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 OS
 
 CI)e liqttor JJroblem, 
 
 THE LIQUOR PROBLEM IN ITS LEGISLATIVE AS- 
 PECTS. By Frederic H. Wines and John Koren. 
 An Investigation made under the Direction of Charles 
 W. Eliot, Seth Low, and James C. Carter, Sub- 
 Committee of the Committee of Fifty to Investigate the 
 Liquor Problem. With Maps, izmo, $1.25. 
 
 ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF THE LIQUOR PROBLEM. 
 By John Koren. An Investigation made under the 
 Direction of Professors W. O. Atwater, Henry W. Far- 
 nam, J. F. Jones, Doctors Z. R. Brockway, John 
 Graham Brooks, E. R. L. Gould, and Hon. Carroll D. 
 Wright, a Sub-Committee of the Committee of Fifty. 
 With an Introduction by Prof. Henry W. Farnam. 
 i2mo, $1.50. 
 
 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. By Raymond 
 Calkins. An Investigation made for the Committee 
 of Fifty under the direction of Elgin R. S. Gould, 
 Francis G. Peabody, and William M. Sloane, Sub- 
 Committee. i2mo, $1.30, fiei. 
 
 HOUGHTON, MIFFLIN AND COMPANY, 
 Boston and New York.
 
 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE 
 SALOON 
 
 BY 
 
 RAYMOND CALKINS 
 
 AN INVESTIGATION MADE FOR 
 
 THE COMMITTEE OF FIFTY 
 
 UNDER THE DIRECTION OF 
 
 FRANCIS G. PEABODY, ELGIN R. L. GOULD 
 AND WILLIAM M. SLOANE 
 
 SUB-COMMITTEE ON SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON 
 
 BOSTON AND NEW YORK 
 HOUGHTON, MIFFLIN AND COMPANY
 
 COPYRIGHT, igoi, BY FRANCIS G. PEABODY 
 ALL RIGHTS RESERVED 
 
 Published June, igoz
 
 5X(ol 
 
 PRESENT ORGANIZATION OF THE 
 
 COMMITTEE OF FIFTY. 
 
 April, 1901. 
 
 President. 
 Hon. Sbth Low, LL. D., Columbia College, New York. 
 
 Vice-President. 
 *Chakles Dudley Warner, Esq., Hartford, Conn. 
 
 Secretai-y. 
 Prof. Francis G. Peabody, D. D., Cambridge, Mass. 
 
 Treasurer. 
 William E. Dodge, Esq., 99 John St., New York, N. Y. 
 
 Executive Board. 
 
 The above-named Officers and — 
 Dr. J. S. Billings, Aster Library, Lafayette Place, New York, N. Y. 
 President Charles W. Eliot, LL. D., Harvard University, Cambridge, 
 
 Mass. 
 Col. Jacob L. Greene, Hartford, Conn. 
 Hon. Carroll D, Wright, A.M., LL. D., Department of Labor, 
 
 Washington, D. C. 
 
 Members. 
 Prof. Felix Adler, 12.3 East 60th St., New York, N. Y. 
 Bishop Edw. G. Andrews, D. D., Methodist Building, 150 Fifth Ave., 
 
 New York, N. Y. 
 Prof. W. O. Atwater, Wesleyan University, Middletown, Conn. 
 Dr. J. S. Billings, Astor Library, Lafayette Place, New York, N. Y. 
 Charles J. Bonaparte, Esq., 216 St. Paul St., Baltimore, Md. 
 Prof. H. P. BowDiTCH, Harvard Medical School, Boston, Mass. 
 Rev. Prof. Charles A. Briggs, D. D., 700 Park Ave., New York, N. Y. 
 Z. R. Brockway, Esq., Superintendent State Reformatory, Elmira, 
 
 N. Y. 
 John Graham Brooks, Esq., Francis Ave., Cambridge, Mass. 
 Hon. James C. Carter, .54 Wall St., New York, N. Y. 
 Prof. R. H. Chittenden, Sheffield Scientific School, New Haven, Conn. 
 Rev. Father Thomas Conaty, D. D., Catholic University, Washington, 
 
 D. 0. 
 
 * Died, 1000. 
 
 1491066 I 1800
 
 iv ORGANIZATION OF COMMITTEE OF FIFTY. 
 
 John H.Converse, Esq., Baldwin Locomotive Works, Philadelphia, Pa. 
 
 Wm. Bayard Cutting, Esq., 34 Nassau St., New York, N. Y. 
 
 Rev. S. W. Dike, LL. D., Auburndale, Mass. 
 
 William E. Dodge, Esq., 99 John St., New York, N. Y. 
 
 Rev. Father A. P. Doyle, Paulist Fathers, 455 West 59th St., New 
 York, N. Y. 
 
 President Charles W. Eliot, LL. D., Harvard University, Cambridge, 
 Mass. 
 
 Rev. Father Walter Elliot, Paulist Fathers, 455 West 59th St., 
 New York, N. Y. 
 
 Prof. Richard T. Ely, University of Wisconsin, Madison, Wis. 
 
 Prof. Henry W. Farnam. 43 Hillhouse Ave., New Haven, Conn. 
 
 Rt. Rev. T. F. Gailor, D. D., University of the South, Sewanee, Tenn. 
 
 President Daniel C. Gilman, LL. D., Johns Hopkins University, Bal- 
 timore, Md. 
 
 Rev. Washington Gladden, D. D., Columbus, Ohio. 
 
 Richard W. Gilder, Esq., Union Square, New York, N. Y. 
 
 Dr. E. R. L. Gould, 281 Fourth Ave., New York, N. Y. 
 
 Col. Jacob L. Greene, Hartford, Conn. 
 
 Dr. Edward M. Hartvvell, 5 Brimmer St., Boston, Mass. 
 
 Hon. Henry Hitchcock, 707 Chestnut St., St. Louis, Mo. 
 
 Rev. W. R. Huntington, D. D., Grace Church, 237 Broadway, New 
 York, N. Y. 
 
 Prof. J. F. Jones, Marietta, Ohio. 
 
 President Seth Low, LL. D., Columbia College, New York, N. Y. 
 
 President James MacAlister, LL. D., Drexel Institute, Philadelphia, 
 Pa. 
 
 Rev. Alexander Mackay-Smith, D. D., 1325 Sixteenth St., Wash- 
 ington, D. C. 
 
 Prof. J. J. McCook, Trinity College, Hartford, Conn. 
 
 Rev. T. T. MuNGER. D. D., New Haven, Conn. 
 
 Robert C. Ogden, Esq., Broadway and 10th St., New York, N. Y. 
 
 Rev. Prof. F. G. Peabody, D. D., Cambridge, Mass. 
 
 Rt. Rev. H. C. Potter D. D., 29 Lafayette Place, New York, N. Y. 
 
 Rev. W. I. Rainsford, D. D., 209 East 16th St., New York, N. Y. 
 
 Jacob H. Schiff. Esq., 27 Pine St., New York, N. Y. 
 
 Rev. Prof. C. W. Shields, D. D., Princeton, N. J. 
 
 Prof. W. M. Sloane, Columbia University, New York, N. Y. 
 
 *Charles Dudley Warner, Esq., Hartford, Conn. 
 
 Dr. Wm. H. Welch, Johns Hopkins Hospital, Baltimore, Md. 
 
 Frederic H. Wines, Esq., Springfield, 111. 
 
 Dr. P. M. Wise, N. Y. State Commission in Lunacy, 1 Madison Ave., 
 New York, N. Y. 
 
 Hon. Carroll D. Wright, A.M., LL. D., Department of Labor, 
 Washington, D. C. 
 
 * Died, 1900.
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 This is the third volume issued by the direction of 
 the Committee of Fifty for the Investigation of the 
 Liquor Problem. The committee was organized in 
 1893 " to secure a body of facts which may serve as a 
 basis for intelligent public and private action." " It 
 is the purpose of the committee," as its first announce- 
 ment stated, " to collect and collate impartially all 
 accessible facts which bear upon the problem, and it 
 is their hope to secure for the evidence thus accu- 
 mulated a measure of confidence on the part of the 
 community which is not accorded to partisan state- 
 ments." Thus, as was said by Mr. Charles Dudley 
 Warner (Harper's Magazine, February, 1897), " it 
 was from the first understood that the prime business 
 of the committee was not the expression of opinion, 
 or the advancing or advocacy of one theory or an- 
 other, but strictly the investigation of facts without 
 reference to the conclusions to which they might lead." 
 
 The Committee of Fifty was at once divided into 
 four sub-committees to consider respectively the phy- 
 siological, legislative, ethical, and economic aspects of 
 the drink question. The publications of the Com-
 
 vi INTRODUCTION. 
 
 mittee of Fifty have thus far been made in the name 
 of these various sub-committees. The Legislative Sub- 
 Committee, consisting of President Eliot, President 
 Low, and Mr. James C. Carter, published, in 1897, 
 " The Liquor Problem in its Legislative Aspects " 
 (Houghton, Mifflin & Company), an investigation 
 conducted by Mr. F. H. Wines and Mr. John Koren. 
 The Economic Sub-Committee, consisting of Colonel 
 Carroll D. Wright, Professor Henry W. Farnam, 
 Mr. Z. R. Brockway, Mr. John Graham Brooks, Dr. 
 E. R. L. Gould, and Professor J. F. Jones, published, 
 in 1899, " Economic Aspects of the Liquor Problem " 
 (Houghton, Mifflin & Company), an investigation 
 made by Mr. John Koren, under the special direc- 
 tion of Professor Farnam, the secretary of the sub- 
 committee. To each of these volumes was prefixed 
 the following statement describing the relation of the 
 Committee of Fifty to these special investigations : 
 "By vote of the Committee of Fifty, January 10, 
 1896, reports made by its sub-committees to the whole 
 body may be published by authority of the Executive 
 Committee as contributions to the general inquiry; 
 but to all such publications is to be prefixed a state- 
 ment that reports of sub-committees are to be regarded 
 as preliminary in their nature, and only contributory 
 of facts upon which the general discussion may in the 
 future be undertaken by the committee as a whole."
 
 INTRODUCTION. vii. 
 
 The present volume has the same preliminary and 
 contributory relation to the conclusions of the Com- 
 mittee of Fifty. It is issued under the direction of 
 a special committee appointed from the Ethical Sub- 
 Committee, and as originally constituted was made up 
 of Professor Francis G. Peabody, Mr. Charles Dudley 
 Warner, Dr. E. R. L. Gould, and Professor William 
 M. Sloane. The death of Mr. Warner has deprived 
 the committee of his generous sympathy and judicious 
 counsel. 
 
 It may not unreasonably be asked how far this 
 series of preliminary studies is to proceed, and how 
 long the formal conclusion of the inquiry of the Com- 
 mittee of Fifty is to be postponed. To these questions 
 it seems proper to answer that the Committee of Fifty 
 hopes to complete its programme of research within a 
 year. The present volume is to be soon followed by 
 another, presenting the results of the researches made 
 by the Physiological Sub-Committee, and on the basis 
 of these four preliminary inquiries the Ethical Sub- 
 Committee will attempt to form some brief and general 
 summary of the conclusions of the Committee of Fifty. 
 It will be remembered, however, that the Committee 
 was not organized to institute practical undertakings, 
 but to set forth a body of verifiable truth, and that its 
 work will be accomplished if it can furnish such evi- 
 dence concerning the physiological, legislative, eco-
 
 viii INTRODUCTION. 
 
 nomic, and ethical aspects of the drink-habit as shall 
 be both trustworthy and suggestive. 
 
 The present volume differs in important respects 
 from those prepared by the legislative and economic 
 committees. It does not propose to cover any general 
 view of the drink-habit, or to answer any fundamental 
 question of politics or ethics. It deals with a single 
 aspect of a single problem. The problem approached 
 is that of the saloon, and the single aspect of that 
 problem which is considered is the contribution of the 
 saloon to sociability. Dismissing for the moment all 
 discussions concerning the physiology of temperance 
 or the regulation of the drink traffic, we give our atten- 
 tion to the phenomenon of the saloon as it exists in 
 most American towns ; and dismissing, still further, all 
 question of the debasing effects of the saloon, we take 
 account of a single characteristic, which gives to the 
 saloon much of its prosperity and permanence. What- 
 ever else the saloon may be or may fail to be, it is, at 
 any rate, the poor man's club. Its hold on the com- 
 munity does not wholly proceed from its satisfying the 
 thirst for drink. It satisfies also the thirst for socia- 
 bility. The number of patrons of a saloon who are 
 slaves of the drink-habit is by no means so great as the 
 number who feel the natural cravings of the social 
 instinct. Club life has become a social factor of in- 
 creasing importance in all modern society. It meets a
 
 INTRODUCTION. ix 
 
 need felt by women as well as by men. A very large 
 proportion of those people who have the most resources 
 in their homes now spend many of their leisure hours 
 in social clubs. The poor man, however, finds no 
 resource of recreation and change of scene so con- 
 venient or so persuasive as the saloon ; and the saloon, 
 by every possible device, offers itself for the satisfac- 
 tion of the social instinct. It is not only a place for i 
 drinking, but the agreeable centre of gossip, curiosity, j 
 and excitement. 
 
 The inquiry now undertaken begins at this point. 
 It assumes that no attack upon the saloon can hope 
 for permanent effectiveness which does not take into j 
 account this satisfaction of the social instinct. It in- 
 quires whether there is any considerable competition 
 with the saloon as a means of sociability. It asks 
 whether anything can be learned by experience or by 
 observation as to effective methods of this social sub- 
 stitution. Thus the design of the following investiga- 
 tion has very definite limits. It is not an academic 
 or technical, but strictly a utilitarian and practical 
 inquiry. We imagine a philanthropic citizen in some 
 American town considering the joossibility of some 
 offset to the solicitations of the saloon. He jaroposes 
 to himself the establishment of a Boys' Club, or a 
 Gymnasium, or a Coffee-House ; but he does not know l 
 how far such undertakings have been successful else-
 
 X INTRODUCTION. 
 
 where, or what their risks may be, or on what lines of 
 organization they should be developed. Might it not 
 be greatly to his advantage if he could learn what had 
 been done of this nature in Baltimore, in Chicago, in 
 San Francisco, and in half a dozen other communi- 
 ties ? Might not the scrupulous collection of this evi- 
 dence from various communities give judicious direc- 
 tion to his new enterprise, and save him from some of 
 the mistakes of precipitancy, inexperience, and unregu- 
 lated zeal? 
 
 With this limited purpose of practical guidance in 
 mind, two methods of procedure presented themselves 
 to the committee as possible. One was the plan 
 which had been followed by the legislative committee, 
 under which two trained observers visited typical 
 States of the Union and reported on various forms 
 of law. The other was the plan of the economic 
 committee, under which a large number of local ob- 
 servers reported to a single expert, whose duty was to 
 collect this evidence and estimate its general lessons. 
 The first plan seemed to promise greater uniformity in 
 treatment, but would in the present case demand a 
 degree of acquaintance with local conditions which 
 no single observer could in any limited time hope to 
 possess. The second plan called for a large amount 
 of contributory material, drawn from different com- 
 munities and likely to be of very differing value ; but
 
 INTRODUCTION. ri 
 
 it seemed also to promise greater trustworthiness as 
 well as greater picturesqueness in its results. The 
 committee, therefore, first of all secured the services 
 of an experienced and sympathetic expert to con- 
 duct the entire research. The Rev. Raymond Calkins 
 of Pittsfield, Mass., had in 1895 directed a similar 
 inquiry on a smaller scale in the interest of the Com- 
 mittee of Fifty, concerning the saloons of the city of 
 Boston and the agencies which compete with those 
 saloons in providing recreation and sociability. The 
 results of this investigation were presented in an arti- 
 cle in the " Forum " for July, 1896 (Substitutes for 
 the Saloon in the City of Boston). Mr. Calkins has 
 brought to the present inquiry the same devotion and 
 generosity, together with a literary skill which appears 
 to the committee to make our volume not only instruc- 
 tive but vivacious and picturesque. Whatever excel- 
 lence is to be found in the following chapters is due 
 to his discriminating use of the mass of material before 
 him. 
 
 The first step in the investigation thus initiated was 
 the procuring of evidence from all parts of the coun- 
 try. The committee have endeavored to reach the 
 most unprejudiced and the best informed authorities 
 in each community, and the responses to their de- 
 mands have been painstaking, sympathetic, and gener- 
 ous. University students and teachers of economics
 
 2di INTRODUCTION. 
 
 and sociology, agents of cliarity-organization societies, 
 residents in social settlements, and many other inves- 
 tigators with special qualifications have participated 
 in the research. The cities selected for special study 
 were as follows : San Francisco, Denver, St. Louis, 
 Minneapolis, St. Paul, Chicago, Cincinnati, Cleveland, 
 Buffalo, New Haven, New York, Boston, Philadelphia, 
 Baltimore, Atlanta, New Orleans, and Memphis. The 
 list of persons who have directly contributed to the 
 work is appended to this introduction. 
 
 On the basis of these many and varied reports Mr. 
 Calkins has prepared his successive chapters, discuss- 
 ing in succession the various possible substitutes for 
 the saloon, and illustrating the advantages and disad- 
 vantages of each substitute by reference to the evi- 
 dence put in his hands, and this evidence, as set forth 
 in the Appendix, will in its turn lead the reader, if he 
 wishes to go stiU further, into direct relations with 
 specific undertakings whose lessons may be applied to 
 his own needs. The reports of these special investi- 
 gations, many of which have been prepared in great 
 detail, are mercilessly abbreviated or reduced to tabular 
 form in order to meet the exigencies of space, and the 
 results as they are exhibited by no means indicate the 
 extent of research or the degree of devotion which have 
 been given to the task. The material at the command of 
 the committee is quite sufficient to fill a second volume
 
 INTRODUCTION. xiii 
 
 and, if its publication were possible, would provide for 
 the student of special forms of philanthropy a most 
 valuable collection of evidence. To all these contrib- 
 utors, and to the many other persons who have co- 
 operated with them, the committee desire to exjjress 
 their deep obligations. These obligations are espe- 
 cially due to Emily Lathrop Calkins, who has not only 
 given devoted assistance in the compilation of the 
 tabular statements and the general arrangement of the 
 volume, but has personally prepared Chapters V. and 
 VIII. of the general discussion. 
 
 The volume thus represents a vast amount of pains- 
 taking inquiry devoted to a single aspect of the many- 
 sided problem of temperance reform. The committee, 
 however, are not without hope that this limited under- 
 taking may indicate to some readers one point in the 
 somewhat bewildering complexity of temperance agita- 
 tion where it may be possible to proceed with intelli- 
 gence and effectiveness, and may invite some public- 
 spirited citizens to a judicious investment of time and 
 means in a direct and practical method of social 
 service. 
 
 Francis G. Peabody. 
 
 E. R. L. Gould. 
 
 William M. Sloane.
 
 3dv INTRODUCTION. 
 
 LIST OF PERSONS WHO HAVE CONTRIBUTED 
 TO THIS VOLUME. 
 
 1. Reports : — 
 
 Atlanta Rev. Frank E. Jenkins. 
 
 Boston William I. Cole, 7 of the South 
 
 Kellogg Durland, j End House. 
 
 Baltimore William L. Ross, 
 
 of Johns Hopkins University. 
 
 Buffalo Messrs. Levon A. Tchorigian, under 
 
 the direction of Westminster 
 House, and Ludovic Jones, 
 Rev. Cameron J. Davis, 
 Arthur Williams, and Walter 
 Brown, under the direction of 
 Frederic Almy of the Charity- 
 Organization Society. 
 
 Chicago Royal L. Melendy, 
 
 of Chicago Commons, 
 
 Cleveland Starr Cadwallader, 
 
 of Goodrich House Social Set- 
 tlement. 
 
 Cincinnati Adolph I. Marx, 
 
 of the University of Cincin- 
 nati. 
 
 Denver Robert T. Walker, 
 
 of Colorado College. 
 
 Memphis Rev. J. K. Wooten. 
 
 New Haven Charles L. Storrs, Jr., 
 
 of Yale University. 
 
 New Orleans Frank M. Norman. 
 
 New York .... Francis H. McLean, 
 
 then Assistant Secretary of 
 Brooklyn Bureau of Charities. 
 
 Philadelphia Edwin S. Meade, 
 
 of the University of Pennsyl- 
 vania.
 
 INTRODUCTION. xv 
 
 St. Louis Walter J. Brown and R. C. Hardy, 
 
 of the St. Louis Y. M. C. A. 
 
 St. Paul and Minneapolis . Professor F. L. McVey, 
 
 of the University of Minnesota. 
 
 San Francisco .... Dane Coolidge, of Leland Stan- 
 ford, Jr., University. 
 
 2. Special contributions : — 
 
 Legislation and the Social Features of the Saloon, 
 
 John Koren. 
 Trade Unions and the Saloon, 
 
 Dr. Edward W. Bemis. 
 Fraternal Societies and the Saloon, 
 
 Professor B. H. Meyer, 
 University of Wisconsin. 
 Boys' Clubs, 
 
 William A. Clarke. 
 Outdoor Amusements in New York, 
 
 Dr. William I. Hull, 
 
 of Swarthmore College. 
 Outdoor Amusements in Philadelphia, 
 
 Francis H. McLean. 
 Outdoor Amusements in Boston, 
 
 Grosvenor Calkins. 
 A Temperance Coffee and Billiard Room, 
 
 Rev. Dr. MacKay-Sraith. 
 The Social Work of the Salvation Army, 
 
 Brigadier Cox. 
 The Social Work of the Church Army, 
 
 Colonel H. H. Hadley. 
 The Cambridge Prospect Union, 
 
 Robert E. Ely. 
 
 3. Contributions prepared for other purposes, loaned to the 
 editor of this volume : — 
 
 Hollywood Inn, 
 
 Rev. James E. Freeman.
 
 xvi INTRODUCTION. 
 
 Lodging-Houses in Cincinnati, 
 
 Mr. Bryant Venable, Cincinnati, 
 Ohio. 
 The Religious Condition of Young Men in American Cities, 
 
 Mr. James F. Oaks, Central De- 
 partment Chicago Y. M. C. A, 
 A Study of the Playgrounds in Boston, 
 
 The Massachusetts Civic League, 
 Mr. Joseph Lee, Secretary. 
 
 4. Special studies into local conditions : — 
 
 Miss Mary Peckham of Kingsley House, Pittsburg; Miss Corne- 
 lia Bradford of Whittier House, Jersey City; Miss Elizabeth Wil- 
 liams of the College Settlement, New York; J. M. Hanson, The 
 Commons, St. Paul; Clarence Gordon of the East Side House Set- 
 tlement, New York; Miss Helen F. Greene, Hartley House, New 
 York. 
 
 5. Among a long list of others who have assisted in the inves- 
 tigation are : — 
 
 Mr. E. L. Shuey, Dayton, Ohio; Mr. Z. A. Brockway; Carroll 
 D. Wright, U. S. Commissioner of Labor, Washington, D. C; 
 Professor Henry W. Farnam, Yale University; Professor Richard 
 T. Ely, University of Michigan; Mr. H. A. Short, Birmingham, 
 England; Mr. William E. Wilkinson, Belfast, Ireland; Mr. Wil- 
 liam Peskett, Liverpool, England ; Professor Graham Taylor, 
 Chicago Commons; Mr. James B. Reynolds, University Settle- 
 ment, New York; Mr. Lawrence Veiller, Sec. N. Y. Tenement 
 House Commission ; Mr. Robert A. Woods, South End House, 
 Boston; Mr. Robert Graham, N. Y. Church Temperance Society; 
 Professor Samuel Lindsay, University of Pennsylvania; Wni. 
 Knowles Cooper, General Secretary of the Springfield Y. M. C. A. ; 
 L. L. Doggett, Ph. D., the Springfield Training School.
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAP. FASK 
 
 I. The Saloon as a Social Centre .... 1 
 
 II. Legislation and Substitution 25 
 
 III. The Clubs of the People 45 
 
 IV. Clubs for the People 70 
 
 V. Popular Education 101 
 
 VI. The Church, the Mission, the Settlement, and the 
 
 Young Men's Christian Association . . 125 
 
 VII. Indoor Amusements . ..... . 156 
 
 VIII. Outdoor Amusements 187 
 
 IX. Lunch-Rooms and Coffee-Houses .... 216 
 
 X. English Temperance Houses 243 
 
 XL The Housing of the Working People . . . 267 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 I. Attitude op Trade Unions toward the Saloon . 303 
 
 II. Boys' Clubs 314 
 
 III. Report on Substitutes for the Saloon in Boston 321 
 
 IV. Summary of Reports from Ten Representative 
 
 Cities 338 
 
 Atlanta, Baltimore, Buffalo, Chicago, Cleve- 
 land, Denver, Minneapolis and St. Paul, New 
 York, Philadelphia, San Francisco. 
 
 V. Diagrams illustrating Distribution op Saloons . 386 
 
 VT. Bibliography 389 
 
 Index 393
 
 " Economists have been trying for a long time to discover how 
 best to employ the energies of men. Ah, if I could but discover 
 how best to employ their leisure ! Labor in plenty there is sure 
 to be. But where look for recreation ? The daily work pro- 
 vides the daily bread, but laughter gives it savor. Oh, all you 
 philosophers ! Begin the search for pleasure ! Find for us if you 
 can amusements that do not degrade, joys that uplift. Invent a 
 holiday that gives every one pleasure, and makes none ashamed." 
 — Smile Souvestre : Un Philosophe sous les Toils.
 
 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 THE SALOON AS A SOCIAL CENTRE. 
 
 The saloon, economically considered, is a place where / 
 intoxicating liquors are sold at retail. They may be 
 drunk immediately upon the premises, or they may be 
 taken away. The purpose of the saloon-keeper is the 
 same as that of the grocer or any other retail mer- 
 chant. He is there to sell his goods at the greatest pos- j 
 sible profit to himself. If he fulfills any other mission 
 to the community, he does so because it results natu- 
 rally from his real business. If he consciously supplies 
 any other demand than that for drink, he perceives its 
 commercial value and seizes upon it in order to increase 
 the amount of his sales. Always it is the selling which [ 
 interests him. The saloon as it exists is no re 
 a conscious benevolent institution than the grocery 
 store. The idea that the saloon-keeper is disinterest- 
 edly performing any social service must be set aside at 
 once. The commercial motive is at the bottom of it 
 all. That is to say, the saloon-keeper is a business 
 man like many others in the community. 
 
 Just as the keeper of the saloon looks always at the 
 selling of liquors, so his patron is there primarily to 
 buy them. If it were not for the patron who comes
 
 2 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 
 
 only to drink, the saloon could not exist for a day. It 
 may be that other things go with the drinking ; that 
 these become known and sought for what they are and 
 for what they can give ; that they become even the 
 primary attractions for many saloon patrons. But the / 
 craving for liquors is what makes the saloon. The 1 
 proof of this lies in the failure of prohibition to destroy | 
 the demand for drink. If it were anything less than 
 this upon which the saloon rested, it might easily be 
 abolished. The tremendous strength of the liquor 
 business rests upon physiological grounds. 
 
 Primarily, then, the saloon answers to the demand 
 for liquor, but it goes beyond this and supplies a deeper 
 and more subtle want than that of mere animal thirst. 
 This want is the demand for social expression, and 
 how it is met becomes clear by noting what elements 
 are needed to create what we may call a social centre. 
 These elements are the absence of any time limit, some 
 stimulus to self-expression, and a kind of personal feel- 
 ing toward those into whose company one is thrown, 
 which tempts one to put away reserve and enjoy their 
 society. Where these three elements coexist, however 
 imperfectly, they create a social centre, a situation, 
 that is, in which the social instincts find their natural 
 expression. 
 
 Such a centre the saloon evidently is, even in its 
 lowest forms, for the elements which create a social 
 centre are parts of the very nature and constitution of 
 the saloon as such. In a saloon there is no time limit. 
 Loafing is not prohibited, and there are no placards 
 telling men to move on. The saloon-keeper is anxious 
 to have a man stay if it seems, as it usually does,
 
 THE SALOON AS A SOCIAL CENTRE. 3 
 
 that he will spend more money. Only when he has 
 no more money to spend, or his presence has become 
 obnoxious, will he be asked to leave. The stimulus 
 to sociability is present irrespective of the quality of the 
 liquor and the attractiveness of the saloon. There is 
 no means of arousing the social instinct so sure as that 
 which lies within the reach of the poorest man. An 
 expense of five cents will put him at any time into 
 what we may call a social temper. The saloon is warm 
 in winter, and as cool as any other place in summer. 
 The liquor is hot when the weather is cold, and cold 
 when the weather is hot. The stimulus is calculated 
 nicely to meet just the social end. Best of all he meets 
 his fellows, and is met by them in the direct and per- 
 sonal way that breaks down the reserve, and causes at 
 once the springs of his social nature to act. The saloon 
 is the most democratic of institutions. It appeals at 
 once to the common humanity of a man. There is 
 nothing to repel. No questions are asked. Kespect- 
 ability is not a countersign. The doors swing open 
 before any man who chooses to enter. Once within 
 he finds the atmosphere one in which he can allow his 
 social nature freely to expand. The welcome from the 
 keeper is a personal one. The environment is con- 
 genial. It may be that the appeal is to what is base 
 in him. He may find his satisfaction because he can 
 give vent to those lower desires which seek expression. 
 The place may be attractive just because it is so little 
 elevating. Man is taken as he is, and is given what he 
 wants, be that want good or bad. The only standard 
 is the demand. There is evidently no room for argu- 
 ment here. Persons may disagree in their opinions as
 
 4 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 
 
 to the ethical value of the saloon, as to the extent to 
 which the saloon ministers to the social needs of the 
 community, but it can hardly be denied that even if it 
 be the demand for drink, and that alone, which brings 
 a man to a saloon, the saloon patron finds himself when 
 he enters in a centre peculiarly adapted to the free 
 expression of his social nature. 
 
 Here, then, is a social phenomenon to be studied 
 wholly apart from ethical considerations. It may be a 
 good thing or a bad thing that such opportunity exists. 
 With this we are not for the moment concerned. What 
 interests us now is simply that the opportunity is there. 
 It is not a question whether a man is injured more than 
 he is benefited. The fact to be studied is that he finds 
 in the saloon the answer to a social demand. The 
 saloon is so related in our minds with the question of. 
 morals that it is hard to look at it merely as a social 
 institution, hard to assess it correctly upon the basis of 
 precise observation without allowing our preconceived 
 notions of its ethical value to influence our judgment. 
 An unbiased study of the saloon as it exists in our 
 American cities, under many differing laws and in its 
 many different forms, compels the conclusion that it is 
 acting to-day as a social centre, even where this pur- 
 pose is furthest from the mind of its keeper, and where 
 its apparent attractiveness is reduced to its lowest 
 terms. 
 
 Upon closer examination, the importance of this re- 
 sult only increases, and the real hold of the saloon ujaon 
 the social life of the people becomes more and more 
 clear. It is apparent for one thing that there are not 
 many centres of recreation and amusement open at all
 
 THE SALOON AS A SOCIAL CENTRE. 5 
 
 hours to the working people, none that minister to their 
 comfort in such a variety of ways. The longer one 
 searches for just the right kind of a substitute for the 
 saloon, affording its conveniences without its evils, the 
 more one despairs of finding it. And yet such places 
 are a positive necessity, for the social instinct that 
 demands and finds its satisfaction within the saloon 
 is a reality. Work is not and was not meant to be 
 the whole of life. The leisure problem equals in im- 
 portance the labor problem, and surpasses it in diffi- 
 culty. Our present-day social philosophers are search- 
 ing for the solution of this problem. In the mean time, 
 to satisfy the social needs of thousands of our laboring 
 people, stands the saloon ready to welcome them, and 
 admirably adapted to such an end. How admirably, a 
 short study of some representative types of saloons will 
 easily show us. 
 
 Even in the lowest kinds of saloons there is a kind o£ 
 social life present. These places may be positively 
 immoral, where all the adjectives of the temperance 
 rhetorician apply literally. Unfortunately, even such 
 saloons as these are not the less for all this, centres 
 for social expression. To say this is not to say a word 
 in their defense. The fact is simply recorded. Social 
 desires may be depraved ; they are none the less real, 
 and that their expression gives relief and satisfaction 
 cannot for a moment be doubted. The saloon becomes 
 in this case the conduit through which pass off the 
 lowest forms of social life. The men who jsatronize 
 these places are ex-convicts or embryo-criminals ; men 
 whose tastes and habits are the lowest. Often the
 
 6 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 
 
 mental and physical activities of such men as these 
 find outlet in acts o£ positive violence and disorder. 
 
 But a saloon may be dull and degrading without 
 being positively vicious. Here, for example, is a sa- 
 loon on Ninth Avenue in New York. It is typical of 
 a large number of poor saloons in any large city. An 
 Irish plug-ugly acts as barkeeper. It is a rather cool 
 evening, but the gusty di'aughts of air are freely ad- 
 mitted through open doors. Small, head -high screen 
 doors alone hide the interior from passers-by. All this 
 but indicates the indifference to real comfort which 
 characterizes so generally the poorer kinds of Irish sa- 
 loons. Despite the general discomfort, in a nook which 
 is partially protected from the wind, five or six regular 
 patrons are playing with greasy cards on a black and 
 dirty table. They are all middle-aged men of miser- 
 able type. The place is not of a kind which would be 
 likely to attract the younger men, for though the inte- 
 rior finish was once good, dirt has become so deeply 
 ingrained that the general effect is forlorn, uncomfort- 
 able. Walking down the same block one might find 
 four or five saloons of precisely the same character. 
 
 Here it might seem as if the social element had been 
 reduced to a minimum. It is only when one studies 
 the character of the man who frequents such places 
 that one perceives the real social service which the 
 saloon renders him. For this man, a squalid room in 
 some tenement, a dirty bed in some lodging-house, the 
 streets, or the lockup are the only social alternatives. 
 From his point of view, your dirty saloon wears a new 
 aspect. To him it is a real asylum, an escape from 
 the drudgery of work or the hand of the police. He
 
 THE SALOON AS A SOCIAL CENTRE. 7 
 
 was born in dirt and he is not afraid of it. To him 
 the atmosphere is positively congenial. The rude wel- 
 come is the kind he wants. He has a place of his own, 
 warmth, fellowship. He wants his drink and he gets 
 it. Even such saloons as these, which stand for a largq 
 number to be found in any community, act as social 
 centres to the kind of men that they attract. 
 
 Another class of saloons deserves special study be- 
 cause it is the most common form to be met with any- 
 where, the typical American " stand-up " saloons. The 
 interior of saloons of this type will necessarily differ 
 according to the population, and according as they at- 
 tempt more and more to provide for the physical com- 
 fort and recreation of their patrons. As a rule, they 
 are clean and neat. This is not always the case, espe- 
 cially in the meaner saloons, where, as the day goes on, 
 the bar and floor become more and more untidy. Yet 
 almost always the saloons are distinctly superior in ap- 
 pearance to anything their patrons are accustomed to 
 in their own homes. For decoration, there is the usual 
 display of bottles filled with different colored liquors. 
 The expensive bars and plate-glass mirrors are supplied 
 by the brewers. The pictures are often advertisements 
 issued by the brewers and advertising the brewery 
 beer. Some of these are cheap and tawdry, but others 
 are quite elaborate. The appeal to what is low and 
 vulgar by means of indecent pictures is not common in 
 these ordinary saloons. Other ornamentation is not 
 supplied because it is not demanded. The patrons of 
 saloons of this type have no highly developed aesthetic 
 or artistic sensibilities. When the people have a higher 
 education in art, it will be discoverable upon the walls 
 of the saloons.
 
 8 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 
 
 The amount of furniture supplied depends largely on 
 the license system that j)revails. Where the license 
 is low and the saloons are numerous, competition results 
 in a larger attempt to provide for the physical comfort 
 of patrons. Where the license is high and the saloons 
 are limited in number, other attractions than the drink 
 are not needed. In Massachusetts and in Pennsylvania, 
 the saloon wears a mujch plainer aspect than in the 
 South and West, where there are few saloons that are 
 not provided with some furniture aside from the bar. 
 In Minneapolis and St. Paul, for example, out of 315 
 typical saloons, 270 were supplied with tables and 
 chairs ; and in Chicago out of the 163 saloons of the 
 Seventeenth Ward, no less than 147 made similar pro- 
 vision. 
 
 More important than the furniture is the general 
 character of these saloons. They are, in the first 
 \ place, thoroughly cosmopolitan. One saloon in Chicago 
 advertises its cosmopolitanism by the title " Every- 
 body's Exchange." Men of all nationalities meet and 
 mingle. More important still, the general atmosphere 
 is one of freedom. That spirit of democracy which 
 men crave is here realized. That men seek it, and that 
 the saloon tries to cultivate it, is blazoned forth in such 
 titles as "The Fred," "The Social," "The Club," 
 "The Keception," "Ed and Frank's," "The Two 
 Andersons," " Joe Cardinal's Place." The Bowery 
 has a saloon called the " Poor Man's Retreat." The 
 club idea is used to make the saloon atmosphere con- 
 genial. That instinct which is so manifest in our 
 modern life is utilized thoroughly by the saloon. The 
 term " club " applies, for many saloons have their own
 
 THE SALOON AS A SOCIAL CENTRE. 9 
 
 constituency, although it may not be organized. Where 
 the saloon patronage is large, men naturally associate 
 according to their own cliques or affiliations. The 
 character of saloons is determined often by the char- 
 acter of the men who, having something in common, 
 make the saloon their rendezvous. That same instinct 
 which brings business men together in their Somer- 
 set Club or their Union League Club leads the labor- 
 ing man into the clubs furnished by the saloons. 
 The saloon becomes the natural headquarters of a 
 club which may have no constitution or by-laws, but 
 is still a distinct, compact, sympathetic company of 
 men. Their common ground may be their nationality. 
 In this case the saloon becomes a kind of national 
 headquartei'S. It is not at all uncommon in large 
 cities to see saloons bearing such names as " The 
 Italian Headquarters," etc. There are whole blocks 
 of saloons which appeal to men of a single nationality. 
 Or the bond that unites them may be their occupation, 
 as is indicated by the names " Mechanics' Exchange " 
 or " Milkmen's Exchange." The utility to men of the 
 same trade in having a single saloon to represent their 
 interests is obvious. The saloons become, in fact, J 
 labor bureaus. The laboring man out of employment 
 knows that in some saloon he is likely to find not only 
 temporary relief, but assistance in finding work. To 
 " The Stone-Cutters' Exchange," for example, men 
 seeking masons often apply. Men meeting there dis- 
 cuss their profession. A man out of employment does 
 not go to the charity organization society, but to 
 his club saloon. Information concerning positions is 
 gathered by the men themselves and is made common
 
 10 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 
 
 property. Many a man has been put on his feet by 
 just this kind of help. He does not feel like a charity 
 applicant, for he knows that he is as likely to give as to 
 receive. The athletic instinct may be the common 
 ground, and many men find their athletic club within 
 the saloon. An ex-prizefighter or baseball champion 
 sets up a saloon which becomes the cleainng-house for 
 all kinds of athletic and sporting intelligence. A 
 noted place in St. Louis is called " Tom Allen's Cham- 
 pion Rest." The proprietor is an ex-pugilist from Lon- 
 don, and his place is well known throughout the West. 
 Politics may be the common bond. This is perhaps 
 the most common tie of all. In Chicago one saloon is 
 known as " The Democratic Headquarters of the Eigh- 
 teenth Ward." In New York the Tammany headquar- 
 ters in many a district is found in a saloon. These sa- 
 loons are well known, and particularly at election time 
 they are crowded nightly with members of the political 
 fraternity. Thus the strongest ties which unite men 
 are effectually used by the saloon. It has become the 
 official and the unofficial meeting-place for the discus- 
 sion of those interests which are uppermost in men's 
 minds. These men have had considerable education 
 of a practical if not an academic sort ; especially when 
 they touch upon social problems, they often reveal a 
 real insight into the cause of present evils, even if the 
 remedies that they propose are wide of the mark. The 
 newspaper is an educator, and often men who have read 
 and studied lead in the saloon discussions. 
 
 The position of the saloon-keeper in saloons of this 
 type is a most important and influential one. He is 
 commonly a man of an intelligence superior to that of
 
 THE SALOON AS A SOCIAL CENTRE. 11 
 
 his patrons. That the character of the saloon as a centre 
 of sociability should depend on the personality of the 
 saloon-keeper is only natural. He is above all else a 
 man of the people. He knows his men and knows 
 them well. He knows often about their families and 
 their circumstances, and thus has a hold on their sym- 
 pathies. The laborer often regards him as his chief 
 friend. He has more leisure for self -improvement than 
 most of his customers. He has in his possession the 
 latest political and sporting news. He reads the papers 
 and makes a point of being a leader in discussion, an 
 arbitrator in debate. He makes a show of hospitality 
 and generosity. A man can often borrow money from 
 a saloon-keeper, and the saloon is frequently the only 
 place where a poor man can " get trusted," and this he 
 does not forget. To the proprietor, loss upon such 
 loans as these is more than made up in the ultimate 
 return. Very often the saloon is a laboring man's post 
 office. His letters are sent there, and are taken care 
 of by the bartender free of charge. From all this 
 will be seen the influence which the saloon-keeper has 
 gradually acquired. Thus it is easy to see how his 
 political power arises. He is the middleman between 
 the great financial interests represented by the brew- 
 ers and the political units that are his patrons. By 
 his position he is a leader. He is the man to whom 
 the politician must go before the realization of his 
 schemes. If there is any bribery, it concerns the sa- 
 loon-keeper, who is asked to treat " the boys " in re- 
 turn. Such are the varied functions of the barkeeper ; 
 such is his social position ; such is his influence. In 
 saloons of no other type, either lower or higher, is the
 
 12 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 
 
 barkeeper quite the man of importance that he is in 
 the majority of our city saloons. If he is not master 
 of all these arts, he is of some. He is able to contrib- 
 ute to, if not to create, an atmosphere of sociability, and 
 through personal influence to win the confidence of his 
 patrons. 
 
 Besides this general atmosphere of congenial society 
 and comfort, the saloon of this class has added certain 
 features intended directly for recreation and amuse- 
 ment. Their number and variety will depend upon 
 the existing license regulations. The screen law, well 
 known in Massachusetts, is an effective means for 
 depriving the saloons of much of that sociability for 
 which a certain amount of privacy is necessary. In 
 New York social features are not imcommon, and in 
 the West they are almost universal. The most ordi- 
 nary form of amusement is card-playing. Tables and 
 cards are supplied by the proprietor, and sometimes 
 card-rooms. They are always small, and no effort is 
 made at decoration of any kind. This arrangement is 
 commonly seen in New York, where saloons are pro- 
 vided with back rooms furnished with tables and chairs. 
 For example, out of fifteen representative saloons in 
 the Fourteenth Assembly District, nine have rear rooms 
 used for card -playing and other social purposes. 
 
 Reading is not so common. It is the exception to 
 find men busy reading the papers to any extent or for 
 any length of time even when the saloon supplies them. 
 In Chicago out of 163 saloons in the Seventeenth Ward, 
 139 were found to be regularly supplied with papers. 
 But in Cleveland, the chief of police reported that he 
 had never seen a news^japer in a saloon in that city
 
 THE SALOON AS A SOCIAL CENTRE. 13 
 
 unless it were one which the proprietor had used and 
 discarded. In other cities the local papers are often 
 found, but they are not much read. Keadiug is too 
 quiet, too individual, too little social an occupation to 
 suit the ordinary saloon habitue. 
 
 Music is not commonly found in bar saloons. The 
 proprietor cannot afford good music, and the patrons, 
 as a rule, do not care for it. A music-box is occasion- 
 ally found, or a graphophone, or a nickel-in-the-slot 
 machine, or other device for reproducing sentimental 
 songs. Sometimes a singer or violinist is hired for the 
 evening, but as a rule it is the more highly developed 
 saloons to which one must go for the music. The bil- 
 liard and pool table is a more common method of 
 amusement than the newspaper or the musical attrac- 
 tion. Twenty-seven per cent of the saloons studied 
 in Chicago have them, and in St. Louis they are very 
 common. And yet the pool table is not seen so much 
 as formerly in some of our cities. In many high 
 license places it is prohibited. In others, for one rea- 
 son or another, it has given way to other forms of 
 amusement. The tables take up too much space ; they 
 easily get out of repair ; the excitement of the game 
 often takes the place of drink, which is far from the 
 saloon-keeper's wish. There is the temptation to lin- 
 ger too long over the games. 
 
 An almost inevitable means of attractinc: to the 
 saloon is to report the current sporting and athletic 
 news. On the night of a well-known prize fight, the 
 saloons of the entire countiy are commonly packed. 
 The news of the " mill " is received " by special wire " 
 and detailed to the customers. Sometimes a black-
 
 14 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 
 
 board is used for illustrations. During the baseball 
 and racing season, it is very common to have score 
 cards given out free of charge. As the game pro- 
 gresses and the results are announced, the score can 
 be kept as accurately by one sitting at a table with his 
 drink as if he occupied a seat on the " bleachers." 
 
 But not all the methods employed for amusement are 
 as innocent as these. . The gambling instinct is given 
 its chance for expression in many of the saloons. This 
 may take the harmless form of tossing for drinks or 
 cigars ; it may be the almost universal playing for the 
 game in billiards, by which the loser pays the expense 
 for the whole company ; it may be a playing for stakes at 
 cards, which is very common, or it may be the use of the 
 gambling machine. The relative amount of gambling 
 in a saloon will depend, of course, upon the severity of 
 its supervision. The tendency toward it must always 
 exist to a greater or less extent. The gambling ma- 
 chine is not so common in the East as it is in the West. 
 But it is only recently that it has been banished from 
 the saloons of New Haven, and it is still to be found in 
 Baltimore. In the St. Louis, Cincinnati, and Chicago 
 saloons gambling is quite j)revalent. A favorite type 
 of machine is a penny-in-the-slot contrivance, to be 
 played for drinks or cigars, or for money. Often one 
 can see men crowd around these machines, waiting a 
 turn to try their luck. Ordinarily but five or ten cents, 
 but sometimes from fifty to seventy-five cents is 
 dropped in at a single play. In one of the largest first- 
 class saloons of Cincinnati, after an evening's play, the 
 bulk of the coin taken from its ten machines measured 
 over a half bushel. If more gambling does not exist,
 
 THE SALOON AS A SOCIAL CENTRE. 15 
 
 it is often due to the fact that the demand is not great 
 enough for a larger number to thrive and pay the 
 " tax," that is, the hush money. 
 
 That the social evil is also pandered to by the saloon 
 of this class, as well as of the lower types already 
 mentioned, is well known. The two vices of drunken- 
 ness and social immorality are closely allied. Drink in- 
 fluences the passions and leads to excess. Many sa- 
 loons are in close connection with houses of assignation, 
 while others are well-known rendezvous for prostitutes, 
 and have a distinct patronage on this account. A 
 common form of saloon of this class in New York is a 
 Raines Hotel of a low type. The cities of the West 
 have their saloons with stalls or wine-rooms. There 
 may be no definite business agreement between the 
 women and the keepers of the saloons, but as a rule 
 the saloon-keepers are compensated for the extra space 
 and furniture by the increased bar receipts, and the 
 women, in turn, are furnished a " hang-out." 
 
 A distinctive and general feature of the saloons of 
 this class is the food which they serve. Some provi- 
 sion of food by the saloons is required by law for 
 hygienic reasons : it is bad for a man to drink upon an 
 empty stomach. But it is a long cry from this to 
 becoming, as the saloons now are, the base of the food 
 supply of thousands of men of all classes in our cities. 
 Besides the free lunch, many saloons serve what is 
 called a business lunch, or a commercial lunch ; that 
 is, upon payment of five or ten cents a man obtains in 
 a saloon the same amount of food which he would ob- 
 tain in a restaurant. The quality of the food is as 
 good, there is no delay, and for an additional payment
 
 16 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 
 
 the customer can have his drink. These saloons are 
 patronized generally at noontime and at night rather 
 than through the day. They do a regular restaurant 
 trade, but serve liquors in addition. 
 
 The free lunch is free only in the sense that when a 
 man has bought a drink, he is not charged for eating. 
 But it is undeniable that the workingman, any man 
 not supplied with much ready money, regards even the 
 most meagre free lunch as one of his greatest blessings. 
 Tlie quality of these lunches varies a good deal. Where 
 the competition is not great, or where the license is 
 high, the free lunch is not so attractive. In Boston, 
 New York, Baltimore, and Philadelphia the ordinary 
 saloons certainly do not serve a very abundant or a 
 very appetizing free lunch. Usually this lunch is cold. 
 Where a hot lunch is found, it will almost always con- 
 sist of soup with bread. The cold lunch is generally 
 made up of the following articles : Bread, crackers, 
 and wafers ; cheese, bologna sausage, wienerwurst, cold 
 eggs, sliced tomatoes, cold meats, salads, pickles and 
 other relishes. The demand is commonly for something 
 sour or salt. The consumption of pickles, salt meats, 
 sauerkraut, and potato salad runs far ahead of anything 
 else. The drinking man's stomach seems to crave the 
 acid. A workingman does not need to eat very heart- 
 ily of the free lunch in order to appease his hunger. 
 A slice or two of bread, a few pickles, and a small 
 piece of meat with the beer is all that many of them 
 eat at noontime. The meagre lunch which many of 
 the saloons in our Eastern cities afford is perfectly 
 adequate to the needs of a great majoi-it}'^ of drinkers. 
 
 No limit is ordinarily put upon the amount which
 
 THE SALOON AS A SOCIAL CENTRE. 17 
 
 a man may eat. A well-dressed or a regular cus- 
 tomer is never interfered with. It is only the man 
 who comes seldom or evidently comes for the lunch 
 alone who need fear the eye of the bartender. How- 
 ever, there is a kind of etiquette about the use of the 
 free lunch which acts as a corrective to the greed of 
 some patrons. It is, of course, at noontime that the 
 saloons serve most largely as eating-places. Then it 
 is that hundreds of men make use of them as restau- 
 rants. Standing at almost any street corner near a 
 large factory, one can see the men going in large num- 
 bers directly from their work to the saloon for their 
 lunch and their schooner of beer. In certain sections 
 it is the exception to see a dinner pail. A hot lunch 
 is often served at noontime, and when a second beer is 
 purchased, a piece of roast meat, some vegetables, and 
 a relish can be obtained without extra charge. 
 
 In the South the Negro problem has its effect upon 
 the free lunch. One saloon kept in Atlanta reported 
 that it did not pay to set out much of a free lunch be- 
 cause the Negro is such a heavy eater that there would 
 be no profit. Again, the white man would not help 
 himself out of a dish which had been used by a Negro, 
 and in many saloons it would be impracticable to have 
 a double counter. For this reason, in saloons which 
 have a mixed trade, the free lunch is inconspicuous. 
 In other saloons, however, the free lunch in the South 
 is more like what it is in the North. This may be 
 seen from the following description of the free lunch 
 served in all the saloons in the business portion of New 
 Orleans, or where there are a large number of working- 
 men about the railroad yards or ship wharves. A large
 
 18 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 
 
 table is set out in the saloon, on which are placed trays 
 of cut bread, bowls of butter, salads and sauces. Then 
 there is another table where there is a large tureen of 
 soup, a platter of roast beef, a large dish of rice or 
 baked beans, or hash or mashed potato ; there is gener- 
 ally a change every day, and on Friday there are oyster 
 soup and fish. This hot lunch is served from eleven 
 to one o'clock. Any one can go in, take a soup plate 
 from the pile, and get some soup ; then help himself to 
 meat and vegetables, and take what is wanted of bread 
 and butter, or anything else there is on the lunch table. 
 When the meal is finished, the patron goes to the bar 
 and takes his drink. As will be seen, this lunch is 
 more elaborate than is common in the eastern cities 
 of the North. 
 
 In the Western cities the free lunch is even more 
 elaborate. This is due primarily to the greater compe- 
 tition which exists between the saloons, and partly to 
 the cheapness of food. The best free lunches to be 
 found anywhere in the country are in Chicago, in St. 
 Louis, and in San Francisco. The following amount 
 is consumed per day in a Chicago saloon : 150 to 200 
 pounds of meat, li to 2 bushels of potatoes, 50 loaves of 
 bread, 35 pounds of beans, 45 dozens of eggs on some 
 days (eggs not usually being used), 10 dozen ears of 
 sweet corn, f 1.50 to $2.00 worth of vegetables. Five 
 men are constantly employed at the lunch counter. 
 The total cost of the lunch is 130 to $40 per day. 
 The only way in which such an amount of food can be 
 given away is through the competition of the brewers, 
 who furnish the beer and food at wholesale to the retail 
 dealers. The attractiveness of such a free lunch can
 
 THE SALOON AS A SOCIAL CENTRE. 19 
 
 be imagined. In San Franci&co the saloons furnish 
 an equal abundance and variety of food. In comparing 
 its free lunch with the ordinary restaurant, it is of 
 interest to note that while the saloons dispense hot 
 meats freely, but two restaurants could be found which 
 furnished meat dishes for five cents. A woman at the 
 head of a local temperance organization declared that 
 when her boys began their business life in San Fran- 
 cisco, they found themselves practically compelled to 
 resort to the saloons for their midday lunches. They 
 could not afford to get them elsewhere. The incident 
 indicates how the patronage of the saloon is increased 
 by means of the free lunch. 
 
 To this long list of comforts and conveniences sup- 
 plied by the ordinary saloon, one other must be added. 
 The saloon is often the only place in crowded sections 
 of our large cities which provides public toilet-rooms. 
 This provision, which belongs properly to the muni- 
 cipality, has in America been left to the hotels and 
 the saloons. Many men who never under ordinary 
 circumstances patronize a bar do so because they feel 
 under some obligation to pay for the convenience 
 afforded them. This is another illustration of the way 
 in which the saloon has made itself indispensable to the 
 community. 
 
 A third class of saloons remains to be described. It 
 is the Continental type, where the motive of sociability 
 and amusement is as strong in the patron as the desire 
 for drink. The drinking is done at tables, both in the 
 main room and in separate rooms. Very often there 
 is no bar. The atmosphere is that of comfort and of 
 sociability. There is much less intoxication, as a rule,
 
 20 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 
 
 than in the bar saloons. Distilled liquors are seldom 
 called for, except in the Italian saloons. More time is 
 spent over the drink than in the "stand-up" saloons. 
 It is more of a loafing-place ; the social element domi- 
 nates. AVithin this class also there is great variety. 
 The saloons range all the way from the small German 
 restaurant to immense establishments involving a great 
 outlay of capital, and providing luxurious accommoda- 
 tions and almost every possible form of amusement for 
 their patrons. The boulevard restaurant, after the 
 Parisian model, the beer garden, and certain business 
 men's restaurants are all included, for in them all the 
 element of sociability is highly developed, and the 
 drinking is made the accompaniment of many varied 
 forms of social activity. 
 
 The foreign quarters of any large city contain num- 
 bers of small drinking-places where the men come to 
 smoke and talk. They are not exclusively German, 
 although these preponderate. The Italians have their 
 wine-shops, and the Hungarians and Poles and other 
 foreigners have places of their own. The interior pre- 
 sents a different apjiearance from that of the bar sa- 
 loon. There is less noise and hurry. There are fewer 
 transients, and less passing in and out. Men come in 
 quietly and settle down to their pipes and beers with 
 more deliberation. During working hours these places 
 are half empty, but they fill up rapidly in the evening, 
 when they do their best trade. There is commonly 
 no free lunch, but food is served at something lower 
 than restaurant prices. The patronage is likely to be 
 uniform. As a result, the proprietor is personally 
 acquainted with a larger number of his patrons than
 
 THE SALOON AS A SOCIAL CENTRE. 21 
 
 in the saloons where there are more transients. Thus 
 in every way the element of sociability is heightened. 
 
 The boulevard saloon is not very well known in this 
 country. No avenue in America perhaps presents just 
 the spectacle of a boulevard in Paris with its many 
 cafes, whose tables are placed in numbers in the front, 
 where men and women may sip their drink, read the 
 papers, or observe the passers-by. And yet this kind 
 of saloon is not wholly absent from our American 
 cities. In New York, for example, Second Avenue 
 during the summer months has many such establish- 
 ments. Some of them have small summer gardens, 
 with tables in full view of the avenue. This is a well- 
 known broad promenade, crowded on either side with 
 passing throngs of people of almost every nationality. 
 Meals are served at tliese cafes at all hours. In the 
 evening a good three-course dinner with coffee can be 
 obtained in many of them for twenty-five cents. Beer 
 is the common beverage, but many people frequent 
 these cafes who scarcely ever call for liquor. They 
 are very pleasant places, especially in the evening. 
 There are one or two of them which make a point of 
 supplying a good many newspapers. At the corner of 
 Houston Street and Second Avenue is a saloon which 
 has no outside seats, but the main room is quite large. 
 There is a profusion of tables and papers. The pa- 
 trons sit there during the whole evening, some drink- 
 ing coffee, others beer or liquors. The place does not 
 even suggest a bar-room. The windows are not shaded 
 in any way, and from the outside one might imagine 
 the room to be a free reading-room. It has a most 
 homelike appearance, and it draws large crowds.
 
 22 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 
 
 The lack of an adequate provision of places for busi- 
 ness appointments has given the saloon an advantage 
 which it has been quick to seize. Many a first-class 
 saloon is altogether suited to this purpose. Here a 
 man and his friends may sit down, often in an alcove, 
 and discuss at leisure over a first-class dinner, with any 
 kind of liquor, the business that brought them there. 
 Not only are these places used for business appoint- 
 ments, but separate rooms are sometimes furnished for 
 the use of committees and small meetings of various 
 character, there being no charge for their use. The 
 head of a department in one of Chicago's large whole- 
 sale houses said that certain of their best salesmen sell 
 a large portion of their goods over a glass of beer in a 
 neiohborino- saloon. One of the most famous of these 
 business men's establishments is Tony Faust's in St. 
 Louis. 
 
 Certain saloons have as a distinguishing feature their 
 oddity and the novelties that they present, or owe their 
 existence to customs of long standing. On Avenue A 
 in New York, for example, is a German saloon which 
 reproduces accurately in its furnishings an ancient 
 German tavern. There is a general air of restfulness 
 and quiet about the place. The imjjression is distinctly 
 different from that which one gains in going into one of 
 the more fashionable German beer halls. Nearly every 
 city has its " Log Cabin " saloon, its " Maze," and other 
 odd establishments. Still other saloons make a distinct 
 business of amusing their patrons. In the East this 
 is generally prohibited by law, but in the West it ' is 
 very common. Indeed, it is often hard to tell whether 
 we are dealins: with a saloon or with an amusement
 
 THE SALOON AS A SOCIAL CENTRE. 23 
 
 enterprise. The two meet and mingle. Is it a theatre 
 saloon, or a saloon theatre ? Is it a concert hall where 
 drinks are served, or a saloon where music is furnished ? 
 There is little upon the surface to determine. It is 
 very difficult to distinguish between many large beer 
 gardens and suburban parks which permit the sale of 
 liquors. The saloon idea is so developed that the very 
 name seems no longer to apply. The amusement offered 
 is almost always one of two kinds. It is either musical 
 or dramatic. The concert saloons are often unobjec- 
 tionable and sometimes do a real service to the com- 
 munity. They are the only concerts which thousands 
 of poor people ever hear, for the public band concerts 
 are miles away. Of the vaudeville saloons little good 
 can be said. At their best, they are vulgar ; at their 
 worst unspeakably degrading. As a rule, the perform- 
 ances are free. The large j)atronage upon which such 
 places can depend reimburses the proprietor for his 
 extra expense. They generally serve food as well as 
 drinks, the prices being about the same as those charged 
 in any good restaurant. The effort is not, however, to 
 make a profit from the food. It is from the liquor 
 sales that the profit is expected. The most highly 
 developed amusement saloons are large establishments 
 with every provision made for social entertainment. 
 A good illustration of an establishment of this kind 
 is Heinegabubeler's famous saloon in Chicago. This 
 saloon occupies a building in the very heart of the 
 business centre. A great amount of money has been 
 spent to make the place attractive both without and 
 within. Besides the ordinary buffet and social rooms 
 on the street floor, there are three upper stories that
 
 24 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 
 
 are decorated and luxuriously furnished and arranged 
 with free gymnasium, reading-rooms, large halls and 
 reception rooms. The spacious roof is utilized in sum- 
 mer for a garden. Less pretentious establishments of 
 a similar kind exist in almost all the Western cities, 
 where the chief attraction is a good orchestra. In the 
 evening these places are commonly filled, and the re- 
 ceij)ts are amply sufficient to reimburse the proprietor 
 for the added expense. 
 
 An inquiry into the social side of saloon life reveals 
 the firm hold which the saloon has upon the people. 
 It is true, as was said at the beginning, that the motive 
 of the saloon-keeper is always a commercial one, and 
 that the demand of the patron is primarily for drink ; 
 yet the roots of the saloon are sunk deep within the 
 social life of the great mass of the inhabitants of our 
 large cities. An economic examination of the problem 
 reveals the great amovmt of capital involved in the 
 liquor traffic, the great number of people employed, 
 directly or indirectly, in its production and distribution. 
 The ethical side of the problem is hardly less convin- 
 cing in its demonstration of the important position 
 occupied by the saloon in our social economy.
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 LEGISLATION AND SUBSTITUTION. 
 
 The saloon is the poor man's club in the sense that 
 it often offers him, with much that is undoubtedly in- 
 jurious, a measure of fellowship and recreation for 
 which he would look elsewhere in vain. It does a vast 
 amount of mischief, but at the same time supplies a 
 legitimate want in the life of the workingman by giv- 
 ing him relief from the monotony and meagreness of 
 his daily life. This want is so generally recognized 
 that social workers have often remarked that, bad as 
 the saloon is, they would hesitate to remove it unless 
 there were something to take its place. 
 
 The question arises, How may the evils of the saloon 
 be eliminated and at the same time the social wants of 
 thousands in our great cities be satisfied? Two methods 
 must evidently be pursued. The saloon must be con- 
 fined by legislative restriction to its own normal func- 
 tion of the distiabution of liquor, and other places of 
 recreation be provided without the perils accessory to 
 the saloon, where a man may enjoy the society of his 
 fellows without being confronted with the evils of in- 
 toxication, of gambling, of social vice, and where he 
 will not be tempted to squander his week's wages. 
 These metliods do not exclude but complement each 
 other. To destroy the social functions of the saloon 
 without making any provision for the social needs of
 
 26 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 
 
 the people would be unjust. To rival the social attrac- 
 tiveness of the saloon without first limiting its full 
 liberty to act as a social centre would be impossible. 
 Where these two methods are wisely employed, the evils 
 of the saloon will be reduced to a minimum and the 
 social needs of the people will at the same time be 
 supplied. In the adjustment and application of these 
 two methods lies the ultimate solution of the liquor 
 problem. 
 
 Certain legislative enactments must plainly precede 
 any successful effort to offer social substitutes for the 
 saloon. For example, if no attempt is made to limit 
 the number or location of saloons by law, the hopeless- 
 ness of the problem becomes apparent. The diagrams 
 that appear in the Appendix have been prepared to 
 show the number and location of saloons in sections of 
 certain cities. Any attempt at substitution under such 
 conditions is very difficult. The saloons crush their 
 rivals by sheer force of numbers. 
 
 Such a condition the law can change at will. " The 
 number of saloons can be limited either by statutory 
 enactment according to population, as in Massachusetts, 
 or merely with respect to what the licensing authorities 
 conceive to be the popular needs of the community, as 
 in Pennsylvania." ^ The number of saloons in a block 
 can be limited, and a too great congestion in the poorer 
 residence districts can be forbidden. All such enact- 
 ments which lessen the whole number of saloons and 
 to a certain extent confine them to business sections 
 
 ^ Much of the material relating to the legislative aspects of the 
 problem is taken, at times verbatim, from a report prepared for the 
 editors of this volume by Mr. John Koren.
 
 LEGISLATION AND SUBSTITUTION. 27 
 
 give their social competitors a better chance of suc- 
 cess. In this way legislation can at once overcome the 
 initial advantage of the saloon. 
 
 But even when legislation has clone this, it has still 
 left untouched the social attractiveness of the saloon, 
 which actually increases as the number of saloons de- 
 creases. The problem is practically left where it was 
 before. The question arises, Can legislation go still 
 further and extirpate the social functions of the saloon? 
 If this can be done, then evidently the plan of provid- 
 ing social substitutes to take its place becomes not only 
 a possible but a highly imj)ortant form of social ser- 
 vice. Our restrictive liquor legislation, it must be 
 frankly said, has as yet done but little to counteract or 
 to minimize the social attractions of the saloon. This 
 fact a brief examination of existing systems will suffice 
 to demonstrate. 
 
 All low license systems fail, for curiously enough 
 the lower the license fee, the fewer, as a rule, are the 
 legal restraints imposed upon the saloon. Nowhere is 
 the license so low as in San Francisco. Those retail 
 dealers whose aggregate sales amount to less than $600 
 a quarter need pay no license at all, and those whose 
 sales amount to less than $15,000 a quarter pay a 
 license of only $84 a year, and nowhere is the saloon 
 freer from legal restrictions. The law requires only 
 that the business be not conducted by a person con- 
 victed of a felony, and that the resort be not used for 
 immoral purposes. In Chicago the fee is but $500 a 
 year, and in Chicago, more than in Eastern cities, the 
 distinctively social features of tlie saloon predominate. 
 This is true also of St. Louis, where the fee is even
 
 28 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 
 
 lower. The great majority of saloons in St. Louis are 
 furnished with round or square tables and chairs for 
 the convenience of their patrons. One who passes by 
 can often see card-playing through the open door. 
 Many of them also have billiard and pool tables ; still 
 others, wine-rooms and theatrical and athletic exhibi- 
 tions. In Ohio the saloon is taxed at the uniform rate 
 of i 250 per year.^ The law does not forbid the com- 
 bination with the saloon trade of other attractions, as 
 music, dancing, and games, or of other pursuits, such 
 as the sale of provisions or the exhibitions of plays ; 
 there are no restrictive regulations as to chairs, tables, 
 screens, and the like. These may be taken as illustra- 
 tions of the influence of the low license system upon 
 the social attractions of the saloon. It may be said, 
 in a word, that under the system of low license the 
 social attractiveness of the saloon is not at all limited 
 by legislation. 
 
 The method of high license evidently contemplates 
 a restriction of the social features of the saloon. Yet 
 the result is not attained, and the saloon continues to be, 
 to a greater or less degree, a social centre. The primary 
 reason for this lies in the very nature of the license 
 system. The traffic is left in private control, and the 
 operator is taxed for the privilege of engaging in his 
 business. The question of revenue is a vital one with 
 him. If tlie restrictive measures be too severe, they 
 will drive him out of the business, and this is not the 
 purpose of any license system. The evident injustice 
 to the dealer is the reason why more restrictive laws 
 are not passed, and why those that are passed are not 
 
 _ ^ See Legislative Aspects of the Liquor Problem, p. 298.
 
 LEGISLATION AND SUBSTITUTION. 29 
 
 more rigidly enforced. Tlie feeling is- that where the 
 saloon is already highly taxed for the privilege of con- 
 ducting its business, it should be left free to stimulate 
 its trade by any legitimate means. In some cities, of 
 course, the restrictive laws are fairly well enforced 
 without seeming to cripple to any extent the saloon 
 trade. " The truth of this is perhaps nowhere better 
 exemplified than in Massachusetts, where the high 
 license system has reached a more complete develop- 
 ment than in any other State. Here the employment 
 of numerous restrictive expedients, as well as the stat- 
 utory limitations of the number of saloons according 
 to the traffic, together with unusually high fees, have 
 served to raise the tone of the traffic to some extent 
 and to eliminate the old-time dive. The saloons in 
 Boston, for instance, are to a less extent than those 
 of other great cities social centres ; for not only are 
 they prevented from holding out inducements to their 
 patrons by the aid of various kinds of social machinery 
 in vogue elsewhere, but above all, the law has shorn 
 them of that privacy which conduces so much to the 
 sociability and club-like atmosphere of the drink places. 
 Yet notwithstanding the unusual publicity of its business 
 which makes it impossible for the drinker to escape 
 altogether the public gaze, and in spite of the generally 
 efficient police supervision, the Massachusetts saloon 
 admittedly holds its own as a centre of social life for 
 the workingman. It is still a favorite resort, the head- 
 quarters of local political machinations, and the rendez- 
 vous of gangs ; and its presiding genius is a man of 
 social prestige and appreciable influence among his 
 fellows by virtue of his occupation. In ministering to
 
 30 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 
 
 the social want^s of certain classes, he is still without 
 dangerous rivals." 
 
 What legislation in Massachusetts has been unable 
 to accomplish, the license laws of other States are still 
 further from attaining. Where legislation puts a pre- 
 mium on the hotel feature of the drink place, as in 
 New York, under the liquor tax law, it results not 
 only in accumulation of the ordinary attractions, but 
 of opportunities for gambling, prostitution, and other 
 excesses. The dealer feels that he must recoup him- 
 self for the extra expenditure involved in the running 
 of a " hotel," by fair means or by foul. 
 
 The root of the difficulty, it is almost needless to 
 emphasize, lies in the fact that a license law, whether 
 high or low, permits the sale of liquor for private 
 profits. The dealer naturally seizes every chance to 
 increase his business. By so much as he can increase 
 the cheer and hospitality, as well as the more tangible 
 allurements of his place, the profits grow. Private pro- 
 fits must be eliminated from the sale of liquor before 
 much progress can be made in offsetting the social 
 attractions of the saloon. " Look where we may, to 
 our own experience or to that of European countries, 
 we find that legislation is powerless to revolutionize 
 the character of the saloon as a social institution until 
 it takes it out of private hands." Thus both the low 
 and high license systems have failed to counteract the 
 social side of saloon life. 
 
 The same may be said of the prohibition laws. So 
 long as public opinion does not insist upon the extinc- 
 tion of the formally banished saloon, just so long is it 
 possible not only for it to exist, but to preserve all the
 
 LEGISLATION AND SUBSTITUTION. 31 
 
 essential elements of a social centre, and to draw pa- 
 tronage as such. Unaided by popular conviction, the 
 official odium attaching to it cannot seriously diminish 
 its attractiveness. " As a cause of intemperance in 
 Maine, especially among young men, is mentioned the 
 dearth of good pleasure resorts and public amuse- 
 ments. As one who for fourteen years had been a 
 labor leader in Portland remarked : ' They [the Pro- 
 hibitionists] try to take the bar-rooms away from 
 the boys and give them nothing instead except the 
 churches.' The saloon is still a social centre in Port- 
 land for which no permanent substitutes have been 
 offered to the large number of young men, abounding 
 in every city, who cannot in any sense be said to have 
 homes." ^ 
 
 All these laws have then, generally speaking, failed 
 to destroy the social functions of the saloon. This result 
 has been attained, however, in our own country under 
 the South Carolina Dispensary System. The success 
 of the system has been due, it is needless to say, to the 
 fact that the element of private profits has been largely 
 eliminated. The business is conducted by the State 
 and not by private individuals who are in the business 
 for what they can make out of it. It is unnecessary to 
 go into the details of the system, but for the sake of 
 contrast, it is well to remember what becomes of an 
 ordinary saloon when it is taken out of the hands of 
 individuals. 
 
 " Take a typical South Carolina dispensary which 
 has supplanted the flaunting, ubiquitous saloon of 
 former days. Except for the modest sign over the 
 ^ See Legislative Aspects of the Liquor Problem, p 58.
 
 32 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 
 
 door, there is liardlj'^ anything to betray the business of 
 the place. Its location has not been chosen for con- 
 spicuousness. The interior furnishings are meagre in 
 the extreme, and have respect to bare utility. Instead 
 of presiding behind a polished bar with its tempting 
 array of bottles and decanters, the dispenser is ensconced 
 behind a lattice-work which fences off all the long and 
 narrow room except a small space in front. On the 
 shelves and on boxes partly hidden from view are the 
 officially stamped liquor packages. Through a small 
 aperture in the middle of the lattice-work the dispenser 
 communicates with the customers and receives the 
 orders. After the necessary formalities have been 
 complied with (they are such that if properly insisted 
 upon the undesirable customer is denied his request), 
 the goods, never less than a half pint of distilled liquor 
 in a sealed bottle, are passed out, and the purchaser is 
 expected to make room for the next comer. The dis- 
 penser may be courteous, but he is not cordial. There 
 is no invitation to make oneself at home ; and there 
 could be no reason for extending it, since the room is 
 barren of all comforts, and does not even contain a 
 chair or a table, not to mention other conveniences. It 
 is absolutely prohibited to open a liquor package on 
 the premises ; treating in the ordinary sense is thus 
 done away with. . . . At six P. M. the doors of the 
 establishment close, not to open again until after work 
 hours the next day." It would be difficult to imagine 
 conditions less conducive to sociability. The bar is a 
 memory only. The buying of intoxicants has become 
 as prosaic as the buying of soap or codfish. 
 
 By this is not meant that the South Carolina system
 
 LEGISLATION AND SUBSTITUTION. 33 
 
 is the best method of regulating the liquor business. 
 On the contrary, it will probably be found that there 
 are in such a system very grave defects. For one 
 thing, the State is given an interest in promoting the 
 establishment of the dispensaries, since the whole of 
 the profit is retained for state and municipal expenses. 
 Even the elimination of private profit has not been 
 completely secured, since the salaries of the county dis- 
 pensers are fixed according to the amount of business 
 that is done.^ Another serious defect of the system is 
 that it does not succeed in taking the liquor traffic out 
 of jiolitics. The Governor of South Carolina, in his 
 message to the General Assembly, January 10, 1899, 
 said the new system " has now been in force three 
 years, and, in my opinion, it has failed to accomplish 
 the purposes of its advocates. The idea was to divorce 
 the dispensary system from politics, and to put it 
 under a strictly business management. No such re- 
 sult has followed. It is notorious that the dispensary 
 is as much or more in politics than it ever was."^ 
 But in spite of these disadvantages the system has 
 accomplished much, since it does destroy the social 
 features of saloon life, while permitting the distribu- 
 tion of intoxicating liquors. 
 
 The same result has been achieved in Norway and 
 Sweden under the Company system, the central prin- 
 ciple of which is the elimination of private profit. 
 The drinking-places, in general, are not so devoid of 
 all attractions as the South Carolina dispensaries, and 
 
 ^ See Legislative Aspects of the Liquor Problem, p. 168. 
 ^ Quoted in The Temperance Problem and Social Reform, pp. 240, 
 241.
 
