learning, and 
 infused opinions ; but their deeds are after as they have been 
 accustomed. And therefore, as Macciavel well noteth (though in 
 an evil-favoured instance) there is no trusting to the force of 
 nature, nor to the bravery of words ; except it be corroborate by 
 custom. His instance is, that for the achieving of a desperate 
 conspiracy, a man should not rest upon the fierceness of any man's 
 nature, or his resolute undertakings ; but take such a one as 
 hath had his hands formerly in blood. But Macciavel knew not 
 of a Friar Clement, nor a Ravillac, nor a Jaureguy, nor a Baltazar 
 Gerard : yet his rule holdeth still, that nature, nor the engagement 
 of words, are not so forcible as custom. Only superstition is now 
 so well advanced that men of the first blood are as firm as 
 butchers by occupation : and votary resolution is made equipollent 
 to custom, even in matter of blood. In other things, the pre- 
 dominancy of custom is everywhere visible ; insomuch, as a 
 man would wonder, to hear men profess, protest, engage, give 
 great words, and then do just as they have done before : as if 
 they were dead images, and engines moved only by the wheels of 
 custom. We see also the reign or tyranny of custom, what it is. 
 The Indians (I mean the sect of their wise men) lay themselves 
 quietly upon a stack of wood, and so sacrifice themselves by fire. 
 Nay the wives strive to be burned with the corpses of their 
 husbands. The lads of Sparta, of ancient time, were wont to be 
 scourged upon the altar of Diana, without so much as queching. 
 I remember in the beginning of Queen Elizabeth's time of 
 England, an Irish rebel condemned put up a petition to the 
 deputy that he might be hanged in a with, and not in a halter, 
 because it had been so used with former rebels. There be monks 
 in Russia, for penance, that will sit a whole night in a vessel of 
 water, till they be ingaged with hard ice. Many examples may 
 be put of the force of custom both upon mind, and body. There- 
 fore, since custom is the principal magistrate of man's life, let 
 men by all means endeavour to obtain good customs. Certainly, 
 
KSSAY XXXIX.] OF CUSTOM AND EDUCATION 99 
 
 custom is most perfect when it begiimeth in young years : this 
 we call education ; which is, in effect, but an early custom. So 
 we see in languages the tongue is more pliant to all expressions 
 and sounds, the joints are more supple to all feats of activity, and 
 motions, in youth than afterwards. For it is true, that late 
 learners cannot so well take the plie ; except it be in some minds 
 that have not suffered themselves to fix, but have kept themselves 
 open and prepared to receive continual amendment, which is 
 exceeding rare. But if the force of custom simple and separate 
 be great, the force of custom copulate, and conjoined, and 
 collegiate, is far greater. For there example teacheth ; company 
 comforteth ; emulation quickeneth ; glory raiseth : so as in such 
 places the force of custom is in his exaltation. Certainly, the great 
 multiplication of virtues upon human nature resteth upon societies 
 well ordained, and disciplined. For commonwealths, and good 
 governments, do nourish virtue grown, but do not much mend the 
 seeds. But the misery is that the most effectual means are now 
 applied to the ends least to be desired. 
 
XL 
 
 OF FORTUNE 
 
 IT cannot be denied but outward accidents conduce much to 
 fortune : favour, opportunity, death of others, occasion fitting- 
 virtue. But chiefly, the mould of a man's fortune is in his own 
 hands. " Faher quisquefortuncB suce ;" saith the poet. And the most 
 frequent of external causes is that the folly of one man is the 
 fortune of another. For no man prospers so suddenly as by 
 others' errors. " Serpens nisi serpentem comederit nonjit draco," Overt 
 and apparent virtues bring forth praise ; but there be secret and 
 hidden virtues that bring forth fortune. Certain deliveries of a 
 man's self which have no name. The Spanish name, desemboltura, 
 partly expresseth them : when there be not stonds, nor restiveness 
 in a man's nature; but that the wheels of his mind keep way 
 with the wheels of his fortune. For so Livy (after he had 
 described Cato Major, in these words ; "/w illo viro, tantum robur 
 corporis et animi Juit, ut quocunque loco naius esset, Jbrtunam sibi 
 facturus videretur;") falleth upon that, that he had, versatile 
 ingenium. Therefore, if a man look sharply, and attentively, he 
 shall see fortune : for though she be blind, yet she is not invisible. 
 The way of fortune is like the milken way in the sky ; which is 
 a meeting or knot of a number of small stars ; not seen asunder, 
 but giving light together. So are there a number of little, and 
 scarce discerned virtues, or rather faculties and customs, that 
 make men fortimate. The Italians note some of them, such as a 
 man would little think. When they speak of one, that cannot do 
 amiss, they will throw in, into his other conditions, that he hath, 
 Poco di matto. And certainly, there be not two more fortunate 
 properties than to have a little of the fool, and not too much 
 of the honest. Therefore, extreme lovers of their country, or 
 masters, were never fortunate, neither can they be. For, when 
 a man placeth his thoughts without himself, he goeth not his 
 own way. A hasty fortune maketh an enterpriser, and remover, 
 (the French hath it better ; entreprenant, or remnant) but the 
 exercised fortune maketh the able man. Fortune is to be 
 honoured, and respected, and it be but for her daughters, 
 Confidence, and Reputation. For those two felicity breedeth; 
 
 100 
 
ESSAY XI.] OF FORTUNE loi 
 
 the first within a man's self; the latter, in others towards him. 
 All wise men, to decline the envy of their own virtues, use to 
 ascribe them to providence and fortune ; for so they may the 
 better assume them : and besides, it is greatness in a man to be 
 the care of the higher powers. So Caesar said to the pilot in the 
 tempest, " Ccesarem portas, et fortunam ejus." So Sylla chose the 
 name of Felix, and not of Magnus. And it hath been noted, 
 that those that ascribe openly too much to their own wisdom, 
 and policy, end unfortunate. It is written, that Timotheus the 
 Athenian, after he had, in the account he gave to the state of 
 his government, often interlaced this speech ; " And in this fortune 
 had no part ; " never prospered in anything he undertook after- 
 wards. Certainly, there be, whose fortunes are like Homer's 
 verses, that have a slide, and easiness, more than the verses of 
 other poets : as Plutarch saith of Timoleon's fortune, in respect 
 of that of Agesilaus, or Epaminondas. And that this should be, 
 no doubt it is much in a man's self. 
 
XLI 
 
 OF USURY 
 
 MANY have made witty invectives against usury. They say, 
 that it is pity the devil should have God's part, which 
 is the tithe. That the usurer is the greatest Sabbath-breaker, 
 because his plough goeth every Sunday, That the usurer is the 
 drone that Virgil speaketh of: 
 
 *^ Igntxvum fucos pecus a prasepibus arcent." 
 
 That the usurer breaketh the first law that was made for mankind 
 after the Fall ; which was, ^^ In sudore vultus tui comedes panem tuum;" 
 not, " In sudore vultus alieni." That usurers should have orange- 
 tawny bonnets, because they do judaise. That it is against 
 nature for money to beget money ; and the like. I say this only, 
 that usury is a " concessum propter duritiem cordis:" for since 
 there must be borrowing and lending, and men are so hard of 
 heart as they will not lend freely, usury must be permitted. 
 Some others have made suspicious, and cunning propositions of 
 banks, discovery of men's estates, and other inventions. But few 
 have spoken of usury usefully. It is good to set before us the 
 incommodities, and commodities of usury ; that the good may be, 
 either weighed out, or culled out ; and warily to provide, that 
 while we make forth to that which is better, we meet not with 
 that which is worse. 
 
 The discommodities of usury are : first, that it makes fewer 
 merchants. For were it not for this lazy trade of usury, money 
 would not lie still, but would, in great part, be employed upon 
 merchandising; which is the vena porta of wealth in a state. 
 The second, that it makes poor merchants. For as a farmer 
 cannot husband his ground so well, if he sit at a great rent ; so 
 the merchant cannot drive his trade so well, if he sit at great 
 usuiy. The third is incident to the other two ; and that is, the 
 decay of customs of kings or states, which ebb or flow with 
 merchandising. The fourth, that it bringeth the treasure of a 
 realm or state into a few hands. For the usurer being at 
 certainties, and others at uncertainties, at the end of the game, 
 most of the money will be in the box ; and ever a state flourisheth 
 
 102 
 
ESSAY xu.] OF USURY 103 
 
 when wealth is more equally spread. The fifth, that it beats 
 down the price of land : for the employment of money is chiefly 
 either merchandising, or purchasing ; and usury waylays both. 
 The sixth, that it doth dull and damp all industries, improve- 
 ments, and new inventions, wherein money would be stirring, if it 
 were not for this slug. The last, that it is the canker and ruin of 
 many men's estates ; which in process of time breeds a public 
 poverty. 
 
 On the other side, the commodities of usury are : First, that 
 howsoever usury in some respect hindereth merchandising, yet in 
 some other it advanceth it: for it is certain, that the greatest 
 part of trade is driven by young merchants, upon borrowing at 
 interest: so as if the usurer either call in, or keep back his 
 money, there will ensue presently a great stand of trade. The 
 second is, that were it not for this easy borrowing upon interest, 
 men's necessities would draw upon them a most sudden undoing ; 
 in that they would be forced to sell their means (be it lands or 
 goods) far under foot ; and so, whereas usury doth but gnaw upon 
 them, bad markets would swallow them quite up. As for mort- 
 gaging, or pawning, it will little mend the matter ; for either men 
 will not take pawns without use ; or if they do, they will look 
 precisely for the forfeiture. I remember a cruel moneyed man, 
 in the country, that would say ; " The devil take this usuiy, it 
 keeps us from forfeitures of mortgages, and bonds." The third 
 and last is ; that it is a vanity to conceive that there would be 
 ordinary borrowing without profit ; and it is impossible to conceive 
 the number of inconveniences that will ensue, if borrowing be 
 cramped. Therefore, to speak of the abolishing of usury is idle. 
 All states have ever had it, in one kind or rate, or other. So as 
 that opinion must be sent to Utopia. 
 
 To speak now, of the reformation and reiglement of usury ; 
 how the discommodities of it may be best avoided, and the 
 commodities retained. It appears by the balance of commodities, 
 and discommodities of usury, two things are to be reconciled. 
 The one, that the tooth of usury be grinded, that it bite not 
 too much : the other, that there be left open a means to invite 
 moneyed men to lend to the merchants, for the continuing and 
 quickening of trade. This cannot be done except you introduce 
 two several sorts of usury; a less, and a greater. For if you 
 reduce usury to one low rate, it will ease the common borrower, 
 but the merchant will be to seek for money. And it is to be 
 noted, that the trade of merchandise, being the most lucrative, 
 may bear usury at a good rate ; other contracts not so. 
 
 To serve both intentions, the way would be briefly thus. That 
 there be two rates of usury, the one free, and general for all ; the 
 other under licence only, to certain persons, and in certain places 
 of merchandising. First therefore, let usuiy, in general, be 
 
I04 FRANCIS BACON [essay xll 
 
 reduced to five in the hundred ; and let that rate be proclaimed 
 to be free and current ; and let the state shut itself out to take 
 any penalty for the same. This will preserve borrowing from any 
 general stop or dryness. This will ease infinite borrowers in the 
 country. This will, in good part, raise the price of land, because 
 land purchased at sixteen years' purchase, will yield six in the 
 hundred, and somewhat more, whereas this rate of interest yields 
 but five. This, by like reason, will encourage and edge in- 
 dustrious and profitable improvements ; because many will rather 
 venture in that kind, than take five in the hundred, especially 
 having been used to greater profit. Secondly, let there be certain 
 persons licensed to lend, to known merchants, upon usury at a 
 higher rate ; and let it be with the cautions following. Let the 
 rate be, even with the merchant himself, somewhat more easy, 
 than that he used formerly to pay: for, by that means, all 
 borrowers shall have some ease, by this reformation, be he 
 merchant, or whosoever. Let it be no bank or common stock, 
 but every man be master of his own money : not that I altogether 
 mislike banks, but they will hardly be brooked, in regard of 
 certain suspicions. Let the state be answered some small matter, 
 for the licence, and the rest left to the lender : for if the abate- 
 ment be but small, it will no whit discourage the lender. For he, 
 for example, that took before ten or nine in the hundred, will 
 sooner descend to eight in the hundred, than give over his trade 
 of usury; and go from certain gains, to gains of hazard. Let 
 these licensed lenders be in number indefinite, but restrained to 
 certain principal cities and towns of merchandising : for then they 
 will be hardly able to colour other men's moneys in the country : 
 so as the licence of nine will not suck away the current rate of 
 five : for no man will lend his moneys far off, nor put them into 
 unkno"WTi hands. 
 
 If it be objected, that this doth, in a sort, authorise usury, 
 which before was, in some places, but permissive : the answer is ; 
 that it is better to mitigate usury by declaration, than to suffer it 
 to rage by connivance. 
 
XLII 
 
 OF YOUTH AND AGE 
 
 A MAN that is young in years, may be old in hours, if he have 
 lost no time. But that happeneth rarely. Generally, 
 youth is like the first cogitations, not so wise as the second. For 
 there is a youth in thoughts as well as in ages. And yet the 
 invention of young men is more lively, than that of old : and 
 imaginations stream into their minds better, and, as it were, more 
 divinely. Natures that have much heat, and great and violent 
 desires and perturbations, are not ripe for action, till they have 
 passed the meridian of their years : as it was with Julius Caesar, 
 and Septimius Severus. Of the latter of whom it is said ; 
 '* Juventutem egit, envribus, imd Juronbus, plenam." And yet he 
 was the ablest emperor, almost, of all the list. But reposed 
 natures may do well in youth. As it is seen in Augustus Caesar, 
 Cosmus Duke of Florence, Gaston de Fois, and others. On the 
 other side, heat and vivacity in age is an excellent composition 
 for business. Young men are fitter to invent, than to judge; 
 fitter for execution, than for counsel ; and fitter for new projects, 
 than for settled business. For the experience of age, in things 
 that fall within the compass of it, directeth them ; but in new 
 things, abuseth them. The errors of young men are the ruin of 
 business ; but the errors of aged men amount but to this ; that 
 more might have been done, or sooner. Young men, in the 
 conduct, and manage of actions, embrace more than they can hold, 
 stir more than they can quiet ; fly to the end, without considera- 
 tion of the means, and degrees ; pursue some few principles, 
 which they have chanced upon absurdly ; care not to innovate, 
 which draws unknown inconveniences ; use extreme remedies at 
 first ; and, that which doubleth all errors, will not acknowledge or 
 retract them ; like an unready horse, that will neither stop, nor 
 turn. Men of age object too much, consult too long, adventure 
 too little, repent too soon, and seldom drive business home to the 
 full period ; but content themselves with a mediocrity of success. 
 Certainly, it is good to compound employments of both ; for that 
 will be good for the present, because the virtues of either age 
 may correct the defects of both : and good for succession, that 
 
 lOft 
 
io6 FRANCIS BACON [essay xlil 
 
 young men may be learners, while men in age are actors: and 
 lastly, good for exteme accidents, because authority followeth old 
 men, and favour and popularity youth. But for the moral part, 
 perhaps youth will have the pre-eminence, as age hath for the 
 politic. A certain Rabbin, upon the text ; *' Your young men shall 
 see visions, and your old men shall dream dreams ; " inferreth, that 
 young men are admitted nearer to God than old ; because vision 
 is a clearer revelation, than a dream. And certainly, the more a 
 man drinketh of the world, the more it intoxicateth ; and age 
 doth profit rather in the powers of understanding, than in the 
 virtues of the will and affections. There be some have an over- 
 early ripeness in their years, which fadeth betimes: these are 
 first, such as have brittle wits, the edge whereof is soon tunied ; 
 such as was Hermogenes the rhetorician, whose books are ex- 
 ceeding subtle ; who afterwards waxed stupid. A second sort is 
 of those that have some natural dispositions, which have better 
 grace in youth, than in age: such as is a fluent and luxuriant 
 speech ; which becomes youth well, but not age : so Tully saith 
 of Hortensius ; " Idem nianehat, neque idem decehat." The third is of 
 such as take too high a strain at the first ; and are magnanimous, 
 more than tract of years can uphold. As was Scipio Affricanus, of 
 whom Livy saith in effect ; " Ultima primis cedebant," 
 
XLIII 
 
 OF BEAUTY 
 
 VIRTUE is like a rich stone, best plain set : and surely, virtue 
 is best in a body that is comely, though not of delicate 
 features : and that hath rather dignity of presence, than beauty 
 of aspect. Neither is it almost seen, that very beautiful persons 
 are otherwise of great virtue : as if nature were rather busy not 
 to err, than in labour to produce excellency. And therefore, they 
 prove accomplished, but not of great spirit; and study rather 
 behaviour, than virtue. But this holds not always : for Augustus 
 Caesar, Titus Vespasianus, Philip le Belle of France, Edward the 
 Fourth of England, Alcibiades of Athens, Ismael the Sophy of 
 Persia, were all high and great spirits ; and yet the most beautiful 
 men of their times. In beauty, that of favour is more than that 
 of colour, and that of decent and gracious motion, more than that 
 of favour. That is the best part of beauty, which a picture cannot 
 express ; no nor the first sight of the life. There is no excellent 
 beauty, that hath not some strangeness in the proportion. A man 
 cannot tell whether Apelles, or Albert Durer, were the more 
 trifler : whereof the one would make a personage by geometrical 
 proportions : the other, by taking the best parts out of divers 
 faces, to make one excellent. Such personages, I think, would 
 please nobody but the painter that made them. Not but I 
 think a painter may make a better face than ever was ; but he 
 must do it by a kind of felicity, (as a musician that maketh an 
 excellent air in music) and not by rule. A man shall see faces 
 that, if you examine them, part by part, you shall find never 
 a good ; and yet altogether do well. If it be true, that the 
 principal part of beauty is in decent motion, certainly it is no 
 marvel, though persons in years seem many times more amiable ; 
 " pulchorum autmnnus pulcher : " for no youth can be comely but by 
 pardon, and considering the youth, as to make up the comeliness. 
 Beauty is as summer fruits, which are easy to corrupt, and cannot 
 last : and, for the most part, it makes a dissolute youth, and an 
 age a little out of countenance : but yet certainly again, if it light 
 well, it maketh virtues shine, and vices blush. 
 
 107 
 
XLIV 
 
 OF DEFORMITY 
 
 DEFORMED persons are commonly even with natm*e : for as 
 nature hath done ill by them, so do they by nature : being 
 for the most part, (as the Scripture saith) " void of natural affec- 
 tion ; " and so they have their revenge of nature. Certainly there 
 is a consent between the body and the mind ; and where nature 
 erreth in the one, she ventureth in the other. '^ Ubi peccat in uno, 
 pericliiatur in altero." But because there is in man an election 
 touching the frame of his mind, and a necessity in the frame of 
 his body, the stars of natural inclination are sometimes obscured 
 by the sun of discipline, and virtue. Therefore, it is good to 
 consider of deforaiity, not as a sign, which is more deceivable ; 
 but as a cause, which seldom faileth of the effect. Whosoever 
 hath anything fixed in his person, that doth induce contempt, 
 hath also a perpetual spur in himself, to rescue and deliver himself 
 from scorn : therefore all deformed persons are extreme bold. 
 First, as in their own defence, as being exposed to scorn ; but 
 in process of time, by a general habit. Also it stirreth in them 
 industry, and especially of this kind, to watch and observe the 
 weakness of others, that they may have somewhat to repay. 
 Again, in their superiors, it quencheth jealousy towards them, as 
 persons that they think they may at pleasure despise ; and it 
 layeth their competitors and emulators asleep ; as never believing 
 they should be in possibility of advancement, till they see them 
 in possession. So that, upon the matter, in a great wit, deformity 
 is an advantage to rising. Kings in ancient times, (and at this 
 present in some countries,) were wont to put great trust in 
 eunuchs ; because they that are envious towards all, are more 
 obnoxious and officious towards one. But yet their trust towards 
 them hath rather been as to good spialls, and good whisperers ; 
 than good magistrates, and officers. And much like is the reason 
 of deformed persons. Still the ground is, they will, if they be of 
 spirit, seek to free themselves from scorn ; which must be either 
 by virtue, or malice: and therefore, let it not be marvelled, if 
 sometimes they prove excellent persons ; as was Agesilaus, Zanger 
 the son of Solyman, ^Esope, Gasca President of Peru ; and Socrates 
 may go likewise amongst them ; with others. 
 
