/\ . C J-/ X. / *U-f -'"- ' p. (Si PROFIT SHARING BETWEEN EMPLOYER AND EMPLOYEE. A Study in the Evolution of the Wages System. Fifth Thousand. Crown 8vo, $1.75. THE LAWS OF DAILY CONDUCT. Third Thousand. Crown 8vo, $1.00. SOCIALISM AND THE AMERICAN SPIRIT. Second Thousand. Crown 8vo, $1.50. A DIVIDEND TO LABOR. Crown 8vo, $1.75. HOUGHTON, MIFFLTN & COMPANY, BOSTON AND NEW YORK. A DIVIDEND TO LABOR A STUDY OF EMPLOYERS WELFARE INSTITUTIONS BY NICHOLAS PAINE GILMAN I know of no trust more sacred than that given into the hands of the captains of industry, for they deal with human beings in close and vital relations not through the medium of speech or of exhortation, but of positive association, and by this they can make or mar. CARROLL D. WRIGHT. BOSTON AND NEW YORK HOUGHTON, MIFFLIN AND COMPANY be rtilicrsiDc press, 'Cambridge 1899 COPYRIGHT, 1899, BY NICHOLAS PAINE OILMAN ALL RIGHTS RESERVED PREFACE THIS volume has a scientific and a practical aim. Frequently, since the publication of my work on profit sharing in 1889, I have been forcibly made aware of the difficulty of getting reliable information con- cerning the " welfare-institutions " which numerous employers of labor maintain for their employees. A characteristic note of most of these arrangements is that the liberal-minded employer making them stops short of plans which would demand a change in the existing wages system. Practically they result, how- ever, in an " indirect dividend to labor," as I have called it. They depend for their existence upon real- ized profits, made in the usual way, and appropriated in part by the employer for the benefit of his work- people, purely at his own discretion and usually under no agreement with the employees. Such welfare- institutions form an intermediate stage between a wages system under which the workman receives his agreed wages and nothing more, directly or indirectly, and a profit-sharing agreement according to which he would receive, directly and regularly, a certain share of the profits made by the establishment. There have been and are, in this nineteenth cen- tury, employers numerous enough to be worthy of iv PREFACE consideration who have thus informally paid a virtual dividend to their employees. The significance of this method as a sign of a possible future is great. But economic literature in the English language, so far as I am aware, has no convenient record of such liber- alities. The first aim of this volume is, therefore, to supply this deficiency, and to present a necessarily in- complete view of welfare-institutions in Europe and America. For Germany I have relied largely on the two volumes compiled by Dr. J. Post (the second was published in 1893), supplemented by later reports received from German firms : for France I have de- pended upon Mons. H. Brice's work, upon French profit-sharing literature (which pays much attention to these institutions), and upon direct correspondence. In both these countries there is such an abundance of instances that I have presented only a number of typical cases in detail and have briefly summarized others : in some cases I have had to be content with figures given in 1889. In England, on the other hand, such institutions seem to be comparatively few. For the United States I have described in varying de- tail a considerable number of cases, most of which I have personally investigated. In this country there are certainly, and in England there are probably, numerous instances of liberal employers of whom I have no information. From the nature of the case such a record as this must be incomplete ; the main matter is that it shall include a good variety of plans PREFACE V that have been tried in different lines of industry. It has seemed well worth while, from the standpoint of knowledge simply, to bring together the body of sifted facts given in Part II. for the information of all persons interested in the study of labor questions. I shall welcome news of cases now unknown to me. My practical aim has been to present these facts, which appear to exhibit a finer conception of the em- ployer's function than is commonly held, in such a way as to incite other intelligent and successful em- ployers of labor to go and do likewise. It has been especially difficult for such an employer, with the best intentions, to learn much of what others have done on the lines of far-sighted policy and practical philan- thropy which are my subject. I have thought that the facts given in Part II. would be shown more satisfactorily, if they were pre- faced by the matter contained in Part I. on the modern employer. I here hold that an essential matter in the labor world is that both the buyer and the seller of labor shall realize the moral aspects of their relation in other words, that the labor con- tract shall be moralized. This is as true of the work- ingman as of the other party to the contract ; but, as this volume is concerned with the latter, I allude to the former incidentally only, and go on to present a realizable ideal, such as a sober and candid imagi- nation might construct. That no excessive demands are made on actual employers by such an ideal will vi PREFA CE appear from the account which follows of Robert Owen, the man who made this ideal a matter of fact three generations ago. In Part III., under the heading " A Direct Divi- dend to Labor," I have supplemented my treatise on profit sharing (which it has not seemed feasible to revise) with such later information as the lapse of ten years renders desirable. With the appendixes Nos. II. and III., this part may serve to set forth the later history of the system. To the many business firms and corporations at home and abroad with whom I have corresponded, or whose establishments I have visited, while preparing this work, my sincere and hearty thanks are due for their unwearied courtesy. As I write these closing lines, I am also mindful of two great publicists, too soon departed, to whom I owe much of light and leading, and whose labors in the cause of industrial peace this volume would fain help to continue in some degree Francis A. Walker of Boston, and Charles Robert of Paris. Whether the dividend to labor which the economist approves and the employer establishes be direct or indirect, I trust that this book may serve to increase that deeper consciousness of kind, that more truly human sympathy between employers and employed, of which such a dividend can be but an imperfect expression. N. P. G. MEADVILLE, PENNSYLVANIA, September 16, 1899. CONTENTS PART I. THE MODERN EMPLOYER. CHAPTER I. PAGE AN ESSENTIAL MATTER 1 CHAPTER II. A REALIZABLE IDEAL 18 CHAPTER III. ROBERT OWEN THE MANUFACTURER 30 PART II. AN INDIRECT DIVIDEND TO LABOR. CHAPTER IV. WELFARE-INSTITUTIONS IN GERMANY 63 CHAPTER V. PATRONAL INSTITUTIONS IN FRANCE 121 CHAPTER VI. PATRONAGE IN HOLLAND AND BELGIUM .... 161 CHAPTER VII. BRITISH EMPLOYERS' INSTITUTIONS 177 CHAPTER Vni. AMERICAN LIBERALITY TO WORKMEN 206 viii CONTENTS PAKT III. A DIRECT DIVIDEND TO LABOR. CHAPTEK IX. FIVE CASES OF PROFIT SHAKING .... . 296 1. The Maison Baille-Lemaire. 2. The Bourne Mills. 3. The Procter and Gamble Company. 4. The South Metropolitan Gas Company. 5. The N. 0. Nelson Company. CHAPTEK X. PROFIT SHARING TO-DAY 334 CHAPTER XL THE REASONABLE WAY . 352 APPENDIX I. Some Dangers of Paternalism .... 362 APPENDIX II. List of Profit-Sharing Firms .... 366 APPENDIX III. Cases of Abandonment of Profit Sharing . . 380 APPENDIX IV. Bibliography 389 INDEX 393 A DIVIDEND TO LABOR PART I THE MODERN EMPLOYER CHAPTER I AN ESSENTIAL MATTER THE great Duke of Wellington is reported to have lamented, on a certain occasion, that he was " much exposed to authors." The employer of labor at the present day might complain that he is much exposed to philanthropists. The number of persons, quite in- expert in practical affairs, who are ready to tell him the only just way of managing his business, so far as concerns his employees, is not small. They are often forward to accuse him of being the chief reason for the existing unrest and confusion in the world of industry. They sometimes charge him with hardness of heart because of his unwillingness to advance wages beyond the market rate, or to lessen the hours of labor in his factory, while his competitors are keeping to the usual working day. They deplore his lack of intellectual vision, in that he does not foresee, as they do, the near abolition of his entire class in the down- fall of the competitive regime and the advent of cooperative man or the socialistic state. 2 A DIVIDEND TO LABOR The disregard of some obvious facts which charac- terizes much of this advice or objurgation is plain to the ordinary employer of labor, upon whom there lies the executive care of a considerable business. He is but too well aware, in very many cases, that it requires all his skill to keep his head above water, while pay- ing the same rate of wages as his more successful competitors, and obtaining the same number of hours of work from his men. When he is reminded of the millionaires in his own industry who have erected hospitals, free libraries, or model villages, he can often allege truly that he has himself been a very practical philanthropist, in keeping his force as steadily em- ployed as possible for years, despite the variations of trade. He may claim that he has not yet received a due compensation for his arduous labor of superintend- ence. As for general cooperative production by the workingmen, acting as their own employers, he thinks that he cannot justly be considered a barrier in their way : it is freely open to them, so far as he is con- cerned. As for socialism, he does not consider it a practical question for this generation. No conviction, again, is more deeply rooted in the mind of the ordinary man of affairs than that of the inadvisability of confusing philanthropy and business. " Mixing things that differ is the Great Bad," as Mrs. Carlyle said. Let business be conducted, then, on sound business principles, says the man of affairs : let philanthropy do its saving office after the business is firmly established and yields large returns : but let such salvation not interfere with the common-sense methods of the active world. In this volume I do not pose as the advocate of the AN ESSENTIAL MATTER 3 workingman. For the great body of competent and successful employers of labor I entertain a sincere respect, according to their solid ability in the conduct of affairs. I have a profound conviction that a true and natural aristocracy_ the leadership of the com- petent is to endurjL-in the-industrial world, as elsewhere, for an mdefinij_tim. 1 Progress toward cooperative production is slow, though not so slow now as formerly, and a socialistic state is, to say the least, still below the horizon of " practical politics." I have no difficulty in believing in the fundamental rationality of the men who employ their fellow-men in large or small enterprises ; I do not doubt their pre- dominant desire to be fair and just in their dealings. Were this not so, the pessimist would certainly have a much firmer and more extensive foundation for his depressing creed than the reasons which he generally gives. But no condition of mankind is perfect altogether, and no body of men has yet succeeded in monopolizing wisdom. The function of the entrepreneur, or em- ployer on a large scale, is still so modern that it has not had time for its full humanization and rationali- zation. Destined, I believe, to long continuance among articulate-speaking men, as a relation both natural and reasonable, the employer's office should be examined from every side, to discover all its excel- lences and to supply all its defects. If the entre- preneur indeed represents the brain in the industrial body, and therefore has rightly a controlling power, he must properly recognize that one of the chief func- 1 Mr. W. H. Mallock has very ably treated this matter in his work on Aristocracy and Evolution. 4 A DIVIDEND TO LABOR tions of the mind is to form ideals ideals that are desirable and realizable, ideals that presuppose con- science and a touch of imagination, ideals that demand great patience in our slow march toward the Better; never, for human eyes, shall that Better become an unyielding and impassable Best ! An ideal in regard to erecting the finest mills, the purchase of the fittest machinery, the making of the largest and best product, and the control of the widest market is often before the employer's mental eye. Let him remember, then, that the most impor- tant part of the whole apparatus of production is the laboring men, the " living machinery," as Robert Owen called it, of a factory. There is an ideal relation possible of conception between the manager or owner of a cotton-mill and those men who work in it. This ideal, to speak broadly, is approached in a prosperous factory just so far as reason and good- will prevail there. Before inquiring what reason and good-will demand, let us briefly consider the general function of the modern employer as a leader in the industrial world. Long overlooked by the economists as a factor dis- tinct from the possessor of capital, he has had ample justice done him at last by the economists of the latter half of this century. The late President F. A. Walker especially was among the first writers in our language to give a proper account of his peculiar function a function quite distinct from that of the man who has inherited a fortune, which he would like to use in capitalistic production, but who is well aware that he is himself destitute of the commercial and executive ability needed to insure profit in business. AN ESSENTIAL MATTER 5 The man who has the mental ability and the force of character requisite for the conduct of industry on a large scale, under the trying conditions of modern competition, but who has not the large capital needed, is the man whom the capitalist proper seeks and eagerly embraces when found. Here is the one magician who can call up profits from the nether deep by his potent art. The two functions, of providing money and of furnishing an able brain and a master- ful character, are always to be distinguished, whether in different persons or in the same person. When the man of innate executive power and great acquired knowledge has also become a capitalist through his deserved prosperity, he unites the two functions. As a capitalist he lends money to himself as an em- ployer; but the second function is far more rarely exercised prosperously among men than the first. It is the unique task of the employer to bring together capital and labor by using both in a partner- ship which only executive skill and business foresight can make profitable. He it is with whom the work- man has to contend or to unite. No mythological " conflict between Capital and Labor " engages the striker, but a very real contest between himself and the employer. To the employer the workman resorts in order to procure occupation and wages: against the employer he strikes for higher wages ; or with the employer he produces, in a friendly union of indus- trial effort. The labor problem is, substantially, the question of obtaining the best relations between labor and management, between the hand-worker, more or less skillful with his brain, and the man at the head of the concern, whose labor is chiefly, if not wholly, mental. 6 A DIVIDEND TO LABOR However much I shall have to say in this volume upon the moral disposition of the employer, I fully recognize the fact that the first thing necessary to the welfare of the workman is that his employer shall be a man of intellectual ability and general force of character not primarily moral force. It is far more important for the workman that his employer shall be financially successful than that he shall be kind or generous in his dealings. A hard employer, who keeps his men steadily at work for years, on the average wage, is much more of a real benefactor to the operative than a genial employer whose inex- perience or lack of capacity closes the factory in a few months : the latter will have the sympathy of his employees, but he is not their best friend. The responsibilities of a typical great entrepreneur of this century are many and varied, and they call loudly for the strong man in the manager's chair. The employer often selects the place in which the factory is to be carried on : he has to build it in accordance with the latest teachings of experience ; he has to stock it with approved machinery ; he has to find capable overseers and a supply of competent work- people ; he has to buy the raw material, to decide upon styles and patterns, and then to sell, in the most favorable market he can find, the finished product, due to all this remarkable and prolonged concert of various abilities in the whole force. He is the one person to whom the chief praise for success is rightly ascribed : just as much is he the one person at whose door the blame of failure is to be laid whatever its specific cause, he is properly held accountable for allowing that specific cause to work. " Captains of AN ESSENTIAL MATTER 7 industry," who have chosen their lieutenants and privates, they are the culprits or the weaklings to whom failure is due, if failure there be: and, if success arrives : " Brightest is their glory's sheen, For greatest hath their labor been." Mr. Mallock has not overrated the importance to modern civilization of the strong brain and the force- ful character of the successful employer. 1 He deserves to lead, since he is indispensable to the welfare of those allied with him, the capitalist and the workman alike. The incompetent employer, as President Walker declared, is the worst enemy of the working- man, for he soon leaves him unemployed. A success- ful manager, on the other hand, who feels no particu- lar sympathy with his operatives in their toilsome life, but does keep them in work, year in and year out, stands between them and starvation like a wall. Power and success in the entrepreneur are the surest ground for the employee's confidence in the future. A fine morality, in the sense of sympathy or kindness or generosity, on the employer's part, is a secondary matter, however important, just as in deeds of war the morality of a Napoleon or a Moltke is not primary. But, assuming the existence in him of all the abilities required for the prosperous working of a great indus- 1 " Capitalism, in its essence, is merely the realized process of the more efficient members of the human race controlling and guiding the less efficient ; capitalistic competition is the means by which, out of these more efficient members, society itself selects those who serve it best ; and no society which intends to remain civilized, and is not pre- pared to return to the direct coercion of slavery, can escape from competition and the wage system, under some form or other, any more than it can stand in its own shadow." 8 A DIVIDEND TO LABOR trial establishment, then good-will to men, sympathy with one's kind and the human touch are happy and fortunate and admirable additions to the vigor of mind and the power of will which have taken a bond of fate. It will be another proof of strength in the strong employer if he seek and gain all the moral advantage possible, and cement a kindly alliance with his nearest fellow-men, building up the special and the general welfare in firm union. Morality, no substi- tute for intellectual ability and force of will in busi- ness, is a very noble companion to them. But, when we take a large historic and philosophic view of the progressive civilization of mankind, we cannot fail to be struck by the slowness with which new forms of human relationship are moralized. An original and inventive man makes a successful stroke in trade or industry. Others eagerly imitate him. It is a long tune before the ethical relations of the new method are considered, or the point is even raised whether it has any ethical relations. Nothing suc- ceeding like success, in a world where imitation is a primal power, the first thought of the natural man is that the end justifies the means, unless these are abhorrent to the common conscience. After the new method has long been in operation to the profit of many individuals, they easily reject the moral test. They hold it impertinent in moral sticklers to thrust their delicate scruples upon those who are simply doing as others do in a particular business. But neither the earlier nor the later position can be justi- fied before the bar of reason. The first man to find the new way pays no attention to the morality of it, being absorbed in satisfaction with the happy result AN ESSENTIAL MATTER 9 to his own fortunes ; of course, this indifference can- not be permanently maintained. Those who follow him must recognize implicitly, at least, the propriety of applying the moral test. If they are doing what others are also doing, it can no longer be considered a private matter. It certainly has become a matter for moral judgment, if moral judgment has for its proper subject the actions of social man. Let us apply this ancient truth to a modern in- stance. The first English manufacturer who bar- gained with the poor-law guardians of a parish l for a supply of children for his cotton-mill, might have claimed that this was a personal affair between him- self and the guardians. They contracted with him legitimately, according to the rights of freemen. He might well say that he would himself attend to the children properly thereafter. He might have heard with virtuous indignation any insinuation that he would probably overwork and underfeed these or- phans of tender years, for the increase of his profits. Suppose that a moralist of the time had had a clear foresight of the actual consequences of such " free contract " to these orphans, who certainly were not "free" themselves. Suppose that he called at once for the intervention of the government. He would certainly have found but scant recognition of his good sense in the House of Commons. The new practice had to spread and become common, and its natural injurious results, in such hands, become obvious to all who had eyes willing to see, before the law could ad- visably interfere. It had to become an immoral insti- tution before it could be moralized ; in other words, 1 In the latter part of the eighteenth century. 10 A DIVIDEND TO LABOR it was obliged to have a natural history before it could have a moral history. The greed of the intellectually half-trained and morally low-toned manufacturers of the early part of the factory period 1 produced atro- cious results in heartless treatment of the mill chil- dren ; the story is familiar to all acquainted with the rise of modern industry. 2 Then, and not till then, the need of moralizing this new but neglected institution became manifest. It was then plain to see that the State was the most effective agency to meet the cry- ing need. Here, again, was the old, old story, a new and evident power 4i sc l a i me( l responsibility, and proceeded, by a fatal evolution, to the vices and evils that always accompany such a disclaimer. If the employer of to-day is sometimes impatient at the large amount of " preaching " which he thinks is needlessly directed upon himself, he may do well to refresh his recollection of this time when the most elementary moral commandments were flagrantly dis- regarded by men of his class, the English manufac- turers of 1780-1830. In these earlier years of the factory system, the duties not alone of justice and 1 Gaskell, in his Manufacturing Population of England, as quoted by Dr. G. von Schulze-Gaevernitz (Zum Socialen Frieden, vol i. p. 24), tells us that the textile employers of the industrial-revolutionary period were almost exclusively former workmen, in home or factory, who had risen above their fellows by their ability and energy. Dr. Schulze-Gaevernitz continues: "The first generation of employers . . . belonged, then, to the uncultured class. They are pictured as rude and brutal. . . . That moderation which is laid upon inherited wealth by family tradition, social considerations and moral ideas was foreign to them (p. 25). . . . Their relation to the workmen was, in fact, a purely economic one, they considered them not as men, but as means of accumulating capital " (p. 34). 2 See The Modern Factory System, by K. Whately Cooke Taylor, ch. v. AN ESSENTIAL MATTER 11 kindness, but even of ordinary humanity, as we to-day understand it, were frequently and grossly disobeyed, especially in the treatment of women and children. " In no place and in no time," says Dr. Schulze-Gae- vernitz (" Zum Socialen Frieden," vol. i. p. 40), " have Property and Culture so refused their duties toward the lower classes, as did the Middle Classes of the Eng- lish people in the first decades of this century." Not only the many appeals of Lord Ashley (afterward Lord Shaftesbuiy) from the House, and the noble denunciation of abuses by the man of letters in the person of Thomas Carlyle, but also the much earlier good example of Robert Owen, the ablest cotton- spinner of his generation, were long fruitless. It was an unfortunate alliance for both parties that was practically made between the manufacturers and the political economists of this period. The nar- rowness of the economists in declaring against state " interference " with the divine right of the manufac- turer to disregard the commonest rules of humanity, if he chose, in dealing with children in the mills, has been condemned by all subsequent writers who take a true view of the demands of "national welfare." But the large English employers of the years 1780 1830 were but too glad of such " scientific " support for their unbridled greed. A second half -century has clearly seen that the manufacturer - philanthropist, Owen, the humane Earl Shaftesbury, and Carlyle, the genius of letters, were in the right, while the insular economist and the unideal employer, declining to apply the test of sound feeling to the lot of the workingman, were altogether wrong. Carlyle, indeed, has been am- ply vindicated as a prophet of humanity ; howsoever 12 A DIVIDEND TO LABOR little he could do in the way of practical guidance, his prophetic warning against the inhuman spirit which held the " cash nexus " the only one to be respected by the employer has been thoroughly justified. The moral education of the world is slow, but it is sure. The industrial development of the last hun- dred years has happily witnessed an increasing empha- sis laid by public opinion, ever more watchful over a wider field, on the moral relations of the employer of labor to his workpeople. He is not now allowed to build factories destitute of sanitary appliances, to stock them with machinery dangerous to the operative with- out liability in case of accident, or to work women and children as long as he pleases. For the " rights " which the narrow-minded employer is pleased to claim, but which result practically in serious injury to work- ingmen and the lessening of the public health and wealth, the modern State has no regard. If enlight- ened selfishness or the motions of his own conscience will not lead the employer to do for his employees what public opinion has come to recognize as ordinary justice, he will be externally moralized by the force of law ; his practice, if not his sentiments, must be made to conform to the recognized general average of morality. Very obviously, however, no institution has reached maturity so long as external moralization is the only ethical experience which those at the head of it have undergone. If the employer fences his machinery and works his force only the legal hours, but de- clares that beyond compliance with the letter of the factory laws, and the punctual payment of their wages, he owes nothing to the hundreds of men, AN ESSENTIAL MATTER 13 women and children in his employ, then, however moral he may be in his home or as a citizen, he has not attained a true inward Tightness in his industrial relations. He has not realized the full demands of a sound morality, which has no conflict with economic truth or economic law, but the force of which cannot be excluded from any relation which is human. On the other side, if a workman simply works hard enough and carefully enough to retain his position in a factory : if he feels no desire that his employer shall prosper because he himself does his best, with all his fellows : if he simply refrains from physical violence during a strike while acting most unsocially hi all other respects he, too, is imperfectly moralized, so far as his relations to the employer are concerned. He, too, needs an ethical development, if he thinks that the whole duty of industrial man is thus dis- charged by him. The simple truth is that, viewed on a large scale, the function of the modern employer has not yet been sufficiently moralized. Much of the strain and conflict now seen in the industrial world will disappear, in all probability, as the duty of the employer appears to him Commensurate with his real power. Surely it is a great, if not commanding, influence which the large mill-owner, for instance, exercises over his work- people. They have come by hundreds from all quar- ters to do the work and take the wages that he had offered. A community is gathered and a new town, perhaps, is formed. Year after year, to these hun- dreds, or even thousands of workers, their work is the most important life-matter, as it is the foundation of all other matters. That the man who controls the 14 A DIVIDEND TO LABOR supply of this work, who has owned, or still owns, the ground his employees tread upon, and the houses in which they dwell that this man has no moral relations toward them beyond paying wages and col- lecting rents, that he is not called upon to exercise the potent and far-reaching influence upon their present and their future which he might by taking a warm interest in them as human beings capable of education and progress this is a position betraying a curi- ously incomprehensive idea of human duty. To an instructed and impartial mind it will seem the most glaring instance, perhaps, afforded by the modern world of the survival of tribal morals (employers being regarded as one tribe and workmen as another) and of the superficiality of the Christian veneer over a too substantial selfishness ! The moralist, the philanthropist, the enlightened economist and the well-balanced reformer of our gen- eration have, indeed, no more inviting and fruitful task before them than the sagacious application of ideal justice and righteousness to the employer's function. In every direction the ideal, which we can form, if we will, of a human relationship best determines the actual duties and defines the solemn responsibilities of the connection. If a man refuse to entertain the thought of an ideal of the relationship which he sus- tains as a father or as a citizen, he is so far unmoral, and he is likely to be a poor father or an ineffective citizen. And if men gain stimulus and inspiration in their families, or in their civic duties, by considering an ideal of what they might do and be, surely this holds as true in the industrial sphere, where the con- tact of men with interests apparently so diverse is so close, incessant and fateful. AN ESSENTIAL MATTER 15 The ideal presented by the earnest man of thought to the practical man of business should, of course, accord with the plain necessities which beset that occupation. The ideal should be distinctly realiz- able by men who are neither heroes nor saints nor philanthropists : they might well fail in business if they attempted to be any one of these ! The ideal must not be a pattern set in the mount to which those who must cultivate the common levels of life can have no inward attraction. It must be in close touch with reality, make no cruel demand on the average man, and harmonize with the laws of economic success. It must tally with the practice of the best men in differ- ent walks of business those who stand highest in point of ability and character before the world at large. It must not be an ideal which requires that the individual employer shall act as if the making of his living were a minor matter with him, or shall con- duct his business according to an economic or social system profoundly different from the one prevailing all about him. It must be an ideal, however, which necessitates the " human touch " in all social relation- ships, and rejects every tendency on the part of an employer to treat the men whom he employs as if they were machines, or animals of another and lower species than himself. Beneath all other causes of trouble and conflict in the labor world, making them seem superficial only, is the personal alienation of the employer from his fellow-men whom he engages to work for him in large numbers. This alienation is partly due to the great size of many industrial enterprises and the consequent lack of personal acquaintance between the two parties. 16 A DIVIDEND TO LABOR In older times, when the master worked side by side with his men, in the field or the small shop, or was at least familiarly known to them, the acquaintanceship had its natural result, in most cases, in a general sympathy and friendliness which greatly facilitated production. The progress of invention, the immense development of industrial organization and the wide prevalence of corporate methods have rendered diffi- cult, if not impossible, the old friendliness based on personal knowledge. But a substitute is not impos- sible, which shall manifest the interest of the em- ployer in those who work for him. This working is, by its very nature, a species of cooperation. Obvi- ously, the closer the cooperation can well be made, the better, from all points of view. There is need of the closest union, for however much the economic ill effects of large-scale production have been veiled, they none the less exist, as well as the moral loss. If the modern employer is sincerely interested in the general welfare of the many persons who work for him, simply because they are human beings like himself, and because he reah'zes that he stands in a relation to them which can be made very effective for good to both parties, he has taken a long stride toward industrial peace in his house, and he has the root of the ideal in him. The particular forms in which his good-will shall best take effect are a matter of detail. The spirit which is the main matter is easily recog- nized by the sensible employee. The conscientious em- ployer, recognizing the largeness of his opportunity to do good, in proportion to his prosperity, will see that the heathen for whom he should contribute are often those at his own door, in the shape of men and AN ESSENTIAL MATTER 17 women in his employ who are poor, ignorant and possibly vicious but still his fellow-men. He is probably in a position to do more for them than any other person can. 1 An employer is moralized who fully perceives the uniqueness of his opportunity and girds himself to the great responsibilities of his position. As I have said, it will be a matter for careful inquiry and sober discrimination to select the practical measures which he shall take to manifest his kindly thought. He will need to consult all available experience to learn what others have done that will reward his imitation : he may need to go very slowly in adopting methods and building up institutions which shall tend to embody his ideal of justice and kindly feeling. But great is his gain from the very beginning of such beneficence, in his larger and stronger hold upon things as they are in the world of man, when he confesses his pecul- iar responsibility and manfully sets himself to dis- charge it. 1 " I assure you that the weal or the woe of the operative popu- lation everywhere depends largely upon the temper in which the employers carry the responsibility intrusted to them. I know of no trust more sacred than that given into the hands of the captains of industry : for they deal with human beings in close relations, not through the media of speech or exhortation, but of positive associa- tion, and by this they can make or mar. The rich and powerful manufacturer, with the adjuncts of education and good business training, holds in his hand something more than the means of sub- sistence for those he employs. He holds their moral well-being in his keeping, in so far as it is in his power to mould their morals. He is something more than a producer : he is an instrument of God for the upbuilding of the race." (Carroll D. Wright, U. S. Commis- sioner of Labor.) CHAPTER H A REALIZABLE IDEAL IN dealing with any question it is true, and espe- cially is it true in dealing with the "labor question," that a one-sided solution is no solution at all, as Pro- fessor Gonner has said. Solutions in abundance have been advanced by those who take the side of the workingman in a partisan spirit. On the other hand, the modern employer has the usual facility of human- kind in recognizing other men's duties. He clearly sees, for instance, that the trade-unions have responsi- bilities to the employer and to the public which they cannot properly evade, as well as enormous powers to do harm, of which they are fully conscious. But tu quoque! The brain that must contrive what many hands are to accomplish in modern industry needs also to be moralized in its dealings with those indis- pensable " hands," as well as to be congratulated on its great powers and its splendid achievements. 1 The modern employer should do his part in the settlement of labor problems : he should contribute 1 As the Bishop of London declared at the Cooperative Congress in 1898 : " The adaptation of old conditions to the needs of the great modern industrial system was hastily wrought, under stress of pres- sure which did not allow of a complete survey of all necessary facts. The man was hastily converted into the ' hand,' and the conditions of his humanity, which had never been absent from consideration before, were suddenly left out of calculation. . . . The ' hand ' must again be converted into the man, on the broader basis which the de- velopment of common life demands." A REALIZABLE IDEAL 19 much more than silence or purely negative criticism to the discussion, if he would retain the respect of the public: he should offer positive suggestions and himself show realized reforms in various lines of pro- duction, if he wishes his criticism of others' reform projects to be heeded. Most of all, his attitude should be plainly moral, rational and conciliatory, and his spirit be one of sympathy with the honorable aspirations of the workingman. The majority, prob- ably, of American employers have themselves been workmen, and they need only recall their own thoughts and feelings, when in that condition, to do justice to their less fortunate or less capable brethren. What would such an employer do, what could he do, to solve labor questions in his own business ? In answer, I will now briefly outline a rational and realizable ideal, an ideal based entirely upon foundations in ex- perience and built up of material from the same source. Every feature of it, as the reader will see from the following chapters, is taken from successful reality. For there is to-day a considerable body of employers of labor who have fully recognized their moral function. It is their ideas and their work that this volume represents. It is with their answer to the claims of reason and good-will upon the employer that we are concerned. In the first place, it may not be too late in the day to say that the model employer frankly accepts the principle of factory legislation as reasonable, and the labor laws themselves as desirable and necessary. Such legislation is desirable, since the health and strength of the working population their physical capital should at least be maintained undiminished 20 A DIVIDEND TO LABOR from generation to generation, if the nation is to hold its place in the world-conflict, and if it is to have true internal welfare. It is reasonable to use this means to the desired end, since the end is the common weal, reached most naturally by state-craft. Labor laws are necessary, experience shows, in order to protect the comparatively unprotected workpeople against those who have a great advantage of position ; these laws will assist the more humane employers, also, against unfair competition from the unscrupulous, who would exploit women and children, for instance, by demanding of them exorbitant hours of work. The enlightened employer will, therefore, welcome the expression of the impartial national will ; the social conscience has both the right and the duty to guard the national welfare from generation to generation, seeing that the commonwealth take no harm, and for- bidding any class of citizens to overwork and devi- talize any other class for its profit. If thoroughly enlightened and far-sighted, the employer will regard the stipulations of well-considered law concerning the construction, heating, lighting and ventilating of shops and factories as the minimum of his duty: the maximum will be compliance, as he is able, with the fullest demands of reason and humanity, by making every sanitary and protective arrangement for his workpeople that prudence and science suggest. There may well be details of factory laws, or whole laws even, which are positively unjust to the employer, being due to the zeal of demagogues, chiefly intent on capturing " the labor vote." But the most effective criticism of such partiality will surely come from those employers who have fully recognized the sound- A REALIZABLE IDEAL 21 ness of the principle of factory legislation and have shown a large willingness to comply with its just demands. The attitude of the employer toward trade-unions should be one of frank appreciation of the great good that they have done, and are doing. Some of the most progressive manufacturers of our day have de- clared their preference for dealing with the authorities of trade-unions, rather than with the men separately. Not a few, like Mr. George Thomson of Hudders- field, and Mr. N. O. Nelson of St. Louis, positively encourage their employees to join a union. The Union, like the Trust, is plainly an enduring element of the modern industrial situation. It should become an incorporated body, with power to sue and be sued, and thus level up its responsibilities to its powers. In the mean time, wise men will adjust themselves to it, and make the best of it, instead of fighting the inevitable. They will not be the first to resist every demand of the laboring man simply because it conies from a union, or the last to concede a courteous and patient discussion of labor difficulties before disinter- ested parties. " Compulsory Arbitration," indeed, is a misnomer and a contradiction in terms, if the employer or the workman is to be compelled by law to accept the offer of arbitration from State authorities, and to abide by the results. But the better compulsion of reason will lead the employer to establish in his works a commit- tee of conciliation, which may amicably settle small troubles before they become great feuds : he will also be willing to let impartial arbitrators decide the greater matters, if he is not asked to make concessions 22 A DIVIDEND TO LABOR simply fatal to his just authority. The methods of practicable arbitration are simple and easily mastered : and in a number of American commonwealths the State Boards of Arbitration deserve high praise for the judicial manner in which they have discharged their peaceful office. 1 The ideal employer, following the example of many actual employers, will feel and show a kindly interest in the welfare of the men who are joint workers with the counting-room and the firm in the total industry. He will take an active part in encouraging thrift, for example, after the manner of such corporations as the Chicago Electric Car Company (on the South Side), which receives deposits and does the necessary book- keeping for its employees' benefit association without charge. Other firms, such as the Carnegie Steel Company of Pittsburg, pay a high rate of interest on savings from the men ; this rate is now half as large again as that paid by the savings-banks. The progressive employer will make it easy for his workmen to acquire shares in the stock of his corpo- ration (if his business is so organized). The share- holder-workman is a most desirable link between capital and labor, partaking of the interests of both. Some States (like Massachusetts) have smoothed the way for corporations to issue "workman's stock," under favorable conditions. But the example of the Columbus (Ohio) Gas Works and the Illinois Cen- tral Railway shows how easy and how advisable it is 1 Mrs. Josephine Shaw Lowell has compiled the most important literature on this subject in her small volume, Industrial Arbitration and Conciliation. The annual reports of the Massachusetts Board have especial value. A REALIZABLE IDEAL 23 for employers to offer such facilities apart from legis- lation. The employer is usually a man fond of the home which he owns. He should be quick to recognize that the workingman is made of the same stuff of thought and feeling as himself, on the broad lines of human desire. In no other way can he more wisely help his employees than by assisting them in this particular direction. Some firms build and rent at- tractive houses at low rates : such are S. D. Warren and Company, the paper manufacturers of Cumber- land Mills, Me., the Thread Company at Willimantic, Conn., and the Howland Mills at New Bedford, Mass., to name but three American instances. The so-called " labor advocate " sometimes makes an egregious blun- der in objecting to the workman's becoming the owner of his home. The thought is that he should be a soldier in a perpetual war against "capital," and should incumber himself as little as may be in his possible marches, because of strikes or lock-outs, from one factory-town to another. How biased and par- tial a view this is biased by an irrational notion of conflict as the normal condition of the workingman, and partial in its conception of him as simply an operative and not at all as a citizen must become evident on brief consideration. Such sophistry of class-jealousy readily yields, however, to the deep home-loving instinct of the natural man, especially the Anglo-Saxon man. Employers like the Cheneys at South Manchester, Conn., N. O. Nelson at Leclaire, 111., and many others in Europe and America, gratify this desire to the full by selling lots and houses on favorable terms to their employees, in their admirable 24 A DIVIDEND TO LABOR villages. Benefit funds, again, and life-insurance and pension plans for the assistance of workpeople in the trying periods of life find aid and encouragement from prosperous and sagacious employers. Several great railroads of this country (the Baltimore and Ohio, the Pennsylvania, and the Chicago, Burlington and Quincy, for instance), as well as many in Europe, exhibit on a large scale this method of corporate in- terest in the future of their men. Mr. Alfred Dolge was, for a number of years, the foremost single em- ployer in the United States to develop a pension and insurance system in his felt works at Dolgeville, N. Y. His failure in business in 1898 showed the desirability of making such schemes independent of the financial fortunes of the house, if possible : this is effected in many instances in France and Germany. The employer who has made a fortune out of a reg- ular business is coming to be held by the social ethics of America responsible for the spending of some part of it for the benefit of the workers who cooperated with him, or, more generally, of the community in which the fortune was made. Such gifts should be made in the lifetime of the giver, and here in the United States it is plainly desirable that they should be made to the municipality, rather than to the work- men of a factory, if the welfare of the latter can be as well secured in this way. A free library in a manu- facturing town is better given to the town by the mill- owner, than to the quarter in which the mill is located for the exclusive use of the operatives. In this way the manufacturer avoids drawing lines of division between his employees and the general public. The employee is, first of all, a man : next, a citizen : and, A REALIZABLE IDEAL 25 lastly, a workingman. The employer's generosity should help to identify the operative with the common life of the town, rather than separate, him from it, in any avoidable degree. When a particular manufac- ture, like that of scales at St. Johnsbury, Vt., or of shovels at North Easton, Mass., is the main busi- ness of a place of moderate size, great manufacturing families like the Fairbankses or the Ameses wisely present schools, libraries and halls for social and other public purposes, directly to the town. It is easy to make such regulations for their use that those for whom the benefactions are primarily designed shall derive as much benefit as if they had the sole use. In other instances, a factory community may be at a con- siderable distance from the centre of the town, form- ing either a village by itself or a well-defined suburb. In such cases club-houses, with their special libraries, lecture courses and entertainments are best placed in the midst of the population that they are to serve. A notable instance is the fine club-house which the Illi- nois Steel Company at Joliet provides for its men. A liberal spirit will naturally throw open such advan-. tages to the other residents of the village or suburb, thus preserving the community principle as far as possible. The number of employers in this country who fur- nish free reading-rooms and libraries in their works is considerable (perhaps it is proportionately largest in the State of Connecticut), and it is steadily increas- ing. It is greatly exceeded, however, by the number of men and women of wealth who have built, usually in their native towns, those monuments which James Russell Lowell thought most lasting and secure, in 26 A DIVIDEND TO LABOR the shape of public libraries. The record of such benefactions is one of the brightest pages in American civilization ; already long, it is destined to be greatly lengthened so large is the field for such genuine philanthropy. 1 Club-houses, to which allusion has been made, are now chiefly found in connection with industries em- ploying large numbers of men, like iron and steel works, and steam and electric railway lines. Of one of these institutions, an employer, well qualified to speak, declares that it has paid for its cost a hundred times over in the improved state of feeling among the men toward the corporation. Such gifts show a humane desire on the part of the manufacturer to brighten the workman's life, and they call forth re- spect and esteem, the surest preventives of labor- troubles. These club-houses may be so conducted as to interest the whole family of the workman, through their gymnasiums and swimming-pools, their libraries, their technical and art classes, open to girls and women as well as to boys and men, and their insur- ance, thrift and entertainment features, which affect the daily welfare of young and old. Such " welfare-institutions " as I have mentioned (without exhausting the list) are most naturally to be expected from employers who have become prosperous and can show their friendly sentiments in large bene- factions. But the good effect of these evidences of kindly interest is not in proportion to their size. The 1 The Ninth Report of the Free Public Library Commission of Massachusetts (1899), a large volume of 465 pages, shows that less than one half of one per cent, of the population are destitute of this great opportunity. The library legislation of New York and New Hampshire is especially admirable. A REALIZABLE IDEAL 27 manufacturer who is surely prospering, but lias not yet accumulated a large fortune, will do wisely to begin modestly on these lines ; 1 the institutions will be a help in his quicker progress to prosperity. The possible danger of too much " paternalism " on his part will be lessened if he thus begins early to show his philanthropic mind ; and the other possible danger, of "pauperizing" the workers, will in the same way be reduced to a minimum. If the manufacturer has kept up the good habit of living near his mills, the development of these culture institutions will give a lively interest to his later years, and tend to prolong his residence there. His family, too, will be gainers from this kindly contact with the faithful men and women who have cooperated in establishing their pro- sperity. The methods and the institutions which have oc- cupied our attention might be grouped together as instances (they are far from covering the whole field) of an "indirect dividend to labor." The employer here recognizes a moral obligation, incumbent upon the successful producer, to give a share of his fortune to his fellow-workers. This he does, not because it can be legally demanded, or is commonly esteemed a 1 " It is too often thought that the employer can begin the social organization of his business only after he has reached the summit of fortune. What a mistake ! Patronal institutions should begin with the enterprise itself, and develop with it. With each new success, with each enlargement of his industry, the employer increases his equipment ; he should also increase the security and the confidence of his force, for as the workers become more numerous, superintendence is more difficult. The two equipments, the mechanical and the so- cial, should never be separated." (M. J. B. Bailie, the head of the Baille-Lemaire Opera-Glass Works, Paris.) 