 34 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 
 
 in some of them liquor may be consumed on the pre- 
 mises. But even in Christiania, where the shops of the 
 Company offer the most attractions, there is little to 
 remind us of tl:ie American saloon. "They are not 
 resorts for social intercourse ; they are not comfortable 
 and spacious. No games, newspapers, or other means 
 of recreation are provided, not even seats. Men do 
 not congregate there to do business, to discuss politics, 
 to bet on the races. There is no treating or lingering 
 over the social glass." In short, they are not in any 
 sense social centres. The advantages of the Company 
 system are that the drink traffic is forever taken out 
 of politics, that local administrations can adapt the 
 details of the system to local conditions, that the profits 
 must be used to establish substitutes for the saloon of 
 an educative and a recreative sort. This beneficent plan 
 is already in operation in Norway. In other words, 
 under this system both the restrictive and constructive 
 methods of meeting the liquor problem are in opera- 
 tion at the same time. This system doubtless repre- 
 sents the highest and most successful type of liquor 
 legislation to be found anywhere, for it unites in a sin- 
 gle system of control the two methods, the successful 
 operation and adjustment of which means the ultimate 
 solution of the liquor problem. This much at least is 
 clear : neither local enactments nor police surveillance 
 can avail to destroy the social attractions of the saloon 
 so long as it is left in private control. The saloon as 
 a social centre can only disappear when the element of 
 private profits has been removed. 
 
 The ability of legislation to extirpate the social at- 
 tractiveness of the saloon has thus been demonstrated;
 
 LEGISLATION AND SUBSTITUTION. 35 
 
 but in proportion to the degree in wliich legislation is 
 successful in taking from the saloon its social features, 
 the obligation becomes imperative to provide for the 
 patrons of the saloon other places of social recreation 
 and fellowship. Up to the present time reformers have 
 given much more attention to the method of legislation 
 than to the method of substitution. The latter method 
 is the one that now requires careful study. Until ade- 
 quate and sensible means have been devised for the 
 recreation of the people, the time will not have come to 
 consider the advisability of employing legislation which 
 can rob the saloon of all its social features. As yet 
 adequate substitutes for the social benefits which thou- 
 sands of the people actually derive daily from the 
 saloons have not been developed. It is to this problem 
 that the experience, the wisdom, and the wealth of those 
 interested in social progress must now be directed. 
 
 Europe has taken the lead here as well as in the 
 method of legislation. The importance of this method 
 of meeting the liquor problem has been clearly recog- 
 nized by foreign governments. Russia, for example, 
 has not only put a restrictive liquor law into operation 
 (the Government Monopoly will within a year or two 
 be extended into seventy-five provinces), but has been 
 organizing a scheme of preventive agencies, as well, un- 
 der the lead of Prince Oldenberg of St. Petersburg. 
 The plan is to open reading-rooms with libraries and 
 cheap, attractive restaurants near public gardens and 
 squares where the working people congregate. The 
 movement has grown remarkably, until now there are 
 nearly 2000 of these tea-rooms and tea-restaurants, 943
 
 36 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 
 
 reading-rooms and libraries, 654 popular readings in 
 hired halls, and many other similar popular attractions. 
 
 Interesting experiments have been inaugurated in 
 Norway and in England. The coffee-houses of Liver- 
 pool have become famous ; the workingmen's clubs, the 
 model tenements, the friendly inns of London and 
 other English cities are well known. So far back as 
 1834 a Select Committee of the House of Commons, in 
 reporting on the " Causes and Consequences of Intoxi- 
 cation among the Labouring Classes," recommended, 
 among other things, " The establishment, by the joint 
 aid of the government and the local authorities and 
 residents on the spot, of public walks and gardens, or 
 open spaces for athletic and healthy exercises in the 
 open air, in the immediate vicinity of every town, of 
 an extent and character adapted to its population ; and 
 of district and parish libraries, museums and read- 
 ing-rooms, accessible at the lowest rate of charge, so as 
 to admit of one or the other being visited in any 
 weather and at any time ; with the rigid exclusion of 
 all intoxicating drinks of every kind from all such 
 places, whether in the open air or closed." ^ 
 
 Twenty years later, in 1854, another Select Commit- 
 tee of the House of Commons reported : — 
 
 " Your Committee are fully impressed with the im- 
 portance of as far as possible dissociating places of 
 pviblic entertainment from the sale of intoxicating 
 drinks. Dramatic and musical performances have a 
 tendency, under a strict censorship, to raise the character 
 of the people, and there is evidence of a growing taste 
 for such entertainments among the working classes, 
 ^ The Temperance Problem and Social Eeform, p. 384.
 
 LEGISLATION AND SUBSTITUTION. 37 
 
 wliicli it appears to your Committee may be made to 
 serve as a powerful counter-attraction to the public 
 house. 
 
 " Your Committee have been impressed with the 
 good effects of the Saturday evening concerts, such as 
 take place at the Lord Nelson Street Rooms, Liver- 
 pool, which, on all occasions, are presided over by 
 some person of note or respectability ; and they are 
 satisfied that were the example followed, and the means 
 provided, independent of public houses, for the working 
 classes to gratify their taste, especially for music, the 
 result would be a diminution of intemperance and the 
 refinement of the popular taste." 
 
 Since 1854 other recommendations have been made 
 to Parliament in regard to the importance of providing 
 for the social needs of the people. 
 
 The most interesting beginnings in our own country 
 are patterned after European models, but they are be- 
 ginnings only. In no city in our country are the social 
 substitutes at all adequate to the demand. A greater 
 advance has been made in the method of substitution 
 in the cities of the North and East than in other 
 sections of the country. It is in Boston, Baltimore, 
 New York, and Philadelphia that the most significant 
 experiments have been tried. Several very careful 
 inquiries have been made in certain small cities and in 
 limited sections of the larger cities to discover how many 
 substitutes actually compete with the social life of the 
 saloon. Jersey City, for example, has a jaopulation of 
 about 195,000 and a saloon to every thirty-five voters. 
 The workers in Whittier House were able to discover a 
 few clubs connected with churches and the settlement,
 
 38 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 
 
 several good branch libraries, three cheap theatres, a 
 few parks, but no effort to provide cheap and whole- 
 some food and lodgings for the needs of a distinctively 
 transient population. The settlement and an energetic 
 institutional church perform practically all the philan- 
 thropic activity for the entire city. In Pittsburg, 
 Kingsley House instituted a rigorous search for substi- 
 tutes in the Ninth, Tenth, and Twelfth Wards, where 
 sixty-four saloons are located. The results were as fol- 
 lows : Fifteen clubs of all kinds, of which six were for 
 women and four for boys ; seven libraries, of which three 
 were fairly large and well graded and three were Carne- 
 gie home libraries for children ; three pool-rooms ; three 
 nickel lunch establishments, two lunch wagons, five 
 small lunch counters, a few cheap restaurants, and four 
 cheap lodging-houses. This was all beside the educa- 
 tional work of the settlement. In the Fifteenth As- 
 sembly District in New York City, Hartley House dis- 
 covered three workiugmen's clubs, three boys' clubs, 
 two political clubs, a singing society, a mission, and 
 four restaurants of a social nature. After making all 
 allowance for the influence of institutions situated out- 
 side the district upon the life of the people within it, 
 and conceding that these districts may be more poorly 
 supplied with substitutes than others in the same cities, 
 it will still be seen how small an impression these en- 
 terprises must make upon the total life of the commu- 
 nity. 
 
 The reasons for the scarcity of social substitutes are 
 many. The chief reason doubtless why substitutes have 
 not kept pace with existing conditions is the phenome- 
 nal growth of our American cities. The census of 1890
 
 LEGISLATION AND SUBSTITUTION. 
 
 39 
 
 demonstrated that over 27 per cent of the entire pop- 
 ulation of the United States were in the 400 towns of 
 over 8000 population, while as many as 28 cities had 
 over 100,000 population. At present there are 39 cities 
 in the latter class, and 159 cities have a population of 
 25,000 and over. New York has 3,437,202 with its 
 extended boundaries, Chicago 1,698,575, Philadelphia 
 1,293,697, while St. Louis, Boston, and Baltimore have 
 each over half a million. The following table shows 
 the increase of urban population during the past 
 twenty years : — 
 
 Classified Sizes. 
 
 Cities of 200,000 or more .... 
 Cities of 100,000 and under 
 
 200,000 
 
 Cities of 50,000 and under 
 
 100,000 
 
 Cities of 25,000 and under 
 
 50,000 
 
 Totals 
 
 .2 
 o 
 "3 
 
 
 Population. 
 
 
 4) 
 
 a 
 1% 
 
 
 
 
 o 
 19 
 
 1900. 
 
 1890. 
 
 1880. 
 
 &4 
 
 11,795,809 
 
 8,879,105 
 
 6,311,653 
 
 32.8 
 
 19 
 
 2,412,538 
 
 1,808,056 
 
 1,009,163 
 
 33.3 
 
 40 
 
 2,709,338 
 
 2,067,169 
 
 1,368,309 
 
 31.0 
 
 81 
 
 2,776,940 
 
 2,100,559 
 
 1,244,802 
 
 33.2 
 
 159 
 
 19,094,625 
 
 14,855,489 
 
 9,933,927 
 
 32.5 
 
 40.6 
 79.2 
 51.0 
 68.7 
 49.5 
 
 It is not to be wondered at if philanthropy has been 
 unable to keep up with this rapid development. 
 
 That many saloon substitutes are not and perhaps 
 cannot be made to be paying investments for capital is 
 another obstacle. An exception must be made of model 
 tenements, since recent experiments in providing for 
 the housing of the poor have proved that these, a most 
 important substitute, can pay an interest upon money 
 invested. An exception must also be made of the
 
 40 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 
 
 investment of capital by manufacturers wliich tends 
 directly to the betterment of tlieir employees. Social 
 experiments in this direction have undoubtedly demon- 
 strated that the money invested yields very ample 
 return in the quality and increased amount of the work 
 performed by the employees. But the financial diffi- 
 culty is and always must be so great that it is probable 
 that the conditions never can be successfully met until 
 the municipality controls its own liquor bvisiness and 
 expends the profits upon the establishment of social 
 centres for the people. The tax is too great to be borne 
 at present by the municipal treasury or by private 
 philanthropy. But if the enormous profit from the 
 drink traffic could be diverted into the legitimate work 
 of establishing centres of recreation for the people, an 
 immense progress could be made towards social reform.^ 
 A minute examination into the different kinds of social 
 recreation needed by the people seems to demonstrate 
 afresh the necessity of such liquor legislation for large 
 cities as will both limit the social features of the saloon 
 and divert the pi-ofit of the drink traffic into providing 
 social centres to take its place. 
 
 But the whole trouble does not consist alone in the 
 small number of these social enterprises, but in their 
 inability for one reason or another seriously to attract 
 and permanently to retain the attention of the people. 
 An interesting experiment showing the opinion in which 
 these substitutes are actually held by the people was 
 recently tried at the Elmira Reformatory. At the ses- 
 sion of the Ethics class neld in that institution one 
 
 ^ For a practical demonstration of the workings of the system, see 
 The Temperance Problem and Social Beform, pp. 393-418.
 
 LEGISLATION AND SUBSTITUTION. 41 
 
 Sunday evening, a class of three hundred intelligent 
 adults averaging twenty-one years of age, the subject of 
 the " Liquor Saloon Ethically Considered " was up for 
 discussion. It was hoped that the men would discuss 
 the substitutes proposed, and there was placed upon a 
 large blackboard an analyzed list of thirty-two of them. 
 The substitutes attracted only a smile, not of contempt, 
 but of indifference. These habitues of saloons were 
 not impressed or seriously interested in the substitutes 
 proposed. The discussion ranged about the saloon 
 itself, its dangers and disadvantages and the benefits 
 to be derived from it. This test was a fair one, and 
 doubtless represents the actual opinion of the laboring 
 man upon existing social substitutes. It is to be ques- 
 tioned if the saloon-keepers themselves actually dread 
 very many of the present-day efforts to compete with 
 the saloon, and instances are not unknown where they 
 have actually contributed to their support. 
 
 If we ask why it is that social substitutes are so often 
 ineffective, different answers must be given. For one 
 thing, too little account is taken of a man's social nature. 
 The experiments are often those of the doctrinaire and 
 not of the observer of actual conditions. The beginning 
 is made not from within, but from without. Many of 
 the people who work against the saloons are much 
 more ready to talk to or at a man than to talk with 
 him, forgetting that the primary need is companionship. 
 Men will not largely patronize a place where the feeling 
 prevails that some one is doing something for them. 
 The workingman rightly resents the intrusion of the 
 philanthropic or religious idea. The saloons, on the 
 other hand, interpret the needs of their constituents
 
 42 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 
 
 accurately because they know them intimately. They 
 exercise much ingenuity, as we have seen, and no little 
 discrimination in supplying attractions. The majority 
 of those who are attached to the saloon do not, per- 
 haps cannot, analyze the cause of its attractiveness, but 
 they feel the difference between the warmth and cheer 
 of the saloon and the repellent atmosphere of many of 
 the substitutes. 
 
 The location of saloons is in their favor. They are 
 commonly placed on the street corner and invariably 
 occupy the ground floor. Substitutes are often located 
 in out of the way places, or upon the upper floor of 
 some building, where they cannot be seen from the 
 streets. Saloons are open eighteen or nineteen hours 
 out of every twenty-four. Substitutes often close their 
 doors when men would be most likely to enter. 
 
 Another reason for the failure of social substitutes is 
 the lack of cooperation among them. It has not been 
 at all an uncommon experience to find social workers 
 ignorant of each other's existence or distrustful of each 
 other's methods. On the other hand, the proprietors of 
 the saloons and their backers are fully aware of their 
 common interests and stand closely together for mutual 
 protection. 
 
 The gravest problem, however, that confronts the 
 success of any social substitute for the saloon is the 
 problem of drink. Whether substitutes can expect to 
 make appreciable inroads upon the patronage of the 
 saloon without offering any form of stimulant is an 
 open question. Soft drinks are not a substitute for 
 alcoholic beverages. A drink containing an amount 
 of alcohol sufficient to j)lease the palate without at the
 
 LEGISLATION AND SUBSTITUTION. 43 
 
 same time causing intoxication has not yet been dis- 
 covered. The situation must be faced that, especially 
 among the foreign population, the drinking of alcoholic 
 beverages is well-nigh universal. Beer is the common 
 beverage of the working people. The secretary of a 
 German order in Chicago said that he personally could 
 not recall a single German family in which beer was not 
 used. The laboring people of many nationalities give 
 beer to their children as others do milk. "You can 
 depend on the beer, but you can't tell about the milk 
 you get down here," one man remarked. It is probably 
 true that certain of the most effectual substitutes for 
 the saloon which actually exist in many of our large 
 cities are not the strictly temperance agencies, but those 
 which permit a moderate use of mild forms of liquor 
 and regulate very carefully its consumption. The chief 
 objection to any plan, however, of attracting people to 
 a place where intoxicating beverages are for sale is the 
 danger of thwarting the very object of substitution. 
 Yet it would be going too far to say that this must 
 always be the case. This difficult question must be 
 dealt with according to the nature of the substitute and 
 the habits of the people for whom the substitute is 
 proposed. 
 
 To compete with the saloon, therefore, by the method 
 of substitution, many different elements, all of which 
 enter into the problem, must be taken into considera- 
 tion. An earnest attempt to provide for the social 
 needs of any community will begin by carefully study- 
 ing local conditions. Some social life will be dis- 
 covered already existing, and the effort will be made 
 to stimulate this from within, avoiding all semblance
 
 44 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 
 
 of outer reform. New social enterprises will then 
 gradually be added, adapted to the particular needs of 
 the community. These substitutes will assume many 
 different forms, and present many perplexing problems. 
 In the following chapters the effort will be to state 
 the practical results of a variety of experiments, and to 
 suggest possible methods of rivaling the social attrac- 
 tions of the saloon.
 
 CHAPTER in. 
 
 THE CLUBS OF THE PEOPLE. 
 
 One of the first demauds which the saloon satisfies 
 is the desire for the companionship of one's fellows. 
 The saloon, however much it has departed from its an- 
 cestral pattern, still performs the function of the ancient 
 tavern ; it is the same common centre where the isolated 
 personal experience is merged in the common lot of all. 
 The tavern instinct of our Saxon forefathers is the 
 chief impulse, aside from the desire for the drink itself, 
 which draws their hosts within the saloons that line 
 our streets. This instinct must be reckoned with. It 
 is deep-seated, and will resist to the end any effort to 
 deprive it of the means of its satisfaction. It is a 
 strong opponent of the temperance agitator who advo- 
 cates the unconditional and immediate abolishment of 
 the saloon, and the strength of the resistance is in pro- 
 portion to the reality of the human need which it repre- 
 sents. The saloon is the centre of the social life of 
 hundreds of thousands of the dwellers in our cities. 
 
 If the question is asked. Where do the other thou- 
 sands who are not patrons of the saloon find their social 
 recreation ? the answer is easy. They have comfort- 
 able homes. They have sufficient means to secure a 
 large variety of social enjoyment. In quest for the 
 society of their fellows, they step from their homes to 
 their clubs. The word " club " suggests the group, the
 
 46 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 
 
 circle just beyond the family, to which belong immedi- 
 ate friends and neighbors, those associated by business 
 ties, by political or by social sympathies. The multi- 
 plication and development of these groups form an 
 interesting chapter in recent social history. This 
 development has followed naturally the phenomenal 
 growth of urban population. Where a district is more 
 sparsely inhabited, the relations are more personal and 
 less artificial, but where thousands are thrown together 
 within a limited ai-ea, the social relation must be in 
 groups, to which belong those whom some common in- 
 terest unites. 
 
 Such is the genesis of the modern club, which forms 
 such a prominent feature of city life. Even homes of 
 luxury and refinement do not suffice to satisfy the so- 
 cial instinct. Little wonder, then, if what seems neces- 
 sary and attractive to a rich man should be even more 
 indispensable to those whose homes lack the most 
 meagre comforts. 
 
 A serious difficulty which confronts all the clubs of 
 the working people is the lack of suitable club-rooms. 
 This difficulty is not felt by the rich, by the men of 
 moderate means, or by the clerks or skilled workmen 
 in any profession ; but it becomes a problem to the 
 great number of unskilled laboring men. The wage 
 which barely suffices to support the family does not 
 admit an extra charge for the rental of a club-room 
 however modest that may be. It is just here that the 
 saloon makes its appeal. Here is a club with no rental 
 to pay, where a man has that same satisfaction which 
 his rich neighbor finds in his club-rooms. Here groups 
 are natm-ally formed from among those habitually meet-
 
 THE CLUBS OF THE PEOPLE. 47 
 
 ing in the same place. Hither groups already formed 
 come to meet because they have no other shelter. The 
 saloon has been quick to see its advantage and to make 
 the most of it. The process by which its hold is in- 
 creased through the club instinct which it fosters and 
 satisfies is an interesting study. 
 
 This process begins with the boys, who already possess 
 the instinct for organization. Nearly every boy in all 
 our cities has his club of intimate friends. This club 
 is familiarly called " the gang " or " the push ; " and 
 these clubs all taken together form the source of that 
 great stream which a few years later fills the saloon, 
 packs the primary, crowds the docket and the prison. 
 The life of these clubs is very simple. Their chief aim 
 seems to be to avoid the police, and to perform all 
 kinds of " stunts " on the streets, in vacant lots, or 
 wherever they can find a field of operation. A leader, 
 selected by virtue of his native ability rather than by 
 formal ballot, a signal, and a rendezvous are the only 
 essentials of their organization. Any one who can run 
 is eligible for membership. The meeting-place is the 
 "corner," the wharf, or the street in summer, and in 
 winter, a lumber pile, a shed, or some deserted build- 
 ing. "Nightly, after supper, the boys drift to their 
 corner, ^ not by appointment, but naturally. Then en- 
 sue idle talk, jawing-matches, rough jokes, and horse- 
 play. No eccentric individual gets by the gang with- 
 out insult. Nearly every gang has ' talent,' one or two 
 members who can sing, perhaps a quartette, also a buck- 
 dancer, one or two who can play on the jews'-harp, 
 and a funny man. Not infrequently the singing, the 
 ^ The City Wilderness, j). 116.
 
 48 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 
 
 horse-play, or the dancing is interrupted by the rounds- 
 man. At the sight of the brass buttons there is an 
 excited call of ' Cheese it ! ' and singing or talking, as it 
 may be, is suddenly stopped ; the gang disbands, dis- 
 solves, and the boys flee down alleys, into doorsteps 
 and curious hiding-places, and reappear only when the 
 ' cop ' is well down the street," Where the boys have 
 an indoor meeting-place, a little home-made apparatus 
 for a " gym " is often found. As a rule, however, the 
 telephone poles and the cables which they support form 
 their principal gymnasium. Smoking is the rule, for 
 cigarettes have a strong hold, and spare pennies are 
 commonly invested in them or in dime novels. Such 
 are the clubs of our street boys. 
 
 The saloon begins at the very start to get hold of 
 the people and to provide for their social life. Where 
 the boys are driven about the streets like so many 
 vagrant animals, the saloon opens for them a bright 
 and cheery refuge. At an early age they are saloon 
 patrons, for the law prohibiting sales to minors is com- 
 monly disregarded. In Chicago and other cities rooms 
 furnished with billiard and pool tables, cards and other 
 games are often placed at their disposal, A low price 
 is charged for a game of billiards, and five cents will 
 always pay for a glass of beer. Thus the boys begin 
 the drink habit, and become frequenters of the saloon. 
 
 The young men's social or pleasure clubs represent 
 doubtless, by a process of natural selection, the best of 
 the boys' clubs, such as have not been broken up by 
 acts of disorder or by a pi-ocess of general disintegra- 
 tion. Club life now takes on the more dignified form
 
 THE CLUBS OF THE PEOPLE. 49 
 
 of a definite organization, although the purpose may be 
 vague. As one young man expressed it, " The police- 
 man would n't let us stand on the corner, so we thought 
 we 'd get together and form a club." The club meets 
 in some inexpensive room furnished according to the 
 means of the members. If the club membership is 
 large enough, an entire house may be hired and fur- 
 nished. The rooms serve as a loafing -place for the 
 members, and also as a place for occasional social enter- 
 tainments. In the poorer of these clubs there is nothing 
 to attract but the bare room itself, with its chairs and 
 card tables. Sometimes a ring and boxing-gloves be- 
 tray the character of the club. Pictures of " Pompa- 
 dour Jim " and other celebrities of the ring and stage 
 adorn the walls. In the better clubs the rooms are 
 carpeted. There is a piano, a small collection of books, 
 and some gymnastic apparatus. There are all kinds of 
 clubs, recreative, political, dancing, athletic, bicycle, 
 and even literary clubs. All of them, however, are 
 social organizations, since the special activity occupies 
 but a subordinate place in the club life. To the club- 
 rooms the members come each evening to play cards, to 
 smoke, and to have a good time. Occasionally enter- 
 tainments are provided, consisting of comic songs, buck- 
 dancing, story-telling, etc. The " girls " are often in- 
 vited to these entertainments. All the clubs have 
 their annual balls, and many have picnics or outings in 
 the summer, offering prizes for athletic competition. 
 The character of the annual balls differs with the 
 character of the clubs. Some of them are doubtless 
 thoroughly orderly and respectable ; others are fre- 
 quented by bad women, and intoxication is common.
 
 60 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 
 
 The number of these clubs in any city is extremely 
 difficult to estimate. Their existence is at best a pre- 
 carious one, and they are often broken up because of 
 disorder, or the failure of members to pay their dues. 
 A careful census would reveal a large number of them. 
 In Philadelphia the number was estimated at seven 
 hundred, and in Cincinnati at one thousand. It would 
 not be too much to say that in the poorer sections of 
 any large city, at least one club would be found exist- 
 ing to every hundred young men in the district. 
 
 The bicycle club does not differ in its general form 
 of organization and social activity from any other 
 social club. The members make the house their meet- 
 ing and loafing place in the evenings and during the 
 idle hours. Some of them began as social clubs and 
 upon application were admitted into the Association of 
 Bicycling Clubs. Nearly all of them have their rooms 
 open the year round. It is on Saturday afternoons and 
 on Sundays that these clubs are especially active, but 
 the members seem to " drop around evenings " pretty 
 regularly. As regards the drink habit, it is not likely 
 that any distinction can be made between these and 
 other social clubs. The idea that the athletic bias 
 leads to abstinence is a plausible but unfortunately 
 not a tenable hypothesis. When the cycling season 
 begins, the road-house or the brewery profits where the 
 saloon loses. A member of one club said that when 
 runs are held a keg of beer is opened, as a rule, for 
 from thirty to thirty-five riders. 
 
 The value of all of these young men's clubs as social 
 substitutes depends on the degree to which the drink 
 habit prevails, and upon their relation to the saloon.
 
 THE CLUBS OF THE PEOPLE. 61 
 
 Few members of any of these chibs are total abstainers. 
 At this age they are fully accustomed to their di'ink. 
 A certain proportion of the clubs doubtless exist solely 
 for the purpose of social drinking. The members 
 meet at their clubs rather than at the saloon, only 
 because it is a more comfortable way to drink. It is 
 sometimes difficult to obtain Sunday beer from the 
 saloons. In the clubs it can be bought in advance 
 and freely dispensed to all comers. At the balls and 
 entertainments intoxication is very common. The 
 dance hall is sometimes offered free of charge by the 
 brewing companies that supply the beer. Some of the 
 clubs are regularly licensed and have bars of their 
 own, but this is not common. Where the license is 
 obtained, the consumption of liquor is generally very 
 great. Liquor selling to members has always been 
 an easy way to raise revenue among rich and poor 
 licensed clubs alike. It would probably be found to 
 be true of them all, that the sale of liquor alone suf- 
 fices to pay the running expenses of the club. 
 
 The relation of these clubs to the saloon calls for 
 comment. It would be going too far to say that the 
 saloon-keeper always views them with a friendly eye. 
 It all depends upon the influence that he can obtain 
 over them. If this is slight, then they become his 
 rivals, for either they foster sobriety, or else the money 
 that used to find its way into the tills of the saloon is 
 now paid directly to the brewer. But any hostility 
 which the saloon-keeper feels is carefully concealed. 
 He tries in every way to connect the clubs with his 
 saloon. He throws open his rooms for entertainments, 
 provides music for dances free of charge, or offers at a
 
 52 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 
 
 small cost a much larger and better club-room than could 
 be obtained elsewhere for a large rental. Sometimes 
 he makes an effort himself to organize such clubs and 
 have them meet at different nights in his saloon. 
 Either he or the bartender is, in nearly every instance, 
 a member of the club. 
 
 Aside from the question of drunkenness, it is doubt- 
 less true that the moral tone of many of the pleasure 
 clubs is very low. There is published in Chicago a 
 leaflet called the "West Side Amusement World," 
 issued weekly. On the inside cover is printed a list 
 of about seventy of these pleasure and sporting clubs. 
 The six columns of " Club Boys' Gossip " that follow 
 are the quintessence of a cheap and disgusting vulgar- 
 ity that mirrors a very low order both of intelligence 
 and morality. If the paper represents fairly the life 
 of these Chicago clubs, there is little good that can be 
 said of them. Probably many of them are above the 
 level of their " organ," but very often one would 
 look in vain to these clubs for anything even nega- 
 tively creditable. 
 
 But there is another side to all this. For one thing, 
 it must be said in all fairness, the clubs of the jsoor 
 will probably bear very favorable comparison with 
 those of the rich both as regards intoxication and 
 social vice. In some of them liquor is absolutely 
 prohibited ; in many more, drunkenness is a rare occur- 
 rence. If the rooms are well furnished, it becomes of 
 personal interest to the members to protect the joint 
 property from damage such as drunken carousing 
 always carries with it. Then, too, a club does not like 
 to acquire a reputation for drinking, nor to arouse the
 
 THE CLUBS OF THE PEOPLE. 63 
 
 suspicion tliat it is selling liquor contrary to law. The 
 self-respecting clubs have no connection with the sa- 
 loons, and discourage their members from patronizing 
 them, for it must be remembered that a certain amount 
 of respectability is necessary for existence. These 
 clubs in a sense are self-regulating. Their evolution 
 must tend either to respectability or to early extinc- 
 tion. As a rule, they recognize this and keep within 
 certain limits. The penalty of failure is the forfeiture 
 of their existence. Again, one must remember that 
 the alternative of these clubs is not the Christian 
 Association rooms or the parish house, but the saloon. 
 The more one studies them, the less inclined one is 
 to condemn them as a whole. Some of them re- 
 present an earnest effort on the part of their mem- 
 bers to provide a helpful kind of club life in a small 
 way. They mark the first effort of the working people 
 to get, as one of them expressed it, " on their own 
 social resources." The feeling of club pride which 
 certainly exists is in itself some guarantee of good. 
 Yet what impresses one the most, as one considers 
 these clubs in the aggregate, is neither the good nor 
 the bad that is in them, but rather the opportunity 
 for social service which they present. 
 
 Young men rarely remain after marriage in the 
 clubs which we have just been describing. The mar- 
 ried man has clubs of his own, but they cease to be 
 purely social or pleasure clubs. Some more serious or 
 definite purpose now enters into his conception of a 
 club. It is probable that life itself becomes a more 
 serious thing to him, and he is brought to face and to
 
 54 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 
 
 deal personally with conditions wliich before now have 
 not concerned him. 
 
 One of these purposes which serve to bring men to- 
 gether is inherent in our democratic form of govern- 
 ment. Politics is a common bond everywhere, but 
 nowhere more strikingly than in America. Unfortu- 
 nately what might be a helpful and educative form of 
 association has, under the well-known system of poli- 
 tics now operative in our large cities, become very 
 unsatisfactory and even hurtful in its effects. The 
 " political club," as it exists among the poorer people 
 in all large centres of population, is not a forum for 
 the discussion of current issues so much as a conven- 
 ient means for "bunching" votes for the next election. 
 The number and activity of these clubs depend directly 
 upon the nearness and the importance of the election. 
 Some clubs revive only at the approach of the cam- 
 paign, in order to share the bounty of the politician. 
 Few clubs can resist the pecuniary offers of a political 
 campaign. In fact, such readiness to improve the 
 opportunity has become almost a matter of course. 
 From what has been said of the relation of the saloon 
 to politics, it may be gathered that the influence of 
 the saloon upon such clubs is considerable. It is the 
 exception to find the political clubs without a bar or 
 without some visible connection with the saloon. For 
 a great many of these clubs, it serves as the headquar- 
 ters. Many more are harbored in rooms furnished for 
 the purpose, and in a still larger number the saloon- 
 keeper is an influential factor even if he is not a mem- 
 ber or an official. For these reasons political clubs 
 cannot rank hioli as social substitutes for the saloon.
 
 THE CLUBS OF THE PEOPLE. 55 
 
 An exception must be made perhaps of one form of 
 political association in whose clubs the educational ele- 
 ment is decidedly in evidence. The growing impor- 
 tance of the socialist or socialist labor party is inter- 
 esting from many points of view. For our purpose it 
 is sufficient to note that the object sought for does 
 unite the men in a very real and earnest way. They 
 represent the collective expression of the thoughtful 
 workingman of a certain type. They are not a great 
 factor in the life of the city, and do not attract the 
 more practical wage-earners just because they are 
 idealistic and care less about immediate results than 
 about ultimate principles. " We can afford to wait " 
 is a word one hears often among them. They labor to 
 advance the cause of scientific socialism by means of 
 lectures, debates, papers, and other educational meth- 
 ods. This is seen in the names of the clubs. They 
 are " The Working Men's Educational Club," " The 
 Socialists' Educational Club," or " The Socialist Lit- 
 erary Club." The men are usually middle-aged, and 
 the majority of them are often foreigners. Their or- 
 ganization is a loose one, and they welcome any who 
 care to come to their lectures and discussions. These 
 form the chief feature of their club life, although 
 other means of recreation are sometimes provided in 
 their rooms, which are usually the headquarters of their 
 party in the district in which the club is located. But 
 the social features seem intended chiefly to make the 
 club an attractive rendezvous as a place for the teach- 
 ing of socialism. Some of -the clubs are very large, 
 counting over one thousand members. They gather 
 each evening and on Sundays by the hundred in
 
 66 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 
 
 their rooms and engage in discussions or carry on 
 regular class-work. Their meeting-place, like that of 
 all other clubs of which we have spoken, is often in 
 or over the saloon, where they are expected to " drop " 
 fifteen or twenty cents a night per member. The ten- 
 dency and the wish of the officers and better class of 
 members is to move into quarters of their own, but 
 these are hard to find, and members object to paying- 
 more for rent than seems to be necessary. Clubs of 
 this kind furnish the educational stimulus in the lives 
 of their members, and the fact that their activity is 
 not intermittent, like that of many other political clubs, 
 distinguishes them, and gives them a special value in 
 the movement for displacing the saloons. 
 
 Another purpose which furnishes a bond of union 
 among workingmen is their work itself and the con- 
 ditions which affect it. Here is a common platform 
 which excludes none but the very lowest members of 
 the social order. The different trade unions repre- 
 sent a solid constituency of nearly a million wage- 
 earners devoted to the object of their organization, 
 with a firm control over their members, and a consti- 
 tution which compels allegiance. We are dealing here 
 with a social phenomenon meriting our most careful 
 attention. The attitude of this great body of laboring- 
 men toward the saloon is of the utmost importance. 
 It has been felt for some time that organized labor 
 largely holds the key to the situation in its own hands ; 
 that when the wage-earner perceives it to be for his 
 own good to sever connection with the liquor traffic, 
 the great hold of the saloon upon the community must 
 be appreciably lessened ; but if, on the other hand, the
 
 THE CLUBS OF THE PEOPLE. 57 
 
 workingmen show no power of initiation in their own 
 behalf, then the reformers are dealing with a dead 
 weight. The question which arises is, What is the at- 
 titude of this great body of workingmen toward the 
 saloon, and what influence is it exerting to lessen the 
 hold of the saloon upon its members and to provide for 
 them social opportunities apart from it? 
 
 In the first place, it is certain that the life of any- 
 trade union is penetrated with a very earnest purpose. 
 Its ultimate desire is the welfare of its members in a 
 very large sense. At its best the aim is neither too 
 broad nor too narrow. Its programme does not reach 
 to wide and shadowy schemes for social reform, nor 
 content itself simply with a clamor for more wage 
 and fewer hours. Labor leaders to-day have a direct 
 thought for the better moral condition of the working- 
 men of the country. The union, although intensely 
 clannish and self-centred within its bounds, seeks to 
 evolve a more intelligent order of workingmen, to 
 raise the character and the capacity of skilled labor in 
 all its varied branches. 
 
 An isolated laboring man, exposed to all the tempta- 
 tions of his environment, is taken up, on becoming a 
 member of a trade union, into a higher order of corpo- 
 rate life. He finds himself invested with the dignity of 
 his order. He is less inclined to waste his time and 
 money in the saloon, to weaken his character and de- 
 stroy his usefulness by intoxication ; he is more inclined 
 to economy and to self-respect ; he enters more and 
 more into the life and aims of his order, and finds 
 himself upon a plane where the coarser appeals of 
 the saloon fail to move him. His spare time is now
 
 58 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 
 
 occupied, and he is kept busy between meetings. The 
 trade-union papers are made the starting-point for dis- 
 cussions of larger questions of state or national policy 
 having a lively interest in their bearing upon the wel- 
 fare of their little group. Then, too, insurance fees 
 compel a certain amount of saving each month ; and 
 when this feature is absent, frequent assessments are 
 made in case of sickness, accident, or death. Women 
 take a lively interest in the numerous activities of the 
 union, either as active members or in auxiliary societies, 
 as among the railway employees. In all these ways 
 the life of the union tends to raise the life of the indi- 
 vidual. It gives him ideals, education, common inter- 
 ests, fraternal feeling and responsibility for the welfare 
 of others. Imagine some such influence at work among 
 a million wage-earners of the country, and its effect in 
 raising them above the common saloon level can be 
 felt even if it cannot be estimated in fixed terms. By 
 its very object, the trade union seems pledged to in- 
 crease sobriety among its members. 
 
 But we may go further than this. Nearly all of the 
 unions have well-defined constitutions. In most of 
 them the attitude of the union toward the liquor traffic 
 is clearly set forth, and in many of them the position is 
 made very emphatic. An inquiry into the attitude of 
 organized labor in the United States toward the saloon 
 has yielded most interesting and, we may say at once, 
 most encouraging results.^ The statistics which have 
 been obtained by correspondence cover forty-five trade 
 unions, with a total membership of 531,804, thus repre- 
 
 1 This report, which may be found in the Appendix, was prepared 
 for the editors by Dr. E. W. Bemis.
 
 THE CLUBS OF THE PEOPLE. 59 
 
 senting nearly two thirds of the American nnions hav- 
 ing a national organization and more than two thirds 
 of the membership of such organizations. The statistics 
 show that one union in every five is by its constitution 
 directly opposed to the saloon ; one in every three is 
 at least generally opposed to it ; while only about twenty- 
 five per cent of all the unions seem to have no definite 
 policy in relation to the liquor traffic. Such a result 
 is certainly encouraging, and indicates even better 
 things to come. 
 
 When we look more directly, however, at the social 
 work which is being attempted by the trade unions, 
 the outlook is not so encouraging. In the first place 
 their organization is not democratic. Laboring men 
 must subscribe to the constitution and swear allegiance 
 to the organization before they can become members. 
 As a consequence not more than from ten to twenty 
 per cent of the laboring men of the country are at pre- 
 sent members of the unions. Again, their meetings 
 take place very infrequently and are taken up largely 
 with routine business. No union meets more than 
 once a week, and often the meetings are held but once 
 a month, sometimes only on call. In Denver the aver- 
 age interval is twelve days between the meetings of 
 fifty-four unions of all kinds. In New Haven, out 
 of eighteen unions, forty-five per cent meet but once 
 a month, and forty per cent once a fortnight. The 
 rest meet at irregular intervals. It can be readily seen 
 that under these circumstances there is no continuity 
 of social life. It is a rare thing to find the rooms of 
 a union suitable in any way for social meetings. In 
 New York, out of ninety labor organizations which
 
 60 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 
 
 belong to the Amalgamated Federal Union, only two or 
 three have social rooms. In Cleveland, the Knights of 
 Labor have been trying for over a year to have a gen- 
 eral social evening once a fortnight, with little success. 
 In Chicago, out of one hundred and twenty-six organ- 
 izations, only four have club-rooms with any social 
 features connected with them. Sometimes when the 
 room has a bar attached, social life appears. Thus in 
 the German unions, which more commonly than others 
 permit the sale of intoxicants, there is much more social 
 life than in the other unions. A ball is often given 
 annually, or a " labor play," which necessitates constant 
 rehearsals during the winter months ; but as a rule 
 the social life of trade unions is reduced to a minimum. 
 Just why this should be so is not easy to say. It is 
 due, at least in part, to the feeling that the union 
 stands for the serious rather than the play side of life. 
 Our American unions need to recognize the economic 
 importance of the right kind of play for workingmen. 
 Higher wages and shorter hours mean greater opportu- 
 nity for recreation, and for this organized labor must 
 make provision. Another reason why more social life 
 is not found within the unions is that they cannot 
 afford to pay the rental for rooms sufficiently ample to 
 permit of much social life. A textile union which 
 changed its place of meeting to a building in which other 
 social organizations were accustomed to meet observed 
 at once the benefits of the amusement features of the 
 other organizations, and voted to add such features to 
 the programme of their own union. It is very probable 
 that many unions would make provision for the social 
 life of their members if they could afford suitable meet- 
 ing-places.
 
 THE CLUBS OF THE PEOPLE. 61 
 
 Just as in the case of the small boys' clubs, so with 
 these adult and serious organizations the saloon be- 
 comes the meeting-place. It is probable that this habit 
 is much more common than even the labor leaders 
 themselves are aware. When one begins to investigate, 
 the column foots up rapidly. In Buffalo, an actual 
 count showed that no less than sixty-three out of 
 sixty-nine labor organizations held their meetings in 
 some hall connected with a saloon. In other places 
 the preponderance was so decided as to discourage the 
 investigator, who had thought to find in the union an 
 effective substitute for the saloon. The fault, as we have 
 seen, does not lie by any means wholly with the trade 
 unions. They have always claimed that they could not 
 find other suitable places without putting themselves 
 under obligation to institutions of whose purpose they 
 did not entirely approve. This claim is not an idle 
 one. The head of a settlement in one of our largest 
 cities has said that he could not recall in the entire city 
 a single hall conveniently located, with the exception 
 of that of the settlement, which labor organizations 
 could obtain at a reasona.ble price. In consequence, 
 they are driven to the saloons. The proprietor is only 
 too glad to supply a hall at a very low rental, and trust 
 to his bar receipts to repay him, which they amply do. 
 A labor leader, himself a total abstainer, once said ^ that 
 he felt a sensation akin to shame when he passed the 
 bar night after night without paying his five cents for 
 a drink. The secretary of a trade union once applied 
 for a room in a settlement building in which his union 
 might meet once a week. He was told that the terms 
 
 ' From the Chicago report.
 
 62 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 
 
 would be $150 a year. He said that it would be im- 
 possible to pay that price, since they were then paying 
 for the privilege of meeting in a much larger hall the 
 sum of but -f 40 a year. This hall was connected with 
 a saloon. Upon inquiry, he admitted that the average 
 attendance at their meetings was two hundred and 
 fifty, and that probably on an average the members 
 would drink two glasses of beer per meeting. It was 
 pointed out to him that the union actually paid the 
 proprietor $25 a week for beer, out of which, accord- 
 ing to the standard estimate, $12.50 would be profits, 
 so that the actual amount paid by the union was sev- 
 eral times greater than the rental asked for the hall 
 not connected with the saloon. He admitted the truth 
 of this, and added that he felt that the saloon was 
 detrimental to the serious work of their organization, 
 but said that their members were so much accustomed 
 to the scheme of indirect taxation by collecting most 
 of the actual room rent from trade in beer that they 
 would be alarmed to be directly taxed for a sum actu- 
 ally much smaller than that which they were then 
 paying. In New York on Tenth Street is a saloon 
 known as the Casino. No less than twenty-eight asso- 
 ciations of various kinds meet there each week in 
 rooms connected with the saloon. The bar-room occu- 
 pies the front half of the basement. On the walls are 
 photographs of members of the various clubs and lodges 
 which assemble there. About twenty letter-boxes be- 
 longing to societies are arranged along one side of the 
 room. Sometimes the saloons will plant themselves 
 directly beneath or adjacent to a trade-union hall. It 
 will take on the name of the union and call itself the
 
 THE CLUBS OF THE PEOPLE. 63 
 
 " Unionist " or the " Building Trades Exchange." 
 The men will get their meals there, paying five cents 
 for a lunch and a glass of beer, and stand about look- 
 ing for work. 
 
 Yet the unions are not unappreciative of better 
 thing's or loath to avail themselves of them. In Bos- 
 ton the Central Labor Union has its headquarters in 
 the Wells Memorial Institute, in the South End. The 
 Central Federated Union of New York recently voted 
 to meet in a hall owned by the University Settlement. 
 For eighteen years they had met in a dark, dirty hall 
 over a saloon. After the first meeting in their new 
 quarters, one of the men came to the head of the settle- 
 ment and expressed his satisfaction in meeting in a 
 place which was clean. One of the leading members 
 also remarked that he was confident that the proceed- 
 ings of the body would be more dignified in their pre- 
 sent habitation. Shortly after a resolution was moved 
 and passed instructing a special committee to arrange 
 that an hour and a half should be given on the first 
 Sunday of each month to the discussion of economic 
 and social problems. The passage of such a resolution 
 so soon after meeting in the new hall is an interesting 
 indication of the progress which unions would make 
 under more favorable conditions. As American trade 
 unions become more fixed in their ideals, there must be 
 a growing desire to free themselves from any attach- 
 ment to the saloon. 
 
 There is one other social organization which exists 
 among the people, and supplies the wide fellowship 
 which is inherent in club life. The lodge, the secret
 
 64 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 
 
 orders, the fraternal and beneficiary societies which 
 exist in such large numbers all over the country, have 
 a place in the social life of the people which we must 
 endeavor to estimate.^ 
 
 The number of these societies at present existing in 
 the United States is about six hundred. The present 
 membership, including Canada, exceeds five millions or 
 approximately one fifteenth of the entire population. 
 The financial operations of all these societies involve 
 millions of dollars annually, and the obligations as- 
 sumed by them hundreds of millions. 
 
 It is surprising to note how rapid has been the de- 
 velopment of these societies in recent years. Of about 
 575 societies whose date of organization could be ascer- 
 tained, only fourteen per cent were founded before 
 1880 ; twenty-two per cent between 1880 and 1890 ; 
 twenty-three per cent between 1890 and 1895 ; and 
 forty-one per cent between 1895 and 1900. It will be 
 seen that eighty-six per cent are only twenty years 
 old ; nearl}^ one fourth are between five and ten years 
 old ; and more than forty per cent are five years old 
 or less. The aggregate membership of these societies 
 has doubled within the last ten years, and increased 
 approximately twenty-five per cent within the last five. 
 Of the hundreds of societies existing in this country 
 to-day, only three claim a very early origin ; two were 
 formed early in the nineteenth century, half a dozen 
 less significant societies were organized before the Civil 
 
 1 A report on fraternal societies was prepared for the editors by Pro- 
 fessor B. H. Meyer of the University of Wisconsin. Portions of this 
 report relating especially to the protective and legislative features of 
 these societies may be found in the annals of the American Academy 
 of Political and Social Science, 1901.
 
 THE CLUBS OF THE PEOPLE. 65 
 
 War, and all the others have been organized since 
 18G8. It is largely a very recent development with 
 which we have to do. Nothing better illustrates the 
 growing demand for fellowship in our day. 
 
 Two main causes will account for this social develop- 
 ment : one is the demand for fraternity, the club spirit, 
 which is the spirit of our age ; the other is the desire 
 for insurance, for the pecuniary benefits which all 
 these organizations offer. The fraternal and the com- 
 mercial ideas combine in giving these organizations 
 their great hold upon men of all grades and callings. 
 Add to this the ritual and the secrecy of the orders, 
 their democracy and their philanthropy, and it is not 
 difficult to understand their rapid growth. 
 
 Their social value depends ultimately upon the com- 
 parative estimate which is put by them upon the fra- 
 ternal or the commercial idea. Here it is impossible 
 to give any statistics or specific statements. But this 
 may be said, that the oldest and largest of these socie- 
 ties exalt the fraternal side of lodge life, and adminis- 
 ter relief in the fraternal spirit ; but that by far the 
 larger number of the more recent societies are domi- 
 nated by the commercial idea, and minimize the social 
 opportunities which such an organization presents. It 
 is true of all the fraternal and beneficiary orders of 
 America to-day that they are at the parting of the 
 ways. One or the other of these ideas is to get the upper 
 hand. Either the orders will become largely insurance 
 societies, or they will become real social organizations 
 with benefit features. Needless to say the latter ideal 
 is the nobler, and towards its realization all who have 
 at heart the interests of these societies should labor.
 
 66 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 
 
 The great majority of these orders have, of course, 
 some social features in connection with their meetings. 
 Initiations and the granting of degrees absorb some 
 attention. On these occasions ritualistic exercises are 
 generally performed. Organizations in which insur- 
 ance plays an important part devote time to the exam- 
 ination of death proofs and the payment of claims. 
 Debates on the policy of the lodge and conferring of 
 benefits occupy some time. In addition, musical and 
 literary programmes are often provided with readings, 
 essays, debates, and the like. But the most important 
 part of the social life is doubtless the intimate fellow- 
 ship of the members. When we consider that the 
 largest and best of these societies at least are recruited 
 from all classes, the worth of such a social order is 
 evident. It is this spirit of brotherhood which is the 
 particular boast of all these orders. It is ujaon this 
 that they lay peculiar emphasis in estimating the social 
 value of the organization. 
 
 An important part of the social life of some lodges 
 is the influence of women members. Less than ten 
 societies are composed exclusively of women, and of 
 these several are auxiliary to men's societies. Prob- 
 ably not more than fifty societies admit both men 
 and women. But where the w^omen are present, it is 
 unquestionable that their membership is an extremely 
 important and beneficent feature of lodge life. Occa- 
 sions are all too few in the life of the wage-earner 
 where men and women are brought together in a social 
 way. 
 
 But when all has been said, the fact remains that 
 the amount of continuous social life which even the
 
 THE CLUBS OF THE PEOPLE. 67 
 
 most fraternal of these societies actually offers its 
 members is limited, and altogetlier out of proportion 
 to its opportunities. Lodge meetings do not occur 
 more than once or twice a month. Even if every 
 meeting were attended by every member, the demand 
 made upon the time of the individual by the lodge is 
 not large enough, and the opportunities given the 
 member for the satisfaction of his social needs are not 
 adequate to insure his remaining away from the saloon. 
 Lodge-rooms are deserted except at the stated hours 
 of meeting, and then only a small proportion of mem- 
 bers are in attendance. There appears to be no good 
 reason why lodge-rooms should not be used as club- 
 rooms and remain open, as all other social club-rooms 
 are open, every day and night in the week. At pre- 
 sent fraternal societies cannot seriously be regarded as 
 a substitute for the saloon except during the few hours 
 of social meeting. But if the rooms were always open 
 they would act as such continually throughout the 
 hours of any day. 
 
 If it is impossible to ascribe a large direct work of 
 substitution to the fraternal societies as at present con- 
 ducted, it is equally impossible to speak unequivocally 
 of their relation to the saloon and to the liquor busi- 
 ness. Yet it may be said of them that their position 
 is beyond what we might reasonably expect of so large 
 a body of men in our present state of ethical develop- 
 ment in relation to the liquor problem. Several fra- 
 ternities, like the Knights of Columbus, are first of 
 all temperance societies. All or nearly all of the 
 societies refuse to admit to membership any who are 
 engaged in the sale and traffic of intoxicating liquors.
 
 68 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 
 
 This in itself is an important measure, not that it in- 
 sures sobriety on the jaart of the members, but because 
 it places a stigma upon the liquor traffic, and expresses 
 a moral disapproval of it. But further than this, no 
 one who drinks to excess is admitted to membership. 
 It is observable that the insurance and benefit features 
 of these societies have a bearing here. If the benefi- 
 ciary work is on the life-insurance plan, an habitual 
 drinker becomes a hazardous risk ; if it is on the fra- 
 ternal plan, his needs demand more than his share of 
 the funds. In these ways, then, the fraternal and 
 beneficiary societies discourage and condemn the traffic 
 and the consumption of liquors. 
 
 The public practices of some of these orders arouse the 
 suspicion that their moral standards are none too high. 
 Periodical picnics and excursions take place, and these 
 are not always free from excesses ; nor does the disci- 
 pline of the lodge seem strong and severe enough to 
 prevent their recurrence on similar occasions in the 
 future. The bringing together of large numbers of 
 men under the auspices of the order, removing theui 
 from the restraining influences of home associations, 
 doubtless has its unfortunate results. 
 
 In regard to the location of the lodge-rooms much 
 the same report must be made as in the case of the 
 trade unions. Investigation shows that in almost any 
 large city, " the lodge-room is located in a building, 
 the ground floor or basement of which is occupied by 
 a saloon ; and when there is an exception, you will 
 find a saloon in its immediate neighborhood. It will 
 be found, too, that the saloon-keeper looks for his cus- 
 tom to these lod<re members ; the saloon becomes most
 
 THE CLUBS OF THE PEOPLE. 69 
 
 profitable where there is the greatest travel and the 
 largest number of people congregate ; and whatever 
 may be the influence of these organizations on the 
 saloon problem, it is a fact easily demonstrated that 
 the lodge-room and the saloon are near neighbors. 
 
 " But in modern life the best of men cannot always 
 designate who their neighbors shall be ; and the close 
 connection between the lodge-room and the saloon 
 seems to be a coincidence, at least in many instances, 
 rather than cause and effect. In smaller towns the 
 choice of lodge-rooms is usually greatly restricted, and 
 it sometimes happens that the hall above a saloon is 
 the only one available. Instances have also been re- 
 corded where saloon-keepers have set up their places 
 of business after the lodge had been established. But 
 after all, the habits of the members of a lodge are 
 much more important than externals, and a conscious 
 effort is often made on the part of the officers of a 
 lodge to secure rooms away from the saloons." 
 
 The fraternal system stands for self-control and 
 voluntary restraint on the part of the individual, 
 rather than for prohibition. It recognizes differences 
 among men ; it exercises authority over the weak ; it 
 encourages mutual helpfulness, and that kindly per- 
 sonal assistance which transforms men. On the whole, 
 our judgment of fraternal and beneficiary societies 
 ought to be favorable and appreciative. It could be 
 wished, however, that its leaders would seek a still 
 further divorce between its meeting-places and the 
 saloon, and that they would seek to develop its social 
 features, and to make the lodge-rooms places of daily 
 resort, instead of occasional meetings.
 
 CHAPTER rV. 
 
 CLUBS FOR THE PEOPLE. 
 
 The club life of the people evidently does not lack 
 reality. The worst thing that can be said about a club, 
 that it fails to attract or to interest, cannot be said of 
 these clubs as a rule, for they do both. They are full 
 of life and vigor, since they represent the actual interests 
 of the different classes whose social instincts they help 
 to satisfy. But the defects of the clubs which have 
 been described are apparent ; for taking them just as 
 they are, it must, in all truth, be said that they afford 
 very little wholesome opportunity for recreation. The 
 trouble lies here. Where the social life predominates, 
 the club is most open to temptations which threaten its 
 usefulness if not its existence ; and where the standards 
 are highest, and the aim most serious, there the social 
 element begins to disappear. The most serious of these 
 clubs need more recreative features ; the most social of 
 them need a greater moral ballast ; and all of them to- 
 gether, without exception, need to be made independent 
 of the saloon and its keeper, in order to lead a life of 
 their own which shall both amuse and uplift. When 
 the laboring man can step out of his home and go natu- 
 rally, not to a saloon, but to a club which furnishes real 
 comfort and some decent recreation without any depend- 
 ence upon the saloon, then a long stride will have been 
 taken in solving the problem of the people's leisure.
 
 CLUBS FOR THE PEOPLE. 71 
 
 An objection must be spoken of here which will 
 occur to one more than once in the course of this dis- 
 cussion. It will seem as if too little account had been 
 taken of the home, the rightful centre of all legitimate 
 recreation and amusements ; that the multiplication of 
 clubs and reading-rooms had been recommended with- 
 out apparent recognition of the danger that by these 
 means the dignity of the home life will be threatened, 
 if not destroyed ; that the place of woman in the social 
 economy, and her necessity for freedom and relaxation, 
 had been ignored. As for the last objection, atten- 
 tion must be called to the limitations of the subject. 
 Women, as a rule, are not saloon patrons, and there- 
 fore have less need than the men of substitutes. Be- 
 sides, it has been assumed that most of the agencies 
 mentioned are for women's use as well as men's, and 
 the importance of a social life in which both men 
 and women have a part has been fully recognized. 
 As for the home, nothing is more necessary than that 
 it should become the chief centre of recreation after 
 the day's work. The necessity for amusement and 
 some outside excitement, however, still remains. And 
 •the conditions under which thousands of our city toilers 
 live make the " home " little more than the space neces- 
 sary for eating and sleeping, to say nothing of comfort, 
 and still less of social enjoyments. Some day things 
 may be different. Even then, the spirit of the age 
 will make itself felt upon the poor as well as upon 
 the rich. If these demand their clubs, so will those, 
 and they will find them in the saloon if better places 
 are not provided. 
 
 One method of supplying the need for wholesome
 
 72 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 
 
 club life within the reach of the ordinary saloon patron 
 is to develop clubs from among those already exist- 
 ing with the idea that they become self-supporting and 
 be controlled by the people themselves. In forming 
 these clubs two conditions must be met. In the first 
 place the clubs must be given at least a decent place in 
 which to meet, which has no attachment to or depend- 
 ence upon a saloon, and in the next place there must 
 be some esprit de corps, or sense of union, which will 
 supply the individual clubs with the imj^ulse for a 
 higher tone of club life. 
 
 The difficulty of securing any club-rooms apart from 
 the saloon has already been mentioned. The hostility 
 of the saloon-keeper is sure to be aroused if the club 
 thinks of going elsewhere, and boarding-houses and 
 hotels will not harbor them. The alternative of the 
 saloon-room is usually a very dismal place, lacking all 
 the conveniences which the other possesses. The dues 
 of these clubs rarely exceed twenty-five cents a week, 
 and ten cents is the common fee. Two good rooms 
 could not be rented for less than twenty-five to forty 
 dollars a month, and the rental would represent but 
 half of the necessary outlay. No wonder, then, that 
 the saloon-rooms are eagerly sought. 
 
 But how shall good accommodations be provided if 
 the clubs cannot afford to pay for them ? Evidently 
 they must come from some source where a profit is not 
 expected. There is no good reason why the muni- 
 cipality should not seriously consider the propriety of 
 erecting in different sections of the city large plain 
 buildings, which should serve solely as clubhouses for 
 the different org-anizations in the district that should
 
 CLUBS FOR THE PEOPLE. 73 
 
 desire to meet there. In the end this would jirove 
 to be a real economy. The rental could be put high 
 enough to cover the running expenses and the interest 
 on the capital invested, and still be within the reach of a 
 hundred organizations, to which it would be a welcome 
 refuge. Such a building, if it existed in almost any 
 part of one of our large cities to-day, would be filled 
 in a week. Clubs would come from alleys, back 
 streets, tenements, and saloons. Transferred into well- 
 lighted and well-ventilated rooms, the whole tone of 
 their life could not fail to be improved. Equip this 
 building with a gymnasium in the basement, and a 
 roof garden, and it would become at once a powerful 
 substitute for the saloon. The bringing together in 
 the same place of so many different sets of men would 
 encourage a kind of social life very different from the 
 narrow sort of fellowship which is all that many of 
 them know at present. Such a building would take 
 its name, not from any one club, but from the district. 
 It would be known as "The North End Club House," 
 *' The Seventeenth Assembly District Club House," 
 " The Tenth Ward Club House," etc., and in it all 
 manner of clubs would find suitable lodoing. The 
 housing of clubs is thus a proper field for municipal 
 activity. The duty of the municipality is to provide 
 for the safety and comfort of its inhabitants. A 
 wholesome satisfaction of the social instinct, under 
 right and safe conditions, is certainly within such a 
 definition of its functions. 
 
 A beginning in this direction has already been made. 
 In New York City, by the sanction of the Department 
 of Education, school buildings have been thrown open
 
 74 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 
 
 to clubs for boys and girls. The idea is taking hold 
 that the school should be the natural social centre, 
 where the whole life of the child, and not a detached 
 portion of it, should receive expression. This experi- 
 ment in New York originaterl in the League for Polit- 
 ical Education, which recognized the excellent results 
 which followed from centring the club life in settle- 
 ments and parish houses, whereby the social activities 
 of young boys were enlarged, and the dangers of street 
 life lessened. The league saw that if this club life 
 could be extended so as to use the numerous large 
 school buildings in the thickly crowded portions of 
 the city, the field of influence would be indefinitely 
 enlarged. There were plenty of young men to take 
 the leadership in such clubs, — young men who had had 
 the advantage of growing up in settlement clubs, who 
 were amply capable, under wise direction, of doing 
 good work. But, of course, there were other expenses, 
 and beyond all this the need of convincing the School 
 Department that this throwing open of the doors of 
 the schoolhouses in the evening would result in much 
 good and no harm. Finally these difficulties were 
 overcome, and several clubs were started in the school 
 on Chrystie Street, between Delancey and Eivington 
 streets. The clubs met weekly. They had business 
 meetings, addresses or readings, and an exercise hour. 
 At present the school buildings of New York are pro- 
 vided with indoor playgrounds, and are the centres 
 for a good deal of recreation for the children of the 
 neighborhood. The drift of public opinion seems to 
 be in favor of utilizing the school buildings for all 
 reasonable purposes. But this is not enough. Build-
 
 CLUBS FOR THE PEOPLE. 75 
 
 ings are needed to be used solely for social purposes. 
 Until they are provided the social life of thousands of 
 the wage-earners in our great cities must continue in 
 the control of the liquor dealers. 
 
 The second need in the planting of these clubs is for 
 some sense of union, some bond that shall unite the 
 separate clubs into a higher unity, some association or 
 guild into which they may be brought so that the spirit 
 of corporate life may pervade them all and the stan- 
 dard of the different clubs be gradually raised. This 
 idea has been successfully applied, as is well known, to 
 boys' clubs. The importance of providing good clubs 
 and other means of recreation for boys and girls has 
 been appreciated of late years, and no branch of social 
 reform has received more attention. The hope of 
 better future conditions, it has been felt, centres in the 
 child. The immediate necessity, then, is to get hold of 
 the child, and in early years create such interests and 
 ideals that the future man and woman cannot be drawn 
 into the lower life of which the saloon is often the 
 exponent. The ideal club for boys and girls has not 
 yet been evolved, and there are many divergent views. 
 This much at least can be said with some confidence: 
 the ultimate purpose of such clubs, whatever their ap- 
 parent object, must be to train their members by expe- 
 rience to put personal character above immediate gain, 
 and to live in right relations with their fellows. For- 
 mal instruction will not dominate the recreative and 
 social features of the club, and the spirit of cooperation 
 and the sense of responsibility will be fostered by 
 every available means. It is here that the guild idea 
 comes into play and solves at the same time another
 
 76 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 
 
 problem, that of numbers. The method of conducting 
 boys' clubs at present most approved, is to combine 
 the original idea of having a single large club, with the 
 small group club, later developed by the settlements. 
 These different groups are now united in some sort of 
 guild, or federation, so that the humane, personal 
 touch is not lost, and at the same time the enthusiasm 
 of larger numbers is retained.^ The Columbia Park 
 Boys' Association of San "Francisco is an admirable 
 federation of clubs, all under one competent manage- 
 ment. 
 
 The same plan may be followed with the young men's 
 social clubs. It is true that these young men's clubs 
 are not so easy to reach or to influence as the boys' 
 clubs. The feeling of independence, the suspicion of 
 interference, the dislike of even the suggestion of moral 
 improvement increases with age. It is always easier 
 to reach the child than the young man, but it is still 
 true that these young men's clubs will yield in the end 
 to influence of the right kind, and present a splendid^ 
 if difficult field for social service. All that is needed 
 is, as always, the man or woman who clearly sees the 
 need and determines to meet it. What is proposed is 
 nothing else than the same kind of an organization or 
 affiliation among the young men's social clubs as settle- 
 ment workers have already accomplished with success 
 among the boys' clubs. Let these clubs be taken just 
 as they are, and gradually be brought together in some 
 sort of guild or association, the ultimate object of which 
 is to raise the tone of club life and provide wholesome 
 
 ^ The reader is referred to the article on " Boys' Clubs,'' in the 
 Appendix, by Mr. William A. Clarke of Lincoln House, Boston.
 
 CLUBS FOR THE PEOPLE. 77 
 
 kinds of recreation. The beginning would be made 
 with one club, in the hope that others would be glad to 
 join. The clubs would come in gradually, as the boys' 
 clubs did when the idea was first started in the East 
 Side of New York. Mr. Riis has told how one of the 
 clubs held aloof after the others had come in, observing 
 coldly what went on to make sure it was " straight," 
 until one day there came a delegate with the proposi- 
 tion, " If you will let us in, we will cliange and have 
 your kind of a gang." ^ It is only as the clubs of 
 young men make sure that the thing is " straight " 
 that they will change and have the new kind of club. 
 "When Harry F. Ward became head-worker at the 
 Northwestern Settlement in Chicago, he found in the 
 community a club of young men calling themselves 
 " The Keybosh Club." They met in saloons, played 
 billiards, and told stories.^ Mr. Ward became inter- 
 ested, and the settlement furnished a room in an ad- 
 joining store with a combination billiard and pool table, 
 and here the Keybosh, now the Kingsley Club meets. 
 They were glad of the opportunity. Regular business 
 meetings are held, and men of standing invited to dis- 
 cuss before them various sociological problems and 
 topics of current interest. As one of their members 
 said : " We used to do nothing but crack jokes, and 
 plan how to have a good time. Now we have something 
 serious to talk about." It gave them a new view of 
 life. They plan their picnics with Mr. Ward's advice, 
 and the whole character of the club is greatly changed. 
 What has been accomplished with one club may be 
 
 1 See A Ten Years' War, pp. 162, 163. 
 
 2 From the Chicago report.
 
 78 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 
 
 done with many, and these ehibs may thus become the 
 affiliated members of a general body or guild of which 
 the control will be lai'gely in their own hands. An 
 illustration of such a possible federation of clubs is 
 presented by the guild connected with the University 
 Settlement in New York. These clubs are seven in 
 number besides the children's clubs, whose members 
 are under fourteen years of age. Of these seven clubs, 
 one is for women, three are for girls and young women, 
 two are for young men, and one for the older men. 
 Each of these clubs chooses two of its members to re- 
 present it upon the guild committee, which has authority 
 over the social life of the different guild clubs and 
 their relations with one another.^ In this connection 
 it conducts, through its committees, the dancing acad- 
 emy, occasional concerts and lectures, and recommends 
 at times to the head-worker the organization of certain 
 classes. The guild gives the clubs a sense of control 
 and of fellowship both with each other and with the 
 resident workers, but most essential of all is the sense 
 of mutual co'operation and mutual aid which has come 
 from these associations. From the start there is the 
 idea that each one has something to contribute to their 
 mutual well-being, and that it is only necessary to 
 find in what way this contribution should be made. 
 Another good effect of the association is the continuity 
 of the hold it exerts upon the different clubs. As we 
 have seen, the life of these clubs of the young people 
 is a very precarious one ; but so soon as the corporate 
 idea becomes developed, the hold upon the individual 
 clubs becomes strengthened at once. One difficulty, 
 
 1 From the New York report.
 
 CLUBS FOR THE PEOPLE. 79 
 
 it has been found, must be guarded against. If 
 the powers delegated to the guild committee are made 
 absolute, it may be found difficult to increase the num- 
 ber of clubs when such an increase would seem most 
 desirable. The spirit of exclusiveness is liable to 
 make itself felt. At any time clubs which do not seem 
 to be in favor might be barred out by the guild com- 
 mittee when their admission would mean their social 
 salvation. 
 
 Here, then, we have in practical working the sugges- 
 tion of the kind of organization which might be 
 employed to unite the young men's clubs of the neigh- 
 borhood.^ Such a woi-k among the young men's clubs 
 of any city would have to be pursued with much deli- 
 cacy, and results would show themselves only gradually. 
 But imagine a score or more of these clubs, all of them 
 composed of young men between the ages of seventeen 
 and twenty-five, united in some such federation under 
 the capable leadership of one who had their confidence 
 and understood thoroughly their needs. The good 
 that would result would be incalculable. Without at- 
 tempting any striking innovations, a new tone could be 
 given to the life of these clubs. Libraries could be 
 placed in many of them, talks upon current topics of 
 importance be provided, excursions to places of historic 
 interest be planned, and other similar methods be em- 
 ployed. Instead of being left to themselves, to the 
 unequal conflict with their surroundings, they would be 
 helped to greater self-respect. The very best way to 
 provide for the social life of the people is not to plant 
 new clubs, but to remake those which already exist. 
 
 ^ Such also is the Hebrew Benevolent Association of New York.
 
 80 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 
 
 A new club has always to overcome a certain inertia ; 
 it arouses suspicion, and is often at the mercy of a 
 clique which seeks to secure control only to break 
 up the club. Where the beginning is made with 
 clubs already existing, and the control is left largely 
 in their own hands, these dangers are reduced to a 
 minimum. 
 
 These suggestions have related especially to the 
 young men. Among married laboring men there 
 exist few purely social clubs. Why these should not 
 be found among the older laboring men in America 
 as they are found in such numbers in England, it is 
 hard to say, but such is the fact. The underlying 
 purpose of a club among the workingmen of America 
 will have its relation to politics, to the trades, or to 
 insurance benefits. The most careful search has failed 
 to reveal in any of our American cities native clubs 
 among the older men of which the primary idea is. 
 recreation and fellowship. This fact merits the most 
 careful attention. To it may doubtless be traced a 
 good number of those evils of whose existence we have 
 been aware without understanding the cause. Social 
 clubs among wage-earners are a positive necessity, es- 
 pecially in our intense American life. They serve as a 
 centre in which the pent-up social energy can find nor- 
 mal expression. Their absence means that this energy 
 will find expression in other ways. It is not fanciful 
 at all to suppose that the unaccountable vagaries of 
 trade unions and the disappointing success of ques- 
 tionable political clubs may be due to the fact that 
 matters of serious concern come up for settlement
 
 CLUBS FOR THE PEOPLE. 81 
 
 when neither body nor mind is in a fit state to deal 
 with them. When a man comes tired and overwrought 
 from his work, he needs recreation above everything. 
 He ought to have a home where he can find it, and 
 he ought to have clubs where the pressing problems 
 of daily existence will not intrude. The remarkable 
 absence of such social clubs for the wage-earners of 
 America is a problem which needs to be faced in every 
 city of the country. 
 
 This need has been felt, and some effort has been 
 made by those interested in working men and women 
 to provide clubs for them. The People's Institute of 
 New York has made a beginning with its People's 
 Clubs, one of which is now in a flourishing condition. 
 The plan contemplates a number of clubs in different 
 parts of the city. Men and women both may become 
 members. The club-rooms are always open, and occa- 
 sionally receptions are given, and lectures and other 
 entertainments provided. The Social Reform Club 
 of New York is another interesting attempt to draw 
 together thinking men and women from all walks of 
 life, and to unite them in some helpful association. 
 San Francisco presents a similar institution, more 
 nearly approaching the ideal of a workingman's club, 
 in her Labor Union Association. There is no line 
 drawn here between union and non - union men, 
 although the former predominate. The main purpose 
 is to provide a common meeting-place, where the mem- 
 bers may spend a social evening, and where they may 
 debate social and economic questions. A speaker is 
 often provided, and free discussion follows. Freedom 
 of speech is the chief article of the constitution, and
 
 82 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 
 
 sjjeakers must be prepared for tlie " roasting " to 
 whicli tliey are often treated. The rooms are always 
 open, tliey are comfortably furnished, and provided with 
 newspapers and some kind of a library. Occasional 
 evenings are provided with smoke talks and entertain- 
 ments or a reception. All of these clubs merit words 
 of praise. They are educational, helpful, and not their 
 least important service is to do away with class dis- 
 tinctions, and to develop a true social democracy. 
 
 But yet these clubs do not touch the real problem 
 of the social life of the toilers in our great cities. 
 What we are waiting for to-day is not so much the 
 establishment here and there of a semi-social, semi- 
 educational club among working men and women, as 
 the inauguration of a movement which contemplates 
 planting a score of clubs in every city, the sole object 
 of which is to provide for the recreation of their mem- 
 bers. 
 
 The question arises, How can such people's clubs be 
 provided ? The first and most natural way that sug- 
 gests itself is that the trade unions themselves make 
 more provision for the social enjo3^ment of their mem- 
 bers. But the trade unions, even under the most 
 favorable conditions, can never become the ideal social 
 clubs. As Canon Barnett has said : " Clubs in which 
 workingmen associate with none but workingmen, in 
 which interests are all the same, in which education 
 and experience are confined within comparative narrow 
 limits, must be in a large sense anti-social. Class 
 clubs hardly consider the needs of others or respect 
 the whole of society of which they are parts." 
 
 In the absence, then, of any clubs with which to make
 
 CLUBS FOR THE PEOPLE. 83 
 
 a beginning, new social workingmen's clubs must be 
 formed that will unite men of all trades and creeds 
 and classes for the primary purjDose of social recrea- 
 tion. In America we have no precedent for such 
 clubs, but England furnishes us an interesting move- 
 ment of this kind which has passed the stage of experi- 
 ment, and has become a settled institution among the 
 wage-earners of that country. 
 
 The success of the workingmen's club movement in 
 England has been very conspicuous. Its history now 
 runs over thirty years. In 1863 an organization was 
 formed known as The Working Men's Club and Insti- 
 tute Union.i Its purpose was to help workingmen to 
 establish clubs or institutions where they might meet 
 for conversation, business, and mental improvement, 
 with the means of recreation and refreshment free 
 from the temptations of the public house. At the 
 beginning a paid secretary was hired who had for his 
 duty the formation of such clubs, which were received 
 into the institute upon payment of a registration fee 
 of two shillings and sixpence. The first year twenty- 
 two such clubs were formed. In ten years the number 
 of affiliated clubs had been increased to over 245, and 
 in twenty years to 500 clubs, having about 75,000 
 members. This total does not include many other 
 clubs which the society had been instrumental in form- 
 ing, but which were not connected with it. The con- 
 trol of these clubs was vested in a central council, 
 originally composed of people who were interested in 
 the movement and had contributed to its support, but 
 
 1 Club Land of the Toiler, by T. S. Peppiii, B. A. J. M. Dent & Co., 
 London.
 
 84 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 
 
 were not themselves members of the clubs. It was 
 not until ten years had passed that representative 
 control was thought of. In that year five dele- 
 gates, elected by the affiliated clubs themselves, were 
 admitted to seats in the council. In 1882 this number 
 was increased to nine, but in 1884 a complete change 
 was accomplished. At that time the institute became 
 a legally constituted corporate body. Its management 
 was now entirely in the hands of the clubs which 
 belonged to it, the number of outsiders being very 
 small. The good effects of this change towards a 
 more democratic management were seen at once. For 
 one thing, many clubs became self-supporting. Before 
 the change in the management was made only about 
 fifty per cent of the clubs were self-supporting, but 
 ten years after the change was made, it was the excep- 
 tion to find a club that did not support itself. Again 
 from the financial standpoint a great gain was made. 
 Prior to the change there was always a yearly deficit 
 of at least £100, but in 1893 the excess of assets 
 over liabilities was £1273. The control exercised by 
 the central council was much more firm after the clubs 
 themselves were represented. Until then it was very 
 difficult to obtain reports from the clubs. In 1893 
 out of the 150 clubs in London, 144 sent in returns. 
 Evidently the method of democratic management has 
 been shown to be essential to the success of any such 
 plan. 
 
 When we look at the character of these English 
 clubs, we are met at once by the fact that they are 
 purely social clubs. No attempt has ever been made 
 to intrude any other motive. These clubs are nothing
 
 CLUBS FOR THE PEOPLE. 85 
 
 more, but nothing less, than an institution to provide 
 men with the opportunity of social intercourse under 
 morally innocuous conditions. The club is not regarded 
 in any especial sense as a means of salvation to any- 
 body. No wealthy Londoner joins his club from 
 such a motive ; neither does the East End workman 
 become a member of a club with any specially exalted 
 purpose. These clubs have been developed by the 
 workingmen to provide for themselves means of re- 
 laxation. A club, wherever it exists, is simply the 
 outcome of the needs of the community for social 
 recreation, and must be judged by its ability to meet 
 this need, and not any other need that might be 
 suggested. 
 