 108 
 
XLV 
 
 OF BUILDING 
 
 HOUSES are built to live in, and not to look on : therefore let 
 use be preferred before uniformity; except where both 
 may be had. Leave the goodly fabrics of houses, for beauty only, 
 to the enchanted palaces of the poets : who build them with small 
 cost. He that builds a fair house, upon an ill seat, committeth 
 himself to prison. Neither do I reckon it an ill seat, only, where 
 the air is unwholesome ; but likewise where the air is unequal ; as 
 you shall see many fine seats, set upon a knap of ground, environed 
 with higher hills round about it : whereby the heat of the sun is 
 pent in, and the wind gathereth as in troughs ; so as you shall 
 have, and that suddenly, as great diversity of heat and cold, as 
 if you dwelt in several places. Neither is it ill air only, that 
 maketh an ill seat, but ill ways, ill markets ; and, if you will 
 consult with Momus, ill neighbours. I speak not of many more : 
 want of water ; want of wood, shade, and shelter ; want of fruitful- 
 ness, and mixture of grounds of several natures ; want of prospect ; 
 want of level grounds ; want of places, at some near distance, for 
 sports of hunting, hawking, and races ; too near the sea, too 
 remote ; having the commodity of navigable rivers, or the discom- 
 modity of their overflowing ; too far off from great cities, which 
 may hinder business ; or too near them, which lurcheth all pro- 
 visions, and maketh ever)rthing dear : where a man hath a great 
 living laid together, and where he is scanted : all which, as it is 
 impossible, perhaps, to find together, so it is good to know them, 
 and think of them, that a man may take as many as he can : and 
 if he have several dwellings, that he sort them so, that what he 
 wanteth in the one, he may find in the other. Lucullus answered 
 Pompey well ; who when he saw his stately galleries, and rooms, 
 so large and lightsome, in one of his houses, said ; " Surely, an 
 excellent place for summer, but how do you in winter } " Lucullus 
 answered ; " Why, do you not think me as wise, as some fowls are, 
 that ever change their abode towards the winter ? " 
 
 To pass from the seat to the house itself; we will do as Cicero 
 doth, in the orator's art ; who writes books De Oratore, and a book 
 he entitles Orator : whereof the former delivers the precepts of 
 the art ; and the latter the perfection. We will therefore describe 
 
no FRANCIS BACON [essay xlv. 
 
 a princely palace, making a brief model thereof. For it is strange 
 to see, now in Europe, such huge buildings as the Vatican, and 
 Escurial, and some others be, and yet scarce a very fair room in 
 them. 
 
 First therefore, I say, you cannot have a perfect palace, except 
 you have two several sides ; a side for the banquet, as is spoken 
 of in the book of Hester ; and a side for the household : the one 
 for feasts and triumphs, and the other for dwelling. I understand 
 both these sides to be not only returns, but parts of the front ; 
 and to be uniform without, though severally partitioned within ; 
 and to be on both sides of a great and stately tower, in the midst 
 of the front ; that, as it were, joineth them together, on either 
 hand. I would have on the side of the banquet, in front, one only 
 goodly room, above stairs, of some forty feet high ; and under it, 
 a room, for a dressing or preparing place, at times of triumphs. 
 On the other side, which is the household side, I wish it divided 
 at the first, into a hall, and a chapel, (with a partition between ;) 
 both of good state, and bigness: and those not to go all the 
 length, but to have, at the further end, a winter, and a summer 
 parlour, both fair. And under these rooms, a fair and large cellar, 
 sunk under ground : and likewise, some privie kitchens, with 
 butteries, and pantries, and the like. As for the tower, I would 
 have it two storeys, of eighteen feet high apiece, above the two 
 wings ; and a goodly leads upon the top, railed with statues 
 interposed ; and the same tower to be divided into rooms, as shall 
 be thought fit. The stairs likewise, to the upper rooms, let them 
 be upon a fair open newell, and finely railed in, with images of 
 wood, cast into a brass colour ; and a very fair landing-place at 
 the top. But this to be, if you do not point any of the lower 
 rooms for a dining-place of servants. For otherwise, you shall 
 have the servants' dinner after your own : for the steam of it will 
 come up as in a tunnel. And so much for the front. Only, I 
 understand the height of the first stairs, to be sixteen feet, which 
 is the height of the lower room. 
 
 Beyond this front is there to be a fair court, but three sides 
 of it of a far lowxr building, than the front. And in all the four 
 comers of that court, fair staircases, cast into turrets, on the out- 
 side, and not within the row of buildings themselves. But those 
 towers are not to be of the height of the front ; but rather pro- 
 portionable to the lower building. Let the court not be paved, 
 for that striketh up a great heat in summer, and much cold in 
 winter. But only some side alleys, with a cross, and the quarters 
 to graze, being kept shorn, but not too near shorn. The row of 
 return, on the banquet side, let it be all stately galleries ; in which 
 galleries, let there be three, or five, fine cupolas, in the length of 
 it, placed at equal distance : and fine coloured windows of several 
 works. On the household side, chambers of presence, and ordinary 
 
ESSAY XLV.] OF BUILDING iii 
 
 entertainments, with some bed-chambers ; and let all three sides 
 be a double house, without through lights, on the sides, that you 
 may have rooms from the sun, both for forenoon, and afternoon. 
 Gist it also, that you may have rooms both for summer, and 
 winter : shady for summer, and warm for winter. You shall have 
 sometimes fair houses, so full of glass, that one cannot tell where 
 to become, to be out of the sun, or cold : for imbowed windows, 
 I hold them of good use ; (in cities indeed, upright do better, in 
 respect of the uniformity towards the street ;) for they be pretty 
 retiring places for conference ; and besides, they keep both the 
 wind, and sun off: for that which would strike almost through the 
 room, doth scarce pass the window. But let them be but few, 
 four in the court, on the sides only. 
 
 Beyond this court, let there be an inward court of the same 
 square, and height ; which is to be environed with the garden, 
 on all sides: and in the inside, cloistered on all sides, upon 
 decent and beautiful arches, as high as the first storey. On the 
 under storey, towards the garden, let it be turned to a grotto, 
 or place of shade, or estivation. And only have opening and 
 windows towards the garden ; and be level upon the floor, no 
 whit sunk under ground, to avoid all dampishness. And let 
 there be a fountain, or some fair work of statues, in the midst 
 of this court ; and to be paved as the other court was. These 
 buildings to be for privie lodgings, on both sides ; and the end, 
 for privie galleries. Whereof, you must foresee, that one of 
 them be for an infirmary, if the prince, or any special person 
 should be sick, with chambers, bed-chamber, antecamera, and 
 recamera, joining to it. This upon the second storey. Upon the 
 ground storey, a fair gallery, open, upon pillars : and upon the third 
 storey likewise, an open gallery upon pillars, to take the prospect, 
 and freshness of the garden. At both comers of the further side, 
 by way of return, let there be two delicate or rich cabinets, 
 daintily paved, richly hanged, glazed with crystalline glass, and a 
 rich cupola in the midst ; and all other elegancy that may be 
 thought upon. In the upper gallery too, I wish that there may 
 be, if the place will yield it, some fountains running, in divers 
 places, from the wall, with some fine avoidances. And thus much, 
 for the model of the palace : save that you must have, before you 
 come to the front, three courts. A green court plain, with a wall 
 about it : a second court of the same, but more garnished, with 
 little turrets, or rather embellishments, upon the wall : and a third 
 court, to make a square with the front, but not to be built, nor 
 yet enclosed with a naked wall, but enclosed with tarrasses, leaded 
 aloft, and fairly garnished, on the three sides ; and cloistered on 
 the inside, with pillars, and not with arches below. As for offices, 
 let them stand at distance, with some low galleries, to pass from 
 them to the palace itself. 
 
XLVI 
 
 OF GARDENS 
 
 GOD Almighty first planted a garden. And indeed, it is the 
 purest of human pleasures. It is the greatest refreshment 
 to the spirits of man ; without which, buildings and palaces are 
 but gross handiworks : and a man shall ever see, that when 
 ages grow to civility and elegancy, men come to build stately, 
 sooner than to garden finely : as if gardening were the greater 
 perfection. I do hold it, in the royal ordering of gardens, there 
 ought to be gardens for all the months in the year : in which, 
 severally, things of beauty may be then in season. For 
 December, and January, and the latter part of November, you 
 must take such things as are green all winter: holly; ivy; 
 bays ; juniper ; cypress trees ; eugh ; pine-apple trees ; fir trees ; 
 rosemary ; lavender ; periwinkle, the white, the purple, and the 
 blue ; gennander ; flags ; orange trees ; lemon trees ; and 
 myrtles, if they be stoved ; and sweet marjoram warm set. There 
 followeth, for the latter part of January, and February, the 
 mezereon tree, which then blossoms; crocus vernus, both the 
 yellow, and the grey ; primroses ; anemones ; the early tulip ; 
 hyacinthus orientalis ; chamairis ; fritillaria. For March, there 
 come violets, specially the single blue, which are the earliest; 
 the yellow daffodil ; the daisy ; the almond tree in blossom ; the 
 peach tree in blossom ; the cornelian tree in blossom ; sweet-brier. 
 In April follow, the double white violet ; the wallflower ; the 
 stock-gillyflower ; the cowslip ; flower-delices, and lilies of all 
 natures ; rosemary flowers ; the tulip ; the double peony ; the 
 pale daffodil ; the French honeysuckle ; the cherry tree in 
 blossom ; the dammasin, and plum trees in blossom ; the white- 
 thorn in leaf ; the lilac tree. In May, and June, come pinks of 
 all sorts, specially the blush pink ; roses of all kinds, except the 
 musk, which comes later ; honeysuckles ; strawberries ; bugloss ; 
 columbine ; the French marigold ; flos Africanus ; cherry tree in 
 fruit ; ribes ; figs in fruit ; rasps ; vine flowers ; lavender in 
 flowers ; the sweet satyrian, with the white flower ; herba 
 muscaria ; lilium convallium ; the apple tree in blossom. In July, 
 come gillyflowers of all varieties ; musk roses ; the lime tree in 
 
 112 
 
ESSAY xLvi.] OF GARDENS 113 
 
 blossom ; early peai*s, and plums in fruit ; ginnitings ; quadlins. 
 In August, come plums of all sorts in fruit ; pears ; apricots ; 
 barberries; filberts; musk melons; monkshoods, of all colours. In 
 September, come grapes ; apples; poppies of all colours ; peaches; 
 mal-catounes ; nectarines ; cornelians ; wardens ; quinces. In 
 October, and the beginning of November, come services ; medlars ; 
 bullies ; roses cut or removed to come late ; hollyoaks ; and sucli 
 like. Thus, if you will, you may have the Golden Age again and 
 a spring all the year long. 
 
 And because the breath of flowers is far sweeter in the air, 
 (where it comes and goes, like the warbling of music) than in the 
 hand, therefore nothing is more fit for that delight, than to know, 
 what be the flowers, and plants, that do best perfume the air. 
 Roses damask and red are fast flowers of their smells ; so that 
 you may walk by a whole row of them, and find nothing of their 
 sweetness ; yea, though it be in a morning's dew. Bays like- 
 wise yield no smell, as they grow. Rosemary little ; nor sweet 
 marjoram. That, which above all others, yields the sweetest 
 smell in the air, is the violet ; specially the white double violet, 
 which comes twice a year ; about the middle of April, and about 
 Bartholomew-tide. Next to that is the musk rose. Then the 
 strawberry leaves djdng, which [3deld] a most excellent cordial 
 smell. Then the flower of the vines ; it is a little dust, like the 
 dust of a bent, which grows upon the cluster, in the first coming 
 forth. Then sweet-brier. Then wallflowers, which are very de- 
 lightful, to be set under a parlour, or lower chamber window. 
 Then pinks, and gillyflowers, specially the matted pink, and 
 clove gillyflower. Then the flowers of the lime tree. Then the 
 honeysuckles, so they be somewhat afar off". Of bean flowers I 
 speak not, because they are field flowers. But those which per- 
 fume the air most delightfully, not passed by as the rest, but 
 being troden upon and crushed, are three : that is bumet, wild 
 thyme, and water mints. Therefore, you are to set whole alleys of 
 them, to have the pleasure when you walk or tread. 
 
 For gardens, (speaking of those which are indeed prince-like, 
 as we have done of buildings) the contents ought not well to be 
 under thirty acres of ground ; and to be divided into three parts : 
 a green in the entrance ; a heath or desert in the going forth ; 
 and the main garden in the midst ; besides alleys, on both sides. 
 And I like well, that four acres of ground be assigned to the 
 green ; six to the heath ; four and four to either side ; and twelve 
 to the main gaixien. The green hath two pleasures ; the one, 
 because nothing is more pleasant to the eye than green grass 
 kept finely shorn ; the other, because it will give you a fair alley 
 in the midst, by which you may go in front upon a stately hedge, 
 which is to enclose the garden. But, because the alley will be 
 long, and in great heat of the year, or day, you ought not to buy 
 8 
 
114 FRANCIS BACON [essay xlvi. 
 
 the shade m the garden by going in the sun through the green, 
 therefore you are^ of either side the green, to plant a covert alley, 
 upon carpenters' work, about twelve feet in height, by which you 
 may go in shade, into the garden. As for the making of knots, or 
 figures, with divers coloured earths, that they may lie under the 
 windows of the house, on that side which the garden stands, they 
 be but toys ; you may see as good sights, many times, in tarts. 
 The garden is best to be square ; encompassed, on all the four 
 sides, with a stately arched hedge. The arches to be upon 
 pillars, of carpenters' work, of some ten feet high, and six feet 
 broad : and the spaces between, of the same dimension, with the 
 breadth of the arch. Over the arches, let there be an entire 
 hedge, of some four feet high, framed also upon carpenters' work : 
 and over every arch, upon the upper hedge, a little turret, with a 
 belly, enough to receive a cage of birds : and over every space, 
 between the arches, some other little figure, with broad plates of 
 round coloured glass, gilt, for the sun to play upon. But this 
 hedge I intend to be raised upon a bank, not steep, but gently 
 slope, of some six feet, set all with flowers. Also I understand, 
 that this square of the garden should not be the whole breadth 
 of the ground, but to leave, on either side, ground enough for 
 diversity of side alleys : unto which the two covert alleys of the 
 green may deliver you. But there must be no alleys with hedges, 
 at either end of this great enclosure : not at the hither end, for 
 letting your prospect upon this fair hedge from the green ; nor at 
 the further end, for letting your prospect from the hedge, through 
 the arches, upon the heath. 
 
 For the ordering of the ground, within the great hedge, I 
 leave it to variety of device ; advising nevertheless, that whatso- 
 ever form you cast it into, first it be not too busy, or full of work. 
 Wherein I, for my part, do not like images cut out in juniper, 
 or other garden stuff: they be for children. Little low hedges, 
 round, like welts, with some pretty pyramids, I like well : and 
 in some places, fair columns upon frames of carpenters* work. 
 I would also have the alleys spacious and fair. You may have 
 closer alleys upon the side grounds, but none in the main garden. 
 I wish also, in the very middle, a fair mount, with three ascents, 
 and alleys, enough for four to walk abreast ; which I would have 
 to be perfect circles, without any bulwarks, or embossments ; and 
 the whole mount to be thirty feet high ; and some fine banquet- 
 ing house, with some chimneys neatly cast, and without too much 
 glass. 
 
 For fountains, they are a great beauty, and refreshment ; but 
 pools mar all, and make the garden unwholesome, and full of 
 flies, and frogs. Fountains I intend to be of two natures : the 
 one that sprinkleth or spouteth water; the other a fair receipt 
 of water, of some thirty or forty feet square, but without 
 
ESSAY xLvi.] OF GARDENS 1 15 
 
 fish, or slime, or mud. For the first, the ornaments of images 
 gilt, or of marble, which are in use, do well: but the main 
 matter is, so to convey the water, as it never stay, either in 
 the bowls, or in the cistern ; that the water be never by rest 
 discoloured, green, or red, or the like ; or gather any mossiness 
 or putrefaction. Besides that, it is to be cleansed every day by 
 the hand. Also some steps up to it, and some fine pavement 
 about it, doth well. As for the other kmd of fountain, which 
 we may call a bathing pool, it may admit much curiosity, and 
 beauty ; wherewith we will not trouble ourselves : as, that the 
 bottom be finely paved, and with images : the sides likewise ; 
 and withal embellished with coloured glass, and such things of 
 lustre ; encompassed also with fine rails of low statues. But the 
 main point is the same which we mentioned in the former kind 
 of fountain ; which is, that the water be in perpetual motion, fed 
 by a water higher than the pool, and delivered into it by fair spouts, 
 and then discharged away under ground, by some equality of 
 bores, that it stay little. And for fine devices, of arching water 
 without spilling, and making it rise in several forms, (of feathers, 
 drinking glasses, canopies, and the like,) they be pretty things to 
 look on, but nothing to health and sweetness. 
 
 For the heath, which was the third part of our plot, I wish it 
 to be framed, as much as may be, to a natural wildness. Trees I 
 would have none in it ; but some thickets, made only of sweet- 
 brier, and honeysuckle, and some wild vine amongst; and the 
 ground set with violets, strawberries, and primroses. For these 
 are sweet, and prosper in the shade. And these to be in the 
 heath, here and there, not in any order. I like also little heaps, 
 in the nature of molehills, (such as are in wild heaths) to be 
 set, some with wild thyme; some ¥rith pinks; some with 
 germander, that gives a good flower to the eye; some with 
 periwinkle ; some with violets ; some with strawberries ; some 
 vrith. cowslips ; some with daisies ; some with red roses ; some with 
 lilium convallium; some with sweetwilliams red; some with 
 bear's-foot; and the like low flowers, being withal sweet, and 
 sightly. Part of which heaps to be with standards, of little 
 bushes, pricked upon their top, and part without. The standards 
 to be roses ; juniper ; holly ; barberries (but here and there, 
 because of the smell of their blossom ;) red currants ; gooseberry ; 
 rosemary ; bays ; sweet-brier ; and such like. But these standaids 
 to be kept with cutting, that they grow not out of course. 
 
 For the side grounds, you are to fill them with variety of 
 alleys, private, to give a full shade ; some of them, wheresoever 
 the sun be. You are to frame some of them likewise for shelter, 
 that, when the wind blows sharp, you may walk as in a gallery. 
 And those alleys must be likewise hedged, at both ends, to keep 
 out the wind ; and these closer alleys must be ever finely gravelled. 
 
Ii6 FRANCIS BACON [essay xlvi. 
 
 and no grass, because of going wet. In many of these alleys, 
 likewise, you are to set fruit trees of all sorts ; as well upon the 
 walls, as in ranges. And this would be generally observed, that 
 the borders, wherein you plant your fruit trees, be fair and large, 
 and low, and not steep ; and set with fine flowers, but thin and 
 sparingly, lest they deceive the trees. At the end of both the 
 side grounds, I would have a mount of some pretty height, 
 leaving the wall of the enclosure breast-high, to look abroad into 
 the fields. 
 
 For the main garden, I do not deny but there should be 
 some fair alleys, ranged on both sides with fruit trees ; and 
 some pretty tufts of fruit trees, and arbours with seats, set in 
 some decent order ; but these to be by no means set too thick ; 
 but to leave the main garden so as it be not close, but the air 
 open and free. For as for shade, I would have you rest upon 
 the alleys of the side grounds, there to walk, if you be disposed, 
 in the heat of the year, or day ; but to make account that the 
 main garden is for the more temperate parts of the year; and 
 in the heat of summer, for the morning, and the evening, or 
 overcast days. 
 
 For aviaries, I like them not, except they be of that largeness 
 as they may be turfed, and have living plants, and bushes, set 
 in them; that the birds may have more scope, and natural 
 nestling, and that no foulness appear in the floor of the 
 aviary. 
 
 So I have made a platform of a princely garden, partly by 
 precept, partly by drawing, not a model, but some general 
 lines of it ; and in this I have spared for no cost. But it is 
 nothing for great princes, that, for the most part, taking advice 
 with workmen, with no less cost set their things together; 
 and sometimes add statues, and such things, for state, and 
 magnificence, but nothing to the true pleasure of a garden. 
 
XLVII 
 
 OF NEGOTIATING 
 
 IT is generally better to deal by speech, than by letter; and 
 by the mediation of a third, than by a man's self. Letters 
 are good when a man would draw an answer by letter back 
 again; or when it may serve for a man's justification afterwards 
 to produce his own letter; or where it may be danger to be 
 interrupted, or heard by pieces. To deal in person is good, when 
 a man's face breedeth regard, as commonly with inferiors ; or 
 in tender cases, where a man's eye, upon the countenance of 
 him with whom he speaketh, may give him a direction, how far 
 to go : and generally, where a man will reserve to himself liberty, 
 either to disavow, or to expound. In choice of instruments, it 
 is better to choose men of a plainer sort, that are like to do 
 that that is committed to them, and to report back again 
 faithfully the success ; than those that are cunning to contrive 
 out of other men's business, somewhat to grace themselves ; and 
 will help the matter, in report, for satisfaction sake. Use also 
 such persons as affect the business wherein they are employed ; 
 for that quickeneth much; and such as are fit for the matter; 
 as bold men for expostulation, fair-spoken men for persuasion, 
 crafty men for inquiry and observation, froward and absurd men 
 for business that doth not well bear out itself. Use also such 
 as have been lucky, and prevailed before in things wherein you 
 have employed them ; for that breeds confidence, and they will 
 strive to maintain their prescription. It is better to sound a 
 person, with whom one deals, afar off, than to fall upon the 
 point at first; except you mean to surprise him by some short 
 question. It is better dealing with men in appetite, than with 
 those that are where they would be. If a man deal with another 
 upon conditions, the start or first performance is all ; which a 
 man cannot reasonably demand, except either the nature of the 
 thing be such which must go before ; or else a man can persuade 
 the other party that he shall still need him in some other thing ; 
 or else that he be counted the honester man. All practice is 
 to discover, or to work. Men discover themselves in trust; in 
 passion ; at unawares ; and of necessity, when they would have 
 
 117 
 
Ii8 FRANCIS BACON [essay xlvii. 
 
 somewhat done^ and cannot find an apt pretext. If you would 
 work any man, you must either know his nature, and fashions, 
 and so lead him ; or his ends, and so persuade him ; or his 
 weakness, and disadvantages, and so awe him; or those that 
 have interest in him, and so govern him. In dealing with 
 cunning persons, we must ever consider their ends, to interpret 
 their speeches; and it is good to say little to them, and that 
 which they least look for. In all negotiations of difficulty, a man 
 may not look to sow and reap at once; but must prepare 
 business, and so ripen it by degrees. 
 