28 A DIVIDEND TO LABOR portion of ordinary justice, but because his large moneyed ability seems to him to impose the responsi- bility of that finer justice which men call generosity. Since all such gifts necessarily come out of the profits actually realized, the method followed is that of an informal " collective profit sharing," as it might be called. In this manner of dividing profits the em- ployer makes no promises binding at law and draws up no scheme, but simply acts at his pleasure, from his desire that his men shall practically share, in an undetermined degree, in his prosperity. Considera- ble sums (as they are seen to be, when the gifts of several years are brought together) are thus with- drawn, which might have gone into the pockets of the mill-owner or the shareholder. It is not to be taken for granted, however, that, in the absence of such gifts and of the resulting good feeling, the profits would have been as large. The financial as well as the moral result may be one of clear gain. A direct dividend to labor in the shape of a system of profit sharing, formally established with rules and regulations, is a further step in the union of the employer and the employee. My principal object in the present volume being to treat of the informal divi- sion of profits in such ways as have been mentioned, I postpone to Part III. some consideration of recent phases of this conscious modification of the usual wages-system. A small number of employers have had the courage to try this path. Such shining in- stances of success in this country as the cases of the N. O. Nelson Company of St. Louis, the Procter and Gamble Company of Cincinnati, and the Bourne Mills of Fall River, prove to demonstration the intrinsic A REALIZABLE IDEAL 29 merits of the profit-sharing plan, when wisely con- ceived in its details, and patiently adhered to through the earlier difficulties of its application. Profit sharing proper seems, however, to be a counsel of perfection too severe for the caution and the patience of the ordinary employer. Numerous ways and meth- ods of indirect profit sharing which have been widely successful will be more acceptable to his prudence or his inertia. I shall describe many instances of such an indirect dividend to labor in Part II. They will show that the demand of the ideal I have outlined has been met by numerous employers of labor whose ability is as little to be doubted as their success. What they have done in the manifestation of a friendly interest in their workpeople many other employers could do. The fashion of such humanity might largely spread, and no existing industrial system undergo essential alteration. The distant future of industry may belong to cooperative production or even to the socialistic state : but the present and the near future belong, very plainly, to capitalistic production on a large scale. The employer-manager is an essential part of this system. It is an undeniable fact that he can do a great deal toward settling labor problems by conform- ing the relations of employer and employed to a high ideal of humaneness, kindness and fraternity. The faith I here defend, that the individual em- ployer of labor has it in his power to give a very practical solution of the labor question which immedi- ately confronts him, finds signal confirmation in the life of one of the first modern employers on a great scale, Robert Owen. His early career is full of in- struction for all who now have the same responsibility. CHAPTER III ROBERT OWEN THE MANUFACTURER ROBERT OWEN was born in 1771 and died in 1857. In his long lifetime he saw the rise and the full accomplishment of the " industrial revolution " which superseded domestic industry and manual labor proper, and introduced costly machinery and the factory sys- tem of production. Employers of the present day can hardly realize some of the cruel aspects of this revolution in its earlier stages. But when we incline to lightly adopt " the casual creed " that every class of people is best left to work out its own salvation, and that any and every other class will, on the whole, do it substan- tial justice, we do well to recall the history of the English factory system, especially as it operated between 1780 and 1830. The bare facts constitute one of the most convincing proofs ever given among men that the greed of gain may be a consuming power, needing all the force of philanthropy and legislation to keep it within the bounds of humanity. The astonishing and apparently limitless fortunes opening before the eyes of English manufacturers in this period had an intoxicating effect. Their moral sense seemed to be drugged. Men in a presumably Christian nation were long guilty of conduct towards the children of the poor, working in their factories, that almost defies belief to-day for its atrocity. ROBERT OWEN THE MANUFACTURER 31 It is not at all necessary to dilate rhetorically upon the depravity or the weakness of human nature as exhibited by the mill-owners and overseers of this time : unquestioned facts sufficiently tell the story. Workhouse children, six years old and upward, were let out hi gangs by parish authorities to manufac- turers who kept them in the mill ten, twelve or four- teen hours a day. " The parish apprentices were sent, without remorse or inquiry, to be ' used up ' as the cheapest raw material in ' the market.' The mill-owners communicated with the overseer of the poor and a day was fixed for the examination of the little children. . . . On their arrival in Manchester or other towns, if not previously assigned, they were deposited in dark cellars, where the merchant dealing in them brought his customers, and the mill-owners, by the light of lanterns, being enabled to examine the children, their limbs and stature having undergone the necessary scrutiny, the bargain was struck. ... In very many instances their labor was limited only by exhaustion after many modes of torture had been unavailingly applied to enforce continued action. . . . In brisk times their beds, such as they were, were never cool, for the mills were working night and day, and as soon as one set of children rose for labor, the other set retired for rest." The unavoidable results of such monstrous over- work were, of course, " sleepiness, weariness, inatten- tion, repeated carelessness, punishment, sulkiness, a degradation of the whole moral being, a perpetual hostility between overlooker and children, followed by frequent and cruel chastisements." The interest of the overseers was " to work the children to the utmost, 32 A DIVIDEND TO LABOR because their pay was in proportion to the quantity of work that they could exact. Cruelty was, of course, the consequence." Hutton, afterward the historian of Derby, for instance, was set to work in a silk-mill when he was so short that he was placed on stilts to reach his work. His master's cane was so freely employed to keep up his attention during the long hours that his life was in danger from the gangrened wounds. " Children were harassed to the brink of death by excess of labor : in many cases they were starved to the bone, while flogged to their work ; and in some instances they were driven to commit suicide." 1 The story of the sufferings of Robert Blincoe, in a cotton-mill at Nottingham, is appalling to the last degree : it is given in painful detail in Mr. Cooke Taylor's excellent work to which I will refer my readers (pp. 189-198.) The condition of the adult operatives in the textile factories was such as to threaten a permanent lower- ing of the public health and the national vitality. Dr. James P. Kay (afterwards Sir James Kay- Shuttle worth), in a pamphlet published in 1832, forcibly described the daily life of the Manchester operative. He rose at five o'clock in the morning, worked in the mill from six till eight, and then returned home for half an hour or forty minutes to breakfast. This consisted of tea or coffee with a little bread. He then went to work until twelve o'clock. At the dinner hour the meal, for the inferior work- men, consisted of boiled potatoes, with melted lard or 1 The Curse of the Factory System, by John Fielden, M. P. (1836), as quoted in R. W. Cooke Taylor's Modern Factory System (pp. 187- 189, Kegan Paul & Co., London, 1891). ROBERT OWEN THE MANUFACTURER 33 butter poured over them, and sometimes a few pieces of fried fat bacon. In the case of those with greater incomes, there was a larger proportion of animal food, but the quantity was small. Work went on again from one o'clock to seven or later, and the last meal of the day was tea, often mingled with spirits, accom- panied by a little bread. " The population nourished on this aliment is crowded into one dense mass, in cottages separated by narrow, unpaved, and almost pestilential streets, in an atmosphere loaded with the smoke and exhalations of a large manufacturing city. The operatives are congregated in rooms and work- shops during twelve hours in the day, in an enervating heated atmosphere, which is frequently loaded with dust of filaments of cotton, or impure from constant respirations or from other causes." The workers in the mills, as depicted by Mr. Gaskell were " low in stature, with slender limbs, playing badly and un- gracefully. There was a very general bowing of the legs. Great numbers of girls and women walk lamely or awkwardly, with raised chests and spinal flexures. Nearly all have flat feet, accompanied with a down tread. . . . Hair thin and straight many of the men having but little beard and that in patches of few hairs. ... A spiritless and dejected air." Against such distresses and inhumanities the philan- thropists and the doctors of medicine gradually rallied public opinion, and the factory legislation of Great Britain began to take effective shape. The future of the country could not be trusted in the hands of the short-sighted and narrowly selfish manufacturers. The ruinous results which their cupidity would have surely brought upon the nation were averted by a 34 A DIVIDEND TO LABOR gradual succession of Acts of Parliament that re- strained the greed of heartless employers and en- couraged the more generously inclined to follow their natural impulses of humanity without fear of being distanced by unscrupulous rivals. A shining example of what the employers might do had been given them in the work of Robert Owen. He is often called "the father of English Communism," or socialism, but his best title to remembrance is as the manager of the New Lanark Mills and the real founder of infant schools in Great Britain. His story has the interest that always attaches to the life of a man of great natural ability making his way from a humble begin- ning to noble achievements, and mindful, from first to last, of the obligations of his nobility to his less gifted, less fortunate fellow-men. Robert Owen began atmospheric existence (in Dr. Holmes' phrase) May 14, 1771, at Newtown, then an attractive place with a population of one thousand, in Montgomeryshire, Wales. 1 His father was a saddler and iron-monger ; his mother, a beautiful woman, was a farmer's daughter, and "for her class," says her son, " superior in mind and manner." Robert Owen, the father, was postmaster of Newtown, holding a life tenure, and he also had the general management of the parish affairs. The young Robert was sent to school when he was between four and five. His anxiety to be first at school and first home came near costing him his life when he was about five years old. Running home one morning, he found his usual basin of " flummery " (a Welsh equivalent of oatmeal 1 The principal authority for the facts of Owen's life is his auto- biography, published in 1857 : I have quoted it freely. ROBERT OWEN THE MANUFACTURER 35 porridge) awaiting him. Supposing it to be cool, he took a hasty spoonful. As it was, in fact, scalding hot, he fainted instantly : his stomach was scalded, and he remained in the faint so long that he was thought to be dead. It was a considerable time before he revived, and ever after he could digest only the simplest food taken in small quantities. Owen was thus naturally led to observe the effects of various foods on his debilitated stomach, and he attributes his " habit of close observation and of con- tinual reflection " to this misfortune. However this may have been, it is probably true, as he always thought, that the accident " had a great influence " in forming his character. By the age of seven, the boy had learned all that Mr. Thickness, his teacher, could impart, reading fluently, writing legibly, and having an acquaintance with the first four rules of arithmetic. He remained in the school two years longer as " usher," learning thus early to teach what he knew. He had a passion for books, and read nearly everything which the libraries of the clergyman, the physician and the lawyer " the learned men of the town " contained. Beside " Rob- inson Crusoe," the " Pilgrim's Progress," " Paradise Lost," and Young's " Night Thoughts," for instance, the eager boy read Richardson's novels and the other standard fiction of the time, believing every word to be true, and generally finishing a volume a day. Travel, history, biography, nothing came amiss, but Robert's chief inclination between eight and nine was for reli- gious literature. As he read " religious works of all parties," he was surprised " first at the opposition be- tween the different sects of Christians, afterwards at 36 A DIVIDEND TO LABOR the deadly hatred between the Jews, Christians, Ma- homedans, Hindoos, Chinese, etc., etc., and between these and what they called Pagans and Infidels." The benevolent little philosopher began to have his doubts "respecting the truth of any one of these divisions." He wrote three sermons, which he kept until he found three in Sterne's works very much like them " in idea and turn of mind." " The little par- son," as he was called, had a very honest dread of lying under suspicion of plagiarism, and he at once threw these first and last sermons into the fire ; but the preaching habit was one that he always retained. The result of all his reading made him feel strongly at ten years of age that " there must be something fundamentally wrong in all religions as they had been taught up to that period." The boy was obliged to be an ascetic in diet, but he excelled in games and manly exercises, was fond of dancing and music, and took a pleasure " in observing nature in its every variety," which grew with his strength. Robert Owen's business life began at nine ; he assisted Mr. Moore, a grocer, draper and haberdasher, for a year, but lived at home. His horizon had been so widened, however, by his reading that he wished to go up to London ; and at ten he got per- mission from his father to try his fortune in the great city. Knowing every person in Newtown, the little man called on them all to take leave ; the presents which he received amounted to forty shillings. His coach fare from Shrewsbury was paid for him. His brother William, a saddler on High Holborn, who had married his former employer's widow, received ROBERT OWEN THE MANUFACTURER 37 Robert affectionately. Six weeks later a London friend of his father procured for him a situation with Mr. James McGuffog, a successful draper in Stamford, Lincolnshire. He was to have board, lodging and washing the first year, and, in addition, a salary of eight pounds the second year, and ten pounds the third. Robert was thus independent from his tenth year. His new master was an excellent man of busi- ness, honest, systematic and kind; he had a large circle of wealthy and titled customers. Mr. and Mrs. McGuffog were, in fact, "quite the aristocracy of retail tradespeople, without the usual weak vanities of the class." Robert was thus made in some degree acquainted with " what is called the great world," and became "familiar with the finest fabrics of a great variety of manufactures" which such persons de- manded. During his four years at Stamford, young Owen read, upon the average, five hours a day, using Mr. McGuffog' s well - selected library. Burleigh Park, near by, was his summer study in the early morning and the evening ; pondering there over Seneca's moral precepts, which he had copied into a pocket-book, was one of his pleasurable occupations. He had before him a striking example of theological diversity in reli- gious unity, as Mr. McGuffog belonged to the Church of Scotland, and Mrs. McGuffog to that of England. Both attended in the morning the service of the one, and in the afternoon the service of the other. Robert, who went with both, listened carefuUy to the polemic sermons, but he never witnessed any " religious differ- ence " between the worthy husband and wife. When he was twelve or thirteen years old, he was troubled by 38 A DIVIDEND TO LABOR the great disregard of the Sabbath in Stamford, and wrote a letter on the subject to Mr. Pitt, the Prime Minister. The innocent young Sabbatarian was natu- rally much pleased, ten days afterward, at seeing in the newspaper "a long proclamation from the gov- ernment, recommending all parties to keep the Sab- bath more strictly." He had no doubt that his letter produced the proclamation : certainly the coincidence amazed his employer. Robert Owen returned to London at fifteen, and found a situation with an old established house on London Bridge, Flint & Palmer. The business was conducted on a cash basis, and was very prosperous, but its " customers were of an inferior class " to Mr. McGuffog's carriage people. The work was severe, and the dressing required before it began at eight o'clock A. M. was an elaborate matter. "Boy as I was then [1786], I had to wait my turn for the hair-dresser to powder and pomatum and curl my hair, for I had two large curls on each side, and a stiff pig- tail, and until all this was very nicely and systemati- cally done, no one could think of appearing before a customer." Customers crowded the shop until ten o'clock in the evening, and three or four hours were required to arrange the goods for the next day. Unable to support such a strain for a long time, young Owen accepted an offer of forty pounds a year and " keep " from Mr. Satterfield, a leading draper in Manchester, whose " customers were generally of the upper middle class, the well-to-do manufacturers' and merchants' wives and families." Owen continued here until he was eighteen. The diversity of his apprenticeships gave him a wide opportunity for learn- ROBERT OWEN THE MANUFACTURER 39 ing the draper's business, but his career as an em- ployer was to be in another direction. He was to carry into cotton-spinning, however, the same indus- try, readiness and aptness which won the appreciation of his masters and their customers. Very mature for his years, he was to make prodigious strides in a short time, as a superintendent and partner. Mr. Satterfield sold, among other things, wire bonnet-frames, made by a mechanic named Jones, a man of " some small inventive powers and a very active mind." A favorite topic of conversation between him and Owen was the " great and extraor- dinary discoveries that were beginning to be intro- duced into Manchester for spinning cotton by new and curious machinery." This was Crompton's " mule." Jones " succeeded in seeing these machines at work," and was confident that he could make as good. He proposed that Owen should advance the necessary capital one hundred pounds and receive one half of the profits of a partnership. Owen furnished this sum and gave notice to Mr. Satterfield. The new firm agreed with a builder to erect and rent them a large machine work-shop, with rooms for some cotton- spinners : forty men were soon at work making the machines. Owen was entirely ignorant of them, having never seen them at work, but " I looked very wisely at the men in their different departments, although I really knew nothing." Jones, he found, was simply a working mechanic, knowing little about bookkeeping, financial matters or the superin- tendence of men. Owen therefore undertook the accounts ; he was the first to reach and the last to leave the manufactory; he observed everything in- 40 A DIVIDEND TO LABOR tently, and maintained rule and order in the estab- lishment. Having discovered the lack of business capacity in his partner, and not yet being confident of his own powers, Owen readily accepted an offer, made in a few months, from Jones and a small capitalist who had overrated Jones' business ability : he agreed to sell his share in the business for six mules, a reel and a " inaking-up " machine for packing the skeins of yarn into bundles. Jones and his new partner soon failed, and Owen actually received from them only three mules. With these he began the world on his own account : he took a large factory in Ancoats Lane and set three men at work in a small part of one of the large rooms. He bought " rovings " the half- made material for thread which the men spun, in the cop form. Owen himself made up the thread on the reel into hanks of one hundred and forty yards in length : he then made these into bundles of five pounds which he sold to Glasgow houses from whom it passed to muslin weavers. Owen averaged six pounds profit a week, letting the rest of his building so as to meet his whole rent. For rovings he paid twelve shillings per pound, and he sold the thread for twenty-two shillings a pound. At this time, 1791, cotton-spinning was attracting the attention of capitalists, as a very lucrative invest- ment. Mr. Drinkwater, a wealthy manufacturer and merchant of Manchester, had erected a mill for fine spinning : the manager on whom he was relying hav- ing left him, he advertised for a successor. Robert Owen applied for the situation. Mr. Drinkwater was surprised by his youth (Owen looked young for ROBERT OWEN THE MANUFACTURER 41 his actual age), and by his reply to the question, " How often do you get drunk in the week ? " Drunk- enness was a common habit at this period, with almost all persons in Manchester and Lancashire. " ' I was never drunk in my life,' I said, blushing scarlet at this unexpected question." Mr. Drinkwater was more surprised, however, at the sum three hundred pounds which Owen asked as salary : but Owen's books convinced him that the latter was making as much in his business, and he accepted the terms. Owen entered the mill as manager without the slightest instruction or explanation from any one. " Five hundred men, women and children were busily occupied with machinery, much of which I had scarcely seen, and never in regular connection, to manufacture from the cotton to the finished thread." Sensitive but self-confident, he had applied for the place on the impulse of the moment, with no realiz- ing sense of the demands of the situation. But the raw young Welshman, not yet twenty, had heroic stuff hi him : he was a born manager of men, and he was to become the first cotton-spinner of his genera- tion. It was for him " to purchase the raw material ; to make the machines, for the mill was not nearly filled with machinery : to manufacture the cotton into yarn, to sell it, and to keep the accounts, pay the wages, and, in fact, to take the whole responsibility of the first fine cotton-spinning establishment by machinery that had ever been erected : . . . the new mill was considered almost one of the wonders of the mechanical and manufacturing world." Owen rose to the stupendous demands of this situation. " I at once determined to do the best I could. I looked 42 A DIVIDEND TO LABOR grave, inspected everything very minutely, ex- amined the drawings and calculations of the machinery, as left by Mr. Lee, and these were of great use to me. I was with the first in the morning, and I locked up the premises at night, taking the keys with me. I continued this silent inspection and superin- tendence day by day for six weeks, saying merely ' yes ' or ' no ' to the questions of what was to be done or otherwise, and during that period I did not give one direct order about anything. But at the end of that time I felt myself so much master of my position as to be ready to give directions in every department. My previous habits had prepared me for great nicety and exactness of action, and for a degree of perfec- tion in operations to which parties then employed in cotton-spinning were little accustomed. I soon per- ceived the defects in the various processes." Owen quickly improved the very indifferent quality of the thread then considered to be extraordinarily light in weight, one hundred and twenty hanks making a pound. lie rearranged the factory, and kept it constantly in a state to be inspected by any one. His kindliness and executive talent gained the respect and good-will of the workpeople, and in six months " their order and disciph'ne exceeded that of any other [factory] in or near Manchester ; and for regularity and sobriety they were an example which none could then imitate." Owen's creed had by this time shaped itself into a very strong belief in the omnipotence of circumstances, or the environment, in forming character. The negative side of this creed disbelief in all positive religions as special revela- tions of any value beyond the amount of universal ROBERT OWEN THE MANUFACTURER 43 charity that they contained did not become promi- nent for a number of years. The positive element was a very earnest philanthropy which never ceased to characterize Owen's practice, whatever were his limits in intellectual clearness of view and hospitality of culture. He treated his men as friends and co- workers, and their regard for him was constant. Mr. Drinkwater realized that he had hit upon a man of great business ability in his youthful manager, and he agreed to give him four hundred pounds salary for the second year, five hundred for the third, and a quarter part of the profits in the fourth. Owen's name was now printed on the five-pound packages of yarn, to distinguish it from that made by the former manager, and it sold readily at high prices, ten per cent, above the list-price of the trade. He was now one of the best judges of raw material in the market (he was the first to discover the fine quality of Amer- ican Sea Island cotton), and for forty years he was foremost in the manufacture. Within a year after he took charge of the Bank Top Mill, he increased the fineness of the finished thread from 120 to more than 300 hanks in the pound ; 50 per cent, above the list-price was easily obtained for such thread. The cotton bought for five shillings a pound was made into thread that was sold to Scotch muslin manufac- turers at ,9 18s. Qd. a pound. The war with France reduced these high prices. Owen, now a prominent man in Manchester, enjoyed the acquaintance of John Dalton, the future founder of the atomic theory, and other members of the Lit- erary and Philosophical Society of the city. Cole- ridge, also, was a friend at this time. The connection 44 A DIVIDEND TO LABOR with Mr. Drinkwater was terminated in 1795. Mr. Samuel Oldknow, a noted manufacturer, was to be- come Mr. Drinkwater's son-in-law, and he wished to retain all the profits of the business in the family. Owen was asked to name his own salary, if he would resign the partnership : but he at , once threw the agreement into the fire, and declined to remain as manager at any salary. It was not long before his high reputation as a manager brought about a part- nership with two rich and long-established houses, Borrodale and Atkinson of London, and the Messrs. Barton of Manchester, under the name of the Chorlton Twist Company. Owen superintended the building of a large factory for its operations. The new company prospered, of course. Owen was buyer and seller for it, as well as manufacturer. Traveling in the North to extend its trade, he paid a visit to Glasgow in 1798, the result of which was a remark- able blending of business and love-making ; it had a decisive influence on Owen's future as a practical philanthropist. His own detailed and animated ac- count of the matter must be much mutilated here in the necessary abridgment. Arrived in Glasgow, Owen soon met a Manchester friend, Miss Spear, in company with Miss Dale, the oldest daughter of David Dale, " then one of the most extraordinary men in the commercial world of Scot- land an extensive manufacturer, cotton - spinner, merchant, banker and preacher." He had the super- intendence of some forty churches of an Independent sect, one of the tenets of which was an aversion to a " hired ministry ; " and he preached every Sunday in Glasgow. Miss Dale, who was much taken with the ROBERT OWEN THE MANUFACTURER 45 talented young Manchester manufacturer, offered him a letter of introduction to her uncle, one of the man- agers of her father's mills at New Lanark, some thirty miles above Glasgow, at the Falls of the Clyde ; these were erected in 1784. After inspecting the four mills and the manufacturing village, Owen said to a traveling companion : " Of all places I have yet seen, I should prefer this in which to try an experiment I have long contemplated and have wished to have an opportunity to put into practice." This referred to plans for improving the condition of operatives in cotton - mills. Just before this, after parting with Owen for the first time, Miss Dale (as his friend, Miss Spear, afterward kindly told him at a critical moment) had said, " I do not know how it is but if ever I marry, that is to be my husband ! " A second visit to Glasgow on business began " to create other feelings than those of mere business " in the young cotton-spinner's mind. Miss Spear's en- couragement, and her judicious betrayal of Miss Dale's intimate speech, overcame the timidity which he felt when he thought of David Dale's eminent position and his religious cast. On a third visit, Miss Dale told him that her father (whom Owen had not yet seen) was wishing to sell the New Lanark establish- ment. Owen having declared his feelings (" I was now fairly in love, and deeply so "), she replied that she could not marry without Mr. Dale's consent, "so good a man and so kind a father," and she saw no prospect that this consent could be obtained. Business, philanthropy and probably love most of all, suggested to Owen the happy thought of buying the New Lanark Mills. He could at least get ac- 46 A DIVIDEND TO LABOR quainted with Mr. Dale in making inquiries. Mr. Dale received him coldly, if not suspiciously. At his suggestion, Owen examined the mills again : on his return to Manchester, his partners listened favorably to his proposal to buy, and two of them went back to New Lanark with him. They were much pleased with what they saw, and went on to Glasgow. Mr. Dale had now been informed by his daughter of Owen's love for her, and had expressed himself vigorously about this " land louper " who pretended to want to buy New Lanark. He was surprised at Owen's speedy reappearance in the company of men whose high standing he knew, with an offer to open negoti- ations. The next day, after he had made some in- quiries, he declared himself ready to sell, and accepted the price which Owen was asked by him to name as fair, sixty thousand pounds, payable at the rate of three thousand a year for twenty years. The New Lanark Twist Company was thus begun, in the summer of 1799, Owen being twenty-eight years of age. Mr. Dale still refused to think of him as a son-in-law : but Miss Dale had now resolved that she would never marry any one else. Common friends assisted in overcoming the father's objections before long : Owen became a decided favorite with him, and the marriage took place on the 30th of September. Three months later Owen assumed entire charge of the business in Scotland, entering " upon the govern- ment of New Lanark about the first of January, 1800." " I say government," he writes in his autobiography, " for my intention was not to be a mere manager of cotton-mills, as such mills were at this time generally managed, but to introduce principles in the conduct of 47 the people which I had successfully commenced with the workpeople in Mr. Drinkwater's factory, and to change the conditions of the people." Owen's success at New Lanark was immediate, signal and long-continued. The mills paid regular dividends and large profits, and his plans for the improvement of the character and condition of the operatives were completely justified by the result. New Lanark, as Owen reconstructed it, became famous the world over for many years ; it was his one entire success, which contrasted vividly with the uniform failure of his communistic and socialistic experiments in his later life. It is a bright and illustrious exam- ple of what a liberal-minded and prosperous employer can do for the elevation of those who work for him. The thoroughness of its success in a time when the industrial revolution had worked such lamentable results in the whole manufacturing world is a convin- cing testimony to the sterling philanthropy and the fundamental sagacity of Robert Owen's genius. It is an example that cannot be too carefully pondered by modern employers of labor on a large scale. New Lanark, in 1800, had a population of some 1,300 persons hi families. There were also 400 to 500 pauper children, placed there by the parish author- ities of Edinburgh and Glasgow; they appeared to be from five to ten years of age, but were said to be from seven to twelve. Mr. Dale, though unable to give personal attention to his mills, was an exception- ally kind-hearted employer ; and he had provided that the children should be well lodged, well fed and well clothed. The attempt to teach them to read and write, in the evening, was a failure, as they were then 48 A DIVIDEND TO LABOR exhausted by the long day's work: "none of them understood anything they attempted to read, and many of them fell asleep during the school hours." When their apprenticeship was over, these children returned to the cities whence they came, and many of them fell into vicious courses. At this time it was very difficult to induce any sober, respectable family to leave its home and enter the ordinary cotton-mill. The force of grown-up persons at New Lanark was intemperate and otherwise immoral, with very few exceptions. The brother of a chief manager was fre- quently off on a spree for weeks together. "Theft was very general, and was carried on to an enormous and ruinous extent, and Mr. Dale's property had been plundered in all directions, and had almost been con- sidered public property." Owen's thoroughgoing acceptance of the theory that circumstances make character naturally led him to choose the course of mildness, rather than of severity, in trying to alter the conditions of these ignorant and vicious workers, and he could await results in patience. The vast majority idle, intemperate, dis- honest, untruthful were pretenders to religion. Owen's faith was in good works as the test of religious sincerity. He made no attack, however, upon the established creed, but aimed directly at improving the moral practice of the people. The old superintendents were too little in sympathy with his measures, and preferred to leave for situations elsewhere. Owen de- termined that all changes should be made gradually, and that the expense of them should be met from the profits. He decided that Mr. Dale's engagements with parishes respecting the children should run out ; ROBERT OWEN THE MANUFACTURER 49 that no more pauper children should be received ; that the village houses and streets should be improved, and new and better houses be erected to receive new fami- lies, to supply the place of the pauper children. Each family had had but a single room, the houses being of one story : " before each door it was not unusual to find a dunghill." l Owen added a story to each house, giving two rooms to most of the families ; the dung- hills were removed, and the renewal of the nuisance strictly forbidden. The streets were swept every day at the expense of the company. Most of the families were too much used to disorder and dirt to heed Owen's recommendations, and several public lectures on the subject were as unavailing. A general meeting of the villagers thereupon appointed a committee to visit each family weekly and report on the condition of the house. Most of the women went into " a storm of rage and opposition," locking their doors or styling the committee "bug-hunters," and the like. Owen quietly encouraged the committee to persevere, asking admittance as a favor only. The small minority who welcomed their visits received a gift of plants from his greenhouse, and a few friendly visits from Mrs. Owen aided the good work. " Grad- ually the weekly reports of the committee became more full and more favorable." No one was ever dismissed from New Lanark except for habitual drunkenness. Spirits had been sold in all of the retail shops. Owen put an end to this nuisance by establishing superior stores and shops that could supply food, clothing and all other 1 Robert Owen at New Lanark, by a Former Teacher, quoted by R. D. Owen in Threading My Way, p. 71. 50 A DIVIDEND TO LABOR things needed by the people. He bought for cash, in large quantities, and sold the best quality of every- thing at cost. The result was a saving of fully twenty-five per cent., to say nothing of the gain in quality. The improved health, better dress, and more comfortable houses testified to the efficacy of this indirect method of combating intemperance. With such a class of people, violently prejudiced against the " foreign " manager, who spoke a very differ- ent language from their lowland Scotch and highland Erse, it was to be expected that there should be sys- tematic opposition to every change that Owen pro- posed. His philosophy stood him in good stead in his efforts to gain their confidence. This was not fully gained, however, until the year 1807, when the United States embargo placed the British cotton- manufacturers in a dilemma. Most of them shut down and discharged their employees. Others con- tinued to work up the material at a high price, run- ning the risk of a great reduction in the price of material and stock on the removal of the embargo. With his large works Owen concluded that it would be very hazardous to continue spinning, and it seemed to him cruel and unjust to discharge the force. He therefore stopped all the machinery and retained the employees at full wages, in return for which they simply kept the machinery clean and in good order. In the four months before the end of the embargo the New Lanark workers received more than 7,000 for their unemployed time. " This pro- ceeding won the confidence and the hearts of the whole population, and henceforward I had no ob- structions from them in my progress of reform." ROBERT OWEN THE MANUFACTURER 51 Owen went on with confidence and at fuller speed to improve the moral character of his people. He counteracted their temptation to thieving by devices which rendered it impracticable without almost im- mediate detection. Daily returns were made to him of the preceding day's business, and frequent bal- ances. The most efficient check on bad conduct, he thought, was his " silent monitor." This was " a four-sided piece of wood, about two inches long and one broad, each side colored, one side black, another blue, the third yellow, and the fourth white, tapered at the top, and finished with wire eyes, to hang upon a hook, with either side to the front." One of these was hung near each employee, and the color at the front showed his conduct during the previous day. Bad was denoted by black, No. 4: indifferent, by blue, No. 3 : good by yellow, No. 2 : and excellent by white, No. 1. " Books of character " kept a two-months' record for each worker. Right of complaint was reserved to him if he thought injustice had been done him by the superintendent of the de- partment who regulated the " monitor : " but the right was very rarely exercised. The result surpassed all expectation. " At the commencement . . . the great majority were black, many blue, and a few yellow : gradually the black diminished, and were succeeded by the blue, and the blue was gradually succeeded by the yellow, and some, but at first very few, were white." Owen proposed in his Bill for regulating the hours of work in mills and factories, which he pressed upon Parliament in 1815, that the regular hours in mills of machinery should be limited to twelve per day, in- 52 A DIVIDEND TO LABOR eluding one hour and a half for meals ; that children should not be employed in such mills until ten years old, and not more than six hours a day until twelve years old : and that no children should be admitted into any manufactory " until they can read and write in a useful manner, understand the first four rules of arithmetic, and the girls be likewise competent to sew their common garments of clothing." This was substantially Owen's procedure at New Lanark. He was thus practically the pioneer of the ten hour day. Such a limitation of hours and such care for the children in the mills, " when influenced by no narrow mistaken notions of immediate self-interest, but con- sidered solely in a national view, will," he rightly said, " be found to be beneficial to the child, to the parent, to the employer, and to the country." Owen's faith in education was of the strongest, and his active and ingenious mind soon showed him that the education of the children of factory operatives could be begun much earlier than usual, to the great advantage of themselves and their parents. The homes of the poor are " altogether unfit for the train- ing of young children, with their limited space and accommodation . . . and in ninety-nine cases out of a hundred, parents are altogether ignorant of the right method of treating children, and their own children especially." An infant school was the logical result of such reasoning, a school where character could be formed from a very early period under the most favorable conditions. In 1809 Owen began work on the foundations of the building for such a school, which would cost, he estimated, about five thousand pounds : the subsequent annual outlay would be con- ROBERT OWEN THE MANUFACTURER 53 siderable. The " improved character of the children and the improved condition of the parents " would amply repay such an expenditure. But, naturally, at this period in the infancy of manufacturing, when the main chance, a good return for capital, was foremost in the minds of employers, Owen's partners did not take this long and wise view of a problem that was to endure for generations. As he insisted on man- aging the establishment on principles which appeared to him to be true, and through the practice which he understood (in his own words), and which hitherto had always been successful by confession of all in- terested, they accepted Owen's offer of eighty-four thousand pounds for their share of the business and withdrew. The firm had been in existence ten years ; after five per cent, interest had been paid, the profits were sixty thousand pounds. Owen would naturally have associated himself with his father-in-law, as he was obliged to seek new part- ners. But Mr. Dale had passed away, universally regretted, and by no one more than by Owen, for they had become very warmly attached to each other. Mr. Dale had such an admiration for the improvements which his son-in-law had wrought at New Lanark that he declared publicly that he never would have parted with the mills had they been in any such condition in 1799. Each of the two men had a thorough respect for the genuine manliness, sincerity and kindliness of the other. " He was the only religious man I ever knew," said Owen, "who possessed real charity for those who so differed from him." In the earlier months of their friendship, the two often discussed reli- gious and theological subjects, with entire good nature. 54 A DIVIDEND TO LABOR Mr. Dale would close with the kindly remark, which he doubtless knew applied also to himself, " Thou needest be very right, Robert, for thou art very posi- tive." The "New Lanark Company," the new firm now organized, consisted of five partners, Owen holding the largest share of the capital. Two of the others were sons-in-law of Mr. Campbell of Zura, a near relative of Mrs. Owen. Discovering that Mr. Camp- bell, some time before, had deposited twenty thousand pounds with Owen in his business, they conceived a great enmity to him, and objected to all his most characteristic plans to the improvements for the comfort of the villagers, to the liberal scale of wages and salaries, and especially to the school buildings. The result of the disagreement was a dissolution of the partnership, the other four partners insisting on a sale of the works by auction. They industriously cir- culated reports to the effect that Owen's management had so lowered the value of the property that they would be only too happy to get forty thousand pounds for it. Their plain object was to depreciate the pro- perty before the sale and bid it in far below its value. When questioned, they acknowledged that their only objection was to Owen's " visionary schemes of edu- cation and improvement and to the scale of wages." " They imagined an ignorant economy to be better than an enlightened and liberal treatment of the peo- ple and of our customers." The story of the manner in which Owen, now " completely tired of partners who were merely trained to buy cheap and sell dear," caused these deceitful associates to be " hoist with their own petard " is very ROBERT OWEN THE MANUFACTURER 55 dramatic : it must be shortened here to the most neces- sary particulars. Owen went up to London in 1813 to see to the printing of his four essays on the forma- tion of character. At the same time he published for private circulation a pamphlet, describing his estab- lishment and his methods of conducting it in the in- terests of " philanthropy and five per cent.," as a later generation would have put it. Three wealthy Friends John Walker, Joseph Foster and William Allen took, between them, five shares of ten thousand pounds each in the proposed new association out of the whole thirteen (Owen holding five) : the other subscribers were Jeremy Bentham (it was the only successful business enterprise, said Sir John Bowring, his editor, in which Bentham was ever engaged), Joseph Fox, and Michael Gibbs, afterward Lord Mayor of Lon- don. The contract ran that all surplus gain over five per cent, should be " freely expended for the edu- cation of the children and the improvement of the work-people at New Lanark, and for the general im- provement of the condition of the persons employed in manufactories." Owen's actual partners, ignorant of these protective measures taken by him, invited a large party of their business friends to dine with them after the auction, feeling sure of purchasing the property themselves. Owen forced them, in common decency, to fix the upset price at ,60,000. (He was empowered by his new partners to bid X120,000, if necessary.) At the sale Owen's solicitor bid steadily XI 00 higher than the four partners, and the property was knocked down to him at X114,100. The dinner, quite naturally, passed almost in silence, as "the spirits of the principals were below zero." On the 56 A DIVIDEND TO LABOR other hand, Owen and three of his new partners, who had come to Glasgow incognito, had a triumphal pro- gress to New Lanark. The inhabitants of the old and the new towns turned out en masse, and drew the carriage containing the four gentlemen through both places. The discomfiture of Owen's former part- ners was completed when the balance sheet of the four years' connection showed a net profit, after allowing five per cent, interest, of 160,000 ! Owen now pushed to completion his " institution for the formation of character," which was opened January 1, 1816. This was the first infant school in Great Britain, and the sagacity with which its founder developed its methods gives him a high place among educational reformers. Children were received almost as early as they could walk. Three shillings a year was the fee charged, though the actual expense of the education given was about two pounds. Owen considered the difference " amply made up by the un- proved character of the whole population, upon whom the school had a powerful influence for good." No punishment was allowed, and the young children were instructed after the object-method by means of things themselves, or of models or paintings and by familiar conversation. They learned to dance and sing from two years of age up, and military drill was an important feature of the course later on. The children were kept as much as possible in the open air : in severe weather they played in rooms reserved for the purpose. The large hall, also used as a chapel, was the general schoolroom for the upper, third, grade, where the children over six were taught read- ing, writing, arithmetic, sewing and knitting, until ROBERT OWEN THE MANUFACTURER 57 they were ten ; no child could enter the works before that age. In summer, excursions for the study of Nature were frequent. After school hours for the children, the buildings were made comfortable for the workpeople who wished to attend evening school for two hours : that his employees might " learn any of the useful arts " was Owen's comprehensive aim, as stated in his opening address. Three rooms were set apart as a kind of club-house for the employees : two even- ings were appointed for dancing and music : occasional lectures were given to the older people on practical morals. Concurrently with these philanthropies which con- cerned the " living machinery," usually so much neg- lected by the mill-owner, Owen brought the whole physical machinery of the establishment into the best condition. Though his plans for the improvement of his workpeople had the greatest interest for him, he never ceased, while at New Lanark, to be one of the great cotton-spinners of Britain. On his travels, he visited hundreds of factories with a mind equally set upon business improvement and philanthropy. The old and ill-arranged machinery at home was replaced, and the new rearranged. Owen devised a system of elevators : his colored " telegraphs " or monitors did effective service, 1 and the four superintendents of departments were admirably faithful and capable subordinates. The mills, the village with the 150 acres of land around it, and the schools, all ran in unison " with the regularity of clock-work." The cashier of the 1 Mr. Sargant thinks that this, the most " paternal " feature of Owen's system, was probably a source of amusement to the employees, who were willing to humor him. 58 A DIVIDEND TO LABOR Bank of England, visiting New Lanark, thought that what he saw must be the result of some generations, and he was astonished to learn that the " high perfec- tion of systematic order " which he beheld was due to one man's sixteen years of determined effort. When- ever the head was absent, daily reports of the business were sent him in great detail. Owen had now become a famous man. His " Es- says" and his New Lanark institutions gave him a world-wide repute. Bishops, statesmen, political eco- nomists and philanthropists read the " Essays " and discussed their ideas with the author on terms of respect and esteem. Owen's disinterested efforts to procure legislation for shorter hours of work and for the regulation of child-labor took him a great deal to London. New Lanark itself became a potent centre of attraction, especially after its schools were fully developed. Two thousand visitors a year came to see for themselves this "Happy Valley" with its model community and its remarkable schools. The Grand Duke Nicholas, afterward the Emperor of Russia, was the most notable of these visitors ; but princes, ambas- sadors and nobles, bishops and clergy, learned men of the various professions, and travelers for pleasure or knowledge, all these in great numbers availed them- selves of Owen's generous hospitality and his cheerful exhibition of his entire establishment. A lady of the highest rank of the nobility said with tears in her eyes, after visiting the schools, " Mr. Owen, I would give any money if my children could be made like these." The Duke of Kent, the father of Queen Victoria, was Owen's warm and constant friend : his sudden death, in 1820, took place not long before he ROBERT OWEN THE MANUFACTURER 59 was to make a visit of three months at New Lanark, with his wife and daughter. New Lanark, under Owen's control, continued for some thirty years altogether to show the excellent results of his wise philanthropy. The result, from a financial point of view, was that none of the partners accumulated an immense fortune from the investment, but all received a good rate of interest on their cap- ital. " In the first thirty years of this century, the clear profits, after paying the <7,000 of gratuities in 1806, and the expenses of benevolence, amounted to XI 0,0 00 a year; but we are not told how much of this accrued before, and how much after 1814." l This was an average of more than 7 per cent, on the capital of X130,000 which Owen and his third set of partners had invested in the business. These partners at no time complained of any reduc- tion in their possible profits caused by Owen's meth- ods. There was more or less friction between him and William Allen for a long time, however, due largely to Allen's bigoted opposition to the teaching of music and dancing. In 1824 Allen so far prevailed that it was agreed that the company should no longer provide a dancing-master, and that nothing hi the way of music or singing should be taught except psalmody. The genuine benevolence of Owen's partners was shown in other articles of their agreement, which pro- vided for more houses, an ampler supply of water, a washing apparatus, an asylum for the sick and the aged, and a savings-bank. " The public kitchen was to be completed. This was a building 150 feet by 40, with kitchens and storerooms on the ground floor, and 1 Eobert Owen and His Philosophy, by W. L. Sargant, p. 217. 