 But while this has remained the jjrimary motive of 
 these English clubs, all of. them have certain educa- 
 tional features. Of 119 clubs which sent in returns in 
 1896, 83 have libraries and 68 have lectures. These 
 lectures are commonly given on Sundays, but many of 
 the clubs have lectures on week days as well. In addi- 
 tion, classes are held in which such subjects as short- 
 hand, bookkeeping, French, and literature are taught. 
 In addition, the institute itself encourages educational 
 work among the clubs, sends out circulating libraries, 
 gives lectures at the central hall in Clerkenwell Road, 
 plans excursions, etc. The clubs also become interested 
 through the institute in questions of social reform that 
 bear upon the life of the workingmen. The London 
 clubs recently joined in a memorial to the London School 
 Board asking that evening schools should be free, that 
 the classes should be more largely advertised in the dis- 
 trict, that working people might be associated in the
 
 86 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 
 
 management of these schools, and that more of the 
 social and recreative element might be introduced as a 
 resrular feature in connection with them. 
 
 For amusements all the clubs supply cards and bil- 
 liard tables, and have occasional entertainments, to 
 which the women are always invited. Athletic and 
 gymnastic exercises do not seem to have found their 
 way into these English clubs, although the desirability 
 of these is conceded by the managers. Excursions are 
 often planned called " The Saturday Afternoon Visits," 
 the object of which is to combine recreation and in- 
 struction and to foster social intercourse at the same 
 time. The entertainments of the clubs consist of con- 
 certs and occasionally are more ambitious, professional 
 talent being engaged from outside. On the whole, if 
 thei-e is nothing very uplifting in the amusements of 
 these clubs, at least they are free from anything objec- 
 tionable. 
 
 The most remarkable feature of these clubs, how- 
 ever, remains to be mentioned. At the beginning of 
 the club movement, it was the exception to find clubs 
 which supplied liquor to the members ; but as time went 
 on, the habit became increasingly common iintil to-day 
 the majority of the city clubs have a bar. The relation 
 of self-support to the pi-ovision of liquors also is seen 
 to be very close. In 1871-72 alcoholic drinks were 
 supplied in only fifteen clubs out of 164 sending in 
 returns, and only about one third of that number were 
 described as self-supporting. Five years later out of 
 194 clubs which made returns, thirty-five per cent sup- 
 plied beer to the members, and rather more than half 
 of these clubs were self-supporting. There seems to
 
 CLUBS FOR THE PEOPLE. 87 
 
 be no doubt that this increased financial independence 
 is to some extent due to the increased sale of drinks. 
 Under democratic management this process continued, 
 314 clubs, out of the 366 making returns, supplying 
 liquor according to the reports of 1898, and as we have 
 seen, just about this proportion of the clubs were self- 
 supporting. The management of the clubs then feels 
 warranted in making the assertion that, as a rule, work- 
 ingmen's clubs cannot exist as self-managed and self- 
 sujiporting institutions without the sale of stimulants. 
 
 This development was certainly unexpected by the 
 founders of the club movement. The primary idea of 
 the founders was to strike a blow against intemperance, 
 so prevalent among the industrial working classes. 
 For several years, the institute made a bold stand 
 against the introduction of liquors, and the same expe- 
 rience was repeated year after year. Workingmen did 
 not care to join temperance clubs, or, if they joined 
 them, withdrew their membership when the novelty of 
 the thing had worn off. It must be remembered that 
 the excise laws in England do not require that a club 
 which disburses liquors to its members only shall be 
 licensed. In order to conform to the excise laws, the 
 only rule necessary was that other than club members 
 should not be able to obtain drinks by paying for them. 
 In addition, in order to avoid any possible danger, the 
 rule was made that no club could be admitted to the 
 institute over which a control was exercised by any 
 brewer or liquor dealer. The question of the result of 
 the sale of liquors to members remains to be answered. 
 It is claimed by the management that in few of the 
 clubs is drunkenness common, and that the amount of
 
 88 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 
 
 money spent for drink by the members o£ the clubs is 
 very moderate, on an average not over twopence a 
 member per night, and that, while complaints are not 
 wholly groundless, the abuses are comparatively few 
 and the results upon the life of the clubs and the mem- 
 bers not harmful. The claim is made that less liquor 
 is drunk by the members in their clubs than would be 
 drunk in the public houses, and that on the whole the 
 life of the clubs is orderly. 
 
 Such, then, is the remarkable workingmen's club 
 movement in England. Summarizing the story, we 
 obtain the following facts : 1. It was successfully begun 
 as a philanthropic temperance movement, and had no 
 serious difficulty in planting and sustaining a large 
 number of workingmen's clubs. 2. It attained its 
 greatest development and its financial independence 
 only by permitting the clubs to govern themselves 
 under careful and competent direction. 3. All educa- 
 tional features were made subordinate to the primary 
 idea of recreation. 4. The sale of liquor to members 
 proved to be necessary for self-support, and did not 
 seriously impair the usefulness of the clubs. 
 
 There seems to be no good reason why such clubs 
 should not be successful in our American cities. A 
 company of men and women interested in social pro- 
 gress, with means at their disposal, would engage the 
 services of a skilled secretary, who would proceed to 
 form such clubs from among the existing pleasure and 
 political clubs, or to form new clubs composed of those 
 not at present members of any purely social organiza- 
 tion. There would be small initiation fees and regular 
 dues. The rooms for meetino- would be chosen with
 
 CLUBS FOR THE PEOPLE. 89 
 
 care, the effort being to avoid connection with saloons 
 on the one hand or philanthropic institutions on the 
 otlier, unless these had the full confidence of the club 
 members. There would be above all no taint of patron- 
 age. The clubs would be given a large measure of self- 
 government. This might mean the overthrow of some 
 clubs because of the incapacity or jealousy of the mem- 
 bers, but the danger is much less than the alternate 
 danger of patronage. The idea of recreation would be 
 kept uppei-most, any educational features being added 
 only as they were called for. With regard to the fur- 
 nishing of intoxicants, the experience of English clubs 
 would not be decisive. It is true that financial inde- 
 pendence is the essential condition to the permanency 
 of any movement of this kind, but it may not be true 
 that this can be secured only by the sale of liquors, and 
 it might prove to be true that liquors could not be sold 
 to the members without imperiling the life of the club. 
 Here is a question, then, that woukl have to be left open 
 for experience to decide. In conversation recently, a 
 prominent laboring man of New York, whose father 
 had been instrumental in starting the English move- 
 ment, declared that the workingiuen of our great cities 
 would welcome such clubs just as the English working- 
 men welcomed them. He considered a bar indispen- 
 sable, and thought there would be no more ill effects 
 than have resulted there. He was on the point, he said, 
 of beginning a similar experiment in New York when 
 the Raines Law made his plan impossible. 
 
 One word needs to be added. While women are not 
 active members of the English clubs, they are frequent 
 attendants at special meetings. At entertainments their
 
 90 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 
 
 presence is so invariable as to amount to an etiquette 
 or ritual. The clubs are an aid to the home life, not a 
 hindrance. A similar social development in our Ameri- 
 can cities would havCj it is safe to say, the approval 
 of the workingworaen, who would share directly and 
 indirectly in its benefits. 
 
 The second method of providing clubs for the j)eople 
 is to make for them clubs in which the idea of self- 
 support is abandoned, and in which much greater 
 facilities of one kind and another are provided than 
 is possible in the clubs which have been described. 
 The clubs already discussed are people's clubs in the 
 strict meaning of the term. The location and apjjoint- 
 ment of their club-rooms and the scope of their activi- 
 ties represent only what is within the reach of the 
 working people themselves, and can be paid for out 
 of their own pockets. But there is another form of 
 working-men's clubs which is provided by private phi- 
 lanthropy with club-rooms or clubhouses, furnished 
 at a cost which cannot be met by the people them- 
 selves. The expenses of such an establishment are 
 far beyond the receipts from the membership dues, 
 and are met either by endowment for the purpose, or 
 by the conti-ibution of funds. Of workingmen's clubs 
 of this type, there are many examples in England and 
 some in our country, which may serve as illustrations 
 of what has been accomplished, and of what may be 
 done by any who are inclined to invest money in this 
 branch of social reform. It is possible to limit the 
 discussion here to the experiments which have been 
 inaugurated in our own country, since they equal in
 
 CLUBS FOR THE PEOPLE. 91 
 
 effect any that have been attempted in England or 
 on the Continent. 
 
 There is no better illustration of a workingman's 
 club of this type to be found than the well-known 
 Hollywood Inn at Yonkers, N. Y. ^ The story of the 
 growth of this institution contains all that can be said 
 upon this form of social experiment. It is needless to 
 say that a Hollywood Inn presupposes a William F. 
 Cochran. The cost of the club at Yonkers was about 
 8150,000, and Mr. Cochran himself estimated the run- 
 ning expenses at about $3000 yearly. This amount 
 for three years was to be pledged by the peoi3le of 
 Yonkers before he would erect the building. The 
 actual cost of maintaining the institution, however, 
 was much in excess of this amount. The club began 
 with a fund of -fSOOO, and this sum, together with an 
 income of about '$2000 from membership dues and 
 other sources, no more than met the expenses. The 
 establishment and maintenance of such a club, then, 
 demands a large initial outlay and yearly contribu- 
 tions above its receipts from membership dues. 
 
 The club building is a fine stone structure, forty feet 
 by one hundred, and six stories in height. The base- 
 ment is devoted to bowling-alleys, men's gymnasium 
 and locker-rooms, with shower and needle baths adjoin- 
 ing. The first floor, or main entrance, contains a 
 large reception hall, offices of administration, smoking 
 and music rooms, shuffle-board and coat rooms, and in 
 the most conspicuous and attractive part of the floor a 
 well-furnished and liberally supplied library. To this 
 
 1 For the following description of the Inn the editors are indebted 
 to the Rev. James E. Freeman of Yonkers, N. Y.
 
 92 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 
 
 room the wives and children of members are admitted, 
 and to them the privilege of drawing books is extended. 
 On the second floor are found eight pool and two 
 billiard tables. The price is two cents per cue for 
 the former, and thirty cents an hour for the latter. 
 The tub-baths, cigar-counter, and lavatories are also 
 on this floor. The third floor is occupied by a large 
 hall, with gallery accommodating five hundred people. 
 Here entertainments for the members are given twice 
 a month, to which a member may bring his wife or 
 a friend. The next floor contains the class-rooms, 
 where instruction is given in mechanical and archi- 
 tectural drawing, stenography, type-writing, bookkeep- 
 ing, vocal music, and first aid to the injured, the last 
 being one of the most popular and satisfactory depart- 
 ments in the educational work. The fifth floor is 
 given over entirely to boys under eighteen years of 
 age, the membership fee being two dollars per annum. 
 Here we have a microcosm of the larger club : game- 
 rooms, gymnasium, locker and reading rooms, and 
 baths. The top floor is used by the janitor and his 
 assistant for their apartments. Besides this building 
 the management has secured a large inclosed field, and 
 a suitable clubhouse has been built for the convenience 
 of members. 
 
 The primary object of the Hollywood Inn is to fur- 
 nish for men of moderate means a first-class clubhouse 
 with privileges which heretofore were only afforded at 
 a cost of from fifty to sixty dollars a year. It was 
 designed especially as a saloon substitute ; therefore 
 everything which the saloon affords that is innocent 
 in itself, as pool and cards, was made a conspicuous
 
 CLUBS FOR THE PEOPLE. 93 
 
 feature of tlie enterprise. The institution became 
 as democratic as the saloon, in which all men might 
 meet without discrimination as to politics, religion, or 
 social conditions. The appearance of charity was 
 avoided by requiring dues, which, however, were placed 
 within the reach of the poorest, — but thi-ee dollars a 
 year in two successive installments. In addition, rates 
 were charged for the games, but were put a fraction 
 below the rates charged in the ordinary saloon. The 
 baths, library, gymnasium, and entertainments were 
 free to members, and the game-rooms free to all, and 
 lastly the control of the club was placed partially in 
 the hands of the members themselves. 
 
 That the privileges of such an institution are apjDre- 
 ciated is shown from the fact that the membership 
 rose from 665 the first year to 817 the second year, 
 and at present is somewhat over one thousand. Its 
 membership is not limited to workingmen, and it was 
 but natural that business men and clerks and others 
 should have been attracted by its superior advantages. 
 Yet it is gratifying to the management that of the 
 present members of Hollywood Inn over five hundred 
 are artisans and laboring men. 
 
 Such is the Hollywood Inn. The experiment may 
 be repeated as often as men of means feel inclined to 
 invest their money in this way. The influence for 
 good of such an institution upon any considerable 
 body of workingmen must be far-reaching. If it does 
 not empty the saloons at once, it offers a complete 
 substitute for them, and must save many a man from 
 their evils, and furnish him with the recreation and 
 means of self-improvement that he needs.
 
 94 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 
 
 Hollywood Inn does not stand alone. It is the most 
 conspicuous example of its kind probably existing in 
 the country, but many if not all of its features are 
 to be found in less pretentious establishments, and it 
 deserves to be noted that the Hollywood Inn Club 
 existed before its present clubhouse, and that its prin- 
 ciples may be employed to advantage in starting any 
 club of the kind. The East Boston Athletic Club, in 
 its original form, is an illustration of the same type 
 of club planted by private philanthropy, and it, too, 
 exerted a wide influence. The " K. " of Philadelphia 
 is another example. This institution is the result of 
 the generosity of a woman who gave the money for 
 its purchase, and provides the funds for its mainte- 
 nance. The initial letter, which has come to be its 
 name, stands for those things which the club was 
 planned to provide : Resort, Restaurant, Recreation, 
 Reading-room, Rest, and Reformation. It is a three- 
 story structure, containing lunch-room, reading-room, 
 and smoking-rooms. It is open from eight o'clock in 
 the morning until ten o'clock in the evening. Lectures 
 are given, and discussions provided upon matters of 
 current interest, political, scientific, and social. There 
 is no membership list, and no organization connected 
 with it, and thus the club feature is not dominant. 
 Philadelphia has another institution, which is some- 
 what different in character from those that have been 
 described, while it still presents the essential fea- 
 tures of a workingmen's club. The " Lighthouse," 
 located in the heart of the great working-class district 
 of Kensington, is one of the most interesting social 
 institutions in the city. It had its origin in the desire
 
 CLUBS FOR THE PEOPLE. 95 
 
 to provide for the workingmen some social substitute 
 for tlie saloons. It began in a small way in the winter 
 of 1893 and 1894, when two rooms in the Episcopal 
 Hospital Mission were opened every Friday and Sat- 
 urday evening. The next winter found the rooms 
 crowded, and in 1895 the " Lighthouse " was secured 
 through assistance given by friends interested in the 
 work. The entire establishment conforms to the good 
 features of the saloon without any of its drawbacks. 
 Its restaurant is one of the best in the city, its tem- 
 perance bar is the centre of the sociability of the 
 neighborhood, and it reaches a large and ever increasing 
 constituency of workingmen. Here the club idea is 
 prominent. The " Lighthouse " is run by the working- 
 men ; it is strictly their own institution. They elect 
 the officers, and transact the business. To this demo- 
 cratic control may be attributed much of its success. 
 All experience goes to show that such a method of 
 control is essential to the success of any workingmen's 
 club. The " Lighthouse " makes much of its religious 
 and temperance activities, yet in its case this does not 
 seem to be detrimental to its work. On the contrary, 
 in the minds of its managers, it is the secret of its 
 success. 
 
 These are examples of this form of a workingman's 
 club. Whether these clubs be small or large, it must 
 be remembered that they are not self-supporting, that 
 they depend for their existence upon gifts of money 
 and yearly contributions for their support. Where 
 men and women of means are inclined to give of their 
 wealth to provide social opportunity for the poor, these 
 experiments are sufficient to indicate how their money
 
 96 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 
 
 may wisely be invested, but such clubs cannot hope to 
 become self-supporting institutions. 
 
 Another form of workingmen's clubs remains to be 
 noticed, in many ways the most important and promis- 
 ing of them all. One of the most encouraging signs of 
 the times is the growing sense of responsibility felt by 
 employers for the happiness and well-being of their 
 employees. This responsibility is being recognized 
 each year by a larger number of mercantile and manu- 
 facturing establishments which employ large numbers 
 of men and women, and each year adds to the number 
 of such establishments which seek to provide means for 
 the recreation and improvement of their working 
 forces. The motive is not wholly a philanthropic one. 
 A return for every cent of expense is made in the 
 increased efficiency and devotion of the employees. 
 Tradesmen and manufacturers are finding that these 
 enterprises have a distinct economic value. It is safe, 
 therefore, to suppose that the future will witness a 
 general extension among all large commercial and 
 manufacturing concerns of this habit of providing suit- 
 able means of recreation for the people. 
 
 When we look at the life of young business men, the 
 necessity for some sort of w^holesome social opportu- 
 nity becomes very apparent. Thousands of them are 
 condemned to the boarding-house in the evening, for 
 they will not join religious institutions, nor can they 
 afford the better class of amusements. Many walk the 
 streets ; many patronize cheap amusements ; many have 
 little sociables at home ; some belong to bicycle clubs ; 
 some to lodges ; some take advantage of what is offered _
 
 CLUBS FOR THE PEOPLE. 97 
 
 in night schools and free lectures. But the majority 
 of them would be ready material for a club of their own. 
 This statement was substantiated by five overseers of 
 the five largest dry-goods stoi-es in New York City, 
 who said that they personally would support such a 
 movement, contribute money to it, and knew of many 
 clerks who would be glad to do the same. One said 
 his idea had always been that the large surplus of 
 their benefit association should go toward some such 
 club. A member of one firm said that he had been 
 waiting for his clerks to express a desire in that direc- 
 tion, but apparently all are ready to act if some one 
 takes the initiative, collects money from outside, and 
 gives the clerks an evening home. 
 
 A beginning has already been made. One of the 
 largest dry-goods stores in Boston has a musical club 
 among its employees, and provides free instruction in 
 choral singing. In New York a firm has established a 
 school for the cash-boys, where attendance is required 
 on two half days a week. Another started a literary 
 and social club, with addresses, reading, and whist. 
 These are but small beginnings, yet they indicate the 
 drift, and illustrate what may be done and what ought 
 to be done by every large retail establishment in our 
 great cities. 
 
 The degree to which such philanthropic activities 
 may be carried and the results which may be achieved 
 are very clearly demonstrated by the extraordinary 
 success of certain manufacturing establishments in 
 Europe and in America. England takes the lead in 
 factory reforms and innovations. For example. Hazel 
 Watson & Vinie, manufacturers of coke, and the
 
 98 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON, 
 
 proprietors of factories where Sunlight and Life-buoy 
 soaps are made, have provided for their employees 
 clubs and schools, recreation parks and model cottages. 
 In this country we have such firms as the Pope Manu- 
 facturing Company of Hartford, the Warner Brothers 
 Company of Bridgeport, Conn., and the National 
 Cash Register Company of Dayton, Ohio. The War- 
 ner Brothers employ chiefly women. Their Seaside 
 Institute suggests what might well be done for men. 
 A building was erected in 1886 by the company for 
 the use of its employees. Its cost, including furni- 
 ture, was about $75,000. It contains a restaurant, 
 where lunches and meals are served at cost, a large 
 reading-room and library, well equipped with popular 
 books, music-room, bathroom, and lavatory. On the 
 third floor are a hall and several class-rooms. The 
 privileges of the building are free to all the employees 
 of the comjDany. The reading-room and library have 
 been well patronized. The employees have formed 
 classes and have entertainments, to which men are ad- 
 mitted. The Pope Manufacturing Company of Hart- 
 ford has provided lunch-rooms and reading-rooms for 
 the men. On an average, forty per cent of the em- 
 ployees of the concern have taken advantage of these 
 rooms, and more would doubtless do so were it not for 
 the fact that they live within a few minutes' walk from 
 the factory. The operatives have appreciated the 
 advantages of the rooms, and the management feels 
 that it secures a better class of men as employees than 
 can be found in factories where no attention is paid to 
 their comfort. 
 
 The National Cash Register Company of Dayton, ^ as 
 
 ^ American Journal of Sociology, May, 1898.
 
 CLUBS FOR THE PEOPLE. 99 
 
 is well known, has carried the idea of cooperation with 
 its employees and of provision for their social needs 
 further than any other manufacturing establishment 
 of our country. Numerous clubs exist among the 
 employees. These begin at the kindergartens, and 
 after 1915 no employee is to be received who is not a 
 graduate of the kindergarten. Then come the boys' 
 clubs, which have a place of their own to meet in, the 
 boys' brigades, and the Sunday schools. The young 
 women and the mothers have guilds of their own. 
 For the men there are several clubs. There is the 
 Advance Club, composed of the officers, foremen, assist- 
 ant foremen, heads of departments, and all in author- 
 ity. Fifty members of the rank and file are chosen 
 alternately from the main body of the factory em- 
 ployees to take part in each meeting. These meetings 
 are held in the factory theatre each Friday morning, 
 the session lasting for an hour and a half of the com- 
 pany's time. The object of the club is the advance- 
 ment of the general interest of the company. Here 
 are offered criticisms or suggestions for the benefit of 
 the company or its employees. Then there is the 
 Progress Club, which is the employees' club for general 
 discussion of topics, such as : " Is competition the life 
 of trade ? " " What training besides his trade should 
 a mechanic have ? " In addition, there is the Choral 
 Society, the South Park Club, the Relief Association, 
 and four or five musical organizations. The company 
 provides several places of meeting for these men's 
 clubs. In the business centre of the city the company 
 has a large hall. Here most of the organizations meet, 
 and many lectures and entertainments are given for
 
 100 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 
 
 the benefit of employees. Near the factory itself is 
 the administration building, in which is a reading-room 
 and a well-directed circulating library of several hun- 
 dred volumes for the use of the entire working force. 
 In addition there is the " N. C. R. House of Useful- 
 ness." This is in reality a small social settlement for 
 the benefit of the people in the neighborhood. Its 
 rooms are especially valuable for influencing the boys, 
 but the men come freely, and at noon fill its rooms. 
 The result of these efforts is best seen in the testimony 
 of a brewer who recently sold out a saloon near the 
 factory and moved away, saying the nearer he came to 
 the N. C. R. factory the worse it was for his business. 
 If all factories would imitate even upon a small scale 
 the work which has been carried on at Dayton, the 
 same would be found to be true. The experience of 
 this and other factories has conclusively shown that 
 any manufacturing establishment which will simply 
 take a good-sized room, put into it books, checkers, 
 chess, and then form a club from among the em- 
 j3loyees to use and control it, will be doing much to 
 offset the evils of the saloon.
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 POPULAR EDUCATION. 
 
 " The future of the saloon depends on public sen- 
 timent and economic conditions, and these will only 
 improve with the advance of public education." Edu- 
 cation has a commercial as well as an ethical value. 
 A high average of intelligence is essential to a good 
 popular government and a well-ordered society, an 
 intelligence which can discriminate between the bad 
 and what is good for oneself and for the welfare of the 
 community. 
 
 Education from our present point of view, that of 
 the saloon substitute, brings us face to face with the 
 problem of character-building, with the sentiment of all 
 modern educators that we have not merely to make the 
 man a better workman, but the workman a better man. 
 If it holds of intemperance as of other diseases, that a 
 preventive is better than a cure, we are not far from 
 our subject when we discuss the value and bearing of 
 secondary school education, and even the kindergarten, 
 whose aim is self-realization, development of tastes, 
 and good citizenship. A moment's reflection will show 
 that if the school could accomplish its aim, many of the 
 questions which arise concerning the saloon and its 
 substitutes would be at least partially solved. The 
 ideal school is so organized that the child feels a re- 
 sponsibility to the body of pupils as a whole and as
 
 102 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 
 
 individuals, and he learns to recognize that upon his 
 act depends the welfare of his little community. With 
 the right methods of instruction, the position which the 
 school holds as a factor in the formation of public 
 sentiment and the determining of economic conditions 
 can scarcely be overestimated. Grant, then, to elemen- 
 tary education the great responsibility which belongs 
 to it, and let every effort be made by this means to 
 form characters that in due time will demand and 
 obtain other kinds of recreation than the saloon affords. 
 According to good authorities, only six per cent of 
 the people of the United States are systematically edu- 
 cated after leaving the common schools, at about fourteen 
 years of age. As a result, the man has no resources 
 within himself. His early training has left him weak- 
 willed. His early lack of education has left him without 
 desire or interest for healthful pursuits. Adult educa- 
 tion must form a permanent part of our educational 
 scheme. What systematic education can there be for 
 the thousands who leave school at fourteen and from 
 that time have to earn a livelihood ? And provided we 
 can arrange a system of education, what shall bring the 
 system and the people together ? The second question 
 must be answered first. The system cannot touch the 
 people unless it begins where they left off, and unless 
 its subject matter is related to their daily life, their 
 home, business, political creed, or the history of their 
 country. When the system rises from a man's own 
 plane of knowledge and thought, then a relation is 
 established, and the one thing needed is some one whose 
 personal interest in his fellow men is so great that he 
 will open their eyes to what is right before them.
 
 POPULAR EDUCATION. 103 
 
 How far does the municipal night school go to meet 
 the need ? Here is a system which the law enforces 
 in every large city. The work begins where the gram- 
 mar school stops. The instruction is free and the 
 building is central. The institution is a beneficent one, 
 and the attendance in many cases proves its work to be 
 important. It offers a chance to any boy or girl who 
 leaves the grammar school because he must work, to 
 continue his study. But we must remember that as 
 soon as the boy is at work, whether in the mill or the 
 shop, he has new interests, and it is harder than ever 
 for him, at sixteen, to see the practical bearing of Eng- 
 lish grammar upon weaving. The foreigner wants to 
 learn English — not the grammar, but the language. 
 The curriculum must be broad. An examination of 
 the curricula of certain night schools in New York and 
 other cities proves that some educators at least have 
 realized this, and a visit to the schools shows the effec- 
 tive result. Bookkeeping always appeals to the wage- 
 earner as practical, and that is offered him. Manual 
 training, drawing, singing, gymnastics, civics, history, 
 political economy, physiology, subjects which are allied 
 with the wage-earner's immediate interests, are to be 
 emphasized. When they are, there will be fewer night 
 schools on the point of closing because the pupils do 
 not come. 
 
 In any educational system, the teacher is more Im- 
 portant than the subject, and in this respect many of 
 the night schools are sadly lacking. In some cases 
 men and women are teaching in them because there is 
 no place for them in the day schools. Worse than this, 
 they are sometimes there because the meagre salary
 
 104 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 
 
 paid for two sessions of work makes a third essential. 
 The pupils who come weary from a day of toil look for 
 inspiration to a leader more weary from her own day's 
 toil. There are not enough teachers who feel that in 
 the night schools there are problems to be solved which 
 are so vital that they dare not stay away. One weak- 
 ness of the night school lies in not arousin"; the interests 
 of the indifferent. The great success of philanthropic 
 work in this direction is due to the motive which takes 
 the workers into it. The competent teacher needs to 
 know her class as well as her subject. From a personal 
 knowledge comes the sympathy which really helps. In 
 this particular work, the teacher may well be a district 
 worker, knowing the community from which she can 
 recruit her class, its needs and its ambitions. 
 
 The night schools should increase in number as well 
 as in effectiveness. An educational report from New 
 York City in 1898 shows that of the two hundred and 
 seventy-seven primary and grammar schools in Greater 
 New York, only forty-two were used as evening schools. 
 In view of the fact that besides the ignorant men and 
 women there are thousands of children over fourteen 
 whom the law does not compel to go to school, but who 
 could be benefited by the use of the school buildings 
 out of school hours, this seems a waste of capital and 
 opportunity. A report from Minneapolis and St. 
 Paul in the same year said : " The public school author- 
 ities in both cities have maintained night schools until 
 the last three or four years, when the financial stress 
 forced the boards to cut all but the absolutely essen- 
 tial. In their judgment, the night school was one of 
 these." Every schoolhouse in every city should be a
 
 POPULAR EDUCATION. 105 
 
 centre of intellectual life for the district in which it is 
 placed, and the public schools should be provided with 
 halls where adults may be comfortably seated. Because 
 it is a public building, the people have a certain feeling 
 of ownership, the work goes on without denominational 
 prejudice, and there is no atmosphere of charity, — three 
 conditions which go far to qualify it as a popular edu- 
 cational centre. Its use need not be limited to the 
 work of evening classes provided by the city's appro- 
 priation, but the school board should have power to 
 make it, through outside means, the broad citadel of 
 culture which it ought to be. If the city appropriation 
 cover the expense, so much the better. 
 
 The Board of Education in New York is supplying 
 intellectual entertainment and educational stimulus to 
 hundreds of thousands of citizens by its free lecture 
 courses. Thirty-two out of its fifty-one centres are 
 public schools (1899-1900). "The scope of the work 
 is not only to attract and entertain, but also to offer 
 suggestions that are of practical benefit, and to give 
 encourajjement and stimulus to earnest workers. . . . 
 The system is practical and utilitarian. ... It is grat- 
 ifying to note that the work is becoming rapidly popu- 
 larized, and that its benefits not only reach directly 
 the thousands of students who are destined in their 
 day and generation to uphold American reputation for 
 ability along the various lines of human effort, but 
 that the lecture course is fast becoming a recognized 
 educational force among the masses of the community, 
 attracting thousands out of the slums from the saloon, 
 the cheap theatre, and the dram-house." Since 1898 
 the course has been under the direction of Dr. Henry
 
 lOG 
 
 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 
 
 M. Leipziger. The following figures show something 
 of the results of the organization's work : — 
 
 For 1890-1, 
 
 185 lectures ; 
 
 attendance, 78,295 
 
 1891-2, 
 
 287 
 
 
 
 122,243 
 
 1892-3, 
 
 310 
 
 
 
 130,830 
 
 1893-4, 
 
 383 
 
 
 
 170,368 
 
 1894-5, 
 
 502 
 
 
 
 224,118 
 
 1895-6, 
 
 1040 
 
 
 
 392,733 
 
 1896-7, 
 
 1065 
 
 ( 
 
 
 426,927 
 
 1897-8, 
 
 1595 
 
 
 
 509,135 
 
 1898-9, 
 
 1923 
 
 
 
 519,411 
 
 1899-1900, 
 
 1871 
 
 ( 
 
 
 538,084 
 
 Its rapid growth is attributable to its broad spirit 
 and to the discriminating judgment which determines 
 the topics. Many distinguished men and women have 
 gladly aided this great movement by taking their 
 places before these cosmopolitan audiences, and have 
 addressed them with enthusiasm. A report of the re- 
 ception of each lecture, the number in attendance, and 
 other details is sent to Dr. Leipziger ; moreover, he is 
 informed of the treatment of every subject listed. The 
 topic and its treatment must appeal to the audience, 
 and thus the people become " the final arbiters in the 
 selection of their popular tribunes." The courses in 
 history, literature, geography, science, and civics have 
 been so labeled and developed as to bring to willing 
 listeners the highest conceptions of duty, of patriotism, 
 and of civilization. The experiment of selecting certain 
 centres where the lectures were to be devoted to but 
 two topics during the entire winter has proved success- 
 ful. In preparing each season's course, a study is 
 made of the needs of the different lecture centres.
 
 POPULAR EDUCATION. 107 
 
 The loaning of books from the platform, to be used 
 in connection with the syllabus for studj^, has been a' 
 feature of the lecture courses. In some cases exam- 
 inations have been held and papers written. In this 
 work the cooperation of the library and the lecture 
 hall is most important. Other cities than New Yoi'k 
 are at work in this direction. The president of the 
 Board of Education of Philadelphia has recommended 
 the free lecture courses for that city, and Boston and 
 Chicago already offer them. 
 
 The boards of education do not stand alone in 
 their efforts to educate the masses by this means. It 
 is the method of the University Extension societies. 
 The University Extension movement was begun in 
 Philadelphia, but the small fee which was charged pre- 
 vented the work reaching as far as it should until the 
 free lecture system was adopted. The lectui-es have 
 been given in the public schools and at branches of 
 the Free Library. In 1899, beside the University 
 Extension lectures of the American Society in twenty- 
 four places in Philadelphia, lecturers were sent to 
 as many different towns. This work has a great 
 advantage over reading circles and correspondence 
 clubs, because of the contact of the speaker with the 
 people he is teaching. The personal conviction of a 
 good teacher and his enthusiasm must arouse interest. 
 There is a chance, too, for the discussions which usually 
 follow the University Extension lectures. The People's 
 University Extension Society of New York is an 
 organization which holds itself ready to furnish classes 
 and courses of lectures to missions, churches, settle- 
 ments, and other societies that receive appeals for
 
 108 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 
 
 instruction wliicli tliey cannot supply. Instruction lias 
 been given in about one hundred and fifty places in 
 New York during the past year by this society, and 
 applications are constantly increasing. The organiza- 
 tion is in its third year, and its work has already been 
 called one of the most promising signs of the times. 
 In the opinion of the society, hygiene and civics are 
 the subjects essential to the welfare of the individual 
 and the State, and these courses are free. Audiences 
 receiving courses in subjects of less fundamental im- 
 portance are expected to bear the small necessary 
 expense. The influence of the University Extension 
 movement has been felt in hundreds of towns. 
 
 In many cities, other educational enterj)rises, more 
 local in character, are offering free lectures to the 
 people. The following are a few of the numerous in- 
 stitutions of this kind : Cooper Union, New York's 
 great promoter of popular education, is one of the 
 centres for the work of the Board of Education, but it 
 has in addition courses of lectures under its own 
 control and others which are given in cooperation with 
 the People's Institute. In the winter of 1899-1900, 
 the People's Institute gave one hundred and seventy- 
 three lectures there. The plan of each evening in- 
 cluded an address, lasting about an hour and followed 
 by a discussion. The audiences were largely composed 
 of workingmen from different sections, who took part 
 freely in the discussions. Receptions held after the 
 lectures in the room of the People's Club gave the 
 members and their invited guests a chance to meet 
 many of the leaders in public life. The Educational 
 Alliance of New York offers lectures to its members.
 
 POPULAR EDUCATION. 109 
 
 The Wagner Institute of Philadelphia gives courses 
 of free lectures, with an opportunity for those who are 
 especially interested to stay afterwards for class-work 
 and experiments in the laboratories. This work of the 
 institute has been constantly growing in importance, 
 and it has the encouragement of reaching the class of 
 people that need, such opportunities. Free lectures are 
 also given by various societies that wish to interest 
 the public in live questions. The Library of Economics 
 and Political Science makes a point of keeping the 
 circulars of such lectures and calling; the attention of 
 the frequenters of the library to them. Here again is 
 shown the value of cooperation between the free lecture 
 and the public library. The plan just mentioned is an 
 excellent way of turning the attention of a part of the 
 public to the lecture halls which have opened their 
 doors to them. But this somewhat mechanical con- 
 nection is not the most vital one. The lecturer will 
 send back to the library much more intelligent readers. 
 He can make the man who has never read anything 
 " worth while " have a real yearning for histories, 
 biographies, and other literature that will be of benefit 
 to him, and he can make the man who never reads 
 anything feel the need of a book. A generous supply 
 of platform and branch libraries should be at the lec- 
 turer's disposal. Some libraries give public lectures 
 in their own halls, and the full attendance and conse- 
 quent carrying away of books prove the worth of this 
 use of the building. The Boston Public Library, dur- 
 ing the season of 1900-1901, gave free lectures on 
 municipal problems. 
 
 A word might be said of the financial conditions of
 
 110 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 
 
 public lecture organizations. While leading men in 
 every profession are taking part in this work, and many 
 of them without even a nominal fee, there are many 
 whose incomes do not allow the time thus spent to be 
 wholly unremunerative. It is one of the wisest features 
 of the scheme that the teaching be the best, and that 
 the work in each centre be continuous. The work can- 
 not be self-supporting, but it is one of the most judi- 
 cious of the civic investments of the tax-payer. It is an 
 unfortunate thing that a " jjojiular lecture " means to 
 some people simply a pleasing lecture, for often it 
 implies more. The popular lecture with educational 
 aim must hold that idea uppermost, and be pleasing 
 because the skillful lecturer so presents his serious 
 material that the audience is able thoroughly to enjoy 
 it. The free lecture, then, is a system of education 
 that can be popular. Besides the instructional value of 
 these lectures, the hours so spent are glad ones for 
 thousands of toilers and an antidote for many of the 
 temptations of city life. The subject can be chosen to 
 suit each audience, the lecture can be taken to the 
 people, and the man or woman who delivers it shows by 
 his being there that he has the desire, which every 
 educated person ought to have, to share his knowledge 
 with the less fortunate. However, in most cities the 
 law enforces no such system, the people do not demand 
 it, and it is left for philanthropy to evolve it. Much 
 progress has been made in this work, but, on the other 
 hand, many cities have to acknowledge that, in view of 
 their small number and their irregularity, the influence 
 of the free lectures as a corrective to the saloon, at any 
 rate, is not great. Where they are frequent and the
 
 POPULAR EDUCATION. Ill 
 
 courses are regular, their efficiency as 'saloon substi- 
 tutes is twofold : many pleasant evenings are spent in 
 this way which would otherwise be added to the number 
 which the wage-earner does not know how to spend, 
 and thousands of men are given a live interest in some 
 broadening and helpful theme. 
 
 Because the library is most effective when working 
 in cooperation with other educative organizations, it 
 must not be forgotten that alone it stands as a great 
 schoolmaster for the people. No town is considered 
 complete without its public library, and the rich and 
 poor, educated and uneducated, point to it with pride. 
 The library supplies the public with its reading mate- 
 rial, and the public appreciates the fact, whether taking 
 advantage of it or not. A sightly, well-constructed 
 building which belongs to the people and which exists 
 for their good is in itself something of an inspiration. 
 And it is the library that supplies the homes with 
 books. In mission centres, after the demand for food 
 and clothing, the request for reading matter is most 
 frequent. " Lend me some books or magazines so that 
 my husband or son may hd,ve something to read 
 and to occupy his mind without having to go to the 
 saloon," is the form the request takes. In this respect, 
 the libraries as saloon substitutes have great value, for 
 they can furnish books to the people in abundance and 
 without cost. Every one knows that a public library 
 is not enough. It must be a free public library. 
 Moreover it should be made easy for the people to 
 get their register cards. Often a stranger in a town 
 and too often residents of the poorer classes do not
 
 112 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 
 
 know whom to ask for a guarantee. This is one of 
 the kindnesses an employer may well offer his em- 
 ployees. 
 
 Free registration is not enough. The libraries must 
 be planned to facilitate the use of books, and there are 
 a number of practical ways of doing it : by work- 
 ing in cooperation with other educational centres ; 
 by branch libraries ; by traveling libraries ; by access 
 to shelves. One means of cooperation is to receive 
 from teachers and lecturers lists of books that will 
 likely be in demand, and to have enough copies to 
 prevent discouragement being a reason for not read- 
 ing. 
 
 Branch libraries no doubt accomplish more as saloon 
 substitutes than the main libraries. The busy laborer 
 is the very one whom cheap rent takes from the centre 
 of thinfrs, and branch libraries should be established 
 for his benefit. In almost every large city the free 
 library has its branches. Private or semi-private 
 libraries may well be affiliated with these. They 
 should always contain reference books, carefully se- 
 lected fiction, books of travel, biography, and history. 
 Neichborhood workers who know the habits and 
 tastes of the people of their communities can often 
 best choose the books, and the librarians of the main 
 buildings gladly receive their suggestions. It is inter- 
 esting to see how many apply for cards who would 
 have neither time nor inclination to frequent the cen- 
 tral library. A library of eight hundred books was 
 recently placed in a small manufacturing city a mile 
 from the main library, and in the sixth month of its 
 existence over three hundred books were taken out.
 
 POPULAR EDUCATION. 113 
 
 The shelves were against the back wall of a grocery 
 store, and the keeper said he would not exchange what 
 he had " learned from them books " for all the trade 
 he had done. It was reported, in 1898, of the Webster 
 Circulating Library of New York (a department of 
 the work at the East Side House), that the number of 
 names on the registry exceeded the number of volumes 
 in the library, the former being 8157, the latter 7858. 
 The park libraries of Brooklyn have proved very suc- 
 cessful ; and while there is much to say against filling 
 the parks up with buildings of any kind, their reports 
 seem to justify them. The statistics of the Tomp- 
 kins Park Library for one month give 2372 borrow- 
 ers, 4190 books circulated, and 2900 readers. By 
 " readers " is meant those who do not take books out, 
 but read papers and magazines in the library. 
 
 Traveling libraries have an aim very similar to that 
 of the more stationary branches. Many settlements 
 and clubs need more books than they can afford to 
 buy ; and to have several hundred books loaned them 
 for a few weeks, with a new set taking their places, 
 helps them to solve this difficulty. It has proved a 
 successful enterprise to send these libraries to fire- 
 engine stations and police stations, where the men 
 have leisure and yet must be at their posts. The boys 
 of the telegraph and messenger service need to be 
 supplied with books. Factories and manufacturing 
 districts are incomplete without their libraries. A 
 reading-room is often the only place beside the saloon 
 near the docks for sailors who are in port. The Pub- 
 lic Library of Cleveland reports that in 1899 the cir- 
 culation from the branches and stations for home read-
 
 114 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 
 
 ing- was fifty-seven per cent of the entire circulation 
 for the year. " The aim is to make the branches and 
 stations social centres for their neighborhoods. In 
 bringing this about the library management is work- 
 ing in and through the schools and settlements." 
 
 In all libraries, including the main one, access to 
 the shelves is of great importance. " Access to the 
 shelves means that any one can go to the shelves and 
 take down the books to read, or select the books he de- 
 sires to carry away. As a result time is not lost in 
 waiting, and where a person is familiar with only 
 one or two books on a subject, the fact that these 
 books are out does not discourage him. In looking 
 over the books themselves — not lists of books — he 
 may find something better. Probably interest will 
 be stimulated. The rooms are made more attractive 
 with their open shelves, and the lack of police system 
 makes the library a pleasanter place." The very 
 lai'ge circulation of the Free Library of Philadelphia 
 is ascribed to this free-shelf system. It is reported 
 that the consequent loss of books is very slight in com- 
 parison with the cost of employing extra service. It 
 is an interesting fact that if children are allowed to jro 
 to the shelves, they usually select non-fiction. 
 
 The reading-room and circulating library are so 
 united in aim and fulfillment, that their separation 
 is arbitrary, and yet each has an advantage over the 
 other. The circulating library furnishes a pleasant 
 and helpful pastime for the man's leisure hours and 
 encourages him to spend them at home, while the 
 reading-room gives him a valuable resort outside of 
 his home. This fact makes the reading-room perhaj^s
 
 POPULAR EDUCATION. 115 
 
 the more efficient substitute for the saloon. It is en- 
 couraging that the reading-room not only promises to 
 be, but is a place where men come and spend time 
 that would otherwise be spent in the saloon or on the 
 street. It is true that a goodly per cent of the patrons 
 are children and people of the well-to-do classes, but 
 there is constant increase in the number of adult read- 
 ers, and there are many reading-rooms for the laboring 
 people of which the rich know nothing. 
 
 The free library and reading-room of Cooper Union 
 represents a type worthy of study. With the excep- 
 tion of a few who come from a distance, for the sake 
 of class-work, the attendance is chiefly from the sur- 
 rounding wards, i. e., the Tenth, Eleventh, Thirteenth, 
 Fourteenth, Fifteenth, and Seventeenth. The follow- 
 ing table shows the predominating nationality and pop- 
 ulation : — 
 
 10th Ward . . Kussian Hebrews 74,401 
 
 11th Ward . . Germans and Hungarians . . 97,435 
 
 13th Ward . • Hebrews and Irish .... 59,267 
 
 14th Ward . . Italians 36,292 
 
 15th Ward . . ItaHans 32,811 
 
 17th Ward . . Germans 133,257 
 
 433,463 
 
 These statistics are as reported for the Tenement House 
 Committee in 1894. 
 
 The Fourteenth, Fifteenth, Seventeenth, and Bowery 
 portions of the Tenth are probably the only wards which 
 are strongly represented, and this means a population 
 of about 202,360. The Bowery lodging-houses are 
 within walking distance, and no doubt many men come
 
 116 
 
 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 
 
 to the reading-room from these, 
 record of attendance for 1898 : — 
 
 The following is the 
 
 January . 
 
 . 72,977 
 
 July .... 23,380 
 
 February . 
 
 . 66,670 
 
 August (2 wks.) 12,805 
 
 March . . 
 
 . 55,531 
 
 September . . 29,956 
 
 April . . 
 
 . 53,614 
 
 October . . . 45,669 
 
 May . . 
 
 . 32,799 
 
 November . . 56,237 
 
 June . . 
 
 . 27,348 
 
 December . . 69,438 
 
 
 Total .... 546,424 
 
 This means an average daily attendance of 1821. The 
 reading-room has met with this success notwithstand- 
 ing the fact that it is on the third floor. Including 
 newspapers there are about four hundred and fifty 
 periodicals on file, and the library contains between 
 thirty-five and forty thousand volumes. A large 
 proportion of the visitors come to take advantage of 
 the daily papers, and it is evident that to read their 
 home jsapers is really a boon to many men. This 
 satisfaction of the thirst for home news is in itself a 
 larofe reason for such readinjj-rooms. There are hun- 
 dreds of men who will pass open saloons and walk 
 many blocks for the sake of reading a few items in 
 the home paper that will lessen their feeling of lone- 
 liness in a great city where they have no social con- 
 nection. 
 
 Other free reading-rooms in crowded districts have 
 met with proportionate success. This is one of the priv- 
 ileges the workingman does demand and appreciate. 
 The circulation of the settlement libraries is so phenom- 
 enal, as compared with ordinary libraries, that it war- 
 rants careful attention. Statistics show that almost
 
 POPULAR EDUCATION. 117 
 
 without exception the well-ordered reading-room soon 
 becomes a popular centre. Often it is a question how 
 to meet the demand for certain literature, and how to 
 furnish sufficient table room. The point most to be 
 emphasized is the necessity of accessibility. No saloon- 
 keeper places his wares in the back room on the second 
 floor. A well-lighted front entrance on an open thor- 
 oughfare, comfortable seats, and tables well supplied 
 with reading matter, chosen to hold the interest of the 
 patrons, will accomplish more in the work of making 
 the reading-room a substitute for the saloon than rows 
 upon rows of well-arranged bookshelves. If possible, 
 a reading-room should be large, so that a man may slip 
 in and out without feeling conspicuous and, if he pre- 
 fers, not be submitted to unsolicited social advances. 
 
 The combination of reading-room and smoking-room 
 is one much to be desired. A successful example of 
 this is found in the Galilee Mission, New York (Cal- 
 vary Protestant Episcopal Church). The free and 
 easy air of such a place gives it one of the most tell- 
 ing characteristics of the saloon. It is open every 
 night in the year, and on Sunday afternoons and holi- 
 days. During eleven months of 1898, there were 27,310 
 visits made by persons enjoying its privileges, and of 
 this number 10,729 were Sunday visits. The daily and 
 weekly papers, as well as the monthly magazines, are 
 on the tables, also a number of standard books. Dur- 
 ing the winter months, talks are given Sunday after- 
 noons on various subjects. 
 
 Probably of all the social enterprises of the city of 
 Denver, none have been so completely successful in 
 drawing trade away from the saloon as the reading-
 
 118 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 
 
 room. No better evidence of this fact can be given 
 than the results of the establishment of the two read- 
 ing-rooms in the Fifteenth Ward.^ 
 
 Some six or seven years ago, the street railway com- 
 pany built a large car-barn in the Fifteenth Ward. As 
 there were usually a large number of the employees of 
 the company in and about the barn, the liquor men, 
 always alert for such an oj)portunity, lost no time in 
 locating two saloons and a pool-room in the non-prohi- 
 bition Sixth Ward, just across the street. Their expec- 
 tations of a large trade were fully realized. The car- 
 barns were cheerless and cold, and little provision had 
 been made for the comfort of the men ; the saloons, on 
 the other hand, offered warmth and sociability. Natu- 
 rally the saloons came to be preferred, and soon were a 
 sort of headquarters for the employees when off duty. 
 The inevitable results followed, and complaints were 
 common regarding the lawlessness of the neighborhood. 
 The tramway company tried in vain to check the 
 growing evil by means of stringent rules against drink- 
 ing among their employees, but the attendance upon 
 the saloons was not perceptibly diminished. . . . The 
 once respectable neighborhood soon acquired an evil 
 reputation. In 1896 the Woman's Christian Temper- 
 ance Union applied to the superintendent of the tram- 
 way company for a room in the car-barn, in which to 
 establish a reading-room ; this the superintendent gladly 
 furnished them, fi*ee of charge. The first results w^ere 
 most discouraging. The attendance of the young men 
 of the neighborhood, and of the employees of the com- 
 pany, those who were patronizing the saloon, and whom 
 ^ From the Denver report, April, 1899.
 
 POPULAR EDUCATION. 119 
 
 it was desired especially to reach, was very small ; and 
 whenever they did come, they violated the rules in 
 the most open and flagrant way, without paying any 
 attention to remonstrance. The boys were often rude 
 and boisterous. Books and papers and even money 
 were stolen frequently. In spite of all these obstacles 
 and the lively opposition of the saloon-keepers, the 
 Woman's Christian Temperance Union persisted in 
 their efforts, and as time went on, the conditions be- 
 came better, and gradually things began to come their 
 way. At the present time, one of the two saloons has 
 gone out of business, and the other has scarcely half 
 the patronage that it once had. The majority of the 
 tramway employees spend the most of their spare time 
 in the reading-room ; while the " gang " that once ter- 
 rorized the neighborhood has melted away, and the 
 boys and young men that formerly composed it are 
 nightly f I'equenters of the reading-room, and are quiet 
 and well-behaved. A violation of the rules is rare, as 
 is also the loss of anything through theft. The credit 
 of this improvement belongs principally to the reading- 
 room. 
 
 It is said of the Southwest of the country, as of other 
 parts, that the saloon is the greatest evil, the greatest 
 because it leads to other vices. It stands with open 
 doors ready to receive the young men who go there, 
 leaving the home and social influences of the East. 
 There, too, the free library is doing its work. In 
 Bisbee, Ariz., a mining centre, the Copper Queen 
 Consolidated Mining Company put up a commodious 
 building, and furnished it with books, newspapers, 
 magazines, tables, chairs, and pictures. It is well
 
 120 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 
 
 patronized, and in the case of a large number of the 
 miners and railroad operatives it is a very successful 
 rival of the saloon. The plan is to keep open doors 
 and have as few restrictions on the men as possible. 
 They may conduct themselves in the library as freely 
 as in any saloon, barring the drinking and the gam- 
 bling. There are chess, draughts, and checkers. There 
 is opportunity for talking and smoking. This freedom 
 secures the attendance of many who would otherwise 
 be patrons of the saloon. Mr. Pritchard, who is in 
 charge, has opportunity to come in close contact with 
 the men and to talk with them of their own affairs. 
 It has been possible to interest many of them in the 
 contention against the saloon, and a few have shown 
 a desire to aid in the work. The Board of Directors 
 of the mining company are directly responsible for the 
 fact that the saloon is not a paying business, and that 
 gamblers call it the poorest town in Arizona for their 
 profession. In Tucson, the Southern Pacific men are 
 all contributing fifty cents per month for a similar 
 institution, and have in connection with it free baths 
 and other attractions. 
 
 When the night school, the lecture hall and the 
 library are open to the people, there is still much to 
 be done. There is no way so sure to arouse intel- 
 lectual interest as personal inspiration. The greatest 
 problem in popular education is not to furnish the 
 supply, but to create a demand. Even the reading- 
 room is not always a success. The manager of the 
 Chesapeake Pottery Factory of Baltimore failed to 
 interest the young men in his employ in a reading- 
 room. The Woodberry Free Reading- Room, primarily
 
 POPULAR EDUCATION. 121 
 
 intended for laborers, especially for the men of Wood- 
 berry mills, and provided apparently with all the 
 essentials of success, drew mostly people from the 
 wealthy suburbs of Baltimore. 
 
 In the education of the working people some con- 
 cessions must be made. The situation makes it neces- 
 sary to do away with many of the traditions of schools 
 and colleges. Institutions of learning, like Cooper 
 Union, the People's Institute and the Educational Alli- 
 ance of New York, Temple College and the Franklin 
 Institute of Philadelphia, Ohio Mechanics' Institute of 
 Cincinnati, Trade Schools, and the Prospect Union of 
 Harvard, are successful because of their method, and 
 because of their curricula. They offer classes which 
 are of practical benefit to the v/age-earner. It has 
 been said of Cooper Union, " There is no institution 
 similar to Cooper Union, placed in so excellent a loca- 
 tion, or which approaches it in its clientage of those 
 not interested in the educational." Last year, at the 
 People's Institute, classes were held in history, litera- 
 ture, ethics and sociology, and often there was not 
 even standing room in a hall which would seat two 
 hundred and fifty. In the Mechanics' Institute of 
 Cincinnati, of four hundred and sixteen students, one 
 hundred and forty-four are machinists. No doubt 
 many of them are too much interested in their trades 
 to waste time in saloons, and yet with too few re- 
 sources for leisure hours, the strongest may be tempted. 
 
 The Prospect Union ^ of Cambridge is in a no- 
 license city, but there has been a measure of compe- 
 tition with the temptation to patronize Boston saloons, 
 ^ From report of Rev. Robert E. Ely.
 
 122 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 
 
 and with the tendency to form social and athletic clubs 
 of doubtful moral tone. Moreover, the influence of 
 the Union has inclined men to vote for no-license, 
 although the organization, in accordance with its prin- 
 ciples, has abstained from taking part in the no-license 
 campaigns. The Union is a partial and local adapta- 
 tion of the social settlement and university extension 
 idea. The men, whether wage-earners or Harvard stu- 
 dents, meet upon the level of a common manhood for 
 mutual helpfulness, without regard to differences of 
 caste or creed. The fee for active members is two 
 dollars. Evening classes and lectures constitute the 
 princijjal activity of the Union, with frequent musical 
 and social gatherings. The classes are small, the 
 method of teaching is informal, and the effort is made 
 to adapt the instruction to the desire and need of the 
 individual pupil. The classes are conducted by Har- 
 vard students, and often on Wednesday evening there 
 is a lecture or address by a member of the Harvard 
 faculty or by some reformer. An opportunity for 
 questions and discussions always follows the lecture. 
 In the building, which is open every day and evening 
 of the year, are a reading-room, smoking-room, library, 
 and shower baths for the use of members, class-rooms, 
 a lecture hall, and rooms for residence. Such a work 
 as this awakens new interests, leads to new activities, 
 and gives a broader outlook upon life. Catholics and 
 Protestants, foreigners and Americans, come together 
 in such an enterprise. There is not the suspicion that 
 often attaches to a denominational organization, and 
 men are not ashamed to be found in an educational 
 institution.
 
 POPULAR EDUCATION. 123 
 
 Industrial schools are needed. They are a neces- 
 sity for both boys and men. The school that offers 
 classes in plastering, blacksmith's work and bricklay- 
 ing, will not be empty. The economic progress in 
 Germany is conceded to be due to the industrial school 
 system. True charity is kindred to education. Imme- 
 diate relief is often necessary, but if, in connection 
 with our charity organizations, there could be training 
 schools in which people might be helped back into 
 lives of useful and self-restraining activity, it would 
 keep many whom the saloon reduces to pauperism 
 from returning to it. The St. Louis Provident Asso- 
 ciation and the Philadelphia Society for Employment 
 and Instruction of the Poor try to do something of 
 the kind, but the classes are largely for women. How- 
 ever, we must not overlook the fact that philanthropic 
 work among women is often counting indirectly against 
 the saloon. The mothers' meetings, the domestic science 
 classes and cooking lessons, that teach women how to 
 make the home attractive, are doing much to keep men 
 from the saloons. 
 
 On the other hand, the sesthetic side of the people's 
 education must not be undervalued. Their eyes need 
 to be opened that they may see, quite as much as their 
 hands need to be trained that they may handle. The 
 poor are removed from the rich ; they live away from 
 the most attractive part of the cities, and what is there 
 to cultivate their taste for art, to take them to the 
 galleries and museums ? The loaning of pictures from 
 art galleries and schools is an excellent plan. Local 
 exhibits and excursions to places of beauty and interest 
 may well be encouraged. Akin to this idea is Mr.
 
 124 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 
 
 Frank Damrosch's work in New York. The object of 
 the People's Choral Union is to cultivate the love of 
 music among the working people. Any one who has 
 been a member of the advanced class of the People's 
 Singing Classes for one season is eligible to member- 
 ship. The classes are established and maintained by 
 the Union. Ten cents a lesson meets the incidental 
 expenses, and no teacher receives compensation for his 
 services. Mr. Damrosch believes that "art is not a 
 luxury for the rich, but a necessity for the poor, and 
 that all people can learn to sing." " The one form of 
 art which comes nearest to the people's hearts, which 
 may be acquired and practiced by nearly every one, 
 and could therefore enter into the daily life of the 
 people, making it brighter, sweeter, hapj)ier and richer, 
 the State makes little or no pi'ovision for, and it was to 
 fill this need that the People's Singing Classes were 
 established." The success of the undertaking has been 
 beyond the highest expectations. It is such a reali- 
 zation of the working people's needs and such a desire 
 to make them share the more ennobling things in life 
 that will succeed in educating and uplifting them. 
 
 When a man sees outside of the saloon what is more 
 attractive than what he finds in it, he will cease to be 
 its patron. The closing century has been called the 
 century of popular education, and it could ask no better 
 title. Its lesson may well be that a " man needs know- 
 ledge, not as a means of livelihood, but as a means of 
 life."
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 THE CHURCH, THE MISSION, AND THE SETTLEMENT. 
 
 This chapter is to deal with methods of making 
 provision for the social needs of the people that are 
 prompted by the religious motive. This is not wholly 
 true of the settlement, which is discussed by itself at 
 the close of the chapter. 
 
 Religion is concerned with the personal relation of 
 the individual life toward God. To create and to 
 strengthen this relation is the one purpose of avowedly 
 religious institutions. A generation ago the term life 
 was considered synonymous with soul. To-day, the 
 unity of life is recognized as it was by Christ ; and the 
 church, like its Master, seeks not only to pronounce the 
 word of pardon, but to heal the sick, to open the eyes 
 of the blind and the ears of the deaf. It seeks not so 
 much to save men out of the world, as to save the 
 world itself in all of its relations. 
 
 This is the real change which has taken place in our 
 day within the church. It has not been a change in 
 doctrine or in worship, but a change in its relation to 
 the world. To it may be attributed the growing au- 
 thority and influence of the church in our complex 
 modern social order. Even where little effort has been 
 made to express this sentiment in tangible terms, the 
 sentiment abides. The church has come to believe that 
 if it does not interest itself with what concerns human-
 
 126 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 
 
 ity, it cannot hope that humanity will interest itself 
 with what concerns the church. There is every reason 
 for believing that we have seen the extreme limit of the 
 alienation of the " masses " from the church ; that the 
 return of the church to humanity means at the same 
 time the return of humanity to the church. Dr. Hale, 
 when asked recently to forecast what he believed would 
 be the character of the church of the twentieth cen- 
 tury, replied : " I once heard a well-informed clergy- 
 man . . . say of our New England churches of all 
 communions that they are quite well organized for pur- 
 poses of worship, that they do something on Sunday 
 for education, that they are interested to a certain ex- 
 tent in hospitality, but that they are not at all well 
 organized for charity. I think that fifty years hence 
 the same sort of people who are now glad to live within 
 the range of the charities of a well-conducted hotel will 
 be glad to live in the neighborhood of a church. I 
 think that every church will understand the best way 
 to proclaim the good tidings of God to those who need 
 them." 
 
 This it is which the church is beginning to learn. 
 No one can have failed to observe the gradual evolu- 
 tion of new methods in church work, new efforts to 
 apply material wealth and personal power to tlie actual 
 needs of men and women. Year by year the number 
 of churches which still hold themselves aloof from the 
 temporal concerns of the people is being lessened. In 
 city and in country alike, in despite of tradition or con- 
 vention, under the leadership of thoughtful and far- 
 seeing men and women, the church is meeting in many 
 ways the immediate needs of those who surround it.
 
 THE CHURCH, MISSION, AND SETTLEMENT. 127 
 
 Parish houses and settlements, libraries and kindergar- 
 tens, clubs and training schools, all speak of the new 
 spirit which animates the modern church. The old 
 power is not lost : it is directed and applied. 
 
 The Roman Catholic Church has seemed to rely 
 almost wholly upon the spiritual appeal. Yet she is 
 not indifferent to modern conditions and is preparing 
 to meet them. Her organizations are taking on more 
 and more a social character. The Total Abstinence 
 societies have often a considerable social element in 
 connection with their work; some own their buildings, 
 which are provided with reading-rooms, gymnasiums, 
 and billiard halls. Such societies may be found at pre- 
 sent in almost all of the large cities of the country. 
 The lyceum is growing to be a very popular organiza- 
 tion connected with Catholic parishes in workingmen's 
 districts. In the city of Baltimore, lyceums were found 
 to be connected with no less than eight of the Catholic 
 parishes of the city. The method is usually to occupy 
 some building which is fitted up with means for social 
 and athletic enjoyment. The three requirements for 
 membership in a lyceum is that a man be a good Cath- 
 olic, be of good moral character, and have some desire 
 to improve himself. As a rule, these lyceums are re- 
 markably successful, and their membership aggregates 
 many thousands in any city. Another social organiza- 
 tion has just been planned by the Catholics, the Young 
 Men's Institute, patterned after the Young Men's 
 Christian Association. In these ways the attitude of 
 the Roman Catholic Church is plainly visible. 
 
 More Protestant churches than Catholic conduct 
 what are known as " institutional " activities, and yet the
 
 128 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 
 
 number is small compared with the total number of 
 churches and the need which confronts them. In Cleve- 
 land only two or three churches out of about two hun- 
 dred are reported as undertaking at all seriously any 
 social work. Out of twenty-three Baptist churches in 
 Cincinnati and vicinity, twenty-one follow the old 
 methods of work. A crowded district in Buffalo has a 
 population of 55,000. Of the forty Protestant churches 
 and missions, but one has a night school, and only two 
 offer weekly attractions to the neighborhood. In Chi- 
 cago a very careful canvass was made, and a personal 
 letter was sent to 751 clergymen. The results are as fol- 
 lows : Six wrote absolutely disapproving of the church 
 engaging in any social work, quoting Scripture pas- 
 sages in support of their position. Those who hoped 
 to enter such work were seventeen. Fifty -four 
 churches had no further social organization beyond lit- 
 erary and religious societies. Eighteen had outdoor 
 sports, six had gymnasiums, but the silence of over five 
 hundred indicates inactivity due either to opposition or 
 to sympathy that has not yet sufficient energy to take 
 tangible form. West of the Mississippi, the propor- 
 tion of churches doing any social work is even less than 
 in the East. In New York City ninety-two churches 
 out of a total of about seven hundred, Catholic and 
 Protestant, were reported as doing a real social work. 
 An analyzed list reveals the following particulars : — 
 
 1. Having clubs 9 
 
 2. Having clubs, reading-rooms, and lodging-houses . . 2 
 
 3. Having libraries or reading-rooms 9 
 
 4. Having industrial training and other educational 
 
 features 15
 
 THE CHURCH, MISSION, AND SETTLEMENT. 129 
 
 5. Having clubs and gymnasium 1 
 
 6. Having clubs and reading-rooms 2 
 
 7. Having clubs and educational features 24 
 
 8. Having clubs, educational features, and gymnasium . 2 
 
 9. Having clubs, gymnasium, and reading-rooms ... 1 
 
 10. Having clubs, reading-rooms, and educational fea- 
 
 tures 7 
 
 11. Having gymnasium and educational features ... 2 
 
 12. Having educational features and reading-rooms . . 4 
 
 13. Having all of above-mentioned features excepting 
 
 lodging-houses 14 
 
 92 
 
 The parisli house is the centre of the social life of 
 the modern church. Upon the size and material re- 
 sources of the church will depend somewhat the amount 
 of social work undertaken. The parish house is the 
 home of kindergartens, cooking-classes, boys' clubs or 
 brigades, industrial schools, and other work for the 
 children and youth of the neighborhood. The organi- 
 zations which affect particularly the young and . older 
 men of the parish are the gymnasium, the reading- 
 room, social rooms, and social clubs. Where a parish 
 house is provided with a gymnasium, it is sure of per- 
 forming an important social work. The gymnasium 
 always takes care of itself. There is no particular 
 wisdom that is necessary with a trapeze and parallel 
 bars. Denominational differences and religious pre- 
 judices are overcome more quickly by these mechanical 
 contrivances than by anything else that can be thought 
 of. It will generally be found that it is unwise to 
 make any limitations of creed or church affiliation for 
 those who shall use the gymnasium. A fee will be
 
 130 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 
 
 charged commensurate to the incomes of those who 
 attend, and if possible, some oversight will be given in 
 the athletic exercises, but beyond this nothing is neces- 
 sary. The reading-room presents a more difficult pro- 
 blem. It is not at all uncommon to see churches 
 advertising reading-rooms that are very little attended 
 by church people or any one else. Certain difficulties 
 must be met. In the first place, it will be found that 
 a reading-room which is directly connected with the 
 church building will fail, as a rule, to draw much 
 patronage, especially if the neighborhood is not par- 
 ticularly in sympathy with the church. The useful- 
 ness of one church reading-room in New York is prac- 
 tically destroyed by the fact that the room is not 
 adjacent to the street. Another church in the same 
 city reports that its reading-room is very pleasant and 
 open to all, but as a matter of fact scarcely ever does a 
 stranger enter. The explanation is that it is not suffi- 
 ciently public in its location, and occupies a part of the 
 church building. On the other hand, the reading-room 
 of a downtown church in New York has a lai*ge patron- 
 age. It is open from eight o'clock in the morning till 
 nine at night. The minister in charge reports it the 
 most successful branch of their non-religious work. 
 Daily and weekly papers and monthly magazines are 
 furnished besides a library of 3000 volumes in direct 
 connection with the reading-room. During the year 
 1898 there were 41,642 readers, or an average of 137 
 daily. Of these, the daily average of male adults was 
 120. Two reasons can be given for the success of this 
 church reading-room. In the first place, it is entirely 
 disassociated from the religious work of the chapel.
 
 THE CHURCH, MISSION, AND SETTLEMENT. 131 
 
 In the next place, no expense is spared to make the 
 reading matter what will appeal to an intelligent class 
 of readers. 
 
 The social rooms of a parish house, In order to do 
 their work, must be what the name implies. They 
 should offer the social privileges which are to be found 
 in any other social clubs. It is needless to say that 
 the religious atmosphere should not intrude, and that 
 so far as possible the rooms should be controlled by 
 those that frequent them. The men's club of St. 
 Bartholomew's Church of New York, for example, 
 occupies a suite of rooms in one of the upper stories of 
 the parish house. Entering, there is an ante-room 
 and a hall ; next comes a large and handsome smoking- 
 room ; adjoining this is a library and reading-room. 
 The club has its own circulating library with well-filled 
 shelves. Leading from the smoking-room there is a 
 second hallway ; opening f i-om this there are two read- 
 ing-rooms and the billiard-room having three pool 
 tables and one regulation billiard table. The charge 
 for the pool tables, which are most used, is one cent per 
 cue. The charge for the billiard table is twenty-five 
 cents per hour. The billiard table is one of the most 
 popular features of the club. The rooms are open 
 from ten o'clock in the morning until eleven o'clock 
 at night. During the day members who have a few 
 minutes of leisure drop in for a chat or to read a news- 
 paper. In the evening the club is well filled, the 
 attendance averaging 150 daily. There are educa- 
 tional classes in connection with the club, but these 
 are not very popular or very numerous. It is the 
 social side that dominates. Where a parish house
 
 132 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 
 
 has such social rooms, a club may be formed of those 
 who shall have the use of them, dues will be paid, and 
 perhaps an initiation fee, and the members of the club 
 will have the right to regulate the use of the rooms 
 which they occupy. In St. Bartholomew's the club 
 contains from five to six hundred members, and in St. 
 George's not much less, although at St. George's mem- 
 bership is limited to those connected with the church. 
 The dramatic instinct is always strong in young men, 
 and where other methods fail to interest this will often 
 succeed. The study of plays, with an occasional pre- 
 sentation of them, will be found to interest and hold 
 young men. Civic or economic questions always ap- 
 peal to young men because of their political and pro- 
 fessional interests. Where a club is made purely a 
 literary club, its existence will probably be somewhat 
 precarious. 
 
 Such, then, are the methods for providing for the 
 social needs of young men which may be centred in 
 the parish house. But the church may go beyond 
 this, and seek to support missions and social enter- 
 prises which have no connection with the church build- 
 ing and are often located at a distance from them. 
 Some of these may be briefly described. The most 
 common method is to establish a mission church. 
 These mission churches, where they have no social 
 features and are simply centres of evangelization, are 
 often dreary in their character and accomplish a mini- 
 mum of result. For one thing, they lack funds and 
 have to do their work with straitened financial re- 
 sources. The general impression of these churches is 
 one of monotony. The music is usually indifferent,
 
 THE CHURCH, MISSION, AND SETTLEMENT. 133 
 
 and while the speakers are much in earnest, their 
 methods are not calculated to accomplish their aims. 
 Mission churches of this variety are probably not on 
 the increase in any of our large cities, and it is as 
 well that they are not. A modern mission church 
 needs a modern conception of its mission. 
 
 Sometimes churches have attempted to organize 
 workingmen's clubs. Several years ago the Episcopal 
 churches of Philadelphia made the experiment, which 
 was discontinued after a time because the members 
 desired to have a bar in the clubhouse. It would be 
 well to have this question decided in advance whenever 
 this experiment is repeated. Several churches of the 
 country are endowing and supporting settlements which 
 do the work of college settlements and in much the 
 same spirit. The churches themselves are uptown, 
 but they are supporting in the heart of the city not a 
 mission or an evangelistic agency of any kind, but a 
 settlement, performing a distinct work of a most valu- 
 able kind for the district in which it is located. Some 
 of the most effective church work which is being accom- 
 plished to-day in the country is of this character. 
 Such are some of the methods by which the churches 
 can perform a social service to the community. 
 
 One could wish not only that there were a greater 
 number of churches seeking to fulfill their mission to 
 the community, but that they should do so in the spirit 
 of disinterestedness and cooperation. Where a church 
 seeks its own increase instead of the increase of right- 
 eousness, and where churches labor without any know- 
 ledge of each other, the work accomplished must be 
 fragmentary. An even greater need is that the spirit
 
 134 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 
 
 of a true democracy pervade the church, in which social 
 distinctions shall be lost sight of. Until this ideal has 
 been at least in some measure attained, the church 
 cannot expect by outer means to attract the multitudes. 
 But where such a sentiment is a reality, where at the 
 same time the spiritual message is not forgotten, but 
 is exalted, there the church will be freed from the 
 reproach of selfishness and indifference, and retain 
 a position of undiminished influence and power. 
 
 The work of missions calls for a special word. 
 The mission is a religious and reformatory institution 
 that performs the function of the church without ad- 
 ministering the sacraments. Its object is to reach the 
 masses with the religious appeal unhindered by the 
 barriers which hedge in the church. Missions may be 
 divided into different groups. One consists of the 
 Gospel or rescue mission, whose sole object is to 
 make the spiritual appeal in its frequent religious ser- 
 vices. Other missions combine with their services the 
 giving of food, clothing, and shelter. The bad results 
 of this system have become so evident, however, that 
 missions of this type are rapidly passing away. In the 
 abstract they might seem to provide a substitute for 
 the saloon of the most practical kind. Actually they 
 tend to keep a man from honest labor and to put a 
 premium upon hypocrisy. 
 
 In some cases provision for labor is made : the best 
 modern missions of this class invariably provide it. 
 The wood yard, the shoe-shop, the brush and broom 
 factory, and other methods are used to give men 
 work. The majority of them make the condition of
 
 THE CHURCH, MISSION, AND SETTLEMENT. 135 
 
 entrance to be a willingness to work, this being consid- 
 ered the essential condition of any personal reform. 
 Ability as well as willingness is also a requisite, for 
 otherwise cripples and invalids would prove the ruin 
 of the industrial principle. Instead of the word 
 " inmates," the men are called " employees," a change 
 gratifying to the men and promoting self-respect. No 
 skilled help is employed. All the men are taught 
 the trade after entering. All the work is carried on 
 by men who come from the streets. Such is the mod- 
 ern charity mission. It must be admitted that such 
 institutions act as substitutes for the saloon, but it 
 must be observed that now our mission has become a 
 school, a reformatory, an industrial home ; it offers nofe 
 only social opportunity, but other opportunities that a 
 man needs in his normal life. It ministers to a frag- 
 ment of our population who have no home, no friends, 
 no work. It substitutes for many things that a man 
 ought by right to have for himself. The social value 
 of such institutions is in direct ratio to the adequacy of 
 the methods employed to refit the man for a place in 
 society. In so far as it performs this whole work, i^ 
 will perform the work included within it of offering a 
 social centre. 
 
 A large number of missions direct their efforts 
 entirely to reaching sailors. Sometimes they are 
 churches, mariners' churches. They are also known as 
 Port Societies, Seamen's Institutes, and Sailors' Homes. 
 There is no denying the special needs of this class of 
 men, since many have no homes in the ports which they 
 visit and are exposed to the temptations which the 
 saloon affords. Sailors need spiritual ministry, but
 
 136 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 
 
 the social needs are so overwhelming that they would 
 seem to demand greater recognition than as yet they 
 have received. If possible, it would be well to have 
 tl» religious services of the mission held apart from 
 the reading and social rooms. The reading-room 
 ought always to have the latest papers and magazines, 
 instead of being filled with last year contributions from 
 churches and families. The plan of having the build- 
 ings controlled by the men themselves has been tried with 
 success in some of the sailors' missions. The frequent 
 absence for prolonged intervals of many men does not 
 prevent the establishment of a committee upon which 
 those may serve who are to be in port or near at hand 
 for a longer or shorter season. 
 
 Such are some of the more common types of missions. 
 As for the Salvation Army and the Volunteers of 
 America, these, too, prefer to treat the question of the 
 saloon and its patronage from a spiritual standpoint 
 rather than one merely of sociology or of ethics. Their 
 peculiar duty is to bear heavily upon the hearts and 
 consciences of mankind. This is the work they do 
 with what consecration and success all the world knows. 
 The Salvation Army has proved two things that the 
 modern world needed to have freshly demonstrated : 
 the power of the Gospel both to reach and to uplift 
 the most degraded, the outcasts and the criminals ; and 
 the power of the Gospel to attract to its service men 
 and women of intelligence and culture who take literally 
 the word of the Master that they leave all and follow 
 Him. In this demonstration of the vitality of Chris- 
 tianity in its most humane and missionary aspects lies 
 the deepest service of the Salvation Army. Besides
 
 THE CHURCH, MISSION, AND SETTLEMENT. 137 
 
 this it may fairly be claimed for it that it reaches the 
 masses as the ordinary mission does not do. Their 
 work is prosecuted with success, and the sincerity of 
 its promoters has disarmed much criticism. 
 