XLVIII 
 
 OF FOLLOWERS AND FRIENDS 
 
 COSTLY followers are not to be liked ; lest, while a man 
 maketh his train longer, he make his wings shorter. I 
 reckon to be costly, not them alone which charge the purse, 
 but which are wearisome and importune in suits. Ordinary 
 followers ought to challenge no higher conditions than 
 countenance, recommendation, and protection from wrongs. 
 Factious followers are worse to be liked which follow not upon 
 affection to him with whom they range themselves, but upon 
 discontentment conceived against some other: whereupon 
 commonly ensueth that ill intelligence that we many times see 
 between great personages. Likewise glorious followers, who 
 make themselves as trumpets of the commendation of those 
 they follow, are full of inconvenience; for they taint business 
 through want of secrecy; and they export honour from a man, 
 and make him a return in envy. There is a kind of followers, 
 likewise, which are dangerous, being indeed espials; which 
 inquire the secrets of the house, and bear tales of them to 
 others. Yet such men, many times, are in great favour ; for 
 they are officious, and commonly exchange tales. The following 
 by certain estates of men, answerable to that which a great 
 person himself professeth, (as of soldiers to him that hath been 
 employed in the wars, and the Hke,) hath ever been a thing 
 civil, and well taken even in monarchies ; so it be without 
 too much pomp or popularity. But the most honourable kind 
 of following is to be followed as one that apprehendeth to 
 advance virtue and desert, in all sorts of persons. And yet, 
 where there is no eminent odds in sufficiency, it is better to 
 take with the more passable, than with the more able. And 
 besides, to speak truth, in base times, active men are of more 
 use than virtuous. It is true, that in government it is good 
 to use men of one rank equally: for to countenance some 
 extraordinarily is to make them insolent, and the rest dis- 
 content; because they may claim a due. But contrariwise in 
 favour, to use men with much difference and election, is good; 
 for it maketh the persons preferred more thankful, and the 
 
 119 
 
120 FRANCIS BACON [essay xlviii. 
 
 rest more officious ; because all is of favour. It is good dis- 
 cretion not to make too much of any man, at the first ; because 
 one cannot hold out that proportion. To be governed (as we 
 call it) by one is not safe: for it shows softness, and gives a 
 freedom to scandal and disreputation: for those that would not 
 censure, or speak ill of a man immediately, will talk more 
 boldly of those that are so great with them, and thereby 
 wound their honour. Yet to be distracted with many is worse ; 
 for it makes men to be of the last impression, and full of change. 
 To take advice of some few friends is ever honourable; "for 
 lookers-on, many times, see more than gamesters ; and the 
 vale best discovereth the hill." There is little friendship in 
 the world, and least of all between equals, which was wont to 
 be magnified. That that is, is between superior and inferior, 
 whose fortimes may comprehend the one the other. 
 
XLIX 
 
 OF SUITORS 
 
 MANY ill matters and projects are undertaken ; and private 
 suits do putrefy the public good. Many good matters are 
 undertaken with bad minds ; I mean not only corrupt minds, but 
 crafty minds, that intend not performance. Some embrace suits, 
 which never mean to deal effectually in them; but if they see 
 there may be life in the matter, by some other mean, they will 
 be content to win a thank, or take a second reward, or at least 
 to make use, in the meantime, of the suitor's hopes. Some 
 take hold of suits only for an occasion to cross some other ; or 
 to make an information, whereof they could not otherwise have 
 apt pretext ; without care what become of the suit, when that 
 turn is served : or generally, to make other men's business a kind 
 of entertainment to bring in their own. Nay, some undertake 
 suits with a full purpose to let them fall ; to the end to gratify 
 the adverse party, or competitor. Surely, there is, in some sort, 
 a right in every suit : either a right of equity, if it be a suit of 
 controversy ; or a right of desert, if it be a suit of petition. If 
 affection lead a man to favour the wrong side in justice, let him 
 rather use his countenance to compound the matter, than to 
 carry it. If affection lead a man to favour the less worthy in 
 desert, let him do it without depraving or disabling the better 
 deserver. In suits which a man doth not well understand, 
 it is good to refer them to some friend of trust and judgment, 
 that may report whether he may deal in them with honour : 
 but let him choose well his referendaries, for else he may be 
 led by the nose. Suitors are so distasted with delays, and abuses, 
 that plain dealing, in denying to deal in suits at first, and 
 reporting the success barely, and in challenging no more thanks 
 than one hath deserved, is grown not only honourable, but 
 also gracious. In suits of favour, the first coming ought to take 
 little place ; so far forth consideration may be had of his trust, 
 that if intelligence of the matter could not otherwise have been 
 had but by him, advantage be not taken of the note, but the 
 party left to his other means ; and, in some sort, recompensed for 
 his discovery. To be ignorant of the value of a suit is simplicity : 
 
 m 
 
122 FRANCIS BACON [essay xlix. 
 
 as well as to be ignorant of the right thereof is want of con- 
 science. Secrecy in suits is a great mean of obtaining; for 
 voicing them, to be in forwardness, may discourage some kind 
 of suitors ; but doth quicken and awake others. But timing of 
 the suit is the principal. Timing, I say, not only in respect of 
 the person that should grant it, but in respect of those which 
 are like to cross it. Let a man, in the choice of his mean, rather 
 choose the fittest mean, than the greatest mean : and rather them 
 that deal in certain things, than those that are general. The 
 reparation of a denial is sometimes equal to the first grant ; if a 
 man show himself neither dejected, nor discontented. " Iniquinn 
 petas, ut cequumfcras ;" is a good rule, where a man hath strength 
 of favour : but otherwise, a man were better rise in his suit ; for 
 he that would have ventured at first to have lost the suitor, will 
 not, in the conclusion, lose both the suitor, and his own former 
 favour. Nothing is thought so easy a request, to a great person, 
 as his letter ; and yet, if it be not in a good cause, it is so 
 much out of his reputation. There are no worse instruments 
 than these general contrivers of suits : for they are but a kind 
 of poison and infection to public proceedings. 
 
L 
 
 OP STUDIES 
 
 STUDIES serve for delight, for ornament, and for ability. 
 Their chief use for delight is in privateness and retiring; 
 for ornament, is in discourse ; and for ability, is in the judgment 
 and disposition of business. For expert men can execute, and 
 perhaps judge of particulars, one by one ; but the general 
 counsels, and the plots, and marshalling of affairs, come best from 
 those that are learned. To spend too much time in studies is 
 sloth ; to use them too much for ornament is affectation ; to 
 make judgment wholly by their rules is the humour of a scholar. 
 They perfect nature, and are perfected by experience : for natural 
 abilities are like natural plants, that need pro)niing by study : and 
 studies themselves do give forth directions too much at large, 
 except they be bounded in by experience. Crafty men contemn 
 studies ; simple men admire them ; and wise men use them : for 
 they teach not their own use ; but that is a wisdom without them, 
 and above them, won by observation. Read not to contradict, and 
 confute; nor to believe and take for granted; nor to find talk 
 and discourse ; but to weigh and consider. Some books are to be 
 tasted, others to be swallowed, and some few to be chewed and 
 digested : that is, some books are to be read only in parts ; others 
 to be read but not curiously ; and some few to be read wholly, 
 and with diligence and attention. Some books also may be 
 read by deputy, and extracts made of them by others : but that 
 would be only in the less important arguments, and the meaner 
 sort of books : else distilled books are like common distilled 
 waters, flashy things. Reading maketh a full man ; conference 
 a ready man; and writing an exact man. And therefore, if a 
 man write little, he had need have a great memory ; if he con- 
 fier little, he had need have a present wit ; and if he read little, 
 he had need have much cunning, to seem to know that he doth 
 not. Histories make men wise ; poets witty ; the mathematics 
 subtle ; natural philosophy deep ; moral grave ; logic and rhetoric 
 able to contend. " Abeuni studia in mores." Nay, there is no 
 stond or impediment in the wit but may be wrought out by fit 
 studies : like as diseases of the body may have appropriate 
 
 123 
 
124 FRANCIS BACON [essay l. 
 
 exercises. Bowling is good for the stone and reins ; shooting for 
 the lungs and breast ; gentle walking for the stomach ; riding 
 for the head ; and the like. So if a man's wit be wandering, let 
 him study the mathematics ; for in demonstrations, if his wit be 
 called away never so little, he must begin again: if his wit be 
 not apt to distinguish or find differences, let him study the 
 schoolmen ; for they are cymini sectores. If he be not apt to 
 beat over matters, and to call up one thing, to prove and illustrate 
 another, let him study the lawyers' cases : so every defect of the 
 mind may have a special receipt. 
 
LI 
 
 OF FACTION 
 
 MANY have an opinion not wise, that for a prince to govern 
 his estate, or for a great person to govern his proceedings, 
 according to the respect of factions, is a principal part of policy : 
 whereas contrariwise, the chiefest wisdom is, either in ordering 
 those things which are general, and wherein men of several 
 factions do nevertheless agree ; or in dealing with correspondence 
 to particular pei*sons, one by one. But I say not that the con- 
 sideration of factions is to be neglected. Mean men, in their 
 rising, must adhere ; but great men, that have strength in them- 
 selves, were better to maintain themselves indifferent, and neutral. 
 Yet even in beginners, to adhere so moderately, as he be a 
 man of the one faction, which is most passable with the other, 
 commonly giveth best way. The lower and weaker faction is 
 the firmer in conjunction : and it is often seen that a few that 
 are stiff do tire out a greater number that are more moderate. 
 When one of the factions is extinguished the remaining sub- 
 divideth : as the faction between Lucullus and the rest of the 
 nobles of the senate (which they called optimates) held out a 
 while, against the faction of Pompey and Caesar : but when the 
 senate's authority was pulled down, Caesar and Pompey soon after 
 brake. The faction or party of Antonius, and Octavianus Caesar, 
 against Brutus and Cassius, held out likewise for a time: 
 but when Brutus and Cassius were overthrown, then soon after 
 Antonius and Octavianus brake and subdivided. These examples 
 are of wars, but the same holdeth in private factions. And 
 therefore, those that are seconds in factions, do many times, when 
 the faction subdivideth, prove principals : but many times also 
 they prove ciphers and cashiered : for many a man's strength is 
 in opposition ; and, when that faileth, he groweth out of use. It 
 is commonly seen, that men once placed take in with the con- 
 trary faction to that by which they enter ; thinking beUke that 
 they have the first sure ; and now are ready for a new purchase. 
 The traitor in faction Hghtly goeth away with it ; for, when matters 
 have stuck long in balancing, the winning of some one man 
 casteth them, and he getteth all the thanks. The even carriage 
 
 126 
 
126 FRANCIS BACON [essay ll 
 
 between two factions proceedeth not always of moderation, but 
 of a trueness to a man's self, with end to make use of both. 
 Certainly in Italy, they hold it a little suspect in popes, when 
 they have often in their mouth, " Padre commune : " and take it, 
 to be a sign of one that meaneth to refer all to the greatness 
 of his own house. Kings had need beware how they side them- 
 selves, and make themselves as of a faction or party : for leagues 
 within the state are ever pernicious to monarchies; for they 
 raise an obHgation, paramount to obligation of sovereignty, and 
 make the king, " tanqudm unus ex nobis :" as was to be seen 
 in the league of France. When factions are carried too high, 
 and too violently, it is a sign of weakness in princes ; and much 
 to the prejudice both of their authority, and business. The 
 motions of factions, under kings, ought to be like the motions 
 (as the astronomers speak) of the inferior orbs ; which may have 
 their proper motions, but yet still are quietly carried by the 
 higher motion of primum mobile. 
 
LIl 
 
 OF CEREMONIES AND RESPECTS 
 
 T_T E that is only real had need have exceeding great parts of 
 -■- -■■ virtue : as the stone had need to be rich that is set without 
 foil. But if a man mark it well, it is in praise and commendation 
 of men, as it is in gettings and gains : for the proverb is true, " that 
 light gains make heavy purses ; " for light gains come thick, 
 whereas great come but now and then. So it is true, that small 
 matters win great commendation, because they are continually in 
 use, and in note : whereas the occasion of any great virtue cometh 
 but on festivals. Therefore it doth much add to a man's reputa- 
 tion, and is, (as Queen Isabella said) "like perpetual lettei*s com- 
 mendatory, to have good forms." To attain them, it almost 
 sufficeth not to despise them: for so shall a man observe them in 
 others : and let him trust himself with the rest. For if he labour 
 too much to express them, he shall lose their grace ; which is to 
 be natural and unaffected. Some men's behaviour is like a verse, 
 wherein every syllable is measured : how can a man comprehend 
 great matters that breaketh his mind too much to small observa- 
 tions ? Not to use ceremonies at all, is to teach others not to use 
 them again; and so diminisheth respect to himself: especially 
 they be not to be omitted to strangers, and formal natures : but 
 the dwelling upon them, and exalting them above the moon, is not 
 only tedious, but doth diminish the faith and credit of him that 
 speaks. And certainly, there is a kind of conveying of effectual 
 and imprinting passages, amongst compliments, which is of 
 singular use, if a man can hit upon it. Amongst a man's peers, a 
 man shall be sure of familiarity ; and therefore, it is good a little 
 to keep state. Amongst a man's inferiors, one shall be sure of 
 reverence ; and therefore it is good a little to be familiar. He 
 that is too much in anything, so that he giveth another occasion 
 of satiety, maketh himself cheap. To apply one's self to others 
 is good : so it be with demonstration, that a man doth it upon 
 regard, and not upon facility. It is a good precept generally in 
 seconding another yet to add somewhat of one's o^vn : as if you 
 will grant his opinion, let it be with some distinction ; if you will 
 follow his motion, let it be with condition; if you allow his 
 
 127 
 
128 FRANCIS BACON [essay lii. 
 
 counsel, let it be with alleging further reason. Men had need 
 beware how they be too perfect in compliments ; for be they 
 never so sufficient otherwise, their enviers will be sure to give 
 them that attribute, to the disadvantage of their greater virtues. 
 It is loss also in business to be too full of respects, or to be too 
 curious in observing times and opportunities. Salomon saith ; 
 "He that considereth the wind, shall not sow, and he that looketh 
 to the clouds, shall not reap." A wise man will make more 
 opportunities than he finds. Men's behaviour should be like their 
 apparel, not too strait, or point device, but free for exercise or 
 motion. 
 
LIII 
 
 OF PRAISE 
 
 PRAISE is the reflection of virtue. But it is as the glass or 
 body which giveth the reflection. If it be from the common 
 people, it is commonly false and naught : and rather foUoweth 
 vain persons, than virtuous ; for the common people understand 
 not many excellent virtues : the lowest virtues draw praise from 
 them ; the middle virtues work in them astonishment, or admira- 
 tion ; but of the highest virtues, they have no sense, or perceiving 
 at all. But shows, and species virtutihus simileSj serve best with 
 them. Certainly, fame is like a river, that beareth up things light 
 and swollen, and drowns things weighty and solid : but if persons of 
 quality and judgment concur, then it is, (as the Scripture saith) 
 " Nornen honum instar unguenti fragraiUis." It filleth all round 
 about, and will not easily away. For the odours of ointments are 
 more durable than those of flowers. There be so many false 
 points of praise, that a man may justly hold it a suspect. Some 
 praises proceed merely of flattery ; and, if he be an ordinary 
 flatterer, he will have certain common attributes, which may serve 
 every man ; if he be a cunning flatterer, he will follow the arch- 
 flatterer, which is a man's self; and wherein a man thinketh best 
 of himself, therein the flatterer will uphold him most : but if he 
 be an impudent flatterer, look wherein a man is conscious to him- 
 self, that he is most defective, and is most out of countenance in 
 himself, that will the flatterer entitle him to, perforce, spretd 
 conscientid. Some praises come of good wishes, and respects, 
 which is a form due in civility to kings, and great persons, 
 laudando prcBcipere ; when, by telling men what they are, they 
 represent to them what they should be. Some men are praised 
 maliciously to their hurt, thereby to stir envy and jealousy towards 
 them ; pessimum genus inimicoi-um laiidantium ; insomuch as it was 
 a proverb amongst the Grecians ; that, " he that was praised to 
 his hurt, should have a push rise upon his nose : " as we say ; 
 ''that a blister will rise upon one's tongue that tells a lie." 
 Certainly moderate praise, used with opportunity, and not vulgar, 
 is that which doth the good : Salomon saith, " He that praiseth his 
 friend aloud, rising early, it shall be to him no better than a 
 
130 FRANCIS BACON [essay liii. 
 
 curse." Too much magnifying of man or matter doth irritate 
 contradiction, and procure envy and scorn. To praise a man's self 
 cannot be decent, except it be in rare cases : but to praise a man's 
 office or profession, he may do it with good grace, and with a kind 
 of magnanimity. The cardinals of Rome, which are theologues, 
 and friars, and schoolmen, have a phrase of notable contempt and 
 scorn towards civil business : for they call all temporal business 
 of wars, embassages, judicature, and other employments, sbhrery ; 
 which is, under-sheriffries ; as if they were but matters for under- 
 sheriffs and catchpolls ; though many times those under- 
 sheriffries do more good than their high speculations. St. Paul, 
 when he boasts of himself, he doth oft interlace ; " I speak like a 
 fool;" but speaking of his calling, he saith; " Magnificaho 
 apostolaium meum," 
 
LIV 
 
 OF VAINGLORY 
 
 IT was prettily devised of ^op ; " The fly sat upon the axle- 
 tree of the chariot-wheel, and said, What a dust do I raise ! " 
 So are there some vain persons that, whatsoever goeth alone, or 
 moveth upon greater means, if they have never so little hand in 
 it, they think it is they that carry it. They that are glorious 
 must needs be factious ; for all bravery stands upon comparisons. 
 They must needs be violent, to make good their own vaimts. 
 Neither can they be secret, and therefore not effectual; but 
 according to the French proverb; " Beaucoup de biniit, pen de 
 fruit " (" Much bruit, little fruit "). Yet certainly there is use 
 of this quality, in civil affairs. Where there is an opinion, and 
 fame to be created, either of virtue, or greatness, these men are 
 good trumpeters. Again, as Titus Livius noteth, in the case of 
 Antiochus, and the ^tolians ; " There are sometimes great effects 
 of cross lies ; " as if a man that negotiates between two princes, to 
 draw them to join in a war against the third, doth extol the forces 
 of either of them above measure, the one to the other : and, some- 
 times, he that deals between man and man raiseth his own credit 
 with both, by pretending greater interest than he hath in either. 
 And in these, and the like kinds, it often falls out that somewhat 
 is produced of nothing : for lies are sufficient to breed opinion, and 
 opinion brings on substance. In militar commanders and soldiers 
 vainglory is an essential point ; for, as iron sharpens iron, so by 
 glory one courage sharpeneth another. In cases of great enter- 
 prise, upon charge and adventure, a composition of glorious 
 natures doth put life into business ; and those that are of solid 
 and sober natures have more of the ballast, than of the sail. In 
 fame of learning, the flight will be slow, without some feathers of 
 ostentation. " Qui de contemnendd glorid libros scribunt, nomen suum 
 inscribunl." Socrates, Aristotle, Galen, were men full of ostenta- 
 tion. Certainly vainglory helpeth to perpetuate a man's memory ; 
 and virtue was never so beholding to human nature as it received 
 its due at the second-hand. Neither had the fame of Cicero, 
 Seneca, Plinius Secundus, borne her age so well, if it had not been 
 joined with some vanity in themselves: like unto varnish, that 
 
 181 
 
132 FRANCIS BACON [essay liv. 
 
 makes seelings not only shine, but last. But all this while, when 
 I speak of vainglory, I mean not of that property that Tacitus 
 doth attribute to Mucianus ; " Oinniiim, quce dixerat, feceratque, arte 
 quadam ostentator : " for that proceeds not of vanity, but of natural 
 magnanimity, and discretion : and in some persons is not only 
 comely, but gracious. For excusations, cessions, modesty itself 
 well governed, are but arts of ostentation. And, amongst those 
 arts, there is none better than that which Plinius Secundus 
 speaketh of ; which is to be liberal of praise and commendation to 
 others, in that wherein a man's self hath any perfection. For saith 
 Pliny very wittily; "In commending another, you do yourself 
 right ; for he that you commend is either superior to you, in that 
 you commend, or inferior. If he be inferior, if he be to be com- 
 mended, you much more : if he be superior, if he be not to be 
 commended, you much less." Glorious men are the scorn of wise 
 men ; the admiration of fools ; the idols of parasites ; and the 
 slaves of their own vaunts. 
 