60 A DIVIDEND TO LABOR a large eating-room above ; at one end was a gallery for an orchestra : a library, with lobbies, occupied the centre, and a lecture and concert room of the same size were at the other end of the building." The in- tention was to " furnish a dinner at a fixed price to all who chose to come : " it was stated that four or five thousand pounds a year were saved to the people by this institution. Owen himself, during the preceding years, had been becoming more and more of a socialist : he had occu- pied himself largely with long-continued attempts to procure factory legislation in the interest of the working-people, and his self-confidence, always suffi- cient probably, had now become enormous. He gen- eralized hastily from his favorable experience at New Lanark to the sure success of a universal system of communities based on socialistic principles. These were not, in fact, the product of a rational evolution, like the Scotch village. The failure of several social- ist communities, including New Harmony, in Indiana, could not discourage Owen, however. His interest in these doubtful schemes of general social regenera- tion, with their loose hold upon reality, had probably distracted his attention largely from New Lanark, as the agreement of 1824 would seem to indicate. In 1829 he retired from the business to devote himself largely for the twenty-eight remaining years of his long and unselfish life to a picturesque but uniformly unsuccessful socialistic experimentation. His ardor and generosity were as great as ever, but the fatal mark of impracticability was on almost all his humane endeavors. Owen tells us, to return to New Lanark, that the ROBERT OWEN THE MANUFACTURER 61 hours of work were increased and the wages reduced, at once, by his successors. Wages were not high, as compared with those paid in England, but they had not been reduced for twenty-five years, not even in the distressful year 1819. In that year one of the mills was burned, but work was found for the opera- tives employed in it, and none were turned away. In 1854 Owen could praise the management of his successor, and say that " the village had not become a mere money-getting place." Owen's life, after his connection with New Lanark closed, does not concern us here. That fine establish- ment was not conducted on socialistic lines. The one principle governing it was that the proprietors were satisfied to receive a moderate return on their capital (five per cent., according to the contract, and more than that, in fact, as the mills were prosperous), in addition to the salary of one thousand pounds paid to the manager. A large part, if not the whole, of the remaining profits they wished to see go to the benefit of the workpeople in the form of what in later years would be styled " collective profit sharing." The re- sult has always been considered one of the most cheer- ing records in the history of English labor. What the partners resigned of possible profits built up the insti- tutions which we have described, and made New Lanark for thirty years a model manufacturing vil- lage. Few will be found to doubt to-day that this distribution of the earnings of the enterprise promoted the general welfare far more effectually than the usual method followed outside of New Lanark. From this point of view it may well seem a misfortune that Robert Owen did not confine himself to the thorough 62 A DIVIDEND TO LABOR development of the plans which occupied him at home until 1815, and the advocacy of their general exten- sion to other manufactures. The influence of such an example, unconnected in the public mind with impracticable schemes of socialism, might in time have been very great. However this may be, Robert Owen, in this earlier part of his life, was a generous, sagacious and devoted employer of labor, who struck out a path in which thousands of other employers would do wisely and well to follow him. Devising such fruitful measures in the early years of the factory system, he is, and will always remain, a master-type of the far-seeing and philanthropic captains of industry. PART H AN INDIRECT DIVIDEND TO LABOR CHAPTER IV WELFARE-INSTITUTIONS IN GERMANY AFTER the convenient fashion of their language, the Germans name the various arrangements and in- stitutions which an employer devises for the protec- tion and comfort of his workpeople Wohlfahrtsein- richtungen. Dr. Post's two large volumes on such methods and institutions bear the explanatory title, "Examples of personal care for their workers by employers." France and Germany are the two mod- ern countries in which such interest has been most frequently and thoroughly shown. The political history and constitution of Germany and certain traits of the national character have favored the large manifestation among employers of the patriarchal spirit which looks upon a body of workpeople as a family and the head of the industry as a true hausvater. The stability of industrial relations tends greatly to increase this family feeling, which in itself springs from some of the best qualities of the Teutonic character. The independent spirit of democracy and the socialistic trend, so closely con- nected with it in Germany, have indeed much weak- ened the older feelings of respect and affection with 64 A DIVIDEND TO LABOR which the German workman often regarded his em- ployer, and " paternalism " is coming to be viewed by him with a jealous eye. The change has not, however, gone so far as to take from Germany her high rank in this direction. I shall write of these welfare-institutions descrip- tively, showing them as they are, with no intention of recommending them in their entirety as models for imitation by an English or American employer. Paternalism, in any rightfully objectionable sense of the word, has more reference to some of the methods of administering an insurance or pension fund, for instance, than to such a fund in itself. Nearly if not quite all of the institutions devised by German em- ployers could be profitably adapted to Anglo-Saxon uses by giving the workman a larger share, if not the whole of the after control of them when once created. 1 Viewed in this light, the most paternal industrial institutions of Germany are highly deserving of con- sideration by other countries. To many cases of interest in themselves I do not, however, allude : but the scale on which a business is conducted has not influenced the choice of instances : I have sought variety in unity. The greatest establishment which industrial Ger- many has to show is perhaps also the " largest in the world " (to use a phrase dear to American lips), at least in its own line of work. The cast-steel works of the firm Fried. Krupp at Essen-on-Ruhr with the affiliated steel works at Annen and Buckau, the four blast furnace plants near Duisberg, Neuwied, Engers, and Kheinhausen, the iron works near Sayn, 1 This is notably the tendency in France. WELFARE-INSTITUTIONS IN GERMANY 65 the numerous coal and iron mines in Germany and Spain, the clay and sand pits and the quarries, the three ocean steamers, and the latest acquisition of the firm, the Germania Shipbuilding and Engineering Com- pany of Berlin and Kiel employed in 1898 the immense number of 40,253 persons. 1 The Essen works, a city hi themselves, manufac- ture crucible steel, Martin (open hearth) steel and castings of these two kinds ; puddled steel (Milano- and-Bamboo steel) ; Bessemer steel ; various alloys of steel with tungsten, nickel, chrome and molybdenum ; cast-iron, wrought-iron and bronze. The specialty of the works in manufactured articles is, as all the world knows, war material for land and sea. Cannon of all kinds and all calibres, single or in complete bat- teries ; projectiles of many varieties : rifle barrels and armor plates are the principal output. The industrial material manufactured embraces a large variety of iron and steel work for railways, from the rails them- selves up to complete portable plants ; plates, cylin- ders, propellers and other structural parts for ships : parts of all kinds of engines : sheet and roll steel, and sheet iron, and other articles " too numerous to mention." Passing by the 1,600 furnaces, the 113 steam hammers, the 458 steam-engines, and the 467 cranes, with the 37^ miles of driving belts of the colossal establishment at Essen, one may mention that, in the 1 These figures are taken from the little pamphlet of Statistical Data issued by the firm for private circulation, and revised since the General Census of July 1, 1898. At Essen there were employed 23,397 persons : at Buckau, 3,582 : at the Germania Works, 2,651 : in the mines, the iron works, the proving ground near Meppen and elsewhere, 10,023. 66 A DIVIDEND TO LABOR year 1895-96, 752,505 tons of coal and coke were con- sumed, the output of the firm's own collieries aver- aging some 3,500 tons per day, and about 1,400 tons of iron ore being smelted each day from their own mines : about as much water was used in 1894-95 as by the city of Dresden, and more gas than by Diissel- dorf. The works' railway system includes over 34 miles of standard gauge track with 590 cars, and some 26 miles of narrow gauge with 709 cars. An elaborate fire department extinguished in the years 1886-1890 no less than 768 fires. Of the 871 acres belonging to Fried. Krupp in Essen and the sur- rounding parishes, over 126 were built upon. The welfare-institutions of the Fried. Krupp firm are on a scale corresponding to the magnitude of its products. They are described in a volume published by the firm : the description and the various bodies of rules and regulations fill nearly three hundred octavo pages. It is a book as unique as the famous 5,000 ton hydraulic press at Essen. It naturally begins with the large provision that the firm has made for housing thousands of its employees. 1 To assist them in acquiring homes of their own, Herr F. A. Krupp established in 1889 a loan fund of 500,000 m. ($119,000). An employee earning less than 3,000 m. ($714) could borrow money to build a home of his own at three per cent, interest ; the loan must be re- paid in not more than twenty-five annual installments which were not much larger than the usual rent. 1 See, beside Dr. Post's volume, the admirable and exhaustive " Report on the Housing of the Working People " of numerous countries made by Dr. E. R. L. Gould to the U. S. Commissioner of Labor (Eighth Special Report, 1895), pp. 384-387. WELFARE-INSTITUTIONS IN GERMANY 67 The firm furnished the services of the architect free. In the first four years of the operation of this fund seventy houses were thus acquired. The building and renting of houses by the firm is a matter of much greater size. In 1894, out of the whole number of people employed at the Essen works, and their families (94,752 persons), there were living in houses owned by the firm (3,659 in 1891), 25,828 persons. The firm began to build on a considerable scale in 1872 : the six separate settle- ments, in the neighborhood of Essen, are called colonies. The largest of these is Kronenberg, with a population of 7,856 in 1892. The 52 acres of this colony are occupied by 226 neat three-story hous.es in barrack style, of stone and brick, with a church, school- buildings, post-office, stores, market-place, a library, a large hall, and smaller assembly rooms, and a central park. The streets are well shaded with trees and the houses have patches for gardening and clothes-drying. Other colonies are not so well provided, but the Colony Altenhof, for invalid and retired workmen, presents a very attractive appearance. The firm is content with a net income of a little over two per cent, on its investment of some three millions of dollars in this direction. "The rented houses are extremely popular," says Dr. Gould, and a seniority of ten years' service is usually required of a tenant, because of the many applications : the regulations are strict: water and gas are supplied to every house. The Freistadt Barracks is a massive building erected by the firm as a lodging-house for 1,200 men, and pro- vided with a restaurant and reading-room : a smaller house accommodates eighty persons. The manage- ment is of military strictness. 68 A DIVIDEND TO LABOR The Krupp firm supports fifty-one stores in Essen and the colonies, at which supplies of all things needed by its employees for housekeeping and personal use can be obtained for cash: the articles kept are in- variably of good quality. The administration of these stores is in the hands of the firm, but the advantages to the workmen in the quality and cheap- ness of goods are those usually gained by the co- operative store ; the profits come back to them in the shape of a rebate at the end of the year. The Cen- tral Store is a large three-story building, stocked with a great variety of goods. Besides this there are two slaughter-houses, a flour-mill, two bakeries, an ice factory, a laundry, two tailor shops, a brush factory, 1 a paper bag factory, and a shoe factory, with seven restaurants and two coffee-houses. The restaurants have gardens connected with them, and some have bowling alleys. The restaurant in the Kronenberg colony has appertaining to it the large hall already mentioned, seating about 1,500 persons. It is used by the different Vereins of the workmen for their business meetings and their festivals. In the winter months the company of the Essen Stadt- Theatre gives a play once a fortnight. The con- sumption of beer in 1890 was 1,424,539 1. The general sanitary conditions of the Essen works are under the superintendence of the chief physician of the Hospital. He keeps the mortality records for the large population, and on the basis of these makes his recommendations of special measures to the Sani- tary Commission composed of doctors and overseers 1 The management employs half-invalids as much as possible in making objects for sale, like brushes. WELFARE-INSTITUTIONS IN GERMANY 69 belonging to the works. In 1890 one workman out of a hundred died. For the disposal of household sew- age the barrel system is in use, and the disinfecting apparatus is ample. Some kind of facilities for bathing is provided by the firm in nearly all its different works. At Essen a bath-house was erected in 1874 containing seven bath-rooms, each having a tub, supplied with hot and cold water, and a steam-bath for six persons ; the price of a tub-bath is ten to fifteen pfennige, of a steam-bath one mark: the families of workmen can enjoy this privilege. Shower-baths were introduced later, with success. At the two Hannover mines a bath-house with twenty-eight shower-baths was built in 1890 at an expense of 20,000 m. ; at this some 1,100 miners can have a free bath each day. At Essen warm baths were taken by 4,231 well persons and 2,260 sick persons in the year ending June 30, 1891. The Essen Steel Works had a sick and burial fund, after 1853, which developed a pension fund : this had to be severed from it in 1885. The Sick Fund is much more liberal in its aid than such insti- tutions usually are : men who have served over five years may remain twenty-six weeks on the list. The firm contracts with sixteen physicians: the patient may choose his own doctor : a physician examines each employee on his entrance to the works. Helpers are always ready, day or night, with the needful apparatus for cases of accident. A fund for the relief of sick- ness at home was endowed with 6,000 m. in 1879, and replaced later with a yearly contribution of 3,000 m., and the interest on a later endowment of 40,000 m. Two " Controllers " have the supervision of the sick at home, visiting them and giving necessary assistance. 70 A DIVIDEND TO LABOR Every member of the Sick Fund, by contributing 5 m. a year, secures the service of a physician for such members of his family as are not legally entitled to belong to the fund. The Arbeiterstiftung (to be described soon) advances some 1,200 m. a year for this purpose. The firm supplies the service of a specialist for diseases of women, free of cost : medicines are fur- nished to women and children at a reduced rate. The Krupp Hospital at Essen served originally as barracks for the care of the wounded in the Franco- Prussian war of 1870 : they were given for hospital purposes for the firm's employees in 1872. In 1881 two new pavilions for women and children were added to the older three for men : each pavilion contains thirty beds. From May 1, 1872, to June 30, 1891, there were treated 14,134 workpeople ; in the year ending July 1,1890, there was an average of eighty-five patients under treatment. In its other works the firm has no special hospitals, but it contributes to the hos- pitals of the neighboring community. For epidemic outbreaks the firm is prepared with a special hospital {LazaretK) of six barracks lying north of Essen, and a smaller one at Altendorf , south of that city. When the pension and sick funds of the Krupp firm were separated in 1883, the new Pension Fund received the entire capital of the double fund except 10,000 m. allotted to the new sick fund. The firm contributed, annually, half as much as the sum coming from the employees, until 1891 : since then it has contributed as much as they do. In 1890, 312 men, 357 widows, and 35 orphans, and 15 men on a half- pension received 240,810 m. The balance of the fund from the preceding year was 2,208,851 m. The yearly WELFARE-INSTITUTIONS IN GERMANY 71 contribution of the firm is now some 240,000 m. The number of persons in 1891 who had reached the age qualifying one to receive a pension was more than 3,000. The size of the pension for an employee earn- ing 1,200 m., paid by the works and the State, varies from 600 m. after 20 years of service to 1,030 m. after 40 years. In 1890 Herr F. A. Krupp founded a similar fund for the officials (Beamte) of the firm, with a gift of 500,000 m. All employees are qualified who receive more than 2,000 m. a year ; the fund had increased to 1,450,000 m. by the 1st of July, 1891. The firm deter- mined in 1890 to insure the same class of persons against accidents: the law of 1884 did not apply to them. In case of death resulting from the accident, the family of the deceased receives his full pay for the month in which he died, and for the two months fol- lowing, and a certain percentage for the widow and for each child thereafter, which, altogether, may not exceed sixty per cent, of the salary paid. In case of permanent injury resulting, the insured receives full pay while he is recovering, and after recovery an allowance which may run as high as two thirds, according to the nature of the injury. In order that no class of old people might suffer from the lack of application of the letter of the pension-fund regula- tion of 1884, the firm pays sums in lieu of pensions to widows whose husbands died in consequence of an accident while at work before the accident-insurance law took effect, and to men who had become incapaci- tated for work before the same date. This form of aid required, in 1890, 50,732 m. In 1877 a life-insurance association was founded : 72 A DIVIDEND TO LABOR Herr A. Krupp presented to it 50,000 m., and later 4,000 m. more : the firm contributes, every quarter, a sum equal to half the premiums paid. On account of agreements made by the firm with eight life-insurance companies, peculiar advantages are secured to the person insured : the choice of the company is left to him. The firm takes pains to inform all employees concerning insurance, and it does all the bookkeeping for the association, which thus has no running ex- penses. At the end of 1890 the entire amount in- sured was 3,628,878m., in 2,190 policies, and 564 policies had fallen due and been paid since the for- mation of the association, amounting to 711,564m. A foundation that has for its general object the supplementing of the other philanthropies of the es- tablishment by gifts in case of special need is another admirable feature at the Essen works. How it sup- plies that flexibility and adaptation to individual cir- cumstances too often lacking where charity is abun- dant but mechanical will appear from the regulations. These specify seven distinct classes of persons who may be relieved from this Arbeiterstiftung. For instance, in case of long and severe sickness of a workman, if the relief from the sick fund appears to be insufficient, the management (of whose five mem- bers two are workmen) will supply what is needed. Pensioners who need medicines and medical attend- ance are another class to whom help from the Stif tung is given. Herr F. A. Krupp established this charity with a gift of one million marks, in accordance with the wish of his father, in 1887. The managers of this fund have also authority to use the interest or, in special cases, a part of the capital in setting up WELFARE-INSTITUTIONS IN GERMANY 73 new institutions for the bodily or intellectual welfare of the employees. A Stiftung with somewhat similar aims was also founded by Herr F. A. Krupp in 1887 as a memorial to his father, for the benefit of the city of Essen. The managers of this fund of half a million marks can use the interest to promote any undertakings which, directly or indirectly, aim at the material or moral elevation of the lower classes. Existing institutions may be aided, or individuals be assisted who are in great need, or who desire superior education in science, art or industry. No distinction of creed shall be made. The first plan adopted by the managers was the building of houses for workmen : a considerable number had been erected by 1891. The interest of the Krupp firm in education is shown in numerous ways. In the Altendorf colony the firm has built schoolhouses and defrayed all the expenses of free instruction for some 1,100 pupils (1891), of whom 60 per cent, were evangelical and 40 per cent. Catholic : the schools have libraries and botanic gardens. Fried. Krupp also provides for the Altendorf community school - buildings with twenty rooms, free of charge. The firm practices the same generous educational policy in its other works and mines. In Essen and in Altendorf it substantially supports two secondary (Fortbildung) schools with 1,200 scholars, who (for a moderate fee) receive instruction in drawing, natural science, technical branches, and some modern language. In 1875 the firm opened an Industrial School for women and girls, where they could learn the art of sewing, dressmaking and embroidery, not only for 74 A DIVIDEND TO LABOR household purposes, but also as a means of livelihood : in 1890 the average number in attendance was 186. Four schools in different colonies gave instruction in 1891 to some two thousand children of school age in sewing and knitting. The fee charged is, in case of faithful attendance, returned to the pupils in the form of a savings-bank deposit. A housekeeping school, opened in a special building in 1889, has a course of instruction four months long, in cooking and other household arts: it has twenty-four girl-pupils over fourteen years of age, of whom twelve leave the school every two months : the fee is small, and often remitted. The firm has always given close attention to the education of its apprentices, of whom there were 361 in 1891. They are required to attend the secondary schools mentioned above. In 1890 Herr F. A. Krupp established a yearly contribution of 12,000 m. (/Sti- pendienstiftung}, which should be applied toward the higher technical education of sons of overseers and workmen who had distinguished themselves by their good conduct and their capacity. A club-house (casino) for the officials (Beamte) may be men- tioned here. The building, erected in 1890, has a reading-room (with fifty-four home and foreign news- papers and magazines, and a number of books of general interest), a restaurant and a bowling-alley; a garden is attached. Herr Krupp bears all the ordinary expenses of the Casino. Women and children are not employed in the Krupp works. For workmen who live at a considera- ble distance two dining-halls have been provided. Hot coffee and a milk-roll can be obtained at cost for one hour in the morning and one in the evening : hot- WELFARE-INSTITUTIONS IN GERMANY 75 water stations supply those who wish to make their own coffee. In the hottest months, cold coffee and trinkwasseressenz can be procured by the workmen. Year in and year out a light brandy ration (one eighth of a litre) is supplied free ; the expense of this for the year 189091 was about 19,000 m. In the same year the firm spent over 69,000 m. on clothing for workmen exposed to the climate or to the furnaces. The firm frequently assists with money contributions a great variety of educational and religious institu- tions under the control of third parties, which pro- mote the welfare of their employees. Facilities for savings being ample in Essen and the neighborhood, the Krupp firm has established no sav- ings fund ; but, in several minor ways, it brings the above facilities to the attention of the employees, and assists them to make deposits. In the schools it has various regulations which tend to encourage the saving habit. It will receive from any one belonging to the works sums above 200 m. a month, on which it will pay five per cent, interest : this privilege has been largely enjoyed. The fame of the Krupp works at Essen has gone round the earth, though the elaborate nature of their philanthropic institutions is not so well known. An instance of such institutions on something more like the usual scale of manufactures, but carried on with equal regard for the workman, is afforded by D. Peters & Co., weavers of Neviges and Elberfeld. The most important of their plans is that for housing the five hundred employees (women are employed, but not after they become mothers). On the slopes of the hills surrounding the works the company has 76 A DIVIDEND TO LABOR built model dwelling-houses and has acquired others, seventy-seven in all, of which fifty-two, valued at 160,135 m., have been sold to workmen. Some 73 per cent, of the lot on which the brick house, one and a half stories high, is built is open space, at the side and rear, and is used as a vegetable garden with fruit trees. " Rents are fixed at 8 per cent, of the value of the house, minus 20 per cent, of the annual payments. . . . The rental includes annual installments paid by occupants, who are obliged to become purchasers. Eight per cent, of the value of the house is paid upon assuming possession, and after that 8 per cent, annually until the property is paid for. As 5 per cent, of this is counted as rent, the houses will be fully paid for in seventeen years. . . . When the head of the family has served for one year and over in the employ of the company, 15 per cent, of the amount annually due is deducted ; when he has served five years and over, 20 per cent. ; when he has served ten years and over, 25 per cent. For every child who has been in the employ of the company one year and over, 5 per cent, is deducted. In no case, however, can the total of deductions reach beyond 40 per cent. When the head of the family is not in the employ of the company, but two or more children are, a deduction is also granted, but the amount is fixed in each individual case. The company con- tributes toward the cost of maintenance and repairs. Payments of rent are deducted from weekly wages, but carried quarterly on the books. . . . There is no clause giving the proprietor the right to summarily eject tenants in case of strikes or leaving employment. WELFARE-INSTITUTIONS IN GERMANY 11 ... As a rule, tenancy is permanent." 1 These houses are of varied architecture : they are all within a half mile of the mills: they are well kept, the garden spaces are cultivated, and, with the park near by, the whole settlement makes a very happy impres- sion on the visitor. The firm hope to make room in the same way for perhaps the larger part of their several hundred employees, and for this purpose they have acquired more land in the vicinity. : For purposes of the culture and amusement of their force, the firm built in 1883 and enlarged in 1897 a kind of club-house (Stiftung) called " Wohlfahrt " (Benefit). This is situated in the park near the mills, and nearer the home of the head of the firm, and in similar architectual style : it stands between Herr Peters' house and the Arbeiterkolonie we have been describing. Of very pleasing construction, it con- tains a cooking and housekeeping school for girls and women, "a manual training school for boys in which card-board work, modeling, carpentery, turn- ing and wood-carving are features of instruction, a kindergarten, a hall for children's games, a sewing school for girls, a large hall used for reading, musical and singing societies, and a reading-roorn with a library adjoining." Instruction is given by clerks of the mills in labor-hours. The situation gives this building a fine view, and the terraces and groves of the Peters' park supply room for the open-air festi- vals of the workmen and play-grounds for the chil- dren : the children of the kindergarten (where Herr Peters' daughter has been superintendent) cultivate small flower and vegetable beds. The " Wohlfahrt " 1 My quotations are from Dr. Gould's Eeport, pp. 387-389. 78 A DIVIDEND TO LABOR cost 35,000 m. and the yearly expenses are from 2,000 to 3,000 m. A bath-house was erected in 1896, followed by a steam laundry. The Peters' firm presents one of the best examples of that excellent institution, the workmen's council (Arbeiterausschuss or AeltestenratJi) . Here it has gradually developed from the fund ( Unterstiitzungs- kasse) established by the workmen and the firm together in 1861. The council consists of a partner of the firm, who presides without a vote, and eight members who must be over thirty years old and have seen ten years' service in the works : half of these are named by the firm and half are chosen by the general assembly of the workmen. The council provides for the employees in case of distress or misfortune ; over- sees the moral conduct of the young, and incites them to self -education in their leisure hours ; combats rude- ness and drunkenness ; helps in the faithful obser- vance of the rules and regulations of the factory, and seeks to prevent carelessness and waste. It takes counsel with the firm in regard to changes in the rules or the rates of wages, the hours of work, pro- tection against danger in the mills, and improvement in the quality and increase in the quantity of the product. Herr Peters regards the work of his council as important and valuable, and the institution itself as deserving of wide imitation. The firm formerly had a savings-bank for the mills ; saving was voluntary, but the good- will of the firm did not induce as many workmen to save as could be wished. The question being put to vote, the whole body of workmen unanimously decided that saving should be made obligatory. The amount was fixed, in WELFARE-INSTITUTIONS IN GERMANY 79 1876, at 5 per cent, of wages for the married, and 10 per cent, for the unmarried. The firm adds to the prevailing rate of interest an amount half as large. In 1898 the savings fund was divided into two, one compulsory the other voluntary. In this year the joint fund held about 900 m. for each workman. A small " help fund," supported by the employees since 1866, receives a contribution of 1,000 m. a year from the firm, and also the fines paid in the factory and the income from the baths. The In- valid Fund, providing pensions, has been maintained entirely by the firm ; at the close of 1898 it held 107,605 m. ; its beneficent work is supplemented by a Widows and Orphans' Fund. All the welfare-funds of the firm now amount to 798,356 m. The institu- tions are now the special charge of a Wohlfahrts- kasse, with a capital of 20,000 m., which is considered a fellow-worker with the firm, the general assembly and the council. Herr P. Brandts, in his weaving establishment at Munchen-Gladbach, is a fine example of the Catholic patriarchal employer of Germany who would combat Social-Democracy with welfare-institutions. Believing that working-people are a reasonable body, on the whole, he thinks them likely to be much influenced by an employer who plainly has their welfare at heart. "We will not sharply draw the line between justice and kindness : the farther the sphere of kindness extends, the greater is the result." Herr Brandts excludes from his factory all mature women, and children under fourteen years of age. Experience has shown that women seldom take work elsewhere in con- sequence of this prohibition. At the birth of a child 80 A DIVIDEND TO LABOR a small present is made to the parents by the Unter- stiitzungskasse (support fund). The overseers are required to set a good example of moral and religious fidelity to the workpeople, and to maintain a moral spirit in the factory : improper language, unbecoming songs and the like are strictly forbidden. Young people, unmarried, who lodge away from home, with- out their parents' consent, are at once discharged : girls especially must live at home. The behavior of workpeople, outside of work-hours, is an object of con- sideration. Social intercourse of the sexes is forbid- den in the factory, and propriety must be observed outside, under pain of dismissal. Young persons' wages are paid to their parents. When a woman worker is married, Herr Brandts makes her a present of a linen outfit ; widows are aided in the care and education of their children. Premiums are given for punctuality and for any excess of earnings over the average, as figured in the rules of the firm. " An earnest word " prefixed to these rules reminded the employees that dram-drinking in the factory had greatly increased, and that it fatally leads the young into temptation. A premium of one mark a month was offered for abstinence from spiritu- ous liquors : and this is paid to any male employee over sixteen who deposits a slip in a closed box, de- claring on his faith and honor that he has not touched alcohol in any form during the past month. The confidence thus shown by the firm has been fully jus- tified : no liquor is drunk on the premises, and a third of the employees, on the average, receive the pre- mium. Careful and paternal arrangements are made to WELFARE-INSTITUTIONS IN GERMANY 81 encourage savings, which receive from 4 to 6 per cent, interest, according to the size of the deposit. Workpeople who have served ten years in the factory have a savings-book given them on their birthday with fifty marks to their credit : the firm undertakes the care of these savings without charge. 1 A Savings Union {Sparverein) for married workmen, although membership is entirely voluntary, counts as members all who are qualified under the rules. A mutual aid society for men and women makes loans without in- terest, or gifts to those in unusual need, even before their savings are exhausted ; the firm guarantees five per cent, on the balances of the society. No family belonging to the Brandts factory is ever obliged to ask for charity from the town authorities. Herr Brandts holds a special half-hour once a week at the disposal of his employees who may wish to see him in his private office. " It goes without saying that in pressing cases every workman is at liberty to come to me at any time of the day." The Work- men's Council is a more formal means of commu- nication between the head of the house and the employees. It consists of the president of the Sick Fund, four representatives of the firm, and eight workpeople, men or women. It can call to its aid special representatives of different departments of the factory ( Vertrauensmanner~). This Arbeitervor- stand, formed in 1873, keeps a careful oversight of the manners and morals of the whole force, and en- deavors to settle all difficulties before they become formidable. It advised that the rule be made about 1 If a deposit is marked " Rent-money," it can be withdrawn with- out notice. 82 A DIVIDEND TO LABOR the payment of young people's wages to their parents : it warns or dismisses incompetent or unfaithful or immoral workers, and, in general, saves much friction which might otherwise result, and accumulates a moral capital, as the years go by, which is of great value to all parties concerned. The firm displays its interest in the comfort of its people in numerous minor matters. The large lunch- room has rush-bottomed chairs, and tables for small groups : a quarter of an hour for coffee breaks the afternoon work: young workers have half an hour intermission, morning and afternoon : the wash-rooms are supplemented by clothes-rooms, where the em- ployees can change their ordinary garments for work dress ; baths can be taken at any time of the day in the tubs provided by the firm twenty-five minutes are allowed, and the fee, five pfennige, goes to the Arbeiterkasse. Children of workmen, under school age but over three years, may be sent to a kindergarten kept in the St. Joseph's House, a fine three-story building of brick and stone, surrounded by gardens and a park. The latter is a playground for the children of the factory in their free hours, and is provided with gym- nastic apparatus : not even the smallest thefts of fruit have been committed of recent years. A sewing- school, at which attendance once a week is compulsory for young women under eighteen, is kept two even- ings a week for an hour and a quarter before the close of the working-day in this house, which is a general headquarters for the musical and social assemblages of the employees. A small library, dining-rooms for 96 persons, a kitchen capable of cooking for 180, and a WELFARE-INSTITUTIONS IN GERMANY 83 cooking-school for girls are to be found here. The firm supplies the instruments of the Verein for vocal and instrumental music, of which it remains the owner. Herr Max Roesler was for many years at the head of the earthenware manufactory in Schlierbach, near Wachtersbach in Cassel. He declared in his parting address to the employees (over 400) that he had en- deavored to transform the relation between workman and employer, from one of mere obedience on one side and a mere wages-connection on the other, into a true association of labor, in which every one, from highest to lowest, should work zealously and faithfully " for our factory, for our Prince, for our community." In this honorable effort he found a small weekly paper, which he established, of much help. The " Schlier- bacher Fabrikbote" (Factory Messenger) contained the news of the establishment, announcements of changes in the regulations, explanations of new pro- cesses or inventions, personal items of interest, and communications from Herr Roesler concerning the life and work of the community. An Aeltestencollegium (council of senior workmen) discharges similar functions to those exercised by Herr Brandts' Arbeitervorstand, but with numerous varia- tions in its constitution. The head of the firm must approve the decrees of the collegium : he can modify them and refer them back to that body. There is a central body, and sections for different departments of the establishment. 1 The collegium, in connection with the other authorities, has the special direction and oversight of the apprentices. " In all cases it 1 The porcelain painters were allowed to choose their own super- intendent. 84 A DIVIDEND TO LABOR has worked excellently and is highly respected by all the workmen." Herr Roesler divided the young unmarried workmen among separate houses, each of which has a woman of mature years as a housekeeper. Houses which are built for the benefit of employees are left subject to minor changes within or without, according to the pleasure of the future tenants. " The Aeltesten have decided that no one can marry who has not spoken to the master." If any work- man sets up a household before the council of his department judges him capable of supporting one, he must leave the community. The bride receives, in every approved case, a full table service from the firm. Herr Roesler's wife in the " Fabrikbote " gave good counsel to the women, telling them how to keep their husbands from frequenting the saloons too often, by making home more attractive to them ; but she advised them not to oppose the natural desire of the workman for occasional sociability with good comrades at the tavern : "a drink at the right time is not al- ways the ' care-bringer,' it may be a ' care-breaker. ' " The overseers are provided with books of the factory savings-bank, so as to give every one opportunity to follow up at once an impulse to thrift : on account of such facilities the business of a penny savings-bank that had been established steadily declined. Men on military service could have their savings sent to them. A musical union in a factory was rightly considered by Herr Roesler a means of grace ; in so music-loving a country as Germany, his exhortations to his work- people to join the Verein of the factory were not WELFARE-INSTITUTIONS IN GERMANY 85 unheeded. This excellent " cement " of friendly feelings between the owner of the works and the employees is conspicuous at Schlierbach, vocal and instrumental music being equally favored. The various holidays and the birthday of the head of the works are musically celebrated. The chorus is also a fire-guard. Gymnastics are required of all male members of the factory force: they join the Turn- verein, and thus get a valuable preparation for their army service. The cultivation of fruit and flowers and the keeping of bees are successfully encouraged at Schlierbach. The bleachery and dyeing and printing works of W. Spindler employ some 2,100 workers at Spind- lersfeld, Copenick, near Berlin. The industry being in good condition early in the year 1872, and wages having risen considerably, Herr Spindler instituted a fund for compulsory savings (reserved from the pay- ment of wages) : until March 31, 1886, these received 8 per cent, interest, and since that time 6 per cent. The workman can draw out every quarter what sum he pleases, leaving but a definite small amount as an inalienable balance, which can be drawn only in exceptional circumstances. In 1874 this fund was supplemented with another for the superior employees (Beamte), who receive the same interest on their deposits. Up to the end of 1898 there had been deposited 2,267,658 m. ; the interest had amounted to 237,693 m., making a total of 2,505,351 m. At this time there was on deposit the sum of 240,010 m. Over fifty of the depositors had had accounts from the begin- ning. Many of the employees regularly avail them- selves of the privilege of the quarterly withdrawal, 86 A DIVIDEND TO LABOR leaving only the required balance to their credit : still about half the men and one quarter of the women are steady depositors. The Beamtensparkasse held on deposit at the same date, 103,967 m. The capital of the Invalid and Pension Fund of the Spindler estab- lishment amounted to 798,687 m., on the first of Jan- uary, 1898 : interest for that year was 39,934 m., the annual contribution of the firm, 31,072 m., and ex- traordinary contributions by the firm were 51,370 m., making a total of 921,063 m. For pensions (amount- ing to one quarter or one half of the wages last paid) and to widows and orphans there was paid out a total of 27,064 m. The Accident Fund held 102,683 m. on January 1, 1898 : only 312 m. needed to be paid out in 1898 on account of accidents. The contribution formerly made by the firm now meets the legal demand of the present law of accident insurance. The Sick Fund had, in 1894, 2,160 members : its receipts were 57,842 m., and its expenses 55,361 m. Men on mil- itary service receive half-pay from the firm. Short vacations of a week or less are granted to workers in the summer : to the Beamte, two weeks or less. In the secondary school for apprentices fourteen to seven- teen years old, kept in the evening, there were three classes and sixty-six pupils : as the apprentices were at work from 6 A. M. to 6.30 P. M., and lost their even- ing recreation because of compulsory attendance, it is natural that they always rejoiced over the ending of the required terms. Since 1894 the apprentices attend school in Copenick at the expense of the firm. The library is a comparatively common institution in large German industrial establishments ; Herr Spind- ler's had 2,800 volumes in its general division and WELFARE-INSTITUTIONS IN GERMANY 87 900 in its technical division in 1896 : the tech- nical books were drawn only for business purposes, while at Spindlersfeld, as elsewhere, the usual and natural reading of these workers on long hours is novels and illustrated books. Out of 2,000 workers, 775 used the library and 8,727 books were taken out. The Spindler works have an elaborate provision of baths for the force employed. A bathing-house for each sex is built over the Spree for summer use : instruction and use of these baths are free. For the warm baths, tub or shower, Russian, Roman, sitz, etc., a fee is charged. The dining-hall (Speisehaus) contains two large eating-rooms for the 1,200 employees who live too far away to go home at noon : food and drink are sold at low prices through the day. The recreation house (Erholungshaus) has a room for the kindergarten : a theatre for all kinds of enter- tainment ; a reading-room and a billiard-room : a bowling alley and a boat-club afford other opportuni- ties for physical exercises. A course of lectures of a popular character is given every winter, but the attendance is small, running from seventy to one hundred persons : probably the long hours of work are the chief reason. The Augsburg Carding and Spinning Mills pur- chased in 1873 for operatives' homes a tract of ground near the mills and opposite the building intended to serve as headquarters for the welfare-institutions. Eighteen houses accommodated 118 families in 1893 : the houses are surrounded by gardens and lawns with trees and arbors. As at Spindlersfeld, there is here a dining-hall for those who wish to buy their dinner or to warm the food they have brought from 88 A DIVIDEND TO LABOR home. The building has pleasant surroundings and can accommodate 348 persons : it is open from 6.30 A. M. to 6 P. M., and it feeds daily some 300 persons : the warming ovens are used somewhat more than the cooking-ranges. The owners have taken pains that the seats at the dining-tables shall be so constructed as to allow of a comfortable after-dinner nap ! A long one-story building contains excellent bathing arrangements. These are open free of cost to the force, each workman being allowed thirty minutes : in the other thirty minutes of each hour the bath-room is cleaned : each bather receives a towel, a piece of soap (used but once) and a comb cleaned expressly for him. With 1,000 persons employed, 120 baths on an average are taken each day, all but a few availing themselves of the privilege. To accommodate the members of the families of clerks and employees, who do not themselves work in the mills, with similar facili- ties for bathing, and to provide laundry conveniences for families living near, another building was erected later. The laundry is open from 6 A. M. to 9 P. M. A separate wash-room is provided for each woman ; no charge is made for the use of it or of the drying-room. Mothers using this public laundry who have small children can leave them in the waiting-room in care of the attendants until their work is done. In 1890 the 186 families in the Arbeiterkolonie and the im- mediate neighborhood (with 33 single women) did 7,644 washings and took 2,396 baths, children not counted. In a roomy workman's dwelling Herr Mehl, the head of the works, has established an infant school for the very youngest children, under the care of the WELFARE-INSTITUTIONS IN GERMANY 89 capable widow of a workman. She also receives a certain number of young girls from the factory, whom she instructs in housekeeping, and especially in the care of infants and children. A girl who has been employed several years in the works may expect to serve her turn in the infant school as a reward for good conduct. She works half a day in the factory, morning or afternoon, and the other half in the school, receiving whole-day wages from the mill. Nearly all the girls thus take their turn. An hour's service of worship for the children is held every Sunday morning, in a former school-hall in the welfare-institutions build- ing : from forty to fifty children attend. In the same room is a small library of books for young children over five years : the room is open from two o'clock P. M. to four on Sundays and holidays : the attendance varies greatly according to the season and the weather. The giving out of apples, from the trees on the grounds, has been found to stimulate regularity ! In the same building is the library and the reading and writing room for older persons : the smaller use of these advan- tages, as compared with other factories, is accounted for by the fact that only a quarter part of the workers live near the library. The Prussian Government has shown an interest in the housing of the employees in its State mines, foundries and salt works since the time of Frederick the Great. It has promoted the settling of miners and salt-workers by advances and premiums on building, with or without pro- vision of a site. To the workman in the Saarbruck mines wishing to build, for instance, the Cabinet allows premiums running from 250 to 300 thalers, and a loan without interest of 500 thalers, which is to be reduced by a yearly payment 90 A DIVIDEND TO LABOR of 10 per cent. In these coal mines, between 1842 and 1891 inclusive, 5,264 miners received building premiums amounting to 3,787,950 m. ; and 2,944 have received ad- vances without interest, amounting to 4,117,050 m. In all Prussia, between 1865 and 1891 premiums of 3,471,815 m. and loans of 6,050,545 m. were paid out. At Saarbruck 42 per cent, of the workmen own the houses in which they live : in the Halle mines 27 per cent, and in the upper Harz region 25 per cent. The Lower-Rhenish-Westphalian Min- ing District is the largest organization of mines on the Continent. Its authorities supervise nearly 180 coal mines, with a yearly output of more than 50,000,000 tons and a working force of more than 200,000 men. " These mines have welfare-institutions of the most diverse and generous kinds," for the most part not mentioned in Dr. Post's work. 1 Villeroy and Boch, who own large earthenware and mosaic works at Mettlach, have elaborate plans for housing their employees. Up to 1895 they had built houses for 152 families at a cost, including ground, of 517,264 m. : 111,365 m. had been repaid in install- ments by January 1, 1893. The firm gives the work- men a choice of thirteen different styles, thus secur- ing desirable variety : the firm prefers, itself, double houses with one family in each part. A house of this kind, one and a half stories high, has a lot of 7,535 square feet, of which 6,313 feet make a vegetable garden, usually ; 23 feet of space lie between the houses. "The streets are lighted with gas. ... A cooking-range and two heating stoves are placed in each dwelling : " each tenement has four rooms. The ground is sold at actual cost : 5 per cent, of the total cost is paid annually 3 per cent, being interest on capital, and 2 per cent, payment on the principal. 1 Communication from the chief of the Oberbergamt at Dortmund. WELFARE-INSTITUTIONS IN GERMANY 91 Similar lodgings in the vicinity cost as much again. For the first ten years the house remains the property of the firm, but the tenancy must continue unless the workman quits the service or fails to pay promptly. At the end of the ten years the tenant can return the house to the owners and the money which he has paid on the principal will be returned to him, or he can become himself the owner by continuing his pay- ments as before. " This will, however, be the mini- mum amount that can be paid annually." He may liquidate the price (the original cost) at any time in larger amounts. During the first ten years the firm pays for ordinary repairs and insurance: alterations and additions may be made, and the expense added to the purchase price. Rents are paid monthly. In case the tenant leaves the employment of the firm, he may be summarily ejected. Villeroy and Boch, like the Krupp firm, contribute to the Pensionskasse a sum equal to that contributed by the workpeople. Years well spent in military ser- vice are regarded as years spent in the factory, if a man has served two years altogether and marries, and the firm presents him an outfit of household goods from the factory. The wages of young workers must be paid by them to their parents, by agreement : a committee of four members of the Brotherhood of St. Andrew (the association corresponding to the Aelte- stencollegium in other factories) has the oversight of these minors, who are forbidden to visit taverns, to smoke, or to carry arms. A punishment sometimes decreed by the committee is that the offender shall copy a chapter of the " Compass for Youthful Work- men," which is in the hands of all, so as to impress its contents on his mind ! 