 From the beginning, social service has been one of 
 the great underlying ideas of the Salvation Army 
 movement, which aims to care for the temporal as well 
 as the spiritual needs of men. A large part of the 
 social work of the army, such as the project of country 
 colonization, the means for providing temporary work 
 in factories, labor yards, and work-shops, for securing 
 permanent employment by labor bui'eaus, the work for 
 children, the rescue homes, the hospitals and dispensa- 
 ries, lies outside of the present discussion. Two forms 
 of social enterprise in which the Volunteers of America 
 and the Church Army participate must be described 
 later, — the food depots, cheap restaurants and coffee- 
 houses, and the shelters and workingmen's hotels. 
 With these eliminations there is left the social oppor- 
 tunity offered by the stations or barracks of the army, 
 of which there are no less than 684 in the different cities 
 of the country. These halls are always ready to be 
 thrown open in times of special need. During the bliz- 
 zards of winter, they give shelter to hundreds of home- 
 less and freezing persons on the streets. Nearly two 
 thousand homeless and destitute men and women were 
 given food and shelter one night two winters ago in the 
 shelters and barracks established by the army in the 
 Borough of Manhattan. And it must be said that the 
 army has demonstrated its sincerity to a degree which 
 removes the repellent atmosphere adhering so often to 
 religious institutions. The social value of these halls
 
 138 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 
 
 may be expressed in the words of a young man who 
 said as he was leaving, " Coming in here has kej)t me 
 out of the saloon for one night at any rate," and 
 without any doubt he was but one of many hundreds. 
 Still it is evident that since the rooms are intended 
 primarily for purposes of evangelization, their influence 
 as a social resort must be limited. It might be wished 
 that the Salvation Army and other organizations would 
 enter the field of substitution. Indeed, this has been 
 begun. Public reading-rooms have in a few instances 
 been established, but generally in connection with army 
 headquarters. If such rooms could be thrown open 
 along any of the streets of our cities, and provided with 
 current papers and magazines, they would attract more 
 visitors than they do now. One of the more radical 
 commissioners of the army expressed himself in favor 
 of having a smoking-room annexed to one of the halls. 
 The halls of the Salvation Army and other armies 
 are invariably located in the right spots. Their work- 
 ers are almost without exception free from prejudice, 
 and have a good hold upon the people. The army is 
 in a position to do a larger work in providing for the 
 temporary social needs of hundreds in our cities than it 
 has yet attempted. 
 
 It is impossible to appreciate the spirit and aim of 
 the Young Men's Christian Association without under- 
 standing precisely the motives of its founders, which 
 have continued to be its ruling purpose. What im- 
 pressed George Williams, when he went to London in 
 1841, was the appalling indifference to religion among 
 multitudes of young men. His one object in beginning
 
 THE CHURCH, MISSION, AND SETTLEMENT. 139 
 
 the work wliicli has grown to such dimensions was to 
 awaken an interest in religion among the young trades- 
 men of London. There was no other thought than to 
 win men to a personal acceptance of religion. In a few 
 years the methods employed broadened somewhat, but 
 the purpose of the association itself was unaltered. 
 It was still a " united body of young men working for 
 Jesus Christ in the sphere of their daily calling." It 
 was essentially a missionary movement, the field being 
 limited to the young men engaged in the trades and 
 commerce of a modern city. The success of the asso- 
 ciation in the eyes of its promoters was evidenced in 
 the fact that many were converted by its efforts. 
 
 This was the aim of all associations that were formed 
 in America after the English models. It was to be 
 an evangelistic effort on the part of Christian young 
 men to bring others under religious influences. Noon 
 prayer meetings, Sunday evening lectures, mission 
 Sunday schools, — these were the methods commonly 
 employed, and to-day when so much has been added 
 to the original conception, the religious idea is still 
 uppermost. All else is a means to this end. The 
 one supreme aim is the extension of the kingdom of 
 Christ among young men. " The object of this associ- 
 ation," says one report, " is to persuade men to begin 
 and continue in the Christian life." Educational and 
 social features are contributed, but they are never the 
 one determining end in themselves. That end is and 
 always has been " the one unswerving devotion to the 
 aim of winning young men to become Christians." ^ 
 
 1 History of the Young Men's Christian Association, by L. L. Dog- 
 gett, p. 61.
 
 140 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 
 
 The development of the institution has been very 
 rapid. Some causes for its success are the phenomenal 
 growth of city population, which has made the problem 
 of reaching the young men more and more pressing ; 
 the fact that the movement put into practical expression 
 the growing sense of denominational cooperation ; that 
 it became an exponent of the modern spirit of Chris- 
 tianity, which contemplates the development of the 
 whole nature of a man, and finally that it offered to 
 Christian laymen a practical field for religious effort. 
 The adoption of the new methods of work, which made 
 provision for the intellectual, social, and j^hysical needs 
 of young men, had much to do with this growth. Up 
 to 1870, after twenty years of effort, the associations 
 had acquired little permanent property and had few 
 paid workers. Under the new policy, local associations 
 began to multiply, buildings were erected, and paid offi- 
 cers became the rule. To-day (Year Book of 1900) 
 the total number of associations in existence in North 
 America is 1439 ; 1293 of these report an aggregate 
 membership of 255,472. The net value of buildings 
 and all other property is estimated at over §20,000,000. 
 The current expenses of 984 of these associations was 
 over two and a half millions of dollars for the year. 
 
 The opportunities which a modern Young Men's 
 Christian Association offers to young men are too well 
 known to need description. The dues are not over 
 ten dollars a year for all the privileges, including the 
 gymnasium, and sometimes they are as low as five 
 dollars.^ Three dollars invariably admits to everything 
 
 1 There are only two associations that charge over ten dollars for all 
 privileges.
 
 THE CHURCH, MISSION, AND SETTLEMENT. 141 
 
 but the gymnasium, and often for one dollar one obtains 
 the use for a year of a good reading-room, all kinds of 
 amusements, evening classes, and clubs. The gymna- 
 siums are often the very finest in the city. The evening 
 classes take the place of a first-class business college. 
 The social rooms are fitted up with every comfort. In 
 some associations meals are served for the benefit of 
 clerks, and young business men. Employment bureaus 
 are common. Never before have the physical, mental, 
 and social needs of young men been more amply sup- 
 plied than in a modern Christian Association building. 
 It is impossible not to be impressed with the value of its 
 influence upon those who are connected with it. Many 
 young men who frequent these association halls, which 
 are kept open every night, are preserved from the temp- 
 tations of city life. They are the ceiitres of best influ- 
 ences. A young man is always sure there of a personal 
 interest, of good advice, of a helping hand, and hun- 
 dreds receive there what they would never obtain else- 
 where. 
 
 Special mention ought to be made of one department 
 of the Association, The work for railroad men was 
 begun in 1872. There are now 151 railroad associa- 
 tions, with a membership of 32,000. They are made 
 especially attractive for railroad men, who may become 
 members irrespective of creed, for whose needs special 
 provision is made in the way of lodgings, smoking and 
 reading rooms, lunch counters, and evening classes. 
 These associations are " homes away from home." 
 That the railroad corporations appreciate their work 
 is shown by the fact that they make an annual appro- 
 priation of $175,000 for their support. Foreign gov-
 
 142 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 
 
 ernments are beginning to realize the importance of 
 this work, and are seeking to establish similar institu- 
 tions for railroad employees. In what follows, an excep- 
 tion must in part be made of this department of the 
 Christian association work. 
 
 It is evident at once that association buildings, with 
 all their splendid equipment, are not great democratic 
 centres like Cooper Union and the public libraries, 
 and that the Association itself is hardly a factor in what 
 may be called the industrial problem. A few statistics 
 will make this clear. The institution reaches, with all its 
 different branches, but a fraction of the young men in 
 any city, and the buildings, as a rule, are a long way 
 from being filled to their utmost capacity, although 
 thousands of men without work are needing a place of 
 rest and amusement. Baltimore has at least 75,000 
 young men among its population, but the total Young 
 Men's Christian Association membership is but 2398. 
 All the New York branches have a combined member- 
 ship of 4479 out of a total constituency of 550,000 men. 
 Looking at the country at large, we find, according to 
 the census of 1890, a total of 6,119,646 men between 
 the ages of 16 and 44.^ In the 500 towns which sup- 
 port Young Men's Christian Associations, we find a 
 membership of 169,299 (Year Book of 1899), or about 
 three per cent of the total. In Chicago there are 456,- 
 964 men. Of these in the four departments of the 
 Young Men's Christian Association, there are but 4721 
 members, or but one per cent of the total. 
 
 1 These statistics and those following relating to Chicago are taken 
 from a report prepared by Mr. J. T. Oaks and other members of the 
 Chicago Association upon the religious condition of young men in the 
 United States.
 
 THE CHURCH, MISSION, AND SETTLEMENT. 143 
 
 Of greater importance is the question of the class 
 of young men who actually make use of the associa- 
 tion privileges. Of these young men it may be said 
 that they consist of those who are in the main reli- 
 gious in temperament, who are not adverse to a reli- 
 gious environment ; that the majority of them have 
 social connections in the city in which they reside ; 
 and that they come from the better class of working- 
 men, tradesmen and clerks, or members of professions, 
 and not from the class of unskilled labor. 
 
 It has been said, by some in authority, that at least 
 sixty per cent of the young men connected with any 
 association could be considered as belonging to the 
 category of religious men — men, that is, who have 
 come from Christian homes. In the Chicago Associa- 
 tion (Central Department) sixty-seven per cent attend 
 evangelical churches, while forty-four per cent indi- 
 cate membership in some Protestant church. If these 
 figures are at all representative, they show that the 
 natural constituency of the association is limited to a 
 very distinct portion of the men of our cities. For the 
 most part, they are Protestant, and of these a con- 
 siderable percentage are already affiliated with the 
 church. 
 
 Again, it can be shown by figures from at least one 
 association that its influence upon the class of young 
 men who are comparative strangers is rather meagre. 
 We have taken the records of new members join- 
 ing the principal branches in New York during the 
 year 1897 with reference to length of residence in 
 the city.
 
 144 
 
 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 
 
 
 One Month. 
 
 One Month and 
 DNDEE One Yeak. 
 
 Twenty-third Street Branch 
 West Side Branch . . . 
 
 Harlem 
 
 East Side Branch . . . 
 Young Men's Institute. . 
 German Branch .... 
 French Branch .... 
 
 
 115 
 39 
 12 
 
 10 
 14 
 14 
 
 Per cent. 
 14.47 
 6.02 
 2.42 
 
 3.66 
 
 9.52 
 
 21.87 
 
 130 
 71 
 44 
 1 
 17 
 16 
 22 
 
 Per cent. 
 16.35 
 10.96 
 
 8.87 
 .50 
 
 6.22 
 10.89 
 34.37 
 
 Total 
 
 204 
 
 7.78 
 
 301 
 
 11.47 
 
 
 One Yeae and undeb 
 Five Yeabs. 
 
 Five Yeaes and 
 oveh. 
 
 Twenty-third Street Br 
 West Side Branch . 
 
 an 
 
 3h 
 
 
 153 
 
 122 
 
 73 
 
 13 
 
 28 
 
 9 
 
 18 
 
 Per cent. 
 19.25 
 18.83 
 14.72 
 
 6.50 
 10.22 
 
 6.12 
 28.13 
 
 258 
 
 242 
 
 145 
 
 64 
 
 154 
 
 29 
 
 10 
 
 Per cent. 
 32.45 
 37.34 
 29 23 
 
 East Side Branch 
 Young Men's Institute 
 German Branch . . 
 French Branch . . 
 
 
 
 32.00 
 56.41 
 19.73 
 15.63 
 
 Total 
 
 416 
 
 15.86 
 
 902 
 
 34.39 
 
 
 Lifetime. 
 
 Total. 
 
 Twenty-third Street Branch .... 
 West Side Branch 
 
 139 
 174 
 
 222 
 
 122 
 
 64 
 
 79 
 
 Per cent. 
 17.48 
 26.85 
 44.76 
 61.00 
 23.44 
 53.74 
 
 795 
 648 
 496 
 
 East Side Branch 
 
 Young Men's Institute 
 
 200 
 273 
 147 
 
 
 64 
 
 
 
 Total 
 
 800 
 
 30.50 
 
 2623
 
 THE CHURCH, MISSION, AND SETTLEMENT. 145 
 
 It is therefore evident that but a small proportion 
 of those who become intimately acquainted with this 
 association are actually strangers in the city. These 
 may occasionally frequent the rooms, but they do not 
 at once find a home there. On the whole, it may be 
 said that the Association finds its principal field among 
 the young men who presumably have fixed social con- 
 nections. Excellent as the work of the Association is, 
 it leaves untouched the question of social recreation 
 for the young men coming to New York without any 
 acquaintances and striving to make their way. 
 
 That the membership of the Association is not re- 
 cruited from the ranks of unskilled labor may be seen 
 by scanning the rolls of any association membership. 
 Of the 289 members of the Young Men's Institute 
 branch in New York, 98 are clerks and salesmen, 45 
 are mechanics, 23 printers and lithographers, and 14 
 engineers and firemen. Of the 3547 members of the 
 Central Department of the Chicago Association, 251T 
 are engaged in mercantile pursuits, 557 in the profes- 
 ""sions, 402 perform skilled labor, and only 71 are un- 
 skilled laborers. Or, if we look at the question of 
 nationality, we discover that although fifty-eight per 
 cent of the wage-earners of Chicago are foreign born, 
 and only twenty per cent are native Americans, no 
 less than seventy-seven per cent of the membership 
 of the Central Department are Americans and only 
 twenty-three per cent are foreign born or of foreign 
 parentage. 
 
 If this evidence is at all conclusive, it is apparent 
 that the Association is doing a splendid social work 
 among a certain number of young men in our large
 
 146 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 
 
 cities, its constituency being composed of mechanics 
 and tradesmen who are for the most part native-born 
 and fixed residents, inclined by training and tempera- 
 ment to religious ideas ; but that it is failing to reach 
 the mass of the men in our cities who desperately need 
 the very advantages which the Association offers. 
 
 Such a conclusion will draw forth varying replies. 
 One will be that such a constituency is the legitimate 
 field of association effort ; that the Association does 
 not seek to be a factor in the industrial problem ; 
 that if the doors should be flung open to every one, 
 those whom the Association most desires to help would 
 not remain ; that it is on the whole better policy to 
 work for a few and do much for them rather than to 
 shelter and amuse hundreds for whom nothing more 
 could be done. Such a view is not necessarily narrow. 
 Apjjarent limitation is often the highest wisdom. 
 
 Others will be dissatisfied, unwilling that before so 
 great a need the Association should continue to min- 
 ister to so few and to those who seem least in need. 
 They will seek to amend the constitution, to adopt 
 new methods whereby the constituency will be in- 
 creased. They will advocate the abolishment of the 
 "membership" test requiring a controlling member of 
 the Association to belong to some evangelical church. 
 By making the Association less of a church annex, 
 they will hojic to attract those who are not in sym- 
 pathy with religious ideas. They will favor the erec- 
 tion of lodging-houses, the maintenance of coffee- 
 houses, restaurants and reading-rooms to be used by 
 all, in which the religious element makes no appear- 
 ance. They will seek to introduce amusements like
 
 THE CHURCH, MISSION, AND SETTLEMENT. 147 
 
 billiards, smoking, and card-playing, maintaining that 
 under right conditions these are not vicious, that there 
 is no reason why they should not have their place in 
 an institution whose aim is to minister to all classes of 
 men. The State Association of Connecticut already 
 permits the use of billiards in the different Associa- 
 tions, and the state secretary writes that this form of 
 amusement has done no harm and has " helped mate- 
 rially in holding the membership." 
 
 The most radical proposition of all will insist upon 
 a utilization of the present Young Men's Christian 
 Association buildings in all our cities as resorts for 
 the wage-earner no matter what sacrifice the change 
 may involve. Here is the greatest need and the 
 most difficult work now confronting American Chris- 
 tianity. All means thus far employed have proved 
 totally inadequate. And here stand expensive and 
 splendidly equipped buildings by no means filled to 
 their utmost capacity, which thousands of men will 
 never think of entering so long as they remain centres 
 for evangelistic or religious work. A separation of 
 religious exercises from association buildings will be 
 seen to be the only solution of the problem, and the 
 buildings will then be thrown open to workingmen, 
 and the prejudice which at present keeps them away 
 will gradually disappear. 
 
 As to the present constitution and traditions of the 
 Association no change would be necessary. Keligious 
 services and Bible classes will be held in adjacent church 
 buildings. Bands of young men in all our churches 
 will be eni'olled as Association members, and a real 
 service will have been rendered in thus connecting
 
 148 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 
 
 religiously inclined young men immediately witli the 
 churches. The benefits to the Association would be 
 incalculable if by this means the association buildings 
 might minister to the needs of thousands of those who 
 most need help in the midst of the social evils of our 
 city life. 
 
 The one essential condition of a Settlement is the 
 residence of one or more persons among the poorer 
 classes, for the purpose of ascertaining and supplying, 
 in some degree, their needs. The settlement, no mat- 
 ter of what name or kind, realizes the ideal of a social 
 democracy. The attitude of the settlement toward all 
 questions of reform, toward the problem of the saloon 
 in its relation to the people, for example, is clearly seen 
 by this definition of its real position in the social organ- 
 ism. It is the natural opponent of any effort to reform 
 actual conditions that does not proceed from a correct 
 appreciation of those conditions based upon a personal 
 experience of them, for in this way reform becomes in- 
 terference from without, does not spring from a real 
 sense of brotherhood. Any effort to practice upon one 
 class of society theories conceived by another class has 
 the fatal defect inherent in any divided social order. 
 When, as realized by the settlement, society is not two 
 but one, then the woes of the one will become the woes 
 of tlae other and the needs of one the needs of the other, 
 and only then can true reform be either justly con- 
 ceived or successfully achieved. 
 
 The temper of settlement work varies according as 
 the em2:)hasis is laid upon the personal force or uY)on 
 the development of institutional activity. Thus the
 
 THE CHURCH, MISSION, AND SETTLEMENT. 149 
 
 aim of one settlement is described in these terms : " Our 
 settlement has for its aim to develop through study and 
 action in this single locality new ways of meeting some 
 of the serious problems of society, such as may be ap- 
 plied in other places, and to draw into this effort the 
 finest available powers of heart and mind." A personal 
 influence is the chief opponent of the saloon. 
 
 The value of such a method of work is not express- 
 ible in facts or figures. Its influence in overcoming 
 the hold of the saloon cannot be computed ; it must be 
 inferred. The effort is to create social resources in the 
 personal life, in the home, and in the natural associa- 
 tions of the people which will lessen the appeal of the 
 saloons. The desire of a higher kind of recreation is 
 created and fostered. As the life of the community 
 becomes itself more beautiful, the coarser elements of 
 the environment occupy a proportionately inferior posi- 
 tion and exert a gradually diminishing influence. Like 
 any other growth, this development is gradual, but it is 
 none the less real. Evidences of its progress, however, 
 are not wanting. It is seen in the growing sense of 
 self-respect in many families that feel the influence of 
 the settlement. It is seen in the looks and the dress 
 of the children. It is found in the decrease of visible 
 drunkenness in the neighborhood ; it is evidenced in 
 the growth of better ideals, in an increased interest in 
 the higher concerns of life. To illustrate from the ex- 
 perience of a single settlement, which is the experience 
 of them all : The head worker says that in the course 
 of nearly five years he has not known on the premises 
 one dozen cases of intoxication, while there used to be 
 that number every week. Of even more interest is his
 
 150 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 
 
 estimate that to-day not thirty per cent of the men 
 connected in one way or another with the settlement 
 vote for Tammany, while five years ago they were a 
 unit in their support of the Tammany ticket. 
 
 There is no need to specify the means by which such 
 results are attained. The point to be borne in mind is 
 this : that even where settlements are not institutions, 
 where they do little in the way of direct substitution, 
 of offering an asylum from the social evils of the com- 
 munity, they still exert a powerful and pervasive influ- 
 ence in overcoming the attractions of the saloon. If 
 there were one direction in which it might be wished 
 that this influence should make itself felt, it is upon the 
 life of the existing adult clubs of the community, and 
 especially the young men's clubs, which remain as sheep 
 having no shepherd. It is the most needed, and the 
 least attempted of all the forms of settlement work in 
 America to-day. 
 
 But no settlement contents itself with being only the 
 centre of a personal influence, but seeks to improve 
 the external conditions of life by whatever means it can. 
 The activities of any settlement depend upon the size 
 of the building, the number of residents, and upon the 
 kind of work which the settlement proposes for the 
 most part to do. 
 
 Most settlements devote their energies chiefly to the 
 children and to the young people. It is the exception 
 to find large numbers of men over twenty-five years of 
 age connected directly with any of the settlements. 
 The age at which the boy drops away varies. Some 
 give it at eighteen years, others at twenty and others 
 at twenty -one, and all agree that it becomes iucreas-
 
 THE CHURCH, MISSION, AND SETTLEMENT. 151 
 
 ingly difficult after that age to hold and interest the 
 men. To this fact must be added another, and that is 
 the lack of equipment, which prevents many settle- 
 ments from doing for the men the kind of work they 
 would like to undertake. A large room in which smok- 
 ing is permitted is the essential condition for any such 
 work, and even this many settlements do not possess. 
 Some have buildings adjacent to the settlement house 
 itself in which many methods of providing for the social 
 life of the neighborhood are successfully carried on. 
 
 The most common, and the most useful of these as 
 a means of recreation, are the entertainments of a 
 social nature given from time to time, to which both 
 men and women are admitted. These entertainments 
 never fail to attract the people in large numbers, and 
 it is interesting to observe that the numbers have been 
 the greatest when the programme was presented by 
 the young people themselves. One settlement jiro- 
 vided thirty-one of these entertainments from October 
 to May, the total attendance being 6731. Nearly 
 every settlement has its dancing class. The op]3ortu- 
 nities thus offered for social enjoyment in the midst of 
 elevating surroundings is in every way beneficial. 
 Some of the pupils of dancing classes have been led 
 to join other classes, and a few have been stimulated 
 to take a college education. Sometimes these social 
 gatherings are even more informal and consist simply 
 of a social hour for all who care to attend. But how- 
 ever simple in character, they are direct substitutes for 
 the saloon. The settlement is often the only place in 
 the neighborhood at which rational and harmless amuse- 
 ment can be enjoyed.
 
 152 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 
 
 Next in importance as saloon substitutes are the 
 different clubs and classes for men. Almost without 
 exception, these clubs, if they are not of a wholly 
 social nature, are for the study or discussion of current 
 political, economic, or sociological problems. These are 
 the interests, as we have seen, which command the 
 attention of the adult wage-earners of any community. 
 For the older men are sometimes provided occasional 
 conferences on modern problems. To these discussions 
 women are admitted. For the younger men similar 
 discussions and debates are attractive. The club that 
 will hold the interest longest is a citizenship club, or 
 an economic club, or some association that tends to 
 bring the members into intelligent connection with the 
 problems of the day. The school extension class of 
 one settlement graduates its members into the munici- 
 pal departments. Eleven men have gone from it into 
 the police, thirteen into the department of street 
 cleaning, and another into the office of sewer assess- 
 ments. The citizenship club of another settlement 
 was instrumental in calling a public meeting on the 
 water question. Almost invariably it is found that 
 some such methods as these must be employed if the 
 young men are to be held after they have been gradu- 
 ated from the boys' clubs. 
 
 But what is needed above everything else is a plan 
 by which young men may be held to the settlement 
 instead of drifting away, as is so often the case. Un- 
 less this can be accomplished, the work of the settle- 
 ments for men must at the best be the least successful 
 of their different activities. The best plan for retain- 
 ing the hold upon the men is to give them a real
 
 THE CHURCH, MISSION, AND SETTLEMENT. 153 
 
 responsibility in the control of the settlement house as 
 a whole, and not merely to train them in the habits of 
 self-government within their own organizations. The 
 method rests upon the simple proposition that with 
 adult life comes a growing sense of independence, a 
 growing sense of restraint under management, how- 
 ever beneficent, a growing desire to initiate, and to 
 control. Young people of a certain age much prefer 
 to do things rather than to have things done for them. 
 It is here that the guild idea has its hold. The 
 guild committee' of the University Settlement, to which 
 reference has already been made, does things and feels 
 free to criticise points of management or policy which 
 do not meet their approval. It can act in a legislative 
 capacity upon some matters, and is an advisory board 
 to the head worker upon others. The results of such 
 a plan have been plainly seen in the continuous hold 
 which the settlement has maintained upon those clubs 
 after their members have grown to adult years. The 
 original young men's club does not exist to-day, 
 it is true ; but the only reason for this is that the 
 neighborhood has changed, and the German families, 
 from which the club was recruited, have moved away. 
 The club, originally composed of boys from fourteen 
 to eighteen years of age, now men of from twenty-five 
 to twenty-nine years old, still exists with practically 
 the same members. 
 
 But the work of the settlements in counteracting the 
 social attractions of the saloon goes beyond an indi- 
 rect influence upon the neighborhood as a whole, and 
 even beyond direct provision for the social needs of 
 its own constituency. The effort has been made to
 
 154 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 
 
 establish and operate direct social substitutes open to 
 all the residents of the neighborhood, whether or not 
 they are connected with the settlement itself. This is 
 a recent development and one which has not as yet 
 been carried very far. Reading-rooms, diet kitchens, 
 and coffee-houses have been established and success- 
 fully conducted ; and a few settlements in the country 
 are endeavoring to meet this problem by the most 
 heroic of all means. The settlement house itself is made 
 a home for families or individuals, and supplies within 
 that home means of sociability and of self-improve- 
 ment. In the city of Buffalo a tenement block with no 
 fewer than one hundred families in it was rented by a 
 settlement worker. It was one of the worst in the city 
 and in the worst possible location. The block was put 
 in good repair and rented to fifty-six tenants, who have 
 sub-rented until it is occupied at present by full one 
 hundred families, only now certain rules of hygiene 
 are insisted upon ; classes have been started and clubs 
 organized from among the occupants. There are 
 amusement rooms and entertainments, a library and 
 a savings bank, and, needless to say, a new order of 
 life among the little colony of five hundred people. 
 
 There is every reason for believing that the provi- 
 sion for direct substitutes can be accomplished more 
 speedily and managed more wisely by the settlements 
 than by any other agency. This would be a most fortu- 
 nate extension of the fund of wisdom and of consecrated 
 personal energy already represented by the fourscore 
 of settlements existing to-day in America. There 
 would doubtless be no aversion upon the part of the 
 settlement people to undertake the responsibility.
 
 THE CHURCH, MISSION, AND SETTLEMENT. 155 
 
 They possess a knowledge of the field not possessed or 
 obtainable by any others than actual residents and 
 trained observers. They have a habit of mind which 
 precludes the possibility of any taint of patronage in 
 their several undertakings. They are not " foreign- 
 ers " who are invading for the purposes of reform. 
 And last but not least, they are free from any religious 
 or temperance bias which subjectively and objectively 
 alike has proved the ruin of many a well-intentioned 
 enterprise. If churches, Women's Christian Temper- 
 ance unions, Young People's societies, and private 
 individuals would utilize the settlements as their 
 agents in such schemes, instead of attempting to man- 
 age them alone, there would be fewer failures in the 
 difficult work of substitution.
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 INDOOR AMUSEMENTS. 
 
 Many o£ the resorts of the people during the winter 
 months have already been described : the evening 
 schools, lectures and classes of all kinds, the reading- 
 rooms and libraries. Such clubs as are at the disposal 
 of the working people are now crowded. All of these 
 furnish a certain amount of amusement and recreation. 
 It is the purpose of the present chapter, however, to 
 endeavor to estimate the ethical value of certain dis- 
 tinctively amusement agencies, especially as they oper- 
 ate as substitutes for the saloon. 
 
 A discussion of the value of billiard and pool rooms 
 as social centres is simplified somewhat by the discovery 
 that the opportunity to indulge in this pastime is gen- 
 erally inseparable from the sale of intoxicating liquors. 
 The saloons and the hotels furnish ordinarily the 
 rendezvous for the billiard player. The number of 
 billiard rooms or halls in any city which exist entirely 
 separate from a saloon or a bar is very limited. In 
 Baltimore only thirteen were to be found, of which one 
 was situated next to a saloon and another had a passage 
 connecting it with an adjacent bar-room. In Denver of 
 seventy-six pool and billiard rooms, sixty were licensed 
 as adjuncts of saloons or clubs, and of the remainder 
 several were next door to a saloon. Chicago has one hun- 
 dred and forty billiard halls, but only those in the local
 
 INDOOR AMUSEMENTS. 157 
 
 option districts of Hyde Park and Englewood are free 
 from the sale of liquors. In Philadelphia and Boston, 
 where comparatively few of the saloons have appliances 
 for either billiards or pool, many more billiard-rooms 
 were found ; but even where their number is sufficiently 
 large appreciably to effect the situation, their depend- 
 ence upon adjacent saloons is commonly too great to give 
 them much value as saloon substitutes. Frequently the 
 billiard-room is placed as near as possible to a saloon, 
 sometimes above it, sometimes next door to it, often 
 with a connecting passage. The idea of the billiard- 
 room proprietor is, generally speaking, to see how many 
 of the saloon patrons he can attract to his own estab- 
 lishment after or between drinks. He does not seri- 
 ously contemplate building up a patronage of his own. 
 One proprietor computed it in this way : " The saloon 
 next me does a business aggregating a thousand dollars 
 a week. I expect fully fifty per cent of this patronage 
 to come to me during the evening and on Saturday 
 afternoons, to ' loaf between drinks.' In this way I 
 can do business." In New York it was not evident 
 that many of the billiard halls had a saloon connection. 
 They seemed to shift their location frequently, evidently 
 seeking the cheapest rents. But an examination of the 
 places and of their patrons showed that the relation 
 between them and the saloons was very close. It is 
 doubtful also if the " atmosphere " of ordinary billiard- 
 rooms is appreciably different from that of the saloon, 
 or if it really encourages its patrons to any higher 
 standard of conduct. It is commonly the loafing-place 
 of the toughs and sports of the neighborhood who are 
 already confirmed saloon patrons. It is the stepping-
 
 158 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 
 
 stone to the saloon of the youth who has not already 
 contracted the drink habit. In a word, the transition 
 from the pool-room to the saloon is very easy, and the 
 patrons of the one are already or tend very naturally 
 to become patrons of the other. 
 
 The question of how far the billiard hall fosters the 
 gambling habit is a difficult one to answer. Of course, 
 playing for drinks or for the cost of a game, in itself 
 a gambling device, is a common matter of courtesy. 
 Beyond this certain billiard-rooms in any city undoubt- 
 edly exist, well known to the " talent," where bets are 
 made and encouraged by the proprietor, but in general 
 it can probably be said that billiards is not a gambling 
 game. It depends too much on skill, too little on 
 chance, and gives no opportunity for cheating. As one 
 man put it, "Professional gamblers won't touch bil- 
 liards ; it 's too honest a game." ^ Yet all things con- 
 sidered, it must be admitted that the billiard-rooms of 
 our cities as they exist are not in any legitimate sense 
 ethical substitutes for the saloon. The same estimate 
 must be made of the bowling-alleys, and, to a less 
 extent, of the shooting-galleries, although the latter are 
 not numerous enough seriously to enter into the pro- 
 blem. They both cater to the saloon trade rather than 
 offset it. They are a saloon annex rather than a saloon 
 rival. It thus unfortunately comes to pass that even 
 the most popular games requiring skill and intelligence 
 are found to be in such close connection with the drink 
 habit that they cannot be counted among the number 
 of the all too few means of offsetting it. The situa- 
 tion certainly suggests the possibility of rescuing these 
 
 1 From the Chicago report.
 
 INDOOR AMUSEMENTS. 159 
 
 legitimate means of entertainment from the associations 
 which tend to degrade them, of making them helpful 
 instead of harmful centres of recreation. Under com- 
 petent management they would certainly be self-sup- 
 porting. 
 
 In every city, especially in the tenement districts, 
 there are public halls which serve as centres for the 
 social life of the neighborhood. A study of the differ- 
 ent forms of social activity carried on in these halls 
 gives one an idea of the scope of the social life of the 
 working people. These halls are in effect the common 
 drawing-rooms, ballrooms, and music-rooms of hun- 
 dreds of families living in the same district. Not only 
 concerts and dances, but private weddings and family 
 celebrations as well are commonly given in them. The 
 best known and best managed of these halls are in 
 constant demand.^ The manager of one of them in the 
 East Side of New York said recently that a series of 
 balls and weddings had just closed which had run 
 through twenty-seven nights. These halls will accom- 
 modate from five to twelve hundred persons, and can 
 be rented for thirty dollars a night for a wedding or a 
 ball. The manager of the dance pays for the hall, 
 hires an orchestra of from four to six instruments, and 
 expects to be more than repaid by the sale of tickets at 
 twenty-five and thirty-five cents. 
 
 These halls are also the headquarters of the dancing 
 
 classes and academies. The social value of these classes 
 
 is very great. They afford one of a very few means of 
 
 recreation where the sexes can meet upon a decent 
 
 ^ Year Book of the University Settlement of New York, 1899, p. 39.
 
 IGO SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 
 
 footing. For the most part these dancing classes are 
 respectably conducted, and there is a good deal of taste 
 and refinement to be found even in the poorest. The 
 use of liquors between dances is seldom carried too far. 
 The chief object is to have a social evening, and those 
 who attend are more bent on social enjoyment than 
 upon drinking. Moreover the dancers are on specially 
 good behavior, since they know that otherwise they will 
 lose their proficiency, and there is considerable compe- 
 tition for the distinction of being the most graceful 
 dancer. 
 
 The question of the ethical value of these amusement 
 centres depends upon the use to which they are put 
 and upon the presence or absence of the bar. Some 
 halls acquire a bad name and become the rendezvous 
 for the rougher classes of girls and men. In some 
 cities the proprietor is always licensed to maintain a 
 bar, and then intoxication is common, especially at the 
 larger dances, when between seven and eight hundred 
 persons attend. At smaller dances, greater respecta- 
 bility is maintained because the company is more select. 
 At the weddings excessive drinking is rare. It is at 
 the public balls that disorder is at its height, when the 
 beer flows freely. All this emphasizes the need of 
 public meeting-places where liquor is not served and 
 where a high social tone may be cultivated. Just as 
 the summer problem is one of getting out of door meet- 
 ing-places and breathing-spaces, so the winter calls for 
 respectable, quiet, and well-ventilated public halls as 
 the solution of its social problem. 
 
 A common form of amusement for men is furnished
 
 INDOOR AMUSEMENTS. 161 
 
 by the athletic clubs or associations which conduct 
 boxing and sparring exhibitions during the winter 
 months. In Philadelphia, for example, there are no 
 less than six such associations, and the bouts occur in 
 the season at very frequent intervals. ^ All who are 
 interested in the better conditions for the working peo- 
 ple will agree that this sport, even at its best, is not a 
 desirable form of amusement, yet it is impossible not 
 to say a word in its defense. In the first place, it must 
 be recognized that a good deal of surplus energy can 
 be worked off at these places in a very short time. 
 The thirst for excitement, which often drives a man to 
 drink, is here quickly satisfied. The interest is per- 
 haps more intense than at any other kind of sport. 
 Here is competition in its most vivid form ; the atten- 
 tion is strained to the last degree. A man goes home 
 exhausted after such an evening. He has had all that 
 he can stand of excitement for the time being. Then, 
 too, the element of brutality at these limited round 
 contests is not so great as might be imagined. As a 
 rule, the six-round contests at the Arena or the Indus- 
 trial Hall of Philadelphia are much less brutal than 
 the average football or wrestling match. The man- 
 agers, for one thing, do not enjoy the notoriety which 
 bruising contests bring them, and do their best to 
 avoid their occurrence. Eio^hteen minvites does not 
 offer sufficient time for any great amount of damage 
 to be done, especially since neither of the principals 
 is anxious to score a " knock out." Disgusting, then, 
 as these contests often are from an aesthetic or even 
 moral point of view, they are not an unmitigated evil 
 
 1 From the Philadelphia report.
 
 1C2 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 
 
 by any means, for often they seem to develop the vir- 
 tue of honesty as well as to put a premium upon pluck. 
 In " A Ten Years' War," Mr. Riis describes one of 
 these " mills " and brings out the point of which we 
 have spoken.^ " The hall was jammed with a rough 
 and noisy crowd, hotly intent upon its favorite. His 
 opponent, who hailed, I think, from somewhere in 
 Delaware, was greeted with hostile demonstrations as 
 a 'foreigner.' But as the battle wore on, and he 
 was seen to be fair and manly, while the New Yorker 
 struck one foul blow after another, the attitude of the 
 <;rowd changed rapidly from enthusiastic approval of 
 the favorite to scorn and contempt; and in the last 
 round, when he knocked the Delawarean over with a 
 foul blow, the audience rose in a body and yelled to 
 have the fight given to the ' foreigner,' until my 
 blood tingled with pride. For the decision would 
 leave it practically without a cent. It had staked all 
 it had on the New Yorker. ' He is a good man,' I 
 heard on all sides, while the once favorite sneaked 
 away without a friend. ' Good ' meant fair and manly 
 to that crowd. I thought, as I went to the office the next 
 morning, that it ought to be easy to aj^peal to such a 
 people with measures that were fair and just, if we 
 could only get on common ground. But the only hint 
 I got from my reform paper was an editorial denuncia- 
 tion of the brutality of boxing, on the same page that 
 had an enthusiastic review of the college football sea- 
 son. I do not suppose it did any harm, for the j)aper 
 was probably not read by one of the men it had set 
 out to reform. Yet suppose it had been, how much 
 1 A Ten Years' War, pp. 258, 259.
 
 INDOOR AMUSEMENTS. 163 
 
 would it have appealed to them ? Exactly the quali- 
 ties of robust manliness which football is supposed to 
 encourage in college students had been evoked by the 
 trial of strength and skill which they had witnessed. 
 As to the brutality, they knew that fifty yoimg men 
 are maimed or killed at football to one who fairs ill 
 in a boxing-match. Would it seem to them common 
 sense, or cant and humbug ? " 
 
 Of the smaller amusement enterprises which appear 
 from time to time along the streets of our cities, there 
 is little to be said in this place. Their influence upon 
 the social life of the people is meagre and intermit- 
 tent. A shooting-gallery will attract for a time, the 
 mutoscope will reap its harvest of pennies, and any 
 novelty, if duly placed on exhibition with a suitable 
 amount of advertising, will draw its crowds of boys 
 and girls if not of men. The more stable of these 
 places of entertainment are the dime museums, aqua- 
 riums, and nickelodeons, which occupy a kind of middle 
 ground between the circus and the playhouse. It is 
 here that the three-legged boy or the double-headed 
 woman, the orang-outang, and the sea serpent can be 
 seen. It is here that Madame Bosca swallows live 
 snakes, that the human ostrich eats nails and glass 
 and knives, that the India-rubber man turns himself 
 inside out. Usually there is a poor sort of dramatic 
 entertainment given in an adjacent room called " com- 
 edy skits " of doubtful taste ; clog-dancing, juggling, 
 songs, and " acting " of all kinds have their place. 
 The patronage of the best of these museums is gen- 
 erally large. Thus Austin & Stone's Museum on
 
 164 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 
 
 Scollay Square, Boston, is usually filled during the 
 afternoon and evening at almost any season of the 
 year. Something is going on there all the time, and 
 the " fakes " are few. The crowd is made uj) very 
 largely of men and boys whose idle time and spare 
 dimes are consumed without much damajje being: done 
 to their morals. The lowest of these places are very 
 low. Between the best and worst are those which 
 make a point of sensational advertisement. Within 
 they are harmless enough, and when their true char- 
 acter becomes too well known, they move on to another 
 locality. The character of all these places, then, varies 
 considerably. AVhere they are not absolutely bad, they 
 have a certain value in the number and character of 
 their constituency, whose time and money would better 
 be spent there than in the saloons. 
 
 The most important place of amusement for the 
 people, together with the saloon and the public hall, is 
 without doubt the theatre. It is necessary to see to 
 what extent the theatre is available for the people and 
 what its total influence is as a centre of recreation. 
 It is important at the start to make a distinction, for 
 the discussion of the saloon as a social centre reminds 
 us that the line between the saloon-theatre and the 
 theatre itself is not always very clear. Sometimes 
 saloons have a theatre annex, and sometimes theatres 
 permit smoking and drinking. A theatre, for the pur- 
 pose of this discussion, is a place where a stage per- 
 formance is given for which an admission price is 
 charged. 
 
 This eliminates the saloons which offer some sort of
 
 INDOOR AMUSEMENTS. 165 
 
 dramatic entertainment and the music halls. These 
 music halls, so called, are in reality saloons of the 
 lowest type run imder a different name. They are 
 worse than ordinary saloons, since they combine the 
 vice of prostitution with that of intemperance. Ad- 
 mission is free. The women, after performing, fre- 
 quently circulate through the hall in order to persuade 
 the men to " set them up " to drinks. Needless to say 
 these places are the centres of an immense amovmt of 
 social vice. There is absolutely no good in them, and 
 it is difficult to understand why they are allowed the 
 protection of the law in any of our American cities. 
 The same may be said of the saloon vaudeville shows. 
 They are an unmitigated nuisance, a public misfortune 
 of such dimensions that no time should be lost in abso- 
 lutely prohibiting them. No saloon should be allowed 
 to present any form of dramatic entertainment. Inva- 
 riably, as might be expected, the performance is low 
 and degrading. The tendency is always downward. 
 The difficulty of drawing the people into decent places 
 of amusement must be great when it has to rival the 
 free saloon performances. The very men that frequent 
 these places and the music halls are the men that most 
 need decent recreation. Here is a sample of what they 
 have given them in a well-known Chicago saloon- 
 theatre : — 
 
 PROGRAMME 
 
 Week Beginning 
 Monday, August 14, 1899. 
 
 The performance will commence with 
 
 the screaming comedy by Jim Smith, entitled 
 
 McCracken's Reception.
 
 166 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 
 
 Characters by Company. 
 
 Staff 
 
 Promoter . . « H. Besch. 
 
 Matchmaker H. Blanchard. 
 
 Referee Jim Smith. 
 
 Bottleholder Fred Kettler. 
 
 Timekeeper E. Jay Smith. 
 
 Time, First Round in Favor of 
 
 AlfNIE GOLDIE. 
 
 The West Side Slasher, 
 
 liEO FLOBENCE. 
 BESSIE RAYMOND. 
 
 She is Handy with Her Mitts. 
 Jeffries' Next Opponent, 
 
 MR. FKED HAWLEY. 
 MABEL LEONDO, 
 
 Heroine of a Million Matches — Parlor, Sulphur, and 
 Otherwise. 
 
 SADIE MARSH, 
 
 The Victor of many Defeats. 
 
 SMITH VS. FLORENCE, 
 
 With a Bunch of Siler Gossip. 
 ^ The Airweight Champion, 
 
 MISS NELLIE BURNS. 
 
 The Misses 
 
 GOLDIE VS. RAYMOND 
 
 Will Meet All Comers. 
 The Modern Atlas, 
 
 GEORGE WILSON, 
 
 In Feats of Heavy Lifting, etc.
 
 INDOOR AMUSEMENTS. 167 
 
 The Unknown and Undefeated 
 
 ANNIE LESLIE. 
 MISS TOPSY TURVY, 
 
 In Training for a Rough House. 
 A Good Trainer, Adviser, and Fixer, 
 
 MABEL LEONDO. 
 
 A Grand Wrestling-Match. 
 
 MR. WILSON 
 
 Will Meet a Different Man Each Evening. 
 
 The effect of such an evening's entertainment is not 
 difficult to imagine. The least that any American city- 
 can do for its people is to prohibit immoral liquor 
 sellers from debaucliing the minds of its citizens. 
 
 There is no such thing in America to-day as a real 
 theatre of the people, — a theatre, that is, specially 
 designed to amuse and at the same time to instruct the 
 working men and women of our cities and country dis- 
 tricts. That is not to say that there are not some 
 theatres which are accomplishing this end, but generally 
 speaking, it is true that all of our theatres to-day are in 
 the control of private capital if not of huge syndicates, 
 whose prime object is to see how much they can make, 
 without very much of idealism in a profession which 
 by every right should command a good deal of it. 
 
 This applies to high-priced and low-priced theatres 
 alike, for the bond between the two is closer than most 
 people suppose. The nearest approach to the ideal 
 in our day is the occasional performance in the best 
 theatres which appeals directly to the sympathies and 
 best sentiments of the working people. When Jeffer- 
 son or Maude Adams is playing, it is a pleasure to visit
 
 168 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 
 
 the galleries, if only to see hundreds of the working 
 people following the performance with the greatest 
 delight. It makes one long for the dawn of the real 
 metropolitan theatre for the people. 
 
 If we look, however, simply at the theatres whose 
 regvilar admission is as low as ten cents and never 
 above fifty cents, the prospect is certainly not encour- 
 aging. These theatres can be divided roughly into 
 three classes, as they offer vaudeville performances, 
 melodrama, or opera. The chief causes for discourage- 
 ment lie in the number and character of the vaudeville 
 or variety shows ; in the fact that the melodrama and 
 standard plays are gradually losing their hold, and 
 that the popular opera, an excellent institution, does 
 not seem to attract the wage-earner, but has become 
 rather the resort of the middle class. 
 
 The low-priced vaudeville theatre is generally a poor, 
 and often a vile place of amusement. There are good 
 vaudeville theatres, but these are not intended for the 
 working people. Keith's theatres in Boston and New 
 York are an example. The performers are instructed 
 to cut out of their parts anything suggestive or indeli- 
 cate, under penalty of an immediate cancellation of the 
 engagement. As a consequence, Keith's theatres are 
 known to the " profession " as the " Sunday-school 
 route." As another consequence, they are good places 
 of amusement. Unhappily, they are not frequented 
 by the people that most need them. The bulk of the 
 attendance is made up of the thrifty middle class ; the 
 poorer people do not attend except as an occasional 
 luxury. The reason is that they are not expected to 
 come, and they know it. Prices are not absolutely
 
 INDOOR AMUSEMENTS. 169 
 
 prohibitive ; indeed, they may be but a fraction above 
 what they are in a lower class theatre in the next 
 block, but a sense of the fitness of things, if not of 
 personal inclination, keeps the laboring man from 
 going to any one of these higher class vaudeville 
 theatres. 
 
 The Haymarket Theatre of Chicago is a possible 
 illustration of a popular vaudeville theatre of the 
 better class. The seats cost anywhere from ten to 
 thirty cents, and the average attendance is four thou- 
 sand, of which fifteen hundred are men. The pro- 
 gramme includes acrobats and trained animals, the 
 funny man and the kinetoscope, the cake walk, coon 
 songs, and the " comedy skits." There is nothing to 
 hurt in all this, for if the jokes are stale they are not 
 bad, and the whole performance is well above the aver- 
 age. The working girls crowd the matinees, and on 
 Sundays the boys take their bread and butter and 
 " camp out " all day. Of this theatre it may be said 
 that it does a minimum of harm even if it does not do 
 much good. 
 
 But the vaudeville theatres to which women resort 
 in any numbers are very few. This is of itself a suffi- 
 cient index to their general character. Investigation 
 reveals that there is good reason for their absence. It 
 is not alone that smoking and drinking are often per- 
 mitted in the cheap vaudeville houses ; indeed, it is 
 doubtful if these privileges are often abused, for here 
 the main thing Is the play, and not the drink. The 
 drinking is an accommodation to the patron, not a 
 source of gain to the proprietor. The man who has 
 paid his dime or his quarter for the show wants the
 
 170 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 
 
 show ; the rest is an incident. It is the character of 
 the show, then, that accounts for the absence of women. 
 Even here there is possibly something favorable to be 
 said. Take the matter of stage dress. We may have 
 our own theories of what it ought to be. That does 
 not prove, however, that if the costumes do not corre- 
 spond to our sense of propriety, they are therefore 
 necessarily immoral in their effect on others. Again, 
 because the language is not refined, it does not follow 
 that the results are altogether demoralizing. It is 
 probably true that the ears that hear are accustomed 
 to much worse than the theatre affords, and pass it by 
 without much thought, looking for something novel 
 to interest and fasten the attention.^ Within limits, 
 then, a performance could shock a finer sensibility, 
 and still do no appreciable added harm to those that 
 witness it. But in freeing such theatres from one 
 indictment, we have only brought upon them another. 
 If such performances do not debase, they certainly do 
 not uplift. Instead of directing the thoughts, as they 
 easily might, to what is at least wholesome and novel, 
 they select that which of all else most needs to be for- 
 gotten, and thus give the mind no freedom, and offer 
 it no outlet into the freshness and vigor of new life. 
 This is the sin of such performances as are not posi- 
 tively and grossly degrading. 
 
 The programme will begin, for example, with a gayly 
 costumed " Burletta," or operetta. It is entitled " A 
 Tenderloin Soiree." It represents a midnight banquet, 
 followed by a masked ball, with much drinking and 
 singing and gambling, culminating in a grand raid by 
 ^ From the Philadelphia report.
 
 INDOOR AMUSEMENTS. 171 
 
 the police. Following this comes the " polite " or up-to- 
 date vaudeville part of the programme. Now the con- 
 tortionists, the jugglers, the Irish comedians, the skirt 
 dancers, the solo singers appear. Sometimes the acro- 
 bats do well ; the singers and comedians are invariably 
 the worst part of the programme. They are unac- 
 countably coarse, and sometimes vile in their parts. 
 If a prizefighter is not on hand to punch the bag, or 
 to spar with a " partner," the vitascope will reproduce 
 the last great fight. A year or so ago, living pictures 
 would have been represented. Occasionally they are 
 still seen, with spicy dialogues as interludes. A comedy 
 sketch is an invariable feature, which usually harps on 
 family quarrels and divorce suits, and only rarely 
 touches on a real bit of human sentiment. The per- 
 formance concludes with a burlesque or extravaganza, 
 in which the whole company appears in Amazon marches 
 and dances, culminating in a grand chorus, with calcium- 
 light effect and the curtain. Now, in all of this there 
 may have been nothing which could be specifically desig- 
 nated as thoroughly bad, but the whole performance has 
 been upon a low level. The enjoyment, if such it may 
 be called, has been of a sad and dull kind. There has 
 been no relief from the ordinary, the lower preoccupa- 
 tion of the mind. 
 
 But even here the limit has not been reached, for 
 where the civic conscience or police regulation does not 
 prohibit, some of these variety theatres are constant 
 offenders against ordinary decency. They will go just 
 as far as the law allows, and need watching all the time 
 that they go no further. Songs and dialogues and 
 pantomimes are full of the vilest innuendo, and that of
 
 172 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 
 
 a dead and nasty kind. There is no attempt at wit. 
 When women performers share with the men in offer- 
 ing this kind of entertainment, the effect is unspeak- 
 ably disgusting. The spectators, as a rule, maintain 
 a sullen silence, only now and then interrupted by a 
 hoarse laugh. On the whole a bar-room would offer a 
 welcome escape from such performances as these, which 
 are not by any means uncommon. In some theatres 
 they are the rule. The sad thing about all this is that 
 the number of variety theatres is on the increase, and 
 because of their low prices thousands of the wage- 
 earnei's of our cities who most need decent and helpful 
 recreation attend places where they cannot find much 
 that is good and are pretty sure to get a good deal that 
 is bad. 
 
 Another cause for discouragement when one is con- 
 sidering the theatre as an amusement centre for the 
 wage-earner is the gradual decline of the melodrama. 
 The melodrama may have its inherent defects as a dra- 
 matic composition, but its total effect upon its hearers 
 is, on the whole, above criticism. It bears the Aristo- 
 telian test of purging the passions. It sets things 
 morally in their right relations. Evil is never so black, 
 good never so alluring, as in the melodrama. The fact 
 that the plays are sensational amounts to nothing. It 
 is a sensation that those want and need who come 
 there. True the sensation might be a better one, but 
 still it is on the whole a good one, and often the play 
 presents a very decided and unusual ethical lesson. 
 Take, for example, the celebrated Irish play of " Kerry 
 Gow." All the characters of the stereotyped Irish play 
 are present, — the poor blacksmith lover, the sweet-faced
 
 INDOOR AMUSEMENTS. 173 
 
 heroine, the villain who forecloses the mortgage upon 
 the farm of the heroine's father, the even lower villain 
 who hides weaj)ons in the blacksmith's forge, so that the 
 hero may be arrested upon a charge which, if proved, 
 means death. Other plays are the " Knobs of Tennes- 
 see," " Arizona," " Human Hearts," " Piney Ridge." 
 The time was when the theatre presenting such plays was 
 the people's theatre. It would be crowded nightly with 
 men and boys as well as women^ who were as ready to 
 hiss the villain and applaud the hero as if they had not 
 done so a hundred times before. Unhappily that day 
 seems to be passing, if indeed it is not already gone. 
 Theatre proprietors say that the people do not want 
 such plays any longer. Probably the influence of the 
 higher grade theatres has made itself felt for the worse. 
 Possibly it is simply a temporary fluctuation in the 
 theatre market. At any rate, the melodrama does not 
 occupy, for whatever reason, the place it did a few 
 years ago, and the change has been decidedly for the 
 worse. In Boston, the Grand Dime, which for years 
 offered melodrama, has introduced vaudeville numbers. 
 In New York, the Star Theatre is the only one that 
 still clings to melodrama, and there the prices are 
 twenty-five and fifty cents. In Buffalo, the Lyceum 
 Theatre keeps a list of standard plays running, but it 
 is the only one of its kind in the city. In Chicago, the 
 Bijou advertises widely, draws large houses, and offers, 
 as a rule, good plays. The Academy of Music is on a 
 lower plane. In San Francisco, the tendency away 
 from melodrama is seen in the chano;e that has over- 
 taken Morosco's Grand Opera House. For four years 
 it was the favorite and crowded resort of the workins:
 
 174 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 
 
 people. Melodrama, without a break, held the stage, 
 and the Opera House, which is the largest in the city, 
 was of more importance than all the theatres in the city 
 are now. At the recent change to grand and comic 
 opera — a point in itself worth noticing — the old 
 " Morosco audience," which had wept and hissed and 
 laughed at melodrama so long, drifted away, and now 
 most of them are probably breathing tobacco smoke at 
 the Orpheum.^ Denver, Minneapolis, Cleveland, At- 
 lanta, all report at least one theatre where melodrama 
 still thrives ; and wherever it lives and holds true to its 
 purpose, it is doing more to furnish good amusement 
 for the joeople than all the rest of the theatres in the 
 city combined. 
 
 No more interesting experiment has been made of 
 late years in the theatrical world than that of offering 
 the standard operas at popular prices. The idea origi- 
 nated at the Castle Square Theatre in Boston, proved 
 an immediate success, continued for two years, and was 
 the beginning of similar experiments in Chicago and 
 New York, Both the orchestra and the singers, a stock 
 company of about fifty members, were good. The 
 operas were selected from among the French and even 
 German classics. Nothing more desirable could be 
 imagined than that twenty-five cents should admit one to 
 a performance of the " Bohemian Girl," " Faust," " Fra 
 Diavolo," or " The Huguenots." Such was the original 
 intention of the projector of the enterprise, whose sole 
 object was not financial profit. Still from a pecuniary 
 point of view the experiment has proved successful. 
 Chicago and New York both report crowded houses and 
 
 ^ From the San Francisco report.
 
 INDOOR AMUSEMENTS. 175 
 
 much appreciation upon the part of the general public. 
 But it must be admitted that the musical education of 
 the people has not as yet proceeded far enough to make 
 even excellent music of this type alluring to the work- 
 ingman. It has seemed to appeal to those who have 
 already some musical taste, not to those who most need 
 it. The audiences, as a rule, are composed of a class 
 better than one would expect to find at performances 
 charging so little. Having come then upon an excel- 
 lent thing, we find that our constituency has slipped 
 away. The rate of admission, character of the enter- 
 tainment, the fine exterior and appointments, and the 
 higher class of patronage all have something to do 
 with the absence of the working people. This is true 
 even of the Tivoli Opera House of San Francisco, 
 which presents good grand and comic operas and per- 
 mits smoking and drinking between acts. Evidently 
 good music as yet has not succeeded in solving our 
 problem. 
 
 The problem, that is to say, has not been solved, and 
 the theatre to-day is an educational or helpful centre 
 of amusement for only the merest fraction of the wage- 
 earners of our great cities. The question arises, How can 
 a theatre be made in a true sense the people's theatre, 
 a theatre, that is, " where the different elements whose 
 union constitutes society can all attend, and in the re- 
 presentations of which they can all be equally inter- 
 ested ? " Not so long, this much is certain, as it is con- 
 trolled by syndicates or by private capital which has an 
 eye solely to profits. If the interests which at present 
 control the theatres of the country cannot take a 
 broader view of their opportunity, then the work must
 
 176 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 
 
 be taken up either as a philanthropic or as a municipal 
 enterprise. The project of a *' model theatre " has been 
 often exploited on paper, occasionally attempted with 
 melancholy results, and always declared to be a thor- 
 oughly hopeless proposal. It is interesting to note, how- 
 ever, that in France we have the beginnings of a real 
 people's theatre. It is possible that this recent ex- 
 periment may have far-reaching results. It is thus 
 described by Mr. A. F. Sanborn : ^ — 
 
 In September, 1892, on the occasion of the centenary 
 of the republic, a free, open-air, popular representation 
 of Moliere's " Medecin Malgre Lui " was given at 
 Bussang, a village in the east of France, very near the 
 Alsatian frontier, by M. Maurice Pottecher, a native 
 of Bussang, and a number of his friends. The per- 
 formance was so much appreciated that M. Pottecher, 
 who had long been dreaming of a theatre of the peo- 
 ple, set vigorously to work to make his dream come 
 true. Three years later the Theatre du Peuple of 
 Bussang was inaugurated by the performance of a 
 play from M. Pottecher's jjen, entitled " Le Diable 
 Marchand de Goutte," — which may be translated, 
 " The Devil, Dramseller," — depicting the horrid con- 
 trol of alcohol on the one hand and the power to over- 
 ride this control, on the other. " The theatre was 
 simple. A huge scaffolding of wood decorated with 
 greenery served as stage, and two enormous sliding 
 panels as curtain ; the turf of a meadow as stage 
 floor, a sun-illumined mountain as background, and 
 rows of planks nailed to stakes as seats for a part of 
 the spectators, the rest standing behind the benches 
 1 New York Weekly Post, Wednesday, July 11, 1900.
 
 INDOOR AMUSEMENTS. 177 
 
 in a grassy field. The cast consisted of a score or more 
 of persons, among them a clerk, some college stu- 
 dents, a professor, a manufacturer, a gardener, and a 
 councilor - general. There was no painted scenery. 
 Admission was free, the expenses being defrayed by 
 a rich individual. The audience numbered nearly two 
 thousand. Thus dedicated, the theatre has continued 
 to prosper." 
 
 The gratuitous performances are invariably given on 
 Sundays or fete days, when the working people are at 
 leisure. The patrons of the performances to which 
 admission is charged feel themselves collaborators in 
 the enterprise. The performers all serve without pay, 
 and all belong to the region, either by birth or adop- 
 tion. They continue to represent different social 
 grades and many trades and professions, it being a 
 pet theory of M. Pottecher, as it was a pet theory of 
 Michelet, that the mingling of classes on the stage is 
 as essential to a real popular theatre as the mingling 
 of classes in the audience. They are encouraged to 
 act naturally, to render, in the main, their own concep- 
 tions of their parts in their own ways. 
 
 Here, then, is a practical experiment, the success of 
 which has already been tested. There seems to be no 
 good reason why similar experiments should not be 
 attempted in our American towns and cities. Let 
 there be a real school for dramatic art similar to Mr. 
 Frank Damrosch's classes for the musical education 
 of the people in New York. The instruction should be 
 free, being provided for either by private philanthropy 
 or by the municipality. Then let playwrights be in- 
 vited to submit dramas, upon the lines laid down by
 
 178 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 
 
 M. Pottecher, for production, the selection to be made 
 by a board of eminent dramatic critics. For represen- 
 tation any theatre centrally located could be chosen 
 until the experiment had proceeded far enough to 
 warrant the erection of a building to be devoted solely 
 to this purpose. Thus a real people's theatre would be 
 inaugurated and the experiment is certainly well worth 
 the trying. The simplicity of the theatre, the senti- 
 ment of democracy which would pervade the perform- 
 ance, the fact that the actors would come from the 
 people themselves, that the play would turn upon some 
 event of national or local interest, that admission would 
 be gratuitous for those who could not afford to pay, 
 would all contribute to the success of the plan. The 
 elements for a successful solution of the problem are 
 then at hand. When one considers the present condition 
 of our theatres and the crying needs of the people for 
 recreation of a true sort, it seems as if it could not be 
 long before some real attempt be made in our country 
 towards the establishment of a people's theatre. 
 
 An interesting illustration of the possibility of 
 popular entertainments under municipal contract is 
 furnished by the Peoples' Concerts given in Boston 
 under Mayor Quincy's administration. A music com- 
 mission was appointed, and to the original plan was 
 added the sriving of free chamber concerts in different 
 sections of the city, for which purpose citizens offered 
 their halls free of charge. The public concerts at 
 Music Hall were a great success. The programmes 
 consisted of orchestral numbers and solos. The or- 
 chestra was known as the Municipal Band, placed
 
 INDOOR AMUSEMENTS. 179 
 
 upon a permanent organization, having thirty-eight 
 members. These received four dollars for each per- 
 formance and the leader, ten dollars. On one even- 
 ing the following numbers were executed : Weber's 
 overture, " Oberon," Haydn's " Surprise Symphony," 
 Delibes's " Sylvia " dances, Wagner's " Rienzi " over- 
 ture, Gillet's " Bonheur Perdu," and Brahms's Hun- 
 garian dances. In conjunction with a large chorus, 
 directed by John A. O'Shea, one of the music com- 
 mission, three selections were given from Gounod's 
 "Redemption." The music commission showed con- 
 siderable judgment in securing for the solo performers 
 local amateur talent, which stimulated appreciably the 
 interest. Tickets were distributed by the commission 
 without cost through the different benevolent agencies 
 to those who wanted them, but felt unable to pay 
 the admission price. The regular admission charge 
 was ten cents, which proved sufficient to pay all the 
 costs of the entertainments. Public schools were util- 
 ized as distributive centres, in order to reach all who 
 cared to attend. Sunday evening was chosen as the 
 time for the concerts. There was, of course, some 
 difference of opinion as to the wisdom of the choice. 
 It spared the concerts from coming into competition 
 with the theatres and other week-day amusements, 
 but it brought them into conflict not only with the 
 churches but with the home gatherings which are of 
 usual occurrence on Sunday evenings in many families. 
 This question will need to be determined by local con- 
 ditions. 
 
 Boston has also taken the lead among our American 
 cities in making another most important provision for
 
 180 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 
 
 the indoor amusement of the people. There are at 
 jjreseut at least four municipal gymnasiums in the 
 city, and others have been projected. There is no city 
 without its gymnasium, but almost invariably it is the 
 property or under the control of an organization or 
 society, so that directly or indirectly it is not available 
 for many who care to use it. The Turn Verein, the 
 Young Men's Christian Association, a few churches 
 and clubs have gymnasiums, but their use is confined 
 to a very limited constituency. Consequently thousands 
 of men and boys are without athletic exercise and 
 recreation which they earnestly desire. 
 
 Some years ago the East Boston Athletic Association 
 was started by a wealthy woman living on the Back Bay. 
 An old skating-rink was bought and made over into a 
 modern gymnasium. In addition there were bicycle, 
 reading and loafing rooms with a " bar," where soft 
 drinks were for sale. A paid superintendent had 
 charge of the building and of the athletic classes. The 
 association had a prosperous career, and ojffered the 
 best kind of recreation, summer and winter alike, to 
 from four to five hundred members. The fee was five 
 dollars a year for full membership, and the place 
 became a favorite resort for clerks, mechanics, and 
 others who could afford to pay the annual dues. Such 
 financial assistance as it received from its founder was 
 kept sufficiently in the background to relieve it of 
 the stigma of being a charitable institution. The rules 
 prohibited liquor drinking in any form, vulgar and 
 profane language, and the use of tobacco within the 
 building. The association was an unqualified success. 
 This experiment can be repeated at any time by the out-
 
 INDOOR AMUSEMENTS. 181 
 
 lay of the necessary money to secure a building and 
 the services of a competent superintendent. But in 
 1897 a change was made. The building was presented 
 to the city and thrown open to the general public. It 
 was Boston's first Municipal Gymnasium. Changes 
 were made, new apparatus was added. " The main 
 hall is one hundred feet long and eighty wide, and is 
 well supplied with gymnastic apparatus. One corner 
 may be shut off by movable partitions for hand-ball. 
 A running-track with twenty laps to the mile is marked 
 off on the floor, and across one end of the room is a 
 gallery for spectators. In the bathing department, 
 there are eleven sprays with the necessary dressing 
 quarters and lockers. Two days a week the entire 
 building is reserved for the exclusive use of women 
 and girls." ^ Thus the gymnasium is doing the largest 
 possible service. The first year that it was under the 
 management of the city its gross attendance during ten 
 months was 65,000, or four times the number that had 
 visited it while it was under private control. As for 
 the good effect of this institution upon the neighbor- 
 hood, we have the statement of the jjolice of East 
 Boston, who say that since the opening of the gymna- 
 sium, there has been a marked diminution of lawless- 
 ness. The local school principal gives emphatic 
 testimony as to its influence u^Don children, and the 
 disappearance of a number of low-toned social clubs 
 suggests its importance as a rendezvous for young 
 men. 
 
 In South Boston is another gymnasium even larger 
 and more complete than the one in East Boston. " The 
 
 ^ From the Boston report.
 
 182 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 
 
 South Boston gymnasium and bath was erected by the 
 city a year ago. The structure is of wood, seventy- 
 five by one hundred feet, in the English Gothic style 
 of architecture. An elevated running-track extends 
 around the interior. All the gymnastic apparatus is so 
 arranged that it can easily be drawn up or pushed 
 aside, leaving the floor entirely free from obstruction. 
 There are twelve hundred lockers and eighteen sjDray 
 baths. A swimming-tank under a separate roof is a 
 part of the original plan." This gymnasium is lo- 
 cated in a most needy section. Five years ago, South 
 Boston had practically no saloon substitutes. To-day 
 the gymnasium and the baths offer, winter and summer, 
 most wholesome and popular centres of recreation. 
 
 Two more gymnasiums with baths are owned by the 
 city and are fully equipped. One of these presents a 
 most Christian spectacle. Until very recently, it was 
 a Protestant chapel. Its constituency moved away and 
 its windows became a convenient target for Catholic 
 and Hebrew children. Then the building was sold to 
 the city, which took the pews out and put up chest 
 weights in their place. When the doors were opened 
 recently to admit visitors, the boys crowded eagerly in, 
 and dumb-bells, clubs, and flying rings were soon in 
 active service. If our deserted downtown churches and 
 chapels could be turned to such uses, there would be 
 less reason to lament their abandonment for religious 
 ends. 
 
 Such, then, are Boston's municipal gymnasiums. 
 The remarkable thing is that they are about the only 
 ones of their kind in the country. Inquiry has failed 
 to reveal anything similar in any of the cities selected
 
 INDOOR AMUSEMENTS. 183 
 
 for this investigation, and yet the expense is compara- 
 tively small and the benefits immeasurably great. A 
 substantial and roomy gymnasium can be erected and 
 equipped for $20,000, and the running expenses are 
 very light. The benefits of such popular institutions 
 are beyond exact computation. Aside from what they 
 are doing to promote public health, they are a powerful 
 aid to sobriety, and even to total abstinence. A yoimg 
 man " in training " will cheerfully deny himself his 
 glass of beer. The economic gain in industrial capacity 
 has been estimated mathematically by competent inves- 
 tigators.i Sir Edwin Chad wick declared it to be 
 " established that for all ordinary civil labor four 
 partially trained or drilled men are as efficient as five 
 who are undrilled. In other words, considering the 
 child as an investment, for a trifling expense . . . the 
 productive power of that investment may, by physical 
 training, be augmented by one fifth for the whole period 
 of working ability." Whatever truth there may be in 
 this computation, there can be no denial of the social, 
 moral, and economic gain in the vicinity where these 
 gymnasiums are located. It may be said, in passing, 
 that no opposition to the establishment of such enter- 
 prises by the city need be feared from the liquor men. 
 So long as their traffic is not interfered with they are 
 very friendly. An alderman, himself the proprietor of 
 two popular saloons, was largely instrumental in secur- 
 ing the gymnasium in South Boston, and is still its 
 stanch supporter. 
 
 In closing this chapter, one other method of enter- 
 taining the people during the winter months may be 
 ^ The Temperance Problem and Social Reform, p. 404.
 
 184 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 
 
 mentioned, although it Is not evident that the plan could 
 be transjDorted from Its native soil to our American 
 cities. Every one knows of the East London Peo- 
 ple's Palace or Social Institute, in which varied forms 
 of amusement and healthful recreation are provided. 
 It is a combination of art gallery, concert hall, mu- 
 seum, and social club, in which all sorts and condi- 
 tions of men can spend their spare time with interest 
 and profit. This plan has spread to the Provinces and 
 to Scotland, where some of the most interesting exam- 
 ples of them are to be found. The People's Palace of 
 Glasgow, for example,^ is maintained by the city for the 
 benefit of the working people. " The general idea is ^ 
 that the permanent collections to be formed should 
 relate to the history and industries of the city, and 
 that some space should be set ajjart for special sectional 
 exhibitions to be held from time to time. . . . One 
 element of originality in the way of municipal enter- 
 prise that can be claimed for this institution lies in 
 the combination practically under one roof of a mu- 
 seum, picture gallery, winter garden, and concert hall." 
 In a statement furnished the authors of the volume 
 from which the quotation is taken, made in December, 
 1898, the curator of the Palace said that the success of 
 the institution had been very remarkable. In the even- 
 ings especially the building became so crowded that 
 the entrance door had to be closed for intervals. In 
 ten months, more than 750,000 people visited the Pal- 
 ace. He attributes its extraordinary success to its 
 proximity to some of the crowded parts of the city, 
 
 1 The Temperance Problem and Social Reform, p. 395. 
 
 2 Glasgow Herald, January 24, 1898.
 
 INDOOR AMUSEMENTS. 185 
 
 to the attractiveness of the building itself and the 
 grounds surrounding it, and to the fact that art and 
 historical collections do appeal to the interest and the 
 imagination of the people. 
 
 The suggestion contained in this experiment, of 
 which use might be made in our American cities, is 
 the free use, for purposes of popular education and 
 amusement, of art galleries and historical and antiqua- 
 rian museums. The art galleries have begun already 
 to loan their pictures for popular exhibitions, but no 
 one can have passed through any of our fine museums, 
 as, for example, the rooms of the Massachusetts His- 
 torical Society, without regretting that more of the 
 laboring people do not have the opportunity or inclina- 
 tion to see these historical relics relating to the history 
 of our country and of this Commonwealth. To carry 
 out this plan, it would be necessary to have a commo- 
 dious building or hall, where accommodation could be 
 provided for periodical loan exhibitions of art, antiqui- 
 ties, industries, and inventions. To make this attractive, 
 a stereopticon lecture or a free concert could be added, 
 the hall to be thrown open each night during the 
 winter, with constant changes of exhibit. In Glasgow, 
 at least, the experiment has been successful, and social 
 settlements in our own country have demonstrated on 
 a small scale the feasibility and benefits of the plan. 
 
 Our inquiry into the possible indoor amusements for 
 the working people during the winter months brings us 
 back, with an added sense of disappointment, to actual 
 conditions. The saloon, the dance hall, and the cheap 
 theatre are to-day their chief centres of amusement.
 
 186 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 
 
 The first is pernicious ; the other two, as they exist, are 
 at least questionable in their influence. Of reading- 
 rooms there are only a few ; of gymnasiums, the num- 
 ber is still less. What wonder if, during the months 
 when the streets and the parks are not habitable, the 
 saloons are crowded with hosts of men and boys, for 
 where else shall they go for amusement ?
 
 CHAPTER VIIL 
 
 OUTDOOR AMUSEMENTS. 
 
 For the boy or man wlio lives in the country, the 
 problem of outdoor amusements practically solves itself. 
 In the city it is different. However, what men think 
 a town ought to be, it will be, and they can crowd the 
 people into unwholesome slums, or open up parks and 
 playgrounds, and make it a city of homes, not alone 
 for the wealthy few, but for the masses whose need of 
 comfort and recreation we have discussed. The diffi- 
 culty of furnishing outdoor amusement for the people 
 of a large city is understood when, for instance, we 
 remember that the roofs of Greater New York are said 
 to furnish more space than the city streets and court- 
 yards. The height of the buildings suggests how many 
 come from under one roof. The question with which 
 we are now concerned is. Where are these thousands 
 of people to find outdoor recreation and a " cooling-off 
 place " outside of the beer gardens and saloons ? 
 
 The sights and sounds of the streets constitute an 
 important part of the recreative resources of many 
 crowded districts. Their hold upon the people is shown, 
 not only by the sense of desolation which tenement 
 children feel when they go to the country, but by the 
 hesitancy of their elders to remove to the suburbs. 
 The patrol wagon, the fire engine, the ambulance, the 
 general passing show, and even the rows of shops en-
 
 188 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 
 
 liven the monotony of an existence in which wholesome 
 amusement is sadly lacking. The streets are the prome- 
 nade of the teeming thousands of pedestrians who, on 
 Sunday, at least, have time for a walk, and they are 
 the rendezvous of teams and push-cart venders. 
 
 The streets are the playground of the childi'en of the 
 city's poor. Where else can they spin their tops and 
 play marbles? Baseball is played in season and out 
 of season, and until late at night, boy sentinels being 
 placed at the corners to give warning of the policeman's 
 approach. Froebel said, " It is through his play that 
 a child first begins to perceive moral relations." The 
 playtime of a child's life should not be tolerated by 
 those older than himself, but made the most of. The 
 street is a poor means to accomplish this. Knowing 
 that he is a public nuisance, the boy is constantly on 
 the lookout for the " cop," and as constantly planning 
 to get the better of him. The treatment he receives 
 from the passing throng only serves to make him ugly 
 and suspicious. Another habit of mind altogether 
 dangerous to his proper development is his continual 
 change of purpose. Seldom can a project be carried 
 out, and the boy grows restless and inefficient. Not 
 only the individual, but the " gang " suffers for lack of 
 a healthful meeting-place. The spirit of loyalty in the 
 " gang" should be encouraged, not trained by an oppos- 
 ing force to deceit and viciousness. 
 