LV 
 
 OF HONOUR AND REPUTATION 
 
 THE winning of honour is but the reveaUng of a man's virtue 
 and worth, without disadvantage. For some in their actions 
 do woo and affect honour, and reputation : which sort of men are 
 commonly much talked of, but inwardly little admired. And 
 some, contrariwise, darken their virtue, in the show of it ; so as 
 they be undervalued in opinion. If a man perform that which 
 hath not been attempted before ; or attempted and given over ; 
 or hath been achieved, but not with so good circumstance ; he 
 shall purchase more honour than by effecting a matter of greater 
 difficulty, or virtue, wherein he is but a follower. If a man so 
 temper his actions, as in some one of them he doth content every 
 faction, or combination of people, the music will be the fuller. A 
 man is an ill husband of his honour that entereth into any action 
 the failing wherein may disgrace him more than the carrying of 
 it through can honour him. Honour that is gained and broken 
 upon another hath the quickest reflection ; like diamonds cut 
 with facets. And therefore, let a man contend to excel any 
 competitors of his in honour, in outshooting them, if he can, in 
 their own bow. Discreet followers and servants help much to 
 reputation : " Omnis fama d Domesticis emanat." Envy, which is the 
 canker of honour, is best extinguished by declaring a man's self 
 in his ends, rather to seek merit, than fame : and by attributing 
 a man's successes, rather to divine providence and felicity, than to 
 his own virtue or policy. The true marshalling of the degrees of 
 sovereign honour are these. In the first place are Conditores 
 Imperorium ; founders of states, and commonwealths : such as were 
 Romulus, Cyrus, Caesar, Ottoman, Ismael. In the second place 
 are legislators, lawgivers ; which are also called second founders, 
 or Perpetui Principes, because they govern by their ordinances, 
 after they are gone : such were Lycurgus, Solon, Justinian, Eadgar, 
 Alphonsus of Castile, the Wise, that made the Siete Partidas. In 
 the third place are Liberatores or Salvatores. Such as compound 
 the long miseries of civil wars, or deliver their countries from 
 servitude of strangers, or tyrants ; as Augustus Caesar, Vespasianus, 
 Aurelianus, Theodoricus, King Henry the Seventh of England, King 
 
 133 
 
134 FRANCIS BACON [essay lv. 
 
 Henry the Fourth of France. In the fourth place are Propagatores 
 or Propugnatores Imperii ; such as in honourable wars enlarge their 
 territories, or make noble defence against invaders. And in the last 
 place are Patres Patriae ; which reign justly, and make the times 
 good wherein they live. Both which last kinds need no examples, 
 they are in such number. Degrees of honour in subjects are ; first, 
 Participes Curarum ; those upon whom princes do discharge the 
 greatest weight of their aiFairs ; their right hands, as we call them. 
 The next are Duces Belli, great leaders ; such as are princes' 
 lieutenants, and do them notable services in the wars. The third 
 are Gratiosi ; favourites ; such as exceed not this scantling ; to be 
 solace to the sovereign, and haranless to the people. And the 
 fourth, Negotiis Pares ; such as have great places under princes, 
 and execute their places with sufficiency. There is an honour 
 likewise, which may be ranked amongst the greatest, which 
 happeneth rarely : that is, of such as sacrifice themselves, to death 
 or danger, for the good of their country : as was M. Regulus, and 
 the two Decii 
 
LVI 
 
 OF JUDICATURE 
 
 JUDGES ought to remember that their office is jus dicre, and 
 not jus dare ; to interpret law, and not to make law, or give 
 law. Else will it be like the authority, claimed by the Church of 
 Rome ; which, under pretext of exposition of Scripture, doth not 
 stick to add and alter ; and to pronounce that which they do not 
 find; and, by show of antiquity, to introduce novelty. Judges 
 ought to be more learned than witty ; more reverend than 
 plausible ; and more advised than confident. Above all things, 
 integrity is their portion, and proper virtue. " Cursed " (saith the 
 law) " is he that removeth the landmark." The mislayer of a meere 
 stone is to blame. But it is the unjust judge that is the capital 
 remover of landmarks, when he defineth amiss of lands and 
 property. One foul sentence doth more hurt than many foul 
 examples. For these do but corrupt the stream; the other 
 corrupteth the fountain. So saith Salomon ; " Fofis iurbatus, et 
 vena corrupta, est Justus cadens in causd sud coram adversario." The 
 office of judges may have reference unto the parties that sue ; 
 unto the advocates that plead ; unto the clerks and ministers of 
 justice underneath them; and to the sovereign or state above them. 
 First, for the causes or parties that sue. " There be " (saith the 
 Scripture) " that turn judgment into wormwood ; " and surely, there 
 be also that turn it into vinegar ; for injustice maketh it bitter, 
 and delays make it sour. The principal duty of a judge is to 
 suppress force and fraud ; whereof force is the more pernicious, 
 when it is open ; and fraud, when it is close and disguised. Add 
 thereto contentious suits, which ought to be spewed out, as the 
 surfeit of courts. A judge ought to prepare his way to a just 
 sentence, as God useth to prepare His way, by raising valleys, and 
 taking down hills : so when there appeareth on either side a 
 high hand ; violent prosecution, cunning advantages taken, com- 
 bination, power, great counsel, then is the virtue of a judge seen 
 to make inequality equal ; that he may plant his judgment as 
 upon an even ground. " Quifortiter emungU, elicit sanguinem ; " and 
 where the wine-press is hard wrought, it yields a harsh wine, that 
 tastes of the grape-stone. Judges must beware of hard construc- 
 tions, and strained inferences ; for there is no worse torture than 
 
 1S5 
 
136 FRANCIS BACON [essay lvi. 
 
 the torture of laws. Specially in case of laws penal, they ought to 
 have care that that which was meant for terror be not turned 
 into rigour ; and that they bring not upon the people that shower 
 whereof the Scripture speaketh ; " Pluet super eos laqueos:" for 
 penal laws pressed are a shower of snares upon the people. 
 Therefore, let penal laws, if they have been sleepers of long, or if 
 they be grown unfit for the present time, be by wise judges con- 
 fined in the execution ; 
 
 •' Jud'tcis officlum est, ut res, ita tempora rerum^^ etc. 
 
 In causes of life and death, judges ought (as far as the law 
 permitteth) in justice to remember mercy ; and to cast a severe 
 eye upon the example, but a merciful eye upon the person. 
 
 Secondly, for the advocates and counsel that plead : patience 
 and gravity of hearing is an essential part of justice ; and an 
 overspeaking judge is no well tuned cymbal. It is no grace to 
 a judge, first to find that which he might have heard, in due 
 time, from the bar ; or to show quickness of conceit in cutting off 
 evidence or counsel too short ; or to prevent information, by 
 questions though pertinent. The parts of a judge in hearing are 
 four : to direct the evidence ; to moderate length, repetition, or 
 impertinency of speech ; to recapitulate, select, and collate, the 
 material points of that which hath been said ; and to give the 
 rule or sentence. Whatsoever is above these is too much; and 
 proceedeth, either of glory and willingness to speak ; or of im- 
 patience to hear ; or of shortness of memory ; or of want of a staid 
 and equal attention. It is a strange thing to see, that the bold- 
 ness of advocates should prevail with judges ; whereas they should 
 imitate God, in whose seat they sit ; who "represseth the presump- 
 tuous, and giveth grace to the modest." But it is more strange, 
 that judges should have noted favourites ; which cannot but cause 
 multiplication of fees, and suspicion of by-ways. There is due 
 from the judge, to the advocate, some commendation and gracing, 
 where causes are well handled, and fair pleaded ; especially 
 towards the side which obtaineth not; for that upholds, in the 
 client, the reputation of his counsel, and beats down, in him, the 
 conceit of his cause. There is likewise due to the public, a civil 
 reprehension of advocates, where there appeareth cunning counsel, 
 gross neglect, slight information, indiscreet pressing, or an over- 
 bold defence. And let not the counsel at the bar chop with the 
 judge, nor wind himself into the handling of the cause anew, after 
 the judge hath declared his sentence : but on the other side, let 
 not the judge meet the cause half-way ; nor give occasion to the 
 party to say his counsel or proofs were not heard. 
 
 Thirdly, for that that concerns clerks, and ministers. The 
 place of justice is a hallowed place ; and therefore, not only the 
 bench, but the footpace, and precincts, and purprise thereof, ought 
 
ESSAY Lvi.] OF JUDICATURE 137 
 
 to be preserved without scandal and corruption. For certainly, 
 " grapes," (as the Scripture saith) " will not be gathered of thorns 
 or thistles : " neither can justice yield her fruit with sweetness, 
 amongst the briere and brambles, of catching and polling clerks 
 and ministers. The attendance of courts is subject to four bad 
 instruments. First, certain persons, that are sowers of suits; 
 which make the court swell, and the country pine. The second 
 sort is of those that engage courts in quarrels of jurisdiction, and 
 are not truly arnica curice, but parasiti curia; ; in puffing a court up 
 beyond her bounds, for their own scraps, and advantage. The 
 third sort is of those that may be accounted the left hands of 
 courts ; persons that are full of nimble and sinister tricks and 
 shifts, whereby they pervert the plain and direct courses of courts, 
 and bring justice into oblique lines and labyrinths. And the 
 fourth is the poller and exacter of fees ; which justifies the common 
 resemblance of the courts of justice to the bush whereunto while 
 the sheep flies for defence in weather he is sure to lose part of 
 his fleece. On the other side, an ancient clerk, skilful in pre- 
 cedents, wary in proceeding, and understanding in the business of 
 the court, is an excellent finger of a court ; and doth many times 
 point the way to the judge himself 
 
 Fourthly, for that which may concern the sovereign and estate. 
 Judges ought above all to remember the conclusion of the Roman 
 twelve tables ; '^ Salus pojmli suprema lex ; " and to know, that laws, 
 except they be in order to that end, are but things captious, and 
 oracles not well inspired. Therefore it is a happy thing in a 
 state when kings and states do often consult with judges ; and 
 again, when judges do often consult with the king and state : 
 the one, when there is matter of law, intervenient in business of 
 state ; the other, when there is some consideration of state, inter- 
 venient in matter of law. For many times, the things deduced 
 to judgment may be meuvi and tuum, when the reason and 
 consequence thereof may trench to point of estate : I call 
 matter of estate not only the parts of sovereignty, but whatsoever 
 introduceth any great alteration, or dangerous precedent ; or 
 concern eth manifestly any great portion of people. And let no 
 man weakly conceive that just laws, and true policy, have any 
 antipathy : for they are like the spirits, and sinews, that one 
 moves with the other. Let judges also remember, that Salomon's 
 throne was supported by lions, on both sides ; let them be lions, 
 but yet lions under the throne ; being circumspect that they do 
 not check, or oppose any points of sovereignty. Let not judges, 
 also, be so ignorant of their own right, as to think there is not 
 left to them, as a principal part of their office, a wise use, and 
 application of laws. For they may remember, what the apostle 
 saith, of a greater law than theii*s : '* Nos scimus quia lex bona est, 
 modo quis ed utatur legiiiine." 
 
LVII 
 
 OF ANGER 
 
 TO seek to extinguish anger utterly is but a bravery of the 
 Stoics. We have better oracles : " Be angry, but sin not. 
 Let not the sun go down upon your anger." Anger must be 
 limited, and confined, both in race, and in time. We will first 
 speak how the natural inclination, and habit, to be angry may be 
 attempered, and calmed. Secondly, how the particular motions of 
 anger may be repressed, or at least refrained from doing mischief. 
 Thirdly, how to raise anger, or appease anger, in another. 
 
 For the first ; there is no other way, but to meditate and 
 ruminate well upon the effects of anger, how it troubles man's 
 life. And the best time, to do this, is to look back upon anger, 
 when the fit is thoroughly over. Seneca saith well ; " That 
 anger is like ruin, which breaks itself upon that it falls." The 
 Scripture exhorteth us "to possess our souls in patience." 
 Whosoever is out of patience is out of possession of his soul. Men 
 must not turn bees ; 
 
 ' * Animasque in vulnere ponunt, " 
 
 Anger is certainly a kind of baseness : as it appears well in the 
 weakness of those subjects in whom it reigns : children, women, 
 old folks, sick folks. Only men must beware that they caiTy 
 their anger rather with scorn, than with fear : so that they may 
 seem rather to be above the injury, than below it : which is a 
 thing easily done, if a man will give law to himself in it. 
 
 For the second point; the causes and motives of anger are 
 chiefly three. First, to be too sensible of hurt : for no man is 
 angry that feels not himself hurt: and therefore tender and 
 delicate persons must needs be oft angry: they have so many 
 things to trouble them; which more robust natures have little 
 sense of. The next is the apprehension and construction of 
 the injury offered, to be, in the circumstances thereof, full of 
 contempt. For contempt is that which putteth an edge upon 
 anger, as much, or more, than the hurt itself. And therefore, 
 when men are ingenious in picking out circumstances of contempt, 
 they do kindle their anger much. Lastly, opinion of the touch of 
 
 138 
 
ESSAY Lvii.] OF ANGER 139 
 
 a man's reputation doth multiply and sharpen anger. Wherein 
 the remedy is, that a man should have, as Consalvo was wont to 
 say, " Telam honoris crassiorem." But in all refrainings of anger, it 
 is the best remedy to win time ; and to make a man's self believe 
 that the opportunity ot his revenge is not yet come : but that he 
 foresees a time for it ; and so to still himself in the meantime, and 
 reserve it. 
 
 To contain anger from mischief, though it take hold of a man, 
 there be two things whereof you must have special caution. 
 The one, of extreme bitterness of words ; especially, if they be 
 aculeate and proper: for communia maledicta are nothing so 
 much : and again that, in anger, a man reveal no secrets : for that 
 makes him not fit for society. The other, that you do not 
 peremptorily break off, in any business, in a fit of anger: but 
 howsoever you show bitterness, do not act anything, that is not 
 revocable. 
 
 For raising and appeasing anger in another : it is done chiefly 
 by choosing of times when men are frowardest and worst disposed 
 to incense them. Again, by gathering (as was touched before) all 
 that you can find out, to aggravate the contempt. And the two 
 remedies are by the contraries. The former, to take good times, 
 when first to relate to a man, an angry business : for the first 
 impression is much ; and the other is to sever, as much as may 
 be, the construction of the injury from the point of contempt: 
 imputing it to misunderstanding, fear, passion, or what you will. 
 
LVIII 
 
 OF VICISSITUDE OF THINGS 
 
 SALOMON saith; "There is no new thing upon the earth." 
 So that as Plato had an imagination, that all knowledge was 
 but remembrance : so Salomon giveth his sentence ; " that all 
 novelty is but oblivion." Whereby you may see that the river 
 of Lethe runneth as well above ground, as below. There is an 
 abstruse astrologer that saith ; " If it were not for two things, 
 that are constant, (the one is, that the fixed stars ever stand at 
 like distance, one from another, and never come nearer together, 
 nor go further asunder ; the other, that the diurnal motion 
 perpetually keepeth time :) no individual would last one moment." 
 Certain it is, that the matter is in a pei-petual flux, and never at a 
 stay. The great winding-sheets, that bury all things in oblivion, 
 are two ; deluges and earthquakes. As for conflagrations, and 
 great droughts, they do not merely dispeople, and destroy. 
 Phaeton's car went but a day. And the three years' drought, in 
 the time of Elias, was but particular, and left people alive. As 
 for the great burnings by lightnings, which are often in the West 
 Indies, they are but narrow. But in the other two destructions, 
 by deluge and earthquake, it is further to be noted, that the 
 remnant of people, which hap to be reserved, are commonly 
 ignorant and mountainous people, that can give no account of the 
 time past : so that the oblivion is all one as if none had been 
 left. If you consider well of the people of the West Indies, it is 
 very probable that they are a newer, or a younger people, than 
 the people of the old world. And it is much more likely that 
 the destruction, that hath heretofore been there, was not by 
 earthquakes, (as the Egyptian priest told Solon, concerning the 
 island of Atlantis ; that it was swallowed by an earthquake ;) but 
 rather, that it was desolated by a particular deluge. For earth- 
 quakes are seldom in those parts. But on the other side, they 
 have such pouring rivers, as the rivers of Asia, and AfFrick, 
 and Europe, are but brooks to them. Their Andes likewise, or 
 mountains, are far higher than those with us ; whereby it seems 
 that the remnants of generation of men were, in such a particular 
 deluge, saved. As for the observation, that Macciavel hath, that 
 
 140 
 
ESSAY lviil] of vicissitude OF THINGS 141 
 
 the jealousy of sects doth much extinguish the memory of things ; 
 traducing Gregory the Great, that he did what in him lay to 
 extinguish all heathen antiquities ; I do not find that those zeals 
 do any great effects, nor last long : as it appeared in the succes- 
 sion of Sabinian, who did revive the former antiquities. 
 
 The vicissitude or munitions in the superior globe are no fit 
 matter for this present argument. It may be Plato's great year, 
 if the world should last so long, would have some effect ; not in 
 renewing the state of like individuals (for that is the fume of 
 those that conceive the celestial bodies have more accurate 
 influences, upon these things below, than indeed they have) but 
 in gross. Comets, out of question, have likewise power and effect 
 over the gross and mass of things : but they are rather gazed 
 upon, and waited upon in their journey, than wisely observed in 
 their effects ; specially in their respective effects ; that is, what 
 kind of comet, for magnitude, colour, version of the beams, 
 placing in the region of heaven, or lasting, produceth what kind 
 of effects. 
 
 There is a toy which I have heard, and I would not have 
 it given over, but waited upon a little. They say, it is observed, 
 in the Low Countries (I know not in what part) that, every five- 
 and-thirty years, the same kind and suit of years and weathers 
 comes about again : as great frosts, great wet, great droughts, 
 warm winters, summers with little heat, and the like : and they 
 call it the prime. It is a thing I do the rather mention, because^ 
 computing backwards, I have found some concurrence. 
 
 But to leave these points of nature, and to come to men. The 
 greatest vicissitude of things amongst men is the vicissitude of 
 sects, and religions. For those orbs rule in men's minds most. The 
 true religion is built upon the rock ; the rest are tossed upon the 
 waves of time. To speak, therefore, of the causes of new sects ; 
 and to give some counsel concerning them ; as far as the weak- 
 ness of human judgment can give stay to so great revolutions. 
 
 When the religion formerly received is rent by discords ; and 
 when the holiness of the professors of religion is decayed, and full 
 of scandal ; and withal the times be stupid, ignorant, and barbar- 
 ous ; you may doubt the springing up of a new sect ; if then also 
 there should arise any extravagant and strange spirit, to make 
 himself author thereof. All which points held, when Mahomet 
 published his law. If a new sect have not two properties, fear it 
 not : for it will not spread. The one is the supplanting, or the 
 opposing, of authority established : for nothing is more popular 
 than that. The other is the giving licence to pleasures, and a 
 voluptuous life. For as for speculative heresies (such as were in 
 ancient times the Arrians, and now the Arminians) though they 
 work mightily upon men's wits, yet they do not produce any great 
 alterations in states ; except it be by the help of civil occasions. 
 
142 FRANCIS BACON [essay lviii. 
 
 There be three manner of plantations of new sects. By the power 
 of signs and miracles ; by the eloquence and wisdom of speech 
 and persuasion : and by the sword. For martyrdoms, I reckon 
 them amongst miracles ; because they seem to exceed the strength 
 of human nature : and I may do the like of superlative and admir- 
 able holiness of life. Surely, there is no better way, to stop the 
 rising of new sects, and schisms, than to reform abuses ; to com- 
 pound the smaller differences ; to proceed mildly, and not with 
 sanguinary persecutions ; and rather to take off the principal 
 authors, by winning and advancing them, than to enrage them by 
 violence and bitterness. 
 
 The changes and vicissitude in wars are many : but chiefly in 
 three things ; in the seats or stages of the war ; in the weapons ; 
 and in the manner of the conduct. Wars in ancient time seemed 
 more to move from east to west : for the Persians, Assyrians, 
 Arabians, Tartars, (which were the invaders) were all eastern 
 people. It is true, the Gauls were western : but we read but 
 of two incursions of theirs ; the one to Gallo-Grecia, the other 
 to Rome. But east and west have no certain points of heaven ; 
 and no more have the wars, either from the east, or west, any 
 certainty of observation. But north and south are fixed : and it 
 hath seldom or never been seen that the far southern people 
 have invaded the northern, but contrariwise. Whereby it is 
 manifest, that the northern tract of the world is in nature the 
 more martial region : be it in respect of the stars of that hemi- 
 sphere ; or of the great continents that are upon the north, whereas 
 the south part, for ought that is known, is almost all sea ; or 
 (which is most apparent) of the cold of the northern parts, which 
 is that which, without aid of discipline, doth make the bodies 
 hardest, and the courages warmest. 
 