92 A DIVIDEND TO LABOR A boarding and lodging house for young women and young men, whose homes are at a distance, is a substantial building, superintended by the Sisters of St. Borromeo, who give instruction in the elements of the housekeeping art. Sewing-machines are bought by the firm for women who wish for them and can pay the price in installments. The boarding and lodging house sheltered 220 young women in 188788, and sold 60,232 portions for breakfast, 63,639 for din- ner, and 51,447 for supper. A hall for meetings and for social purposes, built over a store owned by the firm, may be used gratuitously by the employees. A Turnverein and a musical association, usual organiza- tions in a large German factory, find headquarters here. The firm has steadily developed its institutions in recent years. Arlen in Baden, half way between Constance and Schaff- hausen, is a place created by the spinning and weaving factories established in 1837 by Herr M. H. Ten Brink ; the firm now employs 1,200 persons. Herr Ten Brink's son, the present owner, has established a great variety of beneficent institutions for his workpeople, in addition to the obligatory insurance against illness, accidents and old age prescribed by the laws of the empire. These institu- tions include the well-endowed Heinrich hospital of twenty beds ; free consultation with the firm's doctor ; baths ; eco- nomical kitchens for providing the midday meal for the workpeople ; two cooperative companies which supply gro- ceries, etc., at the lowest prices ; two libraries of 800 vol- umes each ; infant schools which have been endowed and made over to the commune ; besides a home boarding- school, wherein young girls those already employed in the factories are taught all the branches of a useful educa- tion. In this school the girls pay twelve cents per day, the WELFARE-INSTITUTIONS IN GERMANY 93 remaining expense being borne by the firm ; a number of the girls have already the equivalent of several hundred dollars in the savings-bank. For such as have left school, recreation halls are provided under the direction of competent and sympathetic women. These places, to which the young girls come to read, sing, or do needlework, are a great resource in the winter even- ings and on Sunday. Others of a similar kind are open to young men. The great care taken of the young girls, together with the fact that those who misbehave themselves are immediately excluded from the workshops, has pro- duced the happiest results, there being but two per cent, of illegitimate births (and this has been the case for many years) in the communes which surround the factories. In the interest of mothers of families there is what is called a " housekeeping sister," who goes from one home to another, giving informal lessons in cooking and domestic thrift herself providing the materials for many of those inexpensive but nourishing dishes which are to be seen daily on the tables of well-to-do people, but which the poor are usually the last to adopt. This little scheme, only recently introduced, is already most successful, the sister bringing an element of variety as well as of distinct assistance into the hard lives of the women. There are also at Arlen two savings-banks, with sufficient capital to pay five per cent, interest on the deposits of the active workpeople, while pensioners and certain classes of employees receive four per cent. The yearly deposits aver- age $7,500. Herr Ten Brink has built a great number of detached houses in the neighborhood of the factories, the larger ones containing three bedrooms as well as a kitchen and living-room. Those for smaller families have two bedrooms only, but all possess a wholesome cellar, an attic, and a garden. These houses are sold to the work- men at cost, and on such easy terms ($50 down and the remainder in monthly installments) that three fourths of them are sold and one half entirely paid for. If a work- 94 A DIVIDEND TO LABOR man has saved 300 m. towards a house, Herr Ten Brink makes him a gift of 500 m. " Our experience is that the workman who owns his house becomes thereby a strong factor in the cause of morality and order." He is not a believer in the system of profit sharing, and it is replaced in his establishment by " gratifications," made in propor- tion to the length of time (after five years) which each man or woman has been in his employ, and credited to them in one of the savings-banks. Wages are paid to employees just as long as they are able to do a minimum of really good work, while the pensions to the disabled and the superannuated are on a higher scale than is exacted by law. At the present time twenty pen- sioners receive between $50 and $75 annually. The results of the social organization of Arlen may be summed up as follows : The material condition of the work- people leaves nothing reasonable to be desired. From the outset they are beyond the reach of want those of them at least who take advantage of these provident schemes ; they usually become owners of their little homes, and at sixty years of age may possess a comfortable capital, quite independent of what they have amassed by their savings, and, most important of all, they regard their own pro- sperity as essentially bound up with the prosperity of the factories and that of the Ten Brink family. Their interest is therefore to produce the best work with the least possible waste of time and material. Moreover, the industrial peace of Arlen is absolutely undisturbed. 1 The North German Jute Spinning and "Weaving Factory at Schiffbeck, near Hamburg, is honorably distinguished for the fine schools which it maintains, costing some 50,000 m. to build, and 5,000 m. a year to support. The edifice has gardens in the rear, 1 The above account is taken with slight abridgment from a letter in the Evening Post of New York, dated at Arlen, November 17, 1898. WELFARE-INSTITUTIONS IN GERMANY 95 provided with gymnastic apparatus. The boys between twelve and fourteen years of age employed in the factory receive instruction in the forenoon from eight o'clock to eleven o'clock, and work in the afternoon ; the girls of the same age work in the morning and attend school in the afternoon. The pupils have lessons, from a capable student in a training college (Semi- narist), in reading, writing, arithmetic, the German language and history, and religion. In 1888 there were fifty boys and fifty-four girls in attendance. " The children instructed in the factory school have become the most modest, well-behaved and diligent workers." A secondary school for older scholars who wish to go farther in the pursuit of knowledge was established in 1885, with twenty-five pupils : in 1888 there were thirty-five. Attendance is compulsory, but does not need to be such for the boys who have attended the lower school : new-comers, on the other hand, would not attend of their own accord, but they are soon brought up to the same level of willingness to learn. Music and drawing are added to the earlier studies. This school is necessarily held in the even- ing, after the day's work is over, for an hour, or an hour and a half. Fines for non-attendance go to make up prizes for especially diligent scholars. Three savings-books prizes are given to the three who excel all others. The scholars form a Turnverein, exercising twice a week; this feature naturally increases the interest in the regular school lessons. The girls in the factory school are instructed for two hours on Saturday afternoon in sewing, darning, knitting, and mending. All these schools are at the expense of the firm. The teachers help greatly in preserving plea- 96 A DIVIDEND TO LABOR sant relations between the workpeople and the em- ployers. This firm has spent 400,000 m. in the erection of 166 dwellings for its force. The rents vary from 2 to 3 1 m. a week: houses are sold for an annual payment of 4 per cent, for rent, 2 per cent, as pay- ment on the principal, and three fourths of 1 per cent, for expenses. The firm insures the household goods of the tenants against fire. Herr Meyer, the director of the works, learned from experience that the factory savings-bank would have no success un- less savings were made compulsory. He instituted a new compulsory arrangement at a time when a rise in wages was granted, and retained a sum about the size of this increase : all has gone well since. The Workingmen's Council called the attention of the firm to the fact that the retail dealers in Schiffbeck gave long credit to the men, and reimbursed themselves by charging from 10 to 25 per cent, above the prices in Hamburg. The council proposed the establish- ment of a cooperative store for the works. The pro- posal was approved and the store, established with 10,000 m. capital, has paid a 6 per cent, dividend since : it has 750 members and does a business of 120,000 m. yearly. Prices in Schiffbeck were lowered some 15 per cent. The firm gives substantial aid to the store. In connection with the sick fund it en- gages two physicians, who may be consulted twice a week in a room set apart for them : a sick-room with a medicine shelf affords other relief. A creche ; a large club-room with a system of low-priced lunches, and rooms for reading and billiards ; a library, an aid fund, a summer-house system, instruction for young WELFARE-INSTITUTIONS IN GERMANY 97 women in cooking- and housekeeping, and a band and fire-guard are other institutions at Schiffbeck, where there are now 1,500 employees. At Ostritz, Oskar- strom and Bischweiler the company has some 2,900 operatives for whom it makes similar arrangements. Among the most attractive houses erected by Ger- man employers for workpeople are those at Dornbirn, eight miles south of Lake Constance, in the Tyrol. Here Herr F. M. Hammerle has a large cotton-mill. The dwellings (one story or two stories) are rented or can be acquired by monthly payments. Some have room in the outbuilding for the family cow, while the houses are solidly and very tastefully built, in a home- like style. Artistically grouped, they stand apart in garden grounds, mostly shaded by fruit-trees, and look- ing upon beautiful mountain scenery. The two-story houses, for rent to two families, have verandas on the gable-end, round the pillars of which climbing plants coil. These verandas render possible a great deal of life in the open air at meal-time in pleasant weather, and on Sundays. In winter the large kitchen serves well as an eating-room. A tenement of this kind, with a garden and pasturage, brings 80 florins a year : without, 60fl. The houses for sale range in price from 2,600 to 3,600 fl. : the monthly payments vary from 20 to 35 fl. : great accommodation is given to the would-be home-owners. The Bochum (five miles from Essen) Company for Mining and Cast-Steel Manufacture has built up " col- onies " after the same style as those of the Krupp establish- ment : a dozen of these colonies contain, altogether, 1,450 tenements for the married workmen ; a considerable num- ber of families occupy one house. A very large four-story 98 A DIVIDEND TO LABOR lodging-house has 150 rooms, in each of which from four to twelve single men sleep. A great dining-hall in the rear will accommodate 1,000 men with dinner and supper at moderate prices: an orchestrion plays during the noon hour : a slaughter-house supplies the meats used. The expense of the double building was, in 1891-92, 36,000 m. Besides the baths in the lodging-house, the company main- tains a large steam-heated wash-building (Waschkasse) with 800 lockers and four bathing-houses connected with it. On the company's farm are kept 120 cows, whose milk and butter are sold to workpeople at low prices. The company supports a kindergarten for 300 children, and a housekeep- ing school for 50 girls. A shop where convalescents and others incapable of full work make brushes, for some two marks a day, is self-supporting. Dr. H. Traun is now the sole director of the Har- burg Rubber Comb Company, which employs over 1,200 persons at Wandsbeck, three miles from Ham- burg, and in its other works. He has erected for them a number of houses in a pleasing variety of architecture. Nine one and a half story dwellings are usually built in a connected row, and surrounded by a garden ; the middle dwelling has two free tenements for invalids. Rents are so adjusted that the company receives about 2^ per cent, on its investment. It keeps up a collective fire-insurance policy on the ten- ants' furniture. In 1898, 538 workmen were thus insured for 1,150,250 m. Dr. Traun gave up this building system for several reasons and started a building society, which is now very flourishing, with 1,264 members. A rent -savings fund has largely done away with the advances from other funds once quite regularly made. A privatunterstiitzungskasse supplements the usual krankenkasse, with its compul- WELFARE-INSTITUTIONS IN GERMANY 99 sory and voluntary contributions ; it provides fairly well for the sick, for burial expenses, for widows and orphans, and for pensions ; the company contributes the same sum as the employees. In 1898 the ex- penses were 15,578 m. and the capital 188,139 m. The Friedrich Traun Foundation, established by his three sons as a memorial in 1881, further supplements the work of the fund just named, and expends modest sums for purposes of culture and amusement. The capital was 10,000 m. at first, to which Dr. H. Traun has added over 6,000 m. since. In 1891 the com- pany expended under this account 6,570 m. (to the interest on the foundation it had added over 5,000 m.). This amount went for these several purposes : a Christ- mas gift of 100 m. to a workman who had served fifty years ; Christmas presents of money and pro- visions to widows, orphans and others in need ; for wedding and christening presents (twenty marks and ten marks each) ; school fees in the Hamburg Trade School and the Continuation Course of the Arbei- terbildungsverein ; l musical instruction and instru- ments (2,315 m.) ; 2 sickness and special need, includ- ing widows and pensioners not sufficiently provided for otherwise ; sending children into the country in summer (Ferienkolonien), and the services of a dea- coness in the homes of the sick or destitute. A minor feature of special interest in this Rubber Comb Company's relations with its employees is its 1 The firm laments the small number of those anxious to attend the trade school (16 in 1891) or the continuation course (5). It pays other school fees in cases of need. 2 A Gesangverein, " Freundschaft," counts twenty-eight members^ and a Horn Chorus thirteen ; the Gesangverein " Leopoldus " contrib- utes to the musical expenses. 100 A DIVIDEND TO LABOR Coffee-Kitchen. Its primary object was to give the workpeople a substitute for the quite unusable Ham- burg water supply. It was planned on the model of the Hamburg Coffee-Houses, and was controlled by the workmen. The six workmen on the committee of the Privatunterstiitzungskasse attend to the buying, the preparation and the selling of the coffee, making a monthly report to the firm. The drink is given out on checks. The price has been reduced two or three times : at first 4 pfennige for a cup containing four tenths of a litre, it is now 2 1- pf . The demand was at first 200 litres a week, and had risen to 2,400 litres in 1895. The company bears the expense of the kitchen, the service and the heating. The experience of the kitchen during the cholera epidemic of 1892 deserves mention. Dr. Traun wrote on the 12th of Septem- ber : " Immediately after the outbreak of the epi- demic, on August 16, all the Elbe water in the Ham- burg factory was shut off. The coffee was reduced to 2 pf., and water boiled and then cooled was fur- nished free. The use of coffee rose to 1,648 litres a week, although the number of persons employed had fallen to some 600. Of the nearly 100 workmen living in Harburg, who work in Hamburg, and take breakfast, dinner and supper in the Hamburg factory in the coffee - kitchen, not one has yet fallen sick, while numerous workmen taking their meals in their homes in Hamburg were attacked by the plague. Such a blessed result of the coffee-kitchen no one had hoped or expected." The firm supports a library of 1,000 volumes and distributes free 100 copies of the weekly paper, " Der Arbeiterfreund." In 1895 it purchased 100 sewing- WELFARE-INSTITUTIONS IN GERMANY 101 machines for the workmen's wives, to be paid for in weekly installments of 1.50 m., and 200 bicycles for the men at the same rate : an old employee cares for these wheels in a building erected for them, in return for his rent. The Lead and Silver Works at Ems, with 1,400 employees, has, for their use, three well-equipped institu- tions. The lodging and boarding house for men is a large building costing 90,000 m., two stories high t in the middle and three stories in the wings. It is surrounded by gar- dens and fields and can accommodate 300 men in its 40 sleeping-rooms, in each of which are three to seven beds : the building is heated by a warm-water apparatus, and has a number of warm baths. The dining-hall will seat 300 persons, and there is a workmen's library adjoining. In the morning and afternoon coffee can be obtained by any one, and meals are furnished at noon and night. A second house of the same kind is to be found at the mine in Ems- bachthal. In 1891 both houses received 10,292 m. for lodg- ing (Schlafgeld) and 23,363 m. for food. Of coffee, 155,744 morning portions were sold, and 149,644 afternoon por- tions : 53,658 dinners and 36,601 suppers were provided. The cooperative store established in 1875 sells goods at such reduced prices as to leave a small surplus at the end of the year, a part of which goes to the reserve fund arid the remainder to the members in the form of a dividend. The bakery attached caused a notable reduction in the price of bread, especially as the store sells to all applicants, whether members or not. A shoe-shop is another feature. In 1891-92 the store did a business of 475,448 m., of which 30,893 m. were profit ; the dividend was 8 J per cent. The number of members, very small at first because of the sus- picions of the employees, had increased to 633 in 1892, partly because the company in 1876 decided to rent houses and make advances only to workmen who were members, but mainly because of the effect of the earlier dividends and 102 A DIVIDEND TO LABOR the fall in the price of bread due to the bakery. The admirable school-building of the works accommodates 165 children in its four rooms ; each child costs the firm for its education thirty-one marks a year. Herr Heinrich Freese, the head of the Hamburg- Berlin Venetian-Blind Factory (the main house is in Berlin, with three branches elsewhere), is a pro- found believer, on the basis of his own experience, in the Workman's Council. In his establishment such a council (Arbeitervertretung) was set up in 1884. It consists of four persons named by the firm and eleven by the workmen (100-120) annually. Work- people who wish to attend the meetings of the council as spectators are allowed to do so. The last matter in the order of the day for each meeting is " wishes and grievances of workers " (Wiinsche und Besch- werden) ; under this head any employee has full op- portunity to make known any desire or complaint he cherishes. The activity of the council may be seen in these instances. In 1884 it regulated the sale of beer in the factory. (Good beer is bought at whole- sale rates and supplied to the employees at a moderate price, and a yearly profit is made (7,443 m. at the end of 1898), which goes, one half to the buyers of beer and one half to a savings fund). In 1887 the council introduced a system of modest compulsory savings from the weekly wages. These receive six per cent, interest, and are repaid to the depositors at Christmas- time: in 1898 they amounted to 4,889m. In 1895 the Support Fund, a supplement to the Provident Fund, was created : it had paid out, to the end of 1898, 6,511 m., and owned, at the end of the year 1897, 5,042 m. WELFARE-INSTITUTIONS IN GERMANY 103 All changes in the rules of the factory and the business are to be approved by the body of workers : a one-sided alteration of the labor contract is not per- missible. A general assembly of this kind in 1890 discussed the project of shortening the labor-day. According to its decision, the council voted, April 28, that the eight-hour day must be rejected as im- practicable, and that the proposal of the firm to introduce a nine-hour day without reduction of wages be accepted. On the 31st of December, 1891, the firm made a scale of wages (Akkordtarife) for two years to come ; a trial of an eight-hour day was made in January and February, and the workmen agreed to accept this scale for the shorter day, for it had become plain that in eight hours they did as much as before and saved the firm some waste. The men on day- wages, it was agreed, should receive the same wages as previously. In summer and winter alike, the men stop work at five o'clock in the afternoon. In 1891 the council established a factory library, under the direction of a committee : the choice of books is prac- tically in the hands of the workpeople. Profit-sharing has been in effect since 1890. Says Herr Freese : " The novelty of the institution [the council] will doubtless offer some difficulties at first, but these are not to be compared with the advantages : from my own experience I can emphatically advocate the legal introduction of Workmen's Councils." An example of the effectiveness of a support fund (Unter- stUtzungskasse) on a small scale is afforded by the printing- house of B. G. Teubner in Leipzig. It was established in 1869 for employees of four years' standing. For every employee in the house (with the exception of apprentices and 104 A DIVIDEND TO LABOR school children employed) the firm pays 10 pfennige a week into the fund : 10 per cent, of this must go to the reserve : the employees make no contribution. A council chosen partly by them distributes the aid given out. In 1897-98 the sum given by the firm was 1,761 m. : 1,300 m. were allotted ; the reserve fund had increased to 46,515 m. In 1891 a spe- cial vacation fund was established from the reserve. For an eight-day outing a workman might receive 30 m. : an assistant or a woman, 20 m. : in 1897-98, 560 m. paid for the vacations of 22 workmen. From the " Personal Recollections " of the distinguished electrician, Werner von Siemens, written in 1892, I take the following account of the provision for their employees made by the great Siemens establishments in Berlin (Siemens und Halske) and London : " It had very early become clear to me that a satisfactory development of the continually growing firm must depend on securing the hearty, spontaneous cooperation of all the workers for the furtherance of its interests. To attain this, it seemed to me essential that all who belonged to the firm should share in the profits according to their performances. As my brothers acceded to my view, this principle came to be adopted in all our establishments. Arrangements to that end were settled at the celebration of the twenty-fifth anniversary of the original Berlin firm in the autumn of 1872. We then determined that a considerable portion of the yearly profits should regularly be set aside for allowing a percentage to officials proportionate to their salaries and bonuses to workmen, and as a reserve fund for necessitous cases. Moreover, we presented the collective body of work- ers with a capital stock of 9,000 for an old age and invalid fund, the firm agreeing to pay every year to the account of the managers of the fund, chosen directly by those inter- ested, fifteen shillings for each workman and thirty shillings for each official who had served in the business uninterrupt- edly for a twelvemonth. 1 1 Since 1896-97 this contribution has been doubled for the 7,218 WELFARE-INSTITUTIONS IN GERMANY 105 "These arrangements have worked remarkably well dur- ing the nearly twenty years of their existence. Officials and workmen regard themselves as a permanent part of the firm, and identify its interests with their own. It is seldom that officials give up their position, since they see their future assured in the service of the firm. The workmen also re- main permanently attached to the firm, as the amount of the pension rises with the uninterrupted period of service. After thirty years' continuous service the full old-age pen- sion commences with two thirds of the wages, and that this is of practical importance is proved by the respectable num- ber of old-age pensioners who are still strong and hearty, and besides their pension continue to receive their full wages. But, almost more than the prospect of a pension, the endowment fund for widows and orphans connected with the pension fund binds the workmen to the firm. It has been proved to be the case that this endowment is still more urgent than the invalid pension, as the uncertainty of the future of those dependent on him commonly weighs more heavily on the workman than his own. The aging work- man nearly always loves his work, and does not willingly lay it down without actual and serious need of rest. Accord- ingly, the superannuation fund of the firm, in spite of a liberal use of the pensions by the workmen themselves, has only consumed the smaller part of the incomings from the interest of the funded capital and the contributions of the firm towards pensions. The larger part could be applied for the support of widows and orphans as well as for in- creasing the capital stock of the fund, which is destined to secure the workman's claim for pensions in the event of the possible liquidation of the business." employees (1898). The firm having completed fifty years of exist- ence in 1897, the partners presented one million marks to the em- ployees, which was applied to the pension fund ; in 1898 a further gift of 150,000 m. was made. Handsome sums are given to employees completing 25 years' service. A special benevolent fund, restaurants and stores are other institutions of the company. 106 A DIVIDEND TO LABOR The Arbeiterausschuss in the machine and wagon works of F. Ringhoffer at Smichow near Prague (900 employees) is obliged to keep the whole body of workmen informed of its doings by making two re- ports at least in the year, which are distributed at the expense of the firm. These reports cover the various welfare-institutions of the establishment, the operation and condition of which are fully described : they in- clude dwelling-houses, a pension fund, and funds for making loans and giving help in time of special need. The council is composed of the six directors of the sick fund, chosen by the general assembly of the mem- bers of that fund, for three years. The council decides upon the workmen to be laid off when work is slack ; looks after the beer supply ; has a superintendence of the houses occupied by the workpeople ; and, in gen- eral, has numerous other activities, specified in the detailed " Instruktion " drawn up for it by Herr Ring- hoffer. The president of the council is the head of the firm or his representative, whose approval is neces- sary for any action to take effect. The oversight of the apprentices is an important part of the functions of the council. A small fund of 10,000 florins makes short loans, not above 15 fl. in amount, at a moderate interest, which are repaid in ten weekly installments retained from wages. More important needs are relieved from the Help Fund, which assists men out of work and special cases of distress by loans without interest : the original foundation of this fund was 10,000 fl. A fund for pensions and for widows and orphans was begun with a gift of 2,000 fl. in 1870, and further supported by an annual contribution from the firm of WELFARE-INSTITUTIONS IN GERMANY 107 10 fl. for each skilled artisan and 5 fl. for each day- worker who has been employed for ten years : it now amounts to more than 40,000 fl. : it receives the income of a Provident Fund now amounting to more than 100,000 fl. An employee leaving the establish- ment simply because of lack of work does not lose his claim upon the fund. A Safety Corps for the works takes care of men who have been injured or have fallen sick suddenly, until the doctor comes. A relief chest, painted green and marked with a red cross on a white ground, is provided for each workshop, and a stretcher for the factory. The firm has extended its institutions of recent years by adding an accident- insurance fund, a building scheme, a library and other helps. Its interesting reports are printed back to back in duplicate in German and in Hungarian. Herr Roesicke, director of the brewery at Wald- schlosschen in Dessau, provides for the sick the at- tendance of a physician, for a slight fee (intended only to prevent needless calls), and aid may be given for twenty-six weeks in extreme cases for a year : the woman in childbed has a four weeks' allowance. For convalescents in summer a four weeks' rest is granted in a home in the Harz Mountains. A managing committee of workmen keeps the relief of sickness and distress at its proper level. The council has also supervision of the Kantine, or restaurant, which sup- plies coffee mornings and afternoons, and a meal at noon for 40 or 20 pf. The brewery will give a fair supply of beer to each household : beer-checks can be exchanged for coffee-checks. Milk is sold at a low price from the brewery farm, the preference being given to families with children ; a cup of milk is given to each factory child in the afternoon. 108 A DIVIDEND TO LABOR Boys over six years of age receive instruction in gymnastics on Wednesday and Saturday afternoons, from five o'clock to 6.30. A course of industrial edu- cation is provided for girls over six : this was formerly in charge of Herr Roesicke's daughter. The firm furnishes the material, which is taken home by the children when worked up. The wishes of the parents are respected as to what their children shall learn, so far as possible, in these two-hour lessons on Wednesday and Saturday afternoons. The " Family-House " ac- commodates this school as well as the kindergarten, a reading-room and library. Billiards, cards and other games are provided. The house (built at a cost of 20,000 m., and supported at an annual expense of 5,000 m.) is open to the families of workmen as well as to the workmen themselves : bathing facilities are found in an adjoining building. Retired workmen are employed here, as far as may be. The council allows loans from the Support Fund for desired improvements in the workmen's houses. Allotments of land, from one sixth to one half of an acre in size, are made to workmen who wish to raise their potatoes and other vegetables ; ninety-seven fam- ilies could do this. The firm ploughs the land and supplies dressing from the factory free. The Brothers Heyl, in their dye works at Charlotten- burg, a suburb of Berlin, formerly gave special attention to the practical education of children belonging to the estab- lishment. Under the careful superintendence of Frau H. Heyl great pains are taken for them from their first en- trance into the world. The woman in childbed is supported free with nourishing food (the husband getting his meals at the factory restaurant) for a fortnight by Fvau Heyl and WELFARE-INSTITUTIONS IN GERMANY 109 her assistants (the former has written a pamphlet on the care of infants, which she distributes among the workmen's families). Apparatus for sterilizing milk and other utensils for preparing food for children who cannot be suckled by their mothers are provided free of expense : in 1887, eigh- teen women were thus attended. The heads of the works believe that one cannot begin too early in imparting, by natural and attractive methods, a practical knowledge of housekeeping and other useful arts. So they established modest institutions, the Madchenheim for girls and the Knabenheim for boys, with this end in view (these have lately been adopted by the town, but I describe them as they were operated by the firm). The children learn these useful matters after ordinary school hours. The little girls are first taught elementary things in a separate room of the Knabenheim, and are afterward transferred to the small workman's house, well furnished for the purpose, and they have an outdoor resort under the trees. Every household operation is carefully and system- atically taught from the beginning, the processes being thoroughly exemplified and the reasons for them plainly given. But all is done, not in the way of set lessons, but after the manner of a happy family life in which little girls take pleasure in doing what their elders do, making the most agreeable kind of play out of the imitation. Thor- oughly organized as the Madchenheim is, formality is not visible; everything done is to be as far as possible from task-work. For instance, the girls cook a meal at five o'clock for the boys of the Knabenheim : the girls wait on the table and the boys are not chary of their compliments on the excellent cooking and service ! The happiest results have followed from this highly practical combination of work and play, for some two dozen children, under the superintendence of a well-trained woman head : the cost to the firm is about 1,000 m. a year. The A-B-C of industrial life is equally well taught, and pleasantly learned by the boys of the works, between six and 110 A DIVIDEND TO LABOR fourteen years old, on afternoons free from school, from two o'clock until six. The Knabenheim is an educational family community, like the other, in which a sense of honor, truthfulness and faithfulness are learned as well as a know- ledge of practical arts pertaining to the house, to clothing, gardening and so on. The tasks are changed every week. Besides the woman head of the Heim (a comfortable little building) there are engaged, as need is, a shoemaker, a car- penter, a bookbinder, a gardener, a soldier (for drill) and other teachers. Excursions in the country round about, singing and amateur theatricals vary the informal exercises of the Heim : there is a gymnastic apparatus and a garden to work in. The boys themselves keep monthly accounts of their doings, entering their little wages occasionally earned (by pfennige), which are put into savings-books. At con- firmation each boy receives thirty marks for a new suit of clothes. Much is made of economy by the teachers : every- thing is mended that can be, and nothing is wasted : the art-idea also comes to the front, from the Froebel-occupations up to the highest tasks given out to the twenty-four boys. A Christmas festival unites all the members of the works. The annual cost of the Knabenheim is about 1,100 m. Bathing facilities are abundant and convenient for the workmen and their families. The housekeeping of the employees has been very favor- ably influenced by these two " Homes." Another step in the same direction is a continuation of the half-year in the Madchenheim for some of the girls in the factory restau- rant (Kantine). Though the parents of these rather back- ward or undocile girls are not easily convinced of the need of this supplementary training, it is of much use to them in their later life, in the factory or in service. At his leather works in "Worms, and the connected factories, Herr C. Heyl employs 3,902 persons. This house is an excellent example of the large and gradual development of institutions for the workpeople, as WELFARE-INSTITUTIONS IN GERMANY 111 their number increases. In Dr. Post's volume (1893) some six or seven arrangements are described ; in the firm's large quarto pamphlet of 1896 (corrected to January 1, 1899), particulars are briefly given of more than thirty. I will summarize them still more briefly. Ilerr Heyl has a Sparkasse which at the close of 1898 held on deposit 360,862 m., one third of which was deposited that year; a Sparverein for young people, with deposits amounting to 66,928 m. ; a Pfennig- sparkasse, receiving 303 m. in 1898 ; an advance fund for loans up to 170 m. free of interest, which loaned 18,584 m. : a pension fund, founded and sup- ported by the house, paying out 24,511 m. last year ; a widows' fund, expending 6,430 in. ; and a support fund of 25,000 m. given by Herr Heyl, and adminis- tered by a mixed committee. The Beamte whose sal- aries run from 2,000 to 5,000 m. receive from the firm one half of the premiums on life insurance policies of 8,000 to 16,000 m. ; accident insurance is free for the Beamte not coming under the German law. Com- pulsory and voluntary sick funds are also found here ; a kindergarten with 130 pupils ; a sewing-school, counting 148 female workers in eight classes ; and a cooking-school of 70 pupils in six groups. A fund of 110,000 m. has been given to the city of Worms for education of poor children ; provisions, groceries, coal and beer are sold at cost (345,500 m. worth in 1898) ; there is a dining-hall for supplying meals at cost ; coffee-houses run on the same plan. There is a boys' chorus, and vocal and instrumental associations. In the four bath-houses 91,809 baths were taken in work- hours ; 700 bicycles have been bought for employees, to be paid for in two years ; the firm takes pains to 112 A DIVIDEND TO LABOR improve the breed of goats, many of which are kept by the employees ; clothes-closets, washing facilities, food-warmers, a reading-room, free copies of the Worms " Zeitung," continue the list to lectures and festivals in the great Vereinshaus. On account of the disturbance of regular work by commercial and indus- trial causes, the house has a system of wages for the unemployed (Wartegeld). This help is given first to unmarried women, in such a way as to aid the mar- ried force ; married men with children are considered next : the Wartegeld recipients are frequently changed, so that many may benefit ; in the last four years this expenditure has varied from 2,184 m. to 11,220 m. Finally, in 18 97, the house established a fund to facil- itate the acquirement of homes, of which 130 persons have already availed themselves. The iron works Marienhiitte near Kotzenau, the head of which is Rittmeister Schlittgen, has a work- men's council, established in 1874, in which the pro- prietors are not even represented. The choice of the members is entirely in the hands of the workmen, as well as the entire conduct of the meetings of the Aus- schuss. The council meet in a pleasant room provided by Herr Schlittgen: on one side hangs a portrait of the Kaiser : on the other, one of Herr Schlittgen, bought by the workmen. The council has the usual powers of such bodies, and it also has the right to express its approval or disapproval of marriages in the force. Only one instance has been known in a long series of years of refusal to obey the council : this was naturally followed by the dismissal of the offender. The following entry, taken from the records of the council, details the action of the session of March WELFARE-INSTITUTIONS IN GERMANY 113 3, 1876 : it will give somewhat of an idea of the tone of these meetings : " In to-day's session of the Aelte- stenkollegium, workman P. complained that work- man T. had injured him by common scolding in a public house. T., questioned whether and why he had done this, declares he knows nothing thereof: but afterward he confesses that he might have done this, as he was then somewhat drunk. P. declares that he would be satisfied if he receives an apology from the offender : T. is called upon to give his hand to the complainant and to ask his pardon, which was done in presence of the council. Smith R., again released from imprisonment, asks to be received to work again. The council decides by seven votes to four that, in consideration of his needy condition, he may receive employment, as an exception, if the management of the foundry agrees ; he shall not be placed in a work- shop, but simply be a transient workman (Platzarbei- ter), in any case." The Marierihiitte maintains a continuation school for apprentices twice a week from five o'clock to seven p. M., a system of baths, and a club-house situated in grounds of several acres. The building contains a hall seating 500 persons, in which lectures are delivered monthly, and social meetings are held, and concerts given by the workmen's musical organizations, the Gesangverein, and the Marienhiitte Kapelle. The library is increased by 250 volumes a year. The profits of the cooperative store fall to the other wel- fare-institutions. Herr Schlittgen believes heartily in the personal contact of employer and employed. " What is given to the workpeople should not be given with condescension : the manner in which it is 114 A DIVIDEND TO LABOR given is of consequence : human sympathy should plainly appear." Kiibler und Niethammer, paper manufacturers at Kriebstein, near Waldheim, Saxony, are a good ex- ample of German firms with numerous small and distinc- tively " patriarchal " arrangements for the welfare of their force. A household school for girls, a Turnverein of fifty members and a Gesangverein find quarters in a homelike building, surrounded by a garden, where two kindergar- tens are also located, one for children of the Beamte, and one for those of the workmen. Some twenty younger children of school age (over six) do household tasks in the forenoon, and play with the kindergarten children in the afternoon. A library for young people is in the same build- ing. The annual Sedan festival is a time of rejoicing for all these children : they take part in a procession, enjoy refreshments, and receive small presents, as they also do on St. Nicholas' day. Wedding Bibles, song-books, handsome savings-books, and gifts to women in childbed (25 m. if she has been a year in the mills : she cannot return to work for four weeks) are minor matters. More important are the full payment of school fees by the firm for parents who have worked two years ; if the parents have served ten years, they receive 30 m. at the confirmation of each child : the married man on military service receives two thirds of his usual wages. A Cautionscasse is a feature of these mills. Every workman must deposit in this secui'ity fund 5 pf . in a mark of wages each week until he has from 10 to 20 m. to his credit : for women, girls and boys under sixteen the sum is 5 m. When the deposit is fully paid, it receives 10 per cent, interest, but if a workman leave the mills without giving notice, his deposit goes to the sick fund. An Alsatian house dating from 1746 is very nota- ble for the thoroughness and generosity with which it WELFARE-INSTITUTIONS IN GERMANY 115 has steadily developed from the first a system of wel- fare-institutions. It is now an incorporated company under the name Societe Anonyme d'Industrie Tex- tile ci-devant Dollfus-Mieg et Cie. It carries on all branches of its general business, at Muhlhausen (Mul- house), Dornach and Belfort, employing over 2,600 persons, and paying out more than two million francs annually in wages. M. Jean Dollfus, who died in 1887, was at the head of the house for sixty-one years. His chief stroke of philanthropy was the foundation of the workmen's cities, cites ouvrieres, at Mulhouse. His son-in-law and successor, M. F. Engel- Dollfus, was a worthy follower. He was one of the founders, in 1851, of the Society for the Encouragement of Savings which built a home for old men at Mulhouse, and pays retiring pensions for many workmen. He erected at Dornach the building which has become the head- quarters of organized charity, and a hall for lectures, concerts and gymnastics, with a library of 4,000 volumes. His " Association for Preventing Accidents in Factories " has fortunately had numerous imita- tors. A dispensary for sick children at Mulhouse ; a triennial exhibition of paintings, and the new museum of the Societe Industrielle are illustrations of what he called "practical socialism . . . the good socialism which consists in anticipating legitimate claims : let us view those claims not from the legal standpoint, but from our sentiment, our heart, and our judgment." M. Engel-Dollfus held that " sickness, incapacity for labor and old age are certain elements in the life of the workingman, and they can be reduced to figures : we should combat these evils with instru- ments as certain." His calculation was that beyond 116 A DIVIDEND TO LABOR his daily wages the workman's needs are as follows: 1 per cent, (on wages) for infant, industrial and train- ing schools ; 1 per cent, for improved lodging ; 4 per cent, for mutual aid in case of sickness and death ; one half of 1 per cent, for women in confinement ; the same percentage for life and accident insurance, and 3 per cent, for retiring pensions. Of the total 10 per cent., 3 per cent, may fairly be demanded of the workingman, in savings toward a home, and aid or retiring funds. The remaining 7 per cent, should be charged to the firm. In the Dollfus-Mieg house the various paternal institutions are supported chiefly by the interest on a fund known as the compte de reserve ouvriere. This reserve amounted to 786,000 fr. in 1889. On the incorporation of the business the former partners endowed the company with 1,000,- 000 fr. (afterwards increased to 1,100,000 fr.) for the philanthropic institutions and pensions. In 1898 these expenses were 151,000 fr., of which 44,000 fr. were met by the interest on the endowment, and 107,- 000 fr. were a levy on the profits making together a bonus of 7 per cent, on the wages paid. In addition the company in 1898 paid out 35,000 fr., in accord- ance with the German laws providing for accident and old age insurance and sick aid. It was one of five firms in Miihlhausen to establish a life-insurance fund for its workmen. In 1890, under 1,000 fr. policies, 140 persons were insured, half the premium being paid from the fund a practice also followed with respect to fourteen policies held by workmen in regu- lar companies. In 1865 the house established a free collective fire insurance on the furniture of the work- men, 380 being insured in 1890 for 697,400 fr. WELFARE-INSTITUTIONS IN GERMANY 117 The Societe Mulhousienne des Cites Ouvrieres, of which M. Jean Dollfus was the lifelong president, renounces all profits in providing homes for workmen, and claims but four per cent, interest. The employee pays two or three hundred francs down (the com- pany will advance this sum if requested), enters into possession, and makes a monthly payment which leaves him in thirteen years full owner. From 1853 to December 31, 1888, the number of houses thus built and sold was 1,124 ; in these thirty-five years the workmen paid in 4,584,021 fr., and there were due 424,949 fr. The Societe d' Encouragement a 1'Epargne associated the employers and workmen of eleven establishments in Miihlhausen in order to provide retiring pensions for employees. The latter were to contribute 3 per cent, on wages and the employers a sum equal to 2 per cent. After some years most of the workmen and finally all refused to subscribe ; but the manufacturers kept on as before. Dollfus-Mieg et Cie contribute 35,000 fr. annually, and 148 of their workmen re- ceive pensions varying from 120 to 600 fr. A sav- ings fund receiving deposits above 5 fr. and paying 5 per cent, interest has been more successful. There are 329 depositors, and 403,638 fr. on deposit. The house contributes 5,800 fr. as supplementary interest. The long roll of the philanthropic institutions of this great corporation embraces two refectories, where the workmen's food is prepared for them, the larger having 88 tables for 600 persons ; a connection with the maternity society in Miihlhausen at an expense of 4,000 fr. a year ; and an infant school at Dornach for 200 children, costing 10,000 fr. annually. Every 118 A DIVIDEND TO LABOR year 35,000 fr. are allowed for these other services : the distribution of bread, meat and wine to sick and needy workpeople ; the furnishing of fuel in severe weather and of refreshing drinks in the workshops in times of extreme heat ; extraordinary pensions, and special, immediate assistance ; aid to young men in college ; and the expenses of some twenty sick work- men sent to watering-places. Lesser philanthropies are a hall and garden for the boys and girls during the legal play-hours, waiting-rooms and clothes-rooms. Finally, to pass from small things to great, a fund of 400,000 fr. was established in 1883 by the widow of M. Engel-Dollfus and the three partners in the house. One half of this sum was divided among the older employees, according to their ages, wages and services rendered. The portions ranged from 250 fr. to 10,000fr., and bore interest at 4 per cent. The other half went to constitute pensions, to which the pensioners contributed according to their incomes. In August, 1890, this provident and retiring fund amounted to 520,000 fr., and numbered 138 partici- pants. I do not wish to enter here into discussion of the motives which lead various classes of German employ- ers to support the many and various welfare-institu- tions which I have just summarized. It goes without saying that of the three kinds of patronage which M. E. Cheysson names in his able report on the subject, the mili tary, the patriarchal, and the liberal, only the last can commend itself to-day to the Eng- lish or the American workman. Of the employers of the first variety, the " colonels," as M. Cheysson calls WELFARE-INSTITUTIONS IN GERMANY 119 them, 1 Baron von Stumm of Harlenberg on the Saar, is perhaps the most prominent example to-day. This " coal king " is called the leading spirit, in the Reich- stag, of the party of political and social reactiona- ries, the " Scharfmacher." Baron von Stumm builds houses and has " colonies " for the workmen in his coal mines and iron factories ; he gives liberal premiums, and has established a library in his works. But he " fights the Social Democrats, and aUows his working- men no liberty in thought or action." During a recent debate in the Reichstag, he denied that anything more is needed for improving the condition of the laboring classes, and " stood out for even abridging their pre- sent rights and benefits." I presume that very few, if any, of the employers whose liberalities are described in this chapter sym- pathize with Baron von Stumm. The great majority would rank in M. Cheysson's other two classes ; many, probably, among the " patriarchs." It has not been my concern, however, to analyze the motives of the employer : what he has done has interested me much more than his political or social creed. My readers will remember that the instances here given of welfare- institutions have been selected as the most important or interesting, while a much larger number have not been even mentioned by name, like the Austrian owner of the metal works at Berndorf , who has had a theatre built for his employees, where a company from Baden is to play twice a week. 1 " The ' colonels ' hold, above all, to their authority ; their workers are their regiment ; they grant (octroient) their liberalities, more than give them ; they do so because it is their good pleasure ; they dis- pense with gratitude in those whom they oblige." (Rapport sur les Institutions Patronales, Exposition de 1889, p. 35, Paris, 1892.) 120 A DIVIDEND TO LABOR The magnitude of the general movement may be inferred from these two facts : " Das Volkswohl," of Dresden, edited by Dr. V. Bohmert and Dr. Paul Scheren, in its first issue for 1899 gives a detailed " roll of honor " of German corporations. According to votes passed by 58 industrial companies, sums amounting to nearly 2,000,000 m. were appropriated for the benefit of their employees in the last six months of 1898. Of this amount statutory pensions took 896,000 m. ; and free-will gifts 978,472 m. The Berlin " Arbeiterfreund," in a similar list, reports the gifts and foundations made by 105 corporations and 37 private employers, during the first two months of 1899, to have been 5,804,317 m. 1 Of this great sum, not far from one half went to pension and aid funds and foundations statutory and private ; nearly one quarter for premiums, rewards and bonuses on wages ; children's institutions claimed 330,000 m. ; dwelling-houses nearly 300,000 m. ; and art education 150,000 m. The journals mentioned are not the only ones devoted largely to welfare-institutions. There is a Zentralstelle of information and help in Berlin which publishes a considerable literature. The great impor- tance of the movement in Germany will be apparent without further detail. 1 Neither of these lists of corporations contains a name given in this volume. CHAPTER V PATRONAL INSTITUTIONS IN FRANCE THE most striking feature of "patronal institu- tions " in France is the great development of the insurance of workingmen, in all its varieties. Com- pulsory insurance is provided by statute for mine employees only (law of June 29, 1894). The State makes incumbent upon all mine operators the same kind of insurance already provided by a large number of collieries. 1 Old age and sickness are made the objects of two distinct arrangements. To meet the former need the employer is required to contribute a sum equal to two per cent, at least on wages to some fund for the purpose (usually the Caisse Nationale des Retraites pour la Vieillesse, established in 1850), and also two per cent, retained from wages. The State makes no contribution, but the Caisse Nationale takes charge of the entire matter, receiving these sums for collective insurance from the employers, investing them, and paying the pensions. 2 The advantages thus gained in security and independence for the workman are obvious. This state action only supplements a great variety of purely voluntary insurance schemes in which French 1 In several cases that follow I have written of the earlier practice of mining companies. 2 See, for full details, chapter iv. of the one comprehensive work on the subject in English, by Mr. W. F. Willoughby, Workingmen's Insurance, on such insurance in France. 