 Numerous suggestions as to the best plan of pro- 
 viding playgrounds have been made. The late Colonel 
 Waring, Street Cleaning Commissioner of New York 
 City, proposed a combination of push-cart market and 
 children's playgrounds, where business could thrive in
 
 OUTDOOR AMUSEMENTS. 189 
 
 the morning, and fun in the afternoon. According to 
 this plan, the city is to own the markets, whose rents, 
 Colonel Waring claimed, would soon yield interest 
 on and eventually the return of the capital invested. 
 There is no argument which appeals to the average 
 tax-payer and city comptroller with such force as the 
 argument that " it pays." The opening of the school 
 yards in many cities during the summer months is an 
 advance well worth noticing. The Massachusetts Emer- 
 gency and Hygiene Association has under its super- 
 vision in Boston many sand gardens, which are located 
 in empty school yards. It is the plan to give the 
 children not only a place to play, but trained directors 
 of their play. Regulated play is both recreative and 
 educational, and while children are getting the benefits 
 of exercise, they are gaining the principles of order, 
 decency, and fair play. In the summer of 1898, 
 eighteen hundred children were thus provided for at 
 an expense of one dollar each. One suggestion the 
 association makes is to open the yards only when there 
 is shade, as otherwise the children do not come, and 
 this arrangement provides teachers for more of them. 
 
 There are many reasons for working with the chil- 
 dren. They are willing to pass their knowledge on. 
 They may be influenced in many cases when it seems 
 almost impossible to change the formed chai-acter of 
 those who have matured in an atmosphere of squalor 
 and vice. Again, while some Americans object to 
 expenditures for the well-being of the adult population 
 on the ground that it is socialistic, they are ready to 
 listen to an appeal for children. It is a happy thing 
 for the children of New York that the Educational
 
 190 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 
 
 Alliance, the Park Board, the Outdoor Recreation 
 League, and the School Board have met on common 
 ground. The fact that they have all worked success- 
 fully is the best possible evidence of the rapidity with 
 which the spirit of liberty and progress is spreading. 
 In New York, the law forbids a public school being 
 erected henceforth without an open-air playground. 
 Those already built should be compelled to use the 
 roofs. AVith such provision there will be less truancy, 
 less lawlessness. 
 
 New sites have been secured for playgrounds in the 
 crowded parts of New York, but the rubbish heaps are 
 too often left, and the transformation from tenements 
 is slow. The playground at Seward Park is so much 
 appreciated in the neighborhood, that the people of 
 Hester Street rose in revolt when they learned that 
 the Park Board had submitted a plan for the improve- 
 ment of the park in which no provision was made for a 
 playground. The Outdoor Recreation League has been 
 most effective in impressing the Park Department with 
 the importance of retaining the playground in the final 
 scheme of improvement. The playgrounds should be 
 free to parents and grandparents, as well as to the boys 
 and girls. One morning a white-haired man looked 
 on wistfully at Dearborn Yard, and said : " It does 
 my old heart good to see the children. I wish there 
 was a playground for old men." There would be if 
 the number of small parks in the crowded districts of 
 the cities were in any way adequate to the needs of the 
 people. 
 
 The Massachusetts Civic League has made an ex- 
 haustive study of the playgrounds of Boston and its
 
 OUTDOOR AMUSEMENTS. 191 
 
 vicinity, and its printed report contains many valuable 
 suggestions. An examination of police reports Las 
 shown that the effect of the establishment of play- 
 grounds is diminution of juvenile crime. The neces- 
 sity for instruction in games has been demonstrated, 
 and it has been proved that older men are glad to 
 make use of a well-ordered playground.^ 
 
 Reluctance to exercise domain as against the inertia 
 of tenants, interests of landholders, profits of politi- 
 cally influenced saloon-keepers, together with the ex- 
 pense of bujdng property, have prevented a proper 
 increase of parks in the crowded sections of some of 
 our cities. Private philanthropy would arrange to 
 guard these places were it backed by law. The re- 
 demption of Mulberry Bend by Jacob A. Riis was the 
 beginning and remains the ideal of the effort to pro- 
 vide small parks in crowded districts. " From almost 
 every point of view, adequate park system appears to 
 be a city's gain. It creates an attraction for all classes. 
 It adds to the beauty of a city, influences those who 
 have acquired wealth to remain, and draws others to 
 it. It cultivates public taste. It promotes health. It 
 furnishes fresher air. Its trees absorb the poisonous 
 gases and purify the atmosphere. It extends the 
 opportunity for rational enjoyment, particularly for 
 the children of the poor. The exuberance of youth 
 will find a vent, innocent, if circumstances favor, 
 harmful if they do not. Nor must the value of open 
 spaces as a quieting, reformative power in the case of 
 adults be lost sight of. It is recognized that whatever 
 
 ^ See report of Mr. Joseph Lee, Boston, Secretary of the Massachu- 
 setts Civic League.
 
 192 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 
 
 furnishes innocent recreation and amusement exerts 
 a potent influence in checking crime, and the public 
 square and playground must be given prominent place 
 among the agencies favorably affecting the moral con- 
 dition of society. Add to these considerations the 
 unusually permanent value of this form of investment, 
 the comparatively little management it requires, its 
 freedom from all pauperizing or otherwise objection- 
 able influences, and you have assuredly a form of 
 philanthropic enterprise deserving the earnest and 
 undivided efforts of an association with no other pur- 
 pose, and the cordial support of every public-spirited 
 citizen." The value of these small parks as direct 
 substitutes for the saloon is evident when we consider 
 what they might offer to the public : a meeting-place 
 for the men of the neighborhood, seats to rest on, ice- 
 water fountains to drink from, free band concerts and 
 other entertainments now and then, a spot with the 
 social intercourse which the saloon offers and the cool- 
 ness in search of which a man often leaves his home. 
 
 Many of our larger parks are open to the rich and 
 poor alike, and do they not go far to satisfy the needs 
 of the people and to act as substitutes for the saloon ? 
 They no doubt do, or ought to do, more in this direc- 
 tion than any other one thing. An example of muni- 
 cipal parks frequented by the people is Golden Gate 
 Park of San Francisco. Golden Gate Park, which is 
 noted the world over for its natural scenery, with its 
 own wooded acres, the great stretches of wild land and 
 the long beach beyond, is situated three miles from the 
 centre of the city. A five-cent fare and a half hour's
 
 OUTDOOR AMUSEMENTS. 193 
 
 time takes one from the noise and distraction of the one 
 to the refreshing rest of the other. The beautiful sur- 
 roundings, the luxurious growth of flowers, and the 
 sea breeze combine to make the place by its very 
 nature a great resort. That this park is appreciated 
 is evident, for the average weekly attendance is fifty 
 thousand ; on Sunday, the one day of the week when 
 workingmen have both money and leisure, it is from 
 twenty-five thousand to thirty-five thousand, and the 
 park's value as a saloon substitute is more manifest 
 when we learn that it is the only place of amusement 
 in San Francisco which is over one hundred yards 
 from a saloon, and that the saloons are open on Sun- 
 day. There are many attractions besides the groves, 
 flowers, and scenery. Music, a museum, a conserva- 
 tory, an aviary, zoological garden, recreation grounds, 
 speed tracks, drives, and walks hel]) to draw the peo- 
 ple. On Sunday afternoon from two to four, a band 
 of fifty pieces gives a free concert to an audience of 
 ten thousand scattered over the grounds or seated in 
 the large auditorium. In the musevim, there are some- 
 times as many as three thousand people. There is the 
 greatest freedom allowed in the park, and there are 
 no " Keep oif the Grass " signs. Notwithstanding 
 the freedom, the police report very little disorder and 
 almost no drunkenness. On a fair Sunday there are 
 more working people at Golden Gate Park than there 
 are at all the clubs, reading-rooms, and benevolent in- 
 stitutions of the city in one week. This great gather- 
 ing of people in the open air is in striking contrast 
 with the city, with its streets of saloons open day and 
 night the year round, with its dreary houses, and with
 
 194 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 
 
 tlie constant smell and suggestion of beer. The chief 
 reason for the success of Golden Gate Park of San 
 Francisco lies in the fact that it is accessible, and that 
 five cents covers the cost of reaching and entering it. 
 Few busy day laborers, and that is what most men are, 
 have time to go to the parks and resorts which are far 
 from their homes and work-rooms. 
 
 The magnificent parks of Minneapolis and St. Paul 
 are distant from the heart of either city. The music 
 provided by the city is given in them. White Bear 
 and Minnetonka lakes, which are resorts for many 
 business and professional men, are beyond the reach 
 of by far the larger part of the population. The fare 
 from St. Paul to White Bear Lake is twenty-five 
 cents ; from Minneapolis to Minnetonka, fifty cents 
 for the round trip. These figures are reasonable, but 
 practically prohibitive to the man who earns even two 
 dollars a day. It is true in this, as in other things, 
 that men must have leisure to enjoy the outdoor life 
 and the pleasures that come with it. Left in the city, 
 the workingman, if he be without other resources, is 
 thrown on the saloon for the satisfaction of the social 
 instinct. 
 
 Belle Isle Park of Detroit is a park that all enjoy. 
 The beautiful island can be reached from almost every 
 part of the city for a fare of three cents, and all of the 
 attractions of the park are fi^ee to every one. The pic- 
 nic grounds, woods, and bathing-houses are open to 
 rich and poor alike, and make it truly the people's park. 
 Beer is sold, but its sale is so restricted as to make in- 
 toxication practically impossible. On a pleasant con- 
 cert evening, it is hard to count the jjeople who crowd
 
 OUTDOOR AMUSEMENTS. 195 
 
 about the music pavilion. On a holiday in winter, 
 thousands of men, women, and children use the ice on 
 the well-kept artificial lakes. Here is the man who 
 to-morrow will be in his place at the factory, and one 
 day of healthful bodily exercise and the vigor gained 
 from a few hours spent in the open air will do much 
 both for him and for his work. 
 
 Many other municipal parks could be mentioned as 
 going far to solve the outdoor problem. Druid Hill 
 Park of Baltimore is one which people from all parts 
 of the city frequent. The parks of Denver are pecul- 
 iarly important, since outside the town limits there 
 begins the brown, sun-baked, treeless prairie. At City 
 Park the right to let boats, and the commission to sell 
 light drinks and delicacies in the two pavilions is sold 
 every year to the highest bidder ; still there is much 
 that is free. As many as a hundred and fifty free con- 
 certs have been given there in a summer. The major- 
 ity of those who frequent the park in the evening or 
 on Sunday are of the poorer people, and it must be of 
 untold value to them, for not only are they offered a 
 cool and delightful place in which to spend their time, 
 but amusement impossible to find elsewhere, except 
 at considerable expense. In trying to compete with 
 attractions such as parks furnish, the saloons are at a 
 disadvantage, and the number of toughs and idlers, 
 chronic saloon attendants, who frequent the parks, tes- 
 tify to what an extent their patronage must suffer in con- 
 sequence. It may be argued that since the saloons are 
 closed on Sunday, none of the Sunday patronage of the 
 parks can be said to detract from the attendance on the 
 saloons. But although there is a Sunday closing ordi-
 
 196 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 
 
 nance in Denver, it is not rigorously enforced, and tlie 
 city is often " wide open." The man with a thirst or 
 the man in search of saloon sociability does not have 
 much trouble usually in finding a hospitable back door. 
 The pride of Memphis is a park of three acres in the 
 very centre of the city. Central Park in New York 
 offers rest and shade to thousands of people daily, and 
 is well located to accomplish much for the city's mil- 
 lions. 
 
 Chicago has a system of parks of which it may 
 justly be proud, but from the point of view of resorts 
 for the laboring people, Chicago has no parks. The 
 parks are so distant from the homes of the masses as 
 to be practically inaccessible. The park system is de- 
 signed for the rich, while it taxes the poor, and reminds 
 one that " to him that hath shall be given." 
 
 Just how much a system of parks that would include 
 small parks located in the congested and wretched dis- 
 tricts of the city would counteract the saloon is not to 
 be reduced to mathematical calculation, but it is a need 
 that every city should supply. It is probable that in 
 any city small parks that are in the midst of the peo- 
 ple will be a greater benefit than the elaborate and 
 extensive parks so remote that they can be seldom vis- 
 ited. They will furnish breathing-spots, promenades, 
 and resting-places for adults, and playgrounds for 
 young men and children. The necessity for open space 
 within the crowded districts is becoming more and 
 more impressed upon the public, and in many cities 
 measures have been taken to secure them. It is a wise 
 precaution to get possession of ground in the suburbs 
 before the city grows out. Too often the open space
 
 OUTDOOR AMUSEMENTS. 197 
 
 is merely a grass-grown triangle with a few benches, 
 but even this is a welcome spot to the tired parent or 
 child whose only other chance for fresh air is the street, 
 the roof, or a seat on the fire escape of his tenement. 
 
 Besides the municipal parks, there are private parks 
 and resorts. Of course all resorts where the saloon 
 itself flourishes, and where there are other institutions 
 worse than the saloon, can in no wise be classed as 
 saloon substitutes. The nature of the place must de- 
 pend upon the nature of the individual or individuals 
 who control it. The roof gardens and beer gardens are 
 often less demoralizing in their effect than the saloon 
 proper. There is much to attract and give pleasure 
 that neither stimulates a taste for drink nor is in other 
 ways degrading. To be sure, it is the business of the 
 keeper to sell beer, and if this be his sole object, these 
 resorts are to be classed with the amusement saloons. 
 Again, a company may establish a resort and be utterly 
 indifferent to the surroundings, rather encouraging 
 saloons to settle near by, there being an understanding 
 that the one will send patrons to the other. 
 
 On the other hand, many private resorts, however 
 simple, may be of real practical use ; for example, the 
 summer out of door theatre whose platform offers some 
 scarcely elevating yet decent farce. A refreshment 
 booth is put up ; swings and popcorn stands with " Sar- 
 atoga chips " for sale make their appearance, and soon 
 there is a resort which is attracting hundreds of people, 
 and from which the car lines reap rich harvests. 
 
 Willow Grove Park in Philadelphia represents a 
 type of suburban resort maintained as feeders for trolley 
 lines where the saloon is entirely absent. The increase
 
 198 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 
 
 in the number of such resorts inaugurated and main- 
 tained for commercial reasons only can be looked upon 
 as an encouraging sign with reference to the problem 
 of furnishins: summer recreation for the masses of the 
 population unattended with the generally disagreeable 
 and almost inevitable feature of the saloon. They are 
 the result of a commercial recognition of the value of 
 an appeal to the aesthetic sense and the elimination of 
 drinking in mixed crowds of pleasure seekers. The 
 ethical sense of the community is not appealed to. 
 What the trolley car company would say if questioned 
 is : " We offer you a pai'k where there will be no saloons, 
 because saloons in public places, like parks, lead to dis- 
 agreeable incidents, and disagreeable incidents multi- 
 plied mean eventually the imparting of a semi-disrep- 
 utable air to a place." The road from the centre of 
 Philadelphia to Willow Grove Park runs through pretty 
 rolling country, and the park itself has many natural 
 and artificial attractions. There are groves with benches 
 and fountains, many forms of entertainment and free 
 concerts. Because of the fare, thirty cents, the park is 
 unavailable to the poorest people, but it reaches many 
 young men who have money to spend, and it offers them 
 many ways of spending it, which, if the ways are good, 
 is a benefit. Real estate companies often establish such 
 resorts. Private philanthropy could ask no broader 
 outlet than the establishment of parks of this kind, 
 making them free to the iDeojDle and accessible as well. 
 L. P. Grant did well for the citizens of Atlanta by his 
 gift of one hundred and fifty acres for a park, the only 
 condition being that it should be open to blacks and 
 whites alike.
 
 OUTDOOR AMUSEMENTS. 199 
 
 There is almost no limit to the forms of entertain- 
 ment which could be offered, for a pleasure-seeking 
 people is not hard to please. Picnic grounds, springs, 
 and benches are essential. Chutes, scenic railways 
 and bicycle tracks, bowling-alleys, baseball, band con- 
 certs, rustic theatres, dancing-halls, under careful 
 management and control, furnish luxuries which the 
 people may enjoy. They will have an influence for 
 good, too, by demonstrating that more pleasure may be 
 gotten from a given source when that source is not 
 abused. An excellent example of what such a place 
 can be is afforded by Norumbega Park, which is 
 owned by the Commonwealth Avenue Railroad of Bos- 
 ton. A large amount of capital has been spent to 
 make the place attractive, and it has been proven that 
 electric car service at a reasonable fare, combined with 
 good bicycle roads and an attractive objective point, 
 will draw the crowd. The daily average attendance 
 is four thousand, reaching fifteen thousand on Sun- 
 day. Ten cents is the cost of admission, but the 
 cost of transportation is only five. Not only is it im- 
 possible for a man to get drink either at or near the 
 park, but he must be free from the influence or sugges- 
 tion of liquor to get into it; and admission to it is 
 worth something ; namely, a clean evening's enjoy- 
 ment. 
 
 Contrast this with a park seven miles out of Cin- 
 cinnati which is owned by the Cincinnati Street Rail- 
 way, or another ten miles up the river owned by the 
 Steamship Company. These parks in themselves are 
 beautiful, the admission to them is free, and thousands 
 of people frequent them, but the free sale of beer and
 
 200 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 
 
 the lack of discipline prevent their being classed as 
 substitutes for the saloon. The free sale of beer at 
 these and like resorts lessens the j)atronage of the ice 
 cream pavilions and light drink stands, and in many 
 cases leads to a misuse of the otherwise harmless at- 
 tractions of the place. Men and women drink together, 
 and the park that should furnish a healthful place for 
 rest and enjoyment too often becomes, for the sake of 
 the private gains of the owners, a spot with pernicious 
 and unwholesome influences. 
 
 Most cities have adjacent picnic grounds and subur- 
 ban resorts, and excvirsions and picnics are a great 
 resource as a means of outdoor amusement for the peo- 
 ple, but too often these places are left in the hands of 
 persons who destroy their usefulness. The municipal- 
 ity should take this matter in hand and see to it that 
 the park commission owns or controls the resorts of the 
 city's people. A striking comparison existed between 
 Revere Beach, north of Boston, which some time ago 
 became a public reservation under the charge of the 
 Metropolitan Park Commission, and Nantasket Beach, 
 on the south side of Boston, which until recently was 
 under private control. At the former, order reigned 
 and the vices were partly banished, partly repressed. 
 At the latter, the vices were obvious and uncontrolled. 
 Now, by order of state legislation, Nantasket Beach is 
 public domain. Merely from the landscape point of 
 view, it is the finer of the two, and it will, no doubt, 
 soon become the beneficent place which the other has 
 long been. The Revere Beach Reservation, with its 
 beach, shelters, band concerts, merry-go-rounds, and 
 restaurants, attracts large numbers. These average
 
 OUTDOOR AMUSEMENTS. 201 
 
 twelve thousand or fifteen thousand on week days and 
 five or six times as many on fair Sundays. A corps of 
 over a dozen Park Commission police efficiently man- 
 ages this crowd. Only thirty-three arrests were made 
 in 1897. 
 
 It should not be enough to say of a resort that " one 
 can see comparatively little rowdyism and so need not 
 be disturbed." Nor is it effective to become disgusted 
 with the place and to stay away. The rowdyism should 
 be kept out. The resorts should be rivals to the city 
 parks as means of healthful recreation, and they, too, 
 should be made accessible to the many by means of a 
 small transportation fee. 
 
 Excursions are common. Does the laboring man 
 enjoy them ? ' The politician gives an excursion and in- 
 cludes him, but it were better for him to have stayed 
 at home, for the beer has flowed freely and likely his 
 vote will pay for his fun. If the day comes when the 
 municipality controls the lands, the means of transpor- 
 tation, and the various attractions, the cooperation of 
 these essentials may bring the resort within the wage- 
 earner's reach. The growing custom among transpor- 
 tation companies of distributing tickets, free of charge, 
 is a commendable one. The most economical use of 
 private gifts is the one that will bring the greatest 
 good to the greatest number. The Randidge fund of 
 fifty thousand dollars, which was left to the city of Bos- 
 ton, has been used to establish a picnic ground at one of 
 the city islands, and daily transports to and from this 
 place three hundred poor children in the city steamer. 
 Surely there should be established many large and 
 small parks and resorts accessible to the people, offer-
 
 202 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 
 
 ing the attractions of sociability and recreation which 
 furnish clean and wholesome amusement under the 
 supervision, if not the control, of the municipality, and 
 offering to the laboring man a place of rest and refresh- 
 ment outside of the saloon. 
 
 Of equal importance as direct substitutes for the 
 saloon are the outdoor gymnasiums and playgrounds 
 for young men. Possibly the gymnasium is the most 
 effective substitute ; it offers a definite aim to its habi- 
 tues, something to work for, and it satisfies, at the 
 same time, the primary social desire and the purely 
 physical demand. Drinking combined with social re- 
 creation is another instance of this double satisfaction. 
 By refining the physical satisfaction, by changing it to 
 one that is ultimately helpful to the body instead of harm- 
 ful, an effective substitute is provided. One advantage 
 of the gymnasium is that while often inaugurated un- 
 der denominational auspices, its doors are open to all, 
 even when other social activities are limited. 
 
 Native athletic clubs are not numerous, and it is for 
 philanthropy and the municipality to provide them. 
 Recreation and physical exercise are fundamental to 
 the moral and physical welfare of the people. The 
 influence of such a place upon the community is de- 
 monstrated in the history of the outdoor gymnasium 
 connected with Seward Park, which was created by re- 
 moving the tenements in the three blocks bounded by 
 Hester, Norfolk, Division, and Essex streets, one of the 
 most crowded regions on the East Side of New York. 
 This place, filled with rubbish for a time, was the bat- 
 tle-ground for many mimic wars which ended disas-
 
 OUTDOOR AMUSEMENTS. 203 
 
 trously for the boys engaged In them. The Outdoor 
 Recreation League appeared, and finally enough money 
 was raised to clean the space out and fence it in ; but 
 the victory was not yet, and every morning crates of 
 rotten eggs and any quantity of spoiled fruit and garb- 
 age would be found there. The grounds were formally 
 opened June 3, 1898, and for the past two seasons 
 thousands of people have used the grounds daily and 
 have ceased of their own accord to misuse them. The 
 league has found trouble in securing money for its 
 gymnasium because, being a park property, they were 
 supposed to receive assistance from the city. Now the 
 prospect is more encouraging, and it is hoped that the 
 city will make the needed improvements. The plans 
 submitted to the Park Department by the league pro- 
 vide a large amphitheatre which would be a valuable 
 addition. Instead of one, there are to be two gymna- 
 siums. The place could be flooded in winter for skat- 
 ing and in summer be used for the people's mass meet- 
 ings. An attempt was made to have Seward Park 
 lighted at night, but only four electric lights were fur- 
 nished, which proved inadequate, and the grounds have 
 not been kept open after dark. 
 
 There is not a large city in America that could not 
 profitably support such places. The fruits of these out- 
 door gymnasiums have already appeared in hundreds 
 of young fellows who have acquired a knowledge, not 
 only of the best methods of exercise and its benefits, 
 but of the principles of order, decency, and fair play. 
 What has been accomplished proves what the influence 
 of provision for the physical development and recrea- 
 tion of the people is in wiping out quarters of un-
 
 204 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 
 
 cleanness and leading their habitants to wholesome and 
 happier lives. The Charlesbank Gymnasium in Boston 
 furnishes an excellent example. It is located on the 
 river bank extending fi-om the Canal Street bridge to 
 the West Boston bridge. This property, comprising 
 ten acres, was acquired by the Park Department in 
 1883 at a cost of over three hundred thousand dollars. 
 The water side of the West End, being a district crowded 
 with large colonies of Negroes and Jews, affords, apart 
 from its gymnastic aim, valuable breathing-space. At 
 either end are the playgrounds. The men's gymnastic 
 apparatus is inclosed within a running-track allowing 
 five laps to the mile. There are pulley weights, giant 
 strides, horizontal and iiarallel bars, and swings. Near 
 by is the lavatory and locker building, where there are 
 shower and spray baths and a large number of lockers. 
 A woman's gymnasiutn is at the opposite end of the 
 park. The patronage of the men's outdoor gymnasium 
 averages over one thousand a day, drawn from widely 
 separated classes. The grounds are inclosed by an iron 
 fence, which is thronged nightly with interested specta- 
 tors, many of whom are induced to enter. East Boston 
 and South Boston have similar gymnasiums. The com- 
 paratively small attendance at class-work need not dis- 
 courage one, because it is certainly a positive influence 
 in the lives of the young men who do come and for 
 months at a time give up smoking, drinking, and late 
 hours. There are thousands who occasionally use the 
 apparatus, and many more who take pleasure in look- 
 ing on, at the same time being invited to healthier and 
 cleaner habits. The outlay need not be excessive. A 
 running-track, pulley weights, swings, horizontal and
 
 OUTDOOR AMUSEMENTS. 205 
 
 parallel bars, an inclined ladder, springboard, jumping- 
 board, climbing-poles, and a punching-bag are sufficient 
 apparatus. 
 
 Other athletic sports are the bicycle meets and ball 
 games. Unfortunately, gambling and drinking are 
 often a part of these sports, but there is much that is 
 desirable. If the ball fields were at a distance from 
 the saloons, and if some rule were enforced which would 
 keep out intoxicated men, it would be well. Were a 
 real interest in the game the only motive that drew 
 the crowds, it would be a most wholesome amusement ; 
 and were the players desirous of carefully training 
 well-developed physiques, it would be a means of in- 
 creasing an admiration for sterling qualities among the 
 people. 
 
 For outdoor recreation, there is an ever increasing 
 demand for space, and it is a legitimate use of the 
 housetops and piers which can supply many of the 
 benefits of the parks and gymnasiums. The Oriental 
 custom of fleeing to the housetops is somewhat in vogue 
 in the Hebrew quarters of New York, but compara- 
 tively few roofs are open to the public, and these are 
 not owned by the city or tenement proprietors. The 
 Educational Alliance on East Broadway has opened the 
 roof of its building to the people in the vicinity, and 
 an average daily attendance of four thousand shows 
 their appreciation. Eleven hundred of these are 
 adults. Awnings are spread in the daytime, and there 
 are seats and picnic tables. Soft drinks are sold, and 
 there is a copious supply of ice water. Five evenings 
 in the week there is music from eight to ten. 
 
 It is hard to overestimate the value of open-air
 
 206 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 
 
 concerts, for they not only draw but hold large au- 
 diences. There is always an increased attendance at 
 the parks when they are given, and it is a significant 
 fact that saloons in the neighborhood often give up 
 their musical attractions. The saloon-keeper has re- 
 cognized the fact that music attracts the people, and 
 the corps of musicians who play nightly in each of the 
 better class of bar-rooms in most cases justify the 
 extra expense by an increase in patronage. Some who 
 frequent the saloon for the sake of the music find their 
 thoughts are clearer, their hearts lighter, and their 
 hardships forgotten more easily. It is these whom the 
 open-air concerts draw from the saloon, and it is the 
 laborins: class as a whole who are furnished with an 
 enjoyable means of spending an evening. 
 
 The recreation piers of New York are built over 
 ordinary wharves. They are roofed, and awnings are 
 lowered over the sides in case of rain. They are open 
 from seven A. M. to twelve p. m., and there is a chance 
 for great benefit to be derived from them by many 
 thousands of people. The privilege of setting up fruit 
 and soda water stands is leased by the Dock Depart- 
 ment, and notwithstanding the poverty of the patrons, 
 trade is prosperous. Wooden benches line either side, 
 and in the centre are the stands. Each evening a band 
 of musicians plays. The wharves occupy the coolest 
 and most picturesque part of many large cities, and 
 they should be utilized for the comfort of the people. 
 The details of administration must be carefully watched, 
 and the thoroughfares leading to them must be well 
 lighted and guarded, since they often run through the 
 roughest part of the town. Besides the police and
 
 OUTDOOR AMUSEMENTS. 207 
 
 matrons in attendance at the piers to maintain order, 
 there should be other restrictions to avoid the evil that 
 is liable to arise because of the location, the freedom, 
 and the character of certain of the patrons. The piers 
 and the wharves under them could be used more than 
 they are for purely recreative purposes. Running- 
 tracks and gymnastic apparatus might be arranged on 
 the wharves. 
 
 The city which is near the water's edge has other 
 natural resources in its means for swimming and boat- 
 ing, fishing and bathing. Some good settlement work 
 has been done in interesting boys in boating and swim- 
 ming as preparation for service in a life-saving crew. 
 Many inland cities have natural or artificial lakes, and 
 they furnish much recreation to the people if the use 
 of them is brought within their means. Excursions 
 by water are often more attractive than picnics on 
 land, and many philanthropists have taken heed of 
 this fact. 
 
 Much has been accomplished by the different organ- 
 izations of our cities in establishing public baths for 
 the summer months. In this the cities with natural 
 facilities for bathing have the advantasre. The follow- 
 ing is a quotation from a report of a committee of 
 aldermen submitted in Boston as long ago as 1860. It 
 recognizes the need of bathing for poor people and the 
 difficulty of satisfying it in their own homes. " Con- 
 sequently their baths are infrequent and of but partial 
 benefit when taken. Then they become careless as to 
 their persons and their apparel. Their respect for 
 themselves and their class and their families diminishes.
 
 208 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 
 
 They lose all interest in education and in refined man- 
 ners. Their moral sense becomes more or less blunted, 
 and degeneracy is the inevitable tendency." Boston 
 was one of the first cities in America to recognize the 
 importance of free baths for poor people, and deserves 
 credit for having done much to meet the need. Under 
 the direction of the Bath Department, a large number 
 of bathing-houses, swimming-pools, and floating-baths 
 are now operated. For children of school age every- 
 thing, including instruction, is furnished free, except 
 towels, for the use of which a charge of one cent is 
 made. Adults are supposed to pay for bathing-suits, 
 except at North End Park, at the rate of five cents a 
 suit, but this is by no means insisted upon in the case 
 of patrons known to be too poor to pay the fee. The 
 total number of bathers in the bath establishments for 
 the season of 1898, — 
 
 Estimated 2,500,000 
 
 Expense of maintenance $35,000 
 
 Cost per bath Olf 
 
 3500 is the estimated number of children who learned 
 to swim in free baths in 1898. 
 
 The North End Park bathing-beach has been called 
 "The Great City Bathtub." At either end of the 
 beach, which is perhaps four hundred feet long, are 
 the bathing-houses, the one for men including one hun- 
 dred and fifty-one closets and five hundred lockers. 
 These are used daily by an average of six thousand 
 men and boys. In the women's bathhouse there are 
 one hundred and sixty-four closets for an average 
 attendance of three thousand. These numbers show
 
 OUTDOOR AMUSEMENTS. 
 
 209 
 
 the popularity of bathing and the problem of providing 
 adequate accommodations. It is almost impossible to 
 exaggerate the influence of this bathing-beach in its 
 neighborhood. The crowded tenement district which 
 surrounds it is noticeably cleaner, and the police report 
 the number of arrests of boys for malicious mischief 
 greatly decreased. An equally important and interest- 
 ing bath is the large beach bath in South Boston, which 
 attracts thousands from all quarters of the city. 
 
 The following tables give the statistics of the Bath 
 Department : — 
 
 BOSTON BATH DEPARTMENT STATISTICS. 1898. 
 
 Floating-Houses. 
 
 Maiden Bridge 
 
 Chelsea Bridge 
 
 Border Street (2) 
 
 Maverick Point 
 
 Dover Street (2) 
 
 Warren Bridge (2) 
 
 Craigie Bridge 
 
 West Boston Bridge 
 
 Neponset Bridge 
 
 Harvard Bridge 
 
 Beach Baths. 
 
 Charlestown Park 
 
 North End Park 
 
 Wood Island Park 
 
 K Street, South Boston . . . 
 L Street, South Boston. . . . 
 
 Commercial Point 
 
 Neponset Beach 
 
 Swimming-Pools. 
 
 Orchard Park 
 
 Cabot Street 
 
 River Bath. 
 West Roxbury 
 
 When 
 Estab- 
 lished. 
 
 1874 
 1S75 
 1866 
 1870 
 1866 
 1866 
 1867 
 1866 
 1898 
 
 1898 
 1897 
 1808 
 1898 
 1866 
 
 1898 
 
 1898 
 1868 
 
 Cost. 
 
 f4,500 
 3,000 
 6,000 
 3,000 
 6,000 
 
 10,000 
 
 5,r)(X) 
 
 5,500 
 3,000 
 3,500 
 
 1,500 
 
 3,500 
 1,500 
 3,.500 
 1,500 
 temp'ry 
 
 3,500 
 4,500 
 
 2,800 
 
 Attend- 
 ants. 
 
 Average Daily 
 Patronage. 
 
 500 
 600 
 400 
 400 
 750 
 700 
 2,500 
 800 
 300 
 
 2,000 
 6,000 
 2,000 
 
 4,500 
 
 1,500 
 
 400 
 
 500 
 1,300 
 
 175 
 
 250 
 200 
 200 
 650 
 650 
 
 700 
 200 
 
 1,500 
 3,000 
 1,200 
 3,000 
 
 1,500 
 
 200 
 300
 
 210 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 
 
 TOTALS. 
 
 Number of Establishments. 
 
 Floating-houses 13 
 
 Beach baths 7 
 
 Pools 2 
 
 River baths 1 
 
 23 
 
 Total Cost $72,300 
 
 Number of Attendants. 
 
 Men ; .... 77 
 
 Women 46 
 
 123 
 
 Average Daily Patronage. 
 
 City Baths, 
 
 Men 25,450 
 
 Women 13,925 39,375 
 
 State Bath at Revere 1,500 
 
 City Point Bath 700 
 
 Total number of persons in average daily \ ,-. ^-p. 
 
 attendance at public bathing-places in Boston j ' 
 
 For the sake of unity the " all the year round " bath 
 is discussed here instead of in the preceding chapter. 
 Facilities for bathing during the summer months have 
 been within the reach of the wage-earner of some of 
 our cities for a good many years, but it is only within 
 the i^ast five years that the jjrovision for bathing all 
 the year round has been seriously undertaken. The 
 necessity for such provision from the point of view of 
 the public health is made very aj^parent by the simple 
 observation that the tenement houses in which live
 
 OUTDOOR AMUSEMENTS. 211 
 
 vast numbers of the working people have absolutely 
 no facilities for bathing, and that cleanliness of body 
 is certainly as desirable during the winter as during 
 the summer months. In New York only three hun- 
 dred and six people out of the 255,033 considered by 
 Mr. Gilder's committee, and only two per cent of the 
 population studied by the Bureau of Labor, had access 
 to baths inside of the houses which they occupied. It 
 is true that to some the bath seems to be a summer 
 pastime, and that in the winter months the average 
 attendance at the public baths is lower ; and yet that 
 the people desire to bathe during the colder months 
 has been amply proved by the success of the winter 
 baths already established. No municipality then will 
 have discharged its duty, as Mayor Quincy has defined 
 it, until it brings " within the reach of all, in winter 
 as well as in summer, facilities for securing the physi- 
 cal cleanliness that bears such close relationship to 
 social and moral well-being." 
 
 The cities that are discharging this duty are very 
 few. The most are content to allow their thousands 
 of toilers to go unwashed during at least eight months 
 of the year. It is only since 1895 that the movement 
 began in America, in imitation of very successful 
 European models, and thus far it has reached only half 
 a dozen of our American cities. The beginning was 
 made in New York, where the Society for Improv- 
 ing the Condition of the Poor established an all the 
 year people's bath at Centre Market Place, and a 
 portion of the Baron de Hirsch Fand was used to 
 locate another at Market and Henry streets. Besides 
 taking the lead chronologically, New York has taken
 
 212 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 
 
 another step far in advance of any other common- 
 wealth ; for Mayor Strong's Committee on Public 
 Baths, appointed in July, 1895, obtained legislation 
 making the establishment of free hot and cold baths, 
 open fourteen hours daily throughout the year, obliga- 
 tory on the larger cities of the State. Already one 
 large bath has been opened in Buffalo in a central 
 location, and another is under construction in the most 
 congested part of the city. For the one municipal 
 bath in New York no less than two hundred thousand 
 dollars was a^jpropriated. 
 
 Other cities followed New York's example. In 
 Philadelphia and Baltimore the work was undertaken 
 by private associations or individuals. The Public 
 Bath Association of Philadelphia was organized on 
 February 7 and incorporated on March 19, 1895, " for 
 the purpose of establishing and maintaining public 
 baths and affording to the poor facilities for bathing 
 and the promotion of health and cleanliness." In 
 April, 1897, the public bath on the corner of Gaskill 
 and Leithgow streets was formally opened. Its con- 
 struction cost approximately twenty-seven thousand 
 dollars. It has been successful from the start. In 
 the same summer in Philadelphia, 2,853,702 bathers 
 were recorded in the seven public baths maintained by 
 the city. There is no charge whatever in these, and 
 bathers bring their own towels. That public baths 
 can be run at little expense is proved by Baltimore, 
 whose statistics show forty thousand baths to have 
 cost only five hundred dollars, one eighth cent per 
 bath. And yet not more than half a dozen munici- 
 palities are providing for this need.
 
 OUTDOOR AMUSEMENTS. 
 
 213 
 
 In Boston itself, it was not until the spring of 1898 
 that the city undertook the provision for indoor bath- 
 ing. An indoor bathhouse has been erected on Dover 
 Street, in the midst of a dense pojjulation and within 
 easy reach of the outlying districts.^ On the first 
 floor are separate waiting-rooms for men and women, 
 together with the laundry and engine-room in the rear. 
 On the second floor are bathrooms both for men and 
 for women. There are thirty sprays and three tubs 
 for men, and eleven sprays and six tubs for women. 
 All the baths are inclosed. Each shower cabin con- 
 tains a dressing-alcove, with a seat, A Gegenstrom 
 apparatus is used, which permits the bather to regu- 
 late the temperature of the water to suit himself. The 
 following table for the winter of 1898-1899 shows its 
 success during the first months : — 
 
 NUMBER OF BATHERS AT THE DOVER STREET BATH 
 DURING THE FIRST SEVEN MONTHS. 
 
 October (15 days). 
 
 November 
 
 December 
 
 January 
 
 February 
 
 March 
 
 April 
 
 Men. 
 
 Boys. 
 
 Total. 
 
 Women. 
 
 Girls. 
 
 4,156 
 
 1,460 
 
 5,616 
 
 669 
 
 581 
 
 6,837 
 
 3,907 
 
 10,744 
 
 2,465 
 
 2,323 
 
 7,559 
 
 3,812 
 
 11,371 
 
 2,812 
 
 2,535 
 
 7,646 
 
 3,780 
 
 11,426 
 
 2,633 
 
 2,988 
 
 7,733 
 
 3,664 
 
 11,397 
 
 2,641 
 
 2,354 
 
 9,796 
 
 4,341 
 
 14,137 
 
 3,791 
 
 2,866 
 
 12,535 
 
 5,637 
 
 18,172 
 
 4,314 
 
 4,017 
 
 Total. 
 
 1,250 
 
 4,788 
 5,347 
 5,621 
 4,995 
 6,657 
 8,331 
 
 Whole number 119,852 
 
 Largest number of bathers in any one day 2,045 
 
 The swimming-pools of Orchard Park and Cabot 
 Street will be made available for the winter months, 
 since all that is necessary is to heat the water in the 
 ^ Free Municipal Baths in Boston, by W. I. Cole.
 
 214 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 
 
 tanks. The Bath Department contemplates having an- 
 other large bathhouse at the North End, the outlying 
 sections to be accommodated by baths connected with 
 gymnasiums. 
 
 Chicago has at present three or four all the year round 
 baths operated by the city, but outside of the cities 
 mentioned there are few that have free public bathing- 
 houses. San Francisco has two magnificent bathing 
 establishments, but the fee of twenty-five cents shuts 
 out the man who needs them most. It would be a 
 good plan for San Francisco to purchase the Lurline 
 Baths, which are centi-ally located, and throw them 
 open to the public. Denver has a pool natatorium in 
 summer ; nothing in winter. The price of admission 
 is twenty-five cents ; even so the bath is inadequate for 
 the city's population of 135,000. In Cincinnati, where 
 river bathing is against the law, a bath costs fifteen 
 cents at the " Swim," at the Young Men's Christian 
 Association, or at the Cincinnati Gymnasium. And 
 so the story goes. If every State would imitate the 
 legislature of New York, or every city follow the policy 
 of Boston, we would have cleaner, healthier men and 
 women in our cities, fewer victims of disease and of 
 intemperance. 
 
 Experience, then, has taught these lessons in regard 
 to the winter baths : First, that the baths should be 
 free, and to this end controlled and operated by the 
 city. Second, that a " considerable number of estab- 
 lishments should be furnished designed for local use 
 rather than one or two on a large scale at central 
 points. In other words, the people of a given neigh- 
 borhood should not have to go far in order to avail
 
 OUTDOOR AMUSEMENTS. 215 
 
 themselves of such facilities. If the bath is within 
 half a mile to a mile of the home, it will be readily or 
 extensively used ; if it is two or three miles away, its 
 use will be very greatly restricted." Third, that not 
 the pool but the shower bath is the best form of in- 
 door bath. The Gegenstrbm apparatus has been most 
 widely adopted, by which the water is made to strike 
 the shoulders first and the temperature can be regu- 
 lated to suit the bather. Fourth, that twenty thousand 
 dollars is sufficient to erect and equip a bathhouse with 
 a capacity of eight hundred daily. 
 
 It has been suggested that when the people look 
 upon the bath as a necessity, and when it ceases to be 
 a luxury, its direct influence upon the saloon will be 
 smaller. More likely it will work the other way. 
 The public bath open all the year round should rank as 
 one of the most important municipal agencies for the 
 improvement of the condition of the people. Inland 
 cities suffer a disadvantage, but in working out the 
 problem of substitution for the saloon, they may be 
 assured that the institution which offers the fun of 
 swimming with the luxury of cooling off is an impor- 
 tant one. Here again physical enjoyment is combined 
 with recreation, — a place to get cool with a place for 
 social pleasure. The bath is closely allied with our 
 subject both from the point of view of recreation and 
 of cleanliness, the one connecting it directly, the other 
 indirectly, with the saloon substitute problem.
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 LUNCH-EOOMS AND COFFEE-HOUSES. 
 
 The saloon is primarily a driiiking-place ; its real 
 business is to satisfy the desire for intoxicating liquors. 
 When, therefore, we turn to consider the possibility of 
 meeting the saloon in open competition on its chosen 
 field, we face a more difficult problem than we have 
 yet met, a problem which, strictly speaking, is incapable 
 of solution. There is no substitute for the saloon as 
 a drinking centre because there is no substitute for 
 alcohol. This is the very citadel of the liquor dealer, 
 from which he looks down with reasonable and well- 
 founded indifference upon all substitutes. His confi- 
 dence is not misplaced. It rests upon the deepest 
 physiological foundation, for it is not the normal 
 thirst alone which alcohol satisfies. Beyond it is that 
 morbid craving for a sensation which as yet alcohol 
 alone has been able to produce. All other . soft drinks 
 are " kindergarten " affairs, which the drinking man 
 views with good -humor and contempt. Other reasons, 
 beside the physiological, increase the difficulty. Alco- 
 hol whets but does not satisfy the thirst. Hence it is 
 a means of retaining the customer. Once awakened, 
 the desire for alcoholic stimulants becomes habitual, 
 more and more exacting and imperative until it demands 
 daily a frequent gratification. Once a saloon patron 
 always a patron. But "soft drinks" exert no such
 
 LUNCH-ROOMS AND COFFEE-HOUSES. 217 
 
 continuous hold. They satisfy, do not excite the thirst. 
 The demand for them is intermittent and irregular. 
 Again, alcohol is a stimulant to sociability. It warms 
 the cockles of the heart and promotes good cheer. Tea, 
 coffee, and ginger ale in any quantity cannot rival in 
 this respect a single glass of beer. And when we con- 
 sider that if the demand for temperance drinks really 
 becomes considerable, there is nothing in the license of 
 the saloon-keeper which prevents him from adding 
 them to his own stock in trade, the problem seems 
 truly hopeless. 
 
 It will not do, then, to overestimate the influence of 
 temperance drinking-places. The most that can be 
 said of any attempt to rival the saloon upon the ground 
 of drink alone is that it is a palliative, not in any sense 
 a cure. Where soft drinks alone are furnished, with- 
 out any other inducement, their effect is that they offer 
 a means for satisfying the normal thirst without the 
 necessity of entering a saloon. Where other induce- 
 ments are offered, they and not the soft drinks are 
 primarily the cause for the patronage. But it may 
 be true that in the course of time an habitual use of 
 non-intoxicants will take the place of the abnormal 
 craving for alcoholic drinks. Thus all kinds of places 
 for retailing soft drinks have their place, and, within 
 the limits that have been suggested, exert a wholesome 
 influence. 
 
 The places where non-alcoholic drinks are on sale in 
 any city are almost innumerable. Nearly every drug- 
 store has its soda fountain, frequently with attachments 
 for serving hot chocolate or beef tea. To these must 
 be added the confectionery stores and the lemonade
 
 218 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 
 
 and spring- water stands. The patronage of these places 
 during the warm months is enormous ; and if it may 
 be claimed that few saloon patrons are applicants at 
 the soda fountain, it may with equal confidence be 
 affirmed that without the soda fountain the saloon 
 patronage would be largely increased. A member of 
 one of the largest wholesale drug and chemical firms 
 in Boston said that he believed more was being done 
 for the cause of temperance by the introduction of 
 large soda fountains in city pharmacies than by all 
 the societies and pledges which had been devised. An 
 effort was made some years ago to secure a rough esti- 
 mate of the extent of the soda-water traffic in the city 
 of Boston. The method followed was to obtain from 
 the wholesale soda manufacturers an estimate of the 
 amount of soda water furnished to the retailers of the 
 city. The wholesale soda-dealers are comparatively 
 few In number, and their business Is so systematized 
 that an estimate of the number of fountains supj)lied, 
 and the frequency of the replenishment, can be accu- 
 rately given. The majority of the fountains contain 
 ten gallons, some of them running as high as fifteen. 
 In reducing the calculation to glasses, one half a pint 
 of the soda water was allowed to a glass, which is prob- 
 ably an overestimate. The returns of the six manufac- 
 turers, in terms of glasses per day, give approximately 
 85,000 as a patronage for which they can account. By 
 taking all the variety of temperance drinks which do 
 not contain soda water in their composition as an addi- 
 tional figure, it was estimated that 100,000 was the 
 probable daily patronage during the summer months 
 of the soda fountains and street booths of the city.
 
 LUNCH-ROOMS AND COFFEE-HOUSES. 219 
 
 This was just about one half of the estimated total 
 saloon patronage. And it is probable that for every 
 two who visit the saloons during the summer, one at 
 least will satisfy his thirst at a temperance drinking- 
 place. Now it is evident that so large a consumption 
 of temperance drinks must keep some at least out of 
 the saloons. The proprietors of temperance drinking- 
 places, without doubt, find that their returns are appre- 
 ciably greater on holidays, when saloons are closed, than 
 on days when they are open. When beer, that is, 
 cannot be had, a milder drink becomes a good substi- 
 tute. 
 
 In addition to these establishments for the sale of 
 soft drinks are the public ice-water fountains. In 
 New York, the Church Temperance Society has placed 
 nine of these fountains in crowded portions of the city, 
 generally in connection with some church or mission. 
 In Boston, the city has provided the fountains, thirty- 
 two of them being maintained at public expense during 
 the summer, in addition to a few others supported by 
 private gifts. Here is a convenient and practical form 
 of municipal enterprise. At slight expense much com- 
 fort and satisfaction can be given, and a positive cor- 
 rective to the saloon be provided ; for it is impossible 
 to suppose that of the hundreds of workingmen who 
 daily stand in line waiting their turn for a drink of 
 cold water some at least would not otherwise find their 
 way to a saloon. The cost of a substantial fountain is 
 about one hundred and fifty dollars. It should consist 
 of a strong wooden chest, covered on the bottom and 
 sides with iron pipe, and with a cavity in the centre 
 capable of holding three hundred pounds of ice that
 
 220 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 
 
 has to be added daily. The cost of operating such a 
 fountain for six months of the year, allowing for 
 repairs, will be about seventy-five dollars. It is hard 
 to conceive how so small an amount of money could 
 perform a greater amount of good. 
 
 On the ground of satisfying a natural thirst for 
 drink, then, these temperance drinking-places are exert- 
 ing a large influence. Unhappily, however, where the 
 morbid appetite for liquor begins, this competition 
 ceases, and the superior attraction of the alcoholic 
 drink can be met only by the provision of other attrac- 
 tions oi such a kind and variety that they will overcome 
 the single appeal to appetite. Such, in a word, is the 
 philosophy underlying the coffee-house, the tea saloon, 
 the temperance tavern, and all similar institutions. As 
 against the bar with its beer and whiskey, there is a bar 
 with its temperance drinks, and in addition a well- 
 stocked reading-room, a billiard-room, a bowling-alley, 
 and perhaps good lodgings and wholesome food, — re- 
 sources that can satisfy not only the normal thirst, but 
 the normal desire for recreation and sociability as well. 
 
 One reason, then, for the failure of American temper- 
 ance drinking-places has been that they have attempted 
 the unequal contest of meeting the saloon with temper- 
 ance drinks alone without adding any forms of attractive 
 amusements. The inevitable result has been that the 
 demand for the drinks has not been sufficient to warrant 
 keeping the places open, to say nothing of paying 
 expenses. An interesting illustration is furnished by 
 the coffee-house movement in Boston. The original 
 intention was to offer coffee as a substitute for beer, 
 and simple forms of amusement were to be provided ;
 
 LUNCH-ROOMS AND COFFEE-HOUSES. 221 
 
 but the demand for coffee was so small that its sale was 
 discontinued, and at present the coffee-houses are merely 
 social gathering places for the neighborhood in which 
 they are located, where smoking is permitted, and 
 occasional lectures are given. Upon the basis of drink 
 alone, it must be repeated, no successful competition 
 with the saloon can be expected. 
 
 Another point has been conclusively proved by Ameri- 
 can experiments, and that is that any charitable or 
 religious motive which may lie behind such attempts 
 as these to rival the saloons must be kept well in the 
 background. To indiscretion in this particular the 
 failure of more than one well-intentioned enterprise 
 may be attributed. The Church Army has made inter- 
 esting attempts to provide temperance drinking-places 
 in avowed rivalry to the saloon. Its most successful 
 establishment is in New Haven, where at the present 
 time two coffee-rooms are in operation. The first of 
 these is on Gregson Street, in the mercantile section 
 of the city, the other on Grand Avenue, a poorer busi- 
 ness district. At both of these places is a coffee bar, 
 where for five cents one gets a good cup of coffee, 
 a plate of beans, and two slices of bread. ^ Two hun- 
 dred and fifty such meals are served daily at Gregson 
 Street, and about half that number at Grand Avenue. 
 Both also have lodgings connected with them, the 
 former called Sherman's Hotel. Lodging for a night 
 is furnished at fifteen cents, single rooms are rented 
 by the week at one dollar and twenty-five cents. There 
 is a social and smoking room, and there is also a 
 small chapel, where daily evening services are held. 
 
 ^ New Haven report.
 
 222 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 
 
 The success of tliis institution can be attributed to 
 the advantages that it offers : good food at low prices, 
 and good lodgings. The temperance drinks are not by 
 any means the most important feature of the enter- 
 prise. This bears out what has already been said. 
 In addition to the receipts, one thousand dollars has 
 been needed for rent and help, which has been contrib- 
 uted from outside sources. A feature of the institution 
 of the Church Army is the union of the religious and 
 of the social ideas. In New Haven this has not proved 
 to be offensive, but when all allowances are made it 
 will be found unwise to connect the religious activities 
 with an experiment of this kind. The ill results of 
 this combination became apparent when an effort was 
 made to repeat this experiment in New York City, 
 where a tea saloon was formally opened on Allen Street. 
 Cakes, pies, or sandwiches, in addition to the tea, were 
 served without extra payment. This experiment re- 
 ceived a good deal of advertisement. It was announced 
 as an open rival to the saloon, and at first its patronage 
 was considerable. But the enterprise did not pretend 
 to be a business venture merely. It was to be a benevo- 
 lence. Its name, Church Army Tea Saloon, was hung 
 out in brilliant colors on a large sign ; tea missionaries 
 were to teach the neighborhood how to brew the best 
 tea at the least expense. Religious services were held 
 every evening from eight to nine o'clock, conducted by 
 a chaplain of the Army, or his assistants. The effect 
 of the benevolent and religious features was not helpful. 
 The church aspect of the affair was too apparent. In 
 a few months the patronage of the place had consider- 
 ably fallen off, and at last the plan was abandoned.
 
 LUNCH-ROOMS AND COFFEE-HOUSES. 223 
 
 Another obstacle in the way of the permanent success 
 of these experiments has been the matter of finance. 
 No one of the establishments that has been mentioned 
 has been even in a fair way of paying its expenses. 
 The price of drinks has been put so low that no profit 
 has resulted from which to pay the rental, the salaries 
 of employees, and the expense of varied attractions 
 which, as we have seen, are essential to their success. 
 In a word, every one of these experiments has been a 
 charity, in that it has depended upon private gifts for 
 its support. A determined effort was made a few 
 years ago in the city of Washington to see if one of 
 these institutions could not be placed upon a paying 
 basis. The results of this experiment are especially 
 important, since both of the obstacles above referred 
 to were carefully avoided. It was assumed that the 
 patronage of the place would depend in large measure 
 upon attractions other than the temperance drinks to 
 be offered, and it was to be a business and not a bene- 
 volent or religious enterprise. The experiment was 
 intended, in the words of its promoter, to test the ques- 
 tion whether a temperance saloon could be made to pay 
 a moderate return on the capital invested, or if not, 
 whether such a saloon could be even made to pay ex- 
 penses. In order that fair conditions should prevail 
 throughout, a central location was chosen, and nothing 
 on the exterior indicated that this was other than an 
 ordinary bar-room. No effort was made to create a 
 " high-toned " atmosphere within. A regular barkeeper 
 in his shirt-sleeves stood behind a bar of ordinary pat- 
 tern, and behind him were shelves covered with bottles 
 and all the attractive furnishings to be found in bar-
 
 224 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 
 
 rooms elsewhere. Tables were scattered around, papers 
 and games were supplied. No attempt was made to 
 improve the language or morals of the customers ; the 
 only perceptible difference between this and any other 
 bar-room lay in the fact that no alcoholic liquors could 
 be procured. Two pool tables were provided, for using 
 which a small charge was made. The experimenter him- 
 self very rarely visited the saloon, lest he should be re- 
 cognized and customers should be made to fear that they 
 were being patronized, or that some effort was being 
 made, under religious auspices, for their moral improve- 
 ment. It is not believed that up to the present time 
 the frequenters of the saloon have any idea that it was 
 other than an ordinary commercial venture. All ex- 
 travagances of expenditure were avoided. The initial 
 cost was necessarily somewhat large. Several hundred 
 dollars were expended in order to make the place at- 
 tractive, the only second-hand articles being the pool 
 tables. The place at first was looked upon in the light 
 of a curiosity, but in time it came to be regarded as a 
 fixture in the community, and had its own regular client- 
 age. Because of the lack of all restraint, the language 
 at first was unsavory. This was greatly changed, but it 
 was a change Avorked by degrees. Some of the fre- 
 quenters were known to be men who had formerly 
 patronized regular bar-i'ooius, but apparently enjoyed 
 the clearer and cleaner atmosphere found within this 
 saloon. One fact appeared which was regarded as 
 more than a mere coincidence : a bar-room two doors 
 away which had been doing business for years was 
 closed because its joatronage had fallen off to such an 
 extent that the business proved unprofitable. The
 
 LUNCH-ROOMS AND COFFEE-HOUSES. 225 
 
 saloon has proved a success In keeping a certain num- 
 ber of young" men away from ordinary bar-rooms and 
 giving them a place where their evenings could be 
 innocently spent. But keeping in mind the fact that 
 the whole object of the experimenter was to find 
 whether a temperance saloon could be made so commer- 
 cially profitable as to invite capital and naturally 
 supersede the saloon, it must be said that the results 
 have not been encouraging. There have been periods 
 of a month or two when the receipts were sufficiently 
 large to cover the expenses and to give a slight profit, 
 but such months have been the exception. Indeed, 
 without the pool tables, the experiment must have come 
 to an end some time ago. The demand for soft drinks 
 has never been large, and the gain from selling them 
 is very small. On alcoholic liquors in the ordinary 
 saloon the profit is from one hundred and fifty to two 
 hundred per cent, but it seldom exceeds fifty per cent 
 on soft drinks. Here is the root of the financial diffi- 
 culty. The profit from temperance drinks alone does 
 not more than pay exi^enses. 
 
 The results of this experiment must probably be 
 accepted as decisive, since every condition looking 
 towards independence was carefully met. The further 
 question remains to be answered : Is it possible to 
 discover a non-alcoholic beverage that will make a 
 profit, or an alcoholic drink which will not cause in- 
 toxication ? Several of these beverages have been 
 invented and placed on the market. Of non-alcoholic 
 drinks we have Kop's Ale, an English mixture. Of 
 alcoholic drinks we have French coca wine or the cheap 
 Alica beer containing not over one per cent of alcohol,
 
 226 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 
 
 which is consumed in large quantities by the natives of 
 the North End, Boston. Other drinks have been 
 devised from time to time by temperance workers in 
 the hope of solving the problem. 
 
 The most interesting of these experiments has been 
 the Home Salon, conducted by Bishop Fallows in 
 Chicago. His institution, like the Washington tem- 
 perance saloon, was a purely business enterprise, but 
 in addition a beverage was sold which he trusted 
 would meet the conditions of the problem. All the 
 attractive features of the saloon were retained except 
 alcoholic beverages. Indeed, the location selected was 
 a room formerly occupied by one of the notorious 
 saloons of the city. The wine-rooms in it were torn 
 down, but the other appurtenances, such as the bar 
 and shelves, were allowed to remain. A kind of drink 
 composed of pure malt and hops carbonized was pro- 
 vided after careful experiment by competent chemists ; 
 it was absolutely non-alcoholic. It sustained the same 
 relation to the ordinary beer that unfermented wine 
 does to the vinous substance. All the so-called soft 
 drinks were furnished besides tea and coffee. A good 
 luncheon was served at a moderate cost. At one end 
 of the lunch-room men could smoke if they desired. 
 There were newspapers, magazines, games, with occa- 
 sional music. Such was the Home Salon, but it failed. 
 The " Bishop's beer," as the drink was called, proved 
 after protracted trial that it must be used within a 
 week or two after manufacturing to be perfectly free 
 from the traces of alcohol. This was not always possi- 
 ble, and so it proved to be just alcoholic enough to 
 require a license. Bishops Fallows himself ascribes
 
 LUNCH-ROOMS AND COFFEE-HOUSES. 227 
 
 the failure of the experiment, aside from the cause 
 that has beeu given, to poor management. He was 
 unable himself, on account of absence from the city, 
 carefully to supervise the affair, which was turned over 
 to some young men to be carried on in another part 
 of the city ; but without capital they were unable to 
 carry on the business. The experiment, at any rate, 
 did not succeed in evolving a beverage which will pay 
 a sufficient profit without being alcoholic. 
 
 To sum up, then, the lessons taught by these attempts 
 to provide attractive temperance drinking-places as 
 substitutes for the saloon, we find the essentials for the 
 success of any such enterprise to be the following : 1. 
 A large variety in the drinks and other attractions, 
 such as reading and smoking facilities, billiard tables, 
 cheap food, and even lodgings. 2. The absence not 
 only of a religious but of a benevolent aspect from the 
 enterprise. 3. A capable business manager who shall 
 conduct the establishment so as to place it upon a pay- 
 ing basis if possible. 4. A sufficient initial investment 
 of capital to cover the losses of the first few experimen- 
 tal months, and to start a number of establishments, in 
 order that the losses from some of them may be made 
 good by the gains from others. When these conditions 
 have been realized, such establishments may expect to 
 pay all running expenses, but hardly a dividend on cap- 
 ital invested. 
 
 Another plan has been suggested. It has been pro- 
 posed that temperance saloons recognize the demand 
 for alcoholic stimulants as legitimate and provide good 
 beer and light wines to be sold with discretion and with 
 no attempt to make a profit. This plan has been advo-
 
 228 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 
 
 cated by some most interested in temperance reform, 
 and i« already in operation in England. An account 
 of this English experiment is given in the next chapter. 
 
 But the saloon is not only a drink establishment ; it 
 has become a food dejDot as well. It satisfies daily not 
 only the thirst but the hunger of thousands of people. 
 The truth of this proposition is entirely independent of 
 the vexed question of the nutritive properties of alco- 
 hol. It is true that a hard drinker subsists on a mini- 
 mum of food, which is readily supplied by the free 
 lunch. It is also true that the food provided at home 
 for the wage-earner is often of a quality which predis- 
 poses him for the taste of liquor. Those who have had 
 the best opportunities for observing the conditions of 
 living of the poorer classes are unanimous in their 
 belief that men whose wives are intelligent and capa- 
 ble women are much less apt to frequent the sa- 
 loons. Wholesome and tasteful food at home will 
 do more to promote temperance among wage-earners 
 than any number of tea saloons or coffee-houses. But 
 the poorer workingwomen often know little or nothing 
 about cooking. Fried food and strong coffee form the 
 bulk of the American workingman's diet. This causes 
 indigestion, and of itself fosters a thirst for stimulants 
 which the saloon readily supplies. At the beginning, 
 this must be a work of education. Fortunately the 
 materials for popular instruction upon the most nutri- 
 tive and wholesome food products and the best methods 
 of preparing them are already at hand. The United 
 States government is interesting itself in the question 
 of the diet of the people ; private philanthropy has
 
 LUNCH-ROOMS AND COFFEE-HOUSES. 229 
 
 been busy with its investigations, its cooking classes, 
 and its model kitchens. Of all this activity it need 
 only be said that it'is attacking the saloon at a most 
 vulnerable point. Churches, settlements, and all other 
 benevolent agencies can do no more radical and funda- 
 mental work towards the solution of the temperance 
 problem than by promoting scientific instruction upon 
 the selection and proper preparation of food for the 
 wage-earner. 
 
 One has only to refer to the discussion of the saloon 
 free lunch to become convinced of the extent to which 
 the saloons in all our large cities operate as food dis- 
 tributing establishments. It is unnecessary to repeat the 
 demonsti^ation at this point. The popularity of the free 
 lunch lies in the fact that one can obtain sufficient food, 
 and drink besides, for the same price that the simplest 
 meal would cost at any cheap restaurant. Even whei-e 
 the free lunch is the least abvindant and attractive, it 
 still provides sufficient nourishment to satisfy the hun- 
 ger of multitudes of workingmen. It is evident, then, 
 that temperance eating-places begin to operate as saloon 
 substitutes only when they offer food of such a quality, 
 or at such a price, or under such conditions, that the 
 added attraction of the drink is more than counter-bal- 
 anced in the mind of the purchaser. This statement 
 would preclude from the list of direct substitutes all 
 lunch-rooms and restaurants which offer no such induce- 
 ments, or whose patronage is drawn from that portion 
 of the population which do not frequent the saloons. 
 
 Of cheap lunch-rooms and restaurants every city has 
 an abundance. As a rule, they are of two classes : either 
 they provide good meals, well cooked and decently
 
 230 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 
 
 served, at the usual rate of twenty-five cents, or at a 
 minimum of fifteen cents (only in rare instances ten 
 cents) ; or else they attempt to offer sufficient food to 
 satisfy the hunger at even a lower rate, but invariably 
 under conditions so repellent that the ordinary saloon 
 seems very attractive in comparison. Now it is evident 
 that neither of these classes of restaurants can be 
 called in any legitimate sense a saloon substitute, for 
 neither will attract saloon patrons to it : the first, be- 
 cause its price is too high ; the second, because its 
 food is too poor. Thus it may be seen how little is the 
 real competition that exists between the saloon and the 
 cheap eating-places, and how securely the saloon holds 
 the field as the feeder of all who have acquired the 
 taste for liquor and have thus become patrons of the 
 saloon. On a single street in Chicago, frequented by 
 wage-earners, there are, in a distance of four miles, 
 but eight restaurants for poor men, and all of these are 
 unattractive. In the same four miles there are one hun- 
 dred and fifteen saloons, nearly all of which furnish 
 free lunches, together with all the other attractions of 
 the Chicago saloon. Standing at a street corner near 
 large business or factory establishments at a noon hour 
 one may count the number of men that go straight 
 from their woi-k to a saloon for luncheon. They will 
 outnumber, ten to one, those that enter any eating- 
 house in the vicinity. 
 
 There are a few restaurants, however, in at least some 
 of our cities which may be regarded as saloon substi- 
 tutes. Occasionally five-cent eating-places have been 
 found which offer enough food to satisfy the hunger 
 under sufficiently attractive conditions. Five years
 
 LUNCH-KOOMS AND COFFEE-HOUSES. 231 
 
 ago such places could be found in Boston when the Bos- 
 ton Lunch Company was doing business. This was 
 partly a philanthropic and partly a business enterprise. 
 The idea was to furnish a substantial lunch for five 
 cents under pleasant conditions, and yet in such a man- 
 ner as to exclude the thought of charity. To provide 
 good food and comfort, with plants, pictures, and, most 
 difficult of all, a little good cheer, and music, if possible, 
 was the purpose of the promoters of the enterprise. 
 The experiment continued for over two years. Estab- 
 lishments were opened in different parts of the city. 
 The patronage was uniformly large, often estimated 
 as high as fifteen hundred a day, but the experiment 
 has not been a financial success, and the concern has 
 since discontinued its business. Denver has two lunch- 
 counters where for five cents one can have a hot meat 
 pie or pork and beans with a roll, a bowl of soup or of 
 oat-meal and milk with bread, two eggs fried or scram- 
 bled, or any kind of sandwich. The average daily pat- 
 ronage of these places, according to the estimates of 
 the proprietors, is 1785. One could hardly fail to class 
 them among the effective saloon substitutes existing in 
 Denver. ^ In San Francisco the situation is very pecul- 
 iar. Here the saloons, by virtue of their free lunch, 
 have really become restaurants, and the restaurants, in 
 order to do any business, have taken to selling liquor. 
 On account of the comparative cheapness of meat and 
 vegetables, it is possible for saloons to offer a substan- 
 tial meal with a five-cent drink. Hence it seems im- 
 possible for a man to obtain as much for his money in 
 any eating-place as he can in the saloon. Temperance 
 restaurants in San Francisco, then, are not so easy to
 
 232 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 
 
 find as one might imagine. When they do exist, they 
 feel keenly the competition of the free lunch, and really 
 offer less for the same amount of money. The only 
 apparent exception is the well-known New Economy 
 restaurant, which probably deserves the distinction of 
 offering more good food for the money than any other 
 restaurant in San Francisco, if not in America. The 
 proprietor owes his success, to the fact that he is a well- 
 known character, and his large patronage enables him 
 to make a profit. The following five-cent dishes are 
 served with coffee, tea, or milk : small steak, small 
 hamburger, pork and beans, corned beef hash, ham or 
 bacon. 
 
 These few lunch-rooms may be said to compete with 
 the saloon on account of the low price of the good food 
 they offer. A few others may be put in the same class 
 because of other attractions that they offer with the 
 food. It is very rare in any city of the country to find 
 restaurants with reading-rooms or smoking-rooms at- 
 tached. The reason is evident. There is no gain to 
 the proprietor in having his customer linger after his 
 hunger has been satisfied, for his place is needed for 
 the next comer, and no inducement is held out for him 
 to remain. Indeed, the rapidity with which food is con- 
 sumed is a characteristic of our American eating-places. 
 A premium seems to be put upon haste. The idea ap- 
 parently uppermost in the mind of a man entering an 
 American restaurant is to see how quickly he can make 
 his escape. The element of sociability is very rarely 
 found in eating-places of any description. Among the 
 foreign population of our cities, however, restaurants 
 are frequently social centres. In the Italian quarters
 
 LUNCH-ROOMS AND COFFEE-HOUSES. 233 
 
 of any large city may be found small lunch-rooms 
 where no stronger liquor is sold than bottled tonics. 
 Cigars, light drinks, lunches, oysters, and fruit form 
 the stock in trade. A room on the ground floor with 
 plenty of chairs and tables makes the place seem not 
 unlike a saloon except that the beer odor is not present. 
 Here in the evening and late afternoon the men loaf 
 and smoke and play cards. These places are run for 
 profit, and the aim is simply to provide a loafing-place, 
 with temperance drinks and a cold or hot lunch, and 
 in this they succeed. They are not conscious rivals of 
 the saloon, and a majority of their patrons are probably 
 saloon patrons as well ; but at least they suggest how the 
 problem is to be met by adding the element of sociabil- 
 ity and comfort to the bare provision of food. Occa- 
 sionally local conditions produce a restaurant of this 
 kind. In New York, for examjole, the bakery restau- 
 rants not infrequently add social features. Most of 
 them are plain in their appointments. On Grand Street 
 there are a few which are more elaborately furnished. 
 These are particularly well patronized after the thea- 
 tres close at night. There are others which cater par- 
 ticularly to the noonday trade, and again others where 
 breakfast is the only meal of much account ; but 
 all of them provide tables, where one may smoke or 
 talk or read in peace. In Denver a single lunch-room 
 was discovered which provided for the social needs of 
 its patrons ; but although a most unpretentious place, it 
 furnished, for the section of the city in which it was 
 located, almost the only social centre apart from the 
 saloons. Separated from the lunch-counter by sliding 
 curtains is a reading-room. The condition of the tat-
 
 234 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 
 
 tered papers and mutilated books testifies to the vigor 
 and frequency with which they have been used. There 
 is usually only a small number of men present during 
 the daytime, but their number increases about six 
 o'clock, and an hour later the room is full, and from 
 that time until ten or eleven o'clock the capacity of the 
 little readinjj-room is strained to accommodate all of its 
 patrons. An interval of two miles separates this little 
 reading-room from the nearest temperance resort of any 
 kind, in spite of the fact that the section of the city is 
 very populous. Yet within half a block are four sa- 
 loons which seem to owe the greater part of their trade 
 to the lack of other social centres to compete with them. 
 It may be seen from this review how few are the eat- 
 ing-places which ever offer food at low enough prices 
 or under attractive enough conditions to make them 
 real rivals of the saloon. It is also apparent that un- 
 der normal conditions the free lunch cannot be success- 
 fully combated and at the same time a margin be left 
 for profits. It is the sale of liquor which enables the 
 saloon to offer food to its patrons. In order to make a 
 living, the restaurant-keeper is obliged to place such a 
 price upon the food or to serve it under conditions so 
 unattractive as to leave the free lunch practically un- 
 rivaled. But if the element of profits can be elim- 
 inated, then the price can be lowered and the attrac- 
 tions made sufficient to overcome the advantages held 
 out by the saloon. The food can then be sold prac- 
 tically at cost, and the greater cleanliness and supe- 
 rior service at the restaurant make themselves felt. 
 Sometimes these advantages exist separately ; some- 
 times they are combined. In either case, the eating-
 
 LUNCH-ROOMS AXD COFFEE-HOUSES. 235 
 
 places so conducted become formidable rivals to the 
 saloon as food centres and social centres as well. 
 
 Very frequently eating-places of this character are 
 conducted by missions of different kinds, where the 
 chief attraction is the low price of the food offered. In 
 Boston, for example, at the West End there is a mis- 
 sion which conducts a low-priced restaurant as a part 
 of its establishment. The room itself, which is below 
 the line of the sidewalk, is bare and dingy ; there is no 
 attempt at decoration. The floor is covered with saw- 
 dust, and the deal tables are without cloth. Cleanli- 
 ness, however, is noticeable throughout, and it is the 
 absurdly small price which attracts its large patronage, 
 a patronage sufficient in this case to pay the expenses, 
 including the rental of the rbom and the salary of the 
 superintendent. Another institution of the same kind 
 is carried on by the Helping Hand Mission of San 
 Francisco. Here vegetarian meals are served to an 
 average of three hundred men a day. Each article on 
 the bill of fare costs a cent, and for five cents a hungry 
 man can be filled. Again, the patronage is accounted 
 for by the extremely low price of the food. 
 
 In Philadelphia, we find conspicuous illustrations of 
 this type of restaurant which have been conducted on 
 a larger scale and for a longer time than elsewhere in 
 the country. The oldest one is Bailey's Coffee House, 
 which has been in existence for twenty - five years. 
 Before the advent of the cheap restaurant, Mr. Bailey 
 served in his two establishments as many as six thou- 
 sand people a day. The patronage of the present 
 coffee-house is about one thousand. No attempt is 
 made to secure a profit. Everything which goes into
 
 236 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 
 
 the place is paid out again in food of the best quality, 
 which is neatly served and in large orders. The superior 
 quality and quantity of the food and the attractive con- 
 ditions under which it is served have succeeded in giv- 
 ing the place a very large constituency. Mr. Bailey 
 himself is of the opinion that four conditions are neces- 
 sary for the success of such an enterprise. First, it 
 must be so placed as to compete for a large custom ; 
 second, it must be run by one person, or, at most, by 
 a small board of managers ; third, the philanthropic 
 character must be kept out of sight ; and fourth, no 
 attempt must be made to make money. Another in- 
 stitution of the same kind existing in Philadelphia is 
 the Star Kitchen, at first conducted in connection with 
 a settlement, but now under separate management. 
 Here again the object is to attract from the saloons 
 by offering food of such a quantity and at such a 
 price as to overcome the added attraction of liquor, 
 and once more the idea of profit has been given up in 
 order to make this a possibility. The dining-room is 
 attractive, well lighted and ventilated, and spotlessly 
 clean. There are some good pictures on the wall ; a 
 fireplace and a sideboard filled with dishes give the 
 place a homelike appearance. Pretty blue china and 
 all needful accessories make the table service thor- 
 oughly attractive. The principal waiter is a German 
 who has been in the hotel business for twenty years, 
 who knows the people in the neighborhood, recognizes 
 them, jokes with them, and makes them feel at home. 
 Thus the good food, the attractive surroundings, and, 
 above all, the good service, are gradually appealing to 
 the people, and compete directly with the saloon lunch ;
 
 LUNCH-ROOMS AND COFFEE-HOUSES. 237 
 
 but it is not at present even upon a paying basis, the 
 deficit being made up from outside subscriptions. The 
 Lighthouse, which has been mentioned in another con- 
 nection, also offers attractive meals at cost, for the 
 neighborhood. It does not run for profits, and has no 
 rent to pay and no taxes, and hence it has succeeded 
 in drawino' from the neiohborino^ saloons hundreds of 
 men who now take their meals at a temperance res- 
 taurant. 
 