 Upon the breaking and shivering of a great state and empire 
 you may be sure to have wars. For great empires, while they 
 stand, do enervate and destroy the forces of the natives, which 
 they have subdued, resting upon their own protecting forces : 
 and then, when they fail also, all goes to ruin, and they become 
 a prey. So was it in the decay of the Roman empire ; and 
 like"wise, in the empire of Almaigne, after Charles the Great, 
 every bird taking a feather; and were not unlike to befall to 
 Spain, if it should break. The great accessions and unions of 
 kingdoms do likewise stir up wars. For when a state grows to 
 an over-power it is like a great flood, that will be sure to over- 
 flow. As it hath been seen in the states of Rome, Turkey, Spain, 
 and others. Look when the world hath fewest barbarous peoples, 
 but such as commonly will not marry or generate, except they 
 know means to live ; (as it is almost everywhere at this day, 
 except Tartary) there is no danger of inundations of people : but 
 when there be great shoals of people, which go on to populate, 
 
ESSAY Lviii.] OF VICISSITUDE OF THINGS 143 
 
 without foreseeing means of life and sustentation, it is of necessity, 
 that once in an age or two they discharge a portion of their 
 people upon other nations : which the ancient northern people 
 were wont to do by lot: casting lots, what part should stay at 
 home, and what should seek their fortunes. When a warlike 
 state grows soft and effeminate, they may be sure of a war. For 
 commonly such states are grown rich, in the time of their de- 
 generating ; and so the prey inviteth, and their decay in valour 
 encourageth a war. 
 
 As for the weapon, it hardly falleth under rule and observa- 
 tion: yet we see even they have returns and vicissitudes. For 
 certain it is, that ordnance was known in the city of the Oxidrakes 
 in India ; and was that which the Macedonians called thunder 
 and lightning, and magic. And it is well known, that the use 
 of ordnance hath been in China, above 2000 years. The con- 
 ditions of weapons, and their improvement are, first, the fetching 
 afar off: for that outruns the danger: as it is seen in ordnance 
 and muskets. Secondly, the strength of the percussion ; wherein 
 likewise ordnance do exceed all arietations, and ancient inven- 
 tions. The third is the commodious use of them: as that they 
 may serve in all weathers ; that the carriage may be light and 
 manageable ; and the like. 
 
 For the conduct of the war : at the first, men rested extremely 
 upon number: they did put the wars likewise upon main force, 
 and valour ; pointing days for pitched fields, and so trying it out, 
 upon an even match : and they were more ignorant in ranging 
 and arraying their battailes. After they grew to rest upon 
 number, rather competent, than vast, they grew to advantages 
 of place, cunning diversions, and the like : and they grew more 
 skilful in the ordering of their battailes. 
 
 In the youth of a state, arms do flourish : in the middle age 
 of a state, learning ; and then both of them together for a time : 
 in the declining age of a state, mechanical arts and merchandise. 
 Learning hath his infancy, when it is but beginning, and almost 
 childish : then his youth, when it is luxuriant and juvenile : then 
 his strength of years, when it is solid and reduced : and lastly, his 
 old age, when it waxeth dry and exhaust. But it is not good to 
 look too long upon these turning wheels of vicissitude, lest we 
 become giddy. As for the philology of them, that is but a circle 
 of tales, and therefore not fit for this writing. 
 
A FRAGMENT OF AN ESSAY 
 
 OF FAME 
 
 THE poets make Fame a monster. They describe her, in part, 
 finely, and elegantly ; and, in part, gravely, and sententi- 
 ously. They say, look how many feathers she hath, so many eyes 
 she hath underneath : so many tongues ; so many voices ; she 
 pricks up so many ears. 
 
 This is a flourish : there follow excellent parables ; as that, she 
 gathered strength in going ; that she goeth upon the ground, and 
 yet hideth her head in the clouds. That, in the daytime, she 
 sitteth in a watch-tower, and flieth, most, by night : that she 
 mingleth things done with things not done : and that she is a 
 terror to great cities : but that, which passeth all the rest, is : 
 they do recount, that the earth, mother of the giants, that made 
 war against Jupiter, and were by him destroyed, thereupon, in an 
 anger, brought forth Fame : for certain it is, that rebels, figured 
 by the giants, and seditious fames, and libels, are but brothers, 
 and sisters ; masculine, and feminine. But now, if a man can tame 
 this monster, and bring her to feed at the hand, and govern her, 
 and with her fly other ravening fowl, and kill them, it is some- 
 what worth. But we are infected with the style of the poets. 
 To speak now in a sad, and serious manner ; there is not, in all 
 the politiques, a place less handled, and more worthy to be 
 handled, than this of fame. We will, therefore, speak of these 
 points. What are false fames ; and what are true fames ; and 
 how they may be best discerned ; how fames may be sown, and 
 raised ; how they may be spread, and multiplied ; and how they 
 may be checked, and laid dead. And other things, concerning 
 the nature of fame. Fame is of that force as there is, scarcely, 
 any great action wherein it hath not a great part ; especially, in 
 the war. Mucianus undid Vitellius by a fame, that he scattered, 
 that Vitellius had in purpose to remove the legions of Syria into 
 Germany ; and the legions of Germany into Syria : whereupon 
 the legions of Syria were infinitely inflamed. Julius Caesar took 
 Pompey unprovided, and laid asleep his industry, and preparations, 
 by a fame that he cunningly gave out, how Caesar's own soldiers 
 loved him not ; and being wearied with the wars, and laden with 
 
 144 
 
OF FAME 145 
 
 the spoils of Gaul, would forsake him, as soon as he came into 
 Italy. Livia settled all things, for the succession of her son 
 Tiberius, by continual giving out, that her husband Augustus 
 was upon recovery, and amendment. And it is a usual thing, 
 with the bashaws, to conceal the death of the Great Turk from 
 the janizaries, and men of war, to save the sacking of Constanti- 
 nople, and other towns, as their manner is. Themistocles made 
 Xerxes, King of Persia post apace out of Grsecia, by giving out, 
 that the Graecians had a purpose to break his bridge of ships, 
 which he had made athwart Hellespont. There be a thousand 
 such like examples ; and the more they are, the less they need 
 to be repeated ; because a man meeteth with them everywhere : 
 therefore, let all wise governors have as great a watch, and care, 
 over fames, as they have of the actions, and designs themselves. 
 
 The rest mas notjinished. 
 
 xo 
 
NEW ATLANTIS 
 
 A WORK. UNFINISHED 
 
 Written by the Right Honourable Francis LiORD Verulam, 
 Viscount St. Alban 
 
 TO THE READER 
 
 This fable my lord devised, to the end that he might exhibit therein a model 
 or description of a college, instituted for the interpreting of nature, and the 
 producing of great and marvellous works for the benefit of men ; under the 
 name of Salomon's House, or the College of the Six Days' Works. And even so 
 far his lordship hath proceeded, as to finish that part. Certainly, the model 
 is more vast, and high, than can possibly be imitated in all things ; notwith- 
 standing most things therein are within men's power to effect. His lordship 
 thought also in this present fable, to have composed a frame of laws, or of the 
 best state or mould of a commonwealth ; but foreseeing it would be a long work, 
 his desire of collecting the Natural History diverted him, which he preferred 
 many degrees before it. 
 
 This work of the New Atlantis (as much as concerneth the English Edition) 
 his lordship designed for this place ; in regard it hath so near affinity (in one 
 part of it) with the preceding Natural History. W. Rawley. 
 
 NEW ATLANTIS 
 
 WE sailed from Peru, (where we had continued for the space of 
 one whole year,) for China and Japan, by the South Sea ; 
 taking with us victuals for twelve months ; and had good winds from 
 the east, though soft and weak, for five months' space, and more. 
 But then the wind came about, and settled in the west for many 
 days, so as we could make little or no way, and were sometimes 
 in purpose to turn back. But then again there arose strong and 
 great winds from the south, with a point east ; which carried us 
 up, (for all that we could do) towards the north ; by which time 
 our victuals failed us, though we had made good spare of them. 
 So that finding ourselves, in the midst of the greatest wilderness 
 of waters in the world, without victuals, we gave ourselves for lost 
 
 147 
 
148 FRANCIS BACON 
 
 men, and prepared for death. Yet we did lift up our hearts and 
 voices to God above, who "showeth his wonders in the deep," 
 beseeching him of his mercy, that as in the beginning he dis- 
 covered the face of the deep, and brought forth dry land ; so he 
 would now discover land to us, that we might not perish. And it 
 came to pass that, the next day about evening, we saw within 
 a kenning before us, towards the north, as it were thick clouds, 
 which did put us in some hope of land ; knowing how that part of 
 the South Sea was utterly unknown ; and might have islands, or 
 continents, that hitherto were not come to light. Wherefore we 
 bent our course thither, where we saw the appearance of land, all 
 that night ; and in the dawning of the next day, we might plainly 
 discern that it was a land ; flat to our sight, and full of boscage ; 
 which made it show the more dark. And after an hour and a 
 half's sailing, we entered into a good haven, being the port of 
 a fair city ; not great indeed, but well built, and that gave a 
 pleasant view from the sea : and we thinking every minute long, 
 till we were on land, came close to the shore, and offered to land. 
 But straightways we saw divei*s of the people, with batons in their 
 hands, (as it were) forbidding us to land ; yet without any cries or 
 fierceness, but only as warning us off, by signs that they made. 
 Whereupon being not a little discomforted, we were advising with 
 ourselves, what we should do. During which time, there made 
 forth to us a small boat, with about eight persons in it ; whereof 
 one of them had in his hand a tipstaff of a yellow cane, tipped at 
 both ends with blue, who came aboard our sJhip, without any show 
 of distrust at all. And when he saw one of our number present 
 himself somewhat afore the rest, he drew forth a little scroll of 
 parchment, (somewhat yellower than our parchment, and shining 
 Uke the leaves of writing-tables, but otherwise soft and flexible,) 
 and delivered it to our foremost man. In which scroll were 
 written, in ancient Hebrew, and in ancient Greek, and in good 
 Latin of the school, and in Spanish, these words ; " Land ye not, 
 none of you ; and provide to be gone, from this coast, within 
 sixteen days, except you have further time given you. Mean- 
 while, if you want fresh water, or victual, or help for your sick, or 
 that your ship needeth repair, write down your wants, and you 
 shall have that, which belongeth to mercy." This scroll was 
 signed with a stamp of cherubim's wings, not spread, but hang- 
 ing downwards ; and by them a cross. This being delivered, the 
 officer returned, and left only a servant witli us to receive our 
 answer. Consulting hereupon amongst ourselves, we were much 
 perplexed. The denial of landing, and hasty warning us away, 
 troubled us much ; on the other side, to find that the people had 
 languages, and were so full of humanity, did comfort us not a 
 little. And above all, the sign of the cross to that instrument 
 was to us a great rejoicing, and as it were a certain presage of 
 
NEW ATLANTIS 149 
 
 good. Our answer was in the Sptinish tongue ; " that for our 
 ship, it was well ; for we had rather met with calms, and contrary 
 winds, than any tempests. For our sick, they were many, and in 
 very ill case ; so that if they were not permitted to land, they ran 
 danger of their lives." Our other wants we set down in particular, 
 adding ; " that we had some little store of merchandise, which 
 if it pleased them to deal for, it might supply our wants, with- 
 out being chargeable unto them." We offered some reward in 
 pistolets unto the servant, and a piece of crimson velvet to be 
 presented to the officer; but the servant took them not, nor 
 would scarce look upon them ; and so left us, and went back in 
 another little boat, which was sent for him. 
 
 About three hours after we had despatched our answer, there 
 came towards us a person (as it seemed) of place. He had on 
 him a gown with wide sleeves, of a kind of water-camlet, of an 
 excellent azure colour, far more glossy than ours: his under- 
 apparel was green ; and so was his hat, being in the form of a 
 turban, daintily made, and not so huge as the Turkish turbans ; 
 and the locks of his hair came down below the brims of it. A 
 reverend man was he to behold. He came in a boat, gilt in some 
 part of it, with four persons more only in that boat; and was 
 followed by another boat, wherein were some twenty. When he 
 was come within a flight-shot of our ship, signs were made to us, 
 that we should send forth some to meet him upon the water: 
 which we presently did in our ship's boat, sending the principal 
 man amongst us save one, and four of our number with him. 
 When we were come within six yards of their boat, they called to 
 us to stay, and not to approach further; which we did. And 
 thereupon the man, whom I before described, stood up, and with 
 a loud voice, in Spanish, asked ; " Are ye Christians ? " We 
 answered ; " We were ;" fearing the less, because of the cross we 
 had seen in the subscription. At which answer the said person 
 lifted up his right hand towards heaven, and drew it softly to his 
 mouth, (which is the gesture they use when they thank God ;) 
 and then said : " If ye will swear, (all of you,) by the merits of 
 the Saviour, that ye are no pirates ; nor have shed blood, lawfully, 
 or unlawfully, within forty days past; you may have license to 
 come on land." We said ; " We were all ready to take that oath." 
 Whereupon one of those that were with him, being (as it seemed) 
 a notary, made an entry of this act. Which done, another of the 
 attendants of the great person, who was with him in the same 
 boat, after his lord had spoken a little to him, said aloud ; " My 
 lord would have you know, that it is not of pride, or greatness, 
 that he cometh not aboard your ship ; but for that, in your answer, 
 you declare that you have many sick amongst you, he was warned 
 by the conservator of health, of the city, that he should keep 
 a distance." We bowed ourselves towards him, and answered ; 
 
ISO FRANCIS BACON 
 
 " We were his humble servants ; and accounted for great honour, 
 and singular humanity, towards us, that which was already done ; 
 but hoped well, that the nature of the sickness of our men, was 
 not infectious." So he returned ; and awhile after came the 
 notary to us aboard our ship ; holding in his hand a fruit of that 
 country, like an orange, but of colour between orange-tawny and 
 scarlet ; which cast a most excellent odour. He used it (as it 
 seemeth) for a preservative against infection. He gave us our 
 oath ; "By the name of Jesus, and his merits : '* and after told us, 
 that the next day, by six of the clock, in the morning, we should 
 be sent to, and brought to the Strangers* House, (so he called it,) 
 where we should be accommodated of things, both for our whole, 
 and for our sick. So he left us ; and when we offered him some 
 pistolets, he smiling said ; " He must not be twice paid, for one 
 labour : " meaning (as I take it) that he had salary sufficient of 
 the state for his service. For (as I after learned) they call an 
 officer, that taketh rewards, ''twice-paid." 
 
 The next morning early, there came to us the same officer, 
 that came to us at first with his cane, and told us ; " He came to 
 conduct us to the Strangers' House ; and that he had prevented 
 the hour, because we might have the whole day before us, for our 
 business. For " (said he) " if you will follow my advice, there shall 
 first go with me some few of you, and see the place, and how it 
 may be made convenient for you ; and then you may send for 
 your sick, and the rest of your number, which ye will bring on 
 land." We thanked him, and said; "That this care, which he 
 took of desolate strangers, God would reward." And so six of us 
 went on land with him: and when we were on land, he went 
 before us, and turned to us, and said ; " He was but our servant 
 and our guide." He led us through three fair streets ; and all 
 the way we went, there were gathered some people on both sides, 
 standing in a row ; but in so civil a fashion, as if it had been, not 
 to wonder at us, but to welcome us : and divers of them, as we 
 passed by them, put their arms a little abroad ; which is their 
 gesture, when they bid any welcome. The Strangers' House is a 
 fair and spacious house, built of brick, of somewhat a bluer colour 
 than our brick ; and with handsome windows, some of glass, some 
 of a kind of cambric oiled. He brought us first into a fair parlour 
 above-stairs, and then asked us ; " What number of persons we 
 were ? and how many sick ? " We answered ; " We were in all, 
 (sick and whole,) one-and-fifty persons, whereof our sick were 
 seventeen." He desired us to have patience a little, and to stay 
 till he came back to us ; which was about an hour after ; and then 
 he led us to see the chambers, which were provided for us, being 
 in number nineteen. They having cast it, (as it seemeth) that 
 four of those chambers, which were better than the rest, might 
 receive four of the principal men of our company; and lodge 
 
NEW ATLANTIS 151 
 
 them alone by themselves ; and the other fifteen chambers were 
 to lodge us two and two together. The chambers were handsome 
 and cheerful chambers, and furnished civilly. Then he led us to 
 a long gallery, like a dorture, where he showed us all along the 
 one side (for the other side was but wall and window,) seventeen 
 cells, very neat ones, having partitions of cedar-wood. Which 
 gallery, and cells, being in all forty, (many more than we needed,) 
 were instituted as an infirmary for sick persons. And he told us 
 withal, that as any of our sick waxed well, he might be removed 
 from his cell, to a chamber: for which purpose, there were set 
 forth ten spare chambers, besides the number we spake of before. 
 This done, he brought us back to the parlour, and lifting up his 
 cane a little, (as they do when they give any charge or command) 
 said to us ; " Ye are to know, that the custom of the land re- 
 quireth, that after this day, and to-morrow, (which we give you 
 for removing your people from your ship,) you are to keep within 
 doors for three days. But let it not trouble you, nor do not think 
 yourselves restrained, but rather left to your rest and ease. You 
 shall want nothing, and there are six of our people appointed to 
 attend you, for any business you may have abroad." We gave him 
 thanks, with all affection and respect, and said ; " God surely is 
 manifested in this land." We offered him also twenty pistolets ; but 
 he smiled, and only said ; " What ! twice paid ? " and so he left us. 
 
 Soon after our dinner was served in ; which was right good 
 viands, both for bread, and meat: better than any collegiate 
 diet, that I have known in Europe. We had also drink of three 
 sorts, all wholesome and good ; wine of the grape ; a drink of 
 grain, such as is with us our ale, but more clear : and a kind 
 of cider made of a fruit of that country ; a wonderful pleasing 
 and refreshing drink. Besides, there were brought in to us 
 great store of those scarlet oranges, for our sick ; which (they 
 said) were an assured remedy for sickness taken at sea. There 
 was given us also a box of small grey, or whitish pills, which they 
 wished our sick should take, one of the pills, every night before 
 sleep ; which (they said) would hasten their recovery. 
 
 The next day, after that our trouble of carriage, and removing 
 of our men and goods, out of our ship, was somewhat settled and 
 quiet, I thought good to call our company together, and when 
 they were assembled, said unto them ; " My dear friends ; let us 
 know ourselves, and how it standeth with us. We are men cast 
 on land, as Jonas was, out of the whale's belly, when we were as 
 buried in the deep : and now we are on land, we are but between 
 death and life ; for we are beyond both the Old World and the 
 New ; and whether ever we shall see Europe, God only knoweth. 
 It is a kind of miracle hath brought us hither : and it must be 
 little less that shall bring us hence. Therefore in regard of our 
 deliverance past, and our danger present, and to come, let us look 
 
152 FRANCIS BACON 
 
 up to God, and every man reform his own ways. Besides, we are 
 come here amongst a Christian people, full of piety and humanity : 
 let us not bring that confusion of face upon ourselves, as to show 
 our vices, or unworthiness before them. Yet there is more. For 
 they have by commandment, (though in form of courtesy) 
 cloistered us within these walls, for three days : who knoweth, 
 whether it be not to take some taste of our manners and con- 
 ditions ? And if they find them bad, to banish us straightways ; 
 if good to give us fiu-ther time. For these men, that they have 
 given us for attendance, may withal have an eye upon us. There- 
 fore for God's love, and as we love the weal of our souls and 
 bodies, let us so behave ourselves, as we may be at peace with 
 God, and may find grace in the eyes of this people." Our com- 
 pany with one voice thanked me for my good admonition, and 
 promised me to live soberly and civilly, and without giving any the 
 least occasion of offence. So we spent our three days joyfully, and 
 without care, in expectation what would be done with us, when 
 they were expired. During which time, we had every hour joy of 
 the amendment of our sick; who thought themselves cast into 
 some divine pool of healing ; they mended so kindly and so fast. 
 
 The morrow after our three days were past, there came to us 
 a new man, that we had not seen before, clothed in blue as the 
 former was, save that his turban was white, with a small red cross 
 on the top. He had also a tippet of fine linen. At his coming 
 in, he did bend to us a little, and put his arms abroad. We of 
 our parts saluted him in a very lowly and submissive manner ; 
 as looking that from him we should receive sentence of life, or 
 death. He desired to speak with some few of us : whereupon six 
 of us only stayed, and the rest avoided the room. He said ; " I 
 am by office governor of this House of Strangers, and by vocation 
 I am a Christian priest ; and therefore am come to you, to offer 
 you my service, both as strangers, and chiefly as Christians. 
 Some things I may tell you, which I think you will not be unwill- 
 ing to hear. The state hath given you license to stay on land, 
 for the space of six weeks : and let it not trouble you if your 
 occasions ask further time, for the law in this point is not precise ; 
 and I do not doubt but myself shall be able to obtain for you 
 such further time as may be convenient. Ye shall also under- 
 stand, that the Strangers' House is at this time rich, and much 
 aforehand ; for it hath laid up revenue these thirty-seven years ; 
 for so long it is since any stranger arrived in this part: and 
 therefore take ye no care ; the state will defray you all the time 
 you stay : neither shall you stay one day less for that. As for 
 any merchandise ye have brought, ye shall be well used, and have 
 your return, either in merchandise, or in gold and silver : for to us 
 it is all one. And if you have any other request to make, hide it 
 not. For ye shall find, we will not make your countenance to fall. 
 