122 A DIVIDEND TO LABOR employers of labor easily lead the world. In other industries than mining, the State Fund is equally open to the great number of firms that practice col- lective insurance of all their employees on the same lines as the mining companies : the French statute was, indeed, little more than a copy of the rules of the great Anzin mines. " It is impossible," says Mr. Willoughby, " to overestimate the importance of this kind of insurance. . . . From every point of view the collective insurance of workingmen is of the greatest importance. ... It would be impossible even to make a list of the large concerns in France which maintain insurance funds for their employees ... to an extent and of an excellence that are found in no other coun- try in the world. . . . Their number would probably run into the thousands." The seven railway systems which include nearly all the French lines offer the supreme example of the insurance plan. Of these, the Orleans Company occu- pies a peculiar position, as the State guarantees a cer- tain dividend to stockholders, and allows the company to class the allotment for pensions (ten per cent, on wages) under " working expenses," the employee mak- ing no contribution. As I have previously described the profit-sharing experience of this road, 1 and Mr. Willoughby, in his excellent volume on "Working- men's Insurance," has given many details of the insurance scheme of the Western Company (essen- tially the same as that practiced by the five other companies), I will confine my account mainly to the Paris, Lyons and Mediterranean System, the largest 1 Profit Sharing between Employer and Employee, chapter v. pp. 213-222. PATRON AL INSTITUTIONS IN FRANCE 123 of all. In 1889 this company contributed 6 per cent, on wages for old-age pensions ; the other lines vary from 5 to 8 per cent. ; since 1887 most of them have had to raise the percentage. The Lyons Com- pany (to designate it briefly) retains 4 per cent, of its employees' wages for the same purpose, the others from 3 to 5. The contribution from the men is usually paid into the Caisse Nationale in special accounts, the personal property of the employees. The contribution from a company is paid into a special fund, or the National Bank ; both contributions may go into either. In 1894 there were 56,760 persons insured be- longing to the Lyons system. The receipts were, from workingmen, 1949,349.24 : from the company, $1,890,304.72 : from interest and other sources, $907,420.77 a total of 13,747,074.73. In this year 11,089 persons received pensions, to the extent of $2,477,559.53, the administration and other ex- penses amounting to $99,046.06, and the assets at the end of the year being $22,096,667.08. The pen- sion begins after fifty-five years of age or twenty-five years of service, the provisions being liberally con- strued. It is calculated to equal 2 per cent, of the average wages for all years of contribution, but cannot exceed $2,400 in any case. One half of the pension is transferred to the widow, if the pensioner was mar- ried five years before leaving the service. Orphan children receive the same amount, equally divided among them and paid to them when they reach eigh- teen years of age. If an employee leaves the service, his deposits are returned to him, without interest. The company lodges free all employees who are obliged to live near the station or the workshop. At 124 A DIVIDEND TO LABOR Laroche it has built thirty-three houses for its workers, realizing about 3| per cent, in gross rental: only 10 per cent, of the lot is built upon. Each employee, on entrance into the service, is examined by a physician, and receives a certificate stating his sanitary condition and the special employment for which he would be fitted. If his wages are less than $600 per year, he has free medical attendance. He is entitled to half- pay during illness, or to full pay if the sickness or injury was caused by the service. Twelve days' vaca- tion are allowed those employees who do not have their Sundays and holidays free. The company allows for traveling expenses on its service : it provides for accident insurance, and makes a yearly contribution to the mutual aid society of its men. The Orleans System makes special grants in money and in kind to sick or injured employees : this amounted to $109,644 in 1886 : it has stores at five principal points whence provisions, clothing, etc., are deli vered at low prices anywhere on the lines : a refectory and a bakery are kept up in Paris, near the shops ; evening classes for workmen and apprentices are supported, and a school and workshop for girls. The Northern Railway has spent 1,700,000 fr. in building houses for workmen, on which it realizes about 2 per cent, gross. 1 The most fully developed example of patronal insti- tutions in France, as Mons. H. Brice says in his vol- ume on this subject, is that set by the Coal Mines 1 See " Les Institutions de PreVoyance des grandes Compagnies de Chemins de Fer " in the Bulletin de la Participation for 1898, 4 me livraison ; and in the Bulletin of the Department of Lahor, No. 20, " Condition of Railway Labor in Europe," by W. E. Weyl, Ph. D. PATRONAL INSTITUTIONS IN FRANCE 125 of Blanzy, situated in the department of Saone et Loire, eighteen miles south of Autun. The company, Jules Chagot et Cie, employs some 8,000 men and mined more than 1,100,000 tons of coal in 1892-93. According to its important "Notice " of 1894, a fine quarto document, the cost of its welfare-institutions of all kinds, hi the year 1892-93, was 1,626,032 fr. ; this amount did not include lighting the streets, in- terest on the value of the plant and various minor subventions, the number of which steadily increases. This sum means that the expense of extracting a ton of coal was increased 1.456 fr. by the existence of these institutions ; that the average wages of the work- man were virtually increased 20 per cent., and that the whole cost was 64.16 per cent, of the dividend paid to the stockholders. Since 1834 the company has built more than 1,175 houses for its employees, 1 at an expense of 2,574,- 936 fr. : the amount of the annual rent-roll is over 40,000 fr., but this is absorbed entirely by repairs, taxes and expenses of management ; " no attempt is made to secure a commercial return from the pro- perty." The rent of half of a two-tenement house, the style favored by the company, with a good-sized garden, varies from 41 to 6 fr. per month. The four cites present a very pleasing appearance, with their red roofs contrasting with the abundant green of the gardens and trees. The company sells land at a low price on tune payments : and it formerly advanced 1,000 fr. to be paid within ten years, without inter- est. By 1889 the sum of 500,000 fr. had been thus loaned, and one sixth was still due: 1,079 workpeo- 1 Dr. Gould's Report, p. 357. 126 A DIVIDEND TO LABOR pie, 29 per cent, of the whole number, were owners of their homes. Since April, 1893, the company has made the same advance to the workman wishing to build, but has modified its form. The workman gets his life insured on a fifteen-years policy for the sum needed to build, and " La Prudence " (the cooperative bank to be described later) makes him a loan of the same size. The company's aid goes to make the con- ditions of the loan safe for the bank and very easy for the workman. In one year 113 workmen availed themselves of this new arrangement which makes the policy-holder at the end of fifteen years the propri- etor of a house worth 2,500 fr., he having paid, alto- gether, in interest and premiums, only the equivalent of ordinary rent. The Mutual Aid Society, with 7,834 members, re- ceived in 1893, 467,957 fr., of which the employees paid 219,336 fr., and the company 215,260 fr. : the expenses were 449,004 fr. While this society gives aid when wounds and illness have been contracted out- side of the mines, or by the fault of the employees, and pays for school supplies for the children, it does not provide retiring pensions. The assessment on the workman (owerter) is 2^ per cent, of his wages : on the clerk (employe) it is 1 per cent, of his salary : the company contributes an equal amount. It pays the fees of three physicians, the druggists and the sisters nursing in the hospital and attending the sick in their homes. The hospital, pharmacy and dispen- sary buildings were furnished by the company, but are maintained by the society. The company makes retiring allowances to all its employees connected with the mines after thirty years PATRON AL INSTITUTIONS IN FRANCE 127 of consecutive service, and fifty-five years of age. The pension may be as large as 900 fr. The 375 pensioners in 1893 enjoyed other privileges which are estimated as equal to 150 fr. a year. A similar fund for clerks is supported by a reservation of 2i per cent, of their salaries, to which the company adds an equal sum. After twenty-five years' service and fifty- five years of age, the clerk can retire on his pension. Widows and orphans can claim one half of the de- ceased husband's or father's pension. The company employs women and girls in sorting coal only : desir- ing to abolish the work of women in the mines, it established a weaving-mill which employed 406 women in 1894. Young women receive instruction in handi- crafts in industrial schools (ouvroirs) and learn to make and repair garments : the 355 girls in these shops earn on an average 22 fr. a month, besides learn- ing the trade. Social rooms are provided for women and girls. The company supplies free of charge all the coal needed by its men at an expense of some 500,000 fr. a year : it furnishes them the most neces- sary kinds of provisions and groceries at reduced prices, saving the entire force more than 200,000 fr. a year. The interest of the company in education is great. It supports fifteen primary and six infant schools for 6,292 children, taught by 118 instructors. Free even- ing classes in the winter are attended by 200 to 250 young persons: a drawing class is held on Sunday. The original cost of these schools was 800,000 f r. : the expense of maintenance in 1893 was 176,405 fr. The Union for Sport is an association of a number of athletic and musical organizations, all of which are 128 A DIVIDEND TO LABOR subsidized by the company. The workmen have a gun club, an archery club, gymnastic and fencing organi- zations, two brass bands, and an " artistic group," in this "Union Sportif." The union holds an annual festival : it maintains courses of lectures in the winter on history, economics and other subjects, and a kind of " traveling library " system for the different villages. The patronage of the company extends to the Physio- phile (a natural history class) and a number of young people's societies, each of which has its chorus, and animates the miners' life with games, fetes and excur- sions. Rooms and halls provided for all these societies free of rent, as well as contributions to the extent of some 20,000 fr. a year, show the interest of the com- pany. There is a Central Committee, under the presidency of the director, in which all the associations educa- tional, recreative and economic are represented : the needs of the various societies are discussed at the monthly meetings, and recommendations made for their work. The company favors individual initiative whenever it is manifested, and warmly desires to see its own " paternalism " superseded by the independent action of the workmen in the twenty, or more, organi- zations which it assists. Twelve cooperative bakeries are in successful operation by the employees : most of these are in close relations with " La Prudence," a very important mutual-credit institution, with shares of 50 fr., held by the working force. Out of 400 mem- bers in 1890, more than 350 were workmen : the capi- tal is 80,000 fr. In the council of fourteen members eleven are workmen. Primarily intended to aid in the economic education of the force, it is now a real bank, PATRON AL INSTITUTIONS IN FRANCE 129 as well as a headquarters for the economic life of the community. It controls two savings-banks, one for shareholders and one for children, "La Tire-Lire" (money-box), guaranteed by the company. " La Pru- dence " incites the workmen to buy for cash in all direc- tions and obtains discounts for them : it paid eight per cent, dividend in 1889. The many remaining beneficences and associations of the company include the support of religious insti- tutions (it has built a church and three chapels) ; free baths at Les Allouettes, open all the year round : the reception of deposits at five per cent, interest ; assist- ance to the society of Anciens Militaires, to firemen, to orphan schools, and other charities in the vicinity; and other minor gifts, regular or irregular. Wages have had a steady upward tendency, while coal has gradually fallen, the company maintaining profits by improving the processes of production. The force is comparatively very stable : one fifth has worked more than twenty years, and one twentieth more than thirty-five years. The princely generosity and the long experience of this company with its institutions patronales impart great weight to its judgment in respect to the transfor- mation which it is desirable that these should assume. The company says that it "has always been among those who think that an employer has not cleared himself with respect to his workpeople when he has punctually paid them the wages they have earned, but that he has social and moral duties to fulfill with re- gard to them and their families." The welfare-institu- tions at Montceau-les-Mines are very many and some are of long date (thirty-nine were erected from 1834 130 A DIVIDEND TO LABOR to 1853) : but the company found that the system did not develop personal initiative : as the workmen did not direct the institutions nor pay toward most of them, they were not interested in them, and the com- pany thought itself ill repaid for its well-meant efforts. Instead of reacting into indifference toward the em- ployees, the company most wisely decided to revise its faulty methods. It has therefore established some sixty institutions, large or small, of which the admin- istration is almost entirely in the hands of the work- people. " It was a veritable education to be given, . . . and they have rapidly acquired it." Instead of lazily accepting the institutions devised for their bene- fit as their right, they learn to count on themselves and to appreciate the liberality of the company in cooperating with them. The company is now well pleased with its methods, gradually changing them, as it says, from patronage alone to patronage with asso- ciation, and it closes its " Notice " of 1894 with these manly words : " We do not at all claim to have solved the social question, but we do claim that we have con- quered the confidence and even the affection of a very large number of our workers, whence results that social peace we have enjoyed for a considerable space of time. We are ambitious to labor energetically and with absolute persistence to consolidate and develop this peace, and we shall not hold back from any effort for such success." The Mining Company of Anzin (dating from No- vember, 1757) is fitly named next. It employs over 10,000 workmen in its coal mines near Valenciennes (Nord). It has given up building workmen's villages on the usual plan, as not conducive to health or good PAT RON AL INSTITUTIONS IN FRANCE 131 morals ; up to 1897 it had built dwellings for 2,704 workers, with gardens. These are let for 6 fr. a month (representing some 2|- per cent, of the cost of land and buildings), which is about 5 per cent, of the miner's wages. The company keeps the houses in repair. The workman wishing to buy a house can pay the cost price without interest in monthly installments, about the same in amount as the rent usually paid in the neighborhood : ninety-three men had thus acquired homes. Workmen who wished to build, to the num- ber of 741, had received advances on the same terms, to the amount of some 1,500,000 fr., most of which had been repaid : the interest which the company thus declined would have amounted to 223,800 fr. Out of 70,000 acres which its operations cover, the company lets 205 hectares to 2,500 persons at low rates. A cooperative store founded in 1865 by the workmen, under the auspices of the company, is entirely inde- pendent of it : the central store has fifteen branches : out of its profits it pays semi-annually 10 per cent, to sixty-seven agents, and a dividend : the dividend to its 4,120 members amounts to 120 fr. a year: only one or two shares can be owned by one person, at 5 per cent, interest : the annual turnover is 2,000,000 fr. The Anzin Company does not now desire to en- courage savings in its bank (3 per cent, interest) since the establishment of the Government Postal Banks: so the deposits by 1,431 persons in 1877, to the amount of 1,940,000 fr., had fallen in 1897 to 273,923 fr. deposited by 226 persons. Six mutual aid societies are supported by the workmen, the ac- counts being kept by the company. Assessments on the workers' wages, fines, and frequent contributions 132 A DIVIDEND TO LABOR from the company supply the treasury. In 1896 there were 11,094 members: the receipts were 252,174 fr., the expenditures, 234,014 fr. From January 1, 1887, to 1894 the company deposited in the National Re- tiring Fund for each year a sum equal to 1 \ per cent, of the wages of the workman, the latter making an equal payment ; the law of 1894 increased the contri- bution for both parties to 2 per cent. ; this payment continues until the workman is fifty-five years of age. The company's whole contribution in 1896 for pen- sions, aid and service premiums (100,000 fr. for an endowment of these premiums) was 902,767 fr. A workman entering at thirteen and retiring at fifty-five years under this system, aided by a supplement from the company, would enjoy a pension of 560 fr. : his widow would receive 170 fr. a year. In cases of in- firmity or serious wounds, he receives his pension and a further sum which may reach 180 fr. a year : if he should be killed at his work, his widow would be entitled to a yearly grant of 180 fr., to which is often added a bonus of the same amount : the parents of workmen killed enjoy the same advantages. The em- ployes are also entitled to pensions, the expense being 295,493 fr. in 1896. Before the introduction of free public education, the company paid all the expenses for instruction of the younger children connected with the mines. It now supports one school for boys and two for girls : it has given two schools and four kinder- gartens to the neighborhood. Its school-bill for 1896 was nearly 26,000 fr. Its special technical school receives the best pupils from the lower grades, under the management of the engineers. The company has built four Roman Catholic churches, and it pays the PATRON AL INSTITUTIONS IN FRANCE 133 salaries of two curates. A special fire fund provides compensation for the seventy men in the service, in case of injuries received, and pensions to widows. A developed system of free medical attendance is to be found at Anzin, costing the company, in 1896, 137,619 fr. The workman receives twenty bushels of coal a month free : in case of sickness or of very large families this amount is increased : in 1896 the coal so distributed was valued at 425,427 fr. The child at its first communion is given a bonus of 12 fr. : the workman does not pay for his first suit of clothing for work in the mines : the wife of a workman on military service receives an allowance : several musical societies are subsidized : prizes are offered for skill in archery, ball games, etc. : a library for workmen is open on Sundays. When bread rises above some 3^ cents a pound, the company distributes it at this price : in 1873 this distribution cost -126,600. The total cost to the company of its long roll of patronal institutions in 1896 was 2,211,249 fr. : the sum for this purpose in 1888 equaled a dividend of 12 per cent, on wages, or 47 per cent, of the dividend paid to stockholders. Although the gross amount in 1896 appears larger than that spent at Montceau-les-Mines in 189293 by the Blanzy company, this is probably due to different methods of making up the account. The proportion of the welfare dividend to wages and to the stock- holder's dividend is considerably higher at the Blanzy mines. Several other French mining companies may be noticed briefly. The Company of Roche-la-Motiere-et-Firminy (near St. Etienne, Loire) supports two hospitals, and sup- plies free medical attendance and medicines for its 2,691 134 A DIVIDEND TO LABOR employees ; they have their coal free, and the education of their children is partly defrayed by the company, which also cares for orphan children. The relief fund spent $24,600 in 1888, and the pension fund $6,440 ; the latter is supplemented by a provident fund. The whole cost of the institutions was $44,823, which was equivalent to $16.65 for each workman, to 7.07 per cent, on the total of $633,683 paid out in wages, and to 7 cents on each ton of coal mined. The Montrambert Company has similar provisions in the way of funds and hospitals, baths and schools : a mutual aid society and a band are subsidized. The expense for these institutions was $41,620 in 1888, about $19 for each workman. The Company of Besseges (Gard) assesses its work- men for 2 per cent, of their wages for a sick fund. It maintains at its own expense a fund of equal size for the wounded, " who accept literally and strictly the conditions for indemnity fixed by the company." If an employee will regularly deposit in the National Pension Fund 3 per cent, of his salary, the company will deposit to his credit 2 per cent. The company pays gratuities every year to a number of workmen on the ground of long service, punctuality, civility and good conduct, usually about one tenth of the wages ; it spent on schools $39,181 in 1889. Its donations in 1888 were $69,000, a sum equal to $28.59 for each workman. The Lens Mining Company (Lens, Pas de Galas) have built 171 small houses in their Cit St. Edouard, which their workmen rent for less than one fourth of the ordinary charge. The Mining Company of Cour- rieres spends over 28,000 fr. and that of Li6vin more than 27,000 fr. on schools. Messrs. Schneider Sz Co., proprietors of the im- mense steel works at Le Creusot (Sa6ne-et-Loire), are worthy rivals of the Krupp firm at Essen, in their PATRON A L INSTITUTIONS IN FRANCE 135 liberality toward their 12,338 employees. They have built 1,200 houses, with gardens about them, which are rented at very low rates; the firm also defrays the general expenses of the cites ouvrieres. The same method is pursued at the Decizes mines and other mining properties of the firm. In 2,391 cases, be- tween 1837 and 1889, there were advanced to work- men, to enable them to purchase land at reduced price, and building material, 3,292,671 fr. ; of this amount there were due January 1, 1889, 227,203 fr. Advances are made for acquiring houses already built, and for the improvement of old houses and of grounds and gardens. In the neighborhood of Le Creusot some 3,000 workmen's families thus enjoy comfortable homes of their own. Down to 1882 the firm paid the entire expense of five schools for boys : since that year the city has sup- ported four of these and the firm the advanced school with eight teachers and 300 pupils. In the other schools under patronage of the firm there were 967 boys and 1,781 girls, and in the infant schools 1,858 little children. Several churches in Le Creusot and the vicinity were built and are maintained by it. The firm receives deposits from employees, and it held on January 1, 1889, the sum of $1,839,929 from 3,049 depositors. The firm paid 5 per cent, interest until 1878, since then 4 per cent., the maximum deposit being 2,000 fr. A provident fund existed from 1837, the year of the foundation of the house, until 1872. It is now an aid and retiring fund, supplementing the contribu- tions to the National Retiring Fund. The firm pays a sum equal to 3 per cent, of the workman's wages 136 A DIVIDEND TO LABOR and 2 per cent, of the workwoman's to this last-named fund for independent pensioners : the book is personal property, and an employee leaving the house takes it with him. A " Bureau of Beneficence " is aided by the firm in helping persons whose pensions are insuf- ficient: the annual amount has been over 80,000 fr. in recent years. A Home for the Aged, costing 340,000 fr., shelters sixty-five men and women ; a hospital with 110 beds is due to a union of Le Creusot and private generosity. Medical service is rendered free at the works, and the rules are liberal, admitting the entire family of the workman and former workpeople. The beneficent institutions of the steel works at Le Creusot demanded for their support in 1888, 1,632,000 fr., or 136 fr. for each workman, who thus received the equivalent of 10 per cent, on his wages. There was a famous strike at Le Creusot in 1870 ; but the general stability of the force is surprising, even in Europe. Out of 12,338 workers 4,000 have served over 20 years, 2,851 over 25 years, and some 1,500 from 30 to 69 years. In the same family one sometimes sees a workman-father, an overseer-son, and an engineer-grandson. The statue of Eugene Schnei- der, in one of the public squares of Le Creusot, was erected by a subscription of the workmen. The Gouin Construction Company in Paris builds bridges, railways and all kinds of public works : it employs some 7,000 persons. The present head of the firm is M. Jules Gouin. The company gives pensions to the widows and orphans of workmen, and liberal allowances to those who have grown old or become disabled in the service of the company; there are baths, a pharmacy, free medical attendance, a mutual aid society (to which the men contrib- PATRON AL INSTITUTIONS IN FRANCE 137 ute voluntarily, and which they administer), together with supplementary funds for rendering various forms of assist- ance in exceptional difficulties. The peculiar conditions of this business, wherein periods of nearly total stagnation frequently follow those of tremendous activity, have pro- duced an extremely flexible social system. " We have few formulated methods of relief," says M. Gouin, " but the heartiest personal interest in our workpeople. They know this, and are absolutely certain of receiving reasonable and tangible help in time of need. This knowledge and this confidence form the basis of their content and their good conduct." The proportion of men who have been in the company's service between ten and forty years reaches 45 per cent, among the lower, and 50 per cent, among the higher grades of employees. Strikes are unknown among them ; even during the "black periods," when hundreds of employees have of necessity been turned away, no disturbance has ever occurred. At such times neither chance nor favoritism has anything to do with one man's retention and another's dis- missal. These matters are regulated according to a rigid rule, which is based entirely upon the length of individual service. When the period of depression is at an end, the same rule determines the order in which the men shall be recalled. M. Gouin has recently completed, at a cost of $320,000, a magnificent addition to his social schemes, which is in- tended to benefit, not merely his employees and their fam- ilies, but the whole working population of the Clichy quarter. This addition comprises a surgical hospital (with dispensa- ries for out-patients), besides two blocks of " habitations e"conomiques," or model tenement-houses. The buildings the hospital and the tenements stand on opposite sides of a square which has frontage on four streets, and are separated by a large, beautifully laid-out garden. The hospital, which is literally surrounded by gardens, is so placed as to have a great number of sunny rooms, and it fulfills the strictest 138 A DIVIDEND TO LABOR requirements of medical and surgical science. The use of it is intended for self-respecting people of the working class. The surgical attendance is free, but patients pay for their board, fifty cents per day if in a ward, or one dollar in a private room. The two model tenements are five stories in height and contain sixty-five flats, each of them consisting of a good- sized vestibule, either one or two bedrooms, a kitchen, and a water-closet with abundance of water, besides a locked compartment in the cellar. There is not one dark room in either house, nor a single window that looks upon a court. Every room faces either the street or the pretty garden ; the corridors and staircases are as well lighted as the flats. In each kitchen is a convenient little cooking-range (which takes up less space than a stove), gas and water, the latter being supplied from an artesian well 280 feet deep, another of M. Gouin's constructions. The rents in these houses range between $45 and $60 per year, according to the position and size of the flats. At these low figures at least one third less than is asked for inferior lodgings of the same size in the neighborhood this kind of property in Paris yields a net income of 4 or 5 per cent. 1 A brief account will suffice of the patronal institutions of several other iron and steel works in France. The So- ciety of the North and East builds neat houses, with gardens, which it lets at rents producing an interest of 3 per cent, on the investment. It supports a school and adult classes. It retains 2 per cent, on wages for an aid fund, making up a yearly deficit of $2,200, a special aid fund being supported from profits. It insures its workmen against accidents, and pays 5 per cent, interest on deposits by the workmen. The Company of the Iron Works of Champagne and the Canal of St. Dizier at Wassy adds to the compulsory 2 per cent, contribution from wages for an aid 1 The above account is slightly abridged from the letter in the New York Evening Post, before quoted on p. 94. PATRONAL INSTITUTIONS IN FRANCE 139 fund (10 per cent, for the first month) a variable amount. To the retiring fund it gives $2,400 a year and half the profits of the company's stores. The income of this fund helps to pay educational expenses, and for gymnastics and festivals, as well as for the usual objects of such funds. The schools provide for 346 pupils. An apprentice school teaches girls to sew and make up garments. In the second year the girl receives fifteen cents a day, and in the third all the wages she can gain. The whole sum is put in a savings account payable at marriage or coming-of-age. The workmen are assured, as a body, by the company against accidents : it receives deposits from them at six per cent, interest. The stores sell for cash on checks furnished three times a month by the company, and debited on wages. The second half of the 10.75 per cent, dividend goes to the buy- ers : trading at these stores is voluntary. Aged workmen are appointed to light work or sheltered in comfortable homes. The individual worker sees his real compensation increased by these various institutions $11.12, the whole expense for the works, being about $19,570 a year. The efforts of MM. Les Fils de Peugeot Freres, manufacturers of iron, at Valentigny (Doubs), to house their force of operatives find an unusual obstacle in the general refusal of the workpeople to buy the cottages or tenements built by the firm. The men " prefer to buy land and build houses according to their own taste." But the firm advances money to help them. It gives to a mutual aid society a subsidy equal to one third of the subscription from the employees, and supplies the sick with help in kind, to an amount equal to the money aid from the society. It pays pensions after the usual regulations, half of the sum reverting to the widows and orphans. It pays interest at 4 per cent, on workmen's savings deposited with it, and in- sures the entire force against accidents at its own expense. Two cooperative stores sell to the workmen and the public, but only the workmen are eligible as shareholders (there were 250 of these in 1889) : 75 per cent, of the profits go 140 A DIVIDEND TO LABOR to the consumers : 15 per cent, to the reserve fund and the shareholders. At a bakery established by a cooperative society, bread is sold at 5 per cent, above cost. The firm has built and maintains four schools and two infant schools : a hospital has been founded by M. E. Peugeot. What Mr. Willoughby calls " the most important step that has yet been taken in the development of voluntary insurance " (p. 114) is due to the Comite des Forges de France, an organization similar to the Iron and Steel Association in the United States, and including all the leading manufacturers. The Caisse Syndicate d' 'Assurance Mutuelle des Forges de France was founded in 1891 for the purpose, in the first place, of cooperation in general insurance of workmen in this industry against accidents. Mem- bership is optional, but the hope is that it will come to include practically all such concerns. The total amount in wages paid by each establishment is taken as the general basis of contribution. The establish- ments are grouped in three classes according to the risk incurred : and the general basis is qualified by one of the three coefficients of risk thus obtained. The maximum is 1.80, 1.50 or 1.20 fr. per 100 fr. paid in wages : "in practice, this maximum was required only the first year." A system of rebates provides for returning to each establishment " the difference be- tween the amount of their contributions and the amount paid to their employees in indemnities." In 1895 this Caisse des Forges had 46 members and in- sured 56,110 employees : its receipts (dues and inter- est) were 1178,676.45 (the rebates being $14,889.83) : its expenditures were exactly equal : the assets, in the funds for pensions, unadjudicated claims and reserve, PATRON AL INSTITUTIONS IN FRANCE 141 amounted to ' Class. of Wages tion per Benefit of Member's Child if 5, or multiples thereof. The company charges interest at 4 per cent, on the unpaid balance, taking this out of the dividends on the stock, which it holds as security ; equitable arrangements are made in case cancellation of such an engagement is desired. Eighty workpeople have taken 191 shares so far, 70 being bought by as many different persons. " Under an earlier plan over 1,000 shares, which are now nearly paid for, were taken by the clerical force and fore- men." In order to induce the employees to become stockholders more generally, the company, which be- lieves firmly in this method of cooperation, is intend- ing to guarantee them against loss by making their stock a first lien upon the property. " A most marked improvement," says one of the firm, " is shown by those who have purchased stock, not only in their ability as employees of the company, but in the general character of the men." A pension fund was established in 1894. Five hundred dollars are semi-annually set aside for it, half being from the bonus and half paid by the company. The president of the company is the chief trustee, and 314 A DIVIDEND TO LABOR the four others are employees elected annually. If at any time they find the income in excess of the amount' needed, they can discontinue the above payments for a season. A pensioner must have been seven years in service before permanent disability, partial or total, has been caused by accident, sickness or old age. No pension can exceed 75 per cent, of the average wages earned in the last two years of service. The company provides work, such as they are able to perform, for those entitled to a pension, and the fund pays a further sum, large enough to make the whole amount received equal to their former average wages. The fund amounted to $2,608.90 in January, 1896, with only one pensioner, and $6,203.09 in January, 1899, with one pensioner still. About one half of the employees live near Ivory- dale, but the company has only a few houses let to them, as it prefers to have them independent, rents being low. A building- association, however, has been in successful operation nine years, and is now useful as a savings-bank " in which many of the employees have neat balances to their credit." A cooperative grocery was unsuccessful, as the employees living near failed to take interest in it after one year. A library and reading-room, with rooms for smoking and card-play- ing, provided by the company, has not been much ap- preciated by the employees, who have many mutual aid clubs and prefer associations outside of the group in which they work. The company hopes for an in- crease of good results with the development of social and intellectual life, toward which the Saturday half holiday, without loss of pay, will contribute. The semi-annual distribution gives in addition two full holi- FIVE CASES OF PROFIT SHARING 315 days " dividend days " devoted to games, sports and a general meeting addressed by several speakers, in which the employees take great pride. In case of accidents from the machinery (so well guarded that these are few) the employee receives full pay while recovering. A physician's care is provided free by the company, and there is a distribution of turkeys at Christmas, one to each family represented. The company has secured relief from labor troubles by its profit-sharing scheme and its friendly disposi- tion toward the employees, shown in so many ways ; it has had no strikes or serious difficulties since 1887. * " We believe that it would be impossible to foment any such trouble among them now. On several oc- casions some troublesome fellow has tried to produce dissatisfaction. The men themselves have gone to the foreman, with details of the attempt, and the suggestion that the disturber be discharged." " The expense of breaking in new men has also been almost done away with ; " the average change in a year is not more than a dozen persons, positions being desired by the employees for friends, who are usually better hands than the casual applicants. A system of pro- motion encourages the ambitious and further tends to stability. About 50 per cent, of the force received the whole seventeen bonuses to January, 1896, and about 90 per cent, received twelve. The saving, of ..labor atJ[yorydale_hasJiefin_consider- able. In 1894 the labpj cost _oj_jnanufacture_ (in- cluding the~T% per cent, bonus) was? 68 per cent, of what it was in 1886 ; wages were 12 per cent, higher. A conservative estimate, allowing 28 per cent, of the 37 gained to improved methods of manufacture t 316 A DIVIDEND TO LABOR a saving of 9 per cent., plus the increased wages, or 12 per cent, cheaper labor cost to be attributed to profit sharing. Some of these improved methods, such as\ those in soap-cutting machinery are due to the interest \ of the workmen, who are concerned about the character I of the goods made and the reputation of the company ,\ With such workmen there is, of course, a saving in oversight. The saving in material is also sure, though difficult to determine exactly. Scraps and small pieces \ of soap used to fall upon the floor and accumulate so W that it had to be worked over every two or three weeks ; j now, this is necessary only once in three or four ' months. There is a " general air of tidiness and clean- liness about the factories." The saving, under profit sharing, to the company " is largely in excess of the sum paid to wage-earners as profits ; " the plan has ex- ceeded their expectations : " profit sharing," says one member, " has proved to be good for both employer and employee." The patience of the company, in educating their employees up to appreciation ^xTTihe plan, has had its just reward. The first two years brought no equivalent returns for the bonus, but Procter- and Gamble believed that the plan would be advantageous from a money point of view ; and, with all tlipir Idnrl- liness, which is manifest from this account, they .have been justified in this belief. The company understand the logic of profit sharing and have never supposed they would have a claim on the workmen in case of losses to which they contributed in no degree. The moral benefits to the employees are very recognizable. Pro- fit sharing at Ivorydale has been a school of thrift and carefulness. FIVE CASES OF PROFIT SHARING 317 THE SOUTH METROPOLITAN GAS COMPANY. In one respect the profit-sharing scheme of the South Metropolitan Gas Company of London is unique, for it has on its board of directors two work- men shareholders elected by their fellows. The com- pany has a capital of X7, 000, 000 ; its annual receipts are about one tenth of this amount, and it employs nearly 3,000 men ; it is said to supply some 88,000 workmen's houses with gas through metres worked on the penny-in-the-slot system. The present man- ager, Mr. George Livesey, and his father, Mr. Thomas Livesey, who was his predecessor in office, have labored consistently and persistently to improve the condition of the employees. A quarter of a century ago the company gave the men a week's holiday, an- nually, with pay : a few years later this was doubled, to employees of three years' standing. An aid fund and a superannuation fund are due to Mr. T. Livesey's initiative. Twelve shillings a week benefit and medi- cal attendance are given in sickness for thirteen weeks : in case of need, the term is extended another three months. The disabled workmen receive pensions vary- ing from ten to sixteen shillings a week, according to length of service. Each employee must contribute three pence a week to each of these funds, and the company makes a heavy contribution. " The com- pany was active in the abolition of Sunday day-labor in gas works, and gave its men this exemption with- out solicitation from them." The eight-hour day was granted in 1889, with an increase of wages estimated at twenty-five per cent. The dividends of the company were determined by 318 A DIVIDEND TO LABOR Parliament in 1876 on a sliding-scale basis. The standard price of gas is taken as 3s. Qd. per thousand feet ; and the standard dividend is four per cent. For every reduction of one penny in the price of gas, the company may increase its dividend one quarter of one per cent. Mr. George Livesey wished to include the workmen's wages in this scheme, but was not able to carry out his plan. In 1886 a profit-sharing system was adopted, to take in the officers and the foremen, and in 1889 it was extended to the workmen. For every penny gained in the reduction of the price of gas below 2s. Sd. per thousand feet, a bonus of one per cent, on wages and salaries was to be paid. Four per cent, interest would be paid to workmen leaving their bonus on deposit ; the scheme was dated back three years, to the benefit of nearly all the men. "This ' nest-egg ' was equal to eight per cent, on the year's wages of those who had been with the company three years. This sum was to remain at interest for three or five years." The men were required to sign an agreement to serve twelve months ; in order to pre- vent their leaving together, the agreements were vari- ously dated. 1 These favors to the men were won by Mr. Livesey from the directors largely because of the formation of the Gas Workers' Union, in 1889, under the inspira- tion of the successful dock strike. The gas workers' strike, December 13, 1889, to February 4, 1890, though unsuccessful, was followed by threats which caused Mr. Livesey to make non-membership in the 1 The Conspiracy and Protection of Property Act of 1875 punishes with fine or imprisonment persons employed in gas works who break a contract of service under certain circumstances. FIVE CASES OF PROFIT SHARING 319 Gas Workers' Union or the Coal Porters' Union a condition of profit sharing. In 1892 Mr. Livesey said before the Royal Labor Commission that member- ship in the union by his men " was being winked at as long as the members kept quiet." Mr. Livesey is also the manager of the Crystal Palace Gas Com- pany, which is under a sliding scale for dividends, prices and .wages. " Almost the only difference be- tween this plan and that of the South Metropolitan Company is that no trades-union is in any way pro- hibited by it." Mr. Livesey's opposition to the unions, which is the ground of considerable distrust of his plan on the part of many, thus seems to be much less pronounced than has been imagined. In 1889 and 1890 the bonus to the workmen was 5 per cent. ; then, with a rise in coal, the bonus fell to 3 per cent. ; then it rose to 4 and 5 per cent. ; in 1895 it was 6 per cent., and in 1896 and 1897 it was 7^ per cent. An annual bonus festival is held in August. The company began a system in 1889 of buying stock to be sold in small pieces to employees and consumers ; in four years the employees had in- vested over X4,000 in <5 shares, which the company enabled them to procure at less than the market price at the time of transfer, as the stock was rising. In 1894 another step was taken toward copartner- ship, as Mr. Livesey believes that "while simple profit sharing is good as far as it goes, it does not go very far. It creates an interest beyond their wages, in the workers in the business by which they live, and promotes a feeling of good-will between employers and employed, but as to doing the latter permanent good I am doubtful, unless means arc adopted to induce them 320 A DIVIDEND TO LABOR to save their annual bonus." Accordingly, in 1894, the directors offered to increase the annual bonus fifty per cent, on condition that one half of it should be in- vested in ordinary stock. In the next twelve months eighty-five per cent, of the men accepted the offer, and after a time all of them. The investments in stock have risen from 5,000 in 1894, to 80,000 in 1899, and there are also .30,000 on deposit. The more than 2,800 workmen shareholders (the other stockholders number 6,780), may be sharply divided into two classes. The men who never have saved anything and do not save voluntarily, number about 1,500, 55 per cent, of the whole number. They own simply the compulsory amount, which at the close of 1898 averaged 6 of stock, valued at 8, a total of 12,000. The other 1,300 men,- 45 per cent, of the whole are the thrifty ones, who have made voluntary savings in addition to the com- pulsory ; their average holding is about 50, the total being 68,000. If one excludes the salaried officers from the calculation, the average remains substan- tially the same. To the final step on his programme the work- men directors Mr. Livesey found it very difficult to win the assent of the board of directors, and at last he made this change a condition of his remaining with the company. An act of Parliament was pro- cured to the effect that the workingmen must hold 40,000 of stock before three wage-earning work- men directors could be chosen, and the act, as later amended, made it necessary for the workman director to have been seven years in service, and to be the holder of 100 of stock. In 1898 the necessary FIVE CASES OF PROFIT SHARING 321 amount of stock had been acquired, and there were forty-eight wage-earning employees qualified. Out of the six " stations " of the company, one had no man qualified ; at another only one of the two qualified would stand as a candidate ; at another only one of six ; at another none out of the seven qualified ; at another only one out of fourteen. At Old Kent Road, the principal station, there were nine candidates out of nineteen qualified, and a preliminary election was necessary to select one. One of the best men was chosen. There were thus four candidates at the final voting, on October 28, 1898, for the two places to be filled ; the employees on the staff had decided to take no action toward electing the director to whom they were entitled of the three. Each voter had one vote for every <10 of stock up to .100 ; then one vote for every .25 up to 300 ; after that one vote for every .50 up to 1,000, and no more. Two excel- lent men were elected ; 1 they took their seats Novem- ber 2, 1898, and they have since shown no sign of an inclination to take a narrow view of their duties, but have always had the interests of the whole company before them. " The workman director is an experiment, limited at first to three years," but the nine years' experience of the company with the profit-sharing committee, half of whom have been the eighteen workmen elected by the profit-sharing employees, is very encouraging for success. This committee is large, one third retire every year, and other questions than profit sharing relating to the workmen are referred to it ; but " it 1 Workers were heard to say before the election that they did not want on the Board as their representatives "any chattering workman. 1 ' 322 A DIVIDEND TO LABOR has worked most satisfactorily, without a hitch of any kind." Individual grievances are usually settled be- fore reaching the full committee, which deals with general questions mainly, such as affect the sick and burial, superannuation, and widows' and orphans' funds, and concessions to all the workmen, such as the supply of gas at cost (which was granted) and holidays. " I have presided at every meeting," said Mr. Livesey three years ago, " and we have never had a division of opinion ; certainly, if I found the men anything like unanimously held a particular view, it would be accepted, unless it was quite impossible. . . . Profit sharing has proved most satisfactory. The men, generally, do their work cheerfully, and in a happy, contented spirit, which alone is worth, in im- proved working, all the profit sharing costs the com- pany. Individually, many of the workmen show a decided interest in the company by suggesting various economies and improvements, and the number who take this interest is growing. . . . The coal men who fire the coals are more careful with their tools. . . . In the retort house, if they see the coals spilt, they say, ' That will not do ; that will go against our profit sharing? . . . Unquestionably the system of which the joint committee forms an essential part has promoted harmony and good feeling between employ- ers and employed. There has not been a single dis- pute of any kind since the system was inaugurated in 1889, except the great strike of 1889. . . . As to the idea of a strike, whenever the word has been named, every man says, ' We shall never have another ; ' they simply laugh at the idea. I state unhesitat- ingly that the company is recouped the whole of the FI, ; CASES c. **. 323 amounts some ,40,000 paid on bonus since the system was started. Of course, I do not say that all the men are influenced as above stated in the direc- tion of studying the company's interest ; but many are, the numbers are growing, and the system is prov- ing an effective means of educating the workman in industrial economics." It is not strange that the Duke of Devonshire, addressing the employees, at the fifth annual profit-sharing festival, with their wives and children, commended this instance of " the com- bination of capital and labor," and hoped that others would imitate the example set them by the South Metropolitan Gas Company. Mr. Livesey is firmly of the faith that copartnership is " the direction which promises the most satisfactory- results. I believe that what is wanted to secure in- dustrial peace is partnership the more complete the better partnership in profits, in capital, in respon- sibility. It will take time and patience and earnest work to bring it about, but the result will be worth all that it costs." l THE NELSON MANUFACTURING COMPANY AND LECLAIRE, ILLINOIS. The profit-sharing -enterprise begun by. Mr. N. 0. Nelson, of St. Louis, Mo., in 1886, was fully de- scribed in my "Profit Sharing" (1889, pp. 305-308). Since 1889 the company has developed the scheme considerably in the direction of productive coopera- 1 Some of the quotations in this account of the South Metropolitan Gas Company are from a recent communication from Mr. Livesey ; others are from the tenth chapter of Mr. Henry D. Lloyd's valuable work, Labor Copartnership, from which I have taken numerous par- ticulars. 324 A DIVIDEND TO LABOR tion, and the success which has attended its efforts places its system at the head of American instances of participation, and entitles Mr. Nelson to mention in connection with the honored names of Leclaire, La- roche-Joubert, Boucicaut and Godin. He is a strong believer in a natural and inevitable evolution of profit sharing into cooperation in its fullest sense. A de- scription, in some detail, of the manufacturing village which the Nelson Company is building up, as a suburb of Edwardsville, 111., eighteen miles northeast of St. Louis, will, therefore, have interest for the students of participation and cooperation alike. Edwardsville is a " city " of some five thousand souls, which one reaches from Chicago after a ride of seven hours through the wonderful maize region of the fertile State of Illinois. It has ample railroad accommoda- tions from four lines for its coal mines, brick yards and manufactories. Adjoining one of its stations, the Nelson Company acquired, in 1890, one hundred and twenty-five acres of farm land for the new industrial village, to which it gave the name of the " father of profit sharing." It now has in operation six factories of brick, one story only in height, and ranging in size from 50 x 60 feet to 80 x 160 feet. The principles of safe construction against fire laid down by Mr. Edward Atkinson, the noted publicist, have been fully complied with. Well ventilated, spacious, communi- cating easily with each other, all on one floor level, heated by steam, lighted by electricity, and protected by automatic sprinklers, these plain, unpretentious buildings furnish the maximum of healthfulness, safety and convenience. The plant comprises a boiler-house, a cabinet factory, a planing mill, a brass factory, 325 marble works, and bicycle and machinery shops. Here the company manufactures the entire equipment of a modern bathroom in marble and metal, and other plumbers' supplies, wood mantels, various brass, iron and lead fixtures and piping, the marble apparatus for halls, vestibules and floors in houses, and, most recently, a high grade bicycle, the " Leclaire." The industries still carried on in St. Louis will gradually be transferred to the new site, while the commercial and strictly jobbing departments will remain in town. The working force at Leclaire and in St. Louis consists of some four hundred men, women and boys, manual workers, clerks, typewriters, foremen and managers. In both places the intelligence, alertness, competence and contentedness of the employees are conspicuous. All^ay_be_partners jn_ the profits of the enterprise in which they are common workers., The majority~cf~'fhe i&gr Jnmdrf4 ftTQ a}so stockhold- ers, and draw a dividend ypft*fr tfr"p shares as well as upon their year's wages. The usual bonus hasbeen paidTentirely injitogir-gince 1890 ; whenever an em- ployee leaves the company, his stock is redeemed at par. Profit sharing has been in force since 1886, and the ten years following made this showing: In 1886 the bonus to labor was ^per cent, on wages; in 1887, 10 per cent. ; in 1888, 8 per cent.; in 1889,J ; 0_per cent.; in 1890, 10 per cent.; in 1891. 