 Two other interesting and successful experiments 
 have been made by the Church Temperance Society 
 of New York. In both of them it will be seen that 
 the idea of cash profit has been abandoned, but in 
 each case the running expenses have been easily paid. 
 A few years ago the liquor dealers of that city tried to 
 obtain two hundred all-night licenses on the ground 
 that conditions of life in a great city made such re- 
 freshment as the saloon affords a necessity during the 
 night hours. This suggested the propriety of estab- 
 lishing temperance refreshment places to meet just 
 this need, and the night lunch wagons were the result. 
 These wagons cost »flOOO each, and were placed in 
 locations where cheap restaurants were scarce, and 
 where large numbers of men passed going to work 
 very early or very late. The experiment has con- 
 tinued now for ten years and has been most successful. 
 The customers have come from all classes and trades, 
 — hackmen, printers, laborers, clerks, messengers, and 
 from the large floating population to be found on the 
 street at nighttime. The average amount expended 
 has been ten cents, and in 1899, from the six wagons 
 in operation, 205,000 of these meals were supplied
 
 238 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 
 
 from January to October. The bill of fare included 
 hot veal, steak and oyster pies, hot or cold beans, frank- 
 forts, sandwiches, with coffee, tea, cocoa, milk, or soda 
 for drinks. No endeavor was make to undersell the 
 ordinary cheap restaurants. The experiment has 
 proved a financial success. During the first year and 
 with only one wagon, the expenses exceeded the in- 
 come by nearly f 1000, but as the number of wagons 
 was increased, and as they came to be better known, 
 the deficit became a surplus. The other experiment is 
 even more interesting. It was suggested to the offi- 
 cers of the society that from November to May, when 
 large numbers of entertainments were given in the city 
 of New York, coachmen and cabmen necessarily waited 
 for many hours during the late night or early morn- 
 ing for whom the open saloon provided an attrac- 
 tive shelter. To meet this, a Coachmen's Coffee Van 
 was provided, supplying them with hot coffee and 
 sandwiches to be paid for by the host. A second and 
 more convenient van is being built which will enable 
 the society to provide hot coffee gratis for motor-men 
 during snowstorms and blizzards. 
 
 Let it be accepted, then, as thorouglily demonstrated 
 that so soon as the idea of profits is abandoned, a well- 
 conducted lunch-room of any kind can comjjete directly 
 and successfully with the saloon free lunch. This fact 
 is of itself a great encouragement, and ought to stimu- 
 late without any delay activity in this branch of tem- 
 perance work. It will fall to churches, temperance 
 organizations, and private philanthropy, that are not 
 looking for a return on capital invested, to form lunch- 
 room or coffee-house associations, and plant these res-
 
 LUNCH-ROOMS AND COFFEE-HOUSES. 239 
 
 taurants in locations where saloons are abundant and 
 the saloon free lunch is drawing all the trade. An 
 illustration of what may be done at any time in this 
 direction was furnished a year or two ago in the city 
 of Cleveland. A woman passing through one of the 
 great factory districts noticed multitudes of men going 
 at the noon hour into the neighboring saloons. All 
 of them were advertising a hot lunch, which was 
 offered free with two glasses of beer. She deter- 
 mined to open a lunch-room and compete with the 
 saloons for this trade. The lower floor of a double 
 tenement house next door to the largest saloon was 
 rented ; long wooden tables covered with white oil- 
 cloth, chairs, and flags for decoration were the only 
 furnishings. A sign, " The Flag Coffee House," was 
 put up outside, and the next day twenty-three men 
 passed the saloons and entered the new restaurant. 
 The number increased until the saloons began to 
 furnish a good dinner consisting of soup, meat, veg- 
 etables, and pie, free with two drinks. To meet this 
 move, the "Flag " advertised a "Hotel Dinner for Ten 
 Cents," and the next day within five minutes after the 
 factory whistle blew, every seat was filled. The patron- 
 age continued to increase until standing room was at 
 a premium. Men would run for a seat. Steaming 
 pitchers of hot coffee, and good bread and butter were 
 placed on the tables, and the men were invited to help 
 themselves to any quantity. In addition, a meal was 
 served consisting of a bowl of soup, one kind of meat, 
 two vegetables, and a simple dessert. The conduct of 
 the men was uniformly good, and in this case the run- 
 ning expenses were paid, including the rent. Here,
 
 240 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 
 
 then, is conclusive proof of what can be clone in the 
 way of saloon competition. It shows plainly that it 
 is the lunch which attracts hundreds to the saloon, and 
 that this patronage can be drawn away by offering an 
 eating-place and a sufficient quantity of good food at 
 saloon prices. 
 
 But the most encouraging experiment that has been 
 made in this direction remains to be mentioned. The 
 development of the ethical side of factory management 
 has been spoken of in another place, but nothing that 
 the manufacturers of the country have done for their 
 employees has exceeded in practical usefulness the 
 provision by the company of good meals at low prices. 
 By this simple means the comfort and morals of the 
 men have been noticeably improved, and often saloons 
 in the neighborhood have been literally forced out of 
 business. In no city of the country has this beneficent 
 experiment been more successfully tried than in Cleve- 
 land. It began, it may be interesting to note, in the 
 very section where the large coffee-house had done so 
 well. The Sherwin-Williams Company was the first 
 to try this plan.^ Two years ago a room was fitted up 
 in their factory for this purpose. It is clean and well 
 lighted and furnished with tables and chairs. An 
 employee can get a hot cup of coffee free ; he can buy 
 the rest of his meal at the very moderate rate of from 
 six to eight cents, or he can bring his own food and eat 
 it at one of the tables. Other firms have adopted a 
 similar plan during the last year. The list of such 
 places now includes the Cleveland Hardware Co., the 
 Cleveland Twist Drill Co., the Cleveland Ship-Build- 
 
 1 From the Cleveland report.
 
 LUNCH-ROOMS AND COFFEE-HOUSES. 241 
 
 ing Co., the Cleveland Window Glass Co., the Root & 
 McBride Co., and the National Wire Works. The 
 chief objection that any manufacturer will urge is 
 lack of space, but this problem has been solved by the 
 Cleveland Hardware Co. They had no lunch-room, 
 but opened a kitchen in one of their smaller unused 
 buildings. Folding tables are now provided to each 
 set of six or more men who apply, and these are set 
 up in different corners of the factory behind machines 
 and benches. These six men appoint a monitor, who 
 takes the order from the other men, goes to the 
 kitchen, and receives the different lunches in baskets, 
 which he takes to the tables. The monitor is allowed 
 to stop work five minutes before the whistle blows, 
 and in this way a great rush is avoided. By this 
 means about four hundi-ed men are served a day, and 
 as a rule the serving is done within ten minutes after 
 the whistle blows. Nothing is served free. A pint of 
 coffee is given for a penny, however, and on this money 
 is lost, as the finest coffee that can be found is used. 
 The balance of the bill of fare is as follows: Sand- 
 wiches, all kinds, two cents each ; hamburg steak, one 
 slice of bread, two cents ; pork sausage, one slice of 
 bread, two cents ; pork and beans, one slice of bread, 
 three cents ; half-dozen . crackers and cheese, two 
 cents ; pie, all kinds, three cents a slice ; tablespoon- 
 f ul mashed potato, one cent ; meats, with one slice of 
 bread, six cents ; puddings, three cents ; oyster soup 
 (on Friday), five cents per plate ; other soups, two 
 and three cents. A single illustration will show how 
 all this activity has affected the saloons. A man who 
 formerly spent as much as twelve dollars a fortnight
 
 242 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 
 
 at a near-by saloon now says he scarcely spends a 
 cent. When one or two of the other large concerns in 
 the vicinity adopt the same plan, the saloon will be 
 obliged to leave the neighborhood. It is impossible to 
 compute the good which this simple practical experi- 
 ment has already accomplished. It ought to be re- 
 peated by every manufacturing establishment where 
 the employees are at present spending their money in 
 the saloons. 
 
 This, then, closes an examination of practical meth- 
 ods of combating the saloon from the side of food and 
 drink. The conditions in our American cities do not 
 warrant the assertion that temperance eating and 
 drinking places can successfully compete with the 
 saloort as it now exists and still give a profit on the 
 capital invested. On the other hand, there is every 
 reason to believe that the saloon can be successfully 
 met, and great good result from the establishment of 
 such places by capital which does not look for a profit 
 if conducted on the principles that have been sug- 
 grested.
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 ENGLISH TEMPERANCE HOUSES. 
 
 No method of competing with the saloon has been 
 more successful in England and on the Continent than 
 that of providing coffee-houses and similar resorts. 
 This movement has attained such dimensions and from 
 every point of view has been so successful as to merit 
 special attention in a discussion of this branch of tem- 
 perance reform. In Russia, the government has un- 
 dertaken the establishment of tea taverns. One of 
 the most interesting exhibits at the Paris Exposition 
 was that of the Russian temperance movement, aided by 
 the imperial government, which aims to supplant the 
 fiery vodka by less dangerous drinks, while supplying 
 the need of sociability, which is the stronghold of the 
 saloon everywhere. A model tea-house, just as it exists 
 in numberless Russian villages, shows how the work is 
 done. It is a room fitted up with a " bar " at one end 
 and a counter at the other for papers and periodicals, 
 with bookcases against the wall, the ever present Rus- 
 sian samovar, or huge brass tea-urn, and in the middle, 
 tables at which the tea or barley-brew (hviciss) may be 
 drunk at leisure over a game of dominoes or checkers. 
 The price of tea, sugar, the slice of lemon indispensable 
 in Russia, and a kettle of boiling water is about two 
 cents. In 1899 the government spent one million dol- 
 lars in support of these temperance taverns.
 
 244 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 
 
 The temperance drinking-places provided in Norway 
 and Sweden in connection with the Scandinavian 
 method of controlling the saloon have been nniformly 
 successful, but it is in England that the coffee-house 
 movement has had the most conspicuous career and 
 has exerted the widest influence. 
 
 It is difficult to give an authoritative statement in 
 regard to the history and present development of the 
 English Coffee-House System, because the leaders of 
 the movement have not chosen to summarize their 
 operations or to issue statistics.^ The development of 
 the movement has been so rapid that it has precluded 
 the possibility of doing so with exactitude and authori- 
 tativeness. Then, too, while there is a spirit of cordial 
 cooperation between the different companies, the- work 
 in the main is done with pronounced independence. 
 Competition is becoming more and more sharp, so 
 much so that the National Association has come to 
 protest against any charitable enterprises that sell 
 below cost and so drive to the wall those conducting 
 commercial enterprises for financial profit. 
 
 The first coffee-house in Great Britain was probably 
 the Workingmen's Coffee House of Dundee, Scotland, 
 founded in 1853, when for the first time we find a com- 
 bination of reading-room and refreshment counter. 
 
 1 The authorities for this description of the English Coffee House 
 Movement are the volume of Dr. Bode of Berlin on Wirtshaus reform ; 
 a paper by William Wilkinson, Esq., Secretary of the Irish Temperance 
 League, originally read at the World's Temperance Congress in London 
 in 1900, reprinted in the Irish Temperance League Journal for July 2, 
 1900 ; papers furnished by William Peskett, manager of the Liverpool 
 British Workingmen's Public House Company, Limited, and manu- 
 scripts sent by H. A. Short of the Birrainghanx Coffee House Company.
 
 ENGLISH TEMPERANCE HOUSES. 245 
 
 Next in chronological order comes the establishment 
 of the Great Western Cooking Depot, founded by- 
 Thomas Corbett in 1860. His object was to supply 
 working people with good meals at from twopence to 
 four and one half pence. 
 
 Stimulated by Mr. Corbett's success, many similar 
 institutions were promoted in different parts of the 
 country. These establishments were the real pioneers 
 of the present temperance refreshment houses which 
 are so numerous throughout the country. It was in 
 1869 that Mrs. Hind Smith started the British Work- 
 men's Public House at Leeds. Here the idea of lec- 
 tures, "Free and Easys," and debates were made a 
 part of the public house scheme. This experiment was 
 imitated so that in 1873 there were in addition to eight 
 in Leeds, eleven at Cardiff, six at Bristol, and many in 
 other cities. 
 
 The coffee palace movement was very much on the 
 same lines, but on a larger scale, one of the most exten- 
 sive being the Edinburgh Castle, in the East End of 
 London, in connection with Dr. Barnardo's work. 
 Edinburgh Castle had long been famous as a gin 
 palace when Dr. Barnardo bought it and converted it 
 into a coffee palace and a people's mission church. 
 On February 14, 1873, it was opened by Lord Shaftes- 
 bury. Shortly afterward Dublin Castle was purchased 
 and similarly transformed. 
 
 Simultaneously with these movements Mr, Simon 
 Short of Bristol successfully agitated for the establish- 
 ing of cocoa-rooms. In his youth, Short was a poor 
 workman who had inherited from his father a craving 
 for drink. He was converted and became a sailor
 
 24G SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 
 
 missionary. The idea occurred to him to set up a good 
 restaurant for the sailors and laborers of Bristol. He 
 was supported by some good Quakers, and the result 
 was a small coffee-house established in 1870, where 
 coffee and cocoa could be had for fourpence a pint, 
 besides good luncheons at cheap prices. Other similar 
 houses were planted, always where a large company of 
 laborers were engaged. " Simon Short may well be 
 called the father of the cocoa-house and coffee-house 
 movement." 
 
 Another one of the early pioneers who should be 
 mentioned is Mr. John Pearce, who started what has 
 been known as the Gutter Hotel, which has grown into 
 the wonderful establishments of Pearce & Plenty and 
 the British Tea Table Company, in which upwards of 
 one hundred thousand meals are served every day. 
 
 It is well known that the name of Dwight L. Moody 
 is associated with the English coffee-house movement. 
 In 1875, while holding services at Liverpool, he be- 
 came impressed with the needs of the dock laborers. 
 A Liverpool clergyman. Rev. Charles Garrett, took up 
 Mr. Moody's suggestion that temperance houses be 
 furnished as a corrective to the saloon. The result 
 was the establishment of the Liverpool British Work- 
 men's Public House Company, Limited. Mr. Garrett 
 went to Bristol to investigate Simon Short's coffee- 
 houses, and when he returned brought Mr. Short 
 with him. As a result, the company j)rospered and 
 to-day has seventy-two establishments, which during 
 the year 1896 accommodated no less than 175,320 
 guests. 
 
 In 1874 the Irish Temperance League opened their
 
 ENGLISH TEMPERANCE HOUSES. 247 
 
 first coffee-stand on the streets of Belfast, and Dublin 
 and Londonderry imitated their efforts with marked 
 success. In Ireland at the present time the work is 
 performed not by private companies, but by Temper- 
 ance Leagues. 
 
 In London the coffee-house movement was not taken 
 up so readily as in the provincial towns. The work, 
 when it was begun in London, was of a somewhat 
 different character. Prior to 1874 cheap restaurants 
 were practically unknown. Indeed, for some years 
 after that time there was no place within a short dis- 
 tance of the House of Commons where a cup of tea 
 could be had unless on licensed premises, and then 
 only by paying one shilling for tea and bread and 
 butter. To-day no less than fifteen hundred persons 
 are proprietors of people's restaurants, and thirty-one 
 persons are owners of one or more temperance hotels. 
 The most important of the restaurant companies are 
 The Aerated Bread Company, Lockhart's Cocoa Rooms, 
 Pearce & Plenty's Temperance Hotels, Pearce's Din- 
 ing Rooms, British Tea Table Co., The Temperance 
 Catering Co., Limited, The Golden Grain Co., The Ex- 
 press Dairy, The Mecca, The Ossington Coffee Tavern 
 Co., Slater's Restaurants, J. Lyons & Co., Johnston's 
 Cocoa Rooms. All of these are purely business enter- 
 prises much like Dennett's and others in America, 
 although upon a much larger scale. They all pay 
 profits anywhere from eight to fifteen per cent. 
 
 The temperance hotels of London are another impor- 
 tant feature of the movement. The Rowton Houses are 
 the best known of these, but in addition there are at 
 present twenty other temperance hotels, some of them
 
 248 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 
 
 hardly less palatial. In these hotels cheap meals, 
 clean beds, and good reading-rooms are provided, much 
 after the pattern of the Mills Hotels in New York. In 
 many of the provincial cities similar institutions are 
 conducted, some of them under the direction of the 
 Coffee-House Company, as in Birmingham, Bradford, 
 Liverpool, and Hull. One of the most famous of these 
 is the Cobden Hotel of Birmingham, with its under- 
 ground refreshment room and. one hundred and fifty 
 guest rooms. 
 
 There are then, in general, these three kinds of tem- 
 perance refreshment houses : coffee-houses without the 
 drink, restaurants without the drink, and inns without 
 the drink. Some are a combination of all of these, 
 some of two ; the trade is known as temperance cater- 
 ing. There is a national organization wdiich publishes 
 a paper called " The Temperance Caterer." 
 
 We may form some idea of the extent of this indus- 
 try from the number of these temperance houses of one 
 grade or another, and from the amount of capital 
 invested. Liverpool, with its 607,000 inhabitants, has 
 no less than sixty-five houses of all grades, of which 
 nine are large cafes and ten provide lodgings. They 
 have their own bakery and aerated water manufactory. 
 The capital is £55,000, £40,000 of which is in £1 
 shares. The patronage amounts to 30,000 daily, and 
 the company gives employment to nearly 500 persons. 
 The declared dividend has seldom been less than ten 
 per cent. In Manchester, 380,000 inhabitants, the 
 work is carried on by Mr. Frank Short. Here there 
 are fifteen establishments, one of them a new and large 
 hotel. Besides the Tavern Company, there is a "Ware-
 
 ENGLISH TEMPERANCE HOUSES. 249 
 
 liousemen and Clerks' Cafe, and other smaller compa- 
 nies. In Bradford, 235,000 inhabitants, the Coffee 
 Tavern Company, with Mr. Joseph Bentley at its head, 
 conducts thirty -four houses, and possesses in addition a 
 mineral water factory, a bakery, a butcher-shop, and a 
 laundry. The company employs 220 persons. Here 
 the capital is about X32,000, of which £20,000 are in 
 shares. The dividend in the last few years has been 
 at five per cent. The Bradford Company, in addition 
 to the regular trade of the coffee-houses, caters for 
 family gatherings and public occasions, often at a dis- 
 tance from Bradford. In Birmingham, there is a large 
 company which controls eighteen restaurants, two 
 hotels, a mineral water factory, and a bakery. The 
 company pays twelve and a half per cent. From the 
 following list some idea of the trade in other English 
 cities may be obtained.^ 
 
 Leicester, 12 houses, 4 per cent (6 per cent 1897) ; 
 Lincoln, 1 house, 7| per cent ; Hull, 19 houses, 10 
 per cent ; Great Grimsby, 5 houses ; Northampton, 3 
 houses ; Wellingborough, 5 houses ; Shrewsbury, 4 
 houses; Wolverhampton, 13 houses; Southampton, 4 
 houses ; Ashton-under-Lyne, 4 houses ; Bury, 4 houses, 
 15 per cent ; Rochdale, 7 houses ; Stalybridge, 5 
 houses ; Derby, 5 houses, 6 per cent ; Sunderland, 10 
 houses; York, 3 houses, 12^ per cent; Halifax, 8 
 houses, 10 per cent. 
 
 It would be a mistake to imagine that all of these 
 
 houses are large and well appointed. The criticisms 
 
 which are constantly being made in the English papers 
 
 almost invariably speak of the dinginess of many of the 
 
 ^ W. Bode, Wirtshausreform, p. 23.
 
 250 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 
 
 temperance bouses. All that their promoters claim is 
 that, " taking them house for house, temperance estab- 
 lishments will compare most favorably for cleanliness, 
 comfort, good order and moderate charges with licensed 
 houses situated in similar localities." 
 
 The interior furnishings are usually in light-colored 
 woods ; often colored glass is used, and flowers are not 
 an unusual ornament. A small cafe in Bradford spent 
 <£600 in interior furnishings. The comfort of the guest 
 is looked after. A smoking-room is always provided, 
 and often a billiard-room as well if space will permit. 
 The York Company takes in yearly X90 from its billiard 
 tables alone. The Liverpool Company does not permit 
 billiards in any of its houses and has not felt the need of 
 this attraction. Other amusements like draughts, domi- 
 noes, and chess are found, and are very popular. Cards 
 are generally excluded. The reading-room is a great 
 feature in nearly all of the houses. The London and 
 local dailies and often popular magazines are to be 
 found. The Liverpool Company expends over ^£400, 
 and the Bradford Company £180 yearly for papers. 
 Sometimes coffee concerts are given, admittance to 
 which, with coffee or tea, is two, four, or six pence, ac- 
 cording to seats. Better still, these coffee-houses do 
 the work which American saloons often perform at pre- 
 sent of offering accommodation to the fraternal and 
 secret societies, many of which meet each week in the 
 different branches of the coffee-house companies. The 
 Liverpool Company has been particularly successful in 
 this respect. 
 
 A feature of nearly all the refreshment houses, with- 
 out respect to grade, is the service. The food or drink
 
 ENGLISH TEMPERANCE HOUSES. 251 
 
 is almost always quickly and neatly served. Waitresses 
 are employed, and the girls receive sums varying from 
 13 shillings a week to XI. No tips are allowed. 
 Changes are frequent, but there is no difficulty in fill- 
 ing the places. The Sunday closing rule of the temper- 
 ance houses has sometimes been criticised, but it is the 
 belief of the leaders of the movement that Sunday 
 should be a family day, and they do not care to compete 
 with the public houses in this respect. During the week 
 days, every effort is made to meet the convenience of the 
 workingmen, and some of the houses are open continu- 
 ously from five in the morning until eleven at night. 
 
 Although the refreshment houses are known as coffee- 
 houses, tea is the common beverage and is consumed in 
 large quantities. Coffee comes next, and then cocoa, 
 the consumption of which seems to be on the increase. 
 Soft drinks, such as lemonade, and ginger ale, have a 
 large sale in some places, but in others are not much 
 in demand. In Liverpool, for example, there is little 
 call for them, but in Bradford and Birmingham the 
 trade is so large that the companies operate their own 
 mineral water manufactory. In addition much atten- 
 tion has been given to the preparation of non-intoxicat- 
 ing beverages containing a small percentage of alcohol. 
 Some of these so-called temperance drinks are undoubt- 
 edly intoxicating, the difficulty being to keep the per 
 cent of alcohol below the required percentage. The 
 Brewers' Journal in 1895 asserted that the results of 
 forty tests had shown that on an average these drinks 
 contained no less than four and eight tenths per cent 
 of alcohol, and " Science Siftings " declared that total 
 abstinence patrons of so-called non-alcoholic drinks
 
 252 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 
 
 eventually consume as much alcohol as moderate drink- 
 ers. "The Temperance Caterer," IStli of March, 1895, 
 declared against many of these drinks, asserting that 
 there were enough beverages that contain only one to 
 two per cent of alcohol to leave no excuse for the sale 
 of others by temperance houses. Kop's Ale and Kop's 
 Stout are favorite drinks for abstainers. Other English 
 beers are so strong that these are doubtless temperance 
 drinks, although they are hardly more so than a soft 
 fresh-brewed beer. However it is not true that these 
 drinks play a large part in the English temperance 
 house movement. The success of the houses seems to 
 be wholly independent of them. They are useful 
 chiefly for confirmed drinkers, who crave something 
 stronger than tea or lemonade. Mr. Bentley at Brad- 
 ford is constantly experimenting in new drinks which 
 are finding a large sale. 
 
 At first not so much attention was given to the pro- 
 vision of food as of drink, but of late this feature of 
 the coffee-houses has been very prominent, and now in 
 nearly all of them clean and suitable food can be ob- 
 tained at very low prices. The amount of the pati'on- 
 age of some of the companies may be estimated from 
 the fact that they operate their own bakeries, the Liver- 
 pool Compau}'" employing fifty hands day and night. 
 The consumption of meat is always large. Provision 
 is made for laborers who choose to bring their own 
 luncheons. They can go to the coffee-houses, spend a 
 halfpenny on a cup of tea, coffee, or cocoa, and eat their 
 dinners in comfort. Of course there is a great variety 
 in the matter of the provision of food. Lockhart's, for 
 example, in London, represents the class of houses
 
 ENGLISH TEMPERANCE HOUSES. 253 
 
 where very cheap and simple tariffs prevail, a halfpenny 
 mug of hot cocoa, tea, or coffee being the most popu- 
 lar item. Other places, like the A. B. C. of London 
 and the B. T. T. (British Tea Table), do a superior 
 kind of catering. In general, it may be said that the 
 provision of cheap cooked dinners is a growing part of 
 the work. 
 
 An idea of the prices charged for both drink and 
 food may be gathered from the following tables : ^ — 
 
 I. DRINK. 
 
 Class A. Workingmen's Refreshment Houses. 
 Tea, Id. to 2d. 
 Coffee and cocoa, the same. 
 Milk, Id. 
 
 Lemonade in bottles, Id. 
 Ginger ale, Id. 
 Ginger beer. Id. 
 
 Class B. For Clerks, etc. 
 
 Tea, l^d,, 3d., or 6d., according to amount. 
 
 Coffee, l^d. to 6d. 
 
 Chocolate, 2 id. 
 
 Glass of milk, Id. 
 
 Soda water, 2d. 
 
 Bouillon, 2d. to 4d. 
 
 Class C. Highest Grade Houses and Hotels. 
 
 Tea, 2d. to 3d. 
 
 Coffee and chocolate, the same. 
 
 Milk, 1 Id. 
 
 Eggs and milk, 3kl. 
 
 ^ W. Bode, Wirtskausreform, p. 26.
 
 254 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 
 
 Slater's iisr London offers in addition: 
 
 Russian tea, 2d. 
 
 Cadbuiy's cocoa, 2d. 
 
 Coffee, 3d. 
 
 Lime juice and soda water, 2d. to 3d. 
 
 Anti-Burton Bitter Ale or Stout, 2d. 
 
 Soda water, 2d. 
 
 11. FOOD. 
 
 Class A. Workingmen's Refreshment Houses. 
 
 Bread and butter, Id. 
 Cakes, pies, or puddings, Id. 
 Warm beef, 4d., 5d., and 6d. 
 Beefsteak pudding, 4d. 
 Beefsteak, 5d. 
 Ham, 2d., 3d., and 4d. 
 Corned beef, 2d. 
 Sausage, 2d. 
 Pickles, ^d. 
 Vegetables, Id. 
 
 The amount of meat is always large ; the Bradford Com- 
 pany boasts of its 6d. dinner : Soup, Id. ; herring, l^d. ; 
 beef and potatoes, 2d. ; pudding, Id. ; bread and butter, ^d. 
 
 Class B. For Clerks, etc. 
 Bread and butter, 2d. 
 Poached eggs, 5d. 
 Cold beef, 3d. 
 Ham, 3d. 
 Tongue, 4d. 
 Chicken, 3d. to 7d. 
 Ham sandwiches, 4d. to 7d. 
 Mock turtle or ox-tail soup, 2d. to 7d.
 
 ENGLISH TEMPERANCE HOUSES. 255 
 
 Warm steak pies, 2d. 
 Fish, 6d. 
 Cheese, Id. 
 Custards, Id. to 2d. 
 
 Class C. Highest Grade Houses and Hotels. 
 
 Beef, 6d. 
 
 Ham or tongue, 4d. 
 Steak pies, 3d. to 4d. 
 Sausages, 3d. 
 Bread and butter, 2d. 
 Sandwiches, 3d. to 6d. 
 Eggs, 2d., etc. 
 
 Some of the causes of the success of this English 
 experiment are the following : — 
 
 1. The great need of some substitute for the public 
 house. We have seen how prior to 1874 the field was 
 unrecognized, the cheap restaurant being practically 
 unknown. 
 
 2. The sound financial footing upon which the experi- 
 ment was based from the first. " These establishments 
 have been owned and worked by joint stock companies 
 with liability, the shares, usually of the value of one 
 pound, being bought and sold like any other stock. 
 These shares have always been in demand, explained 
 by the fact that dividends have been steadily paid for 
 years past. The shares of nearly all the concerns are 
 sought after by the investing public with confidence." ^ 
 
 3. The absence of any religious and benevolent 
 aspect of the enterprise. The association is not con- 
 nected with any temperance party, the abstainer being 
 merged in the general public. 
 
 ^ Quotation from Mr. H. A. Short's letter.
 
 256 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 
 
 4. Effective business management, the economic pur- 
 chase and preparation of food and drink. This is seen 
 in the control of the houses, and in the effort to meet 
 at all points the demand of the public. Full freedom 
 is exercised by the houses in any one locality, the only 
 universal rule being the exclusion of intoxicants. 
 
 5. The English fondness for tea and coffee and 
 meats, which makes the problem of providing temper- 
 ance refreshments simpler than it might be elsewhere. 
 
 The results of the English experiment have been 
 most beneficent. Intemperance still prevails to a fright- 
 ful extent in English cities, but it can safely be claimed 
 that conditions are not so bad as they otherwise would 
 be, that the people are more sober and thrifty. The 
 total abstinence movement in England is educating a 
 larger and larger number of young people to refrain 
 altogether from the use of intoxicants. The temper- 
 ance refreshment houses are to play in the future an 
 even more important part in the social life of England 
 than they do at present, and to-day the reproach has 
 been removed from many of the most important Eng- 
 lish cities that only the drink-shops are open for the 
 peojDle's refreshment. 
 
 To the questioner who asks why may not this bene- 
 ficent movement be duplicated in America, several 
 considerations present themselves. For one thing, 
 the cheap restaurants are already performing in pai't 
 the work of the English coffee-houses. In England, the 
 cheap restaurant and the temperance house movement 
 have been combined from the beginning. In America, 
 the former began an independent existence, and has 
 been accomplishing much good without being nominally
 
 ENGLISH TEMPERANCE HOUSES. 257 
 
 a temperance agency. A coffee-house in America 
 to-day competes not only with the saloon, but with 
 these restaurants. Again, the English fondness for 
 tea and coffee makes possible a large consumption and 
 considerable profit. The free lunch competition is not 
 felt in England, and it is precisely the free lunch which 
 so complicates the problem in America. As far as the 
 temperance hotels are concerned, it has already been 
 demonstrated that these American houses can be as 
 successful as their English models, and the near future 
 will probably see all American cities provided with 
 lodgings after the Mills Hotel pattern. Finally, it is 
 yet to be proved that an establishment after the best 
 of the English types cannot be conducted so as to yield 
 a profit. 
 
 The attempt was made a year or two ago by the 
 Church Temperance Society of New York, which estab- 
 lished its Squirrel Inn on the Bowery. Unfortunately, 
 the Tammany building inspector refused to permit the 
 society to have lodgings in the building, and without 
 these the inn has not been able to meet expenses. If 
 the experiment could be made under right conditions, 
 it is probable that financially it would be successful. 
 
 Attention has been called to a conclusion to which 
 many interested in temperance reform have slowly been 
 tending, that the hope of j^rohibition must be dismissed, 
 and the effort be made to sell liquor under right condi- 
 tions. The methods of state and governmental control 
 have already been described. But in England prac- 
 tically the same plan has been followed by individuals 
 who, without waiting for further legislation, have applied
 
 258 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 
 
 for licenses, and have retailed liquors in such a way as 
 to avoid excesses while satisfying the demand for intoxi- 
 cants. A description of this interesting experiment is 
 contributed by Professor Francis G. Peabody : — 
 
 Certain large industrial undertakings in England, 
 in the interest of their own employees, have taken into 
 their hands the control of the drink traffic, and have 
 devoted themselves to checking excess and encouraging 
 other forms of recreation. One of the most notable 
 instances of such industrial monopoly is the village 
 of Elan, in Wales. This is a temporary settlement 
 constructed for the " navvies " employed in building 
 the aqueduct of Birmingham. More than a thousand 
 workmen are housed at this isolated spot, which is 
 reached by a bridge across a stream, where an official 
 watches for smuggled liquor. The company maintains 
 both a place of sale and a place of refreshment. In 
 the place of sale beer may be bought, but may not be 
 drunk. Sales are forbidden to minors or to non-resi- 
 dents, and the amount which may be bought by one 
 purchaser is limited. In the place of refreshment the 
 hours of opening are from noon to two, and from half 
 past five till nine o'clock (Saturdays from one to nine 
 o'clock), with no Sunday opening. No women and no 
 boys under eighteen years are admitted. The regula- 
 tions prohibit cards and games of chance, and demand 
 good order. The manager gets no personal profit from 
 increasing sales, but loses his position if the discipline 
 of the canteen is relaxed. Profits of the business are 
 applied by the company to maintain a reading-room, 
 a library, a gymnasium, a hall for entertainment, a 
 school, and a hospital.
 
 ENGLISH TEMPERANCE HOUSES. 259 
 
 " Individually," wrote the secretary of the Birming- 
 ham Water Department in 1895, "I am a total 
 abstainer, but I am perfectly certain that we are serv- 
 ing the interests of temperance far better in providing 
 wholesome liquor under proper regulations than we 
 should be did we attempt to prohibit the traffic alto- 
 gether, leaving it to be conducted in the usual way by 
 persons interested in encouraging the sale, or driving 
 the men to illicit practices to obtain supplies." ^ 
 
 A more considerable attempt to apply the Scandi- 
 navian principle without legislative authority was begun 
 in 1897 by the Bishop of Chester and others. This 
 group of influential persons, having failed to obtain 
 legislation permitting the formation of a company 
 system, proceeded to organize the " People's Refresh- 
 ment House Association." The aim of this associa- 
 tion is to permit public house reform independently 
 of further legislation, by giving facilities for the wider 
 adoption of the system of management without private 
 profits. With this object it seeks to lease existing 
 public houses, to acquire new licenses at places where 
 the growth of the population obliges the licensing 
 magistrates to create new ones, and to establish can- 
 teens and refreshment bars where required at large 
 public works, at collieries, and elsewhere. In each 
 house a carefully chosen manager is placed. The 
 salient features of the system introduced into the public 
 houses managed by the association are as follows : — 
 
 (a) In order to remove all temptation to the manager 
 
 ^ The Canteen at Elan Village, published for the People's Refresh- 
 ment House Association, 1899. W. Bode, Wirtshausreform, p. 52 £F., 
 with illustrations.
 
 260 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 
 
 to push the sale of intoxicants, he is paid a fixed salary, 
 and is allowed no profit whatever on the sale of alco- 
 holic drinks. 
 
 (6) On the other hand, to make it to his interest to 
 sell non-intoxicants, in preference to beer and spirits, 
 he is allowed a profit on all trade in food and non-alco- 
 holics. 
 
 (c) To enable the customer to get tea, coffee, tem- 
 perance drinks or light refreshments just as easily as 
 beer or spirits, these are made readily accessible at the 
 bars, and are served promptly. In this way the beer 
 and spirit trade is deposed from the objectionable pro- 
 minence into which, from motives of profit, it is pushed 
 in the ordinary public house, the aim of the associ- 
 ation being to maintain the house in a general sense 
 as a public house, but to conduct the trade on the lines 
 of a respectable house of refreshment at popular prices, 
 instead of those of a mere drinking bar. 
 
 (f?) To guard against the evils of bad liquor great 
 care is taken that everything supplied is of the best 
 quality. 
 
 The capital which is from time to time wanted to 
 carry on the society's increasing business, is offered 
 for subscription to the public in the form of shares 
 entitled to a dividend out of profits at a rate not ex- 
 ceeding five per cent per annum, after payment of 
 which, and making provision for a reserve fund, the 
 surplus profit is devoted to objects of public utility, 
 local or general, as the jsresident and vice-presidents 
 in consultation with the council may determine. 
 
 This scheme of moderate reform, therefore, accepts 
 the situation which exists in many parts of Great
 
 ENGLISH TEMPERANCE HOUSES. 261 
 
 Britain, and instead of protesting against the public 
 house attempts to reduce its evils. Many leaders of 
 public opinion participate in the undertaking. The 
 vice-presidents of the association for 1899 include the 
 Earl of Stamford, the Bishop of Rochester, Lord 
 Chelmsford, and Cardinal Vaughan, and among its 
 adherents are seven other bishops, the Duke of Bed- 
 ford, Earl Grey, Lord Tennyson, and many others. 
 The operations of this association began in 1897, with 
 a single inn in the village of Sparkford in Somerset. 
 In 1899 seven, and in June, 1900, twelve public houses 
 were under its control. The net profit of business in 
 1899 was X281, of which there were 
 
 Placed in reserve fund £35.29 
 
 Dividend on stock at 5 per cent 76 
 
 Distributed for objects of public relief . . . 112 
 
 Carried on 58 
 
 £281.29 
 
 The administration of these resorts is regulated by 
 instructions to managers of which the following are 
 illustrations : — 
 
 " The manager placed in charge of a public house 
 belonging to the association must bear in mind that 
 he has been appointed by the council to conduct the 
 management on certain fixed principles. These princi- 
 jjles are : — 
 
 " 1. That the general arrangement and management 
 of the house shall be on the lines of a house of refresh- 
 ment, instead of a mere drinking bar. 
 
 " 2. That food and a variety of non-intoxicants shall 
 be as easily accessible to customers as beer and spirits.
 
 262 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 
 
 " 3. That the licensing laws enacted by Parliament 
 for the regulation of public houses and the promotion 
 of temperance shall be most strictly carried out in 
 every particular. 
 
 " 4. That a holder of a license is in a sense a servant 
 of the public, and that he must study the comfort, 
 well-being, and health of his customers ; that his house 
 must therefore be scrupulously clean, and that the 
 rooms most used by the public must be comforta- 
 bly arranged, well warmed in winter, and well venti- 
 lated. 
 
 " 5. Special attention is to be given to the making of 
 tea, coffee, and cocoa, so as to make them as attractive 
 and palatable as possible. Tea must always be freshly 
 made for every customer. 
 
 " 6. Those light refreshments in the way of food 
 best suited to the tastes of the customers frequenting 
 the house, such, perhaps, as biscuits, cakes, hard-boiled 
 eggs, meat sandwiches, bread and cheese and sausages, 
 should be conspicuous in the bar, and arranged appe- 
 tizingly to attract custom." 
 
 The sale of food and non-intoxicating beverages is a 
 source of profit to the manager, and on sales of aerated 
 water he receives one quarter of the profit. Each man- 
 ager is provided with pamphlets of " hints for encour- 
 aging the sale of non-intoxicants and food," some of 
 which ai'e as follows : — 
 
 " Of course you must keep the usual stock of aerated 
 waters, tea, coffee, cocoa, cheese, biscuits, butter, jam, 
 and so on, like any common public house ; but as we 
 want to encourage the consumption of non-intoxicants 
 and food more than is done usually in public houses.
 
 ENGLISH TEMPERANCE HOUSES. 263 
 
 look through the following list, and make a selection 
 of those things most likely to be appreciated by your 
 customers, and get in a stock, only a small stock to 
 start with, until you find how they sell. 
 
 NON-INTOXICANTS. 
 
 Ginger Ale. 
 
 Hop Ale or Bitter. 
 
 Kop's Ale. 
 
 Lime Juice (Crosse & Blackwell's is best). 
 
 Lemon Squash (Crosse & Blackwell's). 
 
 Still Lemonade. 
 
 Bovril or Fluid Beef. 
 
 Milk, plain. 
 
 Soda and milk. 
 
 Syrups (with hot water they make a good winter drink). 
 
 LIGHT REFRESHMENTS. 
 
 Bacon or ham. 
 
 Eggs, plain boiled. 
 
 Hard-boiled eggs (served cold in the shell on a plate with 
 salt). 
 
 Poached eggs on toast (anchovy or bloater paste on the 
 toast is very good). 
 
 Fried eggs, plain or with ham or bacon. 
 
 Fried or poached eggs on tomatoes (cut the tomatoes in 
 halves and fry. Canned tomatoes do very well). 
 
 Sandwiches, meat or ham, or with potted meat, or eggs 
 hard-boiled and cut in slices. 
 
 Potted meats (served with bread). 
 
 Corned beef (makes good sandwiches). 
 
 Tongue. 
 
 Sausages (hot or cold). 
 
 Sausage rolls.
 
 2G4 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 
 
 Pork pies. 
 
 Bloater or herring, fried. 
 
 Soused mackerel (cooked in vinegar). 
 
 Salmon, canned, served with vinegar. 
 
 Sardines. 
 
 German sausage. 
 
 Cake to sell by the slice. 
 
 Buns or cakes. 
 
 Biscuits in variety. 
 
 Salad, lettuce or radish. 
 
 Soups (can now be l^ought in packets ; easily made). 
 
 " If you have a suitable shelf or counter make as 
 good a show as you can of your non-intoxicants and 
 food : it will pay you to do so. Keep a well-arranged 
 assortment of show cards about, and change them from 
 time to time and according to season." 
 
 Important as has been the support of this scheme in 
 England, it has been, of course, a subject of severe and 
 sometimes of bitter criticism. In particular should be 
 mentioned the comments of a recent volume of most 
 painstaking and intelligent inquiry which, while warmly 
 commending the general intention of the People's Re- 
 freshment House Association, takes issue with its 
 method in one detail.^ " With the main principle," 
 it remarks, " underlying the Bishop of Chester's pro- 
 posal, namely, the elimination of private profit, there 
 can be nothing but cordial agreement ; . . . but the 
 practical proposal for associating recreation with the 
 sale of intoxicants is . . . calculated to hinder rather 
 than to facilitate the object it seems to maintain." The 
 
 1 Rowntree and Sherwell, The Temperance Problem and Social Be- 
 form, 1899, p. 3S9 ff.
 
 ENGLISH TEMPERANCE HOUSES. 265 
 
 authors of this important book accept, therefore, as the 
 solution of the drink problem the municipal or corpo- 
 rate monopoly of the traffic together with the detach- 
 ment of the sale of liquor — as in Bergen — from all 
 recreative elements, and the application of profits, as 
 in Norway, to forms of popvilar amusement and instruc- 
 tion which tend to counteract the drink habit. It is 
 very interesting to observe how nearly this last proposal 
 of competent inquirers coincides with the Bishop of 
 Chester's scheme. Indeed, it can hardly be said that 
 there is any radical hostility between the two proposals. 
 Either plan has obvious difficulties. On the one hand, 
 there is the social risk of i^estoring the drink traffic to 
 respectability and of failing to check the flow of popu- 
 lation toward the saloon ; on the other hand, there is 
 the practical risk which comes of vesting an extremely 
 valuable monopoly in the hands of town councils or char- 
 tered companies. The Bishop of Chester's scheme is 
 highly individualized, and is in the way of being devel- 
 oped so as to avoid the perils of any wholesale or pre- 
 cipitate movement. The public house under this 
 system should not be reestablished as the social club of 
 the community, but should be utilized to establish social 
 resorts of a more elevating character within the commu- 
 nity. The canteen at Elan illustrates this use of monop- 
 oly. The Bishop of Chester's scheme begins in a small 
 way, and does not call for any legislative revolution. 
 It deals with a community just as it is, and proceeds 
 to that degree of prohibition or counter-attraction which 
 the case permits. In short, it is a halfway measure 
 which dismisses the idea of immediately abolishing the 
 saloon in a community thoroughly wonted to its use,
 
 266 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 
 
 and anticipates that partial reform may open the way 
 to greater changes. 
 
 As has been ah-eady stated, no scheme of this nature 
 can have any interest for those who without discrimina- 
 tion or practical intention cast an unavailing vote for 
 prohibition, and then regard their duty to temperance 
 as fulfilled. There are those, however, who remain dis- 
 satisfied with sentimental protests, and who are ready 
 to use such partial and preparatory reforms as are open 
 to them, cherishing the hope that a moderate change 
 of sentiment prudently directed may lead to radical re- 
 form. If they cannot abolish the traffic, they will be 
 glad to have it diminished. If they cannot stop expendi- 
 ture for liquor, they will direct that expenditure from 
 ways of personal p'ofit to ways of public utility. If 
 the saloon must exist, they will try to have it managed 
 so that the taste for strong liquor will be discouraged, 
 and the taste for harmless drink and nutritive food will 
 be stimulated. Liquor dealers are, for the most part, 
 completely indifferent to the violent oratory and inef- 
 fective vote of those who give themselves to the impos- 
 sible task of abolishing the drink habit. They are 
 keenly observant of any practicable plan which looks 
 to the removal of the traffic from the sphere of private 
 profit and tends to make the saloon itself an agent of 
 temperance.
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 
 THE HOUSING OF THE WORKING PEOPLE. 
 
 A FREQUENT objection is heard, whenever clubs and 
 amusements for the working people are discussed, that 
 there is more harm than good in all these, that they 
 must tend to the disintegration of the home. A few 
 years ago, when a movement for working people's clubs 
 in New York was contemplated, energetic statements 
 appeared in the press to the effect that all such clubs 
 were beside the mark ; that if a few dollars were spent 
 upon each of ten thousand homes of the poor, the results 
 would be better than if the same amount were spent 
 upon any single charitable clubhouse. The two points 
 of view do not stand in opposition. True, the home is 
 of first importance. But it will probably be found that 
 a wise provision of other substitutes will have a favor- 
 able influence upon the home. As Mr. Riis has 
 pointed out,^ " the higher standards now set up on 
 every hand, in the cleaner streets, in the better schools, 
 in the parks and clubs, in the settlements, and in the 
 thousand and one agencies for good that touch and 
 help the lives of the poor at as many points, will tell at 
 no distant day, and react upon the liome and upon its 
 builders." It was a realization of this truth which led 
 the New York Tenement House Committee of 1894 to 
 include in its recommendations the establishment of 
 1 A Ten Years' War, p. 21.
 
 268 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 
 
 small parks for the East Side of New York, for suita- 
 ble playgrounds in connection with the public schools, 
 and for recreation piers. Sanitary laws and building 
 codes will not do the whole work. The home is built 
 from within, not from without. A standard must be 
 set, and this standard is set by all substitutes that are 
 conceived in the right spirit. A man who is careful 
 of his habits in his clean clubroom, will think more of 
 being careful in his own home. The members of work- 
 ing girls' clubs will appreciate the necessity of tidy 
 homes, and will know how to make them so on little 
 means. The sight of flowers, books, and pictures will 
 create a demand for them in the home. Social agencies 
 of the right kind are not substitutes for the home, but 
 creators of ideals which, when they are perceived and 
 become operative, will themselves help to make the 
 home what it ought to be. 
 
 But all this cannot happen until the home has be- 
 come at least inhabitable, until the elementary demand 
 for sanitation, privacy, air, and space is made possible. 
 The first stej), then, in providing for the home life of 
 the wage-earners of America is to find them homes to 
 live in which are sufficiently large for those who occupy 
 them, which admit the sun for at least a part of the 
 day, have some clean court or space or yard for the 
 children to play and the older ones to breathe in, and 
 make some adequate provision for bathing and sanitary 
 conveniences. 
 
 In the majority of our cities ^ the tenement house 
 
 ^ Housing Conditions and Tenement Laws in Leading American Cit- 
 ies, a special report of the New York Tenement House Commission, 
 prepared by Lawrence Veiller, Secretary.
 
 THE HOUSING OF THE WORKING PEOPLE. 269 
 
 problem is unknown. In most of them, too, the hous- 
 ing problem has not yet become acute, the evils of 
 overcrowding have not become felt. The working peo- 
 ple live in small wooden houses, one or two stories in 
 height, containing anywhere from three to eight rooms. 
 For the most part only one family lives in a house, 
 rarely more than three families in a two-stoi'y dwelling. 
 Often these houses are owned by their occupants, and 
 when a rental is paid, it is not out of proportion to the 
 average wage. As a rule, these houses are not set too 
 close together, and some space at least is left in front 
 of the buildings. This is true even in the largest cities. 
 In Philadelphia, for example, there are no tenement 
 houses. The great majority of the working people, 
 even the very poor people, have homes of their own, in 
 most cases with land around them. " The experience 
 of Philadelphia offers ample evidence that a system of 
 tall tenement houses is unnecessaiy in any of ovir large 
 cities." The experience of other cities leads to the 
 same conclusion. It has been estimated that not over 
 five per cent of all the houses in Cleveland are occu- 
 pied by more than one family ; that not over fifty large 
 tenement buildings are to be found in the entire city of 
 Buffalo. In the very worst portion of Baltimore not 
 more than one thousand families could be found living 
 in houses containing more than three families. In San 
 Francisco, New Orleans, Denver, St. Paul, and INIinne- 
 apolis and even Chicago, tenement houses are practi- 
 cally unknown. 
 
 But because the evils of the tenement house system 
 and of overcrowding are not felt, it does not follow by 
 any means that the homes of the working people are
 
 270 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOOX. 
 
 all that tliey should or may be. All that this means is 
 that the essential conditions for an adequate home en- 
 vironment are present ; it does not mean that the right 
 kind of a home has been even imperfectly realized. 
 Cleanliness is often at a discount, even when external 
 conditions are favorable, and bathing facilities are 
 never equal to the necessities of a working people's 
 neighborhood. One has only to compare the tidy, plea- 
 sant looking homes of some factory employees, or the 
 cottages of building associations, with the dirty, 
 squalid wooden buildings, acres of which meet the eye 
 in almost any city, to see how great is the need that still 
 remains. The municipality might do much by a syste- 
 matic improvement of adjacent property ; land owners 
 and landlords might do more if human sympathy were 
 added to an eye for business; and neighborhood asso- 
 ciations, friendly visitors, church guilds and other 
 benevolent agencies might do, are already doing, much 
 to impart some elementary knowledge of sanitation and 
 hygiene, to create ideals and demands which, sooner or 
 later, must be made visible in the homes of the poor. 
 This is said in order to impress the truth that the real 
 problem of an adequate home life only begins when the 
 tenement house problem and the problem of overcrowd- 
 ing have been solved. 
 
 But in some of our cities even the elementary obsta- 
 cles to good homes have yet to be overcome. Over- 
 crowding is plainly visible in some cities where the ten- 
 ement house is unknown. It is visible in New Orleans, 
 where, in some of the old dwellings formerly occupied 
 by wealthy people, many poor families are too often 
 crowded ; it is j)lainly visible in Pittsburg, where in
 
 THE HOUSING OF THE WORiaNG PEOPLE. 271 
 
 certain sections overcrowding is growing worse day by 
 day. In Chicago, the rear tenement prevails, and the 
 cellar dwellings, the dilapidated wooden houses, and 
 the overcrowding of building lots have created a pro- 
 blem of no mean proportions. Cincinnati is worse off 
 than Chicago, and Boston than Cincinnati. As far as 
 can be ascertained, the majority of the working people 
 in Cincinnati live in tenements arranged for more than 
 three families each, a considerable number of them 
 living in large brick tenement houses. Only a small 
 number of the working people live in separate houses. 
 " One of the worst tenements in Cincinnati is the noto- 
 rious building known as ' Rat Row,^ the rear of the 
 building being located on the river front, and the char- 
 acter of the tenants being of the very worst. The 
 building contains over one hundred rooms, occupied 
 chiefly by Negroes and low whites, and is continually 
 under police and sanitary surveillance. Up to the pre- 
 sent time little has been done to remedy the bad hous- 
 ing conditions." 
 
 Boston is said, after New York, to have the worst 
 tenement house conditions of any American city. 
 Until recently it tolerated the old wooden tenement 
 house of the poorest type. Every one remembers the 
 rookeries on Lincoln Street which resisted until the 
 very last the advance of trade. Others of the kind still 
 exist in the North and West ends, fronting on narrow 
 alleys, crowded with many foreign families. The 
 number of these buildings, however, is being constantly 
 decreased, and those which are taking their places are 
 of a much better type. Those that do exist are not so 
 bad by far as the New York tenements in that they
 
 272 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 
 
 are not so high, do not cover so much of the gToimcl, 
 and do not harbor so many people. Aside from the 
 tenements, however, the housing conditions are often 
 very poor.^ Thus in the South End, where large tene- 
 ment buildings do not exist, the working people live 
 under conditions detrimental alike to their health and 
 to their morals. There is not sufficient space. The 
 sanitary ari'augements are poor. There are no bathing 
 facilities, and occasionally a house intended for the 
 occupation of one family contains from four to eight. 
 Of late years considerable effort has been put forth, 
 especially under the auspices of the Twentieth Century 
 Club, to improve these housing conditions. That an 
 improvement was imperative, the figures of the Tene- 
 ment House Census of 1891-92 plaiuly proved. It 
 was shown that " fully one fourth of the tenement house 
 population of the (South End) district live under spe- 
 cially objectionable sanitary conditions." 
 
 New York City stands in a class by itself. A study 
 of New York's tenement house problem shows that 
 there is practically no limit to the mischief which 
 cupidity and neglect can accomplish when they are 
 left to travel hand in hand. In 1834 and again in 
 1842, while many of our great Western cities were 
 forests or swamps, attention was called to the evils of 
 overcrowding and of bad housing conditions in New 
 York. But nothing was done. Dr. Griscom, the 
 head inspector, who made the report in 1842, found 
 that there were then 1459 cellars being used as resi- 
 dences by 7196 persons. The number of victims of 
 consumption among those living in incessant dampness 
 1 The City Wilderness, pp. 63-70.
 
 THE HOUSING OF THE WORKING PEOPLE. 273 
 
 was found to be very great. He recogwized also the 
 evils of overcrowding, and estimated that as many as 
 6618 different families were living in courts or rear 
 buildings. He pointed out at that early day the grave 
 moral evils resulting from overcrowding, and urged the 
 city legislature to take action.^ If action had been 
 taken, Manhattan Island would not be to-day the worst 
 place in America, if not in the world, for laboring 
 people to live.^ When the first legislative commission 
 was appointed in 1856, it was given seven days to 
 make its report. When its members asked for a 
 further extension of time, it was denied them, and 
 when they spent all summer, at their own expense, in 
 preparing a report, which for thoroughness and far- 
 sightedness has never been excelled, the legislature 
 failed to adopt their suggestions. One of the sugges- 
 tions of 1856 would have settled the whole problem. 
 It has just been urged again, in the Report of the 
 Commission of 1900. This suggestion is that a perma- 
 nent Tenement House Commission be created, which 
 shall have the power to visit, enter, and inspect any 
 tenement house ; if it is in improper condition, to direct 
 the owner to repair it within a specified time ; and if 
 it is decreed untenantable, to forbid it to be occupied 
 and to have it destroyed. If this measure had been 
 passed in 1856, New York would have been spared 
 thousands of lives and millions of dollars. The rest of 
 the history of commissions and their reports is one story 
 
 1 Annual Report of the Interments in the City and County of New 
 York, for the year 1842, by John H. Griscom, M. D. 
 
 2 Tenement House Reform in New York, 1834-1900, by Lawrence 
 Veiller.
 
 274 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 
 
 of legislative evasion, halfway measures, and double 
 dealing. 
 
 The results are well known. In 1857 the commis- 
 sion discovered twelve families residing in one building, 
 some of them occupying one close unventilated apart- 
 ment, persons of both sexes huddled indiscriminately 
 together. The overcrowding increased steadily year 
 by year.^ " In 1880 the average number of persons to 
 each dwelling in New York was 16.37 ; in 1890 it was 
 18.52 ; in 1895, according to the Police Census, 21.2." 
 In 1880 the East Side, the most crowded section in the 
 world, contained 432.3 persons to the acre. In 1890 
 there were 522 to the acre, and in 1895, 643.08. The 
 block between Sixty-first and Sixty-second streets, 
 Tenth and Eleventh avenues,, contains 3580 people or 
 974.6 to the acre. Year by year the great tenement 
 houses, with their deadly air-shafts, have gone steadily 
 up, standing so close to one another that sunshine 
 and pure air are shut out from the majority of the 
 rooms, and into them families have been crowded 
 together under conditions utterly subversive of all phy- 
 sical and moral well-being. In a typical tenement, Mr. 
 Kiis counted forty-three families where there should 
 have been sixteen. 
 
 The most discouraging feature of the whole story is 
 the discovery that those who have meant to better the con- 
 ditions have more than once succeeded only in making 
 them worse. It was the " model tenement " which the 
 Association for Improving the Condition of the Poor 
 erected on Mott Street that later became one of the 
 worst tenement houses in the city. It was the " prize 
 
 1 A Ten Years^ War, p. 34.
 
 THE HOUSING OF THE WORKING PEOPLE. 275 
 
 plan " of the Tenement House Competition of 1879 
 which produced the " double-decker dumb-bell tene- 
 ments " which are so much worse than the old ones. 
 The whole history of tenement house reform in New 
 York shows how hard it is to get out of such a trouble, 
 when once involved in it. 
 
 The economic and moral results of bad housing have, 
 in all these years, been made increasingly clear. It 
 has become apparent, for one thing, that there is a 
 direct loss in economic efficiency. Sir James Paget, 
 the distinguished physician, estimates that the surely 
 preventable loss inflicted upon English wage-earners 
 amounts to fully fifteen millions of dollars annually. 
 Some years ago the Board of Health in London insti- 
 tuted an inquiry to see how much time was lost from 
 work among the people of the East Side, not by sick- 
 ness, but by exhaustion and inability to work. " It 
 was found that upon the lowest average every work- 
 man or workwoman lost about twenty days in the year 
 from simple exhaustion." ^ There can be no doubt 
 that the same results would be found to be true in 
 New York during all these years. Yet this is only the 
 beginning of a terrible story of human wreckage and 
 waste. 
 
 As for the mortality in these New York tenement 
 districts, let the figures tell the story.^ At a time when 
 the general death rate was 24.63, the rate in ninety- 
 four tenements was 62.9. When some of the worst of 
 these tenements had been cleared away, the death rate 
 of New York came down from 26.32 in 1887 to 19.53 
 
 ^ The Temperance Problem and Social Reform, p. 326. 
 2 A Ten Years' War, pp. 71, 77, 79.
 
 276 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 
 
 in 1897. The infant mortality in the tenements, as 
 might be expected, is appalling. The Tenement House 
 Committee has rightly called the rear tenements 
 " slaughter houses," for there more than one babe in 
 every five born is condemned to death. The exact 
 figures are 204.54. And while the general infant 
 death rate for the whole tenement house population in 
 1888 was 88.38, the rate for the Mott Street Barracks 
 was actually 325 per 1000. 
 
 When people are herded together without any possi- 
 bility of privacy as they are in the tenements, the 
 moral standards are gradually lowered, and finally dis- 
 appear. Prostitution, thieving, and murder thrive in 
 these dark haunts. Death rates are often but a feeble 
 index to the evils of congested tenement life. There 
 is no death so sad as the death of ideals, the deaden- 
 ing of at least a desire for better things. 
 
 As for poverty and disease, the recent tenement 
 house exhibit presented the most startling evidence. 
 The " Poverty " and " Disease " maps were doubtless 
 the most impressive feature of the whole exhibition. 
 It was shown that there was hardly a tenement house 
 in the entire city which had not furnished five families, 
 and some had provided as many as seventy-five which, 
 in five years' time, had been applicants for charity. As 
 for tuberculosis, nearly every tenement house had had 
 one case of it in these five years, and some as many as 
 twelve. 
 
 It is to be regretted that no similar maps were 
 planned to show the close relation existing between 
 drunkenness and bad housing conditions. It has long 
 been felt that it is by no accident that the saloons are
 
 THE HOUSING OF THE WORKING PEOPLE. 277 
 
 crowded thickly in the tenement house districts. " It 
 occurs too often to be only that. The most congested 
 districts of New York are also the regal domains of 
 liquordom. In one place 148 saloons are all located 
 within a space 514 yards long by 375 yards wide." ^ 
 In the Annual Report of the Association for Improving 
 the Condition of the Poor for 1853 is included the 
 report of a committee on the sanitary condition of the 
 laboring classes, which thus describes the relation of 
 drunkenness to bad housing conditions : " The dread- 
 ful depression consequent in ill health tempts these 
 poor creatures, with a force which we cannot adequately 
 appreciate, to have recourse to stimulating drink. 
 . . . The wonder is not that so many of the laboring 
 classes crowd to the liquor-shops, but that so many are 
 found struggling to make their wretched abodes a 
 home for the family. . . . The depressed and low 
 condition of health in which these people are found 
 induces habits of intemperance unfortunately so com- 
 mon among them. To which may be added the obser- 
 vation of an employer who says : ' It may be taken 
 as an axiom, that if you make the workingman's home 
 comfortable, he will give up the public house and its 
 ruinous consequences ; and that when the workingman's 
 home is little better than a pigsty, that man will 
 always be an inhabitant of the public house or beer- 
 shop.' " 
 
 An investigation into the relation of overcrowding 
 to drunkenness in England brought out clearly the 
 fact that in the most congested portions of England 
 drunkenness is most prevalent. In their report the 
 
 1 E. E,. L. Gould in the Municipal Affairs Magazine, March, 1899.
 
 278 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 
 
 Royal Commissioners said : " The strictest caution is 
 necessary not to let regret and disapproval of the 
 ravages of intemperance divert attention from other 
 evils which make the homes of the working classes 
 wretched, evils over which they never had any control. 
 . . . Drink and poverty act and react upon each other. 
 Discomfort of the most abject kind is caused by drink, 
 but indulgence in drink is caused by overcrowding and 
 cognate evils, and the poor who live under the conditions 
 described have the greatest difficulty in leading decent 
 lives, and of maintaining decent habitations." ^ And 
 Mr. Riis has tersely put the case in this form : " Any- 
 body, I should think, whose misfortune it is to live 
 in the slums might be exjiected to find in the saloons a 
 refuge." ^ 
 
 Thus the experience of New York is a warning, on 
 the one hand, of what greed and neglect can accom- 
 plish in the way of bad housing conditions, and, upon 
 the other hand, of the terrible results of such conditions 
 on the health and happiness of the working people. 
 Yet it would be too much to say that no good has come 
 out of all this evil. If, for one thing, our other Amer- 
 ican cities are made to realize, by the experience of 
 this homeless city, in whose forty thousand tenement 
 houses more than half of its population are doomed to 
 live, the possible dangers to which the cupidity of 
 landlords and civic indifference expose them, even so 
 severe a lesson may have held a blessing in disguise. 
 But another good has come out of it. In spite of all the 
 mistakes of the past fifty years, the study of the condi- 
 
 1 The Temperance Problem and Social Reform, pp. 598-600. 
 
 2 A Ten Years' War, pp. 104, 105.
 
 THE HOUSING OF THE WORKING PEOPLE. 279 
 
 tions in New York has borne its fruit, and we have 
 to-day conclusive scientific testimony not only to the 
 evil results of bad housing conditions, but to the possi- 
 bility of overcoming these conditions, and of housing 
 the wage-earners of any city in wholesome and comfort- 
 able homes, at the same time leaving to the landlord a 
 suitable interest on the capital invested. By this is 
 not meant that such conditions are immediately realiz- 
 able in New York. That city must pay for its neglect 
 of the past by having, as a result of the best obtainable 
 legislation and concerted effort, buildings which, while 
 they are not a public nuisance and a menace to the 
 very lives and morals of the community, still fail to 
 furnish even a passable home environment.^ But, in 
 general, the terms upon which good home conditions 
 may be purchased have been definitely determined, and 
 the results of this economic exjjerience are at the dis- 
 posal of those interested in municipal conditions. 
 
 A summary of these results must now be given. 
 They will be found valuable whenever any community 
 faces its housing i^roblem, — the problem of overcrowd- 
 ing, unsanitary conditions, relieving congested districts, 
 doing away with wretched buildings, and putting in 
 their place suitable homes for those upon whose in- 
 dustrial efficiency, morality, and happiness depend the 
 prosperity of the nation. 
 
 Sanitary reform is the foundation of any effort to 
 provide suitable homes for the working people. Ex- 
 perience has conclusively shown that this cannot be 
 surely and expeditiously brought about by the regu- 
 larly constituted authorities alone. Cooperation of 
 1 Report of the New York Tenement House Commission, 1900.
 
 280 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 
 
 public-spirited citizens, sanitary aid societies, and other 
 associations is very desirable.^ Some of the funda- 
 mental requirements of a sanitary code are : — 
 
 1. Provision for periodical inspection of tenements, 
 in addition to visitation expeditiously made after com- 
 plaint. 
 
 2. A thorough whitewashing, at least twice a year, 
 of districts where low-grade houses are found. 
 
 3. A large enough force of inspectors to permit fre- 
 quent night visitations, with a view to prevent over- 
 crowding. 
 
 4. Making overcrowding an offense involving exem- 
 plary punishment of the offender. 
 
 5. Requiring the owners of houses sheltering six 
 families or more to maintain a janitor on the premises. 
 
 6. The power summarily to close houses unfit for 
 human habitation simply by mailing a notice to the 
 proprietor or agent at his last known address and 
 posting a warning upon the house itself not less than 
 twenty-four hours before ordering vacation. 
 
 7. Ticketing houses in which overcrowding is cus- 
 tomary, on the same plan as is adopted by the Glasgow 
 Board of Health. 
 
 8. Expropriation of irremediably insanitary property. 
 One thing in connection with any health or bvulding 
 regulations is sure. It will not do to leave anything 
 " to the discretion " of the health officer or building 
 inspector. The New York law of 1895 permitted the 
 Commissioner of Buildings at his discretion to allow, 
 in special cases, as much as seventj^-five per cent of 
 a lot to be built upon, instead of only sixty-five per 
 
 ^ E. R. L. Gould, Municipal Affairs Magazine, March, 1899.
 
 THE HOUSING OF THE WORKING PEOPLE. 281 
 
 cent, which was to be the rule. The result was that 
 every case became a special case and all new tenement 
 houses were permitted to occupy seventy-five per cent 
 of the lot. 
 
 It has also been definitely determined that whenever 
 the housing problem becomes acute, the only remedy 
 lies in the method of ticketing or licensing houses 
 which have too large numbers of families, vesting in 
 the specially appointed officers absolute authority to 
 close buildings, arrest the offenders, and to expro- 
 priate evidently unwholesome buildings. Until such 
 a statute has been enacted little real progress can be 
 expected. It is interesting to note that the city of 
 Washington has already an ordinance analogous to the 
 Glasgow system. The health officer is permitted to 
 put a placard on or near the door of crowded houses, 
 stating the number of occupants allowed to such a 
 building, and to prevent a greater number of persons 
 than that specified to occupy any room as a sleeping- 
 room. 
 
 The influence of rapid transit in relieving the con- 
 gested districts has already been great and is doubtless 
 destined to be even greater. Yet it cannot be expected 
 that this means will prove sufficient of itself to solve 
 the problem. It is, however, of first-rate importance 
 that the city should refuse long and unlimited fran- 
 chises of its transportation facilities to private com- 
 panies without having sjiccial regard to the cheapening 
 of fares. When the city does not control its own 
 street railroads it should require of the management 
 that during certain hours, when the working people 
 are going to and coming from work, all persons shall be
 
 282 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 
 
 transported, on the presentation of fare tickets which 
 are sold at a reduced rate. In Toronto, these tickets 
 are sold at the rate of eight tickets for a quarter of a 
 dollar. 
 
 Ordinances seeking to regulate the construction of 
 new tenement buildings will have regard to breathing 
 space, sunlight, fresh air, fire escapes, sanitary and 
 bath conveniences, and to a prevention of overcrowd- 
 ing. The report of the New York Tenement House 
 Commission of 1900, just appearing, contains a sum- 
 mary of the best possible legislation governing the 
 erection of tenements. To it the reader must be re- 
 ferred. It is the last deliverance of experts on the 
 housing problem.^ 
 
 ^ In order that the value of this report shall be fully appreciated, 
 the following analysis of the contents of the full report is given : — 
 
 I. General Report of the Commission. 
 
 II. Summarized Statement of the Proceedings of the Commission. 
 
 III. The Code of Tenement House Laws and other Specific Legisla- 
 tion recommended. 
 
 IV. Result of Inquiries or Investigations made by the Commission, 
 or at its instance, which have been made the subject of special reports. 
 These special reports are as follows : — 
 
 (1) Tenement house reform in New York 1834-1900 ; (2) history of 
 tenement house legislation in New York 18.52-1900; (3) housing con- 
 ditions in Buffalo ; (4) housing conditions and tenement laws in leading 
 American cities ; (.5) housing conditions and tenement laws in lead- 
 ing European cities ; (6) a statistical study of New York's tenement 
 houses ; (7) non-enforcement of the tenement house laws in New York 
 in new buildings; (8) tenement house fires; (9) tenement houses 
 and fire escapes ; (10) back to back tenements ; (11) results of an 
 investigation of the sanitation of typical tenement houses ; (12) small 
 houses for workingmen in New York ; will the housing problem be 
 solved by their erection? (13) financial aspect of recent tenement 
 house operations in New York; (14) the speculative building of tene- 
 ment houses; (15) tenement houses as seen by the tenants; (16)
 
 THE HOUSING OF THE WORKING PEOPLE. 283 
 
 In philanthropic or semi-philanthropic provisions 
 for the housing of the laboring people, the first step 
 is a scientific differentiation of the various divisions. 
 It is comino: to be felt that for the lowest divisions of 
 the social strata, separation is the only possible method 
 whereby the drunkard, the incorrigible, the criminal, 
 and the unfit can be kept from polluting their envi- 
 ronment. There must be some special method for 
 housing such characters under surveillance, detaching 
 the children for education and proper training. Such 
 a method has not yet been discovered, and it would be 
 difficult to secure the enactment of such a law in a 
 country where the suffrage is given to nearly all adult 
 males. 
 
 Above this division, there is the great number of 
 the shiftless, and the irregular rent payers, of those 
 who are deep in debt and who have lost health. With 
 these the best plan is the well-known ^ Octavia Hill 
 method of rent-collecting, whereby personal visitation 
 and encouragement is productive of the best results. 
 It is not essential to Miss Hill's plan that houses 
 should be acquired. Yet this is often done. The 
 essential thing is that trained workers collect the rents, 
 and by their tact and good advice bring about a new 
 
 tenement houses as seen by the inspector ; (17) tuberciilosis and the 
 tenement house problem ; (18) the relation of tuberculosis to the tene- 
 ment house problem; (10) prostitution as a tenement house evil ; (20) 
 policy as a tenement house evil; (21) tenement house labor; (22) 
 public baths; (23) parks and playgrounds for tenement house dis- 
 tricts ; (24) a plan for tenements in connection with a municipal park ; 
 
 (25) foreign immigration and the tenement house in New York City ; 
 
 (26) the tenement house and poverty. 
 
 1 Eighth Special Report of Commissioner of Labor, 1895, pp. 1G1-1G4.
 
 284 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 
 
 order of things. The only regulation insisted upon at 
 first is that no lodgers shall be allowed to room with 
 the family. Habitual drunkards are forced to leave 
 if their rent remains unpaid. But in only a few cases 
 has this extreme measure been necessary. Miss Hill's 
 success has caused her plan to be followed on the 
 Continent and in this country. Her " rent-collecting 
 scheme occupies a significant place in the housing 
 problem." Dr. Griscom in his report, already referred 
 to, pointed out how uncertainty of tenure kept the ten- 
 ants from any effort to take proper care of their rooms. 
 " Why should I clean out to-day," said one tenant, 
 " a place from which to-morrow I may be cast out?" 
 From a pecuniary point of view alone, sympathy will 
 be found to pay. " The experience of a landlord in 
 Mulberry Bend, New York City, demonstrates that 
 even the worst persons, with careful watching, can be 
 made good tenants. The success which has attended 
 Miss Hill's efforts furnishes hope, if not certainty, that 
 practically all but social incorrigibles may come within 
 the purview of remunerative effort." College settle- 
 ments have already taken this work up. It is an at- 
 tractive and feasible method of social service which 
 ought to appeal to many individuals and organiza- 
 tions. 
 
 It is for city dwellers with moderate stij^ends and 
 steady habits that the model tenements will be pro- 
 vided. Here the outlook, as is well known, is most 
 favorable. And the chief encouragement is this, 
 that improved housing pays, not only in the results 
 accomplished, bvit in dollars and cents. Dr. E. R. L. 
 Gould summarizes the experience of the past in a table
 
 THE HOUSING OF THE WORKING PEOPLE. 285 
 
 showing the rates of dividends paid and the net profits 
 earned by thirty-four commercial and sixteen semi- 
 philanthropic enterprises for promoting improved 
 housing in American and European cities of 100,000 
 inhabitants and upwards. This table was printed in 
 the Eighth Heport of the Commissioner of Labor. 
 It appears that in America, out of the avowedly com- 
 mercial enterprises engaged in furnishing improved 
 housing facilities, but one paid less than five per cent. 
 Of the two American semi-philanthropic housing cor- 
 porations mentioned, both earned up to the fixed limit, 
 namely, four per cent, and in addition from three 
 fourths to one and one half per cent for reserve. In 
 Europe but six per cent of all enterprises failed to 
 pay. All the rest were successful. An analysis of 
 the economic experience of all companies engaged in 
 providing good housing facilities for the poor shows 
 that " about five per cent in dividends and a safe re- 
 serve can be earned on model tenement dwellings any- 
 where, charging customary rents, provided the total 
 cost of the completed property does not exceed $500 
 per room." The principal American enterprises are 
 The Improved Dwellings Co., and the Astral Apart- 
 ments, Brooklyn, N. Y., where Mr. A. T. White, a 
 pioneer in such work in America, demonstrated at the 
 start that model tenements are not only a safe but a 
 profitable business investment ; the Robert Treat Paine 
 Co., and the Improved Dwellings Association of Bos- 
 ton, and the Tenement House Building Co., and the 
 City and Suburban Homes Company of New York. 
 The City and Suburban Homes Company began in 
 New York with a capital of one million dollars, which
 
 286 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 
 
 has since been raised to two million. The principle 
 upon which it is founded is that the housing problem 
 can be solved only by economic methods, that there is 
 a middle ground between pure philanthropy and pure 
 business, — investment philanthropy. Dividends are 
 limited to five per cent, any surplus to be devoted to 
 an extension of operations. It recognizes the principle 
 of the differentiation of wage-earners, and by fixing 
 its shares at the low denomination of ten dollars, in- 
 vites the wage-earners themselves to invest their means 
 for useful ends. At the present time it is operating 
 nine buildings on the West Side and a block on the 
 East Side, while one hundred suburban homes have 
 been created on the property owned by the comjoany 
 in the borough of Brooklyn. 
 