NEW ATLANTIS 153 
 
 by the answer ye shall receive. Only this I must tell you, that 
 none of you must go above a karan," (that is with them a mile and 
 a half) " from the walls of the city, without especial leave." We 
 answered, after we had looked awhile upon one another, admir- 
 ing this gracious and parent-like usage ; " That we could not tell 
 what to say : for we wanted words to express our thanks ; and his 
 noble free offers left us nothing to ask. It seemed to us that we 
 had before us a picture of our salvation in heaven : for we that 
 were awhile since in the jaws of death were now brought into a 
 place where we found nothing but consolations. For the com- 
 mandment laid upon us, we would not fail to obey it, though 
 it was impossible, but our hearts should be inflamed to tread 
 further upon this happy and holy ground." We added ; " That 
 our tongues should first cleave to the roofs of our mouths, ere we 
 should forget, either his reverend person, or this whole nation, in 
 our prayers." We also most humbly besought him, to accept of 
 us as his true servants, by as just a right as ever men on earth 
 were bounden ; laying and presenting, both our persons, and all 
 we had, at his feet. He said ; " He was a priest, and looked for 
 a priest's reward ; which was our brotherly love, and the good of 
 our souls and bodies." So he went from us, not without tears of 
 tenderness in his eyes ; and left us also confused with joy and 
 kindness, saying amongst ourselves, " That we were come into a 
 land of angels, which did appear to us daily, and present us with 
 comforts, which we thought not of, much less expected." 
 
 The next day, about ten of the clock, the governor came to us 
 again, and after salutations, said familiarly ; " That he was come 
 to visit us ; " and called for a chair, and sat him down ; and we 
 being some ten of us, (the rest were of the meaner sort ; or else 
 gone abroad ;) sat down with him. And when we were set, he 
 began thus. " We of this island of Bensalem " (for so they call it 
 in their language) " have this ; that by means of our solitary situa- 
 tion ; and the laws of secrecy, which we have for our travellers ; 
 and our rare admission of strangers ; we know well most part 
 of the habitable world, and are ourselves unknown. Therefore, 
 because he that knoweth least, is fittest to ask questions, it is 
 more reason, for the entertainment of the time, that ye ask me 
 questions, than that I ask you." We answered ; " That we 
 humbly thanked him, that he would give us leave so to do : and 
 that we conceived by the taste we had already, that there was no 
 worldly thing on earth, more worthy to be known, than the state 
 of that happy land. But above all " (we said) " since that we 
 were met from the several ends of the world ; and hoped assuredly, 
 that we should meet one day in the kingdom of heaven (for that 
 we were both parts Christians) we desired to know (in respect that 
 land was so remote, and so divided by vast and unknown seas, 
 from the land where our Saviour walked on earth) who was the 
 
154 FRANCIS BACON 
 
 apostle of that nation, and how it was converted to the faith ? ** 
 It appeared in his face, that he took great contentment in this 
 our question : he said ; " Ye knit my heart to you, by asking 
 this question in the first place ; for it showeth that you ' first seek 
 the kingdom of heaven ; ' and I shall gladly, and briefly, satisfy 
 your demand ; — 
 
 " About twenty years after the ascension of our Saviour, it came 
 to pass, that there was seen by the people of Renfusa, (a city 
 upon the eastern coast of our island,) within night, (the night was 
 cloudy, and calm,) as it might be some mile into the sea, a great 
 pillar of light ; not sharp, but in form of a column, or cylinder, 
 rising from the sea, a great way up towards heaven ; and on the 
 top of it was seen a large cross of light, more bright and re- 
 splendent than the body of the pillar. Upon which so strange a 
 spectacle, the people of the city gathered apace together upon 
 the sands, to wonder ; and so after put themselves into a number 
 of small boats, to go nearer to this marvellous sight. But when 
 the boats were come within (about) sixty yards of the pillar, they 
 found themselves all bound, and could go no further ; yet so as 
 they might move to go about, but might not approach nearer : 
 so as the boats stood all as in a theatre, beholding this light, as a 
 heavenly sign. It so fell out, that there was in one of the boats 
 one of our wise men, of the Society of Salomon's House ; which 
 house, or college (my good brethren) is the very eye of this 
 kingdom ; who having a while attentively and devoutly viewed, 
 and contemplated this pillar, and cross, fell down upon his face ; 
 and then raised himself upon his knees, and lifting up his hands 
 to heaven, made his prayers in this manner : — 
 
 " ' Lord God of heaven and earth ; thou hast vouchsafed of thy 
 grace, to those of our order, to know thy works of creation, and 
 the secrets of them ; and to discern (as far as appertaineth to the 
 generations of men) between divine miracles, works of nature, 
 works of art, and impostures and illusions of all sorts. I do here 
 acknowledge and testify before this people, that the thing which 
 we now see before our eyes is thy finger, and a true miracle. 
 And forasmuch, as we learn in our books, that thou never workest 
 miracles but to a divine and excellent end, (for the laws of nature 
 are thine own laws, and thou exceedest them not but upon great 
 cause) we most humbly beseech thee to prosper this great sign ; 
 and to give us the interpretation and use of it in mercy ; which 
 thou doest in some part secretly promise, by sending it unto us.' 
 
 " When he had made his prayer, he presently found the boat 
 he was in moveable and unbound ; whereas all the rest remained 
 still fast ; and taking that for an assurance of leave to approach, 
 he caused the boat to be softly, and with silence, rowed towards 
 the pillar. But ere he came near it, the pillar and cross of light 
 brake up, and cast itself abroad, as it were, into a firmament of 
 
NEW ATLANTIS 155 
 
 many stars ; which also vanished soon after, and there was nothing 
 left to be seen, but a small ark, or chest of cedar, dry, and not 
 wet at all with water, though it swam. And in the fore-end of it, 
 which was towards him, grew a small green branch of palm ; and 
 when the wise man had taken it, with all reverence, into his 
 boat, it opened of itself, and there were found in it a book, and a 
 letter ; both written in fine parchment, and wrapped in sindons of 
 linen. The book contained all the canonical books of the Old and 
 New Testament, according as you have them ; (for we know well 
 what the churches with you receive ;) and the Apocalypse itself, 
 and some other books of the New Testament, which were not at 
 that time written, were nevertheless in the book. And for the 
 letter, it was in these words : — 
 
 " * I Bartholomew, a servant of the Highest, and apostle of Jesus 
 Christ, was warned by an angel, that appeared to me, in a vision 
 of glory, that I should commit this ark to the floods of the sea. 
 Therefore, I do testify and declare, unto that people, where God 
 shall ordain this ark to come to land, that in the same day is 
 come unto them salvation and peace, and goodwill, from the 
 Father, and from the Lord Jesus.' 
 
 "There was also in both these writings, as well the book, 
 as the letter, wrought a great miracle, conform to that of the 
 apostles, in the original gift of tongues. For there being at that 
 time, in this land, Hebrews, Persians, and Indians, besides the 
 natives, everj^ one read upon the book, and letter, as if they 
 had been written in his own language. And thus was this land 
 saved from infidelity, (as the remain of the old world was from 
 water) by an ark, through the apostolical and miraculous 
 evangelism of Saint Bartholomew." And here he paused, and 
 a messenger came, and called him from us. So this was all 
 that passed in that conference. 
 
 The next day, the same governor came again to us, imme- 
 diately after dinner, and excused himself, saying; "That the 
 day before he was called from us, somewhat abruptly, but now 
 he would make us amends, and spend time with us, if we held 
 his company, and conference agreeable." We answered; "That 
 we held it so agreeable and pleasing to us, as we forgot both 
 dangers past, and fears to come, for the time we heard him 
 speak ; and that we thought an hour spent with him was worth 
 years of our former life." He bowed himself a little to us, and 
 after we were set again, he said ; " Well, the questions are on 
 your part." One of our number said, after a little pause; "That 
 there was a matter we were no less desirous to know, than 
 fearful to ask, lest we might presume too far. But encouraged 
 by his rare humanity towards us, (that could scarce think 
 ourselves strangers, being his vowed and professed servants,) 
 we would take the hardiness to propound it : humbly beseeching 
 
156 FRANCIS BACON 
 
 him, if he thought it not fit to be answered, that he would pardon 
 it, though he rejected it." We said; "We well observed those 
 his words, which he formerly spake, that this happy island where 
 we now stood was known to few, and yet knew most of the 
 nations of the world ; which we found to be true, considering 
 they had the languages of Europe, and knew much of our state 
 and business; and yet we in Europe, (notwithstanding all the 
 remote discoveries, and navigations of this last age) never heard 
 any of the least inkling or glimpse of this island. This we found 
 wonderful strange ; for that all nations have enterknowledge one 
 of another, either by voyage into foreign parts, or by strangers 
 that come to them: and though the traveller into a foreign 
 country doth commonly know more by the eye, than he that 
 stayeth at home can by relation of the traveller ; yet both ways 
 suffice to make a mutual knowledge, in some degree, on both 
 parts. But for this island, we never heard tell of any ship of 
 theirs, that had been seen to arrive upon any shore of Europe ; 
 no, nor of either the East or West Indies, nor yet of any ship 
 of any other part of the world, that had made return from 
 them. And yet the marvel rested not in this ; for the situation 
 of it, (as his lordship said,) in the secret conclave of such a vast 
 sea might cause it. But then, that they should have knowledge 
 of the languages, books, affairs, of those that He such a distance 
 from them, it was a thing we could not tell what to make of; 
 for that it seemed to us a condition and property of divine 
 powers and beings to be hidden and unseen to others, and 
 yet to have others open, and as in a light to them." At this 
 speech the governor gave a gracious smile, and said ; " That 
 we did well to ask pardon for this question we now asked; for 
 that it imported, as if we thought this land a land of magicians, 
 that sent forth spirits of the air into all parts, to bring them 
 news and intelligence of other countries." It was answered 
 by us all, in all possible humbleness, but yet with a countenance 
 taking knowledge, that we knew he spake it but merrily ; "That 
 we were apt enough to think there was somewhat supernatural 
 in this island ; but yet rather as angelical than magical. But 
 to let his lordship know truly, what it was that made us tender 
 and doubtful to ask this question, it was not any such conceit, 
 but because we remembered he had given a touch in his former 
 speech, that this land had laws of secrecy touching strangers." 
 To this he said; "You remember it aright: and therefore in 
 that I shall say to you, I must reserve some particulars, which 
 it is not lawful for me to reveal ; but there will be enough left, 
 to give you satisfaction. 
 
 "You shall understand (that which perhaps you will scarce 
 think credible) that about three thousand years ago, or some- 
 what more, the navigation of the world (especially for remote 
 
NEW ATLANTIS 157 
 
 voyages) was greater than at this day. Do not think with 
 yourselves that I know not how much it is increased with you, 
 within these sixscore years : I know it well ; and yet I say, 
 greater then than now: whether it was, that the example of 
 the ark, that saved the remnant of men, from the universal 
 deluge, gave men confidence to adventure upon the waters; 
 or what it was ; but such is the truth. The Phoeniceans, and 
 especially the Tyrians, had great fleets. So had the Carthaginians 
 their colony, which is yet further west. Toward the east the 
 shipping of Egypt, and of Palestina was likewise great. China 
 also, and the great Atlantis, (that you call America) which have 
 now but junks, and canoes, abounded then in tall ships. This 
 island, (as appeareth by faithful registers of those times) had 
 then fifteen hundred strong ships, of great content. Of all this, 
 there is with you sparing memory, or none; but we have large 
 knowledge thereof. 
 
 "At that time, this land was known and frequented by the 
 ships and vessels of all the nations before named. And (as it 
 Cometh to pass) they had many times men of other countries, 
 that were no sailors, that came with them ; as Persians, Chaldeans, 
 Arabians ; so as almost all nations of might and fame resorted 
 hither ; of whom we have some stirps, and little tribes with us, 
 at this day. And for our own ships, they went sundry voyages ; 
 as well to your straits, which you call the Pillars of Hercules, 
 as to other parts in the Atlantique and Mediterrane seas ; as 
 to Paguin, (which is the same with Cambaline) and Quinzy, upon 
 the Orientall seas, as far as to the borders of the East Tartary. 
 
 " At the same time, and an age after, or more, the inhabitants 
 of the great Atlantis did flourish. For though the narration 
 and description, which is made by a great man with you ; that 
 the descendants of Neptune planted there ; and of the magnificent 
 temple, palace, city, and hill ; and the manifold streams of goodly 
 navigable rivers, (which as so many chains environed the same 
 site, and temple,) and the several degrees of ascent, whereby 
 men did climb up to the same, as if it had been a scala coeli ; 
 be all poetical and fabulous: yet so much is true, that the 
 said country of Atlantis, as well as that of Peru then called 
 Coya, as that of Mexico then named Tyrambel, were mighty 
 and proud kingdoms, in arms, shipping, and riches : so mighty, 
 as at one time, (or at least within the space of ten years,) 
 they both made two great expeditions; they of Tyrambel 
 through the Atlantique to the Mediterrane Sea ; and they of 
 Coya through the South Sea upon this our island : and for 
 the former of these, which was into Europe, the same author 
 amongst you, (as it seemeth,) had some relation from the 
 Egyptian priest, whom he citeth. For assuredly such a thing 
 there was. But whether it were the ancient Athenians, that 
 
158 FRANCIS BACON 
 
 had the glory of the repulse, and resistance of those forces, I 
 can say nothing: but certain it is, there never came back, 
 either ship, or man, from that voyage. Neither had the other 
 voyage of those of Coya upon us had better fortune, if they 
 had not met with enemies of greater clemency. For the king 
 of this island, (by name Altabin,) a wise man, and a great 
 warrior ; knowing well both his own strength, and that of his 
 enemies ; handled the matter so, as he cut off their land-forces, 
 from their ships ; and en toiled both their navy, and their camp, 
 with a greater power than theirs, both by sea and land: and 
 compelled them to render themselves without striking stroke : 
 and after they were at his mercy, contenting himself only with 
 their oath, that they should no more bear arms against him, 
 dismissed them all in safety. But the Divine revenge overtook 
 not long after those proud enterprises. For within less than 
 the space of one hundred years, the great Atlantis was utterly 
 lost and destroyed : not by a great earthquake, as your man 
 saith; (for that whole tract is little subject to earthquakes;) 
 but by a particular deluge or inundation ; those countries having, 
 at this day, far greater rivers, and far higher mountains, to pour 
 down waters, than any part of the old world. But it is true, 
 that the same inundation was not deep ; not past forty foot, 
 in most places, from the ground ; so that, although it destroyed 
 man and beast generally, yet some few wild inhabitants of the 
 wood escaped. Birds also were saved by flying to the high 
 trees and woods. For as for men, although they had buildings 
 in many places, higher than the depth of the water; yet that 
 inundation, though it were shallow, had a long continuance ; 
 whereby they of the vale, that were not drowned, perished for 
 want of food, and other things necessary. So as marvel you 
 not at the thin population of America, nor at the rudeness and 
 ignorance of the people ; for you must account your inhabitants 
 of America as a young people ; younger a thousand years, at 
 the least, than the rest of the world: for that there was so 
 much time, between the universal flood, and their particular 
 inundation. For the poor remnant of human seed, which 
 remained in their mountains, peopled the country again slowly, 
 by little and little ; and being simple and savage people, (not 
 like Noah and his sons, which was the chief family of the 
 earth) they were not able to leave letters, arts, and civility, to 
 their posterity ; and having likewise in their mountainous habita- 
 tions been used, (in respect of the extreme cold of those regions,) 
 to clothe themselves with the skins of tigers, bears, and great 
 haiiy goats, that they have in those parts ; when, after they 
 came down into the valley, and found the intolerable heats 
 which are there, and knew no means of lighter apparel; they 
 were forced to begin the custom of going naked, which con- 
 
NEW ATLANTIS 159 
 
 tinueth at this day. Only they take great pride and delight 
 in the feathers of birds; and this also they took from those 
 their ancestors of the mountains, who were invited unto it by 
 the infinite flight of birds, that came up to the high grounds, 
 while the waters stood below. So you see, by this main accident 
 of time, we lost our traffic with the Americans, with whom, of 
 all others, in regard they lay nearest to us, we had most 
 commerce. As for the other parts of the world, it is most 
 manifest, that in the ages following, (whether it were in respect 
 of wars, or by a natural revolution of time,) navigation did 
 everywhere greatly decay ; and especially, far voyages, (the 
 rather by the use of galleys, and such vessels as could hardly 
 brook the ocean,) were altogether left and omitted. So then, 
 that part of entercourse, which could be from other nations, to 
 sail to us, you see how it hath long since ceased ; except it 
 were by some rare accident, as this of yours. But now of the 
 cessation of that other part of intercourse, which might be by 
 our sailing to other nations, I must yield you some other cause. 
 For I cannot say, (if I shall say truly,) but our shipping, for 
 number, strength, mariners, pilots, and all things that appertain 
 to navigation, is as great as ever ; and therefore why we should 
 sit at home, I shall now give you an account by itself; and it 
 will draw nearer to give you satisfaction to your principal 
 question. 
 
 " There reigned in this island, about one thousand nine 
 hundred years ago, a king, whose memory of all others we most 
 adore ; not superstitiously, but as a divine instrument, though a 
 mortal man : his name was Solamona : and we esteem him as 
 the law-giver of our nation. This king had a large heart, in- 
 scrutable for good ; and was wholly bent to make his kingdom 
 and people happy. He therefore taking into consideration, how 
 sufficient and substantive this land was, to maintain itself, with- 
 out any aid (at all) of the foreigner ; being five thousand six 
 hundred miles in circuit, and of rare fertility of soil, in the 
 greatest part thereof; and finding also the shipping of this 
 country might be plentifully set on work, both by fishing, and 
 by transportations from port to port, and likewise by sailing unto 
 some small islands that are not far from us, and are under the crown 
 and laws of this state ; and recalling into his memory the happy 
 and flourishing estate, wherein this land then was ; so as it might 
 be a thousand ways altered to the woi*se, but scarce any one way 
 to the better ; thought nothing wanted to his noble and heroical 
 intentions, but only (as far as human foresight might reach) to give 
 perpetuity to that, which was in his time so happily established. 
 Therefore amongst his other fundamental laws of this kingdom, 
 he did ordain the interdicts and prohibitions which we have 
 touching entrance of strangers; which at that time (though it 
 
i6o FRANCIS BACON 
 
 was after the calamity of America) was frequent ; doubting 
 novelties, and commixture of manners. It is true, the like law, 
 against the admission of strangers without license, is an ancient 
 law in the kingdom of China, and yet continued in use. But 
 there it is a poor thing ; and hath made them a curious, ignorant, 
 fearful, foolish nation. But our law-giver made his law of another 
 temper. For first, he hath preserved all points of humanity, in 
 taking order, and making provision for the relief of strangers 
 distressed ; whereof you have tasted." At which speech, (as 
 reason was) we all rose up, and bowed ourselves. He went on. 
 " That king also still desiring to join humanity and policy to- 
 gether; and thinking it against humanity, to detain strangers 
 here against their wills, and against policy, that they should 
 return, and discover their knowledge of this estate, he took this 
 course : he did ordain, that of the strangers, that should be per- 
 mitted to land, as many (at all times) might depart as would ; 
 but as many as would stay, should have very good conditions, 
 and means to Hve, from the state. Wherein he saw so far, that 
 now in so many ages since the prohibition, we have memory 
 not of one ship that ever returned, and but of thirteen persons 
 only, at several times, that chose to return in our bottoms. What 
 those few that returned may have reported abroad I know not. But 
 you must think whatsoever they have said could be taken where 
 they came but for a dream. Now for our travelling from hence 
 into parts abroad, our law-giver thought fit altogether to restrain 
 it. So is it not in China. For the Chineses sail where they will, 
 or can ; which showeth, that their law of keeping out strangers, 
 is a law of pusillanimity, and fear. But this restraint of ours 
 hath one only exception, which is admirable ; preserving the 
 good which cometh by communicating with strangers, and avoiding 
 the hurt ; and I will now open it to you. And here I shall seem 
 a little to digress, but you will by-and-by find it pertinent. You 
 shall understand, (my dear friends,) that amongst the excellent 
 acts of that king, one above all hath the pre-eminence. It was 
 the erection, and institution of an order, or society, which we 
 call Salomon's House ; the noblest foundation, (as we think,) that 
 ever was upon the earth ; and the lantern of this kingdom. It 
 is dedicated to the study of the works, and creatures of God. 
 Some think it beareth the founder's name a little corrupted, as 
 if it should be Solamona's House. But the records write it, as 
 it is spoken. So as I take it to be denominate of the king of 
 the Hebrews, which is famous with you, and no stranger to 
 us. For we have some parts of his works, which with you are 
 lost ; namely, that natural histoiy, which he wrote of all plants, 
 * from the cedar of Libanus, to the moss that groweth out of the 
 wall ; ' and of all things that have life and motion. This maketh 
 me think, that our king finding himself to symbolize, in many 
 
NEW ATLANTIS i6i 
 
 things, with that king of the Hebrews (which lived many years 
 before him) honoured him with the title of this foundation. And 
 I am the rather induced to be of this opinion, for that I find in 
 ancient records, this order or society is sometimes called Salomon's 
 House ; and sometimes the College of the Six Days' Works ; 
 whereby I am satisfied, that our excellent king had learned from 
 the Hebrews that God had created the world, and all that 
 therein is, within six days ; and therefore he instituting that 
 house, for the finding out of the true nature of all things, (where- 
 by God might have the more glory in the workmanship of them, 
 and men the more fruit in their use of them,) did give it also 
 that second name. But now to come to our present purpose. When 
 the king had forbidden, to all his people, navigation into any part 
 that was not under his crown, he made nevertheless this ordi- 
 nance ; that every twelve years there should be set forth, out 
 of this kingdom, two ships, appointed to several voyages ; that 
 in either of these ships, there should be a mission of three of 
 the fellows, or brethren of Salomon's House ; whose errand was 
 only to give us knowledge of the affairs and state of those countries, 
 to which they were designed ; and especially of the sciences, arts, 
 manufactures, and inventions of all the world ; and withal to 
 bring unto us, books, instruments, and patterns in every kind : 
 that the ships, after they had landed the brethren, should return ; 
 and that the brethren should stay abroad till the new mission. 
 These ships are not otherwise fraught than with store of victuals, 
 and good quantity of treasure to remain with the brethren, for 
 the buying of such things, and rewarding of such persons, as they 
 should think fit. Now for me to tell you, how the vulgar sort 
 of mariners are contained from being discovered at land ; and 
 how they that must be put on shore for any time colour them- 
 selves under the names of other nations ; and to what places these 
 voyages have been designed ; and what places of rendezvous 
 are appointed for the new missions ; and the like circumstances 
 of the practice ; I may not do it ; neither is it much to your 
 desire. But thus you see, we maintain a trade, not for gold, 
 silver, or jewels ; nor for silks ; nor for spices ; nor any other com- 
 modity of matter ; but only for God's first creature, which was 
 light : to have light (I say) of the growth of all parts of the 
 world." 
 