7 rar cent.; in 1892, 4 per cent. ; in- 1893,C^^ng7j^j894, 5 per cent. ; in 1895, 5 per cent. ; in 1896, nothing. 1 1 One of the employees, to be chosen by the men, could examine the closing of the books of the company at the end of the year ; as the men never cared to avail themselves of this privilege, having entire confidence in the accounting employees, the provision was dropped after the first seven years. 326 A DIVIDEND TO LABOR The average annual dividend of the employee was thus 6.4 per cent, for the first ten years. Since 1892 double the rate has been given to wages that capital receives (above 6 per cent, interest) from the net profits. Ten per cent, of these profits is set aside for a reserve fund. 'The company pays out the sum needed in cases of sickness and disability, as each case arises, and charges the amount to running expenses ; the allowance varies from $5 to $1 a week during disability. For funeral expenses $40 are allowed, if needed. The family of a deceased employee receives aid to an extent not exceeding two thirds of his wages, until self-support is feasible. Up to July, 1896, some $10,000 had been paid out for these various provident purposes. About one hundred and ten acres of the company's land are separated by a high Osage orange hedge from the fifteen acres occupied by the factories. Entering this rural reservation, we notice at once the excellent cinder-roads, the large cultivated plot on the left, the schoolhouse in front, and, beyond, the neat and com- modious houses (some thirty in number) of the work- men. The company does not wish to be a permanent landlord, although it owns and rents some houses out of the thirty now built. It will agree with the worker on a plan of the desired house, and then erect it for him, at a price equal to the usual cost of labor and material, on easy terms of payment: the company now prefers to have the employees build with the help of building associations. The price for the land is four dollars per front foot, including improvements. In return for this payment, the company bears the entire expense of supplying each house with water, FIVE CASES OF PROFIT SHARING 327 grading and paving the street, building and maintain- ing the sidewalk and fencing, and setting out trees. Electric light is furnished to each householder for twenty-five cents per month for each light. The care and lighting of the streets are an affair of the com- pany. The purchaser of a house receives a deed and gives a mortgage, on which he pays from twelve to twenty dollars a month, until its full discharge. There has been no instance of failure to pay these installments. 1 The company employs a gardener (one of the workmen) who cares for the streets and the public grounds ; from the hothouse under his manage- ment some thousands of plants are procured each year for public and private uses. The grounds about the schoolhouse and the dwellings attest a general love of the beautiful ; flower-beds, trees and ornamental shrubs abound. 2 A fundamental idea of the Nelson Company is the union of industrial training with education from books. It supports a school system under the charge of Mr. E. N. Plank as principal, with two women teachers in the kindergarten and primary departments. The cultivation of the small-fruits and vegetable field gives the children a knowledge of agriculture and hor- ticulture. At the age of twelve each boy pupil in the 1 If an employee wishes to leave LeclaSre,orto dispose of his home for any other reason, the company takes the house and pays hack all that has been advanced on it, charging' rent for the time the dwelling was occupied. A club-house accommodates those unmarried men employed at Leclaire who are not otherwise provided for. 2 The plan of the founders of Leclaire is to unite the advantages of a large manufacturing plant and city conveniences with the freedom and economy of country life. All who wish can easily raise their own vegetables and keep their own cow and poultry : all can eat their three meals at home. A DIVIDEND TO LABOR school works one hour a day in the factories or on the farm. As his years increase, his work hours also in- crease, until at graduation, when he is about eighteen, he will be working half time. He will then have acquired a trade, and a full job at full pay will await him. He would, in the mean time, have received pay for the actual value of his work. The schoolhouse contains an excellent free library of one thousand books, one hundred of which are usually out at a time. 1 Lectures are given two or three times a month in the winter season, and these are varied by con- certs and other entertainments. That musical talent abounds in Leclaire is shown by the fact that an admirable brass band of thirty regular members has been formed from the employees. The leader is em- ployed in the varnishing shop. The company has given the band a fine uniform, and it will advance money for an instrument, in case of need, to be repaid by the player. The cooperative store, conducted entirely by the members (fifty in number in June, 1896), was located in the lower story of a building (the band having their quarters above) provided by the company. The capital was in fifty-dollar shares, only one share to each member being allowed, with the one vote attached to it : the member could acquire his share by weekly installments of fifty cents if he wished. The sound business principles of the best cooperative stores of 1 In the schoolhouse a fine bust of Edme-Jean Leclaire is conspicu- ous ; it was presented to the new village by the Maison Leclaire of Paris, after the close of the Exposition at Chicago in 1893. On a stand in another room is framed the address of congratulation sent by the workmen of the Parisian house to their American compeers, and signed by nine hundred of them. FIVE CASES OF PROFIT SHARING 329 England governed this Leclaire establishment. All purchases were for cash only ; the usual retail price was charged, and the net profit was returned to the buyer as a percentage on his purchases. For some years the store paid six per cent, interest on its cap- ital, and an average dividend of fifteen per cent, on purchases. The mistake was afterwards made of enlarging unduly the scope of the business. This plan resulting in loss, the members wisely returned to the former limits and regularly received ten per cent. on purchases. The store, Mr. Nelson writes me, was afterwards discontinued, " mainly because we were so close to Edwardsville, which was full of stores, and there were not quite enough of us to make it interest- ing." The adjoining coal mine sells bituminous coal to the company for one dollar a car-load for slack coal, its almost exclusive fuel ; employees pay 11.25 a ton. While the Nelson Company exhibits in many direc- tions the most friendly spirit toward its employees, it carefully avoids paternalism and the consequent weak- ening of the workman's independence and self-respect. It makes no conditions as to length of service qualify- ing a man to become a sharer in profits ; he can be- long to a trade-union or not, at his pleasure ; he can leave the concern when he likes, without loss. __The_ only condition imposed upon fan in the profits 13 that, if ^g nym-king full tima pay, he shall save ten per cent, of his vest Ihe sum in the stock of the company live in Leolaiio, or not, as he wills : we hayejioted the freedom hie enjoys if he chooses to live^ there, a freedom in-striking contrast with the state of subordi- 330 A DIVIDEND TO LABOR nation of a dweller in Pullman. There is no liquor saloon in Leclaire, though one or two are, unfortu- nately, too near at hand over the Edwardsville line ; and thus far there has been no need of a police force. The village is not subject to the authorities of Edwardsville, but to those of the larger " township." The library and the school are open to the residents of Edwardsville, and outsiders are welcomed as house- uilders. The good feeling and good sense prevailing among the employees of the Nelson Compariy7^3ter~years of profit sharing had done their natural work of edu- cation, were forcibly shown in the hard times of 1893. In July oj; that year the management were obliged to reduce wages one fourth. Reductions of the work- man s income are common in times of commercial distress. True to its principles, tKe .Nelson Com- pany took the much more unusualjcourse_^f^ reducing salaries and interest hi the same proportion as wages. The one fourth thus deducted from wages, salaries and interest was to be made _good out ofsubsequent profits before any bonus should be paid. TCEe em- ployees of the firm, seeing the obvious fairnessrand the plain necessity of this arrangement, ratified.it cordially. Such was the good fortune of the company that it was soon able, only three months later, to re- sume full pay, and at the end of the year the amount deducted for the third quarter was made up to all the parties concerned ; there was, of course, no bonus to divide. This event may well be reckoned, as Mr. Nelson says, "another victory for profit sharing." Mr. Nelson, who now resides at Leclaire, has taken a decisive step in that advance from profit sharing to FIVE CASES OF PROFIT SHARING 331 cooperative production which he believes logical and desirable. One of the factories at Leclaire, the cabinet-making shop, is now on the way to become the sole property of the workers in it. On December 1, 1895, the company proposed that the employees in this department, "the oldest at Leclaire, should become the owners of the plant and working capital at its first cost by contributing, at the start, one fourth of their wages, when working full time, the proportion to decrease at double the rate at which they should de- crease the purchase price ; that they should pay the company six per cent, interest on the investment, and have all the profits ; that they should organize as a cooperative concern as soon as one tenth of the pur- chase price was paid off ; that the company should have control, but without any charge for business management, until they had paid off one half. The company estimate that, at the end of the first year, there would be a reduction from wages of about one eighth and at the end of the second year of nothing ; and that the whole sum would be paid in about six or eight years." Some peculiar circumstances led to a rejection by the men of this generous proposition, and it was withdrawn. The objections made were to the immediate loss in wages and to the idea of " going alone." What the newspapers inaccurately termed a " strike " occurred. " A good part of the force went right along and never stopped ; but there was enough mischief in some [new-comers, mostly] to create actual trouble, which it was not well to risk. The proposal was immediately called off, and the work went on in the usual way." Not long afterwards, the men volun- tarily requested the company to renew the proposal, 332 A DIVIDEND TO LABOR somewhat modified ; it did so, and the proposal was accepted by the workers in the cabinet factory, which is now on the highroad to cooperative production, pure and simple. 1 It is the intention of the company to make a similar proposal to the men in the other factories, in turn, whenever they manifest a desire to fall in with it, without waiting for a number of years to show the results reached by the cabinet workers. The company considers the risks of failure to be very small after the ten years' experience in profit sharing which this factory had ; this has given the men a larger self-reliance and a better knowledge of business than are possessed by the ordinary workman. As the first instance in America of a profit sharing firm transforming itself gradually into a cooperative productive establishment, the Leclaire works have a new claim upon the interest and sympathy of all who have observed the brilliant record of the Nelson Com- pany for the last dozen years. 2 If successful in the new venture, as they seem likely to be, they will, it is to be hoped, find numerous imitators among large 1 The spirit of these workmen is shown by the fact that, on a visit to Leclaire, in 1896, the writer found a force employed on night work, in addition to the full day force, a step taken purely of their own volition, as they now control all such matters. After trying a day of nine hours for several years, the whole Nelson force went back voluntarily to ten hours. The company believes that " the hourly return for nine hours is greater than the hourly return for ten, but that in the aggregate more work will be done in ten hours than in nine." It is the intention to go back to nine hours and to reduce these to eight, in time. 2 For further particulars the reader may consult Employer and Employed for October, 1893 (" A Visit to Leclaire," by the noted philanthropist, Edward Everett Hale), and January, 1894 (" Through Profit Sharing to Cooperation," by Mr. Nelson) ; and The Forum for March, 1895 (" Two Examples of Successful Profit Sharing," by Professor F. W. Blackmar). FIVE CASES OF PROFIT SHARING 333 manufacturers who desire, naturally enough, to let others do the difficult work of experimenting, but will be ready to follow after an assured and confirmed success. CHAPTER X PEOFIT SHARING TO-DAY IN the following pages I seek to present briefly some of the more important particulars in the history of the profit-sharing movement since 1889. 1 The argument for such a modification of the common wages system I have presented in full before and need not repeat. The matter that here concerns us is the record of the last ten years, and its bearing upon the movement and the claims of its advocates. This period has been, for the most part, and especially in the United States of America, marked by a long busi- ness depression. For the larger part of the years 1889-1899, par- ticularly from 1893 to 1897, the difficulty has been, as many have said, not how to share profits, but how to avoid serious losses. The question of dividing the profits could not, therefore, be voted " urgent," and it it has seemed, hi the eyes of men of business, to lack actuality. The advocate of the system, indeed, might pleasantly contrast the demand for propaganda laid upon him by it in good times with the quiescence that must then fall, in considerable degree at least, upon other reformers, who perchance maintain that 1 I have embodied the substance of the information given in 189.3 in pp. 300-307 of Socialism and the American Spirit, so as to make the present chapter complete in itself, as a supplement to the extended treatment in Profit Sharing. The chief literature of the subject, since 1889, will be found in the bibliography. PROFIT SHARING TO-DAY 335 society is going to ruin because of neglecting their favo/ite A -maceas. In hard tim.^s they flourish, so to p. >k, " Oie general n-i ^^ r>reri their social doctrines, however wi. unwise, with fresh zeal and courage. But with the c-.ampion of profit sharing it is not so. In times when no. profits are made he feels no call to belabor employers because they do not divide their gains with the employees. He does not care to sow his seed on the rock, as the hymn-writer advises, quite contrary to the implication of the parable of Jesus ! His counsel revives, how- ever, hi the day when prosperity returns, as it is sure to do after the longest depression. It is not at all strange, on the contrary it is the thing naturally to be expected, if numerous ventures in profit sharing, just begun or not well established, should come to an early end in the days of panic or the years of slow and almost imperceptible recovery from it. Profit sharing, evidently, is no guarantee against commercial crises and hard times, however much moral aid may be drawn from it at such times in fac- tories where it has had a long and successful experi- ence. We should be prepared for a considerable falling off hi the number of American cases of profit sharing, at least, a decline which the subsequent prosperity of the last two or three years has not yet offset. In France there has been a very gradual increase in the number of firms giving a share of the profits to the workman since 1889. The latest figures give the number of such cases as 109. Probably this should be somewhat diminished by the omission of a number of cases in which the system has lapsed, but nothing 336 A DIVIDEND TO LABOR has been said about the change in print. 1 On the other hand, not a few of the Societes Cooperatives de Consommation are quite faithful to the cooperative principle hi that they give a share in the profits to their workers as well as to the shareholder and the consumer. The four most noted profit-sharing houses in France of long date the Maison Leclaire, the Laroche-Joubert paper works at Angouleme, the Godin foundries at Guise, and the Bon Marche at Paris are, in different degrees, fitly styled cooper- ative establishments. As they reached this position by a different course from that usually followed by cooperative productive houses, they apply the coopera- tive principle under a somewhat different form. The features of difference for instance, the larger mea- sure of control given to the managing partners, (who have been selected, in true cooperative fashion, by the body of employes^) are such as to give these French houses a coherence and efficiency not often seen in houses that profess the cooperative faith. A strong argument can be made for profit sharing as a training school for complete cooperative production ; the four establishments just named have shown how desirable and how feasible it is as a transition method. 2 The Maison Leclaire at Paris continues on its way with unabated success ; under the firm-name, Redouly et Cie, the partners are M. Redouly (since 1872) and MM. Valme and Beudin (since the death of M. Mar- quot in 1890). With the choice of these two later 1 See the note on the French list in Appendix II. 2 See on this subject the instructive work by Ugo Rabbeno, Le Societd, Cooperative di Produzione. Parte III., " La Partecipazione al Profitto come Mezzo di Transizione," pp. 387-419. Milano, 1889. PROFIT SHARING TO-DAY 337 partners the capital of the house was doubled; it is now 800,000 fr. A street in Paris has been named after M. Leclaire, and his statue stands in the Square des Epinettes near by. The president of the board of managers of the Papeterie Cooperative of Angouleme is now M. Edgard Laroche-Joubert, the son of the founder. Out of a capital of 4,570,000 fr. the workmen and employes in service in 1896 held 938,000 fr., while those passed out of service held 896,000 fr., a total of 1,834,000 fr. ; in the same year 633 depositors in the savings fund had 228,691 fr. to their credit. The business of the Godin foundries, now Colin et Cie, at Guise, had so increased that there were, in 189394, 1,014 participants (of the three grades) against 793 in 1887. The business of the year was 4,014,000 fr., and the net profit 262,851 fr., about three fourths of which went to the workmen. The plant was valued at 11,235,663 fr. The firm name of the Bon Marche is now Morin, Fillot, Bicois et Cie. The 400 shares (divisible into eight parts) of 50,000 francs each (less than one sixth of their market value), were held in 1896 by some 500 employees, past and present, from the shop-boys up to the managing partners. The numerous institutions for the care and relief of the army of employees are fitly styled " models " by a recent writer ; he applies the same adjective to the whole establishment. 1 1 Le Mfaanisme de la Vie Moderne, par le Vicomte G. D'Avenel, eh. i. 2 and 8. Paris, 1896. " After the example of the Bon Marche"," he says elsewhere, " M. Jaluzot has conceived the praise- worthy idea of transferring to his employees, gradually, the owner- ship of Le Printemps [another department store] ; but, as the chances of surplus value appear less than in the establishment on the Rue da 338 A DIVIDEND TO LABOR The French Participation Society has suffered heavy losses in recent years in the death of M. Albans Chaix and M. le Comte de Chambrun, 1 and, most of all, in the decease of M. Charles Robert, its accom- plished and indefatigable president, on July 24, 1899. M. Robert was the most distinguished advocate of profit sharing in France ; he devoted great abilities and a great character to the cause of cooperation in all its forms. On the Continent outside of France there are still comparatively few cases of profit sharing in any one country ; they are proportionately more numerous in Switzerland than elsewhere. This little country pre- sents fourteen instances ; Germany, forty-seven ; Aus- tria-Hungary, five ; Belgium, six ; Holland, seven ; Italy, eight ; and there are scattering examples in Spain, Portugal, Scandinavia and Russia nine in all. 2 The yearly contribution of the mine owners of Belgium, which has been described in chapter vi., is, like the practice of French collieries, a very considera- ble instance of indirect profit sharing on a large scale. All over those parts of the Continent, in fact, where Bac, he has had to require each member of his force to purchase a certain number of shares according to his grade, from twenty-five for the chiefs of departments to one for simple clerks. These figures being only the obligatory minima, there are now seventy-five em- ployees who hold more than ten shares, and take part in the general assembly of the stockholders " (ibid. p. 38). 1 The Comte de Chambrun instituted a prize competition in 1895 for the best essay OH profit sharing ; this resulted in the publication of the four volumes by MM. Waxweiler, Vanlaer, Bureau and Merlin, named in the bibliography in Appendix IV. 2 M. le Comte Auguste Ciezskowski of Posen practiced a scheme of profit sharing in agriculture fifty-three years ago. Lord Wallscourt and M. J. L. Legrand (Ban de la Roche) were two other pioneers of the system. See the note at the end of Appendix II. PROFIT SHARING TO-DAY 339 patronal institutions abound, the general principle is recognized by many employers that the enjoyment of a portion of the profits properly falls to the work- people. The form which the distribution takes is, as we have seen, indirect and collective, in the support of institutions for the whole force of a factory. While the convinced advocate of profit sharing will natu- rally welcome an increase in the number of firms which give an annual bonus directly and explicitly to the individual worker, he will recognize that this is a forward step which many will hesitate to take for various reasons ; and that the main matter is that welfare-institutions of all kinds shall be multiplied first, as the best preparation for later developments. When profit sharing proper is reached^ these antece- dent institutions should not be discontinued. They may be sufficiently endowed so as to need but slight annual contributions from the firm or the employees or both. The conduct of them should be devolved upon the workmen themselves so far as possible. The kindly interest of the employer should never become so " paternal "as to weaken the power of association and self-help among his employees. Profit sharing, as M. Maurice Vanlaer says, " is one form of patronage [in the good sense of the word, meaning the employer's active good- will] ; it is not always the best. . . . Whenever the employer wishes to create permanent institutions in his establishment, he will act more wisely in levying upon general ex- penses the sum needed for their support than in allot- ing them a share of the profits, which may fail to come." J The question that interests the lover of his 1 La Participation aux B6n6fices, p. 273. Paris, 1898. 340 A DIVIDEND TO LABOR kind in this direction is, then, to find how many em- ployers are adopting welfare-institutions in general, rather than how many are dividing profits with their workmen in a formal and explicit fashion. Profit sharing proper may come, and it may well come, as a later measure when the other institutions have been solidly established, as at the great works of Naeyer et Cie at Willebroeck and Grainheim in Belgium (with branches at Prouvy, Nord, and Renteria in Spain). Its 2,000 workmen manufacture boilers, ice machines, paper, and pates a papier. For a long time the firm provided for them many patronal institutions, includ- ing remarkably easy provisions for obtaining homes of their own, of which several hundred have thus been acquired. In 1891 profit sharing was introduced, without detriment to existing institutions. Workers of five years' standing were to share twenty-five per cent, of the net profits, the shares being graded ac- cording to seniority. These sums are credited to individual accounts, and at the end of ten years they are paid, in shares or in cash, as the company may decide. A manufacturer, again, who has made his fortune, may wish to continue his business simply for the bene- fit of his workpeople. He can then do as M. Molijn, a prosperous manufacturer of Rotterdam, has done. He has established a corporation De Veluwe for the manufacture of Japan varnish, dyes, and various me- chanical and horticultural products at Nunspeet in Gelderland, Holland. Wishing to give his employees all the advantages of modern civilization, he has pro- vided for wholesome dwellings, baths, food prepared in a central kitchen and bakery, a steam laundry, and PROFIT SHARING TO-DAY 341 electric light; a club-house, aid in sickness, retiring pensions, and other desirable institutions are also pro- vided for, out of sixty per cent, of the profits, after four cent, interest has been allowed to capital. The remaining forty per cent, is paid out in shares of two hundred francs, so that the employees will in time become full proprietors. M. Molijn's system pays all the workers, male and female, the same wages a somewhat doubtful measure. The Pia Azienda Tessile of Conao, Italy, is a unique philanthropic institution for giving work to silk weavers out of employment. Its donated capital draws no interest. The workmen weave the silk at home, and are paid wages slightly below those current in the labor market. Each half year they further receive 50 per cent, of the pro- fits ; a reserve fund gets 10 per cent., and the director 20 per cent. In 1872 the capital was 40,000 fr., and the yearly business more than 150,000 fr. ; more than 100 workers received in wages 37,272 fr. Of two instances of profit-sharing in Spain, one, the Royal Tapestry Factory of Madrid, founded by Van- dergotten in 1791, is probably still in operation ; the other, the General Tobacco Company for the Philippines, of Barcelona, has, very probably, succumbed to the fortunes of war. In Portugal the tobacco industry furnishes the one example of participation. The law of May 22, 1888, abolished free competition in this manufacture and estab- lished a government monopoly. The five or six thousand workpeople employed in the business (about one half are women) were among the most miserable of Portuguese operatives. They numbered from a quarter to a third more than enough to supply the market ; frequent stop- pages of work and reductions of the piece-wages were the natural result. The law of 1888 guaranteed steady employ- ment for eight hours a day at the existing rate of wages ; 842 A DIVIDEND TO LABOR relief in case of sickness and disability ; a retiring fund, supported by an annual gift of twenty cantos de reis (about $22,000), which secured a minimum allowance of 8 fr. 30 c. a week ; creches and schools in the workshops, sup- ported by the State and the employees jointly ; and a share in the profits. In the four factories at Lisbon and Oporto, the entire force was to receive from the excess of profits over $3,850,000, 5 per cent. ; of this sum 74 per cent, was to go to the workpeople, 16 to the administrative force, and 10 to the directors. In 1891 the manufacture was conceded to a society, which was bound by its contract to maintain the bonus system ; after 5,150 contos de reis had been set aside for fixed charges, 5 per cent, of the profits, above 4,900 contos, go to the wqrkpeople, and 1 per cent, to the employes. Other stipulations are made in favor of the wage-earners. The result of these arrangements has been great harmony and comfort among them. The latest figures concerning profit sharing in the British Empire give ninety -four firms, employing from 50,647 to 53,010 persons, according to the season and variations of trade. Details were avail- able concerning the size of the bonus paid in 1898 for seventy-five cases. Excluding seventeen cases, in which no bonus was paid, that allotted in fifty-eight cases was at the average rate of 11.8 per cent. 1 The now considerable number of firms which have prac- 1 See the Labour Gazette for August, 1899. Mr. David F. Scbloss has written the first " history of British profit sharing " in Part IV. of his extremely valuable Report on Profit Sharing (Eyre and Spottis- woode, 10d.) made to the British Board of Trade (Labour Depart- ment), and dated March 31, 1894. This report devotes from half a dozen lines to several pages to each instance. In the Labour Gazette for each year since 1894, the statistics of British profit sharing have been given, supplementing the Report. Mr. Schloss has named the years 1865-67, 1872, 1886-88, and 1894 as showing a noteworthy number of new cases of profit sharing, while in 1889-92 the large number of seventy-nine new attempts were made. PROFIT SHARING TO-DAY 343 ticed profit sharing for years with good results are re- inforced by the favorable opinions of economists like Professors Alfred Marshall and J. S. Nicholson, of statesmen like Gladstone and Mr. James Bryce, and the active good-will of noblemen like the Marquis of Ripon and Earl Grey. The trial of profit sharing by an English firm for the longest time has been made by Fox Brothers, woolen manufacturers, Wellington, Somerset. They had for some years given to their managers, foremen and clerks a bonus based on profits and on value of service, and in 1866 they added a deposit plan. Any one of the workpeople making a deposit with the firm receives interest varying from four and one half per cent, as a minimum to ten per cent, as a maximum, " in accordance with a certain fixed scale based on profits." The whole number of employees is about 1,100, women being somewhat in the majority; the depositors numbered, in 1894, 125 men and 24 women. Mr. J. H. Fox, of the firm, read a paper before the Social Science Association in 1881 giving a favorable but not enthusiastic account of their experience, and his opinion " has in no respect changed since then." Messrs. Ross and Duncan, engineers and boiler- makers, Glasgow, are the only firm that is on record as having resumed profit sharing after once abandon- ing it. The system was introduced in May, 1887 : one bonus was distributed the next October, and an- other a year later. As the workmen, according to the head of the firm, took " no interest in the matter, and, indeed, seemed to be looking upon it with suspi- cion as disguised selfishness attempting to establish a kind of spy system of some men on others," the firm 344 A DIVIDEND TO LABOR discontinued the plan. But it was afterward resumed with better results. A consultative committee of masters and men holds monthly meetings. " The in- terest and intelligence shown are often very gratify- ing. . . . We are quite satisfied that our profit-sharing attempts and our conferences with workmen have cre- ated a better and more harmonious spirit throughout our works." The cooperative society at Huddersfield, which suc- ceeded, under the same name, to Win. Thomson and Sons, in 1886, has had ten years of general prosper- ity l since it was described in " Profit Sharing between Employer and Employee " (pp. 292-295). This last year was one of loss though not large : the society was unable to pay interest on share capital without draw- ing on the reserve fund. The workers (on fixed weekly wages forty-eight hours a week) are all part- ners in the enterprise ; they offered to pay half this interest from their own pockets, so that only one half was taken from the reserve. The abolition of indi- vidual piece-work has increased the cooperative spirit greatly ; if the operatives had been " turned into the street when there was no work, instead of a loss, there would have been a profit ; " but a cooperative body, of course, could not do this. An assurance and pen- sion fund, for the relief of those incapacitated for 1 In 1896, for instance, after allowing for depreciation, and paying 617 interest on loan stock, the remaining profit of 2,340 gave 189 to the reserve fund, 363 to the assurance and pension fund, and 5 per cent, on share capital : the balance, 1,347, justified a bonus of Is. Qd. in the pound on wages, and Is. in the pound on purchases above 50 : a final balance of 54 was carried forward. The Whole- sale Society is now sole agent for the concern with English coopera- tive societies. PROFIT SHARING TO-DAY 345 work by illness or accident or old age, was established in 1892 with 336 from the profits of the year; three men are now receiving 10s. a week, and two women 7s. a week. The fund was .1,415 19s. 2d. on January 1, 1899. "I hold this new fund," writes Mr. George Thomson, the head of the society, " to be of even greater importance than profit sharing, be- cause it would take a long time to accumulate from profits a sufficient sum to realize an annuity even of 10s. per week." The motto of the Woodhouse mills is " Truth in Industry ; " no cotton or shoddy is allowed to be used. The workpeople (all men) have shown great application, they have avoided waste, and they have greatly diminished the cost of superintendence. Their spirit is shown in the fact that one of the weavers, " having invented a great improvement, pre- sented it to the society." The bonus of the employee is applied to the purchase of stock for him up to the legal limit of 200. The experience of this Hudders- field society is of great value, and it offers much en- couragement to employers who may wish to turn their establishments into cooperative societies through the instrumentality of profit sharing and welfare-institu- tions. The rules give the managers great power, but this is modified by the existence of a consulting com- mittee : the cooperative spirit has availed itself of the strength of the vigorous employer. The principles of profit sharing have made decided progress in the English cooperative movement in the last few years. According to Mr. Schloss (" Methods of Industrial Remuneration," ch. xxiii.) in 1896 bo- nuses to employees were paid to the amount of 22,525, by 229 cooperative stores. The Irish Dairy- 346 A DIVIDEND TO LABOR ing Societies, fifty-six in number, include profit shar- ing in their rules. Ninety-one productive societies in England and Scotland pay a bonus. Cooperative pro- duction has made a remarkable advance in the last ten years in the United Kingdom, and the labor copartnerships are faithful to the interests of the em- ployee as a profit-maker. 1 In 1889 I gave a list in "Profit Sharing" of twenty-four cases of American firms practicing the system of a " determinate bonus " to labor, and an- other of ten cases of the " indeterminate bonus." In 1899, six of the twenty-four cases continue in opera- tion, and five out of the ten. To these eleven cases in both species should be added twelve others of later date, making twenty-three cases in 1899 against thirty- four in 1889. 2 1 See, especially, Mr. H. D. Lloyd's highly interesting volume, Labor Copartnership, founded on a visit to England in 1897. Mr. Lloyd pays due honor to the admirable work of the Labour Associa- tion of London. 2 See the table in Appendix II. The total for Europe and America is 322 cases. Mr. D. F. Schloss, in his Methods of Industrial Remuner- ation, third edition, says (p. 254, note) that " many of the cases men- tioned by Mr. Gilman as examples of profit sharing will be seen not to fall within the definition of that method adopted in these pages." Mr. Schloss applies the term profit sharing to those cases only " in which an employer agrees with his employees that they shall receive, in partial remuneration of their labor, and in addition to their ordi- nary wages, a share, fixed beforehand, in the profits of the undertak- ing to which the profit-sharing scheme relates " (pp. 247, 248). The note on p. 254 continues by naming, in parentheses, a number of firms lying outside of this definition : but it here names five firms which are included in the indeterminate bonus list, to which the next sentence refers: "All Mr. Gilman's cases of Indeterminate Profit Sharing are also (!) outside our definition." The severity with which Mr. Schloss applies his definition appears in the statement, at the end of this note, that " the Wardwell Needle Co. is improperly placed among the ' Determinates.' " According to the account in Profit Sharing (p. 318), PROFIT SHARING TO-DAY 347 These figures indicate a remarkable mortality among cases of profit sharing in the United States, especially when one adds to the list six or seven other cases at least, in which the plan was adopted and! afterward abandoned between 1889 and 1899. 1 How far these numerous apparent failures of the system to sustain itself and bring forth good results, for ten years or more, are due to circumstances, and how far to defects in the system itself, will appear more clearly in Appendix No. III., in which I have carefully ex- amined Mr. Monroe's article and his conclusions; these are based on a misleading use of mere enumer- ation of cases, which should properly be weighed as well as counted. As has been said, concerning the general situation, it was to be expected in this coun- this company agreed with its employees "to divide the profits of business equally " which should appear to be a sufficiently " deter- minate " proposition ! Mr. Schloss names Procter and Gamble and Ara Cushman and Co. as cases not conforming to his definition ; but he fails to see that " a share, fixed beforehand, in the profits of the undertak- ing," is just as much such a share, and just as definite, if the basis of division of the net profits is " the proportion of wages paid to business done " (which was the agreement in these two cases) as if it were the proportion of wages to capital. Since 1890 the Procter and Gamble Company pay the same dividend on wages as on stock, thus removing the last ground for Mr. Schloss' objection. His definition seems to me too rigid for practical purposes. When Mr. J. W. Tufts, of Boston, for instance, gives one per cent, on wages to his employees' mutual aid society, and allows ten per cent, interest on deposits from the men, this is practically profit sharing, though as the gift is collective in the first particular, and takes the form of a premium on thrift in the second, the case might be best styled one of ' ' employers' institutions." I have expressed my agreement, however, with M. Vanlaer that profit sharing proper is itself to be ranked under patronage. The ques- tion is largely one of mere terminology. 1 Mr. Paul Monroe, in a valuable article on " Profit Sharing in the United States " (The American Journal of Sociology for May, 1896), has given the most detailed statement of recent American experience to be found in print. 348 A DIVIDEND TO LABOR try that a number of experiments in profit sharing begun not long before the protracted siege of " hard times " (1893-1897) should come to an end because of inability to earn a bonus and consequent discour- agement, while others begun after the crisis had fairly set in should soon be dropped. Too many of the experiments made show a painful lack of seriousness in dealing with a grave matter ; in others the trail of the amateur is but too visible. The unwisdom of making an important modification of the wages system with the expectation that in one or two years' time it would, almost automatically, transform a difficult situ- ation is obvious. One of the chief demands of such a system is for a considerable length of time, requisite for the cooperative education of all concerned, a process for which three or four years, at the lowest, are none too many. When one reads, then, of American firms which gravely state that they have " tried profit sharing and found it a failure " after twelve months or even six months only, he does not need to be a thick-and-thin partisan of the system to ask if they consider it a mere toy, and to inquire if they would respect such frivolity in any other direction. That which here deserves respect and careful study is the experience of those American firms which have persevered through the initial difficulties, and have not been dazzled by the early victories of profit sharing. Some of these have reached what seems like permanent success ; others, equally persistent (like the Ara Cushman Company), have found circumstances " too many " for them, and have given up the effort, even if still believing in the soundness of the principle. The employer who con- PROFIT SHARING TO-DAY 349 templates a trial of the plan will not disregard the experience of any other capable and conscientious em- ployer, but he will pay most heed to the record of such firms as the five described in the last chapter. 1 Concerning three minor American instances, a few par- ticulars may be of interest. The Columbus (Ohio) Gas Company practiced for the ten years 1885-95 the method of dividing equally with its men the saving made in the cost of labor per unit of product ; if this, for example, were re- duced 5 per cent, in any year, wages would be increased 2.5 per cent. A point having been reached at which further re- duction was not possible, the company adopted, in 1895, the plan of paying the employees the same semi-annual divi- dend on wages as the stockholders receive. The company may pay the dividend in stock (as it wishes to do) until each employee earns at least three shares. More than half of the seventy-five employees, qualified for participation by one year of good service, sold their first stock dividend in 1895. The Columbus Traction Company has paid its first dividend to its employees this year, one per cent. on wages, the same as was paid to stockholders on their shares. The Ballard and Ballard Co., a large flour-milling concern of Louisville, Ely., has gradually extended profit 1 The essential logic of profit sharing has not, of course, been dis- proved by the abandonment of numerous trials of it in the United States for various reasons in the last ten years. The argument, for instance, based on the saving of what usually goes to waste is just as sound now as when John Marshall of Leeds showed Robert Owen over his mills. Mr. Marshall remarking, " If my people were to be careful and avoid waste, they might save me 4,000 a year," Owen replied, " Well, why don't you give them 2,000 a year to do it, and then you yourself would be the richer by 2,000 a year." The question of favorable or unfavorable circumstances surrounding a particular estab- lishment is another matter. I may be allowed to refer the reader to the closing chapter of Profit Sharing, and especially to the cautions addressed to the employer on pp. 436-439. 350 A DIVIDEND TO LABOR sharing in the last fifteen years in a manner that commends itself on general principles. It first gave the superintend- ent five per cent, of the net profits, in addition to salary. A few years afterward it began to divide ten per cent, among the salaried employees. " After certain changes had taken place in our salaried force, a case presented itself where a typewriter who had been with us only three months was participating in the profits, whereas certain laborers who had been with us fifteen years, and in fact ever since we had been in business, were not participating, and this struck us as unjust. We therefore determined to enlarge the list of those who participated in this ten per cent, by including such of our wage-earners as had been with us two years : so that the list was very largely increased, and of course the amount given to the salaried employees was di- minished." A day-laborer in these mills begins at $1.25 per day (the usual rate in the city), and after two years he receives $2 a day and a share in the profits. He must con- tinue in the service until the Christmas day after the begin- ning of the company's fiscal year on July 1. " We have found that the laborer who gets $1.75 per day, as against $1.50, is apt to consume that extra $1.50 a week in living expenses, the corner grocery getting practically all of it ; whereas, when he is given his money in a lump, frequently amounting to as much as six or eight weeks' wages, he has a sum which is a nest-egg and to which he can add. He can pay off any accumulated doctors' bills, or misfortunes, or he has enough to make a slight investment. This is, to our mind, a much better way than giving a small increase of wages from time to time. The plan has worked admira- bly ; . . . after the lapse of some years ... we gave each of five trusted employees an additional one per cent, of our net profits," making a total of twenty-one per cent, distributed. The company takes out insurance for its workmen under the Workmen's Collective Policy, without charge to them. It serves a lunch for the office force and certain other employees, which, it finds, tends to fraternal PROFIT SHARING TO-DAY 351 feeling. The workman can leave his bonus on deposit with the company, if he wishes, at five per cent, interest. 1 1 The Yale and Towne system of " gain sharing " has been given up by that company. Mr. Alfred Dolge's fine industrial system of " just distribution of earnings, " by means of a large variety of welfare- institutions at Dolgeville, N. Y., came to an end in 1898 through his failure in business. CHAPTER XI THE KEASONABLE WAY IT can hardly be necessary, after detailing the in- formation contained in the eight preceding chapters, to enter upon a labored argument in justification of the employers whose practices I have outlined. Occa- sionally the opinion of one or another manufacturer, who has tried these novel ways, has been quoted ; but for the most part I have refrained from giving such expressions, preferring to let the facts speak for them- selves. 1 If the principles set forth as being " an essential matter" in the industrial world have not now commended themselves to the mind of one who has weighed the facts herein recorded, argument from general considerations would probably fail. If the ideal first set forth for the employer as realizable has not been shown to have been realized here and there among men, the expositor has surely been at fault. 1 I have also refrained from discussing some points of which an extended treatise on employers' institutions would need to take notice. The question how far wages are high or low in establish- ments having such institutions, relatively to establishments without them, would need to be investigated minutely. It may safely be taken for granted, however, that wages are at least as high in the great majority of the establishments I have described as the average outside. It is another interesting question at what point the ex- penditure by the employer of a large collective dividend for his workmen ceases to be more effective for their good, in the support of institutions, than individual shares would be a question evidently depending for its answer upon the character and intelligence of the employees in each specific case. THE REASONABLE WAY 353 Discussions to prove the existence of the self-evident and the value of the self -commending have little charm in a busy world. A dividend to labor, direct or indirect, has, in fact, plainly proved itself one of Burke's " healing mea- sures," and the proof of its reality and its desirability may be held to have been given. The association for the amelioration of the lot of employers which some one has declared a necessity, might well give pre- cedence to this question on its order of the day. The employer who would proceed with animation but with moderation on the line of practicable advance has now before him the record of the experience of many such men as himself, who have blazed the way for him yes, have even made a highway in the social wilderness for him. Realizing, from the purely finan- cial standpoint, that the human equipment of a factory is at least as important as the mechanical equipment, these sagacious men have provided for its mainte- nance at the highest point of efficiency. The employer is " made of social earth " as well as his operatives ; and welfare-institutions for their benefit, undertaken merely from long-sighted prudence, can hardly fail to bring him nearer as time goes by to a living sympathy with these men and women of like passions with him- self. An employer who concerns himself to house his help well, and gives them the benefit of his capital, used in buying land on a large scale, laying it out with a view to health and beauty, and purchasing building material for them at wholesale rates, may be very unconscious that he is a social reformer. None the less, though quite independent of legislators, and even distrustful of " theorists," he is doing more to 354 A DIVIDEND TO LABOR establish democracy on its necessary moral basis and to bring in the Kingdom of God than the social en- thusiast whose large projects meet a fatal enemy in the facts of human nature. In a notable chapter of his study of " Democracy in America," Tocqueville showed " how an aristocracy may be created by manufactures." Noticing the lack of personal relation between the employer and those whom he employs, this great observer of institutions says : " The manufacturer asks nothing of the work- man but his labor ; the workman expects nothing from him but his wages. The one contracts no obli- gation to protect, nor the other to defend, and they are not permanently connected by either habit or duty. The aristocracy created by business rarely settles in the midst of the manufacturing population which it directs. . . . An aristocracy thus consti- tuted can have no great hold upon those whom it em- ploys. . . . The territorial aristocracy of former ages was either bound by law, or thought itself bound by usage, to come to the relief of its servingmen, and to succor their distresses. But the manufacturing aris- tocracy of our age first impoverishes and debases the men who serve it, and then abandons them to be sup- ported by the charity of the public. This is a natural consequence of what has been said before. Between the workman and the master there are frequent re- lations, but no real association." In a certain sense it may be said that this whole volume would serve as a comment on this passage from Tocqueville. The facts of the industrial situa- tion when he wrote indicated only too plainly such tendencies as he deplored, but did not consider fatal. THE REASONABLE WAY 355 " I am of opinion, on the whole," he continued, " that the manufacturing aristocracy which is growing up under our eyes is one of the harshest which ever ex- isted in the world ; but, at the same time, it is one of the most confined and least dangerous. Nevertheless, the friends of democracy should keep their eyes anxiously fixed in this direction : for, if ever a per- manent inequality of conditions and aristocracy again penetrate into the world, it may be predicted that this is the gate by which they will enter." 1 Tocqueville's warning was justified by such facts of the oppression of the poor in the textile industries as I have presented or alluded to, in Part I. of this work. His optimism has been sustained by such facts of an opposite order as show the increasing recogni- tion of his moral responsibilities by the employer of the last seventy years. Moral forces working upon numerous manufacturers in Germany, France, Eng- land and America have brought home to their con- sciences the sacredness of their trust of which Labor Commissioner Wright speaks. Beyond the compara- tively few specifications here given of the more strik- ing instances of employers' concern for their em- ployees, there is a vast body of scattered evidence of their liberality to the towns in which they live. Many an industrial village in New England, for example, gives plainest proof that the successful manufacturer does not always keep his business relations with his operatives and his profession of Christian morals widely sundered ! That many more may be led to do consciously and on a large scale what not a few are 1 Democracy in America, vol. il pp. 196, 197 (Century Company's edition). 