 " A good idea of the type of buildings constructed 
 by this company can be gained from the following 
 sketch of the buildings on First Avenue between Sixty- 
 fourth and Sixtjr-fifth streets. The broad central 
 courts, thirty feet square, and the recessed court from 
 the street, eighteen feet wide, disseminate abundant 
 light and ventilation through all parts of the building. 
 Staircases and stair walls are entirely fireproof. Walls 
 of the first story and the dividing walls between each 
 group of apartments are also fireproof. Halls and 
 stairways are well lighted and steam heated. Every 
 apartment is a complete home in itself, with private 
 hallway and water-closet well ventilated, with water 
 supply from tank, stationary washtubs and sink of 
 large size, hot water supply from central boiler system, 
 gas fixtures and gas ranges, clothes-closets, dressers, 
 and mantelshelves. The buildings also contain dumb-
 
 THE HOUSING OF THE WORKING PEOPLE. 287 
 
 waiters, shower baths on the ground floor, and tub baths, 
 particularly for the use of women and children, laun- 
 dries, wood and coal closets, storage rooms, and dust 
 chutes. The two-room apartments, of which a some- 
 what unusual number have been provided, contain ex- 
 actly the same conveniences as the three and four room 
 apartments." ^ They are especially adapted to small 
 families with very limited incomes, and to aged couples 
 living by themselves. 
 
 The rents are a little lower than for much poorer 
 quarters in surrounding tenements. The rent collector 
 is a woman, generally a welcome visitor, and her rela- 
 tion with the tenants often leads to helpful words and 
 acts. Her advice is sometimes asked about the arrange- 
 ment o^ the furniture, the care of the children, and 
 other domestic matters. In one case a kindergarten 
 was asked for, and the company paid one half the rental 
 of the required room. The lessees are largely clerks, 
 mechanics, motormen, policemen. A considerable per- 
 centage are unskilled laborers. One of the houses, 
 containing forty-five apartments, was set aside at the 
 beginning and has been maintained for the tenancy of 
 self-supporting women. Another is to be constructed 
 for the exclusive use of Negi'oes. Such are the model 
 tenements in one of our great cities, and they are 
 one of the best business investments to be found in 
 New York. 
 
 For skilled laborers and others earning from $1200 
 
 to 11500 a year, there is a further step possible. As 
 
 rapid transit facilities increase, a larger number of 
 
 working men and women will live at a distance from 
 
 1 E. R. L. Gould, Municipal Affairs Magazine, March, 1899.
 
 288 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 
 
 their work and should have homes of their own. To 
 make this possible, more than one company has built 
 cottages and allowed the tenants to pay for them in 
 monthly installments, in lieu of the usual payment of 
 rent, A life insurance policy, made out to the com- 
 pany until the indebtedness has been canceled, will 
 guard from possible loss by death, and the purchaser 
 pays fire insurance and taxes. By allowing as many 
 as twenty years in which to pay the purchase price of 
 the house, such an arrangement is placed within the 
 reach of many wage-earners. 
 
 Such, then, is the encouraging experience with this 
 important branch of social economics. Whenever it 
 becomes necessary to provide good homes for the labor- 
 ing people of any city, it is a comfort to think tj^at this 
 can be done, and at the same time an investment of cap- 
 ital be offered which pays its five per cent and much 
 beyond. 
 
 It must be remembered that the houses, not the 
 homes of the working people, have been discussed in 
 this chapter. The steps leading to a discussion of the 
 home would be from the outward environment, the four 
 walls, the cleanliness and sunshine, to the questions of 
 domestic science and all that it involves of hygiene 
 and thrift, and thence to the only foundations of a 
 real home. The unselfish love of that which is holy, 
 the steadfastness of purpose which holds one close to 
 the fulfillment of his ideal, and the willing sacrifice of 
 all that stands in the way of its realization, — these are 
 the elements of a home, wherever that home may be. 
 Fundamental and personal as these essentials are, it is
 
 THE HOUSING OF THE WORKING PEOPLE. 289 
 
 by no means in vain that one tries to reach and 
 strengthen them. All that is clone to purify, to educate, 
 and to cultivate the ideals reacts upon the character 
 and fulfills its highest aim when the man, thus rein- 
 forced, takes the product of his enlightenment into his 
 home. The same refinement due the man is even more 
 an obligation to the woman, who is the real maker of 
 the home. It is her personality that creates the home 
 atmosphere, and upon her strength of character depend, 
 very largely, the nature and the power of the home in- 
 fluence. One argues that a man must be educated to 
 be able to take his part in the practical afPairs of life, 
 but there is nothing more practical than the duties of a 
 home, nothing requiring more forcibly clear judgment 
 and insight, the resources of a trained mind and hand, 
 or the ennobling influence of high ideals. It may be 
 just to say, " What can one expect of a man when his 
 home is what it is ? " It is equally just to say, "What 
 can one expect of a woman when her resources are 
 what they are ? " It is clear that the housing of the 
 people does not solve the problem of home life, but in 
 so far as externals are favorable, they do help to raise 
 the standards of living and to increase the self-respect 
 of the home makers. 
 
 A branch of the housing problem which has received 
 little attention until recently is the lodging-house for 
 single men who are not livins; at home. Until within 
 a very few years the lodging-houses for single men 
 have been more inadequate, unwholesome, disreputable, 
 than the family tenements. To-day it has been demon- 
 strated, both at home and abroad, that cheap working-
 
 290 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 
 
 men's hotels can be erected in the most substantial and 
 scientific way, need charge no higher price than the 
 lodging-house, and can still eai'n enough from the cap- 
 ital invested to pay at least three per cent dividend 
 after making deductions for repairs and other contin- 
 gencies. 
 
 It may be well, before speaking of these recent ex- 
 periments, briefly to pass in review the ordinary lodg- 
 ing-houses as they exist in any of our large cities. In- 
 formation in regard to the cheap lodging-houses for 
 men has been difficult to secure. No registration is 
 necessary in many cities, and official statistics are there- 
 fore unavailable.^ The police station lodgings are the 
 lowest and last resort for homeless men. A large base- 
 ment room in the Hammond Street Police Station of 
 Cincinnati, for example, is known as the Hammond 
 Street Bum Room. This room is very large, and with 
 the exception of a table and a chair, it is without fur- 
 niture. In one corner there is a great iron cage for 
 disorderly lodgers. The Bum Room is free to any man 
 who may happen to be without the means of securing 
 a lodging elsewhere, and furnishes sleeping-room for 
 about two hundred men. In bad weather, when the 
 place is crowded, the men lie in four rows upon the 
 floor, one row with heads to each side baseboard, and 
 two rows, head to head, along the middle of the floor. 
 It is sometimes necessary to " wedge " the men, to turn 
 
 1 The following information i3 taken from an article on " Working- 
 men's Hotels," by John Lloyd Thomas in Municipal Affairs Magazine 
 for March, 1899, from a special report by Bryant Venable on Cheap 
 Lodging Houses in Cincinnati and other cities, and from the material 
 given in the reports from the different cities.
 
 THE HOUSING OF THE WORKING PEOPLE. 291 
 
 them upon their sides, in which position they occupy 
 less floor space than when on their backs. Such are 
 the police station lodgings. They are inexcusable. 
 The abolishment of the police lodging-room should be 
 immediate and final. In New York it has gone. 
 " That awful parody on municipal charity . . . after 
 twenty years of persistent attack upon the foul dens, 
 years during which they were arraigned, condemned, 
 indicted, by every authority having jurisdiction." ^ 
 
 In their place there should be a clean, carefully con- 
 ducted municipal lodging-house to take proper care of 
 the homeless, under right conditions. New York has 
 such city lodgings. The men must bathe, their clothes 
 must be fumigated, a record of the attendance is kept, 
 and work is assigned, so far as is possible. They are 
 provided with a frugal supper and breakfast, and clean, 
 separate beds. It is safe to say that few " dead beats " 
 escape the vigilance of the officials. Other cities are 
 trying the same plan, and the result is uniformly suc- 
 cessful. Well-ordered, attractive municipal lodging- 
 houses are a present necessity. 
 
 When a homeless laboring man has money to pay 
 for his lodging, he will turn to the cheap lodging-house. 
 The house he will go to will depend on the amount of 
 money he has. Five cents is enough for at least a roof 
 over his head. The five-cent " doss house " is com- 
 monly known as a " flop," and its patron is a " flopper." 
 The men sleep on the rough and dirty floor ; there is 
 no bedding. Lodgers occasionally come supplied with 
 newspapers, but as a general thing they sleep upon the 
 bare floor, or on the benches or tables. The shoes are 
 1 A Ten Years' War, p. 16.
 
 292 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 
 
 often rolled up in the coat and serve as a pillow. When 
 the rooms are crowded, lodgers are requested to lie in 
 rows so as to economize space, hut at other times they 
 " flop " wherever they can find a convenient place on the 
 floor. The ten-cent house is in many respects better. 
 Here we have come to the bunks, which are generally 
 arranged in tiers of two or three. Mattresses and pil- 
 lows are provided. These rooms are generally crowded, 
 as many as one hundred men being lodged in a single 
 room. The men retire without undressing, and the 
 condition of the beds and room is sometimes appall- 
 ing. For fifteen to twenty-five cents a separate com- 
 partment is furnished, the lower priced ones containing 
 two or more beds, the higher priced ones, a single bed. 
 Each room is just large enough to accommodate the 
 beds without any additional furniture. The frame 
 partitions between the stalls are usually frail, and the 
 compartments themselves close, warm, and oppressively 
 odorous. 
 
 Such, then, are the cheap lodging-houses as they 
 exist in our large cities. It is not always easy to 
 ascertain the number of these lodging-houses in any 
 community. In Boston, the total number is twenty. 
 They are allowed by regulations to accommodate 1283 
 persons ; five of the houses have baths. The ordinary 
 price per night is eighteen cents, the lowest price being 
 five cents. Lodging-houses with saloons in the same or 
 adjoining building are four in number. In Denver the 
 number of cheap lodging-houses is thirty-eight, of which 
 some are of the best, and none are of the worst. Their 
 average daily patronage is 1411. In New York the 
 figures are as follows : —
 
 THE HOUSING OF THE WORKING PEOPLE. 293 
 
 Total number of lodging-houses .... 112 
 Total number of lodgers allowed in these by 
 
 Board of Health 15,233 
 
 Minimum air space per lodger 400 cu. ft. 
 
 Total number of houses with baths ... 67 
 
 Total number of lodgers allowed in these . 8,861 
 
 Total number of baths with hot water . . 56 
 
 Free baths 54 
 
 Average daily use of baths (total) .... 546 
 Total number of houses without baths of any 
 
 kind 55 
 
 Total number of lodgers allowed in these . 6,372 
 Lowest price for lodgings per night . . . 10c. 
 Ordinary price for lodgings per night . . . 15c. 
 Lodging-houses with beds in separate com- 
 partments, charge 20 to 30c. 
 
 Saloons in same building 33 
 
 '* on one side 22 
 
 " on both sides 2 ■ 
 
 Entrance through saloon 3 
 
 In Chicago the total number of lodging-houses is 85. 
 
 Of these there are 30 that have a capacity of from 1 to 50. 
 18 that have a capacity of from 50 to 100. 
 24 that have a capacity of from 100 to 250. 
 13 that have a capacity above 250. 
 
 Ten, fifteen, and twenty-five cents are the ordinary 
 charges. Three houses with saloon attachment offer 
 free accommodations, and three charge but two cents. 
 Twenty-five lodging-houses sell liquors, fift^'-eight are 
 in good, and twenty-seven in bad sanitary condition. 
 Chicago has now a new sanitary law which prescribes 
 at least four hundred cubic feet of space to one slee^iing-
 
 294 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 
 
 room, limits the number of occupants in one sleeping- 
 room to six, and requires a register to be kept. 
 
 The o^eneral conclusion to be drawn from an investi- 
 gation of these cheap lodging-houses is that " they are 
 deficient in everything that tends to clean and healthful 
 living, physically and morally." In estimating their 
 influence, it must be remembered that even when the 
 sanitary arrangements are good, and the room fairly 
 clean, the whole atmosphere of the place may be and 
 very often is depressing and sad. A man may sleep 
 without losing his self-respect or impairing his health, 
 and still find little to keep him within his lodging- 
 house during his waking hours. With very few excep- 
 tions, it may be asserted of the ordinary lodging-house 
 for men in any of our great cities, that where they are 
 not positively bad, they are uninviting and even repel- 
 lent. They furnish nothing but the barest necessities, 
 and leave the desires for certain comforts and pleasures 
 entirely out of account. 
 
 No extended homily is needed to show the relation of 
 such lodgings as these to the saloon. They are the 
 regular rendezvous of the saloon patron, and their 
 whole atmosphere, positive and negative, is calculated 
 to swell the saloon attendance. What is wanted is a 
 lodging-house which not only provides decent accom- 
 modation for the night, but makes some provision for 
 a man's leisure hours during the day. The ordinary 
 cheap lodging-house does not do this, and neither, of 
 course, do the municipal lodging-houses and those chari- 
 table institutions whose mission is to supply only the 
 immediate demand for food and shelter. Some benevo- 
 lent enterprises seek to make the place attractive during
 
 THE HOUSING OF THE WORKING PEOPLE. 295 
 
 the day as well as at night. The more ambitious of 
 the Salvation Army shelters, for example, are known 
 as working-men's hotels, and provide reading and social 
 rooms on a separate floor. Every man is required to be 
 out of the bedrooms by nine o'clock in the morning, but 
 the social rooms are open all day long. The last report 
 (1899) showed that the Army operated forty-nine such 
 shelters for men, with an accommodation of 5311. 
 Other missions which furnish lodgings occasionally 
 make provision for the social comforts of their patrons. 
 An illustration of the best work of this kind is fur- 
 nished by the Bethel of St. Paul. This mission 
 occupies two floors of a building, of which the first is 
 divided into a reading-room and office and a large 
 dining-room, which is conducted on the English coffee- 
 house plan. Very cheap rates are charged for the 
 food, and a clean single room, with a single bed, is 
 offered at twenty cents a night, or one dollar a week. 
 Loafing-rooms are always open, and everything is kept 
 clean. The income from the restaurant and lodgings 
 meets all the expenses. 
 
 The work of providing cheap lodgings has been suc- 
 cessfully undertaken also by the churches. Olive Tree 
 Inn, in New York City, is a lodging-house for men, 
 being a department of the Galilee Mission and Coffee 
 House of Calvary Episcopal Church. It contains 
 about one hundred beds, partly in dormitories and 
 partly in private rooms. The dormitories are light and 
 airy. The prices range from fifteen to twenty-five 
 cents, the latter being the charge for single rooms. 
 The weekly rates are slightly below the nightly prices. 
 The lodgers have several accessory advantages. They
 
 296 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 
 
 can procure five and ten cent meals in the Galilee 
 Coffee House ; they can use the mission reading-room, 
 which contains a circulating library, and where smok- 
 ing is permitted. It is advisable for all missions and 
 churches which undertake to provide cheap lodgings 
 to avoid the selling of ticket books to societies and 
 individuals to be given to applicants for aid instead 
 of coin. A knowledge that these tickets are issued 
 cannot help becoming known, and is certain to repel 
 the class of self-respecting workingmen who object to 
 anything that savors of charity. This plan may be 
 adopted by municipal lodging-houses, but hardly by 
 any lodging-house which hopes to succeed as a finan- 
 cial enterprise. The Mills Hotel management has dis- 
 tinctly declared against the issuing of tickets. Origi- 
 nally the Hatfield House, situated at 46 and 48 Ridge 
 Street, New York, was the property of the Seventh 
 Presbyterian Church. Since 1895 it has been leased 
 to its resident manager. This is a small, comfortable 
 lodging-house which has its regular clientage, and 
 charges from one dollar and fifty cents to two dollars a 
 week. The furnishing of cheap lodgings for men is a 
 legitimate church enterprise which, if rightly conducted, 
 should become financially independent at once. 
 
 But the movement to provide model lodging-houses 
 for self-respecting and self-supporting wage-earners has 
 in our day become a commercial enterprise, a paying 
 investment. The experiment began in Europe about 
 ten years ago. In Hamburg, in Glasgow, and in Lon- 
 don, large and finely appointed lodging-houses for 
 single men were erected, and without exception they 
 became at once commercially profitable. The most
 
 THE HOUSING OF THE WORKING PEOPLE. 297 
 
 famous of these houses in London are the " Rowtons," 
 five of which are already in operation. The latest of 
 the " Rowtons " has provision for over eight hundred 
 men, each of whom, for sixpence a night, enjoys the 
 full advantages offered by an outlay of X50,000. Lord 
 Rowton's scheme pays in actual cash. Rowton Houses, 
 Limited, is one of the most successful concerns in Lon- 
 don, " a philanthropy that pays five per cent," to quote 
 Lord Rosebery. It is to be doubted if anywhere else 
 in England so much comfort can be obtained for six- 
 pence as in these handsome and spacious hotels. 
 Whether model lodgings have been conducted by the 
 municipality or by private individuals the results have 
 been the same. The congestion of population has been 
 reduced, lodgers have been given not only a good 
 night's rest, but a place of comfort and recreation, at 
 no higher price than would be charged at an ordinary 
 cheap lodging-house. The condition of lodgers morally 
 and physically has been bettered, and best of all, a 
 radical improvement in all lodging-houses has been 
 effected which previous attempts by way of sanitary, 
 registration, and inspection laws had failed to bring 
 about. 
 
 In America, with one or two notable exceptions, there 
 has been little effort made to imitate these successful 
 attempts at solving the problem of housing the single 
 workingraan. Several years ago a beginning was made 
 in Baltimore by Mr. Eugene Levering, whose model 
 lodging-house is still in operation. It is located at the 
 northwest corner of Front and Fayette streets. Beds, 
 clean and comfortable, are provided for one hundred 
 and fifty men. The prices charged vary from ten to
 
 298 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 
 
 twenty-five cents according to accommodations. The 
 house is open all night. There is a reading-room, sup- 
 plied with a few games, magazines, and papers, and a 
 smoking-room. During the winter about one hundred 
 and twenty-five men on an average sleep there. A din- 
 ing-room is run in connection with it, where from 
 seventy-five to one hundred and fifty meals are served 
 daily. The prices are ten and fifteen cents a meal. 
 Since its erection the capacity of the building has been 
 doubled, and a comfortable per cent of profits is being 
 realized over and above the expenses and improvements. 
 A similar enterprise in Philadelphia owes its exist- 
 ence to John Wanamaker. The Friendly Inn is the 
 only model lodging-house in Philadelphia. Mr. Wana- 
 maker purchased for this purpose the Pinney Hotel, 
 situated on Ninth Street. He expended about 160,000 
 on repairs, alterations, and refurnishiugs. The build- 
 ing is sixty feet front and ninety feet deep, and accom- 
 modates one hundred and fifty guests. On the lower 
 floor are the office, the smoking-room, and in the rear 
 a comfortable and spacious parlor and dining-room. 
 Above are six floors with sleeping apartments. In the 
 basement are the kitchen, lavatories, and bathrooms. 
 Throughout the building the greatest attention has 
 been paid to heating and ventilation, and especially to 
 sanitary arrangements. Meals are served at ten cents 
 each, that is, at cost, and are of excellent quality, equal 
 to any twenty-five cent restaurant, which must make 
 rent in profits. The price of a single room is twenty- 
 five cents ; with two or more beds, the price is fifteen 
 cents. Reading matter is provided for the guests, and 
 an employment bureau is carried on to help a man to
 
 THE HOUSING OF THE WORKING PEOPLE. 299 
 
 get work without cost. Only self-supporting, deserv- 
 ing workingmen are allowed to enter. It is not in any 
 sense a charitable institution, and its nightly patronage 
 is one hundred and twenty-five guests. This experi- 
 ment, too, has been a financial success, and each year 
 there has been a steady profit from the investment. 
 
 New York had seen model lodging-houses before the 
 advent of the Mills Hotels, but the " American Row- 
 tons " have set the standard for similar enterprises in 
 other cities. They have conclusively proved what 
 everybody was inclined to believe before any one was 
 willing to make the venture, — that the experience of 
 Europe might be repeated in America, that a large 
 hotel for single wage-earners could both accomplish a 
 beneficent work and make money for the investor. 
 These hotels have now been running long enough to 
 have passed the experimental stage. They have been 
 filled since they were opened. They have forced the 
 better class of Bowery lodging-houses to make needed 
 improvements. They have reached the men for whom 
 they were intended, have kept scores of men from the 
 cheap lodging-house, have offered a most attractive 
 substitute for the saloon, and besides all this they have 
 yielded a profit on the investment of 11,500,000. Mr. 
 Mills himself says : " I have been able to do a good 
 many things for which I have been glad, but this is 
 the most satisfactory thing I ever did." The Mills 
 Hotel, No. 1, has 1554 rooms, and the average number 
 of lodgers for twelve months was 1559, a few rooms 
 being rented by day to night workers, and rented again 
 at night for day workers. The charges are twenty 
 cents a night for lodging, and meals can be had for
 
 300 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 
 
 five, ten, and fifteen cents. There is steam heat in 
 both hotels, electric lighting, shower bath, reading and 
 writing rooms. Mills Hotel, No. 2, has 600 rooms, 
 but in other respects is similar to Mills Hotel No. 1. 
 The baths are free of charge, and their use by the 
 guests shows that they are appreciated. Nine hundred 
 baths have been given in one day in the larger hotel. 
 There are tubs also in which a man may wash his own 
 clothes, which are quickly dried in a steam drier. The 
 bedrooms are all separate, about seven and a half by 
 six feet in size, and contain a single iron bedstead, with 
 the best mattresses, pillows, and linen. A strip of 
 carpet is on every floor, and a chair and a closet com- 
 plete the furnishing of the room. A man may retain 
 the same room as long as he pays for it. No intoxi- 
 cated man is ever admitted, even if he has paid for his 
 room. In case a man has secured a room and in the 
 evening returns under the influence of liquor, he is sent 
 to the office, receives his money back, and is compelled 
 to leave. As a result this twenty-cent hotel harbors 
 self-respecting men. Bedrooms must be vacated from 
 9.30 A. M. to 5.30 p. M., but the reading-rooms and 
 smoking-rooms of the hotel, as well as the restaurant, 
 are open all day long for the use of guests. In the 
 restaurant a good meal, well served, can be had for 
 fifteen cents. That they are appreciated is shown from 
 the fact that both houses have been full from the day 
 they were opened.^ 
 
 Here, then, are model lodgings for two thousand at 
 least of the homeless and self-respecting wage-earners of 
 one of our American cities. Just what the profit on 
 ^ Municipal Affairs Magazine, p. 89. 

 
 THE HOUSING OF THE WORKING PEOPLE. 301 
 
 this investment is at the present time is not known. It 
 is probably over three and under seven per cent. At 
 any rate, it has been demonstrated that model lodging- 
 houses can accomplish an inestimable service to any 
 community and at the same time pay a generous divi- 
 dend on the investment. If the pressing necessity and 
 practicability of such provision for the needs of the 
 working people has been demonstrated, nothing pre- 
 vents those who want to invest their money in some- 
 thing that will do more than return dividends to them- 
 selves from planting similar hotels in any of our large 
 cities.
 
 APPENDIX. 
 I. 
 
 ATTITUDE OF TRADE UNIONS TOWARD THE SALOON. 
 
 It Is not, of course, to be expected that organizations formed 
 with primary reference to securing good wages and a reasonable 
 length of working day should emphasize their attitude upon other 
 issues, however important many of the members may deem them 
 to be. It is quite customary, for example, for the constitutions of 
 trade unions to forbid the discussion in union meetings of ques- 
 tions of a religious or political character, such as might create 
 divisions in the organization. In entering upon this investiga- 
 tion, consequently, the writer did not expect to find very much 
 in trade-union activity which would have a bearing directly upon 
 the temperance question. The result, however, while showing 
 nothing startling, has been a pleasant surprise, for it has shown 
 that the unions are a greater factor in developing temperate liv- 
 ing than had been supposed. 
 
 The following table gives the membership of the nine trade 
 unions, so far as reported, in 1900 most active in their opposi- 
 tion to the saloon or in their general claim of moral influence : — 
 
 Table L Trade Unions claiming a Strong Antagonism to 
 THE Saloon. 
 
 Name of Organization. Members. 
 
 Journeymen Bakers and Confectioners International Union 4,200 
 
 Order of Railroad Conductors 23,.500 
 
 Brotherhood of Locomotive Firemen 31,500 
 
 United Garment Workers of America 10,000 
 
 International Seamen's Union 4,000 
 
 Switchmen's Union of North America 2,000 
 
 Journeymen Tailors Union of America 6,217 
 
 Order of Railroad Telegraphers 15,000 
 
 International Typographical Union 35,000 
 
 Total 131,417
 
 304 APPENDIX. 
 
 One of the officers of the Bakers and Confectioners Union 
 writes from their headquarters in Brooklyn: " We are opposed 
 to the saloon, especially when a ' Baker's Home ' is connected 
 therewith. Whenever possible we establish employment offices 
 ourselves, to give work free of charge to our members." Libra- 
 ries are also established iu the branches of the union. The offi- 
 cers state that before the establishment of the national body the 
 local unions would hold meetings in the saloons, but that now this 
 custom is very much changed. 
 
 The Order of Railroad Conductors, according to its officers, is 
 " absolutely opposed to the saloon, and it is incorporated in our 
 laws that a man cannot engage in the traffic of intoxicating liquor 
 and remain a member of the organization." 
 
 Mr. F. W. Arnold, of Peoria, 111., secretary of the Brotherhood 
 of Locomotive Firemen, writes : " Our brotherhood opposes the 
 saloon to the extent tliat it will not tolerate a member being con- 
 nected with the sale of liquor," and the laws of the order forbid 
 any lodge from deriving revenue from the sale of intoxicating 
 liquors at any of its balls, picnics, excursions, or other entertain- 
 ments. Mr. Arnold declares, as do the secretaries of most of the 
 unions mentioned in the above table, that their lodges do not meet 
 in halls located over or back of saloons. ISIr. Henry White, New 
 York City, general secretary of the United Garment Workers, 
 writes : " Our organization is decidedly opposed to the saloon 
 influences, and wherever possible our local unions meet in halls 
 not connected with a saloon. Our national and local unions have 
 strongly advocated the passage of favorable factory legislation, 
 particularly such as would mitigate the sweating evil. Many of 
 the members have been actively identified with social reform 
 movements, and it has been the training and education received 
 at the meetings of the unions which have enlarged their ideas 
 and created an interest iu public questions." 
 
 Mr. W. Macarthur, of San Francisco, secretary of the Inter- 
 national Seamen's Union, writes that the different branches of this 
 organization, particularly the Sailors' L'nion of the Pacific, have 
 established reading-rooms well equipped with papers and books, 
 particularly those dealing with economic subjects. Temperance 
 is also encouraged, " by constantly enjoining sobriety upon the
 
 ATTITUDE OF TRADE UNIONS. 305 
 
 members, by providing punishments for members failing in tlieir 
 duty to their employers through drunkenness, and by refusing to 
 publish advertisements of saloons, etc., in the official organ." 
 This union is making great effort to free the sailors from subjec- 
 tion to employment agencies and disreputable boarding-houses, 
 to secure better food and better treatment from their officers, 
 and to put an end to imprisonment for leaving vessels before the 
 expiration of their contracts. 
 
 Mr. M. J. Ford, Jr., editor of the " Journal " of the Switchmen's 
 Union, writes: " In our obligation there is a clause which states, 
 ' I will not recommend any one for membership in this organiza- 
 tion whom I know to be a common drunkard.' I myself am a 
 total abstainer, and likewise, also, are the Grand Master, the Grand 
 Secretary and Treasurer, and the Vice Grand Master. I visited 
 some of the subordinate lodges this summer, and at every place I 
 spoke against the use of liquor. I have also written against it iu 
 our official organ." 
 
 Mr. John B. Lennon, of Bloomington, 111., general secretary 
 of the Journeymen Tailors, writes: "There are very few of our 
 unions that meet in halls connected with saloons. They only do 
 so in cities where it is impossible to secure anything else, — nota- 
 bly Chicago and New York, where there are practically no other 
 halls to be had; and even in those cities they have been and 
 are decidedly anxious to secure places not connected with saloons." 
 He also makes the following strong statement : " Our organiza- 
 tion has not officially taken any stand upon the liquor question. 
 Since we have had an organization, however, the change of habits 
 of the Custom Tailors is something marvelous as to this one 
 habit. I can well remember when there could be found in no 
 city, from Sunday until Tuesday or Wednesday of the following 
 week, any tailors who were sufficiently sober to work at their 
 trade, or if any, they were very few. I believe most earnestly 
 that organization has been the cause that has cured and elimi- 
 nated this evil. You can now go to the same cities where our 
 imions have existed from ten to twenty-five or thirty years, and 
 you will scarcely find a single member of the organization that is 
 an habitual drunkard. The officers of our organization, myself 
 included, are decidedly opposed to the use of intoxicating liquors
 
 306 APPENDIX. 
 
 as a beverage, and I have not failed, whenever the opportunity 
 has presented itself, to declare myself upon this question." 
 
 The constitution of the Telegraphers reads : " The use of alco- 
 holic liquors as a beverage shall be sufficient cause for rejecting 
 any petition for membership." 
 
 The International Typographical Union passed a vote, in its 
 convention in 1894, calling for " the state and national destruc- 
 tion of the liquor traffic." As the matter has not come up since 
 in any meetings of the organization, it is uncertain how much 
 weight is to be attached to this vote, but its passage has at least 
 some significance. 
 
 Although some of the other unions have not taken as direct a 
 stand on this subject as have those just quoted, they have had 
 much to do with increasing the temperate habits of their mem- 
 bers. It used to be said that carpenters, cigar-makers, iron- 
 workers, printers, shoemakers, and tailors were always drunk on 
 Mondays. Such a remark is now rarely heard. 
 
 Mr. George E. McNeil, of Boston, the oldest and one of the 
 most esteemed leaders of the American labor movement, and its 
 historian, testified recently before the National Industrial Com- 
 mission that the social condition of labor, as well as its wages, 
 had been much improved by the trade union. " It is an educa- 
 tional society. The men who go into trade unions and find other 
 men there capable of discussing these questions have their minds 
 affected and stimulated. It has tended to beget self-respect, not 
 only in the matter of clothing, but in habits. The offensive 
 drunkenness of certain classes of laborers of years ago has been 
 greatly lessened. I do not say that there are not as many peo- 
 ple who drink, but the drunkenness that swallowed up the farm 
 of the farmer and the house of the mechanic has been reduced. 
 The drunken man means a low wage man. Every trade union 
 is trying to get high wages, but if it has a drunken constituency 
 it cannot succeed. It must elevate the habits of the laborer that 
 he may rise to the wages he demands, and drunkenness has been 
 diminished and wages have been increased through the influence 
 of organized labor." 
 
 We will next consider a group of six trade unions, with a mem-
 
 ATTITUDE OF TRADE UNIONS. 307 
 
 bership of 113,074, whose leaders are in general opposed to the 
 saloon, but where the opposition has taken a less pronounced 
 form than in the unions mentioned in Table I. 
 
 Table II. Trade Unions reporting Some Opposition to thb 
 Saloons. 
 Name of Organization. Members. 
 
 Brotherhood of Boiler Makers and Iron Shipbuilders . . 2,874 
 Carriage and Wagon Makers International Union . . . 1,200 
 Retail Clerks National Protective Association of the U. S. 10,000 
 National Brotherhood of Electrical Workers of the U. S. . 5,000 
 Knights of Labor of the United States of America, perhaps 30,000 
 United Mine Workei's of America 85,000 
 
 Total .^. . . . 134,074 
 
 Mr. William G. Gilthorpe, secretary of the Brotherhood of 
 Boiler Makers and Iron Shipbuilders, states that about one third 
 of the branches meet in halls connected with saloons, but that the 
 removal from such meeting-places is being advised. 
 
 The Carriage and Wagon Makers Union does not allow any 
 liquor dealer to be a member. This is likewise true of the Retail 
 Clerks National Protective Association. No branches meet in 
 any hall connected with a saloon. 
 
 The secretary of the Brotherhood of Electrical Workers, 
 Rochester, N. Y., writes that the organization has opposed the 
 saloon by starting reading-rooms and lectures, and adds : " The 
 trade union has a good moral effect on its members. Better 
 wages make better men, better men make better homes, better 
 homes make a better country, and the better the country the 
 better its people." 
 
 The Knights of Labor, as is well known, have from the begin- 
 ning refused to allow saloon-keepers to become members, and 
 have made large claims of exerting a broad educational and 
 moral influence, especially through what for a very long time 
 was a feature peculiar to this organization, — the devotion of a 
 portion of each meeting, known as the educational hour, to the 
 discussion of general, social, and economic questions. But the 
 organization, after giving birth to many of the best features of 
 the American labor movement, and after having trained most of
 
 308 APPENDIX. 
 
 its leaders of to-day, has fallen upon troublous times, and now 
 has probably not more than 30,000 paying members in good and 
 regular standing. 
 
 Mr. W. C. Pearce, secretary of the United Mine Workers of 
 America, which has a membership of 85,000, writes from their 
 headquarters at Indianapolis : " A great many of our members 
 are opposed to the saloon and never patronize such a place. 
 Very few of our local unions meet in- halls connected with the 
 saloon. The officers of the United Mine Workers of America 
 discourage in every respect saloon business." 
 
 We will next consider the situation in the following twenty 
 unions, embracing an American membership of about 180,000 
 and a total membei'ship of 308,561. These figures, as well as 
 others in the article, are taken from the letters to the writer 
 while preparing this article, or from those received while prepar- 
 ing the one on the " Benefit Features of American Trade Unions," 
 in the " United States Bulletin of Labor." The figures for two or 
 three of the railroad brotherhoods are taken from the membership 
 as quoted in 1896 or 1897, in an article in the " United States 
 Bulletin of Labor," by Dr. Emory R. Johnson, on " Relief and 
 Insurance of Railway Employees." 
 
 Table TIL Trade Unions whose Temperance Attitude is 
 SEEN IN the Constitutions of their Benefit or Insurance 
 Departments. 
 
 Name of Organization. Members. 
 
 Journeymen Barbers International Union 4,000 
 
 International Brotherhood of Blacksmiths 300 
 
 Amalg-amated Society of Carpenters and Joiners .... 1,625 
 
 United Brotherhood of Carpenters and Joiners .... 39,845 
 
 Cigar Makers International Union of America .... 28,000 
 
 Coremakers International Union 1,430 
 
 Amalgamated Society of Engineers about 1,600 
 
 Brotherhood of Locomotive Engineers 30,309 
 
 Glass Bottle Blowers Assn. of United States and Canada • 3,000 
 
 Granite Cutters National Union 9,765 
 
 United Brotherhood of Leather Workers on Horse Goods 475 
 
 Iron Holders Union of North America 18,000
 
 ATTITUDE OF TRADE UNIONS. 309 
 
 Brotherhood of Painters and Decorators of America . . 5,500 
 
 Pattern Makers National League of North America . . 1,800 
 
 Quarrymen's National Union of United States and Canada 2,000 
 
 Cotton Mule Spinners Association 2,600 
 
 National Tobacco Workers Union of America .... 5,000 
 
 Brotherhood of Railroad Trackmen 1,250 
 
 Brotherhood of Railroad Trainmen 22,326 
 
 Typographia 1,100 
 
 Total 179,925 
 
 If the membership of the Amalgamated Engineers in all coun- 
 tries were included, its numbers would have been given in the 
 above table as 83,564 instead of 1,600; and so the Amalgamated 
 Society of Carpenters and Joiners would similarly be stated at 
 66,63-4 members instead of 1,625, and the total would have been 
 raised to 308,561. But the American membership of the unions 
 given in the table is about 179,925, as indicated. 
 
 The distinguishing feature of these twenty unions is that, while 
 so far as discovered they have enacted no special legislation 
 against the liquor traffic, they do liave insurance or benefit fea- 
 tures exceeding the amount spent upon strikes but open in most 
 cases only to those of temperate habits. Sick relief especially is 
 refused to those whose illness was occasioned by intemperance. 
 Extracts from a few of the constitutions of these organizations 
 will make this matter clear. 
 
 The constitution of the Amalgamated Society of Engineers 
 provides for a sick benefit for any member " when visited by 
 mental disease, bodily sickness or lameness not occasioned by 
 drunkenness or disorderly conduct or any disease improperly 
 contracted." This organization of stationary engineers, machin- 
 ists, smiths, and pattern-makers, with its 83,564 members through- 
 out the EngHsh-speaking woi-ld, spent in 1898 less than 10 per 
 cent of its income of ©2,253,635 upon trade disputes, while it 
 spent in benefits .$1,541,556. It had a balance on hand in De- 
 cember, 1898, of 81,040,607, or over .$12 per member. 
 
 The Amalgamated Society of Carpenters and Joiners places 
 among its qualifications for admission, good workmanship, 
 " steady habits, and good moral character," and refuses to give
 
 310 APPENDIX. 
 
 sick benefits when sickness or lameness is occasioned " by drunk- 
 enness, disorderly or improper conduct." This organization spent 
 upon trade disputes, as did the engineers, less than 10 per cent 
 of its receipts, while it expended most of the balance in various 
 forms of relief. 
 
 The Iron Holders Union of North America gives its sick 
 relief of $5 per week " provided that such sickness or disability 
 has not been caused by intemperance, debauchery, or other im- 
 moral conduct." These exact words also appear in the pro- 
 visions for sick and death benefits in the constitutions of the 
 Journeymen Barbers International Union of America, and in 
 that of the Cigar Makers International Union of America, which 
 has the best developed system of benefit features of any Ameri- 
 can labor organization. 
 
 Many of the railroad brotherhoods copy substantially the con- 
 stitution of the Grand International Brotherhood of the Loco- 
 motive Engineers in its provision that no person shall become a 
 member " unless he is a white man twenty-one years of age, and 
 can read and write, and is a man of good moral character, tem- 
 perate habits, and a locomotive engineer in good standing and in 
 actual service as a locomotive engineer when proposed, and has 
 had experience as such at least one year." 
 
 It remains to give some facts about ten other unions with 
 86,390 members which have reported on the saloon question, but 
 which for one reason or another have either not attempted very 
 much directly in opposition to the saloon, or do not claim to have 
 accomplished much save as the general improvement in the con- 
 ditions of the craft has improved the standard of life and morals 
 of its members. 
 
 Table IV. Trade Unions making Few Claims of Dibect Oppo- 
 sition TO the Saloon. 
 
 Name of Organization. Members. 
 
 Boot and Shoe Workers Union 13,000 
 
 National Union of United Brewery Workers 10,000 
 
 Coopers International Union of North America .... 3,100 
 American Flint Glass Workers Union 7,400
 
 ATTITUDE OF TRADE UNIONS. 311 
 
 The Window Glass Cutters League of America .... 850 
 
 United Hatters of North America about 6,000 
 
 International Association of Machinists 20,000 
 
 American Federation of Musicians 9,152 
 
 International Wood Carvers Association of North America 1,388 
 Amalgamated Wood Workers International Union of 
 
 America 9,500 
 
 Total 86,390 
 
 Mr. Charles F. Bechtold, secretary of the United Brewery 
 Workers, writes from their headquarters in Cincinnati : " I can 
 assure you that the Brewery Workers do not oppose the saloon, 
 as this would be a suicidal act. We have made no efforts against 
 the saloons. Most of our local unions meet in halls connected 
 with saloons." Yet this union boasts as one of its achievements 
 the fact that it has abolished the necessity that workmen should 
 obtain the recommendation of saloon-keepers before securing 
 employment in a brewery. This demoralizing necessity is said 
 to have formerly prevailed among all workmen in this business 
 and to still obtain where there are no unions. 
 
 Mr. J. A. Cable, secretary of the Coopers International Union, 
 writes from Kansas City : " I have opposed the evils of intoxi- 
 cation by endeavoring to attract our members to nobler thoughts. 
 . . . Our meetings are an education to each other from the fact 
 that different questions affecting our welfare are discussed from 
 different points of view." 
 
 Mr. George Preston, secretary of the Machinists, writes from 
 Chicago : " W^e have never been troubled to any large extent 
 with the saloon business. An organization of the character of 
 ours generally finds enough to interest its members in the work 
 of organization, which consequently takes their attention from 
 the lesser attraction offered by the saloons. There is not at pre- 
 sent to my knowledge a single branch of our organization that 
 holds its meetings connected with a saloon. Of course there may 
 be such an instance, but if there is I am ignorant of the same. 
 Where lodge halls are situated over saloons, there is generally an 
 independent passage made whereby the members can reach the 
 hall without having to enter by way of the saloon."
 
 312 APPENDIX. 
 
 Mr. Jacob Sehmalz, secretary of the American Federation of 
 Musicians, writes from Cincinnati : " We have not had one mem- 
 ber in any penal institution of the country, not one in the work- 
 house, . . . not one in the poorhouse, and not one case of matri- 
 monial scandal. As a general rule throughout the country our 
 branches have separate halls from the saloon, and the tendency 
 is favorable to a separation, for the reason that private interests 
 do sometimes interfere with that of the union." 
 
 Mr. Frank Detlef, secretary of the "Wood Carvers Associa- 
 tion, writes from Brooklyn that about one half of the branches 
 of his association meet in places connected with the saloon, but 
 adds : " It seems to me that most of our branches would meet in 
 places where there is no saloon if it were not for the fact that 
 very high rents are charged." 
 
 Very suggestive is the letter of Thomas I. Kidd, secretary of 
 the Amalgamated Wood Workers, as follows : " Most of our 
 active workers opposed the saloon when they were young mem- 
 bers of the organization, but experience with the work of the 
 union was responsible for a radical change in their views. It is 
 difflcult to secure suitable meeting-places not connected with 
 saloons in some way. Many unions meet in halls in the rear of 
 saloons, while others meet over saloons. In many instances no 
 rent is charged. There has never been any attempt, so far as I 
 know, to offset the social influences of the saloon. This institu- 
 tion is looked upon by the vast majority of workingmen as their 
 club. When out of employment the workingman can get a free 
 lunch and meet a congenial soul to cheer him in the saloon when 
 there is nothing but discouragement for him elsewhere. Prob- 
 ably seventy-five per cent of our unions meet in halls in the rear 
 of or over saloons." 
 
 The remaining four unions of Table IV., the Boot and Shoe 
 Workers, Hatters, Glass Cutters, and Flint Glass Workers, 
 report that no special efforts have been made to counteract the 
 saloon influence, although the three first named report scarcely 
 any branches that meet in halls connected with saloons. 
 
 We have thus far examined 45 unions, with a total mem- 
 bership of 531,804 outside of 137,000 more members of otlier 
 branches of the two unions whose chief membership is in Great
 
 ATTITUDE OF TRADE UNIONS. 313 
 
 Britaiu.i We have seen that almost all the unions have taken 
 some steps against the influences of the saloon, and that all but 
 one of the unions have probably indirectly exerted a great influ- 
 ence in ways likely in the long run to make their members more 
 temperate and better citizens. Every union that has been heard 
 from has been included. The reports above given cover nearly 
 two thirds of the American unions having a national organization, 
 and more than two thirds of the membership of such organiza- 
 tions, so that the data may be taken as representative, save that 
 the unions not heard from are probably less interested in the sub- 
 ject than those here represented. 
 
 All who are interested in the general upbuilding of the labor 
 movement will surely be pleased to find how much quiet work 
 for temperance is being done even among the trade unions, which 
 are very naturally organized for and chiefly interested in strength- 
 ening their bargaining power with their employers. It has long 
 been found that better wages and fewer hours mean better food, 
 more education for children, better tenements, better compan- 
 ionship, consequently, for the children, more time at home and 
 more interest in the home by the husband and father, and in 
 every way less temptation to patronize the only place of recrea- 
 tion and sociability open to most of the very poorly paid in our 
 large cities. 
 
 Edward W. Bemis. 
 
 Bureau of Economic Research, 
 Mount Vernon, N. Y, 
 
 1 Since these data were secured the membership of most of these 
 organizations has much increased.
 
 II. 
 
 BOYS' CLUBS. 
 
 The first Boys' Club in America was started in 1876, with the 
 organization of the club still occupying rooms at 125 St. Mark's 
 Place, New York City. In 1883 the Boys' Free Reading Rooms 
 were opened in the same city. The next year the Rev. John C. 
 Collins, of New Haven, Conn., organized a club in that city. 
 Through his influence others were started in some of the manu- 
 facturing towns of New England, about twenty in all. Since his 
 plan has been the model of many of the large clubs, particularly 
 in New England, it is important in this paper to describe its sa- 
 lient features. Any boy in the city could be admitted to the club. 
 The paid workers were the doorkeeper, the librarian, and the 
 superintendent. During the club session the superintendent of 
 necessity walked about the room as a moral policeman. Occa- 
 sionally visitors from the various churches came to assist, by play- 
 ing games with the boys. Later a few industrial classes, such as 
 carpentry, wood carving, cobbling, typesetting, etc., were added. 
 A Penny Savings Bank was the leading feature of this sort of 
 club. The club was also a field for religious effort on the part of 
 the church visitors and the superintendent. The superintendent 
 visited the Police Court, often taking charge of boys placed on 
 probation, work which in our larger cities is now done by the 
 officers of the various children's aid societies. The equipment 
 included, among other things, a piano, books, games, and a gen- 
 erous supply of tables and benches. It will thus be seen that 
 the boys' club of twenty years ago was a very simple affair. It 
 should further be added that the type of club to which it belongs 
 has not been materially modified. This plan certainly has the 
 virtue of being clean-cut, practical, inexpensive, and biisiness- 
 like. Mr. Collins estimated that the annual expense of such a 
 club would be about ^2000. It has not been difficult, because of
 
 BOYS' CLUBS. 315 
 
 the very definiteness of such a club, with the programme all 
 prearranged, to secure young men of moral earnestness and 
 business push as superintendents. Finally, with this plan it is 
 possible to have an exceedingly large membership. This in 
 itself is a strong feature in the minds of many. 
 
 Of all the clubs patterned after Mr. Collins's plan, the one at 
 Fall River has been perhaps the most fortunate. Three years 
 ago a building was erected at a cost of $85,000, the gift of a 
 mill owner. It contains a reception-room, a reading-room, class- 
 rooms, a theatre, a small gymnasium, bowling-alleys, shower 
 baths, and a swimming-tank. The educational work includes 
 classes in carpentry, printing, cobbling, elocution, and parliamen- 
 tary law. The principal sources of amusement for the club are 
 the swimming-tank, the gymnasium and bowling-alleys, the game- 
 room, and the Saturday night entertainments. The house is open 
 every night, and on Sunday afternoon for choral singing. 
 
 The Boys' Club of 125 St. Mark's Place, New York City, is not 
 only the oldest, but is also the largest club in America, having an 
 enrollment of over five thousand boys. It has therefore influ- 
 enced the character of many boys' clubs in New York City. By 
 another year this club will have its own house. It will be five 
 stories high and elaborately fitted up. Another New York club, 
 run on lines somewhat similar, occupies rooms at 112-114 Uni- 
 versity Place. This organization, known as the Boys' Free Read- 
 ing Rooms, under the auspices of the Loyal Legion Temperance 
 Society, was started, to use the language of the society, " to 
 provide a counter-attraction to the saloons for the tempted boys 
 of the city." The club was organized in 1883. It has 500 
 members. New members are selected from a waiting list pre- 
 pared by the superintendent. The only dues are " Good be- 
 havior ;" the only rule, "Be a gentleman." St. George's Church, 
 New York City, has a very well-conducted boys' club of several 
 hundred members. The club is composed entirely of boys from 
 the Sunday school. It is in this particular a church club. There 
 is no religious instruction, however, in the club itself. The boys 
 have a constitution, in part originated by themselves. Further- 
 more, the greater part of the discipline is in the hands of the 
 boys. At eighteen the boys are eligible for the St. George's
 
 316 APPENDIX. 
 
 Men's Club. In St. Bartholomew's Parish House, New York 
 City, there is a boys' club of over 600, composed of boys from 
 eleven to eighteen years old. Unlike the club at St. George's, 
 boys of all creeds are received. The club, therefore, while sup- 
 ported by the church, is by no means a church club. There is 
 no religious instruction. The club-rooms, containing a wealth of 
 games and reading matter, are in charge of a superintendent and 
 two assistants. 
 
 The foregoing examples are fairly characteristic of the various 
 types of large clubs and their methods. They are mostly located 
 in New York City and the manufacturing towns of New England. 
 With the advent of the university settlement, a new plan of club 
 came into being. During the past ten years these settlements 
 have multiplied very rapidly. Consequently, largely through their 
 influence, the majority of boys' clubs throughout the country are 
 now being formed on what may be termed the "Settlement Club 
 Plan," or on some modification of it. It differs from the old 
 plan radically in that the club is always very much smaller. The 
 most characteristic plan of the " Settlement Boys' Club " is. this, — 
 a group of boys, from seven to ten in number, usually of the same 
 gang, therefore of about the same age, all coming from the imme- 
 diate neighborhood. Such a group usually meets once a week in 
 charge of a leader. Vacancies are filled by election, as it is 
 extremely important to get boys together who are congenial. In 
 form the group club is thus very simple. Its very simplicity, 
 however, gives such a club a wide range of possibility. Games, 
 in starting a club, are well enough, also in helping to piece out 
 an evening ; but a really successful group club is always held 
 together by some serious interest. What this interest shall be 
 does not really matter. A person with a loving knowledge of 
 almost any subject can gain the interest and enthusiasm of a 
 group of boys. It is perfectly certain, for instance, that a great 
 deal can be done in such groups with a microscope, provided your 
 scientific leader adds to his knowledge enthusiasm and a simple 
 reverence for nature. A great many groups of older boys have 
 been held together quite easily by theatricals. This interest has 
 proved especially successful at Hull House, Chicago, and Den- 
 nison House, Boston. Some of the other subjects occupying
 
 BOYS' CLUBS. 317 
 
 the time of these little clubs successfully are the study of Amer- 
 ican history by the picture method, picture pasting, passe-par- 
 tout work, the making of hammocks, doll furniture, hemp rope 
 mats, etc. » 
 
 The group club, because of its lack of machinery, depends for 
 its success upon the personality of the leader. The leader of such 
 a group must be intimate but not familiar with his boys ; com- 
 panionable and sympathetic but never condescending ; just and 
 without partiality, even in little things ; firm but always gentle. 
 A group of boys oifers a great moral opportunity to such a person. 
 If the leader is interested alike with the boys in what is being 
 done, there is just that lack of consciousness which brings about 
 the most natural and delightful relationships. It is work done 
 together, enjoyed together. Consequently there is a fellowship of 
 work. The leader is natural, the boys are natural, and the little 
 group meeting, therefore, brings all the charm of intimacy. 
 
 After a while such a leader has the right to call upon the boys, 
 for he really knows them and likes them, and they feel friendly 
 toward him. He does not go as a " district visitor ; " he visits 
 them as a friend. He is received as a friend. Occasionally little 
 excursions are planned to some museum or interesting factory, or 
 perhaps an outing to the parks or country on a Saturday after- 
 noon or a holiday. Thus, in all sorts of little ways the leader 
 gradually gets a firm grip upon the boys, and becomes to them 
 both friend and guide. 
 
 The whole drift of boys' clubs lately has been towards smaller 
 clubs. The legitimate aim of the large club is to keep as many 
 boys as possible off the street, giving them a cheerful room, with 
 books, games, etc. The aim of the settlement is more personal, — 
 to form a small group, and through a refined, tactful leader " with 
 a social soul," as one man expressed it, moralize these boys by the 
 power of friendship. The group idea, therefore, marks a distinct 
 advance in the boys' club movement. 
 
 The old type of club has, however, features of strength which 
 should not be lost in the new plan. Tlie esprit de corps of one 
 hundred boys, for instance, is different from the esprit de corps 
 of ten. A place where a lot of other " fellers " go is fascinating 
 to the small boy. The larger club is naturally richer in tradi-
 
 318 APPENDIX. 
 
 tions. There are the achievements of the baseball nine, the 
 orchestra or glee club, the annual picnic or excursion, the summer 
 camp, the club yell, and other features which peculiarly belong 
 to the big club, all making for tradition, and thus having a ten- 
 dency to hold the interest of boys in thrall. Then there are the 
 various lessons of cooperation which can be more effectively 
 taught in a large club. 
 
 A combination of the big club and group club, therefore, seems 
 the wisest form of organization. As a matter of fact, some of 
 the large clubs are beginning to sub-divide for special purposes ; 
 notably, the Boys' Club at St. Mai-k's Place, already mentioned. 
 This club now has 500 boys, divided into small sections, each 
 representing separate interests. The plan for the enormous Club 
 House which they are constructing includes many group club- 
 rooms. On the other hand, many settlements, starting group 
 after group, as fit leaders are found, have eventually evolved 
 some scheme of confederation : it may be simply to bring all the 
 boys together occasionally for games, perhaps preceded bj' a 
 business meeting ; or it may be for a monthly entertainment. 
 
 It should be said that lying midway between the large club and 
 the group club, there are a great many examples of clubs having 
 a membership of fifty, more or less, connected with churches, 
 settlements, industrial schools, town halls, or under the manage- 
 ment of volunteer workers. For instance, there is a club of 
 this sort at tlie Social Union, Cambridge. Another example is 
 the Ellis Memorial Club, Carver Street, Boston. There are also 
 two at East Side House, New York City, and two at Goodrich 
 House, Cleveland. These are only a few of the clubs of this 
 type. 
 
 The natural clientage of the boys' club is largely made up of 
 boys living in the poor quarters of our great cities, and the bojs 
 in factory towns, boys peculiarly dependent upon some such 
 scheme for their social well-being. The group club, alone, as 
 some critics have pointed out, meeting once a week, does not offer 
 a sufficiently steady, consistent influence in the lives of these 
 boys. In providing boys' clubs, some place should be furnished 
 if possible for the tens of thousands of boys who, as a matter of 
 fact, spend nearly every evening outside of their homes. The big
 
 BOYS' CLUBS. 319 
 
 club open every night, with reading and game rooms, does in a 
 measure meet this need. But the settlements go a step farther 
 than the large boys' clubs, pure and simple. It seems hardly 
 wise, and in the long run not good for the boy himself, to organize 
 with him alone in view. The father, the mother, the sister, in 
 short, the family, should be taken into account. Boys' clubs have 
 frequently been criticised as weaning boys from their homes. 
 This principle of making the family the unit of organization is 
 growing into a fairly clear and strong conviction in the social 
 work movement. The boy has a greater interest and respect for 
 his own club when he sees a minstrel show, under the auspices of 
 the Young Men's Club, or goes to the theatricals of the Young 
 Women's Club, or when he learns that his father has gone to a 
 lecture at his club, or that his brother and sister have gone to a 
 dance given by their clubs. His own club seems better, and he 
 respects it more because he feels the atmosphere communicated 
 by all these other functions going on under this same roof. This 
 we believe to be the ideal setting for a boys' club. 
 
 We have spoken of the important place the programme occu- 
 pies in group clubs. The occupation of boys in large clubs is a 
 matter of no less vital concern. The club run merely, "to keep 
 the boys off the street," a classic phrase, not only undervalues 
 its opportunities, but invites disaster by simply importing street 
 conditions. The gymnasium, with its competitive drills and 
 indoor meets, its basket ball, boxing, fencing, single stick, etc., 
 the theatricals, orchestras, glee clubs, choral singing, minstrel 
 shows, military drills, vaudeville entertainments, reading, games, 
 — all these and other features have proved important factors to 
 the success of many clubs. 
 
 A large interest which, in the estimation of the writer, is a legit- 
 imate field of boys' club effort is handicraft work. To this we 
 wish to call special attention. Tlie making of baskets, hemp rope 
 mats, hammocks, iish nets, scroll saw work, wood carving, and 
 many things of a handicraft nature have been taken up, with more 
 or less success, in numerous group clubs. Industrial classes were 
 planned by Mr. Collins for his club twenty years ago. Of neces- 
 sity they were crude. The writer has something in mind a long 
 way in advance of all this. St. George's School and the Baron
 
 320 APPENDIX. 
 
 de Hirsch School, New York City, are examples showing the 
 possibilities of this work. At St. George's there is a first-rate 
 system of hand work for boys of diflPerent ages. The spirit of 
 the school is fine : interesting occupation (always the most effec- 
 tive sort of discipline) insures order. The boys are no different 
 in appearance or in character from any of the boys found in the 
 New York boys' clubs. Indeed, they are excellent types of what 
 may be termed the " boys' club constituency." Furthermore the 
 splendid fellowship which pervades the place makes it little dif- 
 ferent, socially, from a boys' club. 
 
 At Lincoln House there is an ascending scale of creative work 
 in arts and crafts, supplementing the gymnasium and the social 
 programme of the clubs. Next year this house hopes to have a 
 new building of four stories, exclusively for this work. It has 
 been found quite as popular here as the gymnasium. 
 
 The boys are attracted to the shops, both at St. George's and 
 at Lincoln House, not only because of their interest in making 
 things, but because of the aocial spirit which prevails. Teachers 
 have been carefully selected with social capacity, as well as 
 manual skill, tactful in trusting boys much, wise in building up a 
 " shop fellowship " and pride of craft. The work is not work, but 
 play. No finer sight can meet the eye than these boys at work. 
 Their energy is employed in making things : they are happy. 
 The fine glow of enthusiasm from free creative work is on their 
 faces. A new dignity is bred, for no boy can make things, real 
 to him, without added self-respect. The boys are allowed to 
 chatter and laugh as much as they please, so long as they keep at 
 work. There is no coercion. Each boy is there because he wants 
 to be there. Each boy is eager to show his work, happy when it 
 earns praise, — sufficient evidence of its reality for him, of its 
 power to mould his spirit. There is another important fact to 
 remember : the boys not only like to make things, but they like to 
 possess them when made. The value that the boys place upon 
 these things is a good criterion of the value of the work itself.
 
 SUBSTITUTES FOR TflE SALOON IN BOSTON. 321 
 
 in. 
 
 REPORT ON SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON IN BOSTON. 
 
 [This report indicates the sort of material which has formed the basis 
 of the preceding chapters.] 
 
 In this report under " substitutes for the saloon " are included, 
 first, whatever agencies are meeting one or more of the needs 
 and desires to which the saloon ministers, except, of course, the 
 appetite for strong drink; and, secondly, by a more liberal con- 
 struction of the phrase, such agencies as operate to keep men 
 from resorting to the saloon either through preventing them from 
 acquiring the saloon habit, or through correcting the habit after 
 it has been formed. Therefore, among the " substitutes for the 
 saloon " described here are some that in their nature are rather 
 deterrent, counteractive, preventive, or corrective than substitu- 
 tionary in the strict sense of the word. 
 
 In this report, also, " substitutes for the saloon " are viewed in 
 their relations to the saloon and, when possible, from the point 
 of view of the saloon. For this reason a few words in regard 
 to the saloons in Boston seem necessary by way of introduction. 
 
 In Boston, as in other cities, the saloons fall into various groups 
 according to their size, equipment, general appearance, and the 
 character of their patronage. 
 
 A bar-room of the lowest grade is usually small, bare, and dingy, 
 showing little if any attempt at embellishment. A full view of 
 the interior may be had from the street, in accordance with the 
 police regulation forbidding obstructions of any sort in the win- 
 dows of licensed drinking-places. The floor is sprinkled with 
 sawdust, which is allowed to become quite foul before it is re- 
 newed. In the limited space outside the bar there is no furni- 
 ture of any kind, with the exception, perhaps, of a pile of casks 
 in one corner. A shelf at the side of the room or in the extreme
 
 322 APPENDIX. 
 
 end coutains a bowl of crackers; for every saloon is required by 
 its license to supply food with drink on request. In some drink- 
 ing-places of this class the dish of crackers may be supplemented 
 by dishes of salt fish and pickles, or even a meat stew may be 
 served free occasionally. On the wall back of the bar a mirror 
 in a showy frame may give a touch of brightness to the place; 
 but, as a rule, the only ornamentation consists in the orderly 
 arrangements of bottles on the shelves. In the evening the room 
 is lighted by a number of flaring, unshaded gas jets. 
 
 Bar-rooms of this general type are to be found chiefly along 
 the water front in the vicinity of the wharves, and in the meaner 
 quarters of the tenement house districts. They are frequented, 
 as one would expect, by the poorer and rougher elements of the 
 region in which they are situated. While tliey may have each a 
 tolerably well-defined constituency, especially when established 
 near the homes of the working people, they can hardly be called 
 meeting-places, except for the intimate friends of the proprietor. 
 The lack of room outside the bar, together with the absence of 
 seats, forbids much loitering. Indeed, one rarely sees in them 
 more of a gathering than a line of men ranged along the bar, 
 each with a glass of beer or liquor in his hand. During certain 
 periods of the day these places are practically deserted. 
 
 But saloons of this general description, which are little more 
 than drinking-stands, pure and simple, are less numerous than 
 those belonging to the grade next higher. These constitute the 
 ordinary bar-rooms of the city, and are distributed through every 
 section where the saloon exists. The arrangement behind the bar 
 especially is often quite elaborate, mirrors, pictures, and rows of 
 bottles containing variously colored liquors combining in a decora- 
 tive effect. A hot-water apparatus for suppljang beef tea, simi- 
 lar to that in the drug-stores, frequently occupies a prominent 
 place. The purpose of the saloon in offering this drink is not, 
 as one might suppose, to compete with temperance spas, but to 
 enable its customers to gain some additional nourishment in con- 
 nection with their beer drinking. A laborer dropping in on his 
 way to work might have no appetite for food, and yet feel the 
 need of more nourishment than beer contains. In such a case 
 a cup of beef tea would be taken along with his glass of beer.
 
 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON IN BOSTON. 323 
 
 The free lunch may not differ essentially from that in the 
 saloons of the grade below, or it may include baked beans or 
 steamed clams; but iia either case it is served usually with much 
 greater neatness. 
 
 In a few saloons of this class one or two tables and several 
 seats are provided, which give an air of sociability to the place. 
 In rare instances, where the room is large enough, a pool table 
 has been introduced through a special police concession. 
 
 Patrons of the saloons of this general character come, for the 
 most part, from the ranks of the working people. The man with 
 the dinner pail is a frequent figure among them. Many of the 
 customers, however, especially where there is a pool table, repre- 
 sent that semi-criminal class who have no regular employment. 
 
 A third order of saloons comprises those that are patterned 
 more or less after the German model. In these much of the 
 floor space is occupied with tables, around which patrons may sit 
 and talk, smoke, eat their lunch, and perhaps play cards or other 
 games, as well as drink. The free lunch is supplemented quite 
 often by a lunch-counter, where sandwiches, sausages, cheese, 
 and cold meats are sold at moderate prices ; or, less frequently, 
 by a kitchen in an adjoining room, from which a regular meal may 
 be had. In two or three of them, by permission of the police, a 
 piano or other music is provided as an additional attraction. 
 
 While saloons of this type are comparatively common, they are 
 not so numerous as those devoted exclusively to drink. Their 
 patronage, on the other hand, is somewhat more varied than that 
 of the ordinary bar-rooms, men resorting to them for food as well 
 as for liquor. 
 
 Another kind of saloon which is largely represented in Boston, 
 unlike the German saloon, is practically without tables and 
 chairs, but differs from the usual drinking-place in the richness 
 of its decorations and furnishings. Costly mirrors and, perhaps, 
 paintings adorn the walls; the ceiling is studded with clusters of 
 electric lights ; and the floor is of marble. Drinking-places of 
 this class are to be found in the business section of the city and 
 along some of the more important thoroughfares, especially in 
 the vicinity of the theatres. They are frequented by tlie well-to- 
 do and prosperous of the business and sporting worlds, and in
 
 324 APPENDIX. 
 
 the character of their patronage rank next to the bar-rooms of 
 the leading hotels. In these, as indeed in the majority of places 
 where liquor is sold, the free lunch is quite insignificant. 
 
 Of the truly magnificent saloon there are but two or three 
 examples in Boston. One of these, however, is of so extraordi- 
 nary a nature as to deserve a special word. Overhead is a ceil- 
 ing of deep concave runs lined with puffed blue satin and sepa- 
 rated one from the other by narrow panels of mirrors. The rail 
 of the highly polished bar is a huge glass tube filled with artificial 
 flowers, in the petals of which gleam tiny electric lights of differ- 
 ent colors. On the wall back of the free lunch-counter, which is 
 on the opposite side of the room from the bar, is a country land- 
 scape, in the middle foreground of which real water flows over 
 a miniature dam and turns the wheel of a rustic mill. A sunset 
 effect can be produced over the scene by means of concealed 
 electric lights. Across one end of the room, and extending 
 around the walls of a room adjoining, is a series of stalls separated 
 from one another by plush draperies and screens of brass and 
 crystal. Each stall contains a mahogany table and several deep- 
 seated armchairs. A revolving wheel of colored electric lights 
 is reflected in a great mirror opposite, where it produces a 
 kaleidoscopic effect. 
 
 But this saloon is interesting not only because of its gorgeous- 
 ness, but as the only bar-room in the city where one can make a 
 satisfactory meal of the free lunch. Sandwiches, olives, pickles, 
 baked beans, crackers, cheese, and cakes, of excellent quality and 
 neatly served, may be had in abundance with one's drink. It 
 should be said, however, that tlie price of a drink here is greater 
 than in most bar-rooms of the city outside the hotels, — a glass of 
 beer, for instance, costing ten cents. Moreover, the poor man, for 
 whom such a free lunch would have an especial attraction, would 
 be out of place in a saloon of this character. Indeed, he would 
 not be made welcome, even should he be able to pay for a drink. 
 
 As to the social and recreative opportunities afforded by the 
 saloon in Boston, it is apparent that these vary with the character 
 of the saloons themselves and their constituencies. 
 
 In saloons of the lowest grade, as has been seen, the social 
 element is inconspicuous. The proprietors, of course, are on
 
 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON IN BOSTON. 325 
 
 friendly terms with their customers, as in bar-rooms of every 
 class; but loitering is not encouraged, partly for lack of room and 
 partly for prudential reasons. Idlers would increase but little 
 the financial returns and might cause a disturbance at any time. 
 What a saloon-keeper most fears is some disorder in his place of 
 business that would attract the attention of the police and lessen 
 his chance of a license another year. 
 
 The ordinary bar-room and that of the same general type but 
 more richly fitted up are pervaded by more or less of a social 
 atmosphere. Patrons are permitted to linger and, in the few in- 
 stances where a pool table is provided, are expected to do so. 
 But saloons of this general order are drinking-places first and 
 last, as the almost universal absence of seats shows; and unless 
 there is a pool table, customers remain but little longer than the 
 time necessary for consuming their beer or other drink. 
 
 The only saloons that afford any real opportunity for fellowship 
 are those of the German type. Here, as in other licensed drink- 
 ing-places, however, occasional patronage of the bar is the un- 
 written law. One with no glass or an empty glass before him 
 would soon be made to feel unwelcome. But for the price of a 
 few drinks a man may pass a comfortable evening in company 
 with his friends and acquaintances, which is not possible in any 
 other kind of saloon. 
 
 With few exceptions, no saloon in Boston has additional rooms 
 on the same floor or on the floor above in which liquor may be 
 served. The " screen law," by requiring that the windows of 
 every licensed drinking-place shall be unobstructed, would take 
 away all privacy from such rooms on the ground floor. The ex- 
 ceptions are two or three saloons in the West End which have 
 upstairs rooms for women, it being forbidden by a police rule to 
 sell drinks over a bar to women. So far as can be learned, no 
 saloon has connecting rooms which are rented to clubs, lodges, or 
 societies of any kind. The various labor organizations and politi- 
 cal clubs all meet in rooms apart from bar-rooms. 
 
 Few of the Boston saloons make any special provision for the 
 amusement of patrons. In one or two, as has been said, music 
 is provided when space warrants it; in several a pool table has 
 been introduced; and a slot-machine or a "ticker" may be found 
 here and there among others.
 
 326 APPENDIX. 
 
 The bar and its appurtenances are relied on mainly by a major- 
 ity of saloons for drawing in customers. In the case of the Ger- 
 man saloons the lunch-counter or restaurant reinforces the bar. In 
 no bar-room is an entertainment possible or allowed. The police 
 regulations restricting the social opportunity of the saloon re- 
 strict at the same time its recreative opportunities, and for the 
 same reason, — to preserve order and quiet. 
 
 The increasing exactions of employers in regard to the char- 
 acter of their workmen, on account of industrial competition, 
 have taken away from the saloon almost completely its oppor- 
 tunity for securing work for its patrons. Indeed, the recommen- 
 dation of a saloon-keeper would rather lessen than increase a 
 man's chance of employment, especially in those industries re- 
 quiring a clear head and steady nerves. Until within a few 
 years the saloon-keepers supplied from among their customers 
 most of the help to the breweries of the city, but now the brew- 
 eries employ only union men. ■ Thus in no sense can the saloons 
 in Boston be called labor exchanges. 
 
 In passing in review the " substitutes for the saloon " in Bos- 
 ton, one naturally begins with drinking fountains, stands for the 
 sale of non-alcoholic beverages, and temperance spas; for these 
 seem to compete directly with the saloon on its own special 
 ground of meeting the demands of thirst. It should be borne in 
 mind, however, that there are two kinds of thirst: the natural 
 thirst, which may be satisfied in the ordinary way, and the morbid 
 craving for alcoholic stimulant. The temperance drinking-place 
 and the saloon, therefore, are rivals only on the ground of sup- 
 plying the natural desire for drink; at the point where the saloon 
 begins to minister to the morbid appetite for liquor, the rivalry 
 between the two ceases. Nevertheless, whatever provides an 
 oppoi'tunity for quenching thirst outside the saloon is an impor- 
 tant temperance agency. 
 
 Thirty-two drinking fountains are maintained at public expense 
 during the summer. These are placed at convenient points 
 throughout the city. A year ago an apparatus for chilling the 
 water was connected with each fountain and operated for the 
 entire season. This apparatus consists of an underground tank, 
 through which the pipes joining the water main to the taps are
 
 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON IN BOSTON. 327 
 
 passed in many coils. When ice is packed in about the pipes, the 
 temperature of the water flowing through them is reduced by 
 many degrees. Probably nothing that Boston has done for the 
 people has given so much comfort and satisfaction, for the expense 
 involved, as this offering of " a cup of cold water." 
 
 Unfortunately, however, the city government which came in 
 at the beginning of last year has made no appropriation for sup- 
 plying ice to the tanks, with the exception of one hundred dollars 
 to be used in this way on the Fourth of July. Thus a drink of 
 cold water has been placed in the same category of municipal 
 luxuries with fireworks ! 
 
 In addition to the city drinking fountains, several ice water 
 fountains are maintained by private philanthropic enterprise at 
 points where great crowds congregate or pass. 
 
 The places where non-alcoholic drinks are on sale are almost 
 innumerable and of all possible descriptions. Every drug-store 
 has its soda fountain, from which a variety of cooling drinks are 
 dispensed in the summer time. Most drug-stores are supplied 
 also with an apparatus for serving hot chocolate and beef tea 
 when the weather is cold. With few exceptions the candy and 
 fruit stores, of every grade down to even the sidewalk booths, 
 include among their furnishings a soda fountain, or at the very 
 least a " cooler " for bottled ginger ale, birch beer, and " tonic." 
 A number of out of door stands for the sale of lemonade and 
 temperance beverages are erected each summer in the business 
 portions of the city. Two temperance spas on Washington Street 
 rival in their appointments the most elegant of the bar-rooms in 
 the city. Great fountains of marble, with rows of silver taps, 
 and surmounted by mirrors, tower up behind the long marble- 
 topped counters or bars; the walls and ceiling are richly deco- 
 rated, and the floors are of marble. An almost endless variety 
 of refreshing and delightful drinks, hot and cold, is offered to 
 the thirsty. The bars, however, divide the enormous patronage 
 of these places with the extensive and well-furnished lunch-coun- 
 ters, which occupy the greater part of the place. 
 
 The prices of the ordinary " soft drinks " are surprisingly uni- 
 form throughout the city. A glass of soda water, for instance, 
 ia five cents nearly everywhere. In a few of the candy and fruit
 
 328 APPENDIX. 
 
 stores in the poorest parts of the city it may be had for three 
 cents, or even two cents. Ice cream soda varies in price from 
 fifteen cents to five cents. Last year the Salvation Army made 
 the experiment of selling lemonade at a minimum price of one 
 cent a glass, the purchaser being allowed to pay whatever he 
 wished over and above this. It was found that while the demand 
 was very great, the receipts, had each purchaser paid only the 
 regular charge, would have fallen short of the expenditures. In 
 other words, good lemonade could not be furnished profitably at 
 so small a price. 
 
 Next in point of apparently direct rivalry with the saloon are 
 the lunch-rooms and restaurants where one may obtain food with- 
 out coming in contact with liquor selling. The direct competition 
 of these places with the saloon, however, is even more restricted 
 than that of the drinking fountains and temperance spas of various 
 kinds. Although all bar-rooms provide a free lunch, their purpose 
 in this, aside from compliance with the terms of their license that 
 food shall be served with liquor on request, is not to compete with 
 temperance eating-places, but to enable customers to drink the 
 more, it being a well-known physiological fact that one can con- 
 sume a larger amount of liquor in a given time if he accompanies 
 his drinking with eating. Moreover, the free lunch itself is com- 
 posed, as a rule, of such articles of food as especially induce thirst, 
 and with few exceptions is of the simplest description ; often 
 consists merely of a bowl of crackers or pop-corn. Where very 
 much more than this is demanded a lunch-counter from which 
 food is sold has been introduced, or a fully equipped restaurant 
 is carried on in connection with the bar. It is with these lunch- 
 counter and restaurant saloons, which are comparatively few in 
 number, that temperance eating-places are competing directly. 
 And yet what was said of the non-alcoholic drinking-stands may 
 be said, in substance, of the temperance lunch-rooms and res- 
 taurants. In keeping men in search of food from going where 
 liquor is sold, they are serving as " substitutes for the saloon." 
 
 Temperance eating-places are almost as numerous and varied 
 as temperance drinking-places. Indeed, many of the candy and 
 fruit stores of the lower grades, which sell soda and tonic, make 
 a pretense of serving food, especially on Sundays. This is done.
 
 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON IN BOSTON. 329 
 
 mainly, however, to come within the law permitting Sunday open- 
 ing, very little if any food being sold. 
 