 And when he had said this, he was silent ; and so were we 
 alL For indeed we were all astonished, to hear so strange things 
 so probably told. And he perceiving that we were willing to 
 say somewhat, but had it not ready, in great courtesy took us off, 
 and descended to ask us questions of our voyage and fortunes, 
 and in the end concluded, that we might do well to think with 
 ourselves what time of stay we would demand of the state ; and 
 bade us not to scant ourselves ; for he would procure such time 
 II 
 
1 62 FRANCIS BACON 
 
 as we desired. Whereupon we all rose up, and presented ourselves 
 to kiss the skirt of his tippet ; but he would not suffer us ; and 
 so took his leave. But when it came once amongst our people, 
 that the state used to offer conditions to strangers, that would 
 stay, we had work enough to get any of our men to look to our 
 ship, and to keep them from going presently to the governor, 
 to crave conditions. But with much ado we refrained them, till 
 we might agree what course to take. 
 
 We took ourselves now for free men, seeing there was no danger 
 of our utter perdition ; and lived most joyfully, going abroad, 
 and seeing what was to be seen, in the city, and places adjacent, 
 within our tedder ; and obtaining acquaintance with many of the 
 city, not of the meanest quality ; at whose hands we found such 
 humanity, and such a freedom and desire, to take strangers, as it 
 were, into their bosom, as was enough to make us forget all that 
 was dear to us, in our own countries ; and continually we met with 
 many things, right worthy of observation, and relation : as indeed, 
 if there be a mirror in the world, worthy to hold men's eyes, it is 
 that country. One day there were two of our company bidden to 
 a feast of the family, as they call it. A most natural, pious, and 
 reverend custom it is, showing that nation to be compounded of all 
 goodness. This is the manner of it. It is granted to any man, 
 that shall live to see thirty persons, descended of his body, alive 
 together, and all above three years old, to make this feast, which 
 is done at the cost of the state. The father of the family, whom 
 they call the tirsan, two days before the feast, taketh to him three 
 of such friends as he liketh to choose ; and is assisted also by the 
 governor of the city, or place, where the feast is celebrated ; and 
 all the persons of the family, of both sexes, are summoned to attend 
 him. These two days the tirsan sitteth in consultation, concern- 
 ing the good estate of the family. There, if there be any discord 
 or suits between any of the family, they are compounded and 
 appeased. There, if any of the family be distressed or decayed, 
 order is taken for their relief, and competent means to live. 
 There, if any be subject to vice, or take ill courses, they are re- 
 proved and censured. So likewise, direction is given touching 
 marriages, and the courses of life, which any of them should take, 
 with divers other the like orders and advices. The governor 
 assisteth, to the end, to put in execution, by his public authority, 
 the decrees and orders of the tirsan, if they should be disobeyed ; 
 though that seldom needeth ; such reverence and obedience they 
 give, to the order of nature. The tirsan doth also then, ever 
 choose one man from amongst his sons, to live in house with him ; 
 who is called, ever after, the son of the vine. The reason will 
 hereafter appear. On the feast-day, the father or tirsan cometh 
 forth after divine service, into a large room, where the feast is 
 celebrated ; which room hath an half-pace at the upper end. 
 
NEW ATLANTIS 163 
 
 Against the wall, in the middle of the half-pace, is a chair placed 
 for him, with a table and carpet before it. Over the chair is a 
 state, made round or oval, and it is of ivy ; an ivy somewhat whiter 
 than ours, like the leaf of a silver asp, but more shining ; for it is 
 green all winter. And the state is curiously wrought with silver 
 and silk of divers colours, broiding or binding in the ivy ; and is 
 ever of the work, of some of the daughters of the family ; and 
 veiled over at the top, with a fine net of silk and silver. But the 
 substance of it is true ivy ; whereof, after it is taken down, the 
 friends of the family, are desirous to have some leaf or sprig to 
 keep. The tirsan cometh forth with all his generation or linage, 
 the males before him, and the females following him ; and if there 
 be a mother, from whose body the whole lineage is descended, 
 there is a traverse placed in a loft above, on the right hand of the 
 chair, with a privie door, and a carved window of glass, leaded with 
 gold and blue, where she sitteth, but is not seen. When the tirsan 
 is come forth, he sitteth down in the chair ; and all the lineage 
 place themselves against the wall, both at his back, and upon the 
 return of the half-pace, in order of their years, without difference 
 of sex, and stand upon their feet. When he is set, the room being 
 always full of company, but well kept and without disorder, after 
 some pause, there cometh in from the lower end of the room a 
 taratan, (which is as much as an herald ;) and on either side of him 
 two young lads, whereof one carrieth a scroll of their shining 
 yellow parchment ; and the other a cluster of grapes of gold, with 
 a long foot or stalk ; the herald and children are clothed with 
 mantles of sea-water green satin ; but the herald's mantle is 
 streamed with gold, and hath a train. Then the herald with three 
 curtesies, or rather inclinations, cometh up as far as the half-pace ; 
 and there first taketh into his hand the scroll. This scroll is the 
 king's charter, containing gift of revenue, and many privileges, 
 exemptions, and points of honour, granted to the father of the 
 family ; and it is ever styled and directed ; " To such an one, our 
 well-beloved friend and creditor : " which is a title proper only to 
 this case. For they say, the king is debtor to no man, but for 
 propagation of his subjects ; the seal set to the king's charter is 
 the king's image, embossed or moulded in gold ; and though such 
 charters be expedited of course, and as of right, yet they are 
 varied by discretion, according to the number and dignity of the 
 family. This charter the herald readeth aloud ; and while it is 
 read, the father or tirsan standeth up, supported by two of his 
 sons, such as he chooseth. Then the herald mounteth the half- 
 pace, and delivereth the charter into his hand ; and with that 
 there is an acclamation, by all that are present, in their language, 
 which is thus much ; " Happy are the people of Bensalem." Then 
 the herald taketh into his hand from the other child, the cluster 
 of grapes, which is of gold ; both the stalky and the grapes. But 
 
i64 FRANCIS BACON 
 
 the grapes are daintily enamelled ; and if the males of the family 
 be the greater number, the grapes are enamelled purple, with a 
 little sun set on the top ; if the females, then they are enamelled 
 into a greenish yellow, with a crescent on the top. The grapes 
 are in number as many as there are descendants of the family. 
 This golden cluster, the herald delivereth also to the tirsan ; who 
 presently delivereth it over to that son that he had formerly 
 chosen to be in house with him ; who beareth it before his father, 
 as an ensign of honour when he goeth in public ever after ; and is 
 thereupon called "the son of the vine." After this ceremony 
 ended, the father or tirsan retireth, and after some time cometh 
 forth again to dinner, where he sitteth alone under the state, as 
 before ; and none of his descendants sit with him, of what degree 
 or dignity soever, except he hap to be of Salomon's House. He 
 is served only by his own children, such as are male, who perform 
 unto him all service of the table upon the knee, and the women 
 only stand about him, leaning against the wall. The room below 
 the half-pace, hath tables on the sides for the guests that are 
 bidden ; who are served with great and comely order ; and toward 
 the end of dinner (which in the greatest feasts with them lasteth 
 never above an hour and a half) there is a hymn sung, varied 
 according to the invention of him that composeth it ; (for they 
 have excellent poesie ;) but the subject of it is, (always) the praises 
 of Adam, and Noah, and Abraham ; whereof the former two 
 peopled the world, and the last was the father of the faithful : 
 concluding ever with a thanksgiving for the nativity of our Saviour, 
 in whose birth the births of all are only blessed. Dinner being 
 done, the tirsan retireth again; and having withdrawn himself 
 alone into a place, where he maketh some private prayers, he 
 cometh forth the third time, to give the blessing ; with all his 
 descendants, who stand about him, as at the first. Then he calleth 
 them forth by one and by one, by name, as he pleaseth, though 
 seldom the order of age be inverted. The person that is called, 
 (the table being before removed,) kneeleth down before the chair, 
 and the father layeth his hand upon his head, or her head, and 
 giveth the blessing in these words : " Son of Bensalem, (or daughter 
 of Bensalem,) thy father saith it ; the man by whom thou hast 
 breath and life speaketh the word ; the blessing of the everlasting 
 Father, the Prince of Peace, and the Holy Dove, be upon thee, 
 and make the days of thy pilgrimage good, and many." This he 
 saith to every of them ; and that done, if there be any of his sons, 
 of eminent merit and virtue, (so they be not above two,) he calleth 
 for them again ; and saith, laying his arm over their shoulders, 
 they standing ; " Sons, it is well ye are bom, give God the praise, 
 and persevere to the end." And withal delivereth to either of 
 them a jewel, made in the figure of an ear of wheat, which they 
 ever after wear in the front of their turban, or hat. This done. 
 
NEW ATI.ANTIS 165 
 
 they fall to music and dances, and other recreations, after their 
 manner, for the rest of the day. This is the full order of that 
 feast. 
 
 By that time six or seven days were spent, I was fallen into 
 strait acquaintance with a merchant of that city, whose name 
 was Joabin : he was a Jew, and circumcised : for they have some 
 few stirps of Jews, yet remaining amongst them, whom they leave 
 to their own religion. Which they may the better do, because 
 they are of a far differing disposition from the Jews in other 
 parts. For whereas they hate the name of Christ; and have a 
 secret inbred rancour against the people amongst whom they 
 live ; these (contrariwise) give unto our Saviour many high 
 attributes, and love the nation of Bensalem, extremely. Surely 
 this man, of whom I speak, would ever acknowledge, that Christ 
 was bom of a virgin ; and that he was more than a man ; and he 
 would tell how God made him ruler of the seraphims, which 
 guard his throne ; and they call him also the Milken Way, and 
 the Eliah of the Messiah ; and many other high names ; which, 
 though they be inferior to his Divine Majesty, yet they are far 
 from the language of other Jews. And for the country of Ben- 
 salem, this man would make no end of commending it ; being 
 desirous by tradition amongst the Jews there, to have it believed, 
 that the people thereof were of the generations of Abraham, by 
 another son, whom they call Nachoran ; and that Moses by a 
 secret cabala ordained the laws of Bensalem which they now use ; 
 and that when the Messiah should come, and sit in his throne at 
 Hierusalem, the king of Bensalem should sit at his feet, whereas 
 other kings should keep at a great distance. But yet setting 
 aside these Jewish dreams, the man was a wise man, and learned, 
 and of great policy, and excellently seen in the laws and customs 
 of that nation. Amongst other discourses, one day, I told him 
 I was much affected with the relation I had, from some of the 
 company, of their custom, in holding the feast of the family ; for 
 that (methought) I had never heard of a solemnity wherein 
 nature did so much preside. And because propagation of families 
 proceedeth from the nuptial copulation, I desired to know of 
 him what laws and customs they had concerning marriage ; and 
 whether they kept marriage well ; and whether they were tied to 
 one wife ; for that where population is so much affected, and 
 such as with them it seemed to be, there is commonly permission 
 of plurality of wives. To this he said ; " You have reason to 
 commend that excellent institution of the feast of the family. 
 And indeed we have experience, that those families, that are 
 partakers of the blessing of that feast, do flourish and prosper 
 ever after, in an extraordinary manner. But hear me now, and I 
 will tell you what I know. You shall understand, that there is 
 not under the heavens so chaste a nation as this of Bensalem; 
 
1 66 FRANCIS BACON 
 
 nor so free from all pollution, or foulness. It is the virgin of the 
 world. I remember, I have read in one of your Europoean books, 
 of an holy hermit amongst you, that desired to see the spirit of 
 fornication, and there appeared to him a little foul ugly ^Ethiope. 
 But if he had desired to see the spirit of chastity of Bensalem, 
 it would have appeared to him in the likeness of a fair beautiful 
 cherubim. For there is nothing amongst mortal men more fair 
 and admirable than the chaste minds of this people. Know 
 therefore, that with them there are no stews, no dissolute houses, 
 no courtezans, nor anything of that kind. Nay, they wonder 
 (with detestation) at you in Europe, which permit such things. 
 They say ye have put marriage out of office: for marriage is 
 ordained a remedy for unlawful concupiscence ; and natural 
 concupiscence seemeth as a spur to marriage. But when men 
 have at hand a remedy more agreeable to their corrupt will, 
 marriage is almost expulsed. And therefore there are with you 
 seen infinite men, that marry not, but choose rather a libertine 
 and impure single life, than to be yoked in marriage ; and many 
 that do marry, maiTy late, when the prime and strength of their 
 years is past. And when they do marry, what is marriage to 
 them, but a very bargain ; wherein is sought alliance, or portion, 
 or reputation, with some desire (almost indifferent) of issue ; and 
 not the faithful nuptial union of man and wife, that was first 
 instituted. Neither is it possible, that those that have cast away 
 so basely so much of their strength should greatly esteem 
 children, (being of the same matter,) as chaste men do. So 
 likewise during marriage is the case much amended, as it ought 
 to be if those things were tolerated only for necessity.'' No, 
 but they remain still as a very affront to marriage. The haunting 
 of those dissolute places, or resort to courtezans, are no more 
 punished in married men, than in bachelors. And the depraved 
 custom of change, and the delight in meretricious embracements, 
 (where sin is turned into art,) maketh marriage a dull thing, and a 
 kind of imposition, or tax. They hear you defend these things, as 
 done to avoid greater evils ; as advoutries, deflouring of virgins, 
 unnatural lust, and the like. But they say, this is a preposterous 
 wisdom ; and they call it Lot's offer, who to save his guests from 
 abusing, offered his daughters : nay they say further, that there is 
 little gained in this ; for that the same vices and appetites do 
 still remain and abound ; unlawful lust being like a furnace, that 
 if you stop the flames altogether, it will quench, but if you give it 
 any vent, it will rage. As for masculine love, they have no touch 
 of it ; and yet there are not so faithful and inviolate friendships, 
 in the world again as are there: and to speak generally, (as I 
 said before,) I have not read of any such chastity, in any people, 
 as theirs: and their usual saying is, *that whosoever is unchaste 
 cannot reverence himself: ' and they say ; * that the reverence of a 
 
NEW ATLANTIS 167 
 
 man's self, is, next religion, the chiefest bridle of all vices.' " And 
 when he had said this, the good Jew paused a little ; whereupon, 
 I far more willing to hear him speak on, than to speak myself; 
 yet thinking it decent, that upon his pause of speech, I should not 
 be altogether silent, said only this ; " That I would say to him, as 
 the widow of Sarepta said to Ellas ; that he was come to bring to 
 memory our sins ; and that I confess the righteousness of Bensalem 
 was greater than the righteousness of Europe." At which speech 
 he bowed his head, and went on in this manner. " They have also 
 many wise and excellent laws touching marriage. They allow 
 no polygamy. They have ordained that none do intermarry or 
 contract, until a month be past from their first interview. Marriage 
 without consent of parents they do not make void, but they mulct 
 it in the inheritors : for the children of such maiTiages are not 
 admitted to inherit above a third part of their parents' inheritance. 
 I have read in a book of one of your men, of a feigned common- 
 wealth, where the married couple are permitted, before they 
 contract, to see one another naked. This they dislike : for they 
 think it a scorn to give a refusal after so familiar knowledge : but 
 because of many hidden defects in men and women's bodies, they 
 have a more civil way : for they have near every town a couple 
 of pools, (which they call Adam and Eve's pools,) where it is 
 permitted to one of the friends of the man, and another of the 
 friends of the woman, to see them severally both naked." 
 
 And as we were thus in conference, there came one that seemed 
 to be a messenger, in a rich huke, that spake with the Jew ; 
 whereupon he turned to me, and said ; " You will pardon me, for 
 I am commanded away in haste." The next morning he came 
 to me again, joyful as it seemed, and said ; "There is word come 
 to the governor of the city, that one of the fathers of Salomon's 
 House will be here this day seven-night : we have seen none 
 of them this dozen years. His coming is in state ; but the 
 cause of his coming is secret. I will provide you, and your 
 fellows, of a good standing, to see his entiy." I thanked him, 
 and told him ; " I was most glad of the news." The day being 
 come he made his entry. He was a man of middle stature, 
 and age, comely of person, and had an aspect as if he pitied 
 men. He was clothed in a robe of fine black cloth, with wide 
 sleeves and a cape. His under-garment was of excellent white 
 linen, down to the foot, girt with a gii*dle of the same ; and a 
 sindon or tippet of the same about his neck. He had gloves, 
 that were curious, and set with stone ; and shoes of peach-coloured 
 velvet. His neck was bare to the shoulders. His hat was like 
 a helmet, or Spanish montera ; and his locks curled below it 
 decently : they were of colour brown. His beard was cut round, 
 and of the same colour with his hair, somewhat lighter. He was 
 carried in a rich chariot, without wheels, litter-wise ; with two 
 
i68 FRANCIS BACON 
 
 horses at either end, richly trapped in blue velvet embroidered ; 
 and two footmen on each side in the like attire. The chariot was 
 all of cedar, gilt, and adorned with crystal ; save that the fore-end 
 had panels of sapphires, set in borders of gold ; and the hinder 
 end the like of emerauds of the Peru colour. There was also a 
 sun of gold, radiant, upon the top, in the midst ; and on the top 
 before, a small cherub of gold, with wings displayed. The chariot 
 was covered with cloth of gold tissued upon blue. He had before 
 him fifty attendants, young men all, in white satin loose coats to 
 the mid-leg ; and stockings of white silk ; and shoes of blue 
 velvet; and hats of blue velvet; with fine plumes of divers 
 colours, set around like hatbands. Next before the chariot, went 
 two men bareheaded, in linen garments down to the foot, girt, 
 and shoes of blue velvet ; who carried the one a crosier, the other 
 a pastoral staff like a sheep-hook : neither of them of metal, but 
 the crosier of balm-wood, the pastoral staff of cedar. Horsemen 
 he had none, neither before, nor behind his chariot : as it seemeth 
 to avoid all tumult and trouble. Behind his chariot went all the 
 officers and principals of the companies of the city. He sat alone, 
 upon cushions of a kind of excellent plush, blue ; and under his 
 foot curious carpets of silk of divers colours, like the Persian, but 
 far finer. He held up his bare hand, as he went, as blessing the 
 people, but in silence. The street was wonderfully well kept; 
 so that there was never any army had their men stand in better 
 battle-array, than the people stood. The windows likewise were 
 not crowded, but every one stood in them, as if they had been 
 placed. When the show was past, the Jew said to me ; " I shall 
 not be able to attend you as I would, in regard of some charge the 
 city hath laid upon me, for the entertaining of this great person." 
 Three days after the Jew came to me again, and said ; " Ye are 
 happy men ; for the father of Salomon's House taketh knowledge 
 of your being here, and commanded me to tell you, that he will 
 admit all your company to his presence, and have private con- 
 ference with one of you, that ye shall choose : and for this hath 
 appointed the next day after to-morrow. And because he meaneth 
 to give you his blessing, he hath appointed it in the forenoon." 
 We came at our day, and hour, and I was chosen by my fellows 
 for the private access. We found him in a fair chamber, richly 
 hung, and carpeted under-foot, without any degrees to the state. 
 He was seated upon a low throne richly adorned, and a rich cloth 
 of state over his head, of blue satin embroidered. He was alone, 
 save that he had two pages of honour, on either hand one, finely 
 attired in white. His under-garments were the like that we saw 
 him wear in the chariot ; but instead of his gown, he had on him 
 a mantle with a cape, of the same fine black, fastened about him. 
 When we came in, as we were taught, we bowed low at our first 
 entrance ; and when we were come near his chair, he stood up. 
 