356 A DIVIDEND TO LABOR to-day doing is the object which has inspired this volume. Welfare-institutions home building ; insurance against accident, illness, old age, and death ; schools ; libraries and lecture courses ; workmen's club-houses ; premiums on wages ; employees' stockholding ; the workman director ; gain sharing ; profit sharing ; labor copartnership and other methods now rest on the solid ground of manifold experience. They will flourish and increase as the employers of labor on a large scale view the whole range of their duties with a keener eye. The change from a simple wage contract, with scarcely a touch of human interest in it, will be gradual, like all really fruitful and permanent social reforms. " Father Time consecrates nothing that is done without him." These institutions are not for a day or a year : they have the lease of generations, and their title to perpetuity is guaranteed by the social conscience of civilized mankind. The wages system, in one form or another, will long endure, it is probable, among men ; but we may well believe that its future will be more diversified than its present. Education of hand and brain will gradu- ally raise the level of intelligence among working populations. Machinery, after the inevitable tem- porary injury, will everywhere increase their comfort and lighten their toil. Moral forces working upon them will dissolve the specious rhetoric that opposes the workman's acquirement of a home and the cheap logic that represents the workman who accepts the employer's sincere offers of friendly association as " a deserter from the army of labor." The much-dreaded trusts will probably hasten the day of industrial peace THE REASONABLE WAY 357 by a more scientific treatment of the "living ma- chinery " they employ, in keeping with their economic and scientific wisdom shown in the processes of manu- facture and transportation. Not the be-all and the end-all of social reform (for man is an animal ever needing reformation), welfare- institutions like those here depicted will doubtless play a larger and larger part in the development of industry. The study of them is easy and the imita- tion of them not difficult for able men. 1 Their gradual introduction will give all parties a better in- tellectual perception of the real demands of modern industry upon workers with head or hand. The management of them by those who are chiefly to bene- fit by them will be a school of good judgment and fraternal feeling toward their employers and their fellows as well. 2 Such a practical education, aided by a scheme of popular instruction revised in the direc- tion of manual training and economic guidance, will do an irresistible work, convincing them that mankind can steadily move toward a harmony in which all human interests are reconciled. I would not be understood as placing a final trust in the mere machinery of such welfare-institutions as have been described in this volume, " new combi- nations grafted on the wages system," as M. E. 1 See Appendix I. on Some Dangers of Paternalism. 2 Such a management would not easily consent to forfeiture clauses, as a rule : these clauses are much better omitted, even when the sums forfeited by an employee leaving a factory go to the mutual aid fund. So said the Profit Sharing Congress at Paris, in 1889, by a unanimous vote, and M. Cheysson emphatically supports this view. The experience of the Solvay Company (p. 2S7) is instructive. The employer should avoid the suspicion, even, of desiring to confiscate the workman's savings, under any circumstances. 358 A DIVIDEND TO LABOR Levasseur might call them. Pension funds and acci- dent insurance, for instance, are good things, but they are not good enough to constitute in themselves a security for industrial peace regardless of their source. If they have sprung from a transient mood of gener- osity in an employer whose usual temper is distrust and dislike of his workingmen, they will accomplish little in the way of establishing harmony. Good-will in the employer, a steadfast desire to be the helper of his employees, is the one trustworthy foundation. 1 " Not a patron but a friend" is the workman's need, to paraphrase the excellent motto of Charity Organi- zation. When masters of industry, true " social author- ities," as Le Play called them, are humanely disposed toward their fellow-men who work for them, we have the tap-root of industrial peace. Such a manufacturer may have accident funds and special schools for his works or not, for this is not material. The important point is that he show his humanity in his important office by relieving the injured and educating the young in one or another way. Thousands of employers, un- doubtedly, are to-day generously aiding men or women injured in their mills beyond what any statute re- quires, or helping to educate especially intelligent children of workmen, but doing this in individual cases, not systematically. Such a captain of industry, who has a persistent good-will toward his employees may, with -all his lack of rules and system, be on far better terms with them than an employer of an inhu- man spirit who has erected a formidable series of wel- 1 " Tant vaut 1'homme, tant vaut la formula," as M. Cheysson well puts it : " The formula is worth only what the man is worth." THE REASONABLE WAY 359 fare-institutions for a guarantee simply of his own prosperity. Trust in machinery as a substitute for specific kindliness is one of the besetting sins of social re- formers. The best preventive of this tendency in an employer is, doubtless, the good deed he does for any one of his workmen out of pure good-will. He cannot fail, any more than others, to become interested in the man whom he has once helped in this spirit, and each new instance of his own well-doing will confirm such a spirit in him. When the employer feels the necessity of systematizing his benevolence, to save delay, he will wisely bear in mind the necessity of refreshing the institution he creates, from time to time, with a touch of personal interest. Welfare- institutions are good, I repeat, but the individual workingman is not himself an institution, and he is not satisfied to be treated abstractly, as if he were a formula. He cannot be moralized himself, he cannot aid in moralizing the employer, unless some one in authority treats him as a human person, of very indi- vidual feelings all compact. To close as we began, the education most needed by modern employers is in deeper appreciation of the value of moral forces in industry, 1 a finer sense of 1 The employer who sometimes inclines to envy the rigid discipline of an army would do well to read the article on the Art of War in the Encyclopaedia Britannica. "In all periods of war," it says, " under all conditions of arms, the moral forces which affect armies have been the great determining factors of victory and defeat." On a " nice feeling of the moral pulse of armies . . . the skill of great commanders has chiefly depended. In that respect there is nothing new in the modern conditions of war. . . . The change consists in the substitution of organization for drill ... a living organism must take the place of a mechanical instrument.' ' Vol. xxiv. pp. 343, 344. 360 A DIVIDEND TO LABOR equity and a truly rational philanthropy. It is always difficult for a class of men who have not themselves originated the system, economic or political, under which they live, to realize its defects, defects which the testing hand of Time makes evident to the ju- dicious and the disinterested. It is hard to bring home to our own practice the fact that the progress which we most need, as our proud material civilization advances, is to strengthen its moral foundations. Otherwise it cannot long endure the subtle assault of corroding envy and undermining hate felt by the less fortunate classes of our manifold society. As wealth increases prodigiously, and the eager thoughts of strong men are more and more occupied with the life that now is, leaving unnoticed the " consolations " of a religion occupying itself chiefly with a lif e to come, there is a growing need of refreshing every accessible source of moral inspiration, of knitting closer the weakening bonds of human fellowship, and of estab- lishing every institution solidly upon the eternal bed- rock of justice and righteousness. In the great world of labor this means that arrangements which have suited other times with a less haunting sense of social duty must be revised and adapted to the new light and the profounder impulse of fraternity. If socialism were a workable scheme, it would certainly have a full trial in the next century in more than one country. But it will not work, and better plans, more modest in promise and more effective in result, will come to the front. Among such systems, more equitable and more successful than the unmodified wages scheme, the method of a dividend to labor commends itself more THE REASONABLE WAY 361 and more to far-sighted business sagacity, as well as to enlightened philanthropy. In its various forms, direct or indirect (we need not pin our faith to any single form), no plan of carrying on industrial undertakings pays more respect to the inevitable conditions of the largest success. The high and necessary offices of capital and skill are duly recognized; the authority of the manager is properly respected, while the hand- worker is not viewed simply as a machine, but is ele- vated into a moral partnership that is effective and ennobling. No method has yet been devised for ren- dering the whole force of an industrial establishment physical, mental, moral more powerful and pro- ductive than this simple plan of making all the agents capital, business talent, labor partners in the profits. Where the banner of welfare-institutions is firmly erected and persistently followed the jealousy of Ephraim departs, and the enmity in Judah is at an end. In the deep consciousness of a common life, the full recognition of a common aim, and the just di- vision of a common product, the industrial members work together as one body, head and heart and hand agreeing in one conspiracy of benefit. Great even now is their reward who aspire and cooperate toward such fraternity, inspired by an unfailing en- thusiasm for humanity. APPENDIX APPENDIX I SOME DANGERS OF PATERNALISM THE experience of the Blanzy mines, alluded to on pp. 129, 130, showed the proprietors very forcibly the daggers that may accompany extreme paternalism, howejex-jEejl^meant.^ The worst strikes at Montceau-les-Mines (as at Le Creusot and some Belgian coal mines) have arisen from difficulties concerning- the patronal institutions. The Blanzy Company, as I have pointed out, learned the lesson in time, that such in^tifotinnfijihjniTd, nnt nripplft thfr Hhprty of the work- men, and that they should gradually be put into the bunds of the employees, as these become more independent and better informed. A strike to do away with welfare-institutions will seem strange only to those who think of workingmen as a permanently subject class. The Blanzy Company was not open to the full force of Henry George's severe words, " The protection that certain employers give their workmen is the same as that afforded by men to their brutes, which they protect in order that they may make use of and devour them." But M. G. de Molinari, the well-known economist, saw the root of the trouble at Montceau and wrote of it in the " Journal des Economistes " in November, 1882. His conclusion was thus stated : " The defect of institutions, more or less philanthropic, that com- panies or simple individual contractors establish in favor of their workmen, is that these complicate their relations with them, and, con- sequently, increase occasions for disagreement. They also, in fact, "Y',^^3iminish the liberty of the workmen, wjhnjfind themselves bound to the workshops or the mine, notwithstanding a higher rate of wages is offered them elsewhere, by their payments towards the purchase of a house, the obligatory participation in the pension bank, and the debts that they have contracted at the provision stores. The result is a state of subjection that does not fail to become insupportable when the employer attempts, according to the example of the. juanager of the company of Montceau-les-Mines, to prevent all manifestations against his personal opinions. This condition of affairs, between the company and its workmen, perfectly explains the success of the ' mouvement collectiviste anarchiste ' of Montceau." APPENDIX 363 The company realized the great need of abandoning patriarchal- ism. Its report to the Jury of the Social Economy Section of the Exposition of 1889 treated the subject very sagaciously. I give the substance of it : " Employers' institutions, even while rendering the greatest service, have not, perhaps, given results commensurate with the sacrifices made by the company. One is generally apt to lightly appreciate what has cost no trouble ; we accustom ourselves to consider favors as rights. We readily believe that those who do us a kindness are acting from self-interest. Worse yet ; when a sort of providence supplies all his needs, without exacting from him any effort, the work- man ceases to rely upon himself he loses his inclination for pru- dence, for economy, because he no longer feels the necessity of them ; his initiative is extinguished, his dignity diminishes, he is ripe for socialism. " These results, the consequences of patronage carried too far, began to be felt at Montceau some years ago. At the same time, by a kind of reaction natural enough, the spirit of association began to revive. Cooperative bakeries, mutual aid societies, and trade-unions were formed in the country. The new movement was, in fact, directed into revolutionary socialistic channels, rather than philanthropic ones ; but, when all is said, it existed, and it denoted a certain state of mind with which it was prudent to reckon. The Blanzy Company compre- hended the situation. While preserving its patronal institutions, all of which had serious reasons for existence, at least until they were replaced by something else, they resolved to utilize this movement toward association, to encourage it, and to keep it in the field of the possible. For some years they have followed an entirely new path, and certainly the right one. Moreover, they are not alone in follow- ing it. ^^-" To excite initiative in the workman : to give him economic edu- cation ; to habituate him to depend more upon himself and less upon his employer ; to teach him to direct his own affairs ; this is prefer- able to that species of tutelage under which we are led, by pure benevolence indeed, to treat the workman as if he were incapable of comprehending his own interests. The employer should not hesitate to have recourse to association when it is possible. Under this sys- tem, he is no longer solely responsible for the happiness of his work- men. Being associated with him in his efforts, they share respon- sibility with him, and even assume the greatest part of it. This, moreover, does not prevent the employer's interesting himself as much as he desires in the material and moral well-being of his work- people and making all the sacrifices he may judge proper. But he gives better ; what he gives is more appreciated, because, to his own efforts, to his own sacrifices, are joined the efforts and sacrifices of 364 APPENDIX those interested, who put in practice the old precept : ' Help yourself and God will help you.' "Many employers are hostile to workmen's associations, because they fear them ; they see in them centres of disorder and evil spirit. Strictly speaking, we might understand this view, if the movement towards association could be arrested ; but the current is irresistible. Something is wanted to distract the workman, a change from his habitual work; he has a certain amount of intellectual activity to dispose of ; he must dispose of it well or ill, and associations founded with an economic, social or moral aim, or simply established to procure for their members seemly recreation, are really the best aliment that can be offered to such a craving ; they are, besides, the besF derivative, the best safety-valve against popular passions. Well- directed associations contribute, moreover, powerfully to consolidate social peace, because they teach men to take account of themselves, to know themselves, to appreciate themselves. They afford the means of more readily unmasking intriguers, and useless noisy fel- lows. " Finally, there is the brute fact that dominates the whole situation ; the current exists, the associations are establishing ; and, if we do not have them with us, we have them against us. There is no room, therefore, for hesitation. At Montceau we have only to congratulate ourselves upon the new path on which we have entered. The initiative of the workmen has surpassed all our hopes. Associations are multi- plying, and we may believe that, some day, they will everywhere replace employers' institutions, or at least, that these will be so modified that the workmen's efforts will everywhere be associated with those of the employer ; but such a change can only come about slowly. Time consecrates nothing that is done without him." The Socie'te' de la Vieille Montague, unlike the Blanzy mines, has been free from strikes, while maintaining the great variety of welfare- institutions described on pp. 171-173. Its pamphlet presented to the Exposition of 1889 shows the reason : "1. The best mode of remuneration for workmen is that which interests them, not in the general advantages of the enterprise, but in industrial results on which they can exercise a direct personal influ- ence. " 2. Wages, to be sufficient, must permit the workman not only to live, but also to save ; that is to say, they must secure not only pre- sent but future wants. " 3. Even if receiving such wages, the workman will not save or acquire property save under exceptional circumstances, if the em- ployer affords him no opportunity, either by the establishment of savings-banks or by advances made with a liberal prudence. " 4. Even with these advantages, only a minority of skilled work- APPENDIX 365 men are able to profit by snch institutions. The majority require to be protected against the results of sickness, infirmities, and old age by employers' institutions, relief funds, provident societies, etc. " 5. Two conditions, too often neglected, are absolutely necessary for the proper working of these funds, to avoid their ruin. " (a) The first consists in rendering an exact statement of their pre- sent liability and especially of their future calls, and in establishing their resources solidly with the necessary reserves. " (6) The second consists in doing away with the two systems of administration, either of the employer solely or the workman alone, and in adoptfng a mixed system. " Thus only can we interest the workmen in the proper management while retaining the necessary control by the employer." Dr. E. R. L. Gould's statement (Report, p. 328) alluded to on p. 261, is to the effect that the Willimantic Linen Thread Company, under its present management, " believes that the people do not wish to be helped gratuitously." He then quotes the management con- cerning Colonel Barrows' arrangements for lunch at a morning inter- mission, for the women's dinner hour, and for magnifying glasses given to the inspectors of thread all of which " were not received with favor." I do not consider this ex parte testimony sufficient to establish the truth of Dr. Gould's remark, that " there is undoubtedly something in the American temperament, or, perhaps one had better say, in the temperament of laborers working in Americaj which is hostile to gratuitous help from employers." This unqualified posi- tion is quite in contradiction to many facts given in this volume. The manner of giving is very important. 366 APPENDIX II LIST OF PROFIT-SHARING FIRMS 1 FRANCE. Date. Name. Business. Bonus. 1811 Imprimerie Nationale, Paris ^. . . . Printing Col 1839 Textiles Ind. Def. c 1842 1843 Maison Leclaire (Redouly et Cie), Paris Papeterie Cooperative, Angou- Painters C. P. c. 1848 p 1848 Paul Dupont, Paris Printer p. 1848 Gaidan, Nimes Banker c. 184t| Gaz du Mans, Le Mans Gas company. 1850 Assurances Ge'ne'rales (Cie d'), p. 1853 p 1854 L'Union, Paris Insurance p. 1854 J. Chagot et Cie, Blanzy " Coal mines Col. 1855 La Nationale, Paris Ind. P. 1855 P. 1865 Suez Canal Company, Paris Transportation C. P. 1868 Renard, Vinet et H uiiaud, Lyons ^ Dyers Ind. 1870 Socie'te' des Tissus de Laine des Textiles C. C P. 1871 Distiller Ind. 1871 Broker Def. P. 1871 Vernes et Cie, Paris ^" P. 1871 1872 Abadie et Cie. Theil u Paper C. c 1872 Barbas, Tassart et Balas, Paris ^ Plumbers C. P. 1879 Imnrimerie Chaix. Paris 13 . . . Printers. . . C. P. 1 In the fourth column C. denotes cash payment; P., investment in some kind of provident fund ; Ind., indefinite percentage ; Def., deferred payment ; Col., a collective bonus ; the plans thus indicated are sometimes combined. 2 Levied on general expenses. 3 Chief employees. 4 CoSperative plan. 6 Pensions ; committee. 8 Patronal. 7 Gratifications. 8 Patronal. 9 Patronal. 10 Patronal. 11 Shareholders. 12 Committee. 13 Committee. APPENDIX FEANCE Continued. 367 Date. Name. Business. Bonus. W> A. Godchaux et Cie, Paris C. P. 187* Wines p. 187* L' Aigle, Paris Insurance p. 187* Le Soleil, Paris p. 1872 1874 1874 Socie'te' des Mat. Col., St. Denis . . A. Mame et Fils, Tours G. Masson, Paris ~ Chemical products . . Printers p. C. P. C P 1875 Comptoir d'Escompte, Rouen. . . . Discount Bank C. 1875 L'TJrbaine, Paris P 1875 0. Fauquet, Oissel ' Ind 1876 Morin, Tillot, Ricois et Cie, Au Bon Marche 1 , Paris * C. P. Ind P 187R L'AbeiJle, Paris Ind P 1877 1877 Corapagnie Ge'ne'rale Transatlan- tique, Paris ** c 1877 Sautter, Lemonnier et Cie, Paris 7 Electricians Ind. 1879 E. Buttner-Thierry, Paris Lithographer C. P. C P. 1880 Blanchisserie de Thaon, Vosges. . Bleachery P. 1880 Caillard Freres, Havre 8 Ind P 1880 1880 Chateau Moutrose, Me'doc 9 Socie'te' du Finistere, Landerneau Vineyard C. P. C P 1881 Caillette, Paris c 1881 Ind P 1881 Piat, Paris n Ind 188* Lace C. P. Ind C 1882 Moutier, Paris C P 188* Mouillot, Marseilles *' Ind C 1882 188* Ch. Milde", Fils et Cie, Paris Veuve Pommery, Reims Electricians. Ind P 188* Cusenier, Paris Distiller 1883 Compagnie de Fives-Lille, Fives. P 1883 Usines de Mazieres ** P 1884 G. Gounouilhou, Bordeaux 15 Printer C. P. 1885 Baille-Lemaire, Paris 1885 1885 Lorabart, Paris Mozet et Delalonde, Paris 16 Chocolate works .... C. P. C. P. 1885 Ph. Roux et Cie. (Tanerves). Paris. Engineers . . C. P. 1 Patronal * Cooperation. Percentage on business. 6 Cooperative. 8 Committee. o Premiums. 7 Gratifications and patronal. 8 A percentage on wages. 9 No bonus divided. 10 Patronal. 13 Gratifications. 16 Committee. Patronal. 14 Patronal. 12 Gratifications. is Committee. 368 APPENDIX FRANCE Continued. Date. 1885 1886 1886 1886 1887 1888 1889 1890 1890 1890 1890 1891 1892 1892 1892 1892 1892 1893 1893 1893 1893 1893 1893 1893 1894 1894 1894 1894 1894 1894 1894 1894 1894 1894 1894 Name. Business. Bonus. Painter and decora- tor P. C. P. Ind. C Ind. P. P. P. Ind. P. C. C. Ind. P. Ind. C. P. Ind. P. Ind. C. P. Ind. P. Ind. P. Ind. P. Ind. C. Ind. P. C. Ind. C. Ind. C. P. C. Ph. Mondial, Paris Felix, Paris. . Tailor. Printer. Roofers. L. Briere, Rouen Thuillier Freres, Paris Bonniot-Pouget, Vallon, Ardeche 1 La Providence, Paris Insurance. Colliery. Mines d'Aubigny-la-Ronce Petillat Vichy Foundry. Carriage company. Foundry Miiller et Roger, Paris 8 Instruments of pre- cision Banque de depots et comptes- courants, Paris Banking Printers Socie'te' du Tubulaire Berlier, Transportation. Colliery. Retailers. Metal workers. Magasins de la Ville de Londres, Chemins de fer e'conomiques, Paris 6 Transportation Domaine des Gre'sy, Lalande Farm Foundry. Tailor Ducher, Paris " Gillet et Fils, Lyons 9 Dyeing and coloring Pates alimentaires . . Raltier, St. Etienne Groceries. Gaudineau. La Fleche . . 1 Gratifications. * Patronal. i Patronal. 10 Patroual. ! Patronal. e Patronal. 8 Patronal. 11 Gratifications. 8 Patronal. 6 Patronal. Gratifications. APPENDIX FRANCE Continued. 369 Date. Name Business. Bonus. 1894 Janvier, Pere, Fils et Cie, Le Mans 1894 Soci4t4 le Nickel, Paris c. 18Q4 Grands Moulins de Corbeil, Paris. Millers c. 1894 p 1894 p 1894 c 1894 Comp. Fonciere de France, Paris. Bankers C. P. 1894 Te'le'graphe de Paris a New York, Paris Telegraph. Co c. 1894 1895 E. Aubert, Bapaume-les-Rouen. . Cotton-mills Farm c. C. P. 1895 Progres d'Eure-et-Loir, Chartres. c. 1895 1895 Cerf et Cie, Versailles Printers p. 127 cooperative distributive stores give a bonus to labor. NOTE. The lists of profit-sharing houses published by the French Participation Society, and in the " Almanac of French Cooperation " are undoubtedly too inclusive, as cases of discontinuance of the system are not noted with sufficient care. The above list follows, mainly that of M. Vanlaer, given in his prize essay on Participation (Paris, A. Rousseau, 1898). He marks nine cases given in the " Almanac " as having "cesse 1 de fonctionner" (Paris and Orleans Railway ; MM. Besselievre (1877), Caillard (1880), Gilon (1883), Lecceur et Cie (1885), Comte de Lariboisiere (1886), Nayrolles (1887), Broquart (1890), and Deberc (1892) ; the Come'die Franchise " figures wrongly on the list ; " the Comptoir de I'lndnstrie liniere (1846) "has never operated;" and concerning a number of the cases which he gives, his information is marked " insufficient : " I have rectified two mistakes in this list. In the foot-notes to the table above, " gratifications " and " patronal " are M. Vanlaer's judgments as to the best designation to apply to certain cases. Other cases given in the Almanac, but omitted by M. Vanlaer (probably because profit sharing has been discontinued in them), are the following : Gaget, Perignon et Cie (1872), Cazalet (1887), Badin et Fils (1890), the Electrical Company (Place Clichy, Paris, 1892), the Sevigne" Dairy (1894), Boissiere (1894), the Socie'te' de Mouzai'a (Algeria, 1895), E. Pantz (1895), the estate Fonsorbes (1895), Lefebvre (1895), the estate Verms (1895), the Boulonneries de Bogny-Braux (1895), the General Telephone Company (1895), the Paris Lighting and Cooking Gas Co. (1895), and the estate of Got, Isle de Reunion (1895). 370 APPENDIX GERMANY. 1 Date. Name. Business. Bonus. 1847 Alsace. Steinheil, Dieterlen and Co., Ro- than Cotton spinners C P. 1872 Scheurer-Kestner, Thann C P. 1874 Schenrer, Lauth and Co., Thann. p. 1874 Schaeff er and Co. Pf astatt Bleachers and dyers. p. 1885 1 1 hi n et Moselle, Strasburg p. Socie'te' Anonyme d' Industrie Tex- tile, ci-devant Dollfus-Mieg et Cie, Miihlhausen ^ 1894 C P 1866 Bavaria. Morgenstern, Forchheim Tinfoil C P 1873 Kiiiscrslautorii Foundry C P 1875 1895 Reiniger, Gebbert and Schall, Erlangen Electricians. 1866 Hesse. Louis of Hesse Railroad, Mainz. C. 1847 Mecklenburg. J. H. Von Thunen, Tellow Farm p. 1896 Meckleiiburg-Schwerin. \y. Gehrcke, Schwerin 1854 Prussia. J. Neumann, Posegnick Farms C P. 1869 Ilsede Foundry, Gross-Ilsede, Hil- P 1870 Q. 1872 Siemens and llalske, Berlin Electricians C. 1872 c 1872 1873 1875 Braun and Bloem, Diisseldorf . . . . Mendelssohn and Co., Berlin Boden-Kredit-Aktien Bank, Berlin Caps and cartridges. Bankers. C. P 1874 1886 K. & T. Moller, Kupf erhammer 4 J. C. Schmidt, Erfurt Foundry. 1888 H. Freese, Berlin . . Venetian blinds. . c. 1 In respect to other Continental countries than France, I have followed M. Vanlaer's list with more freedom, as he is evidently less informed in this quar- ter. In all probability a number of cases here named have lapsed with time : I have not been able to take a satisfactory census. 2 Patronal. 3 Gratifications. 4 Same dividend on savings and capital. APPENDIX GERMANY Continued. 371 Date. Name. Business. Bonus. 1892 Federstahl C. 1896 Limburger, Pfalzhill M. Roesler, Rpdach i. Thiiringia . Farm Pottery. c. C. c. 1890 Engineers c. 1869 Saxony. G Adler Buchholz 2 p. 1893 c. 1886 Saxon-Bohemian Steamboat Co., C. P. 1894 Th. Ficker, Pischwitz Leather board. The Royal Statistical Bureaus, Dresden. The Saxon Linen Industry, Frei- berg 8 . . . c. 1897 Saxe- Weimar-Eisenach. Carl Zeiss, Jena Optical instruments. SWITZERLAND. 1867 1868 1869 1870 1871 1872 1873 1876 1878 1878 1880 1892 1896 Schoeller et Fils, Schaffhausen. . . Chessex et Hoessly, Schaffhausen . Textiles Billon et Isaac, Geneva Steinf els, Zurich * Reishauer et Bluntschli, Zurich . . Comp. gen. de Navigation sur le lac Leman, Lausanne Tools Steamers Tramways Suisses, Geneva Schoetti et Cie, Fehraltorf . ..... Matches Fabrique d'Appareils Electriques, Neuf chatel * Mermod Freres, Sainte-Croix .... Compagnie de 1'Industrie Elec- trique, Geneva Electricians. Printers. Parts of watches. Wild Brothers, Zurich Bulland, Geneva Various cooperative stores. P. p. c. C. P. c. p. c. c. C. P. c. p. 1 Same dividend on wages and capital. - Patronal. 3 Same dividend aa to stock. * Gratifications. * Gratifications. 372 APPENDIX AUSTRIA-HUNGARY. Date. Name. Business. Bonus. 1869 1881 1889 1896 Paper Works, Schlogmiihl * Franco-Hungarian Insurance Co., Budapest Unio Catholica, Vienna Kaolin Company, Karlsbad. Paper Insurance. C. C. P. P. BELGIUM. 1872 Lloyds Beige, Antwerp Insurance P. 1888 G. Boel, La Louviere Foundry C. 1891 De Naeyer and Co., Willebroeck. Machinists P. Merlo-Charlier, Etterbeek Zinc worker. 1892 Maisou Tiberghien, Ledeberg-les- Gand Dyers. Vimenet Felts and hats. HOLLAND. 1880 J. C. Van Marken, Delft Yeast and spirits. . . P. 1883 Stearic Candle Factory, Gouda P. 1887 Oil and Gelatine Works, Delft P. 1887 Stork Brothers, Hengelo Engineers P. 1888 De Gekroonde Valk, Amsterdam . Brewery. 1891 Van Marken Press, Delft 3 De Veluwe, Nunspeet, Gelder- land 2 Varnishes P. ITALY. J. Pellas, Florence Printer 1873 Lanificio Rossi, Schio 4 Woolen-mills P. 1876jPeople's Bank, Padua P. 1885 1 F. Genevois and Son, Naples Soaps P. 1887 People's Bank, Milan 5 P. Dyeing and Finishing Factory, Como. Pia Azienda Tessile, Como. Guide Galbiata et Cie, Milan .... Crapes. 1 Gratifications. 2 Shares. 3 Cooperation. * Levy on expenses. B Nearly all the People's Banks of Italy (154 in 1886, a number largely in- creased since) give their employees a share in the profits. APPENDIX SCANDINAVIA. 373 Date. Name. Business. Bonus. 1870 H. Varingsaasen, Aadals Brug, c. 1889 Wood-Pulp Factory, Alsfos, Nor- c. 1890 Stroeman and Larson, Gothen- burg, Sweden Atlas Wagon Factory, Stockholm, Sweden. Saw-mill c. EUSSIA. Russian Railways. 2 Morokovetz Factory, Kharkof. SPAIN. 1891 Real Fabrica de Tapices Madrid ' C. 18 C )4 M. Marcet, Tarrasa Woolen-mill. PORTUGAL. 1888 Regie de la Fabrique des Tabacs. State tobacco works (now a private com- pany). NOTE. To the list of profit-sharing firms in Germany and Austria- Hungary should be added the Aplerbeck Hiitte in Aplerbeck (1898) ; the Porzellanfabrik in Kahla (1898) ; the Mechanische Baumwoll- spinnerei und Weberei in Augsburg; the Aktienbrauerei Retten- meyer, Stuttgart ; the Pfalzische Nahmaschinenfabrik vom Gebr. Kayser, in Kaiserslautern ; the Holzstoff-und-Papierf abrik zu Schlema b. Schneeberg ; and the Sachsische Leinenindustrie in Freiberg. To the French list should be added Solvay et Cie (p. 153). 1 Gratifications. * Gratifications. System of collective wages. 374 APPENDIX BRITISH EMPIRE.* Date. Name. Business. Bonus. 1865 Drapers C. 1866 Fox Brothers & Co., Wellington, Somerset c 1869 Fletcher & Son, Norwich 1869 United Cooperative Society, Glas- 1873 Agricultural and Horticultural Association, London Artificial manure, C. P. 1876 Goodull & Siuldick, Leeds c. 1876 Women's Printing Society, Lon- c 1878 Sir W. G. Armstrong, Whitworth & Co., Newcastle-on-Tyne ^. . . . Engineering and c. 1878 Cassell & Co., London. Printing, publishing 1880 \Villiam Jacks & Co., Glasgow. and bookbinding . . Iron merchants p. c. 1881 Birmingham Coffee House Com- pany, Birmingham c. 1881 B. & S. Massey, Openshaw, near c 1882 c. 1883 1884 C. Fidler, Reading A. De St. Dalmas & Co., Leices- Seedsman Manufacturing chem- c. c. 1884 Perrott & Perrott, London Packers, clothwork- ers C. P. 1884 1885 Blundell, Spence & Co., Hull. . . . The William Davies Company, Toronto, Canada Colors and paints. . . . Pork packers c. c. 1886 J. 'W. Arrowsmith, Bristol Printing and publish- c. 1886 Burroughs, Wellcome & Co., Lon- Manuf acturing chem- ists c. 1886 Earl Grey, Howick, Lesbury Farming (Lear- mouths Farm) c. * Taken, with additions, from Mr. D. F. Schloss' Methods of Industrial Remu- neration, (third edition, 1898) ; compiled by Mr. Schloss, June 30, 1897, from his Report on Profit Sharing, 1894, and the Labour Gazette for 1895-1897 : a few firms are denoted by letters only. While abridging the addresses and details of the business of the various firms, I have kept Mr. Schloss' nomenclature in the fourth column, which differs somewhat from my own in the other lists. C. paid in cash ; P. =: credited to Provident Fund ; S. = invested in shares in the undertaking ; C. P. = partly paid in cash, partly credited to Provident Fund ; C. S. = partly paid in cash, partly invested in shares in the undertaking ; P. S. = partly credited to Pro- vident Fund, partly invested in shares in the undertaking. 2 Date of adoption by the Whitworth firm. APPENDIX BRITISH EMPIRE continued. 375 Date. Name. Business. Bonus. 1886 Wm. Thomson & Sons, Wood- Woolens and wor- P S 1887 John Boyd Ki micar, Kinloch, c 1887 Lord Wantage, Lockinge, Wan- c 1887 1888 Ross & Duncan, Govan, Glasgow. S. & E Collier Reading Engineering works . . C. or C. P., as employ- ees de- cide. C. 1888 Walker, Sons & Co., London, and Colombo, Ceylon Engineering works. . C. P. 1888 Coventry Gas Fitting, Electrical, and Engineering Company, Cov- entry C. P. 1888 Binns & Co., Derby C P 1888 Thomas Bushill & Sons, Coven- try Manufacturing sta- tioners C. 1889 W^ Rowntree & Sons, Scarborough Drapers C. P. 1889 J. H. Ladyman & Co., King's Lynn c 1889 Sampson Low, Marstou & Co., c 1889 Birmingham Dairy Co., Birming- ham c 1889 A. H. Taylor, Malton c 1889 Western Tanning Company, Bris- tol c 1889 c 1889 Hele Paper Company, Cullomp- ton, Devon C. P 1889 Robinson Brothers, West Brom- wich and Knottingley Tar distilling C. P. 1889 Avalon Leather Board Company, c. 1889 A. B. (in Midlands) . . c. 1889 W. D. & H. O Wills Bristol c 1889 South Metropolitan Gas Company, London C.and C. S. 1889 Christ, Thomas & Brothers, Bris- tol Soaps and candles. . . c. 1890 Clarke, Nickolls & Coombs, Lon- don Confectionery C. P. 1890 Robert Martin, West Hartlepool. c 1890 Newman & Son, London c. 1890 Thomas Hailiuir. Cheltenham. . . Printiner . . c. 376 APPENDIX BRITISH EMPIRE continued. Date. Name. Business. Bonus. 1890 C. D C. 1890 Edward Jackson, Reading Tailor C. 1890 E. F p. 1890 Willans & Robinson, Thames Dit- C. 1890 New Zealand Farmers' Coopera- tive Association of Canterbury, Christchurch, New Zealand .... Wool and grain mer- chants, general merchandise C. 1890 Osborne & Young, London Corn and flour C. 1890 W. & J. Mackay & Co., Chatham Printers C. 1890 East Anglian Fruit Preserving Company, King's Lynn C. 1890 Marquis of Hertford, Ragley, Farming (seven C. 1890 H. D. and B. Headley, Ashford, Kent Printing C. 1890 Idris & Co., London, N. W Mineral waters ..... C. P. 1890 1891 1895 William Terrell & Sons, Bristol.. Hon. T. A. Brassey, Battle, Sus- Wire and hemp rope Farming (two farms). C. C.and C. S. 1891 William Lawrence & Co., Not- Cabinet-making C. 1891 J. D. Cartwright & Co., Cape Town South Africa Provision merchants. C. 1891 1891 Thomas Brakell, Liverpool Printing C. c 1891 G H ' WVjolen manufacture C. 1891 T. S. Simms & Co., St. John, New Brushes and brooms C. P. 1891 Women's Work Association, Chel- Embroidery, etc. 1892 Grocers c. 1892 Printers c. 1892 Coombs' " Eureka " Aerated Flour c. 1892 J K Manufacturers c. 1892 L M Supply and manuf ac- c. 1892 c. 1892 Clement Dalley & Co., Kidder- Corn merchants c. 1893 Brownfield's Guild-Pottery Soci- P. S. 1893 Brush Electrical Engineering C. P. 1893 House painter c. 1894 c. 1894 Guy's Hospital Trained Nurses' p. APPENDIX BRITISH EMPIRE continued. 377 Date. Name. Business. Bonus. 1894 Crystal Palace District Gas Com- c. s. andC. 1894 N O C. 1895 C. 1895 Butterwirth and Hunter, Liver- Provision merchants C. 1896 Kensington Cooperative Stores, Dressmaking p. 1896 J. T. and J. Taylor Batley s. 1896 The Minor Industries Profit-shar- ing 1 Association, Bridgetown, Barbadoes, \V. I Agriculture (sale and C.and Pro- duce. 1896 1897 Pearson and Rutter, Liverpool. . . Herbert Hutchinson, Haslemere, Surrey Provision merchants . Architect and builder C. C. P. 1897 Richmond & Co., W^arrington . . . Gas engineers c. s. 1897 c. 1898 c. 1898 Meath Home Industries Associa- tion, Randlestown, Nevan c. 18W John E. Nelson, Sunderland Slater c. 376 distributive and productive co- operative societies. See p. 345. UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. Date. Name. Business. Bonus. 1878 Peace Dale (R. I.) Mfg. Co W^oolens C. 1872 1879 1881 The Riverside Press, Cambridge, Mass. 1 Rand, McNally & Co., Chicago 2 . . Century Company, New York . . Publishers. Publishers C. 1882 Pillsbury Flour Mills, Minneapo- lis C. 1885 1886 1886 Columbus (Ohio) Gas Company 4 . H. K. Porter & Co., Pittsburgh N. 0. Nelson Mfg. Co Light locomotives. Brass goods C. 1886 Rumford Chemical Works, Provi- c. 1887 Rice and Griffin Mfg. Co., Worces- ter. . . Mouldinsrs . . c. 1 Extra interest on savings. * Dividend on part of stock. 2 Stock dividend to chief employees. * Same dividend as to stockholder. 378 APPENDIX UNITED STATES OF AMEEICA continued. Date. Name. Business. Bonus. 1887 Procter and Gamble Co., Cincin- nati c 1889 Bourne Mills, Fall River Cottons c 1890 P. N. Ivuss. San Francisco Painter C P 1890 Public Ledger, Philadelphia. 1 Solvay Process Co.. Syracuse, N. Y 1892 1895 Ballard and Ballard Co., Louis- ville, Ky Acme Sucker Rod Co., Toledo, 0. Flour-mills c. c 1897 Broadway Central Hotel, New York. 2 The Hub Clothing Store, Chicago c. 18P8 The Roycroft Press, East Aurora, N. Y. South Carolina Savings Bank, Charleston. Windmills c. 1899 Columbus (Ohio) Traction Com- pany. 8 1 Extra wages, etc. 2 Bonus to chief employees. 8 Same dividend as to stockholders. NOTE. There are usually " reformers before the Reformation," and discoverers of America before Columbus who would, in all proba- bility, have remained as unknown even to the curious, as they have certainly been strangers to fame, had it not been for their greater and more courageous successors. When, moreover, the sole testimony as to the reform or the discovery comes from the person himself and cannot be authenticated now, his claims to distinction must be rated very low. Thus Lord Wallscourt, a British nobleman, stated in 1846 that he had " tried the plan," on an Irish farm of one hundred acres, "for seventeen years, and [I] have found it to answer much beyond my hopes, inasmuch as it completely identifies the workmen with the success of the farm, besides giving me full liberty to travel on the Continent for a year at a time, and upon my return I have always found that the farm had prospered more than when I was present." The " plan " in question was " to reckon every workman as the in- vestor of as much capital as will yield at five per cent, per annum the sum paid to him in wages." Explanation of the noble lord's meaning, and further details, such as the length of the experiment, and the number of bonuses paid, are lacking. The plan, whatever it was, APPENDIX 379 apparently died with Lord Wallscourt, in 1849. When one considers the meagreness of this testimony, and the laxity with which the term " profit sharing " is used even now, fifty years later, by many persons, it must seem sufficient to record these facts, leaving the laurels of M. Leclaire as " the father of profit sharing " quite undisturbed. Lord Wallscourt's statement was printed in a " Treatise on the Steam En- gine," published in 1846 by the Artizans' Club, and edited by John Bourne, but now inaccessible, apparently. Such good authorities as Mr. W. Pare in his " Cooperative Agriculture " (p. 122) and Mr. E. T. Craig in his " History of Ralahine " declare that Lord Wallscourt " first conceived the idea of adopting profit sharing on paying a visit to the Ralahine farm ; " this would fix the earliest date for his expe- riment as 1831, or, more probably, 1832 showing an error of three years in his own computation. Neither the Vandelaer experiment (1831), nor the experiment made at Assington Hall, Suffolk, by Mr. John Gurdon, had any profit sharing about it ; " in neither instance were the laborers the employees of the land-owner ; the cooperative association, to which, in each case, the land was let, cultivated it on its own account" (Schloss). If Mr. Sedley Taylor could dwell on Ralahine as an example of participation, in 1881 (in a paper quoted in his " Profit Sharing," Essay V., Appendix), one may be pardoned for skepticism as to Lord Wallscourt's plan being any more such an ex- ample. It bears a suspicious resemblance to the trial of profit shar- ing said to have been made by the distinguished American statesman, Albert Gallatin, in his glass works at New Geneva, Penn., estab- lished in 1794. The one authority here (Professor R. E. Thompson, in his " Political Economy," 1882, p. 138) cannot recall the source for his statement. A patriotic American might, nevertheless, be jus- tified in claiming precedence for Gallatin over the Lord Wallscourt whom Mr. Schloss declares to have adopted profit sharing many years before Leclaire ("Report," p. 161). Both alleged instances should, properly, be ruled out of court, as resting on insufficient evidence. APPENDIX III CASES OF ABANDONMENT OF PROFIT SHAKING IN THE UNITED STATES IN " Profit Sharing between Employer and Employee," published in March, 1889, 1 devoted some fifteen pages (345-360) of chapter viii. on " Past Profit Sharing," to American instances of abandonment of the scheme after a longer or shorter trial. The general table in which these thirteen instances were included was entitled a table, not of failures, but simply of " cases in which profit sharing has been tried and is not now in force." In some of these cases, like that of A. S. Cameron & Co., makers of steam-pumps, and Lewis H. Wil- liams, builder, an entirely successful scheme was terminated by the death of the employer ; " a New England factory " (p, 346) found the results satisfactory so far as the employees were concerned, but, after paying four dividends, no bonus was earned. In another case (the Bos- ton " Herald," p. 360), circumstances were very unfavorable, and but one bonus was at length paid before discontinuance. Norton Brothers, of Chicago (p. 353) extended their system from a portion to all of their two hundred and fifty employees for one year only. The New England Granite Works (p. 353) did not hold to its plan for even one year. The Lister Bros., of Newark (p. 352), divided one bonus and had none the second year, and so discontinued the scheme. Troubles with trade-unions, having no connection with profit sharing, brought about strikes in the noted Brewster case (after two years), with the Union Mining Company (after one year), and with Welshans and Mac- Ewan (p. 357), plumbers (after one year). Another firm, the Sperry Manufacturing Company (carriage hardware) , is said to have practiced profit sharing for two years, 1886-87, but to have " realized no per- ceptible benefit ; " all details as to bonus paid and methods pursued are lacking. The " Massachusetts Mercantile Firm " (p. 359), which " experimented with profit sharing " rather unsystematically for some twenty years, "with several cessations of dividends," and the Bay State Shoe and Leather Company (p. 359), which divided six bonuses in the seven years beginning with 1867, are instances of far more pith and moment. If time and patience and education are needed to give profit sharing a reasonable and fair trial, it is plain that, inter- esting as these facts of record are, but a small number of the cases, thus brought together, simply under the common rubric " ceased to APPENDIX 381 be," have much enlightenment for us as respects the merits or de- merits of this modification of the wages system. If it would be illogical to set all these thirteen cases down as instances of " failure," still more illogical in several respects is the statistical method pursued by Mr. Paul Monroe in his paper in the " American Journal of Sociology " (May, 1896). Under the proper caption, " Cases in which Profit Sharing has been Abandoned," he summarizes briefly the foregoing thirteen instances and adds twenty cases more of a later date than 1889. Of these twenty instances I mentioned fifteen in the chapter on American cases actually in opera- tion when I wrote : one case (Keene Brothers, p. 317) I should, prob- ably, have included in the table of past instances. Mr. Monroe states that one or two divisions (of certificates payable after five years) were made after 1885, the year in which the plan was adopted by Keene Brothers, " but the personnel of the firm was changed and the plan was abandoned. It had not prevented labor disturbances during the years that the dividends were paid." Mr. Monroe's last instance is the Toledo, Ann Arbor and North Michigan R. R. Company's scheme of 1887, which I noted at the end of the chapter on American cases, but did not include in the table of " cases in which profit sharing is now in operation " (pp. 382 ff.). As this railway was in process of construction in 1887, was not likely to pay any large dividends, and has, in fact, paid none to this time, its inclusion in any list of cases of " abandonment " is somewhat surprising. Its only importance is due to its statement of the right of an employee to a dividend a " right " very easily conceded under the circumstances. A critical examination of Mr. Monroe's other new cases, eighteen in number, shows that in four cases the results were satisfactory to the employers, but profit sharing was abandoned because of a change in the ownership of the business. These four instances were E. R. Hull & Co., clothiers, of Cleveland, 0. (four bonuses paid in 1886-89) ; the Wardwell Needle Company, of Lakeport, N. H., with the same length of trial ; the Crump Label Company, of Montclair, N. J., which made one distribution of twenty per cent, of the profits in 1887 ; and the Woodstock (Norriton ?) Mills Company, Norristown, Pa., which paid one bonus, at least, in January, 1888. Of Mr. Monroe's cases fourteen then remain ; of these one was an instance of but one year's trial. This was the Watertown (N. Y.) Steam Engine Company, which paid a dividend in 1891, but did not continue the experiment though " quite willing to believe " that the men would have been educated in time to do much better than the majority did. Even shorter trials, of six months' duration only, were made by the Malvern (Ark.) Lum- ber Company (1894), and Heywood & Co., shirt manufacturers (1895). In the former case " ninety-five per cent, of the labor employed is of the lowest unskilled labor, chiefly colored. A very large proportion 382 APPENDIX could not read nor write, and this ignorance prevented any general understanding of the plan. One dividend was paid, and the proposi- tion, explained so thoroughly six months before, had to be discussed all over again. The men thought they were being discharged and paid off. These considerations [including ' lack of permanency '] led to the abandonment of the plan, though the firm expected no results until after the payment of at least one dividend. They attribute the ilure to the character of the employees and the industry, not to any defect in the system." Heywood & Co., employing chiefly women, report that they secured good results for a few weeks only, by the promise of a bonus ; " carelessness, inattention, idleness and irregu- larity returned as of old." Another instance of impatience for results is that of Siegel, Cooper & Co., of Chicago, who adopted a plan in 1892 modeled after the Bon Marche 1 , but soon abandoned it. The Wright and Potter Printing Company, of Boston, Mass., tried for two years a plan of dividing a fixed percentage of profits among the deserving men of their force of one hundred and fifty ; results not being satisfactory, the company now restricts the distribution to fore- men and heads of departments. If we fix, as we may well do, upon a term of three years as the shortest period for which a trial of profit sharing should continue in order to give any considerable instruction as to the strength or weak- ness of the system, we have left in Mr. Monroe's list nine instances of abandonment of profit sharing in 1889 or subsequently as important to consider ; these are all cases mentioned by me as in operation. Of these, when discontinued, five had continued for three years, one foj:- x four (?), one for five, one for six, and one for seven years. The Springfield (Mass.) Foundry Company (1887-89), after paying three bonuses on wages amounting to two or three per cent., write :'Un_ our business it was an injury rather than a benefit to us. We. could not see any perceptible increase in the production of our men,^nor interest in the care of their tools or material. On the contrary, our employees began to think that they were the proper parties' to fix wages and the prices at which we should sell the products. The employees were also careful to take advantage of their membership in "~~ the labor unions to enforce their demands. Since we have aban- doned the system of profit sharing, these troubles do not exist," As in this case the system was introduced at the instigation of Mr. E. W. Seeger, the treasurer, a decided believer in the plan, whose comments were of a very different tone in 1888, and Mr. Seeger died in 1889, one naturally infers that the system was not after his death in the hands of those who believed in it. The Haines, Jones and Cadbury Company, of Philadelphia, Pa., being hi the same business as the N. O. Nelson Company, naturally adopted a similar system. The experience of the first two years, APPENDIX 383 1887-88, was reported aa " satisfactory to all concerned." After three years' further trial, and dividing some $30,000 in all, the firm restricted the division to twenty of the " chief men and women : " this restricted profit sharing, Mr. Haines thinks, " is all right, but a general profit sharing, while in theory just, is in practice simply throwing money away." They are quite sure that tluur profits were reduced by the system.! .._ The Hoffman and Billings Company, of Milwaukee (Wis.), makers^" of plumbers' supplies, report that profit sharing worked well for several years, when there were profits to divide, " but when we happened to have a poor year, and losses instead of gains at the end of the year, we met sour faces all around among our men, and concluded that it was ' too much of a jug-handle affair ' to be continued, so we dropped it. Any company would, of course, have a right to expect some benefit when dividing gains with employees. We found out after profit sharing for about three years that ours was a mistaken idea, and con- cluded to drop it." The Globe Tobacco Company, of Detroit, Mich., practiced during^'' 1886-88 the unusual plan of handing over to the district board of the Knights of Labor one per cent, of its gross receipts (about ten per cent, on wages), for the benefit of its employees. A letter from the firm reported, early in 1889 ("Profit Sharing," p. 323), that " everybody concerned is satisfied with this unusual method." Mr. Monroe states that the plan was discontinued, " as having no satisfactory results." This conflict of testimony seems to throw doubt upon the propriety of classing this case as one of " failure," as it is one and the same period of three years which is judged so differently. Mr. W. Eliot Fette, of Boston, the agent of a small gas company, introduced the plan of paying the employees a percentage on the stockholders' dividend in 1886. Two years later he saw " no reason to regret the adoption of the plan or to give it up," but was about to introduce it into two other companies of which he had the manage= nient. Mr. Monroe reports, however, that the plan was given up not only " because of failure of dividends in recent years," but also be- cause of " lack of appreciation on the part of the men ; " probably the first difficulty had much to do in producing the second. Rogers, Peet & Co., clothing manufacturers, New York, adopted-*-^ liberal system of participation in 1886 which gave a bonus even to those who had done but a week's work. " Profit Sharing " (pp. 313- 314) gives the three dividends paid as over three per cent. each. 1 This case may be considered one where profit sharing still obtains even accord- ing to Mr. Schloss, who makes no attempt " to draw a hard and fast line ... as to the irreducible minimum proportion of the total number of employees who must participate in order to constitute a case of profit sharing." Methods of Indus- trial Remuneration, p. 247 n. 384 APPENDIX " Towards the close of the third year our cutters, who were the only mechanics employed in the business, went on a strike over a rather insignificant matter, to settle which we had to call in the authorities of their trade-union. Our position was maintained by the arbitra- tors, and the men went back to work, but we felt that our liberality towards them was not appreciated, and the next year we discontinued the profit-sharing arrangement. We have always felt that we made a mistake in admitting all our employees to this participation on the same basis ; whereas, had we limited the dividend shares to those who had been in our service a term of years, the plan would have worked better all round." The Bucyrus Steam Shovel and Dredge Company, of South Milwau~ kee, Wis. (formerly of Bucyrus, Ohio), paid a bonus of twenty-five per cent, on its net profits for 1886, and in 1887 made it indefinite. Em- ployees combining against the company were to forfeit their bonus. After a few years the plan was abandoned " as having few advan- tages ; " the experience of the first two years had been favorable. The St. Louis (Mo.) Shovel Company also reported entire satisfac- tion after two years' trial of a profit-sharing plan borrowed from the N. 0. Nelson Company in 1887. They had had much trouble with the men, resulting in numerous strikes. In 1896 they gave their opinion that the system decreases the profits of the firm, and reported their experience with a trade-union. " So long as labor unions dominate labor, profit sharing cannot be a success nor prevent labor troubles, even though employers conscientiously and liberally endeavor to work under the system. We had conducted our business on this plan for several years, paying dividends regularly, submitting books to inspection of any committee the employees should so select, making dividends every year with one exception, and on two or three occasions where honesty to ourselves did not justify it. The union was estab- lished in the shop during the Pullman troubles, and the men de- manded that we be made a union shop, that they appoint the fore- man, which we regard a necessary power to retain in the hands of the management for obvious reasons. They demanded that union labels be put upon our goods, to which merchants would seriously object, and this when no existing trouble outside