 Small and low-priced lunch-rooms abound in all parts of the 
 city, excepting, of course, the more prosperous residential sections. 
 In any of these eating-places a sandwich or a piece of pie or three 
 good-sized doughnuts may be had for five cents. Coffee and milk 
 are five cents a cup or glass. A plate of beans or a small meat pie 
 costs ten cents. Still lower prices obtain in the cheap restaurants, 
 which are to be found along some of the main thoroughfares and 
 in the poorer lodging-house districts. In these a " combination " 
 breakfast or supper may be had for fifteen or even ten cents; a 
 " seven-course dinner " for twenty-five cents. Special dishes also 
 are offered at correspondingly low prices : a boiled dinner for 
 ten cents; three eggs with bread, tea or coffee, ten cents; pudding, 
 five cents. One of the largest and most successful of these low- 
 priced establishments is carried on in connection Avith a mission 
 at the West End. The room itself, which is below the line of the 
 sidewalk, is bare and dingy. There is no attempt at decoration 
 save a few scriptural mottoes on the walls. The floor is thickly 
 covered with sawdust, and the deal tables are without cloths. 
 Cleanliness, however, is noticeable in the preparation and serving 
 of the food. Here the charges are absurdly small when the size 
 and quality of the " orders " is taken into account. A large dish of 
 oatmeal and milk costs five cents ; a pint bowl of coffee with bread 
 and perhaps a doughnut, five cents; a boiled dinner, including 
 bread, coffee, and pudding, ten cents. As many as eighteen hun- 
 dred men have been fed here in the course of a single day. Low 
 as the prices are, the place is self-supporting and provides, in 
 addition, the funds for carrying on the mission, including the 
 rent of the rooms and the salary of the superintendent. 
 
 The bread, cake, and pastry served in these cheap lunch-rooms 
 and restaurants are uniformly of a good quality, coming from 
 great central bakeries. Careful milk inspection keeps the milk 
 sold in any part of Boston well up to legal requirement. If oleo- 
 margarine is used, it has been purchased outside the State, its 
 sale within the borders of Massachusetts being forbidden by law. 
 In the mission lunch-room described the bread and cake are the 
 slightly stale product of one of the best bakeries of the city; and
 
 330 APPENDIX. 
 
 the coffee is what has been left over in the various coffee-houses 
 conducted or supplied by the Oriental Coffee Co. 
 
 It does not appear that the temperance eating-places are re- 
 garded as rivals by the saloons with the possible exception of 
 those carrying on a lunch-counter or restaurant. The saloons 
 compete with one another to some extent on the basis of the free 
 lunch, but evidence is wanting to show that they, as a rule, 
 are trying to compete with the temperance agencies for supply- 
 ing food. Indeed, it seems to be true that the saloons understand 
 too well their own distinct field — that of meeting the demand for 
 alcoholic stimulant — to fear seriously the encroachment upon it 
 of the temperance lunch-room and restaurant. 
 
 None of the temperance eating and drinking places afford the 
 social and recreative privileges of many of the saloons. The reasons 
 of this are not far to seek. Hunger and natural thirst are soon 
 satisfied, while the morbid desire for spirituous liquors increases 
 with indulgence. Therefore, the proprietor of a soda fountain or 
 a lunch-room, unlike the saloon-keeper, would have nothing to 
 gain by inducing his customers to remain. Then, too, soda water 
 and ginger ale lack that stimulating quality of alcoholic beverages 
 which promotes the feeling of sociability and good fellowship. 
 As a result, one does not care to linger long after he has finished 
 his " soft " drink or eaten his food. Indeed, to sit around a table 
 in the ordinary lunch-room or restaurant for an entire evening 
 would give neither excitement nor pleasure. 
 
 Other agencies that in some way are offsets to the saloon are 
 free reading-rooms, coffee-rooms, boys' and men's clubs, the pub- 
 lic library, the Young Men's Christian Association, the Boston 
 Young Men's Christian Union, and the two great workingmen's 
 organizations, — the Wells Memorial and the People's Institute. 
 
 A number of free reading-rooms have been opened in church 
 buildings and mission rooms. Although well situated and quite 
 attractive, they draw in but few outside the church or mission con- 
 stituencies. A certain large mission reading-room in the midst of a 
 saloon district is often without other occupant than the attendant. 
 On the other hand a detached reading-room on Hanover Street, 
 the main thoroughfare between the centre of the city and East 
 Boston, and lined with saloons, is filled afternoon and evening 
 
 I
 
 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON IN BOSTON. 331 
 
 with readers of the sailor and laboring classes. Like the church 
 and mission reading-rooms this is supported from private sources. 
 
 A reading and recreation room is maintained by one of the 
 social settlements in a tenement house neighborhood thickly 
 dotted with saloons. Here games as well as papers and maga- 
 zines are provided, and the men are permitted to smoke and keep 
 on their hats. About fifty men, all of whom are saloon patrons, 
 resort regularly to this place, while the total number of visitors is 
 much larger. 
 
 Besides the reading-rooms privately supported and controlled, 
 there are the spacious newspaper, periodical, and general reading- 
 rooms of the Boston Public Library, which are frequented by great 
 numbers of men, women, and children. Sixteen of the twenty- 
 eight outposts of the Library have reading-rooms connected with 
 them, scattered throughout the city. 
 
 Four so-called " coffee-rooms " are conducted by the Church 
 Temperance Society, one at Roxbury Crossing, one on North- 
 ampton Street, and two in South Boston. They were started 
 and are still carried on in avowed rivalry with the saloon. 
 Originally, coffee could be had in them, but so small was the 
 demand for it that its sale was finally discontinued. At the 
 present time the rooms are merely attractive gathering-places, 
 free to all, where smoking is permitted and lectures and enter- 
 tainments are given at frequent intervals. During the summer 
 months they are closed. 
 
 Boys' and youths' or men's clubs are connected with each of the 
 six social settlements in the city. There are also numerous un- 
 attached clubs which are more or less self-managing. These 
 independent organizations are especially common among the 
 Jews at the North End. All of tliem are preventive or deter- 
 rent agencies as regards the saloon, keeping their members from 
 forming the saloon habit or furnishing those with whom it has 
 become established with interests rivaling those of the bar-room. 
 It should be said in this connection, however, that the Jews, as a 
 race, have but little to do with the saloons. Although moderate 
 drinking is quite common among them, it is carried on, for the 
 most part, in the club or home. Until within a few years no Jew 
 participated, at least directly, in the saloon business. At the
 
 332 APPENDIX. 
 
 present time there are several Jewish saloon-keepers in the city. 
 One of these has two bar-rooms near together, one under his Ger- 
 man name and one under its English equivalent, and employs 
 Irish bartenders to cater to the Irish trade and Scandinavians 
 to draw in that of their countrymen. At Christmas time he 
 decorates both places in a manner appropriate to the season. 
 
 A detailed description of the Young Men's Christian Associa- 
 tion is unnecessary, as the objects and methods of the organiza- 
 tion are so well known. The membership fee is two dollars a 
 year, and entitles the holder to enter the evening classes, admits 
 him and one friend to the course of twelve entertainments, and 
 offers him the privilege of the library, reading-room, recreation- 
 room, parlors, religious meetings, lectures, members' monthly 
 meetings, trade discounts, and a summer camp. Ten dollars 
 extra a year admits him to the gj^mnasium. The age qualifica- 
 tion is fifteen years, and there is no religious test of membership. 
 The rooms are open from eight in the morning until ten at night, 
 including Sundays, excepting morning church hours. The total 
 membership is about 3500. There is a branch of the Association 
 in Charlestown with a membership of between 300 and 400. 
 
 The Boston Young Men's Christian Union is similar in aims 
 and methods to the Association. The fees, however, are some- 
 what less, membership costing one dollar a year instead of two, 
 and the additional charge for the use of the gymnasium after 
 seven o'clock in the evening being four dollars and, at all times, 
 seven dollars, instead of uniformly ten dollars. The building 
 also is more centrally located, in the business portion of the city ; 
 and the membership is of a more widely representative character. 
 The total number of members is about 5500. 
 
 Wells Memorial Institute carries on a work essentially similar 
 to that of the Association and the Union, with the exception that 
 it has no distinctively religious aim. Its rates, moreover, are 
 cheaper and its membership is composed wholly of laboring peo- 
 ple. Its avowed purpose is " to furnish workingmen the means 
 of social intercourse, mutual helpfulness, mental and moral im- 
 provement, and rational recreation." Membership privileges are 
 now extended to women. The normal membership is 2000. The 
 building itself, situated in the South End, is equipped with read-
 
 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON IN BOSTON. 333 
 
 ing, recreation, and class-rooms, lecture halls, library, bowling- 
 alley, baths, and restaurant. 
 
 By the payment of one dollar a year any man or woman with 
 a trade or occupation may enjoy all the privileges of the Institute, 
 with the exception of some of the educational and industrial 
 classes, for which a small additional fee is charged. A Medical 
 Aid Association and a Benefit Society, the latter for assisting its 
 members financially when ill, are among the special organizations 
 connected with the Institute. 
 
 The People's Institute in Roxbury is under the same manage- 
 ment as the Wells Memorial and aims, therefore, to furnish social 
 advantages and intellectual opportunities for the thrifty class of 
 working people. With a similar outfit to the parent institution 
 it offers many of the same privileges. The number of members 
 is about 1250, of wliich more than 400 are women. 
 
 A system of extensive and beautiful parks lies within and about 
 the city. Unfortunately, however, the nearest of these parks is 
 far beyond walking distance from the homes of great masses 
 of the people. Although ten cents, the price of a round trip by 
 trolley car, is not a large sum in itself, it cannot easily be spared 
 by those whose income often fails to meet the expenses of the 
 barest sort of existence. But charity often provides the car fares 
 necessary to enable the very poor to escape for a little while 
 from the close and crowded neighborhoods in which they live 
 to the fields and woods a few miles away ; and each summer 
 the Elevated Railway issues a great number of free tickets for 
 the same purpose. The bicycle has solved the difficulty for those 
 above the grade of the very poor ; and every pleasant summer 
 evening thousands of young men and women resort to the parks 
 for recreation and pleasure. 
 
 Two large parks are privately controlled and have been fitted 
 up as business enterprise's in connection with car lines running 
 out of the city. Here no liquor is sold, and a great variety of 
 excellent out of door attractions is offered at trifling expense to 
 the seekers of amusement. 
 
 As long ago as 1866 the sum of $10,000 was appropriated by 
 Boston for " suitable places in South and East Boston and the 
 city proper for salt-water bathing during the ensuing summer
 
 334 APPENDIX. 
 
 months." Six localities were selected — five for floating-baths 
 and one for a beach bath. At the present time the system of 
 out of door baths comprises five beach baths, twelve floating- 
 baths, two river baths, and two swimming-pools. These are so 
 distributed that no considerable quarter of the city is without its 
 local bathing establishment. Some of them, because of their situ- 
 ation or the conveniences that they afford, have a patronage from 
 far beyond their immediate neighborhood. The L Street bath in 
 South Boston, for instance, situated as it is on a beautiful natural 
 beach, and easily reached by electric cars from all sections of 
 the city and suburbs, draws from every part of Greater Boston. 
 This seaside bath was the first municipal bath opened in the 
 United States. A long, low frame structure provides a great num- 
 ber of dressing-rooms, and an adjoining building is fitted up with 
 hundreds of lockers for the use of boys. These buildings, together 
 with a high board fence at each end, extending well out into the 
 water, effectually shut in the bath from all outside observation. 
 
 Next in point of popularity to the L Street bath is the bath 
 at the North End Park. A flat-roofed, solidly constructed build- 
 ing running along the westerly side of the park contains the 
 dressing quarter for men and boys. On the easterly side of the 
 park is a bath-house for women and girls, so that bathing in the 
 open water is permitted to both sexes at the same time. Five 
 thousand bathers in a single day is not an uncommon number at 
 this bath ; while at the L Street bath the daily attendance has 
 occasionally reached 15,000. The total number of visitors at all 
 the out of door baths during the season of 1898 was 1,900,000 
 and of 1899, 2,003,000. 
 
 Besides the summer baths there is an all the year round bath 
 on Dover Street, and combined baths and gymnasiums in East 
 Boston, South Boston, the South End, Roxbury Crossing, and 
 at the Charlesbank at the West End, — the latter under the 
 charge of the Metropolitan Park Commission. The Dover Street 
 bath is a simple but imposing structure, 43 x 110 feet, three 
 stories in height, and constructed of granite and brick. The 
 bathing apartments are on the second floor. The apartment for 
 women is completely shut off from that for men, and has its own 
 waiting-room and street entrance on the floor below. There are
 
 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON IN BOSTON. 335 
 
 thirty sprays and three tubs for men and eleven sprays and six 
 tubs for women. Although but one cent is charged for a towel 
 and one cent for a piece of soap, and bathers are allowed to bring 
 their own supplies, more than one hundred dollars have been 
 received for these articles in a single week. This indicates the 
 extent to AVhich the bath is patronized. In fact nearly 300,000 
 men, women, and children use this bath each year. 
 
 The exercise hall of the gymnasium and bath in East Boston is 
 one hundred feet long and eighty feet wide, and is well supplied 
 with gymnastic apparatus. One corner may be shut off by mov- 
 able partitions for hand-ball. In the bathing department there 
 are eleven sprays with dressing-quarters and lockers. Two days 
 a week the entire building is reserved for women and girls. 
 
 Adjoining the South Boston gymnasium and bath is an area of 
 cleared land, under the control of the city, which in time will be 
 laid out in separate athletic fields for men and women. The 
 building itself is of wood, in the English Gothic style of architec- 
 ture. Here there are 1200 lockers and eighteen spray baths. 
 A swimming-tank under a separate roof is a part of the original 
 plan and will be added sooner or later. 
 
 The gymnasium and bath at the South End was originally 
 a mission chapel, and that at Roxbury Crossing is still used as 
 a ward room. Both have been fitted up and opened to the pub- 
 lic within the year. 
 
 None of the agencies described are doing more to counteract 
 and lessen the influence of the saloon than these baths and gym- 
 nasiums. Aside from what they are doing to promote public 
 health, which of itself would constitute them " substitutes for the 
 saloon " in the free interpretation of the phrase, they provide a 
 variety of social and recreative opportunities to the very class 
 most susceptible to the enticements of the saloon, and furnish a 
 new and powerful motive not only to moderate instead of exces- 
 sive drinking, but to total abstinence; for even an occasional 
 glass of liquor interferes with gymnastic training. Instances are 
 numerous where a man in his desire to excel in some line of ath- 
 letics has given up all drinking, for a time at least. 
 
 Statistical evidence as to the effect of public baths and gymna- 
 siums upon the saloon is not to be had; but the evidence of obser-
 
 336 APPENDIX. 
 
 vation is not wanting. The police of East Boston, for instance, 
 say that since the opening of the gymnasium in that division 
 there has been a marked diminution in lawlessness. Instead of 
 collecting at street corners and annoying passers-by, the young 
 men in large numbers resort to the gymnasium and the baths. 
 Moreover, their minds are diverted from plotting mischief and 
 are turned to new and better channels. 
 
 And yet the saloon-keepers seem to be quite indifferent to the 
 possible inroads upon their business of these agencies. As a mat- 
 ter of fact, the proprietor of two saloons was largely instrumen- 
 tal in securing the gymnasium for South Boston, and is still its 
 stanch supporter. This is but another illustration, however, of 
 what has already been said as to the indifference of the saloon to 
 all so-called "substitutes." The morbid appetite for liquor the 
 saloon can depend upon, and so long as it is allowed to minister 
 to that, it does not concern itself seriously about deterrent, coun- 
 teractive, or corrective agencies. 
 
 Temperance societies of all kinds are to be found in the city, and 
 should be numbered among the preventive and corrective substi- 
 tutes for the saloon. The order of Good Templars is represented 
 here by nineteen lodges, and that of the Sons of Temperance 
 by five Division Meetings. Other organizations are the New 
 England Department of the Church Temperance Society, with 
 branches in many Episcopal churches; and the Unitarian Tem- 
 perance Society, which has branches in churches and Sunday 
 schools of that denomination. Both of the last-named societies 
 aim to discover and remove the cause of intemperance, as well 
 as to reform the intemperate. There is also a Catholic Total 
 Abstinence Union comprising fourteen societies. Most of them 
 are joined directly to some church of the Roman Catholic faith 
 and constitute a part of its organization. Two or three are 
 branches of the Father Mathew Total Abstinence Society. 
 Reform clubs are numerous, some of which are connected with 
 Protestant churches and missions or have an independent ex- 
 istence. An important children's organization, under the direc- 
 tion of the W. C. T. U., is the Loyal Temperance Legion, whose 
 members pledge themselves to abstain from the use of alcoholic 
 drinks and tobacco, and from pirofanity. Companies of the Legion 
 meet in churches and homes.
 
 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON IN BOSTON. 337 
 
 The most directly aggressive temperance work is carried on by 
 the rescue missions and the Salvation Army. Whatever may be 
 thought as to the methods of these agencies, the correctness of the 
 principles upon which they proceed must be conceded. To recover 
 from deep-seated habits of intemperance, a man must undergo 
 a change so radical that it can be likened only to a " change 
 of heart." "Conversion " is the most exact term for expressing 
 philosophically as well as religiously the process by which a 
 confirmed drunkard regains self-control and a new manhood. 
 
 But while the rescue missions and the Salvation Army are act- 
 ing on the right hypothesis, they fail of such results as this 
 might lead one to expect. Indeed, their efforts are more or less 
 ineffective, at least in the long run, excepting in an isolated case 
 here and there. 
 
 A review of the substitutes for the saloon in Boston brings out 
 with more or less clearness the secret of the saloon's power. This 
 does not consist, as a superficial observer might suppose, in the 
 social and recreative opportunities of the saloon; for, as has 
 been seen, many saloons are lacking in such opportunities. In- 
 deed, some saloons are almost devoid of them. On the other 
 hand, many places where one might find more or less opportuni- 
 ties of a social and recreative nature are patronized but little by 
 the frequenters of the saloons. The secret of the saloon's influ- 
 ence consists in the opportunity which it affords for procuring 
 alcoholic drink. Take away from the saloon its bar, or, more 
 exactly, extract from its beverages all trace of alcohol, and at 
 once it ceases to be a saloon. The secret of its power is gone. 
 A " temperance saloon " is and can be but an imperfect substi- 
 tute for the saloon. 
 
 Therefore, if the saloon is to be abolished from a community, 
 this must be done by the working together of restrictive and sub- 
 stitutionary agencies, the former stripping it of all incidental 
 enticements, and the latter drawing out, encouraging, and giving 
 support to all tendencies that lead away from strong drink. 
 
 William I. Cole. 
 Kellogg Durland. 
 
 South End House, 
 Boston.
 
 IV. 
 
 SUMMARY OF REPORTS FROM TEN REPRESENTATIVE CITIES. 
 
 [Note. The following outlines of the reports give only statistical 
 information. The full and detailed reports made for the committee 
 are stripped wholly of inference, deduction, comment, generalization, 
 and description, much of which has been embodied in the main chap- 
 ters of the volume. Moreover, not all existing substitutes have been 
 tabulated in each city, but only those most characteristic or most 
 efEective.] 
 
 ATLANTA (Spring, 1899). 
 
 The report for Atlanta was made by and under the direction 
 of Rev. Frank E. Jenkins. 
 
 The population is 89,872, or with the suburbs about 120,000. 
 There are 106 saloons, — 87 whiskey saloons, 19 beer saloons. 
 There are boundary limits beyond which only beer licenses may 
 be granted. 
 
 The wbiskey limit on Decatur Street is Butler Street ; on 
 Marietta Street is Foundry Street. The license for whiskey 
 saloons is $1200, and for beer saloons S500. Saloon-keepers are 
 allowed to have these five cold articles of food on a counter or 
 sideboard: cheese, crackers, pretzels, bologna, and pickles. No 
 hot article of food can be had. Some saloons provide reading- 
 matter. 
 
 The following table indicates the principal features of the 
 Atlanta saloons : — 
 
 Saloons selling to white trade only 27 
 
 Saloons selling to Negro trade only 2 
 
 Saloons selling to mixed trade, Negro and white . . . » . 77 
 
 Saloons serving Negro and white, same bar 9 
 
 Saloons serving Negro and white, separate bar 21 
 
 Saloons providing lunch 19 
 
 Saloons having chairs and tables 48 
 
 Saloons with reading-room connected 1
 
 REPORTS FROM CITIES. . 339 
 
 SUBSTITUTES. 
 
 There are 54 lodges, 30 trade unions, a few social clubs, seven 
 missions, of which one, the Barclay Mission, has a reading-room, 
 and one, the Beacon Light, a " Laboring Men's Bureau," and 
 the y. M. C. A., which has in the railroad department 300 men 
 enrolled. 
 
 There are 134 lunch-rooms, — 94 conducted by Negroes, and 
 40 by whites. Of soda fountains there are 77, — 65 conducted by 
 whites and 12 by Negroes. These lunch-rooms and light drink 
 establishments present no more social features than are found iu 
 similar establishments in the North. There seem to be no special 
 restaurants for workingmen or temperance coffee-houses. 
 
 The number of lodging-houses of all kinds is 100, of which 
 90 are for white people and 10 for Negroes. Careful inquiry 
 showed that : — 
 
 Of the 90 white lodging-houses 49 have social rooms, 24 permit 
 card-playing, and 33 are for laboring men. 
 
 There are also a number of public pool-rooms not connected 
 with saloons. Other substitutes appear in the tables which fol- 
 low : —
 
 340 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 
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 REPORTS FROM CITIES. 341 
 
 BALTIMORE (July, 1899). 
 
 A report of the conditions in Baltimore was made for tbe com- 
 mittee by Mr. William L. Ross, of Johns Hopkins University. 
 
 A careful division was made between the social agencies of the 
 white and colored people. Further discrimination was made 
 between temperance places and those where liquor might be 
 obtained. 
 
 The population of Baltimore is 508,957. 
 
 The present number of saloons of all classes (1899) is as fol- 
 lows : saloons and restaurants, 1889; clubs, 48; wholesale stores, 
 66; groceries, 35; hotels, 48; totals, 2080. 
 
 The principal attractions of the Baltimore saloons are free 
 lunch ; baseball and other sporting news ; newspapers, both daily 
 and weekly ; music boxes ; occasionally dancing and singing ; 
 graphophones ; moving pictures ; tables and chairs. Free lunch 
 is abundant. Gambling is not at all uncommon. Many saloons 
 have small gardens furnished with tables and chairs, where many 
 men spend the hot summer days and evenings. 
 
 Two sections of Baltimore are in sore need of substitutes. The 
 southeast end of the city lying along and east of Broadway and 
 south of Baltimore Street. Some good institutional work here 
 could accomplish much. Perhaps it might be started with boat- 
 ing as the feature and broadened gradually. Still more urgent 
 are the needs of the colored quarter which may be said to centre 
 at Druid Hill Avenue and Oxford Street. The best plan would 
 be to acquire a large clubhouse with reading-room and gymna- 
 sium. With the right kind of a manager this could not fail to do 
 much good among the colored population of the city. 
 
 SOCIAL SUBSTITUTES. 
 
 These are indicated in the following tables : —
 
 342 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 
 
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 343 
 
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 REPORTS FROM CITIES. 
 
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 6 
 
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 O c4
 
 348 APPENDIX. 
 
 BUFFALO (Summer, 1899). 
 
 The investigation in Buffalo was made by Messrs. Walter 
 Brown, Arthur Williams, Ludovic Jones, and Rev. C. J. Davis, 
 under the direction of Mr. Frederick Almy, of the Charity Organ- 
 ization Society, and by Mr. Levon Tchorigian under the direction 
 of Westminster House. 
 
 The present population of the city is 352,219, which includes a 
 large foreign population, — Germans, Poles, Irish, and Italians. 
 
 The saloons vary. The Italian saloons are clean and orderly. 
 The German and Polish saloons sell chiefly beer, and little drunk- 
 enness is visible. The police say that not one fifth of the arrests 
 in the German districts are due to liquor. Billiard and pool 
 tables are common in the saloons, but not much reading is done. 
 Certain well-known club saloons have gambling rooms attached. 
 Licensed drinking clubs occur on the East Side, and are worse 
 than saloons. Worst of all are the music halls, the public dis- 
 grace of the city, located on the East Side and on and near Canal 
 Street. 
 
 The following tables indicate the chief substitutes existing in 
 the city : —
 
 REPORTS FROM CITIES. 
 
 349 
 
 eS 
 
 S 
 
 
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 350 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 .i 
 
 
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 'a 1 
 
 
 
 » tw 
 
 
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 Iigious 
 
 t. 
 
 succes 
 ed. 
 
 
 k. 
 
 night, 
 conduc 
 
 
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 iment. 
 
 cial settlem 
 
 gnificant ai 
 idertaking. 
 
 moking aUc 
 
 
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 -^■73 « "a o 
 
 
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 A. buildings, 
 s for children, 
 nd women, 
 programme, 
 id class-work. 
 
 it lodgings, 
 , services, 
 id lodgings. . 
 is,library,etc. 
 rary, etc. . . . 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 1 mission 
 room . . . . 
 Sodality 
 
 a-" 
 T a 
 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 sual to Y.M.C. 
 lubsandclassei 
 young men, a 
 uU settlement 
 indergaitenaii 
 
 ood tenemei; 
 
 classes, clubs, 
 lieap meals an 
 ecreationroon 
 ymnasium, lib 
 eading-room. . 
 hiefly a Gospe 
 ublic reading- 
 oung Men's 1 
 
 reading-room 
 
 Library, smokiii 
 Men's and youn 
 Several clubs. . . 
 
 1— 1 
 
 
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 1
 
 REPORTS FROM CITIES. 
 
 351 
 
 
 
 
 
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 352 APPENDIX. 
 
 CHICAGO 1 (September, 1899). 
 
 The investigation in Cliicago was made by Royal L. Melendy, 
 of Chicago Commons. 
 
 The saloon in Chicago is the most cosmopolitan of iustitutions. 
 It differs in different portions of the city : in the workingmen's 
 district, being a centre of social life ; in the business district, 
 offering a place for appointments ; in the suburban districts often 
 acting as a family rendezvous. 
 
 The seventeenth may be taken as a representative ward of the 
 working people, and the following enumeration of its attractions 
 suggests why the saloon has become the club of a vast number of 
 workingmen : — 
 
 Number saloons 163 
 
 Offering free lunches Ill 
 
 Offering- business lunches 24 
 
 Supplied with tables 147 
 
 Supplied with papers 139 
 
 Supplied with music 8 
 
 Supplied with billiard tables 44 
 
 Supplied with stalls 56 
 
 Supplied with dance halls 6 
 
 Allowing gambling 3 
 
 Eighty churches are doing institutional work among men by 
 means of clubs, outdoor sports, gymnasiums, and reading-rooms ; 
 the Y. M. C. A. does similar work. There are eight hundred 
 and twenty-three lodges offering infrequent social amusement, 
 and there are club-rooms in four of the halls of the one hundred 
 and twenty-six local organizations of the trade unions. There 
 are twelve social settlements located in the most congested dis- 
 tricts of the city. 
 
 The following tables give certain statistics concerning saloons 
 and substitutes in Chicago : — 
 
 1 This report was printed in full in the American Journal of Sociology, 
 Nov., 1900, and Jan., 1901.
 
 REPORTS FROM CITIES. 
 
 353 
 
 Police Precinct. 
 
 I.. 
 
 II.. 
 
 III.. 
 
 IV.. 
 
 v.. 
 
 VI.. 
 
 VII.. 
 
 VIII.. 
 
 IX.. 
 
 X.. 
 
 XL. 
 
 XII.. 
 
 XIII.. 
 
 XIV.. 
 
 XV.. 
 
 XVI.. 
 
 XVII.. 
 
 XVIII. . 
 
 XIX.. 
 
 XX.. 
 
 XXL. 
 
 XXIL. 
 
 XXIIL. 
 
 XXIV.. 
 
 XXV.. 
 
 XXVL . 
 
 XXVII. . 
 
 XXVIII. . 
 
 XXIX. 
 
 XXX.. 
 
 XXXL. 
 
 XXXIL. 
 
 XXXIIL, 
 
 XXXIV.. 
 
 XXXV. 
 
 XXXVL. 
 
 XXXVIL 
 
 XXXVIIL 
 
 XXXIX. 
 
 XL. 
 
 XLI. 
 
 XLIL 
 
 XLIII. 
 
 XLIV. 
 
 Population. 
 
 7,591 
 26,490 
 63,772 
 73,000 
 66,000 
 37,500 
 31,200 
 12,500 
 
 20,000 
 60,000 
 52,500 
 38,000 
 36,000 
 65,000 
 4,000 
 84,100 
 30,000 
 55,500 
 30,000 
 129,472 
 49,918 
 75,000 
 70,000 
 45,080 
 
 42,593 
 39,172 
 58,000 
 30,000 
 
 110,000 
 94,635 
 75,000 
 50,000 
 43,000 
 18,000 
 83,642 
 63,738 
 65,000 
 60,000 
 50,000 
 20,000 
 11,000 
 
 418 
 195 
 247 
 307 
 
 7 
 
 19 
 
 78 
 62 
 42 
 76 
 222 
 
 128 
 29 
 168 
 114 
 321 
 173 
 
 6 
 
 9 
 
 363 
 
 199 
 
 113 
 
 63 
 
 365 
 
 275 
 
 175 
 
 90 
 
 43 
 
 23 
 
 329 
 
 204 
 
 129 
 
 180 
 
 54 
 
 41 
 
 10 
 
 Total 
 Patronage. 
 
 216,875 
 
 57,500 
 
 33,011 
 
 52,543 
 
 500 
 
 1,500 
 
 1,250 
 24,600 
 23,300 
 
 2,4.50 
 16,775 
 43,660 
 
 38,700 
 4,175 
 43,025 
 37,880 
 69,1.50 
 9,000 
 
 750 
 
 2,700 
 
 6,495 
 
 34,.550 
 
 23,575 
 
 13,755 
 
 45,975 
 37,300 
 21,850 
 14,300 
 11,000 
 
 1,485 
 37,190 
 20,400 
 
 8,113 
 24,825 
 
 7,700 
 
 3,1.50 
 700 
 
 Average 
 Attend- 
 ance. 
 
 519 
 295 
 1.34 
 171 
 
 71 
 
 300 
 
 66 
 315 
 376 
 
 60 
 221 
 197 
 
 240 
 160 
 256 
 332 
 215 
 54 
 
 125 
 300 
 179 
 267 
 209 
 218 
 
 126 
 133 
 125 
 
 159 
 2.56 
 
 60 
 113 
 100 
 
 68 
 138 
 143 
 
 77 
 
 88 
 
 Number 
 Arrests, 
 Drunks, 
 
 per 
 Month. 
 
 23 
 44 
 
 25 
 32 
 
 4 
 
 105 
 
 1 
 
 2 
 29 
 
 21 
 
 29 
 
 71 
 
 1 
 
 24 
 9 
 
 106 
 1 
 
 229 
 
 61 
 
 42 
 
 3
 
 354 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 4 
 
 ooor^ooGO 
 1-1 
 
 1-1 T*l T-l Tjt Tt '^ ■<* •* -^ ■* ^ 
 
 .s 
 
 C5 1-1 (N C'l i-H Gi G^ 
 
 COOO(MCi02003iC5C^ 
 1-1 rH 1-1 T-l 
 
 CJ lO o o o o o 
 0^ -M o o o o o 
 
 0*0000 
 i-Ti-h" ^'' Tt i-T r-T r-T 
 
 OOOGOOOOOOOO 
 000(M0000000 
 C^O 0__Td^^O^O o^aj_o^x,o^ 
 
 i-T r-T C0~ (>r Clf r-i' CC" T-T (>r r-T r-T 
 
 01 
 
 ■5 aj 
 
 Q 02 
 
 Sen 
 
 1— 1 O 4J 
 
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 CI O (M -g 
 
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 m w o w ' 
 
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 w 
 
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 o ^ 
 
 in £ 
 
 — " -. I 
 
 §H g 2 
 
 
 WiJ 
 

 
 REPORTS FROM CITIES. 
 
 355 
 
 
 
 nS 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 a 
 
 
 
 
 
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 05
 
 356 APPENDIX. 
 
 The investigator in Chicago made a special study of lodging- 
 houses. He visited 85 houses having accommodations ranging 
 from 3 to 475. Only 2 had accommodations for as many as 
 400, and only 1 for a number exceeding that. The prices charged 
 for accommodation also covered a wide range, — from 5 cents to 
 ^1 a night. The most common charges, however, were 10 cents 
 and 15 cents : 30 places had a 10-cent minimum, 20 a 25-cent, 
 and 12 a 15-cent minimum. For exceptions there were 5 that had 
 a 5-cent minimum, 3 that charged 50 cents, and 2 that were free. 
 The sanitary conditions of the boarding-houses were generally 
 reported good ; in only 11 cases were they described as bad, and in 
 17 liquor was reported as being for sale. 
 
 CLEVELAND (December, 1899). 
 
 The investigation in Cleveland was made by Mr. Starr Cad- 
 wallader, of the Goodrich House Social Settlement. 
 
 Cleveland has 381,708 inhabitants, and 1978 saloons, open 
 eighteen to nineteen hours out of every twenty-four. The fol- 
 lowing lists show some of the attractions offered by the saloons : 
 
 Common features : Free lunch ; tables ; chairs ; cards ; music 
 boxes. 
 
 Frequent attractions : Dice ; bagatelle ; pool ; billiards ; vari- 
 ous gambling devices ; vocal and instrumental music ; dances ; 
 cake walks and clog dances. 
 
 Substitutes for the saloon appear in the following tables : —
 
 REPORTS FROM CITIES. 
 
 357 
 
 Q S 
 
 
 o 
 
 
 S o 
 
 
 o 
 
 
 II 
 
 •2 >> 
 
 § §=^ 
 
 'S.2 
 
 §H 
 
 W>H 
 
 1— 1 
 
 P^ 
 
 ^ 
 
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 „T^'T5 rt 5 s = =s 
 
 "^ s a > 2 2 ? s 
 
 EntrlSCScQoo « 
 
 •^ 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 
 
 
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 rl 
 
 
 
 % 
 
 M 
 
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 t3 
 
 13 
 
 p 
 
 ■3 
 
 OM
 
 358 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 a 
 
 1« 
 
 
 
 bo . 
 
 a> 
 
 jj >, 
 
 
 
 
 
 
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 <1 
 
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 o H pq 
 
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 "? 2, "£_ 'S) 
 
 O U O C 
 
 P5-*mM
 
 REPORTS FROM CITIES. 
 
 359 
 
 
 
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 0) 
 
 
 
 
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 REPORTS FROM CITIES. 361 
 
 DENVER (April, 1899). 
 
 The report of the saloon in Denver and of the social substitutes 
 offering recreation to the people was made by Robert T. Walker, 
 Colorado College. 
 
 The attractions which the saloons of Denver offer, beyond the 
 sale of liquors, may be summed up briefly as follows : (1) Socia- 
 bility and company. (2) Shelter and warmth. (3) Food, as 
 provided by the free lunch. (4) Amusements, such as billiards, 
 bowling, music, etc. The strength of the Denver saloon lies in 
 the first attraction. The number of saloons varies, increasing in 
 times of prosperity. During the period of the gold excitement, 
 the mining towns sent large embassies to Denver, but now the 
 saloons rely for their profit almost exclusively on home patron- 
 age. 
 
 Denver has a population of 133,859, and has 324 saloons. 
 Some of the substitutes are set down in the following tables : —
 
 362 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
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 REPORTS FROM CITIES. 365 
 
 MINNEAPOLIS AND ST. PAUL (December, 1899). 
 
 The report for these cities was compiled by Professor F. L. 
 McVey, of the University of Minnesota. 
 
 The combined population of Minneapolis and St. Paul is 
 366,350. In neither city are there large slum areas, and in both 
 certain restrictive liquor laws are fairly well enforced. In Min- 
 neapolis the system of high license prevails. The license fee is 
 ^1000, which has reduced the number of saloons to 336. St. Paul 
 has a certain number of prohibitive districts, increased from time 
 to time by action of the City Council, until at present there are 
 ten such districts covering about forty per cent of the city. 
 There are 298 saloons, most of them situated in the central part 
 of the city. The total number of saloons for both cities is 634. 
 
 270 saloons have tables, from 1 to 15 in number ; 217 have card- 
 rooms, from 1 to 9 in number ; 52 have gambling machines. 
 
 The free lunch is elaborate in 3 saloons ; excellent in 8 ; good 
 in 50 ; fair in 88 ; poor in 77 ; 56 saloons provide no free lunch ; 
 the rest simply crackers and cheese. 
 
 Of the 634 saloons in both cities, about 330 belong to the poorer, 
 200 to the medium, and the remainder to the higher class. The 
 total patronage for both cities approaches 87,750 daily. 
 
 The following form of schedule was used for saloon data : — 
 
 1. City and date Minneapolis, Oct. 28, 1899. 
 
 2. Name of saloon. 
 
 3. Location 725 Third Street, S. 
 
 4. Character of neighborhood . Semi-residential. 
 
 5. Interior — furnishings . . Meagre. 
 
 6. Character of pictures . . . Objectionable. 
 
 7. Tables — number .... Four. 
 
 8. Number of card-rooms . . Two. 
 
 9. Gambling machines. . . . None. 
 
 10. Billiard tables None. 
 
 11. Free lunch — kind .... None. 
 
 12. Class of men in saloon. . . Workingmen. 
 
 13. Estimate of business done . 340.00. 
 
 14. Time of visit Two p. m. 
 
 15. Name of recorder .... George H. Bragdon. 
 
 The social substitutes for the saloon consist of a few clubs, 
 three settlements, three model lodging-houses, the Y. M. C. A., 
 and a few churches and missions. The following tables summa- 
 rize these substitutes : —
 
 366 
 
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 370 APPENDIX. 
 
 NEW YORK (Summer, 1899). 
 
 The report from which the following tables are drawn was 
 made by Mr. Francis H. McLean, now general secretary of the 
 Montreal Charity Organization Society. 
 
 Of the New York saloons in general it may be said : — 
 
 1. That the interior furnishings are not as a rule elaborate. 
 
 2. That the Irish or stand-up type of saloon is holding its own 
 against the German saloon with tables and chairs. 
 
 3. That the free lunch is not of great variety or abundance. 
 
 4. That the Raines Law has increased the danger of immorality 
 in the lower class of saloons. 
 
 5. That the amount of excessive drinking in New York has 
 been on the decrease during the past twenty-five years. 
 
 COMPARATIVE NUMBER OF ARRESTS FOR DRUNKENNESS,^ 
 1874 AND 1898. 
 
 
 Total, including 
 
 
 
 
 Disorderly Conduct. 
 
 Male. 
 
 Female. 
 
 1874 
 
 40,777 
 
 27,203 
 
 13,574 
 
 1898 
 
 22,981 
 
 17,526 
 
 5,455 
 
 The population of New York doubled within these years. If 
 the ratio of arrests to population had been maintained, the arrests 
 in 1898 must have approached 80,000. This decrease of arrests 
 cannot be explained by less rigor in the enforcement of the law. 
 It indicates a falling off in excessive drinking. 
 
 ^ These figures are taken from the Annual Report of the Board of 
 City Magistrates of the City of New York, October 31, 1898.
 
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 376 APPENDIX. 
 
 PHILADELPHIA (Spring, 1899). 
 
 The report for Philadelphia from which the data here given 
 are taken was compiled by Mr. E. S. Meade, of the University of 
 Pennsylvania. 
 
 Philadelphia has 1,293,697 population. The effect of the 
 Brooks Law, which makes the annual license fee one thousand 
 dollars, has tended greatly to reduce the number of saloons in 
 Philadelphia in spite of the increase of population. This de- 
 crease in number has so lessened competition that the social 
 attractions are comparatively few and even the free lunch is in- 
 ferior in quantity and quality to that of the saloons of other 
 cities. 
 
 Substitutes for the saloon are indicated by the following 
 tables : — 
 
 i
 
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 REPORTS FROM CITIES. 381 
 
 SAN FRANCISCO (March, 1899). 
 
 The report for San Francisco was prepared by Mr. Dane Cool- 
 idge, a graduate student of Stanford University. 
 
 San Francisco has a population of 342,782. The number of 
 saloons is given as 3032, or one to every 115 of the population. 
 In addition, practically all of the 328 restaurants and hotels in 
 the city serve liquor. Any merchant may sell liquor by the 
 bottle, pitcher, or case without an additional license, and liquor 
 dealers whose sworn sales amount to less than -SGOO per quarter 
 are not required to pay a license fee. The fee for a retail dealer 
 making sales of less than 815,000 a quarter is $21. From this it 
 may be seen how little restriction is placed upon the distribution 
 of liquor. This has a bearing upon the saloon question. The 
 saloons are not so much drinking places, for those abound every- 
 where, as social centres where men may gather in the evening 
 and drink and treat in a social way. 
 
 The free lunch is a remarkable feature of the San Francisco 
 saloons. The following summaries will furnish some idea of its 
 abundance and variety : — 
 
 1. Cold lunch free loith a Jive-cent drink (beer or wine) : cold meat, 
 sausage, salad, cheese, bread, pickles, crackers, etc. 
 
 2. Hot lunch free with a fve-cent drink (beer or wine) : clam 
 chowder, roast beef and other meats, hot Mexican beans, mutton 
 stew and vegetables. 
 
 3. These hot and cold lunches combined free with a five-cent 
 drink. 
 
 4. Two serves of the hot lunch free with a ten-cent drink. 
 
 5. " A Hot Commercial Lunch," or " Regular Dinner " of from 
 three to five courses, together with any five-cent drink, for fifteen 
 cents, or with any fifteen-cent drink, straight or mixed, for twenty- 
 five cents. 
 
 The subjoined tables indicate some of the existing substitutes 
 for the saloon : —
 
 382 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
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 DIAGRAMS ILLUSTRATING DISTRIBUTION OF SALOONS. 
 
 The following diagrams show the number and location of 
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 cisco, and Buffalo. 
 
 E.HOUSTON 
 
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 387 
 
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 388 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 5eCtiom or 
 
 BUFFALO. N.>;^^^ 
 
 1^ 
 
 ^^.-^ 

 
 VI. 
 
 BIBLIOGRAPHY. 
 
 American Charities. Amos G. Warner. T. Y. Crowell & Co. 
 
 A Municipal Programme. Macmillau & Co., 1900. 
 
 An Experiment in Altruism. Elizabeth Hastings. Macmillan 
 & Co. 
 
 A Practical Socialism. Canon and Mrs. S. A. Barnett. Long- 
 mans, Green & Co., London. 
 
 A Ten Years' War. Jacob A. Riis. Houghton, Mifflin & Co. 
 
 A Wonderful Factory System. Ohio Labor Statistics, 1896. 
 
 Bulletins 46, 52, 55, United States Department of Agriculture : 
 Dietary Studies in New York, Pittsburg, and Chicago. 
 
 Club-Land of the Toiler. T. S. Peppin. J. M. Dent & Co., 
 
 London. 
 Commons, The. A monthly record devoted to aspects of life and 
 
 labor. Chicago Commons, Chicago. 
 
 Diminution of Drink in Norway. Earl of Meath. Nineteenth 
 
 Century, 1891, pp. 933-938. 
 Drink Problem and its Solution, The. David Lewis, 1881. 
 Drink Question, its Social and Medical Aspects. Dr. Kate 
 
 Mitchell. Swan Sonnenschein & Co., 1891. 
 
 Economic Aspects of the Liquor Problem. Houghton, Mifflin 
 
 &Co. 
 English Poor, The. T. Mackay, 1899. 
 English Social Movements. R. A. Woods. Scribner's Sons. 
 
 Factory People and Their Employers. E. L. Shuey. Lentilhon 
 & Co., New York.
 
 390 APPENDIX. 
 
 Facts and Figures for Social Reformers. W. Tweedie & Co., 
 
 London. 
 Food and Drug Inspection. Report of the Massachusetts State 
 
 Board of Health, 1896. 
 
 Gothenburg System of Liquor Traffic, The. E. R. L. Gould. 
 
 Fifth Special Report of the Commissioners of Labor, 1893. 
 Gothenburg System of Public House Licensing, The. Church of 
 
 England Temperance House Society, 1893. 
 
 Housing Problem, The. Eighth Special Report of the Commis- 
 sioners of Labor, 1895, E. R. L. Gould. Monographs on 
 American Social Economics in our American Cities, The, Law- 
 rence Veiller. Municipal Affairs Magazine, 1899, E. R. L. 
 Gould. 
 
 How the Other Half Lives. Jacob A. Riis. Charles Scribner's 
 Sons. 
 
 How the Poor Live. Pictorial World, London, 1883. 
 
 Hull House Maps and Papers. T. Y. Crowell. 
 
 Influence of the Liquor Traffic. Twenty-Sixth Annual Report 
 of the Massachusetts Bureau of Statistics of Labor. 
 
 Legislative Aspects of the Liquor Problem. Houghton, Mifflin 
 
 & Co. 
 Life and Labor of the People in London. Charles Booth. Mac- 
 
 millan & Co., London, 1889-97. 
 
 Municipal Baths in Boston. W. I. Cole. 
 
 Municipal Movements and Social Progress. Monographs on 
 American Social Economics. 
 
 Neighborhood Guilds. Dr. Stanton Coit. Swan Sonnenschein & 
 
 Co., London. 
 New York Charities Directory. 
 Norwegian Company System, The. Why should Massachusetts 
 
 adopt and test it ? Geo. H. Ellis, Boston, 1895. 
 Norwegian System, Report on the. Massachusetts House Doc. 
 
 No. 192, 1894, pp. 187.
 
 BIBLIOGRAPHY. 391 
 
 Philanthropy and Social Progress. T. Y. Crowell. 
 Popular Control of the Liquor Traffic. E. R. L. Gould. The 
 Friedenwold Press, Baltimore. 1895, pp. 102. 
 
 Religious Movements for Social Betterment. Josiah Strong, 
 
 D. D., 1901. 
 Report of the New York Tenement House Commission, 1901. 
 
 Salvation Army, The Social Relief Work of. Commander Booth 
 Tucker. Monographs on American Social Economics. 
 
 Social Settlements. C. R. Henderson. Lentilhon & Co., N. Y. 
 
 Social Wreckage. Francis Peek. William Isbister, London. 
 
 Substitutes for the Saloon in Boston. Francis G. Peabody. The 
 Forum, July, 1896. 
 
 Temperance Caterer, The. London, Eng. 
 
 Temperance Movement in Russia, The. Nineteenth Century 
 
 Magazine, vol. v., 12, p. 439. 
 Temperance Problem and Social Reform, The. Rowntree and 
 
 Sherwell. Thomas Whittaker, N. Y. 
 Temperance Refreshment House Movement. British Almanac 
 
 Companion, 1880, pp. 38. 
 
 Universities and Social Reform, Tlie. J. Knapp. Rivington, 
 Percival & Co., London. 
 
 Working People's Clubs. Robert Graham. Lentilhon & Co., 
 New York. 
 
 Young Men's Christian Associations, History of. H. S. Ninde. 
 Monographs on American Social Economics. L. L. Doggett, 
 Ph.D.
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Amusements, indoor, 156-186 ; outdoor, 
 
 1S7-215. 
 Art galleries, 123, 184, 185. 
 Art, necessity of, 123, 124. 
 Association for Improving the Condition 
 
 of the Poor, 274, 277. 
 Astral Apartments, the, 285. 
 Athletic clubs, 49, IGl, 343. 
 Atlanta, summary of report from, 338- 
 
 340 ; saloons in, 17, 338 ; tlieatres in, 
 
 340 ; parks in, 198, 340 ; luncli-rooms in, 
 339 ; lodging-houses in, 339 ; Y. M. C. A. 
 in, 339. 
 
 Baltimore, summary of report from, 341- 
 347 ; baths in, 212 ; saloons in, 14, IG, 
 
 341 ; reading-rooms in, 120, 121, 344 ; 
 church work in, 344 ; clubs in, 342, 343 ; 
 theatres in, 345 ; pool-rooms in, 15(3, 
 347 ; settlements in, 345 ; libraries in, 
 341 ; Y. M. C. A. in, 142, 344 ; trade 
 unions in, 343 ; fraternal societies in, 
 343; parks in, 195, 34(5 ; tenement houses 
 in, 2G9 ; mission work in, 344 ; model 
 lodgings in, 297, 298. 
 
 Barnardo, T. J. 245. 
 
 Barnett, Canon S. A., 82. 
 
 Baseball, 188, 205. 
 
 Baths, public, 207-215, 2G8, 283, 333-335. 
 
 Beer gardens, 20, 187, 197. 
 
 Beneficiary societies. See Fraternal So- 
 cieties. 
 
 Bicycle clubs, 50, 205. 
 
 Billiard-rooms, 15C-159, 347 ; in parish 
 houses, 131. 
 
 Boston, report from, 321-337; saloons in, 
 16, 29, 321-.32G, 337; popular concerts in, 
 178, 179; gymnasiums in, 179-183, 204, 
 334-336; coffee-houses in, 220, 221, 
 331; playgrounds in, 190, 191, 199-201, 
 208 ; lunch-rooms in, 231, 329, dSO ; 
 baths in, 207-210, 213, 214, 333-3;S ; 
 clubs in, 97, 331 ; soda fountains in, 
 217-219, 327, 328 ; ice water fountains 
 in, 219, 326, 327 ; free lectures in, 107, 
 109 ; boys' clubs in, 317, 318, 320, 331 ; 
 tenement houses in, 271, 272; billiard- 
 rooms in, 157 ; lodging-houses in, 292 ; 
 reading-rooms in, 330, 331 ; Public Li- 
 brary in, 331 ; Y. M. C. A. in, 332 ; tem- 
 perance societies in, 33G ; Salvation 
 Army in, 328, 337 ; parks in, 333. 
 
 Bowling-alleys, 158. 
 
 Boxing matches, lGl-163. 
 
 Boys' clubs, 47, 48, 74, 75, 76, 77, 188, 
 314-320, 341, 360, 365 ; beginnings of, in 
 America, 314 ; large clubs, plans of, 314- 
 316 ; cost of, 315 : aim of, 317 ; advan- 
 tage of, 318 ; industrial classes in, 314, 
 315, 319, 320 ; settlement clubs, 316- 
 320 ; aim of, 317 ; advantage of, 317 ; 
 leader of, 316, 317 ; relation of, to the 
 home, 319 ; relation of, to other clubs, 
 319. 
 
 Brewers, relation of, to the saloon, 7, 18, 
 100, 326. 
 
 British Tea Table Co., 246. 
 
 British workingmen's public houses, 245, 
 24(3. 
 
 Brooks Law, 376. 
 
 Buffalo, summary of report from, 348- 
 351 ; saloons in, 348 ; clubs in, 349 ; trade 
 wiions in, 61, 349 ; fraternal societies 
 in, 349 ; church work in, 128, 350 ; set- 
 tlements in, 350 ; mission work in, 350; 
 restaurants in, 351 ; lodging-houses in, 
 
 351 ; Y. M. C. A. in, 350, 351 ; baths in, 
 212 ; tenement houses in, 269. 
 
 Canteen, the, 258, 259, 265. 
 
 Carnegie libraries, 38. 
 
 Charlesbank gymnasium (Boston), 204. 
 
 Cliester, Bishop of, 259 sq., 2(34, 265. 
 
 Chicago, summary of report from, 352- 
 356 ; church work m, 128, 352 ; frater- 
 nal societies in, 352 ; trade unions in, 
 
 352 ; settlements in, 352 ; theatres in, 
 354 ; lunch-rooms in, 230, 355 ; lodging- 
 houses in, 293, 356 ; free lectures in, 
 107 ; pai'ks in, 196 ; coffee-houses in, 
 226 ; baths in, 214 ; clubs in, 52 ; boys' 
 clubs in, 48, 317 ; billiard-rooms in, 156, 
 158 ; saloons in, 8, 12, 14, 18, 23, 27, 48, 
 352, 353; Y. M. C. A. in, 142, 143, 145; 
 tenement houses in, 269, 271. 
 
 Church, the, 229, 238, 344, 345, ,350, 352, 
 3(37, 377, 378, 382, 38;? ; the modern con- 
 ception of, 125 ; relation of, to social 
 needs, 125, 12(1 ; Roman Catholic, 127 ; 
 Protestant, 127, 128 ; institutional, 127 ; 
 the parish house, 129 ; gymnasiums, 
 129 ; reading-rooms, I'M, 131, 330 ; social 
 rooms, 131 ; clubs, 131, 132, 133; boys' 
 clubs, 315, 316 ; lodging-houses, 2'.)5, 
 291! ; settlements, 133 ; missions, 132, 
 133 ; relation of, to the home, 270 ;
 
 394 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Church Army, the, 221, 222; Church 
 
 Temperance Society, the, 211), 237, 238, 
 
 257, 33G. 
 Cincinnati, saloons in, 14 ; parks in, 109 ; 
 
 baths in, 214 ; police lodgings in, 290 ; 
 
 tenement houses in, 271 ; clubs in, 50 ; 
 
 church work in, 128. 
 City and Suburban Houses Co., 285-288. 
 Cleveland, summary of report from, 35(1- 
 
 3li0 ; saloons in, 12, 350 ; clubs in, 357, 
 
 358 ; Y. M. C. A. in, 357 ; church work 
 in, 128, 357-359 ; boys' clubs in, 318, 
 
 359 ; reading-rooms in, 359 ; libraries 
 in, 113, 359; evening schools in, 359; 
 clubs in, 357, 358 ; lunch-rooms in, 359, 
 
 360 ; factory lunch-rooms in, 239-242, 
 3(50 ; lodging-houses in, 360 ; coffee- 
 houses in, 239 ; tenements in, 269. 
 
 Clubs, 45-100, 156, 342, 343, 349, 357, 
 362, 377, 382 ; genesis of, 46 ; liquor in, 
 50-53, 86, 87, 89 ; defects in, 70 ; federa- 
 tion of, 75, 76, 78-80 ; among wage ear- 
 ners, 80, 81, 342, ;«3 ;philan«liropic, 90- 
 100 ; necessity of, 45, 46, 96 ; church, 
 131, 132; athletic, 49, 161; and the 
 home, 267, 268. 
 
 Club-rooms, need of, 46, 52, 60, 61, 63, 
 72-75, 89, 160, 312. 
 
 Cocoa-rooms in Kngland, 245. 
 
 Coffee-houses, American, 216-229, 230, 
 257, 331, 363 ; necessity of attractions, 
 220, 221 ; finances of, 223, 224. 
 
 Coffee-houses, English, 244-257 ; in York, 
 250 ; in London, 247, 252, 253 ; in Liver- 
 pool, 246, 248, 250,251, 252 ; in Man- 
 cliesSer, 248, 249 ; in Bradford, 240, 250, 
 251, 252 ; in Birmingham, 240, 251 ; in 
 other cities, 249 ; furnishings of, 249, 
 250 ; amusements in, 250 ; service in, 
 250, 251 ; Sunday closing, 251 ; bever- 
 ages in, 251, 252 ; food in, 252, 254, 255 ; 
 drink in, 253, 254 ; success of, 255, 256 ; 
 finances of, 255 ; religion in, 255 ; busi- 
 ness management, 256 ; results of, 256. 
 
 Coffee palace movement, 245. 
 
 Coffee vans, 238. 
 
 Company system, the, 33, 34. 
 
 Concerts, popular, 178, 179. 
 
 Cooking classes, 220 ; importance of, 228. 
 
 Cooper Union, 108, 115, 116, 121, 142. 
 
 Corbett, Thomas, 245. 
 
 Denver, summary of report from, 361- 
 364 ; saloons in, 361 ; clubs in, 362 ; trade 
 luiions in, 31J2 ; boys' clubs in, 362 ; fra- 
 ternal societies in, 362 ; libraries in, 
 362; reading-rooms in, 117-119, 362; 
 parks in, 105, 363 ; theatres in, 363 ; 
 lunch-rooms in, 231, 233, 3(54 ; lodging- 
 houses in, 292, 364 ; batlis in, 214 ; bil- 
 liard-rooms in, 156 ; tenements in, 269. 
 
 Detroit, parks in, 194. 
 
 Dietary, investigation, 228 ; instruction, 
 228, 220. 
 
 Dime museums, 163, 164. 
 
 Dispensary System, the, 31-33. 
 
 Drink, attractions of, 1, 3, 216, 217, 337. 
 
 Druid Hill Park (Baltimore), 124. 
 
 East Boston Athletic Club, 94, 180. 
 
 Education, 101-124, 185 ; intemperance 
 and, 101, 102 ; need of, 102 ; teachers, 
 102, 103 ; aesthetic, 123, 124, 185 ; mu- 
 sical, 124, 177 ; the saloon and, 124 ; in 
 Y. M. C. A., 141 ; dramatic, 177, 178 ; 
 cooking, 228, 220. 
 
 Educational Alliance (N. Y.), 108, 121, 
 180, 100, 205. 
 
 Elmira Reformatory, 40, 41. 
 
 England, substitutes in, 36 ; temperance 
 and coffee houses in, 243-2(56 ; indus- 
 trial monopoly of liquor traflSc, 258 ; in- 
 temperance in, 256 ; temperance reform 
 in, 256 ; tenements and drunkenness in, 
 277 ; workingmen's clubs in, 83-88, 97, 
 98. 
 
 Excursions, 79, 86, 201, 202. 
 
 Expropriation, necessity of, 280. 
 
 Factory methods, modern. 9(5-100, 112, 
 113, 120, 121 ; luncli-rooms, 240-242, 
 3(50 ; liquor monopolies, 258 ; em- 
 ployees, homes of, 270. 
 
 Fall River Boys' Club, 315. 
 
 Franklin Institute (Philadelphia), 121. 
 
 Fraternal societies, 63-69, 250 ; number 
 of, 64 ; development of, 64 ; social fea- 
 tures of, 65-67 ; saloon and, 68, 69, 325 ; 
 relation to liquor business, 67, 68; in- 
 fluence of, 69. 
 
 Gambling, in saloons, 14, 15 ; in billiard- 
 rooms, 158 ; at baseball games, 205. 
 
 Glasgow, People's Palace in, 184 , tene- 
 ment regulations of, 280 ; working- 
 men's hotels in, 296. 
 
 Golden Gate Park, 192-194. 
 
 Great Western Cooking Depot, 245. 
 
 Gymnasiums, 129, 141, 186 ; in Boston, 
 170-183, 335, a36; municipal, 181, 182; 
 benefits of, 183, 202, 203 ; outdoor, 202- 
 205. 
 
 Halls, social, 159, 160 ; intoxication in, 
 KiO ; need of, for club-rooms, 312. 
 
 Hartley House, 38. 
 
 High license, method of, 28-30. 
 
 Hill, Miss Octavia, rent-collecting scheme 
 of, 283, 284. 
 
 Hirsch, Baron de, fund, 211. 
 
 Historical museums, 185. 
 
 Hollywood Inn, 91-03. 
 
 Home, the, 45, 71, 111, 114, 116, 187, 228, 
 267, 268, 288, 289, 319. 
 
 Home Salon, the, 226, 227. 
 
 House of Commons, reports of, 36, 37. 
 
 Housing of the working people, 267-301. 
 
 Ice water fountains, 192, 219, 220, 326, 
 
 327. 
 Improved Dwellings Company, 285. 
 Ireland, coffee-houses ui, 247. 
 Irish Temperance League, 246, 247. 
 
 Jersey City, saloons in, 37 ; substitutes 
 
 in, 38. 
 Juvenile crime, 181, 191, 209.
 
 INDEX. 
 
 395 
 
 Kindergartens, 101, 287. 
 Kiugsley House, 38. 
 Kop's Ale, '225, 252, 263. 
 
 Lectures, free, 105-111, 368, 379 ; libra- 
 ries and, 107, 109 : finances and, lO'J, 
 110; educational value of, 110, 111. 
 
 Legislative restrictions of the saloon, 25- 
 35,40. 
 
 Libraries, 111-114, 119, 359, 362, 3G8, 373, 
 379 ; as saloon substitutes, 111 ; im- 
 proved inetliods. 111, 112, 114 ; branch, 
 112 ; park, 113 ; traveling, 113 ; circu- 
 lating, 114. 
 
 " Lighthouse," the, 94, 95, 360. 
 
 Liquor problem, solution of, 26, 40, 265, 
 337. 
 
 Liquor traffic, state control of, 31-33, 
 257 ; government control of, 35, 257 ; 
 private reform, control of, 257, 258 ; in- 
 dustrial monopoly of, 258 ; municipal 
 monopoly of, 40, 265. 
 
 Lodging-houses, 289-301, 351, 360, 364, 
 358, 363 ; police lodgings, 290, 291 ; mu- 
 nicipal, 291 ; cheap, 291-294 ; mission, 
 294, 295; church, 295, 296; model, 
 295-301. 
 
 Low license, method of, 27, 28. 
 
 Lunch-rooms, 216, 229-242, 334, 343, 347, 
 363, 368 ; as saloon rivals, 230, 231, 235, 
 238, 328, 330. 
 
 Lunch wagons, 237, 238. 
 
 Lyceums, Catholic, 127, 344. 
 
 Maine, intemperance in, 31 ; lack of sub- 
 stitutes in, 31. 
 
 Massachusetts, saloons in, 8, 12 ; Civic 
 League, 190. 
 
 Memphis, parks in, 196. 
 
 Metropolitan Park Commission, 200, 201. 
 
 Mills Hotels, 248, 257, 296, 299-301. 
 
 Minneapolis, St. Paul, summary of report 
 from, 365-369 ; saloons in, 8, 365 ; clubs 
 in, 366 ; boys' clubs in, 366 ; fraternal 
 societies in, 366 ; trade union in, 366 ; 
 church work in, 367 ; Y. M. C. A. in, 
 367 ; mission work in, 367, 369 ; settle- 
 ments in, 365, 367 ; night schools in, 
 104, 368 ; libraries in, 368 ; theatres 
 in, 308 ; parks in, 194, 352 ; lunch- 
 rooms in, 369 ; lodging-houses in, 295, 
 3('>9 ; tenements in, 269. 
 
 Missions, 134-138, 345, 350, 351,360,367, 
 378, 383 ; rescue, 134 ; manual labor in, 
 134, 135 ; for sailors, 135, 136 ; reading- 
 rooms in, 117, 136, 330 : restaurants in, 
 235 ; lodgings in, 294-296. 
 
 Municipal liquor control, 40, 265; lodg- 
 ing-houses, 291 ; resorts, 200, 201 ; 
 transportation, 281 ; meeting-places, 
 72, 73. 
 
 Music, educational value of, 124. 
 
 Music halls, 1&5, 348. 
 
 Nantasket Beach (Boston), 200. 
 National Cash Register Company, 98- 
 
 U)0. 
 New Haven, saloons in, 14 ; trade unions 
 
 in, 59; boys' club in, 314 ; coffee-house 
 in, 221. 
 
 New Orleans, saloons in, 17, 18 ; tene- 
 ments in, 269, 270. 
 
 New York, summary of report from, 
 370-372 ; saloons in, 10, 12, 15, 16, 21, 
 22, 30 ; substitutes in, 38 ; drunken- 
 ness in, 370 ; playgrounds in, 190, 
 202 ; parks in, 189, 190, 196 ; baths in, 
 211; clubs in, 81, 97, 267; billiard- 
 rooms in, 157 ; boys' clubs in, 315, 316, 
 318, 320 ; trade unions in, 59, 62, 63 ; 
 tenement houses in, 272-279 ; recrea- 
 tion piers in, 206, 207 ; libraries in, 113- 
 115, 373 ; free lectures in, 105-108, 356 ; 
 ice water fountains m, 219, 220 ; the- 
 atres in, 374 ; lunch-wagons in, 237, 
 238 ; police lodgings in, 290, 291 ; 
 cheap lodging-houses in, 293, 375 ; 
 model lodging-houses in, 295, 296, 
 299-301 ; coffee vans in, 238 ; coffee- 
 houses in, 222, 257 ; evening schools in, 
 103, 104 ; churcli work in, 128, 129. 
 
 North End Park (Boston), 208, 331. 
 
 Norumbega Park (Boston), 199. 
 
 Norway, substitutes in, 36, 244:. 
 
 Norwegian System, the, 33, 34. 
 
 Ohio Mechanics' Institute, 121. 
 Outdoor Recreation League, 190, 202, 203. 
 
 Paine, Robert T., Co., 285. 
 
 Parks, public, 187, 191, 192-198,333,340, 
 346, 363 ; private, 197-200. 
 
 Pemisylvania, saloons in, 8. 
 
 People's Choral Union, the, 124 ; sing- 
 ing classes, 124. 
 
 People's Institute (Boston), 333. 
 
 People's Institute (N. Y.), 81, 108, 121. 
 
 People's Palaces, in England, 184, 185; in 
 America, 185. 
 
 People's Refreshment House Association, 
 England, 259-266 ; administration of, 
 261,262; food and drink in, 262-264 ; 
 criticisms of, 264, 265. 
 
 Philadelphia, summary of report from, 
 376-380 ; saloons in, 16, 376 ; baths in, 
 212 ; parks in, 197, 198 ; boxing matches 
 in, 161 ; clubs in, 50, 133, 377 ; religious 
 work in, 378 ; educational work in, 
 379; billiard-rooms in, 1!57 ; lunch- 
 rooms in, 380 ; free lectures in, 107, 109 ; 
 lodging-houses in, 298, 299, 380 ; libra- 
 ries in, 114. 
 
 Picnic grounds, 199-201. 
 
 Pittsburg, substitutes in, 38 ; tenements 
 in, 270, 271. 
 
 Playgrounds, 74, 187-192, 268, 283. 
 
 Pleasure resorts, 192, 201, 346. 
 
 Political clubs, 54, .343. 
 
 Pohtics and the saloon, 10, 11, 54. 
 
 Pope Manufacturing Company, 98. 
 
 Popular opera, 174, 175. 
 
 Population of cities, 39. 
 
 Portland, saloons in, 31. 
 
 Prohibition, 2, 30. 31, 257. 259, 265, 26G. 
 
 Prospect Union (Cambridge), 121, 122. 
 
 Public squares, 192, 196.
 
 396 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 "R," The, 94, 377. 
 
 Raines hotels, 15. 
 
 Randidge fund, the, 201. 
 
 Rapid tiaiisit and the tenement house 
 problem, 281. 
 
 Reading-rooms, 114-120, 330, 332, 357, 
 3S3 ; as a saloon substitute, 115 ; best 
 methods of, 117 ; in churches, 130 ; in 
 mission.?, 117, 13G, 138 ; in settlements, 
 154, 180. 
 
 Recreation piers, 20G, 207, 268. 
 
 Restaurar.ts, 10, 20, 220-242, 256, 257 ; 
 and liquor selling, 231 ; as social cen- 
 tres, 232, 233 ; as saloon rivals, 230, 
 234, 235 ; in missions, 235. 
 
 Revere Beach (Boston), 200,201. 
 
 Riis, Jacob A., 267, 278. 
 
 Roof gardens, 197, 205. 
 
 Rowton Houses, 247, 248, 297 
 
 Russia, sub-stitution in, 35, 36 ; tea tav- 
 erns in, 243. 
 
 Saloon, the, as a pocial centre, 1-24, 25, 
 27, 41, 42, 118, 194, 196, 312, 337, 353, 
 376, 381 ; the poor man's club, 8, 9, 25, 
 45, 48, 265, 312; lowest type of, 5; 
 Irish, 6, 7-19 ; pictures in, 7 ; furni- 
 ture in, 8, 321 ; cosmopolitanism of, 8 ; 
 as labor bureaus, 9, 325 ; as athletic 
 clubs, 10 ; as political clubs, 10 ; as 
 amusement resorts, 12, 22-24, 164- 
 167,185,186,324; card-playing in, 12; 
 newspapers in, 12, 13 ; music in, 13, 
 23, 206 ; sporting news in, 13, 14 ; 
 gambling in, 14, 30 ; free lunch in, 15- 
 19, 228, 229, 231, 234, 230, 257, 321, 
 324, 370, 376, 381 ; toilet-rooms in, 19 ; 
 location of, 26, 42, 38G, 387, 388 : Conti- 
 nental, 9 ; social vice in, 15, 30 ; busi- 
 ness men's, 20, 22 ; boulevard, 20, 21 ; 
 German, 20,22,323; Italian, 20; Hun- 
 garian, 20 ; Polish, 20 ; number of, 
 26 ; private control of, 30, 33, 34 ; the- 
 atres in, 23, 104-167. 
 
 Saloon-keeper, the, 1, 10-12. 
 
 Saloons in the North, 17 ; in the South, 
 8, 17 ; in the West, 8, 14, 18, 22, 24 ; in 
 the East, 14, 22 ; in the Southwest, 119. 
 
 Salvation Army, the, 136-138, 295, 328- 
 337. 
 
 San Francisco, summary of report from, 
 381-385 ; saloons in, 18, 19, 27, 381 ; 
 baths in, 214 ; parks in, 192-194 ; clubs 
 in, 81, 382; boys' club in, 76, 382 ; reli- 
 gious work in, 383 ; theatres in, 384 ; 
 lunch-rooms in, 231, 385 ; tenements ui, 
 269. 
 
 Sanitary aid societies, 279. 
 
 Sanitary code, 280. 
 
 Sanitary reform, 279, 280. 
 
 Sanitation, need of, 268. 
 
 Scandinavian System the, 33, 34, 259. 
 
 School buildings, use of, 74, 104, 105, 189; 
 playgrounds and, 190. 
 
 Schools, lO'J ; mimicipal evening, 103-105, 
 359, 368, 379 ; trade, 121 ; industrial, 123, 
 
 Screen law, the, 12, 29, 321, 325. 
 
 Secret societies. See Fraternal Societies. 
 
 Settlements, 63, 77, 78, 113, 114, IIC, 127, 
 133, 148-155, 207, 229, 236, 284, 331, 345, 
 350, 367, 378, 383 ; and temperance re- 
 form, 148 ; influence of, 149 ; and adult 
 men, 150-153 ; boys' clubs in, 316-320 ; 
 entertammeuts, 151 ; and substitution, 
 154, 155. 
 
 Seward Park (N. Y.), 190, 202, 203. 
 
 Shooting-galleries, 158, 163. 
 
 Socialists' clubs, 55, 50 ; and the saloon, 
 56. 
 
 Social Reform Club (N. Y.), 81. 
 
 Soda fountains, 217-219, 327, 328, 339. 
 
 Soft drinks, 42, 43 ; value of, 216, 217 ; 
 profit on, 225 ; in English coffee-houses, 
 251-253, 256, 262, 263. 
 
 Squares, public, 196. 
 
 Squirrel Inn (N. Y.), 257. 
 
 St. Louis, saloons in, 10, 14, 18, 22, 28 ; 
 Provident Association, 123. 
 
 Streets as social centres, 187, 188 ; as 
 playgrounds, 188. 
 
 Substitution, 5, 35-44 ; drink and, 42, 43, 
 133, 194, 195, 197, 200 ; cooperation in, 
 42 ; financial aspects of, 39, 40 ; saloon- 
 keepers and, 41, 183, 330 ; philanthropy 
 and, 39, 41 ; settlements and, 153, 155. 
 
 Suburban houses, 288 ; resorts, 200. 
 
 Sunday closing ordinance, 195. 
 
 Sweden, substitution in, 244. 
 
 Tea saloons, 220, 222. 
 
 Tea taverns in Russia, 243. 
 
 Temperance in England, 256. 
 
 " Temperance Caterer, The," 248, 252. 
 
 Temperance drinks. See Soft Drinks. 
 
 Temperance hotels in England, 247, 248, 
 257. 
 
 Temperance houses in England, 243-266. 
 
 Temperance societies, 256. 
 
 Temperance taverns, 220-266. 
 
 Tenement House Building Co., 285. 
 
 Tenement House Commissions, reports of, 
 273, 274, 276, 282, 283. 
 
 Tenement houses, problem of, 269 ; in 
 American cities, 269-279; overcrowd- 
 ing in, 273, 274 ; double-decker, 274 ; 
 loss of economic efficiency in, 275 ; 
 mortality in, 275, 276 ; immorality in, 
 276 ; poverty In, 276 ; drunkenness in, 
 276, 277 ; relation of saloons to, 277 ; 
 expropriation, necessity of, 281 ; licens- 
 ing, 280, 281 ; rent collecting in, 283, 
 284. 
 
 Tenement houses, model, 284-288 ; 
 finances of, 285 ; in Europe, 285 ; in 
 America, 285-288 ; description of, 286, 
 287 ; rent collection in, 287. 
 
 Theatre, the, 164^178, 340, 346, 363, 368, 
 374, 384; and the saloon, 164-167; 
 for the working people, 167, 168 ; in 
 France, 176, 177 : vaudeville, 168-172; 
 melodrama, 172-174 ; opera, 174, 175 ; 
 municipal, 177. 178; summer, 197. 
 
 Trade unions, 56-63, 82, 303-313, 343, 
 349, 352 ; relation of, to the saloon, 56, 
 58, 59, 61, 62, 303-313, .325 : life of, 57, 
 58 ; social features of, 59, 60, 304, 307 ;
 
 INDEX. 
 
 397 
 
 influence of insurance benefits, 58, 309, 
 
 310; need of good club-rooms, Ul, 03, 
 
 312. 
 Transportation and pleasure resorts, 199, 
 
 201 ; municipal ownership of, 281. 
 Turn Verein, the, ISO. 
 Twentieth Century Club, the, 272. 
 
 University extension movement, 107, 108. 
 University Settlement (N. Y.), 63, 78, 153. 
 
 Wage earners, differentiation of, 283. 
 Wagner Institute (Philadelphia), 109. 
 Warner Bros. Mfg. Co., 98. 
 Washington, coffee-house in, 223-225 ; 
 
 tenement ordinance in, 281. 
 Wells Memorial (Boston), 330, 332. 
 Whittier House, 37. 
 Willow Grove Park (Philadelphia), 197, 
 
 198. 
 Woman's Christian Temperance Union, 
 
 118, 119, 155, 336. 
 
 Working girls' clubs, 2G8. 
 Workingmeu's clubs, 80-100, 377 ; in 
 
 England, 83-88, 97, 98; philanthropic, 
 
 90-100; in factories, 96-100; in 
 
 churches, 133. 
 Workingmen's Coffee House, 244. 
 Workingmen's hotels in England, 247, 
 
 248, 296, 297 ; in America, 289, 297-301. 
 
 Young Men's Christian Association, 53, 
 180, 332, 339, 350, 357, 308 ; beginnings 
 of, 138, 139 ; in America, 139 ; devel- 
 opment of, 140 ; present extent of, 140 ; 
 property of, 140 ; social and educa- 
 tional features of, 140, 141 ; railroad 
 department, 141, 142 ; in United States, 
 142 ; amusements in, 140, 147 ; new 
 methods of, 146, 147 ; and the church, 
 147 ; and the wage-earner, 142-146. 
 
 Young men's clubs, 48-53, 76-80, 181, 
 331 ; saloon and, 50-52. 
 
 Young Men's Institute (R. C), 127.
 
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