NEW ATLANTIS 169 
 
 holding forth his hand ungloved, and in posture of blessing ; and 
 we every one of us stooped down, and kissed the hem of his tippet 
 That done, the rest departed, and I remained. Then he warned 
 the pages forth of the room, and caused me to sit down beside 
 him, and spake to me thus in the Spanish tongue. 
 
 " God bless thee, my son ; I will give thee the greatest jewel 
 I have : ior I will impart unto thee, for the love of God and men, 
 a relation of the true state of Salomon's House. Son, to make 
 you know the true state of Salomon's House, I will keep this 
 order. First I will set forth unto you the end of our foundation. 
 Secondly, the preparations and instruments we have for our works. 
 Thirdly, the several emplo3niients and functions whereto our 
 fellows are assigned. And fourthly, the ordinances and rites 
 which we observe. 
 
 " The end of our foundation is the knowledge of causes, and 
 secret motions of things ; and the enlarging of the bounds of 
 human empire, to the effecting of all things possible. 
 
 " The preparations and instruments are these. We have large 
 and deep caves of several depths: the deepest are sunk six 
 hundred fathoms : and some of them are digged and made under 
 great hills and mountains : so that if you reckon together the 
 depth of the hill, and the depth of the cave, they are (some of 
 them) above three miles deep. For we find, that the depth of 
 a hill, and the depth of a cave from the flat, is the same thing ; 
 both remote alike, from the sun and heaven's beams, and from 
 the open air. These caves we call ' the lower region ; ' and we 
 use them for all coagulations, indurations, refrigerations, and con- 
 servations of bodies. We use them likewise for the imitation of 
 natural mines ; and the producing also of new artificial metals, by 
 compositions and materials which we use, and lay there for many 
 years. We use them also sometimes, (which may seem strange) 
 for curing of some diseases, and for prolongation of life, in some 
 hermits that choose to live there, well accommodated of all things 
 necessary, and indeed live very long; by whom also we learn 
 many things. 
 
 "We have burials in several earths, where we put divers 
 cements, as the Chineses do their porcelain. But we have them in 
 greater variety, and some of them more fine. We have also great 
 variety of composts, and soils, for the making of the earth fruitful. 
 
 " We have high towers ; the highest about half a mile in 
 height ; and some of them likewise set upon high mountains : so 
 that the vantage of the hill with the tower is in the highest of 
 them three miles at least. And these places we call the ' upper 
 region;' accounting the air between the high places, and the 
 low, as a middle region. We use these towers, according to their 
 several heights, and situations, for insolation, refrigeration, con- 
 servation; and for the view of divers meteors; as winds, rain, 
 
I70 FRANCIS BACON 
 
 snow, hail ; and some of the fiery meteors also. And upon them, 
 in some places, are dwellings of hermits, whom we visit sometimes, 
 and instruct what to observe. 
 
 " We have great lakes, both salt, and fresh ; whereof we have 
 use for the fish, and fowl. We use them also for burials of some 
 natural bodies : for we find a difference in things buried in earth, 
 or in air below the earth ; and things buried in water. We have 
 also pools, of which some do strain fresh water out of salt ; and 
 others by art do turn fresh water into salt. W^e have also some 
 rocks in the midst of the sea ; and some bays upon the shore for 
 some works, wherein are required the air and vapour of the sea. 
 We have likewise violent streams and cataracts, which serve us 
 for many motions: and likewise engines for multiplying and 
 enforcing of winds, to set also agoing divers motions. 
 
 " We have also a number of artificial wells, and fountains, made 
 in imitation of the natural sources and baths ; as tincted upon 
 vitriol, sulphur, steel, brass, lead, nitre, and other minerals. And 
 again, we have little wells for infusions of many things, where 
 the waters take the virtue quicker and better than in vessels, or 
 basins. And amongst them we have a water, which we call water 
 of paradise, being by that we do to it made very sovereign for 
 health, and prolongation of life. 
 
 " W^e have also great and spacious houses, where we imitate 
 and demonstrate meteors ; as snow, hail, rain, some artificial rains 
 of bodies, and not of water, thunders, lightnings ; also generations 
 of bodies in air ; as frogs, flies, and divers others. 
 
 " We have also certain chambers, which we call ' chambers of 
 health,' where we qualify the air as we think good and proper for 
 the cure of divers diseases, and preservation of health. 
 
 " We have also fair and large baths, of several mixtures, for 
 the cure of diseases, and the restoring of man's body from 
 arefaction : and others for the confii-ming of it in strength of 
 sinews, vital parts, and the very juice and substance of the body. 
 
 " We have also large and various orchards, and gardens ; 
 wherein we do not so much respect beauty, as variety of ground 
 and soil, proper for divers trees, and herbs : and some very 
 spacious, where trees, and berries are set, whereof we make divers 
 kinds of drinks, besides the vineyards. In these we practise 
 likewise all conclusions of grafting, and inoculating, as well of 
 wild trees as fruit-trees, which produceth many effects. And we 
 make (by art) in the same orchards, and gardens, trees and 
 flowers to come earlier, or later, than their seasons ; and to 
 come up and bear more speedily than by their natural course they 
 do. We make them also by art greater much than their nature ; 
 and their fruit greater, and sweeter, and of differing taste, smell, 
 colour and figure, from their nature. And many of them we so 
 order as they become of medicinal use. 
 
NEW ATLANTIS 171 
 
 " We have also means to make divers plants rise by mixtures 
 of earths withgut seeds ; and likewise to make divers new plants, 
 differing from the vulgar; and to make one tree or plant turn 
 into another. 
 
 " We have also parks and inclosures of all sorts, of beasts, and 
 birds ; which we use not only for view or rareness, but likewise 
 for dissections, and trials, that thereby we may take light what 
 may be wrought upon the body of man. Wherein we find many 
 strange effects ; as continuing life in them, though divers parts 
 which you account vital be perished, and taken forth ; re- 
 suscitating of some that seem dead in appearance ; and the like. 
 We try also all poisons and other medicines upon them, as well 
 of surgery as physic. By art likewise, we make them greater, 
 or taller, than their kind is ; and contrariwise dwarf them and 
 stay their growth : we make them more fruitful, and bearing 
 than their kind is ; and contrariwise barren and not generative. 
 Also we make them differ in colour, shape, activity, many 
 ways. We find means to make commixtures and copulations of 
 divers kinds, which have produced many new kinds, and them 
 not barren, as the general opinion is. We make a number of 
 kinds of serpents, worms, flies, fishes, of putrefaction ; whereof 
 some are advanced (in effect) to be perfect creatures, like beasts 
 or birds ; and have sexes, and do propagate. Neither do we this 
 by chance, but we know beforehand of what matter and com- 
 mixture what kind of those creatures will arise. 
 
 " We have also particular pools, where we may make trials 
 upon fishes, as we have said before of beasts, and birds. 
 
 " We have also places for breed and generation of those kinds 
 of womis, and flies, which are of special use ; such as are with you 
 your silkworms, and bees. 
 
 " I will not hold you long with recounting of our brew- 
 houses, bakehouses, and kitchens, where are made divers drinks, 
 breads, and meats, rare, and of special effects. Wines we have 
 of grapes ; and drinks of other juice, of fruits, of grains, and of 
 roots ; and mixtures with honey, sugar, manna, and fruits dried, 
 and decocted : also of the tears or woundings of trees ; and of 
 the pulp of canes. And these drinks are of several ages ; some 
 to the age or last of forty years. We have drinks also brewed 
 with several herbs, and roots, and spices ; yea with several fleshes, 
 and white-meats ; whereof some of the drinks are such, as they 
 are in effect meat and drink both : so that divers, especially in age, 
 do desire to live with them, with little or no meat, or bread. 
 And above all we strive to have drinks of extreme thin parts, to 
 insinuate into the body, and yet without all biting, sharpness, or 
 fretting ; insomuch as some of them, put upon the back of your 
 hand, will with a little stay, pass through to the palm, and yet 
 taste mild to the mouth. We have also waters which we ripen 
 
172 FRANCIS BACON 
 
 in that fashion^ as they become nourishing ; so that they are 
 indeed excellent drink ; and many will use no other. Breads we 
 have of several grains, roots, and kernels ; yea and some of flesh, 
 and fish, dried ; with divers kinds of leavenings, and seasonings : 
 so that some do extremely move appetites ; some do nourish so, as 
 divers do live of them, without any other meat ; who live very 
 long. So for meats, we have some of them so beaten, and made 
 tender, and mortified, yet without all corrupting, as a weak heat 
 of the stomach will turn them into good chylus ; as well as a 
 strong heat would meat otherwise prepared. We have some 
 meats also, and breads, and drinks, which taken by men enable 
 them to fast long after ; and some other, that used make the 
 very flesh of men's bodies, sensibly, more hard and tough ; and 
 their strength far greater than otherwise it would be. 
 
 " We have dispensatories, or shops of medicines. Wherein 
 you may easily think, if we have such variety of plants, and 
 Hving creatures, more than you have in Europe, (for we know 
 what you have,) the simples, drugs, and ingredients of medicines 
 must likewise be in so much the greater variety. We have them 
 likewise of divers ages, and long fermentations. And for their 
 preparations, we have not only all manner of exquisite distillations, 
 and separations, and especially by gentle heats, and percolations 
 through divers strainers, yea and substances ; but also exact 
 forms of composition, whereby they incorporate almost as they 
 were natural simples. 
 
 '* We have also divers mechanical arts which you have not ; 
 and stuffs made by them ; as papers, linen, silks, tissues ; dainty 
 works of feathers of wonderful lustre ; excellent dyes, and many 
 others : and shops likewise, as well for such as are not brought 
 into vulgar use amongst us, as for those that are. For you 
 must know that, of the things before recited, many are grown 
 into use throughout the kingdom ; but yet, if they did flow 
 from our invention, we have of them also for patterns and 
 principles. 
 
 " We have also furnaces of great diversities, and that keep 
 great diversity of heats : fierce and quick ; strong and constant ; 
 soft and mild ; blown, quiet, dry, moist ; and the like. But 
 above all we have heats, in imitation of the sun's and heavenly 
 bodies' heats, that pass divers inequalities, and, (as it were,) orbs, 
 progresses, and returns, whereby we produce admirable effects. 
 Besides we have heats of dungs, and of bellies and maws of 
 living creatures, and of their bloods, and bodies ; and of hays and 
 herbs laid up moist ; of lime unquenched, and such like. Instru- 
 ments also which generate heat only by motion. And further, 
 places for strong insolations ; and again places under the earth, 
 which by nature, or art, yield heat. These divers heats we use 
 as the nature of the operation which we intend requireth. 
 
NEW ATLANTIS 173 
 
 " We have also perspective-houses, where we make demon- 
 stration of all lights, and radiations : and of all colours : and out 
 of things uncoloured and transparent we can represent unto you 
 all several colours ; not in rainbows, (as it is in gems, and prisms,) 
 but of themselves single. We represent also all multiplications of 
 light, which we carry to great distance, and make so sharp, as to 
 discern small points and lines. Also all colorations of light ; all 
 delusions and deceits of the sight, in figures, magnitudes, motions, 
 colours : all demonstrations of shadows. We find also divers 
 means yet unknown to you of producing of light, originally, from 
 divers bodies. We procure means of seeing objects afar off; as 
 in the heavens, and remote places : and represent things near as 
 afar off ; and things afar off as near ; making feigned distances. 
 We have also helps for the sight, far above spectacles and glasses 
 in use. We have also glasses and means to see small and 
 minute bodies, perfectly and distinctly ; as the shapes and colours 
 of small flies and worms, grains and flaws in gems, which cannot 
 otherwise be seen, observations in urine and blood, not otherwise 
 to be seen. We make artificial rainbows, halos, and circles about 
 light. We represent also all manner of reflections, refractions, 
 and multiplication of visual beams of objects. 
 
 " We have also precious stones of all kinds, many of them of 
 great beauty, and to you unknown : crystals likewise ; and glasses 
 of divers kinds ; and amongst them some of metals vitrificated, 
 and other materials, besides those of which you make glass. Also 
 a number of fossils, and imperfect minerals, which you have not. 
 Likewise loadstones of prodigious virtue : and other rare stones, 
 both natural, and artificial. 
 
 " We have also sound-houses, where we practise and demon- 
 strate all sounds, and their generation. We have harmonies 
 which you have not, of quarter-sounds, and lesser slides of sounds. 
 Divers instruments of music likewise to you unknown, some sweeter 
 than any you have ; together with bells and rings that are dainty 
 and sweet. We represent small sounds as great and deep ; like- 
 wise great sounds, extenuate and sharp; we make divers trem- 
 blings and warblings of sounds, which in their original are entire. 
 We represent and imitate all articulate sounds and letters, and 
 the voices and notes of beasts and birds. We have certain helps 
 which set to the ear do further the hearing greatly. We have 
 also divers strange and artificial echoes, reflecting the voice 
 many times, and as it were tossing it : and some that give back 
 the voice louder than it came, some shriller, and some deeper; 
 yea some rendering the voice differing in the letters or articulate 
 sound from that they receive. We have also means to convey 
 sounds in trunks and pipes, in strange lines, and distances. 
 
 " We have also perfume - houses ; wherewith we join also 
 practises of taste. We multiply smells, which may seem strange. 
 
174 FRANCIS BACON 
 
 We imitate smells, making all smells to breathe out of other 
 mixtures than those that give them. We make divers imitations 
 of taste likewise, so that they will deceive any man's taste. And 
 in this house we contain also a confiture-house, where we make 
 all sweetmeats, dry and moist ; and divers pleasant wines, milks, 
 broths, and salads, far in greater variety than you have. 
 
 " We also have engine-houses, where are prepared engines 
 and instruments for all sorts and motions. There we imitate and 
 practise to make swifter motions than any you have, either out 
 of your muskets, or any engine that you have : and to make them, 
 and multiply them more easily, and with small force, by wheels, 
 and other means : and to make them stronger, and more violent, 
 than yours are ; exceeding your greatest cannons, and basilisks. 
 We represent also ordnance and instruments of war, and engines 
 of all kinds : and likewise new mixtures and compositions of 
 gunpowder, wildfires burning in water, and unquenchable. Also 
 fireworks of all variety, both for pleasure, and use. We imitate 
 also flights of birds ; we have some degrees of flying in the 
 air. We have ships and boats for going under water, and brook- 
 ing of seas ; also swimming-girdles and supporters. We have 
 divers curious clocks ; and other like motions of return : and some 
 perpetual motions. We imitate also motions of living creatures, 
 by images, of men, beasts, birds, fishes, and serpents. We have 
 also a great number of other various motions, strange for equality, 
 fineness, and subtilty. 
 
 " We have also a mathematical house, where are represented 
 all instruments, as well of geometry, as astronomy, exquisitely 
 made. 
 
 " We have also houses of deceits of the senses ; where we 
 represent all manner of feats of juggling, false apparitions, im- 
 postures, and illusions ; and their fallacies. And surely you 
 will easily believe, that we, that have so many things truly 
 natural, which induce admiration, could in a world of particulars 
 deceive the senses, if we would disguise those things, and labour 
 to make them seem more miraculous. But we do hate all im- 
 postures, and lies : insomuch as we have severely forbidden it 
 to all our fellows, under pain of ignominy and fines, that they 
 do not show any natural work or thing, adorned or swelling ; but 
 only pure as it is, and without all affectation of strangeness. 
 
 " These are (my son) the riches of Salomon's House. 
 
 " For the several employments and offices of our fellows ; we 
 have twelve that sail into foreign countries, under the names 
 of other nations, (for our own we conceal ;) who bring us the 
 books, and abstracts, and patterns of experiments of all other parts. 
 These we call ' merchants of light.' 
 
 " We have three that collect the experiments which are in 
 all books. These we call * depredators.' 
 
NEW ATLANTIS 175 
 
 " We have three that collect the 'experiments of all mechanical 
 arts ; and also of liberal sciences ; and also of practices which 
 are not brought into arts. These we call ' mystery men.' 
 
 " We have three that try new experiments, such as themselves 
 think ^ood. These we call ' pioneers ' or 'miners.' 
 
 "We have three that draw the experiments of the foi*mer 
 four into titles, and tables, to give the better light, for the 
 drawing of observations and axioms out of them. These we 
 call 'compilers.' 
 
 " We have three that bend themselves, looking into the ex- 
 periments of their fellows, and cast about how to draw out of them 
 things of use, and practice for man's life, and knowledge, as well 
 for works, as for plain demonstration of causes, means of natural 
 divinations, and the easy and clear discovery of the virtues and 
 parts of bodies. These we call ' dowry men,' or ' benefactors.' 
 
 "Then after divers meetings and consults of our whole 
 number, to consider of the former labours and collections, we 
 have three that take care, out of them, to direct new experiments, 
 of a higher light, more penetrating into nature than the former. 
 These we call ' lamps.' 
 
 "We have three others that do execute the experiments so 
 directed, and report them. These we call ' inoculators.' 
 
 " Lastly, we have three that raise the former discoveries by 
 experiments into greater observations, axioms, and aphorisms. 
 These we call ' interpreters of nature.' 
 
 " We have also, as you must think, novices and apprentices, 
 that the succession of the former employed men do not fail ; 
 besides, a great number of servants and attendants, men and 
 women. And this we do also : we have consultations, which of 
 the inventions and experiences, which we have discovered, shall 
 be published, and which not : and take all an oath of secrecy, 
 for the concealing of those which we think fit to keep secret : 
 though some of those we do reveal sometimes to the state, and 
 some not. 
 
 " For our ordinances and rites : we have two very long, and 
 fair galleries : in one of these we place patterns and samples of 
 all manner of the more rare and excellent inventions : in the 
 other we place the statues of all principal inventors. There we 
 have the statue of your Columbus, that discovered the West-Indies : 
 also the inventor of ships : your monk that was the inventor 
 of ordnance, and of gunpowder : the inventor of music : the 
 inventor of letters : the inventor of printing : the inventor of 
 observations of astronomy : the inventor of works in metal : the 
 inventor of glass : the inventor of silk of the worm : the inventor 
 of wine : the inventor of corn and bread : the inventor of sugars : 
 and all these, by more certain tradition, than you have. Then 
 have we divers inventors of our own, of excellent works ; which 
 
1/6 FRANCIS BACON 
 
 since you have not seen, it were too long to make descriptions 
 of them ; and besides, in the right understanding of those de- 
 scriptions, you might easily err. For upon every invention of 
 value, we erect a statue to the inventor, and give him a liberal 
 and honourable reward. These statues are, some ot brass ; some 
 of marble and touchstone ; some of cedar and other special woods 
 gilt and adorned ; some of iron ; some of silver ; some of gold. 
 
 "We have certain hymns and services, which we say daily, 
 of laud and thanks to God, for his marvellous works : and forms 
 of prayers, imploring his aid and blessing, for the illumination of 
 our labours, and the turning them into good and holy uses. 
 
 " Lastly, we have circuits or visits, of divers principal cities 
 of the kingdom ; where, as it cometh to pass, we do publish such 
 new profitable inventions, as we think good. And we do also 
 declare natural divinations of diseases, plagues, swarms of hurt- 
 ful creatures, scarcity, tempests, earthquakes, great inundations, 
 comets, temperature of the year, and divers other things ; and 
 we give counsel thereupon, what the people shall do, for the 
 prevention and remedy of them." 
 
 And when he had said this, he stood up : and I, as I had been 
 taught, kneeled down, and he laid his right hand upon my head, 
 and said ; " God bless thee, my son ; and God bless this relation, 
 which I have made. I give thee leave to publish it, for the good 
 of other nations ; for we here are in God's bosom, a land un- 
 known." And so he left me ; having assigned a value of about 
 two thousand ducats, for a bounty to me and my fellows. For 
 they give great largesses, where they come, upon all occasions. 
 
 The rest was not perfected. 
 
 Printed by Morrison & Gibb Limited, Edinburgh. 
 
GENERAL LIBRARY 
 UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA— BERKELEY 
 
 RETURN TO DESK FROM WHICH BORROWED 
 
 This book is due on the last date stamped below, or on the 
 
 date to which renewed. 
 
 Renewed books are subject to immediate recall. 
 
 190ct'55Ge 
 ^CT5 ,955 L(/ 
 
 REC'D LD. 
 DEC 31 1956 
 
 23%v'62l^ 
 
 REC'D lo 
 UBRARVUSE ^^^ ^ ^^^^ 
 
 OCT 1^^^^ 
 REC'D LO 
 
 OCT 11357 
 
 JAN2g '381 
 
 I2^pr'6fAE 
 K — ' •- NO' 
 
 MAY 1 9 B61 
 JliN9 '61 „ 
 
 7 Apr" 
 
 LD 21-100m-l,'54(1887sl6)476 
 
YB 27518 
 
 i!