the works was evident. We decided that we could not afford to have the business taken out of our hands, although a minority of the employees only made the demand, but they were backed by the labor organizations. Our works were picketed by union men to prevent employment of other than union men. We thereupon closed down for several weeks and discontinued the profit-sharing system." The Ara Cushman Company, of Auburn, Maine, manufacturing- boots and shoes on a large scale, practiced profit sharing for six years from March, 1886. Mr. Cushman, who rose from the workman's APPENDIX 385 bench, was thoroughly in earnest ; he understood the necessity for patience and education, and set out intending to give the plan a long trial. He pointed out to his employees, as occasion offered, the ways in which they could make the system a success, and he seems in all respects to have fulfilled his part of the contract with zeal and sincer- ity. Unfortunately, the Knights of Labor were very active and pow- erful from 1886 on, and did much in Auburn, as elsewhere, to foment bad feeling between the employer and the employee. Mr. Cushman's account of the reasons for abandoning his scheme, as given to Mr. Monroe, is very instructive : (Mr. Monroe exaggerates greatly, how- ever, in saying that the experience of this firm " may be taken as typical of many others," if he means many other profit-sharing firms ; while hostility to the plan of a more or less pronounced character has been shown by trade-unions, it is not the fact that " many " profit- sharing firms have been antagonized by the unions in this degree.) Mr. Cushrnan says : " When first presented, our proposition for profit sharing was re- ceived by most of our employees with favor, by many of them with enthusiasm, and for the first year or two many of them appeared to try to make their work of such value to the company as would fairly entitle them to a dividend in pursuance of our agreement and purpose. A comparatively small number maintained their interest to the last and witnessed the discontinuance of the scheme with much regret. " Among the prominent causes of abandonment I will mention : The inadequate ideas of most of the employees in regard to the ex- acting demands of business, which led them to think that the profits of business were larger and more easily earned than they are ; the failure on the part of most of them to realize that success of the busi- ness such as would assure them a dividend above fairly liberal wages must depend on the individual efforts of all ; many of them could see it to be the duty of the others to be faithful and diligent, but did not give it a personal application. But altogether the most important reason why we could not make our plan successful was the Apposition, open or concealed, of the labor organizations under the control of professional agitators and leaders. Their purpose was to make work- ingmen believe that their interests were safer and would be better subserved under the control of their organizations than in cooperation with employers of labor ; that wages could be increased or main- tained more certainly and to a greater extent by the arbitrary demands of labor organizations than by any alliance with employers, with the hope of a fair share of the profits. It was difficult, and became al- most impossible, to adjust prices for work with our employees which were satisfactory to them and possible for us to pay, the men being constantly told, and many of them made to believe, that it was our purpose to make prices fully as much lower than other manufacturers 386 APPENDIX as we would ever pay in dividends. The time consumed by the com- mittee in adjusting prices and settling questions which were constantly coming up came to be quite an annoyance as well as an expense ; the men in most instances being so jealous of their supposed rights that they resisted many necessary and reasonable requirements from the company, while making many unreasonable and impossible claims for themselves. Altogether we felt compelled, much to our disappoint- ment and regret, to discontinue the plan. " In conclusion I will venture to express the opinion, that before any system of industrial partnership or profit sharing possible to manufacturers, and hence practical and permanent, can be introduced, there must be more, and to a very great extent radically different, fundamental teaching on the part of labor leaders and so-called labor and social reformers. As I read and observe, I think workingmen hear much indiscriminate denunciation of the alleged selfishness, in- justice and heartlessness of employers of labor, and but very little, if indeed anything, in the way of admonition or advice to themselves to do faithful, intelligent and efficient work, and in that way to com- mand desirable positions and adequate pay. In the teaching of pro- fessed friends of labor much needs to be done first to disabuse the minds of workingmen of the prevalent idea that their employers are necessarily either their enemies, or entirely disregard their interests, and that everybody who has accumulated large wealth must have done it dishonestly and to the detriment or impoverishment of some- body else. When the ' New Day ' of the ' Industrial Millennium,' of which reformers speak and write, is fully established, it will have been brought about fully as much by the increased intelligence, indus- try, faithfulness and economy of wage-earners as by the increased liberality of wage-payers. If each would study more the common interests of both, we should be nearer the dawn of better conditions." From this careful review of Mr. Monroe's list of cases of abandon- ment, one may see how misleading were the newspaper paragraphs founded upon it to the effect that, in two cases out of three in the United States, profit sharing has proved a failure. For this misap- prehension Mr. Monroe was largely responsible, since in the " sum- mary " at the end of his article, he says : " Of the fifty firms which have adopted the system, twelve continue it, five have abandoned it indefinitely, and thirty-three have abandoned it permanently. . . . The third class vary, in length of trial, from a maximum of eight years to a minimum of six months ; the majority having tried it -for a period of from two to three years." As the maximum instance was " a success in every respect," and the two or three instances of six months' duration deserve no serious mention, Mr. Monroe's inferences from his statistics must be pronounced more curious than important. Despite his remarks that " in comparison with European experience, APPENDIX 387 one is struck with the brevity of the trial [in the third class of aban- doned cases ? ] ; " and that " it is true, with any such question, that one success will prove that it can be done with profit and any number of failures not prove the contrary," I cannot regard his conclusions as justified by his presentation of the facts, critically examined. For he proceeds to say : " Yet it is as a general type, not an individual varia- tion, that such a system has social significance. ... A further study will justify two general conclusions : First, that such a system will succeed only with a select few of employers, those with whom social motives have an extraordinary influence and with a grade of skilled or intelligent labor. Second, such a system is of some importance to society from a statical point of view, but little, if any at all, from that of social progress." The first and the third of these three sentences betray an ambi- tious, so-called " sociological " method of dealing largely with facts, which is quite out of place in a careful, inductive study of social phenomena. There is a degree of truth in the assertion made in the second sentence, which should be changed, however, so as to read, " will succeed best with a select few of employers." Mr. Monroe also says : '' As to a fundamental principle, the large majority are of the opinion that such a plan results in a financial loss to the employer, he being recouped if at all in non-computable ways. Those which continue the plan do so, not as a matter of philanthropy, but as a matter of justice if not of business. These are about equally divided in their opinion as to the direct financial benefit of the plan to the firm." The value of the generalization in the first sentence here is vitiated by the inclusion of so many cases in the article which do not deserve consideration, if for no other reason because of the brevity of the trial, the majority having tried the system ' ' for a period of from two to three years." The conclusion which it is actually safe and reasonable to draw from American experience in profit sharing is that in numerous in- stances the plans of the employers made no provision for a trial of sufficient length to insure the education obviously needed. Va- rious mistakes in detail and several external causes, not connected with profit sharing and not always likely to be encountered, have been responsible, largely, for several important failures in the com- paratively small number of instances in which, after a wise, long and patient trial, the system has been abandoned as impracticable. Such a conclusion seems to be essentially unaffected by the devel- opments of the three years since Mr. Monroe investigated the Ameri- can field. Five of the cases reported in operation in 1896 must now be subtracted. John Wanamaker seems to have been included by mistake. The Scott and Holston Lumber Company, of Duluth, Minn., paid five or six dividends between 1888 and 1894 ; C. G. Conn, 388 APPENDIX of Elkhart, Ind., four or five in his manufacture of band instruments between 1891 and 1896 ; and the Bowdoin Paper Manufacturing Com- pany, of Brunswick, Me., and the Cumberland Mills in the same in- dustry (S. D. Warren & Co., of Boston), initiated profit-sharing plans in 1890. The four firms just named were more or less affected by hard times, and have not resumed the system. Five cases of " tem- porary abandonment of profit sharing due to commercial depression," given by Mr. Monroe in 1896, are not to be included now in any list of profit-sharing firms, the Page Belting Company, Concord, N. H., which has failed ; the Williamsport, Penn., Iron and Nail Company ; Ginn & Co., publishers, Boston ; Pomeroy Brothers, chemists, New- ark, N. J., all believers in the system ; and the Golden Pressed and Fire Brick Company, of Denver, Colo., which paid one dividend in 1892. My criticism of the positions assumed by Messrs. Monroe and Schloss must not be taken to indicate lack of appreciation of their valuable contributions to the literature of profit sharing. I have deemed it desirable to make these criticisms here, in the absence of any printed reply to the arguments of these gentlemen, and to point out defects in their discussion. The argument for profit sharing should rest much of its weight now upon the cases where the trial has been long and the policy that of " Thorough." Where profit sharing thus applied has failed to improve the workman's position essentially, I should be one of the last to oppose the substitution for it of some other form of welfare-institution : such a substitution would be evidence of the good faith of the employer. The main matter, never to be sacrificed to any theory, is the actual elevation of the lot of the employee. APPENDIX IV BIBLIOGRAPHY THIS list includes the principal works on which the present volume is based, but not all the reports and pamphlets issued by numerous houses having welfare-institutions. The largest collection of this material is probably to be found in the library of the Musee Social at Paris. Musterstatten Personlicher Fiirsorge von Arbeitgebern fur ihre Geschaftsangehorigen von Dr. Jul. Post, Professor an der Tech- nischen Hochschule in Hannover. Band I. : Die Kinder und die Ju- gendlichen mit 44 Abbildungen. S. IX., 380. Berlin. Verlag von Robert Oppenheim, 1889. Band II. : Die Erwachsenen Arbeiter. Von Dr. Jul. Post, Geh. Reg.- und vortr. Rath im Ministerium f iir Handel und Gewerbe in Berlin, und Dr. H. Albrecht in Gr.-Lichter- felde. Mit 145 Abbildungen. S. VII. I. Theil. Patriarchalische Beziehungen in der Grossindustrie ; S. 172 : II. Theil. Beschreibung einzelner Musterstatten, S. 745. Berlin. Robert Oppenheim (Gus- tav Schmidt), 1893. (The standard German treatise on the subject.) Die Wohlfahrtseinrichtungen Berlins und seiner Vororte. Ein Aus- kunftsbuch herausgegeben von der Auskunftsstelle der Deutschen Gesellschaft fiir ethische Kultur. 2" Aufl. S. 427. Berlin, 1899. Exposition Universelle Internationale de 1889 a Paris. Rapports du Jury International. Economic Sociale. Section XIV. (Institu- tions Patronales). Rapport de M. E\ Cheysson, Inspecteur Ge'ne'ral des Ponts et Chausse'es, Ancien President de la Socie'te' d'Economie So- ciale, Ancien Directeur du Crensot, p. viii. 166. Paris. Impri- merie Nationale, 1892. (An excellent report, with appendixes concern- ing eight leading instances.) Report on the Social Economy Section of the Universal Interna- tional Exhibition of 1889 at Paris. Prepared by Jules Helbronner, Member of the Royal Labor Commission. Printed by order of Par- liament, pp. Ixxxiii., 659. Ottawa. Printed by Brown Chamberlin, Printer to the Queen's Most Excellent Majesty. (M. Helbronner's report contains a great abundance of documentary matter and of information based on the material exhibited in the Social Economy Section, of which it gives a bibliography. I am especially indebted to M. Helbronner for information (found in his Section XIV. " Em- ployers' Institutions ") concerning those cases described in this volume where the latest figures given are those of 1888 or 1889.) 390 APPENDIX Hubert Brice : Les Institutions Patronales. Leur Etat Actuel Leur Avenir. Ouvrage recompense' par 1'Academie des sciences morales et politiques, pp. vi. 340. Paris : Arthur Rousseau. 1894. (The latest study of the subject in French.) Hollandische Musterstatten Personlicher Fiirsorge von Arbeit- gebern f iir ihre Geschaf tsangehb'rigen. Von J. C. Eringaard. Druck- erei Van Marken, Delft. 1896. Der Arbeiterschutz. Von K. Frankenstein. Pflichten und Aufgaben der Arbeitgeber in der Arbeiterfrage. Von Fr. Hitze. Koln, 1888. La Participation aux Be'ne'fices, par timile Waxweiler, Chef de Bureau a 1'Office du Travail de Belgique, pp. 320. L'Association de I'Ouvrier aux Profits du Patron et la Participation aux Be'ne'fices, par Paul Bureau, Prof esseur Adjoint a la Faculte" Libre de Droit de Paris, pp. xix. 322. La Participation aux Be'ne'fices, tude the'orique et pratique, par Maurice Vanlaer, Avocat au Barreau de Lille, pp. viii. 310. Le Metayage et la Participation aux Be'ne'fices, par Roger Merlin, Avocat, pp. xvi. 578. (These four volumes on profit sharing are essays offered for the Comte de Chambrtin prize in 1896, and published at his expense by Arthur Rousseau. Paris, 1898.) Le Participationisme. Par A. Coutivel. Giard et Briere. Paris, 1898. Le Code Ouvrier : Louis Andre 1 et Le"on Ginbourg. Chevalier-Ma- rescq. Paris. Lois Social es. Recueil des Textes de la Legislation Sociale de la France. J. Chailley-Bert et A. Fontaine. Le"on Chailley. Paris, 1896. Etude sur la Participation aux Be'ne'fices. Par M. Mascarel. A. Burdin et Cie. Angers, 1894. Exposition de 1889 : Rapports du Jury International Economic Sociale. Section II., Rapport de M. Charles Robert. Imprimerie Nationale. Paris, 1889. Congres International de la Participation aux Be'ne'fices. Compte Rendu. Librairie Chaix. Paris, 1890. Guide Pratique pour 1' Application de la Participation aux B^n4- fices. Par Albert Trombert, avec une Introduction par Charles Ro- bert. Librairie Chaix. Paris, 1895. La Participation aux Be'ne'fices et les Difficulte's pre"sentes. Par M. Gibon. Guillaumin. Paris, 1892. (Critical.) Le Me"canisme de la Vie Moderne. Par le Vicomte G. d'Avenel. A. Colin. Paris, 1896. (Chapitre L, Les Magasins de Nouveaute's. Le Bon Marche".) Fabrikantengliick ! Ein Weg der dazu f iihren Kann. Von Hein- rich Freese. S. 86. Eisenach. Verlag von M. Wilckens, 1899. Die Gewinnbeteiligung. Von R. Einhauser. Separatabzug aus der APPENDIX 391 Zeitschrif t f iir die gesamte Staatswissenschaft. H. Laupp. Tubingen, 1898. (Extremely critical.) Die Teilung des Geschaftsgewinns zwischen Unternehmern und Angestellten. Von N. P. Oilman. Umgearbeitet und erganzt von Leopold Katscher. S. XV., 352. Ed. Wartig. Leipzig, 1891. La Participazione del Lavoratori ul Profitto dell' Impresa. Vin- cenzo Carnanni. Rome. La Dottrina del Salario. Adolfo Musco. Societa Anonima Co- operativa Napoli, 1898. Per la Pace fra Capitale e Lavoro. Achille Avogadro. Como. La Participazione del Profitto. . Carlo Morpurgo. Sordo-NutL Genoa. Le Societa Cooperative di Produzione. Di Ugo Rabbeno. Fra- telli Dumolard. Milano, 1889. Methods of Industrial Remuneration. By David F. Schloss. Third edition, revised and enlarged. Williams and Norgate, Lon- don ; G. P. Putnam's Sons, New York, 1898. Report to the Board of Trade on Profit Sharing (by J. Lowry Whittle), 1891. Report by Mr. D. F. Schloss on Profit Sharing, 1894. The Annual Reports of the Labor Department of the Board of Trade since 1894 contain tables relating to the status of profit shar- ing. Eyre and Spottiswoode, London. Profit-Sharing Precedents. By Henry G. Rawson. Stevens & Sons. London, 1891. The Distribution of the Produce. By James C. Smith. Kegan Paul, Trench, Triibner & Co. London, 1892. Profit Sharing and the Labour Question. By T. W. Bushill. Me- thuen & Co. London, 1893. Railways and their Employees. By O. D. Ashley, President of the Wabash Railroad Co. The Railway Age and Northwesterner Railroader. Chicago, 1895. Labor Copartnership. By Henry D. Lloyd. Harper & Brothers. New York, 1898. Strikes and Social Problems. By J. Shield Nicholson. Ch. III. A. & C. Black. London, 1896. Report on Gain Sharing and Certain Other Systems of Bonus on Production. By D. F. Schloss. 1895. The Adjustment of Wages to Efficiency. Three Papers on Gain Sharing, the Premium Plan, and a Piece-Rate System. By H. R. Towne, F. A. Halsey, and F. W. Taylor. Macmillan Co. New York, 1896. Socialism and the American Spirit. By N. P. Gilman (Ch. IX. " Industrial Partnership "). Houghton, Mifflin & Co. Boston, 1893. The Bulletins of the U. S. Department of Labor, Nos. 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, contain an important series of chapters on " Industrial Communities " 392 APPENDIX by W. F. Willoughby, of the Department. Anzin, Blanzy, Essen, the Familistere of Guise, the Mariemont and Bascoup Mines and the Vieille Montagne Company are described in detail, with a few para- graphs about Noisiel and Le Creusot. Bulletin No. 8 gives an account of " Railway Relief Departments," by Emory R. Johnson ; No. 13, one of " The Anthracite Mine Laborers" by G. O. Virtue ; in No. 17, Mr. Johnson treats of " Brotherhood Relief and Insurance of Railway Employes ; " and in No. 20 is a general survey of the " Condition of Railway Labor in Europe," by W. E. Weyl. " Der Arbeiterfreund " of Berlin, quarterly, and " Das Volkswohl " of Dresden, the "Cooperative News" of Manchester, England, and " Labour Copartnership " of London, and the quarterly " Bulletin " of the French Participation Society give the news of welfare-institu- tions and profit sharing, and articles on their various aspects. " Em- ployer and Employed," a small quarterly periodical, was published in 1892-96 for the purpose of forming public opinion through the press of the country, by the Association for the Promotion of Profit Shar- ing (President, Carroll D. Wright ; Vice-president, N. O. Nelson ; Secretary, N. P. Gilman). Among magazine articles describing houses mentioned in this vol- ume are the following : " A Spool of Thread " (Willimantic), " Scrib- ner's Magazine," Sept., 1878 ; " An American Palace of Delight " (Warner's Seaside Institute), "The American Magazine," March, 1888 ; " An Industrial Experiment at South Manchester," " Harper's Magazine," Nov., 1872 ; " Pullman : A Social Study," " Harper's Magazine," Feb., 1885; "Hopedale and Its Founder," "New Eng- land Magazine," April, 1891. Saltaire is described in "Harper's Magazine," voL xliv. p. 827 ; and the Krupp works in the issue for March, 1886. A considerable number of firms having welfare-institutions publish annual reports or pamphlets describing them. Such are Fr. Krupp (see the recent work by F. H. G. Miiller), D. Peters & Co., W. Spindler, Villeroy and Boch, the Augsburg Carding and Spinning Mill, the Harburg Rubber Comb Company, and C. Heyl, in Germany; the Blanzy and Anzin Mines and Seydoux et Cie, in France ; the Vieille Montagne and Mariemont and Bascoup Mines, in Belgium ; the Tang- yes, Lever Brothers, Cassells and Hazell, Watson and Viney of Eng- land ; and in this country the Pope Company, the American Watch Company, the National Cash Register Company (see especially " A New Era in Manufacturing ") and the H. J. Heinz Company. For the more important works on profit sharing issued before 1889, see the Bibliography appended to " Profit Sharing between Employer and Employee." For fuller bibliographies, see the works of MM. P. Bureau and E. Waxweiler, named above, and M. Trom- bert's " Guide Pratique." INDEX ABRAND, F., 145. Accident funds and insurance, 86, 107, 111, 115, 116, 124, 133, 134, 138-141, 144-148, 152-155, 157, 164. Acme Sucker Rod Company, 234. Adams House, 208. Adams, Thomas, and Company, 190. Advance department in Cash Register works, 232. Advances to workmen, 146, 149, 153 el seq. Aeltestencollegiums, see Workmen's Councils. Aged, Homes for the, 136, 142. Agneta Park, 162, 164. Allen, William, 55, 59. American Waltham Watch Factory, 206, 265. Ames, Oakes, 236, 237. Aines, Oliver, and Sons, 25, 235. Ames, Oliver, 2d, 235, 236. Amsterdam, 168. Anzin, mining company of, 130. Apprentices, 74, 83, 86, 106, 113, 124, 144, 152, 167, 298etseq. Arbeiterausschuss, see Workmen's Councils. Arbeiterstiftung, 72. Arbeitervertretung and Arbeitervor- stand, see Workmen's Councils. Arbitration, compulsory, 21 ; state boards of, 22 ; Mrs. Lowell on, 22 n. Aristocracy, natural, in world of in- dustry, 3. Arlen, 92. Art gallery at St. Johnsbury, 238. Ashley, O. D., 201, n. 2. Athenaeum, at Joliet, 211, 212. Augsburg Carding and Spinning Mills, 87. Avenel, Vicomte d', 337 n. Ayer, J. C., Company, 293. Aylesbury, 183: Baccarat, Glass Works, 147. Bailie, J. B.,27n., 298. Baille-Lemaire, 296. Bakeries, 101, .124, 128, 140, 150, 155 et seq. Baking Society, United Cooperative, 205. Balgarnie, R., 189 n. Ballard and Ballard Company, 349. Ballou, Adin, 226, 228. Baltimore and Ohio Railroad, 24, 272. Bank, First National, Chicago, 294 ; of Montreal, 294; National City, New : York, 295. I Barrows, S. J., quoted, 254. Barrows, W. E., 258-260. Bartlett, J. C., 279. Baths, 69, 78, 82, 87, 88, 92, 98, 101, 108, 110, 111, 113, 129, 134, 136, 142, 143, 149, 151, 152, 155, 156, 167 et seq. Bascoup coal mines, 173. Bausch and Lomb Optical Co., 293. Beet-sugar factory, 168. Belgian mining law, 171. Belgian mutual insurance funds, 170. Belle Sauvage Press, 180. Benoist, F., et L. Berthiot, 156. Bentham, Jeremy, 55. Benton, Joel, 262. Berndorf Theatre, 119. Besseges, Mining Company, 134. Bicycle factory, 222, 325. Bicycles, on instalments, 101, 111. Bicycle sheds or stables, 193, 233, 293. Billiard-rooms, 87, 96, 108 et seq. Birmingham, 191, 196. Birth presents, 152, 169. Blackmar, F. W., 310 n., 332 n. Blanzy Co., 125 ; report on dangers of paternalism, 362, 363. Blin et Blin, 145. Blincoe, Robert, 32. Bochum Company for Mining and Cast Steel Manufacture, 97. Bonus Investment Society, 205. Boots and shoes, 156. Boulange, H., et Cie, 152. Bourne, Jonathan, 305. Bourne Mills, 28, 296, 304. Bournville, 191, 192. Braddock library, 216. Brandts, F., 79. Brass bands, 128, 134, 143, 151, 153, 165 et seq. Breweries, 107, 168, 176. Brice, H., 124. Bridgeport, Conn., 262. Brooklyn Bridge Railway, 281. Brooklyn Rapid Transit Co., 281. Brownell, F. A., 292. Bryce, James, 343. Bucyrus Steam Shovel Company, 384. Bullock Electric Manufacturing Com- pany, 291. Bureau, Paul, 198 n. Cadbury Brothers, 191. Caisse Nationale des Retraites pour la Vieillesse, 121, 123, 132, 151. Caisse Syndicale d'Assurance Mutuelle des Forges de France, 140. Cambria Steel Company, 219. 394 INDEX Campello, Mass., 291. Canal companies, 138, 159. Car company, 239. Carlsberg Breweries, 176. Carlyle, Sirs., saying of, 2. Carlyle, Thomas, 11. Carnegie, Andrew, quoted, 215, 216, 218 and note. Carnegie Steel Company, 22, 215. Carnoustie, 189. Cash Register Company, National, 228 ; earlier lack of success, 233 ; 265. Cassell and Company, 180. Cateau, 141. Cautionkasse, 114. Chace, Geo. A., 305, 306 n. Chagot, Jules, et Cie, 125. Chaix, Albans, 338. Chaix, Maison, 153. Chambrun, Comte de, 338. Champagne, Iron Works of, 138. Character, Owen's Essays on the for- mation of, 55, 58 ; institution for the formation of, 56. Charlottenburg, 108. Chase, A. B., Company, 294. Chemists, manufacturing, 293. Chene'e, 171. Cheney Brothers, 23, 254. Cheysson, E., on three kinds of patron- age, 118, 119, 357 11., 358 n. Chicago, 111., 291, 292. Chicago, Burlington and Quincy R. R., 24, 277. Chicago City Railway, 22, 282. Chicago Great Western Railway Co., 271. Chicago Telephone Company, 268. Children in English factories, 30, 32. Chocolate and cocoa works, 150, 169, 191, 195. Choisy-le-Roi, 152. Chorlton Twist Company, 44. Churches and chapels, 129, 132, 135, 155, 172 et seq. Ciezskowski, Comte Auguste, 338 n. Cincinnati, Ohio, 291, 292. Cincinnati Milling Machine Co., 234. Ciotat, La, 158. City Bank, National, 295. Clarendon Press, 188. Cleveland, Ohio, 288. Cleveland-Cliffs Iron Company, 220. Clothes rooms and closets, 82, 112, 118. Clothing for workpeople, 75, 110, 133, 149, 192. Club-houses and club-rooms, 25, 74, 77, 87, 96, 108, 113, 114, 115, 151, 167 et seq. Coal mines, 89, 125, 130, 133, 134, 170, 173, 284-286. Cockerill & Co., 171. Coffee-kitchens, 100, 101, 111. Colbert, 146. Coleridge, S. T., 43. Colin et Cie (formerly Godin), 337. Colin, A., et Cie, 152. Collective insurance, 122. " Colonels " of industry, 118, 119. Colonies, 67, 119. Columbus (Ohio) Gas Company, 22, 349. Columbus Traction Company, 349. Common Property Society, 162. Conciliation committees, 21, 173 et seq. Connecticut: free libraries in factories 25. Consommation, Socie'te's Cooperatives de, 336. Conspiracy and Protection of Property Act, 318 n. Convalescent homes, 184. Cooke-Taylor, R. Whately : quoted or referred to, 10 n., 32. Cooperative production, 331, 336, 346. Cooperative and cost stores, 68, 92, 96, 101, 105 n., Ill, 113, 124, 127, 131, 139, 143, 144, 150, 155, 157, 163, 167, 175 et seq. Copartnership, Mr. G. Livesey on, 323. Copenick, 85. Corset makers, 262, 265. Cotton-mills, 40, 42, 46, 85, 87, 92, 97, 115, 143-146, 191, 253, 304. Courrieres, mining company of, 134. Courtivron, 145. Coxe Brothers and Company, 286. Crane Company, 244. Crane, Walter, 212, 217. Crane, W. Murray, 246. Crane, Zenas, 245. Creches, 96, 142, 144, 149, 152 et seq. Creusot, Le, 134. Crockery makers, 152. Crystal Palace Gas Company, 319. Cumberland Mills, Me., 247. Cushman, Ara, Co., 348, 384. Dairying societies, Irish, 345. Dale, David, commercial prominence, 44; cold reception of R. Owen, 46; sells New Lanark mills, 46; friend- ship for Owen, 46 ; kindhearted manu- facturer, 47 ; discussions with Owen. 53. Dale, Miss, meets R. Owen, 44 ; their marriage, 46. Dalton, John, friend of R. Owen, 43. Dalton, Mass., 244, 247. Dayton, Ohio, 228, 230; South Park, 231, 232, 234. Deaconesses, 99. Delaware and Hudson Canal Company, 285. Delft Glue and Gelatine Works, 161. Department stores, 291, 294, 337. Devonshire, Duke of, 323. Dining-halls, 74, 82, 87, 98, 101, 111, 117, 124, 143, 150 et seq. Dispensaries, 126, 136 et seq. Dividend to labor, an indirect, 27 ; a direct, 28 ; at Blanzy, 125 ; 306, 312, 360. Dividend to labor, same on savings as to shareholders, 199 n. Dobbehnan, Herr, 169. Dock and warehouse company, 158. Dolfus-Mieg et Cie, institutions, 115. Dolge, Alfred, 24, 351 n. INDEX 395 Dollfus, P. Engel, 115. Dollfus, Jean, 115, 117. Dollfus, M., 156. Dombirn, 97. Draper Company, 226. Drinks for workmen, 74, 75, 102, 106, 107, 118, 156, 172 et seq. Drink water, Mr., of Manchester, 40, 41. Ducher, H., 156. Duyvis, Jacob, 169. Dye works, 108. Early Closing Associations, 203. Earthenware and mosaic works, 83, 90. Eastman Kodak Co., 291. Easton, Penn., 220. Easton, North, Mass., 235. Economists and English manufacturers, 11. Edison Electric Illuminating Co., 267. Edwardsville, 111., 324 et seq. Eight-hour day, 103. Elberfeld, 75. Electrical companies, 104, 267, 291. Electric railways, 281, 282. Elgin Watch Company, 211. Elswick Works, 198. Ely, R. T., 241 n., 242. Employer, much exposed to philanthro- pists, 1 ; as a practical philanthropist, 2; general rationality and justice, 3; his function needs humanizing, 3 ; his ideals, 4 ; his function, 4 ; and work- man, 5 ; his need of ability and force of character, 6 ; his responsibility, 6 ; his morality a secondary matter, 7 ; but very important, 8 ; restrained by law and public opinion, 12 ; external moralization, 13 ; function needs mor- alizing, 13 ; his moral responsibility, 14 ; ideals presented to him, 15 ; per- sonal alienation from employees, 15 ; importance of good-will, 16 ; C. D. Wright on his trust, 17 ; should help solve labor problems, 18 ; and factory legislation, 19 ; and trade - unions, 21 ; and arbitration, 21 ; interest in thrift, 22; and workmen-sharehold- ers, 22 ; and bonus for workers, 23 ; benefit funds, life insurance, pension plans, 24 ; his obligation to the com- munity, 24 ; should begin institutions early, 27 ; should live near employees, 27, 147 ; can do much to settle labor problems, 29; American, and profit- sharing, 348. Ems, lead and silver works at, 101. Engineers and machinists, 106, 136, 166, 169, 196, 198, 223, 226, 234, 343. iSpargne, Societo d' Encouragement a 1', Miihlhausen, 117. Eringaard, J. C., 165 n., 169. Essen-on-Ruhr, 64 et seq., 73. Evening schools, 124, 127 et seq. Factory legislation, 9, 11 ; and model employer, 19; in England, 34 ; Owens twelve-hour bill, 51. Factory organization at Cash Register works, 228. Factory system in England, 30, 62. " Fair," The, 291. Fairbanks, E. & T., & Co., 25, 238. Fall River, Mass., 304. Family council, 152. Fanier, M., 156. Farrand-Votey Organ Company, 294. Fels & Co., 288. Fette, W. Eliot, 383. Ferris Brothers Company, 264. Festivals, 114, 128, 139 et seq. Fielden, John, quoted, 32 n. Fire brigades, 85, 97, 129, 149 et seq. Fire insurance, 96, 98, 116, 146, 164 et seq. Flint and Palmer, 38. Flour mills, 349. Flower shows, 191. Folembray, 149. Forges de France, Comite' des, 140. Fox Brothers, 343. France, welfare-institutions in, 63, 64 n., 121 et seq. Freese, Heinrich, 102. French State tobacco manufacture, 151. Fry Brothers, 195. Fuel supplied to workmen, 118, 127, 133 134, 156 et seq. Games and sports, 108, 133 et seq. Gardens, kitchen, 108, 147, 155, 178, 186 et seq. Gas companies, 22, 156, 317, 319, 349. Gas Workers' Union, 318, 319. Gaskell, P., quoted or referred to, 10 n., 33. Gastel Beet Sugar Factory, 168. Germania Shipbuilding Company, 65. Germany, welfare-institutions in, 63 ; roll of honor of corporations in, 120. Gibson, Alexander, 250. Girls' Institute, 179. Gladstone Hall, 179. Glasgow, 205. Glass works, 147, 149. Globe Tobacco Company, 383. Glue and gelatine works, 161. Golden Rule Park and Hall, 235. Gonner, Professor, 18. Gouin Construction Company, 136. Gould, E. R. L., quoted or referred to, 66 n., 67, 77 n., 151, 163 n., 248, 253 n., 260 n., 261. Granges, Vosges, 146. Graphic, The, and The Daily Graphic, 187. Gratuities, 134. Great Western Railway, 201. Grey, Earl, 343. Gun clubs, 143 et seq. Gymnastics, 85, 87, 92, 95, 108, 110, 114, 115, 128, 139, 143, 155, 165 et seq. Hackmen's Company, General, of Paris, 157. Haines, Jones and Cadbury Company, 382. 396 INDEX Hale, Edward E., 332 n. Halls and rooms for social purposes, 92, 93, 127, 128, 151, 165, 167 et seq. Hammerle, F. M.,97. Harburg Rubber Comb Company, 98. Harfleur, 155. Harmonie Lemaire, 303. Hartford, Conn., 222. Hazard, Rowland, 251, 252. Hazard, R. G., 251, 252. Hazell, Watson and Viney, 182. Heinz, H. J., Company, 289. Hengelo, 166. Heyl Brothers, 108. Heyl, C., 110. Higginson, T. W., quoted, 250. Hodder, Edwin, quoted, 190. Hoffman and Billings Company, 383. Holidays, full wages for, 168. Homestead library, 217; athletic club, 218. Hopedale, Mass., 226. Horticulture, 85. Hosiery, 190. Hospitals, 70, 92, 126, 133, 134, 136, 137, 140, 142, 151, 155, 159 et seq. Houses for workmen, 23, 49, 73, 75, 84, 87, 89, 90, 93, 96, 97, 98, 101, 106, 108, 112, 117, 119, 123, 124, 125, 131, 134, 135, 138, 139, 143, 144, 146, 147, 149, 150, 153, 155, 156, 158, 162, 166, 168, 171, 173 et seq. Houten, C. J. van, and Son, 169. Hovy, W., 168. Howerth, I. W.,310n. Howland Mills, 23, 253. Hubin, F., 155. Huddersfield, 344. Hungarian State iron works, 175 ; rail- ways, 176. Button, William, in silk mill, 32. Ideals, business, of the employer, 4 ; moral, 14 ; should be realizable, 15 ; Blanzy Company on, 129. Illinois Central Railroad Co., 22, 269. Illinois Steel Works Club, 25, 211. Industrial schools, 73, 77, 82, 83, 89, 92, 93, 95, 97, 98, 108, 109, 110, 111, 114, 124, 127, 139, 148, 153, 155, 166, 174 et seq. Industrial revolution, 30, 47. Infant schools, 52, 56, 88, 92, 117, 127, 140, 142, 144, 146, 148, 152, 156 et seq. Ingersoll-Sergeant Drill Company, 220. Institutes, Aylesbury and Kirby Street, 186 ; Oxford, 188 ; Saltaire, 189. Insurance of workmen in France, 121 ; of miners in Belgium, 169. Intermissions from work, 82, 231 et seq. Iron works, 112, 138-140, 171, 175, 220, 337. Ishpeming, 220, 221. Ivorydale, 310. Jaluzot, M., 337 n. Janvier, Pere et Fils et Cie, 147. Jersey City, N. J., 290. Johnstown, Penn., 219. Joliet, HI., 211. Jones, 8. M., 234. Jute Spinning and Weaving Factory, 94. Kay-Shuttleworth, Sir J., on Man- chester operatives, 32. Kent, Duke of, 58. Kindergartens, 77, 82, 87, 98, 111, 114, 166 et seq. Kitchens, 59, 82, 92, 142. Knapp, Stout and Co. Company, 249. Kriebstein, 114. Krupp, Fried., Essen works, 64; manu- factures, 65 ; welfare-institutions, 66 ; housing arrangements, 66 ; " colo- nies," 67; stores, 68; sanitary con- ditions, 68 ; baths, 69 ; sick fund, 69 ; hospital, 70 ; pension fund, 70 ; life insurance, 72; Arbeiterstiftung, 72; schools, 73 ; industrial training, 73 ; casino, 74 ; dining-halls, 74 ; savings 75. Krupp, F. A., founds pension fund for officials, 71 ; sick fund, 72 ; Arbeiter- stiftung, 72 ; Essen memorial fund, 73 ; gift for technical education, 74. Kubler and Niethammer, 114. Lace making, 190. Lafarge Lime Kilns, 155. Laundries, free, 88, 112, 151 et seq. Lawrence, Mass., 253. Lead and silver works, 101. Leather works, 110. Leclaire, Edme-Jean, 328, 337. Leclaire, 111., 23, 323. Leclaire, Maison, 336, 337. Lectures, 87, 112, 113, 115, 128, 151, 155 et seq. Lederlin, A., 143. Legrand, J. L., 338 n. Lehigh Coal and Navigation Co., 285. Lehigh and Wilkesbarre Coal Co., 285. Lehigh Valley Coal Co., 285. Lehigh Valley Railroad, 278. Leipzig, 103. Lemaire, A., 297, 298. Lens Mining Co., 134. Le Play, F., 358. Levasseur, E., 225 n., 358. Lever Brothers, Limited, 177. Libraries for workpeople, 24, 73, 77, 82, 86, 89, 92, 96, 100, 101, 103, 107, 113, 114, 119, 133, 143, 144, 151, 152, 153, 164, 167 et seq. Library fee, effect of, 225 n. Lievin Mining Company, 134. Life insurance, 71, 111, 116, 126 el seq. Lillers, 156. Lime-kiln, 155. Lisbon, 342. Literature of welfare-institutions, 120. Livesey, George, 317. Livesey, Thomas, 317. Lloyd, Henry D., 205, 323 n., 346 n. Loan funds, 106, 111 et seq. Lock works at Neuilly, 153. Lodging houses, 92, 97, 101, 144, 155 et seq. INDEX 397 London, Bishop of, " the hand," 18 n. London, Brighton and South Coast Rail- way Co., 201. London and Northwestern R. R. Co., 199. Lorillard, P., Co., 290. Louisville, Ky., 349. Lowell " Offering," 207 ; corporations, 253, 293. Lowell, J. R., on free libraries, 25. Lower- Rhenish-Westphalian mines, 90. Lumber firms, 249, 250. Lunches, 191, 192 et seq. Lung, Albert, 145. Machinery, living, 300. Machinery works, 224, 226. Mallock, W. H., quoted or referred to, 3 n., 7. Manchester, South, Conn., 254 ; schools, 257. Manchester operative, daily life, 32 ; physical condition, 33. Mans, Le, 47. Manufacturers and pauper children, 9; greed and cruelty of English, 10. Marcinelles and Couillet Co., 173. Mariemont and Bascoup coal mines, 173. Marienhiitte, 112. Marken, J. C. van, 161 ; printing com- pany, 162; on welfare-institutions, 165 n. Marquette, 220. Marriage of workmen, 84, 112. Marriage presents, 152, 159. Marseilles Dock and Warehouse Com- pany, 158. Marshall, Alfred, 343. Marysville, N. B., 250. Mason, Thomas, and Sons, 191. Massachusetts, workmen's stock law, 22. Maternity, assistance at, 117, 142, 149, 151 et seq. McGuffog, James, 37. Medical attendance, 92, 96, 107, 124, 126, 133, 136, 142, 146-149, 151, 152, 154, 156, 158, 159, 167, 174 el seq. Menier, Chocolat, 150. Menomonie, Wis., 249. Merrimac Manufacturing Co., 253. Mettlach, 90. Midland R. R. Co., 199. Military service, 86, 91, 114, 133, 145, 149, 155, 157 et seq. Mining companies, 97. Molijn, M., 340. Molinari, G. de, on paternalism, 362. Monitors, silent, at New Lanark, 51, 57 n. ; at Cash Register works, 230. Monroe, Paul, 347 n. ; examination of paper in " American Journal of Soci- ology," 381. Moutceau-les-Mines, 129, 133. Montrambert Company, mining, 134. Montreal, Bank of, 294. Moralization of human relationships slow, 8 ; but sure, 11 ; of employer, 131. Morin, Fillot, Ricois et Cie (Bon Mart-he), 337. Morley, Samuel, 190. Motives for welfare-institutions, 118, 119. Moussey, 145. Miihlhausen, 115, 116. Mulhousienne, Soi-ieti', des Cites Ou- vrieres, 117. Miinchen-Gladbuch, 79. Music at meals, 175. Musical associations, 82, 84, 92, 97, 99, 111, 113, 114, 115, 128, 133, 143, 144, 148, 165, 174 et seq. Mutual aid societies, 81, 124, 126, 131, 134, 136, 139, 143, 144, 148, 152, 153, 156, 157, 174 et seq. Naeyer et Cie, 340. Nelson, N. O., 21, 23, 28; Company, 323, 332 n. Netherlands Oil Works, 161. Neviges, 75. Newark, N. J., 264. New Bedford, Mass., 253. Newcastle-upon-Tyne, 198. New Lanark Company, 54. New Lanark Mills and village, 34, 45- 50, 55, 56, 58-61. New Lanark Twist Company, 46. Newspapers, 187. Newspapers, factory, 83, 165, 167, 168, 289, 293 ; free, 100, 112. New York, N. Y., 267, 2G9. New York Telephone Company, 269. Nicholas, Grand Duke, 58. Noisiel, 150. North and East, Society of the, 138. Northern Railway (France), 124. Norwalk, Ohio, 294. Nottingham, 190, 203. Nunspeet, Holland, 340. Ocean Mail Company, 157. Oil works, 161. Omaha, Nebraska, 294. Omnibus Company, General, of Paris, 157. Opera-glasses, 297. Oporto, 342. Optical goods, 293. Organ makers, 294. Organization of welfare-institutions, 128; by workmen, 130. Orleans railway, 122, 124. Oud-Gastel, 167. Owen, Robert, quoted or referred to, 4, 11, 29 ; authorities for facts of his life, 34 n., 49 n., 59 n. ; born in 1771, 34 ; the dish of flummery, 34 ; educa- tion, 35; passion for books, 35 ; busi- ness life begins, 36 ; obtains situation with Mr. McGuffog, 37 ; returns to London, 38 ; goes to Manchester, 38 ; partnership with Jones, 39; begins the world on his own account, 40; manager for Mr. Drinkwater, 40-44; his creed, 36, 42; business ability, 43; friends, 43 ; manager for Chorlton 398 INDEX Twist Co., 44 ; meets Miss Dale, 44 ; first visit to New Lanark, 46 ; with partners buys New Lanark Mills, 46 ; marries Miss Dale, 46 ; reconstruction of New Lanark, 47 el seq, ; action dur- ing the embargo, 50 ; " silent moni- tors," 51 ; bill for regulating hours of work in mills and factories, 51 ; faith in education, 52 ; change of partners, 53 ; dissolution of the new firm, 54 ; partnership with W. Allen and others, 55; establishes first infant school in Great Britain, 56 ; plans for the im- provement of his work people, 57 ; efforts for labor legislation, 58 ; hos- pitality at New Lanark, 58 ; financial success, 59 ; friction with W. Allen, 59 ; retirement from business, 60 ; socialistic views, 60 ; failure of social- istic experiments, 60 ; character as an employer, 62. Owen, Robert, the elder, 34. Packard, S. E., and Sons, 291. Paint and color manufacture, 288. Painters and decorators, 336. Paper-box makers, 291. Paper-making, 114, 244, 247, 337. Papeterie Cooperative, 337. Parisian Gas Company, 156. Paris, Lyons, and Mediterranean R. R. System, 122. Parks, 77, 82, 118 ei seq. Participation Society, French, 338. Paternalism, 63, 64, 128, 130, 177, 206, 329, 362. Patriarchal employers, 79, 119. Patronage, military, patriarchal, liberal, 118. Patterson, J. H. and F. J., 228. Paturle-Lupin, 141, 142. Peace Dale Manufacturing Co., 251. Pennsylvania Railroad, 24, 275 ; lines west of Pittsburg, 277. Pennsylvania Steel Company, 220. Pension funds, French employees enjoy- ing, 159. Pension funds, 69-71, 79, 86, 91, 94, 99, 105, 105 n., 106, 111, 115, 117, 118, 121, 123, 126, 127, 132, 134, 136, 139, 141, 143-146, 149, 151-159, 164, 166, 168, 170, 172 et seq. People's Palace, Carnoustie, 190. Peters, D., and Co., 75. Peugeot Freres, Les Fils de, 139. Philadelphia, Penn., 287. Philadelphia and Reading Coal and Iron Company, 284. Philadelphia and Reading Railroad, 277. Photographic supplies, 291, 292. Photographic Studio, Cooperative, 162. Pia Aziemla Tessile, 341. Pianoforte makers, 153, 294. Pickles and preserves, 289. Pidgeon, Daniel, quoted, 258. Pinet, F., 15G. Pittsburg, Penn., 289. Plant -growing, prizes for, 191. Plant system, 278. Pleyel, Wolff & Co., 153. Plumbers' goods, 323. Poilly, Fitz-James et Brigade, Societe" de, 149. Pope Manufacturing Company, 222. Port Sunlight, 177. Portugal, tobacco industry, 341. Post, J., 63, 111, 112. Premiums, 80, 119, 141, 152, 156-158, 167 et seq. Printers and publishers, 103, 152, 153, 1G2, 182, 292. Procter, W. C., 310 n. Procter and Gamble Company, 28, 310. Profit sharing, 28, 29, 94, 103, 141, 144, 147, 153, 156, 160, 16S\178, 204, 205 n., 235, 249, 251, 296, 301, 302, 311, 315, 316, 318, 322, 334 el seq. ; and waste, 349 n. ; abandonment of, in United States, 380 ; need of trial of some length, 387. Provident Funds, 102-107, 111, 116, 118, 134, 136, 137, 141, 144-147, 156, 158, 172, 173 et seq. Prudence, La, 126, 128. Prussian government, housing em- ployees, 89. Pullman, George M., 239, 242. Pullman, 111., 239. Pullman's Palace Car Company, 239, 243. Rabbeno, Ugo, 33G n. Railroads, relief funds, 24, 122-124,171, 176, 199-201, 269, 271, 272, 275, 277, 278, 280. Railway Department of the T. M. C. A.. 280. Reading-rooms, 89, 96, 112, 143 et seq. Recreation, 99, 128, 153 et seq. Redouly et Cie, 336. Refectories, see Dining-halls. Registers, autographic, 229, Reineveld machine works, 169. Rents to workmen, 76, 91, 97, 125, 131, 137, 150 et seq. Remington Sholes Company, 292. Restaurants, 101, 105 n., 107, 108, 147, 150, 157, 158, 167 et seq. Rey, M., 171. Ringhoffer, F., 106. Ripon, Marquis of, 343. Robbins, Mr., treasurer Waltham Watch Co., 210, 211 ; on employer, 211. Robert, Charles, 338. Roche - la - Motiere - et - Firminy, mining company of, 133. Rochester, N. Y., 291, 292. Roesicke.R., 107. Roesler, Max, 83. Rogers, Peet & Co., 383. Ropewalk, 147. Ross and Duncan, 343, 344. Rossi Woolen Mills, 175. Rouen, 146. Rubber comb makers, 98. Saarbuck mines, 89. Sabbath-keeping, 38. Safety Corps, 107 el seq. INDEX 399 Saint-Freres, Messrs., 146. Saltaire, 188. Sanborn, F. H., Company, 194. Sargaut, W. L., quoted, 59 n. Satterfield, Mr., of Manchester, 38, 39. Saturday, half holiday, 201 n., 314 ; ex- cursions, 181. Sautter, Lemonnler et Cie, 156. Saving, difficulty of, 271 n. Savings, facilities for, 75, 78, 81, 84, 85, 93,94,96,98, 1O2, 110, 111, 115, 117, 129, 131, 135, 138, 139, 141, 143, 145, 146, 149, 151-1.">6, 164, 167, 172 et seq. Scales makers, 238. Schiffbeck, 94. Schio, 175. Schlierbach near Waehtersbach, 83. Sclilittgen, Rittmeister, 112. Schloss, D. F., 342 n., 345 n., 346 n. Schueider & Co., Le Creusot, 134. Schneider, E., 136. Schools for workpeople, 73, 94, 90, 102, 111, 114, 127, 132, 134, 135, 138-140, 140, 142-146, 148, 149, 151, 152, 155, 165, 173 et seq. Schultze-Gaevernitz, Dr. G. von, quoted, 10 n., 11. Scottish Cooperative Wholesale Society, 204. Seaside Institute, 262. Self-help, 174. Services for the dead, 148. Services of worship, 190, 192, 195, 197. Sewing-machines for workiug women, 92, 100 et seq. Seydonx et Cie, 141. Shaftesbury, Lord, 11. Shareholders, employee, 269, 271 et seq. Share investment societies, 182, 185. Shawmut House, 208. Sherwin-Williains Company, 288. Shieldhall, near Glasgow, 204. Shovel makers, 235. Sick aid and funds, 69, 79, 86, 96, 98, 99, 107, 111, 116, 118, 124, 134, 135, 138, 139, 149, 151, 154, 155, 158, 164, 167, 168,171, 174 et seq. Siegel-Cooper Co., 294. Siemens establishments, 104. Silk-mills, 254, 341. Smieton, J., and Sons, 189. Soap manufacturers, 178, 287, 310. Socialism, 60, 62, 63 ; practical, 115 ; Catholic, 168; 360. Soda-ash, 153, 286. Solvay et Cie, 153. Solvay Process Company, 286. South Metropolitan Gas Co., 317. Sparrow's Point, 220. Spear, Miss, 44, 45. Spindler, W., 85. Springfield Foundry Company, 382. St. Dizier, Canal of, 138. St. Johnsbury, Vt., 237. St. Louis, 325 St. Louis Shovel Company, 384. St. Remy-sur-Avre, 144. 8t-bility of workmen, 129, 136, 137, 142, 147, 149, 151, 173. Starch works, 169. Steamers, 156, 157. Steelton, Penn., 220. Steel works, 64, 97, 134, 211, 215-217, '211, 219, 220. Stillwell-Bierce and Smith- Vaile Com- pany, 234. Stirling, W. R., 211. Stockholder, workman, 313. Stork, Gebruder & Co., 166. Stout, J. H., 250. Strikes, 136, 137, 243. Stumm, Baron von, 119. Suez Canal Company, 159. Suggestions from employees, 229, 293, 294. Swinton, John, 208 n., 209. Syracuse, N. Y., 286. Tainter, Andrew, 249. Tangyes, Limited, 196. Tapestry Factory, Royal, 341. Telephone companies, 268, 269. Temperance institutions, 80, 84, 144, 197, 284. Ten Brink, M. H., 92. Ten-hour day, at New Lanark, 52. Teubner, B. G., 103. Thaon Blanchisserie et Teinturerie, 142. Theatres, 87, 119, 175. Thillot et Trougemont, 143. Thomson, George, 21. Thomson, Wm., and Sons, 344, 345. Thread makers, 258. Thrift, not a fetich, 183 ; fund, Graphic. 187. Tissus de Laine des Vosges, Socie'te' Anonyme de, 143. Tobacco and cigar manufacture, 151, 169, 290, 341. Tocqueville, A. de, quoted, 354. Toledo, Ohio, 234. Trade-unions and employers, 21 ; should become incorporated bodies, 21 ; 180, 243 n., 329. Transatlantique, Compagnie Ge'ne'rale, 158. Traun, Dr. H., 98. Traveling libraries, 128, 250. Tufts, J. W., 347 n. Typewriter factory, 292. Unemployed, wages for the, 112. Union Sportif, 127, 128. United States Printing Co., 292. Vacations, 86, 96, 99, 104, 107, 124. Valentigny, 139. Valk, De Gekroonde, 168. Vanderbilt, Cornelius, '280. Vanlaer, Maurice, quoted, 339. Varangeville-Dombasle, 153. Varnishes, 340. Venetian blind factory, 102. Vieille Montague, Socie'te' de la, 171 ; on right administration of institutions, 364 Villeneuvette, 146. Villeroy and Boch, 90. 400 INDEX Vineyard, 156. Viviers, 155. Vlekke, J. F., 168. Waddington Sons Co., 144. Waldschlosschen, 107. Walker, Francis A., quoted or referred to, 4, 7. Wallscourt, Lord, 338 n. Walter-Seitz, D., 146. Waltham, Mass., 206. Wandsbeck, 98. War, moral forces in, 359 n. Warner Brothers, 262, 266. Warren, 8. D., & Co., 23, 247. Watch factories, 206, 211. Webb, Sydney and Beatrice, quoted, 201 n. 1. Welfare-institutions, 26; in Germany, 63; cost of, at Blanzy, 125 ; at Anzin, 133 ; at Roche-la-Motiere-et-Finniny, 133; at Montrambert, 134; at Bes- seges, 134 ; at Le Creusot, 136 ; at Cateau, 142 ; at Baccarat, 149 et seq.; justify expenditure, 151; and wages 352 n. Wellington, saying of Duke of, 1. Werft Conrad machine works, 169. Whitin family, 223-225. Whitinsville, 223. Whitworth, Sir Joseph, 198 n. Wholesale Society, 204. Widows' and orphans' funds, 79, 99. 105, 106, 111, 166, 168, 169 et seq. WiUimantic Thread Co., 23, 258. Willink, T., 163. Willoughby, W. F., quoted or referred to, " Workingmen's Insurance," 121 n. 2, 122, 140, 151 n., 169 n., 170 n., 171, 280. Women's work, 79, 127. Woolen manufacturers, 75, 79, 141, 143, 146, 175, 188, 251, 343, 344. Workman director, 320, 321. Workman's needs, 116. Workmen, living machinery, 4; imper- fectly moralized, 13 ; shareholders, 22 ; as owners of homes, 23 ; as citi- zens, 23, 24. Workmen's Councils, 78, 81, 83, 91, 102, 104, 106, 112, 113, 165 et seq. Worms, Germany, 110. Worship, services of, 89. Wright, Carroll D., quoted or referred to, 17 n., 355. Y. M. C. A., Railway Department of the, 280. Yale and Towne Company, 351 n. Yeames, Rev. James, 204 n. Yeast and spirit works, 161. Zinc mines, 170. Zolyom-Brezo, 175. SECOND EDITION Socialism and the American Spirit By NICHOLAS PAINE OILMAN One of the best books ever written on the subject of socialism. The author's philosophic breadth of view, scientific temper, and ample know- ledge of the facts are attested by every chapter. The book is written in a clear and even fascinating style. J. G. SCHURMAN, President of Cornell University. This is much the best thing which this author has written. It treats an old theme in a thoroughly original way. The author analyzes socialism not as a body of doctrines, but as a type of character. He is not so much con- cerned with tracing its economic results as its psychological conditions. . . . All must welcome the kind of treatment which he has applied to the subject as a whole. A. T. HADLEY, President of Yale University. Mr. Oilman has presented most admirably the American answer to the questions and claims of socialism. The reviewer is in little danger of over- praising a book so sane in its judgments, so comprehensive in its survey of facts and tendencies, so carefully written as this book is. The reader turns its pages with the satisfaction that is born of mental contact with full and accurate information and unfailing common sense. PROF. F. H. GIDDINGS. If we can venture to compress into a single sentence the significance of a brilliantly and most temperately written volume, it is an attempt to ration- alize social discontent in America. It is a most wholesome book in its moral tone, contains chapters remarkable for analytical power, and is well written and thoroughly digested from cover to cover. The Tribune, Neva York. This volume does a work most timely and necessary for American readers in examining and explaining the relation of socialism to the spirit which characterizes the American people. We never have met with a more acute and accurate portrayal of this spirit and of the mood and attitude toward the claims and the phenomena of socialism which it produces. . . . The great body of sober, generous, public-spirited men and women will approve, we have no doubt, the temper, the method, and the practical suggestions in de- tail which Mr. Oilman has illustrated or recommended in this book. The Congregationalist, Boston. The most remarkable point about this book is its readability. It easily holds the reader's interest to the end. . . . Those who really understand the American spirit, and know human nature thoroughly, will consider this vol- ume as probably the most valuable contribution thus far made to the Amer- ican phase of the subject. The Literary World, Boston. One volume, crown 8vo, pp. 376, $1.50 Mailed post-paid on receipt of the price HOUGHTON, MIFFLIN AND COMPANY 4 Park St., Boston ; u East i7th St., New York 2Dt)ou0affi). PROFIT SHARING BETWEEN EMPLOYER AND EMPLOYEE. A STUDY IN THE EVOLUTION OF THE WAGES SYSTEM. BY NICHOLAS PAINE OILMAN. " A clear and complete account of all the experiments in Profit Sharing which have been made in Europe and America ; the eco- nomic principles governing such arrangements between employer and employee are correctly stated ; and the practical difficulties be- setting the application of those principles are fairly, temperately, and judiciously discussed." FRANCIS A. WALKER, Pres. Mass. Inst. Technology. " A great contribution to economic literature. . . . The clear re- cital of the facts relating to various experiments in different coun- tries, together with the argument, stamps the work as the very best that has appeared in the English language, while it is far more com- plete in its general construction than any that has appeared in any language." CARROLL D. WRIGHT, U. S. Commissioner of Labor. " This book can be recommended without modification, whether to teachers, to students, or to general readers." E. B. ANDREWS, President Brown University. " The book will be the standard work on the subject for the use of both students and profit-sharing employers. It is in every way worthy of such distinction." Political Science Quarterly, New York. " Well timed and well executed, and thoroughly trustworthy in its summary of facts, and the most complete compendium of them yet published. ... A most useful and trustworthy contribution to the literature of the Labor Question." The Spectator, London. " An excellent book, interesting throughout, exhibiting a thorough knowledge of economic laws and the workings of industrial produc- tion and commerce, and written in a highly commendable spirit." The Scotsman, Edinburgh. " A sober, faithful, and exhaustive record of past and present ex- periments in profit sharing. . . . We heartily recommend the book to the study of employers and workmen, of social reformers and economic students ; and we believe that it will be recognized as the classical work on the subject." Journal of the Royal Statistical Society, London. One volume, crown 8vo, 460 pages, $1.75. *** Mailed, post-paid, on receipt of the price. HOUGHTON, MIFFLIN & CO., BOSTON. * ELECTROTYPED AND PRINTED BY H. O. HOUGHTON AND CO. CAMBRIDGE, MASS., U. S. A. University of California SOUTHERN REGIONAL LIBRARY FACILITY 405 Hilgard Avenue, Los Angeles, CA 90024-1388 Return this material to the library from which it was borrowed. Series 9482 A 000710748 5